LIBRARY OF THE University of California. RECEIVED BY EXCHANGE Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/accusativewithinOOzeitrich THE ACCUSATIVE WITH INFINITIVE ^ND SOME KINDRED CONSTRUCTIONS IN ENGLISH BY JACOB ZEITLIN SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, IN THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY OF THE f UNIVERSITY — or 1908 J. H. FURST COMPANY, PRINTERS BALTIMORE CONTENTS PAGE Preface v CHAPTER 1 History op Theories. CHAPTER II The Construction in Indo-Germanic : (1) Indo-Iranian (2) Greek (3) Italic (4) Gothic (5) Old High German (6) Old Saxon (7) Old Norse (8) Sum- mary 13 CHAPTER III The Accusative with Infinitive in English 42 A. Verbs of expressed or implied causation 43 (1) Verbs of causing 43 (2) Verbs of advising, etc 49 (3) Verbs of allowing and preventing 52 (4) Verbs of commanding 55 (5) Verbs of requesting 61 (6) Verbs of creating, choosing, appointing, etc. 64 B. Verbs of sense perception 66 C. Verbs denoting a mental action 78 D. Verbs of declaration 99 E. Summary 108 CHAPTER IV Construction with Neuter and Impersonal Verbs — "Inor- ganic FoR^^ 114 CHAPTER V The Conjunctive- Imperative Use of the Infinitive — Future AND Potential Infinitive — Absolute Infinitive — Historical Infinitive — Conclusion 141 BIBLIOGRAPHY : I. Texts examined 169 II. Books quoted or consulted , 172 175711 PKEFACE Perhaps no construction has been the object of so deep- rooted a misconception or of so oft repeated a misstatement as that which goes by the name of accusative with infinitive. The prevalent notion concerning the construction, that it is of fifteenth century origin and due to Latin influence, is in- dorsed by such scholars as Professor Jespersen. But the presence in Old English of a number of clear examples of accusative with infinitive makes it evident that the statement is in need of qualification. It was for the purpose of ascer- taining the truth concerning this construction that the present dissertation was undertaken. After a review of the various theories which have been advanced during the last century in regard to the origin and development of the accusative with infinitive, the writer briefly examined the status of the construction in a number of the Indo-Germanic languages. This was done with a view to determining its earliest phases in each language and the elements possessed in common by all. The examination was in the nature of a critical summary of the most import- ant contributions on the subject in the separate dialects. The extent of the construction in Old English was next in- vestigated. All the poetical texts were read, and on these, as being least subject to the contamination of Latin in- fluence, the chief emphasis was laid. A number of original prose texts and translations were also read for the purpose of observing whether there was any distinct difference in the usage. In the Middle English period, five or six texts were chosen from each century. The selection was made from poetry and prose, and with a view to having the learned, the courtly, and the popular styles all represented. In many VI cases texts were not read in their entirety, if a perusal pf several hundred pages revealed a general uniformity in usage and no striking peculiarities. After the middle of the sixteenth century, when the construction may be con- sidered to have attained its full development, a number of Shakespeare's plays and an equal amount of the prose of representative writers of successive periods was examined, for the sake of noting the extent of modern usage and the relative employment of the construction by various writers. In illustrating the development of so common a construc- tion it was, of course, inexpedient and unnecessary to make exhaustive citations from the texts examined. In the case of the more common and obvious phases, such as that of the active infinitive employed after verbs of causation and sense perception, only a few examples after any verb are given from Old English texts and the earliest occurrences from the Middle English texts examined, no illustration being given in any case after Chaucer. The passive infinitive after these verbs, as being more important, is illustrated more fully, but not exhaustively. For the rarer manifestations of the construction — after verbs of mental perception and declaration — all the occurrences in Old English are given either by quotation or by reference, while from the Middle English only as much is given as is required to indicate clearly the course of the development. This, it may be said, involves the citation of practically all occurrences except after such very common verbs as think and hnoiv. In Mod- ern English the construction is illustrated only after verbs of mental perception and declaration, ^o more than one or two quotations from a writer are made after any parti- cular verb, references being given for other passages. This study was begun with the sole purpose of investigat- ing the accusative with infinitive, but the course of the investi- gation forced upon the writer the consideration of several peculiarly Middle English constructions which have hitherto Vll been crudely associated with the accusative with infinitive, but which seemed in need of a different explanation. This gave rise to the fourth and fifth chapters of this dissertation, in which the writer has attempted to classify all cases in which a substantive is used in conjunction with an infinitive. In the first of these chapters the use of a substantive with infinitive as the subject of a neuter or impersonal verb is discussed, while in the other there is grouped a series of examples illustrating a very striking use of the infinitive with imperative force in Middle English, together with some other miscellaneous usages. The examples for these two chapters were chosen from scattered sources. There only remains the pleasant duty of extending my thanks to all those who through their generous co-operation have made the existence of this dissertation possible. To Professor G. R. Carpenter I am indebted for the original suggestion of the subject. I wish to thank Professor W. W. Lawrence for numerous helpful suggestions in regard to sub- stance and style, and for his assistance in reading proof. The Indo-Iranian section of this dissertation owes its value in the greatest measure to the supervision, both in manu- script and in proof, of Professor A. V. W. Jackson, whose kindness and courtesy it is impossible to overestimate. My thanks are due also to Professor A. H. Thorndike for useful suggestions in regard to mechanical form, and to Mr. Leo Frachtenberg for help in reading proof. But my chief in- debtedness is to Professor G. P. Krapp. From the initial step in the collection of material to the reading of the last proof-sheet, his constant guidance and unfailing counsel have made easy the execution of this task. I wish to express my deep gratitude to him for his share in this dissertation. Jacob Zeitlin. ^ OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHAPTEE I - - ; , History of Theories Tlie interpretation of the construction of the accusative with the infinitive which is generally found in English gram- mars is based on a definition which Grimm formulated with- out considering its historical bearings, but merely from the observation of the special Greek and Latin application of that construction. " Whenever the accusative is so joined with the infinitive," so runs Grimm's definition, " that in the con- ception of the whole as consisting of two parts the accusative becomes the nominative subject of the second, dependent clause, we have the construction of accusative with infini- tive." ^ Since the time of Grimm this construction has been fully investigated, but the results have not been applied to English. Krickau, for instance, views the construction " apart from its origin, considered only in its further develop- ment in the classical languages." ^ Regarding the construc- tion from the same point of view, Th. Miiller ^ and Wiilfing ^ affirm that few cases of a " genuine " accusative with infini- tive occur in Old English. Its rise, indeed, is generally as- ^"Ueberall nun, wo ein im Satz ausgedriickter Accusativ nicht zum herrschenden Verbo, sondern zu dem abhiingigen Infinitiv dergestalt gehort, dass er bei Auffassung des ganzen in zwei den Nominativ des zweiten, abhangigen Satzes gebildet haben wiirde, ist die Construction des Accusativs mit dem Infinitiv vorhanden : ih weiz in waltan zerlegt sich in die beiden Satze ih weiz, daz er weltit. Auch die Phrase ih pat in queman ist zerlegbar in ih pat in, daz er quami, gewiihrt aber keinen Accusativ rait dem Infinitiv, weil in geschehener Auflosung das in noch bei pat verbleibt." Deutsche Grammatik, IV, 114. ^Der Ace. mit dem Inf., 8. 3 248. *II, 182. 1 signed to the fifteenth century, and is attributed chiefly to Latin influence.^ It is the purpose of this study to investi- gate the beginnings of this construction in English, to ex- amine its kinship with the accusative and infinitive of other Indo-Germanic dialects, and then to trace its growth and de- velopment through the successive periods of the English language. But a glance at the leading theories in reference to the origin of the construction, which have been advanced during the past century, may first be of interest. One of the earliest theories regarded the construction as something ready-made; it looked upon the accusative as pos- sessing some primitive and natural affinity with the infinitive, and it explained this affinity by the help of logic rather than of grammar.^ The origin of this explanation is ascribed by Jolly to Scioppius, who, in his " Grammatica Philosophica," says that " as every finite verb has a subject in the nomina- tive expressed or implied, so every infinitive has one in the accusative, expressed or implied." ^ According to the state- ment of Egger, the infinitive is merely a method of sub- ordinate expression, and this subordination is emphasized by the placing of the subject of the infinitive in the accusative case. M. Egger is aware that " this very simple but thor- oughly logical explanation may seem astonishing at first sight," but he advises his readers to go to the Greek and Latin literatures and become convinced " that it is the only true one." ^ This, also, is essentially the view which had previously been expressed by Humboldt, who had remarked that the construction ought more properly to be called in- finitive with accusative, because it is the former element which determines the case of the substantive. The infinitive. ^Jespersen: Growth and Str. of Eng.^ 127; Schmidt: Lang, of Pecock, 119 ; Krickau, passim; Gaertner, 103. ^Gernhard, 10. 3 Jolly, 245. * Notions Elementaires, 136 ; Apollonius Dyseole, 256-257. 3 lie said, represents the change from an independent to a de- pendent position ; in that position it is governed by the main clause, and, in turn, governs all the elements of its own clause ; therefore it must change the original nominative into a dependent case, the accusative, which, however, remains the logical subject of the infinitive.^ Opposed to this explanation by logic is the theory of the psychological school. This interpretation, first suggested by Koch,^ and more fully developed by Schmitthenner,^ has been very vigorously, almost fiercely, defended against all opposi- tion by Schomann.^ The infinitive, according to the view of Schomann, always stands in some position of dependence, whether the idea on which it depends is expressed in some verb or not. Even when not grammatically the object, the infinitive is invariably the object logically, and therefore any noun which is employed as its subject is inevitably felt as the logical object and must be expressed by the only case which is capable of indicating an objective relation, the ac- cusative. He scouts the very pointed objection of Miklosich, which is that cases denote grammatical, not logical relations, and he seems to forget, as Albrecht points out,^ that the dative and genitive cases, as well as the accusative, may indicate an objective relation. Schomann treats those cases in which the construction in question is the grammatical, as well as the logical object, as of secondary interest,^ and he adds that the German language does not have and cannot possibly have the construction as it is found in Greek and Latin ; '^ why ^Indische Bibliothek, 117 ff. The same view is to be found in Steinthal Log. Gram. u. Psych. , 371-372 ; Keisig : Vorlesungen, 806 note. ^ De Linguarum Indole, quoted by Jolly, 248. '161 ff. ^ Eedetheilen, 46 ; Zur Lehre v. Ace. c. Inf., 221-222. 5 8. ^Zur Lehre v. Ace. c. Inf., 222. Ubid., 237. this should be so, in spite of the psychological basis of the idiom, he thinks it " unnecessary " to explain.^ But this interpretation of the accusative with the infini- tive has within recent years received a more scientific exposi- tion. In his " Lateinische Moduslehre," ^ Dittmar maintains that the construction was developed from the accusative with infinitive used in exclamations. For example, when Titus learns that Gains has been elected consul, he exclaims Gaium consulem esse creatum! and then adds Admodum gaudeol or Quis tihi istud dixit? In the course of time these two originally independent sentences coalesce into a single sen- tence, and thus there arises the feeling that the accusative with the infinitive is to be employed after verbs expressing an emotion. The theory is further elaborated by Professor F. W. Thomas.^ He starts from the nominative with infi- nitive which is sometimes employed in Sanskrit to denote a mere predication; thus somo mdddya may mean soma is for intoxication or soma is intoxicating. This construction is used most frequently in wishes and commands and can be directly connected with the Greek idiom in which the infini- tive is employed in an analogous manner: eTretra 5^ Kal rbv 'Axatol evpip 6' {npTjXdp re rid'^fiepai. Iliad, 23, 246-7. Then that the Greeks must make. . . When no subject is expressed, as Iliad, 14, 501 : eliriixevai fioi Tpues ay avov 'IXtov^os irarpl (pLXcfi Kal /xTfrpl yo-^fievai Ye Trojans (standing) near Ilioneus, bid his father and mother weep we have an exclamation parallel to general directions with the infinitive in German, such as the sign " nicht hinaus- lehnen " posted in railway carriages. " ISTow in these cases,'' ii6td., 238. 2311. » Gassical BevieWy XI, 372 £f. 5 Professor Thomas continues, " except where the second per- son is concerned, the accusative with the infinitive is in- comparably the more common ... in wishes even of the first person, while in commands we find it in Homer with the third person, and in later Greek it is the ordinary idiom for laws, decrees, and commands, and occurs with the greatest frequency in both inscriptions and books." ZeO irdrep, ij Atavra "Kaxciv ij Tvdhs vl6v Iliad, 7, 179. Would that Ajax or Tydeu^ son shovid obtain the lot. But why have we an accusative in this construction and not a nominative? To assume an ellipsis is unsatisfactory, and " if no word is to be definitely understood, then we have a new idiom : and if so, how old ? I think it belongs to the Ursprache, ... If we assume that the primitive tongue em- ployed an accusative of the subject and predicate in simple acclamations, and that such acclamations were used or could be used in the special sense of commands, wishes, expres- sions of surprise or admiration, then the whole question will be near solution." He professes to find just such an idiom in Sanskrit after the particle ed, e. g., ^yaya vaytir ed dhatdm vrtrdm Satapatha Brdhmanay 4. 1. 3. 4. Vayu went and lo / Vrtra slain and he considers this expression parallel to the English him to do such a thing, which he terms " the natural and usual expression of which the corrected form with he is merely an artificial variant." A cognate idiom, likewise, is the Latin me miserum and the Greek w e/ie SeiXaioVj since the subject and predicate in the accusative are strictly analogous to the accusative with the infinitive. " There is therefore no reason for questioning the great antiquity ot the construction. The fact being ascertained, we may well postpone the inquiry into its explanation. ... In English also we feel the appropriateness of the idiom and we may 6 say that in any exclamation the subject when felt as an object would take the accusative case." The last statement is obviously a reassertion of Schomann's theory. " It fol- lows at once " concludes Professor Thomas, " that in that large class of cases where the construction is dependent upon intransitive verbs (a) of surprise, indignation, and other emotions, (b) of will and desire, the hypotactic construction may be simply and directly derived from an original para- taxis. We may compare also expressions, common in vulgar English, such as ^ It is a shame him to have treated us so,' which are patently derived from an earlier parataxis." One of the earliest grammatical explanations of our con- struction was suggested by a contributor to the " Heidelberg- ische Jahrbiicher der Litteratur " (1816).^ He treats the infinitive as the direct object of a verb of feeling or declaring and the accusative as the case of specification, introduced to define more narrowly the scope of the infinitive. This writer is followed in essentials by Max Schmidt, who asserts that, whether the infinitive be dependent or independent, the ac- cusative is always introduced to limit or define it.^ That the case of the noun is due to its relation to the main verb was asserted as early as the second century by the Greek grammarian, Apollonios Dyskolos, but the view had received scant courtesy from the philosophical grammarians.' It was first reiterated in modern times by Wachsmuth,* who declared that the accusative was directly dependent on the finite verb and that the infinitive was then joined to the accusative; but neither Wachsmuth nor the Heidelberg con- tributor explain why the infinitive should be used in the ^ Quoted by Gernhard, 3, note 4. 2 Ueber den Inf., 40. Keisig, op. cit., 805-808, also adopts this view, though he later subjoins a note retracting it. Billroth in his Latin Grammar and Thiersch in his Greek Grammar likewise accept this interpretation ; see Jolly, 247. ^Ct Apoll. Dysk, 255-257. ^DeAcc. c. Inf.y Disputatio, quoted by Gernhard, 2. place of a finite verb.-^ Bopp's discussion of this idiom is somewhat more interesting. A finite verb, he says, may be doubly transitive: one of its objects may be a noun ex- pressing an abstract action or quality, i, e., an infinitive, while another accusative of a person may also be directly dependent upon it. The accusative in such a construction should not be called the subject of the infinitive, since it is the subject only logically and not grammatically. Its con- nection with the main verb is closer than with the infinitive.^ In the sentence / saw Mm fall, him and fall are two co- ordinate objects of the verb saw and stand in apposition to each other (I saw him and fall), but that the action ex- pressed by the second object applies to the first, personal object is quite clear from the context, though it is not indi- cated by the form.^ For those cases in which the accusative of the person or thing is not directly governed by the main verb, Bopp adopts the same explanation as had been sug- gested by the Heidelberg writer and Schmidt, calling the accusative one of specification.^ The first scholar to employ the methods of comparative syntax in investigating our construction was Miklosich, but his conclusions were not of a very satisfactory nature. He found that in Gothic and Church Slavonic the dative case is frequently employed where the other Indo-Germanic dia- lects require the accusative, that, in fact, both the languages mentioned have a dative with infinitive construction cor- responding to the ordinary accusative with infinitive. Since these two constructions are quite indistinguishable, they must, in his opinion, be traced to a common origin. It is obviously absurd, Miklosich adds, to seek for the explanation in the relation of the noun to the finite verb, since the same verb 1 Cf. Albrecht, 14. ^ Conjugationssystem, 75. ^Vergleichende Grammatik, III, 322. * Conjugationssystem, 76 ; Vergleichende Grammatik, III, 317-321. 8 cannot take either an accusative or a dative case after it. Therefore we must find our explanation in the nature of the infinitive itself: its nominal origin makes it necessary that its subject should be in an oblique case, either the dative or accusative.^ In attempting to account for the phenome- non of an accusative being used as the subject, Miklosich makes this surprising statement: since the original signifi- cance of the accusative is, and must forever remain, a secret, it is impossible for any one to explain this particular use of the accusative by reference to its primitive signification.^ This is a statement which most students of comparative grammar do not accept as final. But Miklosich's chief error lies in his assumption that there is a close inner connection between the dative and accusative cases which makes them parallel in function. It was Curtius who, in his "Griechische Schulgrammatik," made a suggestion which greatly illuminated the history of the construction. He thus stated the usage in Greek: when the subject of an infinitive is expressed, it is placed in the accusative case, whence the construction of accusative with infinitive. E'ot only the content of a declaration or a per- ception, but the result or consequence of an action may be expressed by the construction. It is thus found after verbs of happening, demanding, commanding, forbidding. The accusative is really dependent upon the verb of the main clause and is to be explained by prolepsis. For example, the sentence riyyeiXav on 6 ^vpo^ ipUrjae might be rendered TJyyecXav top J^vpov otl iviKTja-ey and then the infinitive vLKTJo-at might be substituted for the clause otl iviKrjae,^ * Ueber den Accusativus cum Infinitivo, 490-493. ^Ibid., 505. ' §§ 567-568. The proleptic explanation had already been suggested by Wachsmuth and Fiiisting {Commentatio de Natura Ace. c. Inf.), but neither of these men, as Albrecht (p. 13) remarks, had accounted for the use of an infinitive in place of a clause. After Curtius it was taken up by Delbriick {Orundlagen der Qriechischen Syntax, 124-125) Albrecht, (13-14), Lindskog {Eranos, I, 129). 9 The use of the infinitive is here to be accounted for by its locative origin : ' they announced Cyrus in conquering/ But it was in justifying, against Schomann's objection, the use of the construction after impersonal verbs that Curtius enunci- ated his most important contribution. Although the accu- sative, he writes, was first governed by the main verb, yet syntactic feeling went so far astray that the case which stood close to the infinitive became entirely abstracted from the main verb and was construed as a concomitant of the infini- tive, and hence, in time, came to be used with those intransi- tive verbs which, without an accompanying infinitive, would not admit an accusative case.^ Curtius further notes that such modern usage as ich Jibre ihn reden or ich heisse ihn hommen does not differ radically from the special classical construction, but that in German the relation of the accusa- tive to the main verb has never slipped from consciousness. This statement will be seen to apply with even greater force to the English use of the construction. Curtius' ideas were taken up by a number of his own pupils and other disciples and were by them elaborated and modified. Jolly, for instance, thinks that the construction grew from such verbs of causing and saying as were originally followed by an accusative and that all subsequent developments are due to the operation of analogy.^ The chief value of the investigations by Fleischer and Albrecht of Homer's use of the construction, consists in their demonstration of the gradual extension of the idiom. Both Albrecht ^ and Fleischer ^ assert that only the accusative was originally de- pendent on the main verb and that the infinitive merely had a sort of limiting, epexegetical force, but no connection what- ^Ermuterungen, 198-199. See also Fleischer, 25-26; Albrecht, 20; Wil- belm: De Inf., 64-66; Schmalz : Lateinisehe Syntax, II, 288; von Planta : Grammatik der oskisch-utnbrischen Dialekie, II, 438 ; Krickau, 5-6. 2 202-203. 'Iff. n-10. 10 ever with the main verb.^ Albrecht in particular emphasizes the locative origin as instrumental in the development of the idiom, and he supposes that the locative force was still felt in the Homeric poems ; in this way he finds it possible to account for the construction with impersonal verbs. ^ Against this we must oppose the view of Delbriick, that, as far as syntax is concerned, the use of the infinitive can be traced back to a purely dative signification. Morphologically it may be explained as a locative or any other case, but all those cases which contributed to the development of the syntactical functions of the infinitive were in primitive times absorbed by the dative.^ In the main the two dissertations in ques- tion are taken up with showing that in Homer the vast ma- jority of examples are those which occur after transitive verbs, which, besides the full construction, may take either an accusative alone or an infinitive alone. They further show that many of the verbs at an earlier stage of the lan- guage had a transitive force which later was lost, and by this fact they account for the construction after those verbs. Particularly instructive is the illustration by Fleischer of the possible extension of the construction from certain type words.* The whole matter is made very plain by Brugmann and Delbriick. The infinitive was originally a dative noun of action, used to express purpose. The action of the infinitive did not at first need to have a distinct subject; its subject might be that of the main verb or a dative or accusative dependent upon the main verb. This forms the basis of our construction. In time the accusative, which originally be- longed to the transitive verb, was attracted to the infinitive 1 Fleischer, 32. ' Fleischer, 15-18. This view has been most strongly defended by Deecke : Beitrdge, 35-38. ^Vergl. Syntax, II, 441 ; Fleischer, 11. * Fleischer, 34-43. 11 as its subject — a confusion of syntactical relations which was produced, partly, by analogy to dependent clauses with a distinct subject (cf. ' I saw Mm flee ' with ^ I saw iltiai Tie fled'). Later, verbs which were never associated with an accusative object assimilated the construction.^ The manner in which this confusion of syntactical relations might some- times come about is illustrated by Lindskog.^ He points out that in very early Latin the accusative was employed after a large number of words with which it could not be used in later Latin. In the sentence sentio eum fecisse, for in- stance, the accusative and infinitive were originally separate objects dependent on the main verb, but, when it was no longer possible to construe eum as the object of sentio, the only alternative was to unite eum with fecisse into a single objective conception to sentio, and thus it came to be treated as a separate clause. Quite recently a psychological explanation for the con- struction has been suggested by Fritz WolfF.^ The latter classifies the locution under three heads: (1) where the object of the finite verb and the infinitive are present, e. g., malice Mm 'kill; (2) where the object of the finite verb is lack- ing, but where the infinitive has an object dependent on it- self, e. g., make (some one) kill Mm] and (3), a combination of (1) and (2), e. g., make Mm kill Mm. " The speaker," Wolff explains, " when he causes the subject of the infinitive to direct his activity against an expressed object, must mental- ly free the subject of the infinitive from the main clause in or- der to gain clearness and vividness. As soon as the separation is complete, we have a certain case of accusative with infini- tive." 4 These are the most important theories of the construction ^Bnigmann: Kurzvergl. Gram., § 807; Delbriick : Vergl. Syntax, II, 465. ^Eranos, I, 134-135. ^Kuhn's Zeitschrift, XXIX, 491-500. 'Ibid., 499-500. Cf. Thomas, 379. ^12 which have been advanced during the nineteenth century. The clearest explanation and the one most justified by the evidence of comparative syntax is that first suggested by Curtius and finally stated by Brugmann and Delbriick. A brief examination of the various Indo-Germanic dialects, with a view to ascertaining the earliest phases of the idiom, will clearly establish this point, and it is now in order to make this examination. CHAPTEE II The Construction in Indo-Germanic (1) Indo-Iranian Traces of the construction of the accusative with infinitive are to be found as early as the Vedic Sanskrit. As its basis Brugmann ^ cites the sentence, tvam indra sravitavdi apds kah RV, 7, 21, 3. thou, O Indra, didst make the waters to flow, in which the accusative apas and the infinitive sravitavdi are both dependent on the predicate verb, without themselves forming a direct syntactical entity. But there is a some- what closer connection between accusative and infinitive in the following passages with kr, from the Yeda : ^ jna, mdtdram Siniuja. pdttave V:2Lh HV, 4, 18, 1. let him not cause his mother to perish so kavim akrautdim vicdkxe 12 F, 1, 116, 14. ye have caused the poet to be discerning BSi no jivdtave krdhi JBF, 10, 186, 2. therefore make us to live Bartholomae ^ further supplements this class of examples : yad Im usmasi kdrtave karat tat R V, 10, 74, 6. what we wish him to do, let him do that. Whitney had translated the same passage " what we wish to he done, may he do that," ^ but in so doing he not only ^Kurzvergl. Gram., II, 603. ^Kuhn's Zeitschrift, XXIX, 496. ^Beitrdge, XV, 13. * Sanskrit Grammar, § 982 b. 13 14 ignored the Im, but ■unnecessarily ascribed a passive force to hartave. Wolff, supported by the analogy of certain Avestan ex- amples/ is inclined to admit the following passages as illu- strations of our idiom. ^ tvam ca soma no \isd jivdtum nd maramahe BV, 1, 91, 6. do thou desire us to live, we would not die tdtha krnu ydtha ia usmasi istdye BV, 1, 30, 12. do so, as we wish thee to prosper asmakam va indram ugmasi istdye II V, 1, 129, 4. we desire our (your) Indra to prober you (us) vaydm vdm usmasi istdye BV, 5, 74, 3. we desire you to prosper For the classical Sanskrit the following examples may be adduced : yadi mam csijiviium icchasi Sdvitrl, V, 100. if you wish me to live rdjdnam sndtum tatra dadarsa Kathdsaritsdgara, 20, 6, 172.^ he saw the king bathe there In addition to the very rare examples of this construc- tion, there is found in classical Sanskrit the closely analogous idiom of an accusative with a predicate participle follow- ing a verb of wishing or of sense perception. aham tvaysb pratyabhijfidtam dtmdnam icchami Sakuntala, Chez., 158, 6. I wish myself recognized by you tdm viditva dragatdm MBh., I, 5962. having known her gone for a long time na viveda gatdrn niidm Kathdsaritsdgara, 64, 49.* he did not know the night gone * Bartholomae, he, cit. ^Kuhn'sZeitschnft, XXIX, 491-495. ^ Bombay Edition, p. 89 ; Brockhaus Edition, I, 314. * Wilhelm : De Inf., 65-66. 15 The expression " mam jivaniam icchasi " (you wish me living) also occurs as a variant of mam fivitum icchasi." ^ From the Avestan Bartholomae has gathered a few ex- amples after verbs of wishing.^ y5 him ahmai vastravaitim stoi usyat Yas., 50, 2. he who may desire it (the cattle) together with the pasture to be his at toi atram ahura aoj5qhvant8m asa usamahi asistam amavantsm stoi rapante ci^rar) aval) ham Fas., 34, 4. Then through Asha, O Ahura ! we wish thy mighty, powerful Fire, which is inculcated, to be of manifest help unto the adherent. yang usvahi usta stoi Yas.y 46, 16. whom we wish to be in happiness. yezi vasan mazdayasna jv5daxst9m mae^manam Vd, 15, 46. if the worshipers-of-Mazda wish a dog in heat to copulate Our construction has, apparently, a very limited range in the Indo-Iranian languages. It occurs only after transitive verbs, and, as our examples indicate, " the accusative which depends on the infinitive depends on the verb of primary declaration as its object." ^ (2) Greek When we come to the Greek, we find a far broader develop- ment of the idiom, but it is a development which can be traced to the same sources as the Indo-Iranian construction. Its simplest and commonest form, as found in Homer, is after factitive and causative verbs, where, as in Indo- Iranian, the accusative depends directly on the main verb and serves as the logical subject of the infinitive, which also is dependent upon the main verb. ^Hofer: Vom Inf., 123. ^Beitrdge, XV, 13. ^'Wilhelm, 66. 16 irpb fie iriixxpe &va^ avbpdv ^ AyafiifiPtav Traidd re aol dy^fxev Iliad, 1, 442. Agamemnon sent me to lead the child to thee MoOo-' fip' dotdbv dviJKev deLdifievai. K\4a dvdpwv Odyssey, 8, 73. The Muse encouraged the bard to sing the exploits of the heroes t6v8€ d''iy(i rot, olxofJiivT) ireTTidi^a-cii ivavrt^iov yuax^cao-^at Iliad, 22, 223. I shall go and persuade him to fight against him et 5^ K€ XLcraroj/xai vfxias \v Fleischer, 34-37. Ubid., 37. 17 from such passages as KcXerat Se fie Ov/JLof; (Iliad, 19, 187), and KeXerai Se i yacrri^p (Odyssey , 6, 133), and it ac- counts for the much greater frequency with which Homer employs the accusative with infinitive than the dative with infinitive/ Verbs of sense perception offer no peculiarities in Greek and stand in no need of illustration, since such verbs are always followed by a direct object in the accusative case. •But the verbs of saying and thinking are instructive in their development. The verb connected with (firjinL originally meant to make clear and was transitive. The signification of saying is derivative, and the persistence of the transitive force with the new meaning is illustrated by ef vep ydp -^crei Miadf 8, 153. if Hector declare thee base and unwarlike dvi)p 8v 7)p.i. . . . iZtarf, 5, 184.' the man whom I speak of This verb took the accusative with infinitive very commonly, and to its influence may be ascribed the occasional use of the construction after other verbs of saying, assisted, often, by a lurking transitive force within the verbs themselves, as in fivdeofiai : irdvTai 5' om Slp iyclj fwdiiffOfxai Odyssey j 11, 517.* I shall not name all In considering verbs of thinking, Fleischer takes his de- parture from oto) and ohfiat^ He is unable to adduce as clear citations as with the preceding verbs to prove their original transitive force, but he asserts that they must at one time have indicated a sense perception, — a statement which ^Ibid., 38-39. 'Fleischer, 41. Ubid., 48-49. *lbid., 52. 18 he supports by the fact that the verbs are occasionally found in conjunction with the explanatory phrase Kara Ov/jlov or 6vfjLw. Its earlier conjectural sense, to foresee, is further- more in harmony with the frequent use of the future in- finitive after the verb. If we grant that otofiat is pri- marily a verb of sense perception, hence transitive, its con- struction with an accusative and infinitive is satisfactorily explained, and other verbs of thinking may be assumed to have followed the analogy of oiofiat when they lack justi- fication for the usage within themselves.^ By the same principle the use of the accusative with in- finitive is accounted for after impersonal verbs also, ^pv is the third person singular of what was originally a transi- tive verb meaning to tahe, from which there was later de- rived the sense to urge, to force, etc. In its latter significa- tion it was joined with a subject in the nominative case and an object in the accusative : ri o-e xP^ ravra \fyea-dai Iliad, 13, 275. what urges you to speak these things ? ov8^ ri fxe xpij dcTKcX^ws lei fxeveaivi fiev Iliad, 19, 68. impels me ever to be stubbornly wrathful When the verb took on the meaning it is necessary, the sub- ject was lost and only the accusative with infinitive re- mained. The impersonal verb ^^l experienced a similar change, its original meaning of hind, compel, being illu- strated in the following passage: tI di 8ei voXefii^^ixevai Tpdeffaiv 'Apyeiovs Iliad, 9, 337. what compels the Argives to war against the Trojans ? Other impersonal verbs were more naturally construed with a dative and an infinitive, but changed the dative to an * Fleischer, 52-54. 19 accusative when the latter came to be felt as the case most appropriately associated with the infinitive.^ The extension of the idiom to intransitive and neuter verbs must be ascribed to the operation of analogy working through the cognate meanings of the various expressions. When the combination of an accusative and an infinitive into a single syntactical element became completely crystallized, it was probably found easy to transfer it from the verb ^oiiko^ai, with which it was common, to the neuter verb ^ovXtj /jlol These few illustrations, though necessarily brief and in- complete, sufiice to show that the rich and varied use of the accusative with infinitive in Greek, like its meagre and limited use in Indo-Iranian, has its origin in the relation of the accusative to the predicate verb of the main clause as its object, and does not depend on some unexplained relation between accusative and infinitive. (3) Latin In Latin our locution reached its greatest development, but here also there is no question that the usage goes back to those cases in which the accusative served as the object of the main verb. Erom our earliest literary monuments we find the construction employed after verbs of making, causing, allowing, commanding, seeing, hearing^ etc. Examples such as " tu facis me vivere'' (Plautus), '' familiam ne sieris peccare" (Cato), are too simple to require extensive cita- tions, and our glance at the history of the locution in Greek has shown how the construction may extend to verbs of kindred signification. The Oscan-Umbrian dialects furnish a few transition examples in which the relation between the accusative and the main verb is still very plain. 1 Fleischer, 59-63. »/6td., 63. 20 Oscan : pod ualaemon touticom tadait ezum Laiin : quod optimum publicum censeat esse Umhrian : pursikurent rehte kuratu eru Latin : pronuntiaverint recte curatum esse Umbrian : panta muta . . . eru pepurkurcnt Latin: quanta mulia . . . (adfertori) «ss« poposcerint.^ These dialects, early as they are, exemplify the construe- tion in its fully developed stage, with the accusative, namely, in feeling quite independent of the main verb, e, g., Oscan: pous touto deiuatuns tanginom deicans siom . . . deicum Laiin : ut populus iurati sententiam dicant se . . . dicere Oscan : deiuatud . . . siom . . , pertumum Latin: iurati . , . se . . . perimere.^ Lindskog has pointed out ^ that the wide extent of the locu- tion in Latin is in a measure due, as in Greek, to the use of the accusative in earlier Latin after verbs which ceased to admit such a usage in the classical language. The follow- ing passages from Plautus and Terence illustrate the earlier usage : censeo : quid Ulum censes Terence : Andria, 853. nescio : ilia Ulum nescit neque compressam autem pater Plautus : AultUana, 30. nescio : deos nescio ; ego quod potero, sedulo Terence: Heautontim. , 1038. dico : scio ut me dices Plautus : Menaechmi, 433. seniio : neque eo nunc dico, quo quicquam Ulum senserim Terence: Heautontim, y 554. spero : dis sum fretus, deos sperabimus Plautus : Casina^ 346. deos sperabo teque Plautus: MUes GloriosuSf 1209. »VonPlanta, II, 438. »J6irf., II, 468. ^Eranos, I, 127. 21 volo: quom quae te uolt eandem tu uis i6., 1071. vos uolo . . . et nos te ib., 1267. si quid te uolam Plautus : ^sinaria, 109. Tiolo : nolo uictumas Plautus : PseudoliLS, 329. iam nolo argentum Plautus : Persa, 127.* This old use of the accusative maintained itself longest in the proleptic construction. The difference between classical usage and that of Plautus and Terence is indicated by the parallel citations below : Plautus and Terence nesdo : at pol ego eum, qua sit facie, nescio Plautus : Poenulus, 592. qv£ieso : quaeratis chlamydem et machaeram hanc, unde ad me pervenerit Plautus : Cureidio, 632. perspicio: priusquam tuom ut sese habeat animum ad nuptias perspexerit Terence : AndriUf 377. sdo: scio equidem te animatus ut sis Plautus : Trinummus, 698. video : vides m«, omatus ut sim Plautus : Rudena, 573. Cicero Quod defratre ubi eum uisuri esse- mus nesciebamus AtticuSf in, 7, 3. in quo etiam de animisj cuius gene- ris essent, quaereretur Fin., IV, 6, 82. Nam de Pollione Asinio puto te per- spicere quid facturus sit JFam., XI, 9, 1. Volo etiam de naufragio Caniniano scire, quid sit AtticuSf xn, 44, 3. Nunc videamus, quaero, de summo boTiOf quod continet philoso- phiam, quid tandem attulerit Fin., XV, 6, 14.» The passages from Plautus and Terence in which the pre- dicate verb is followed by an accusative case as direct object and by a proleptic clause indicate the stage from which the accusative with infinitive construction was immediately de- veloped by the substitution of the infinitive for the proleptic clause. The accusative with infinitive is also richly exempli- ^Eranos, I, 127-128. ' Eranos, I, 132. 22 fied in the plays of Plautus and Terence. In classical Latin many of these verbs had assumed a more special meaning, and the greater precision of the language demanded the em- ployment of a definite prepositional phrase where a rough accusative had sufficed for the earlier writers. This dissocia- tion of the accusative from the main verb resulted in welding the former into a closer syntactical unity with the infinitive and stimulated the rapid extension of the construction in classical Latin. (4) Gothic The consideration of our construction in Gothic is beset with several difficulties. ISTot only is the body of Gothic literature very meagre, but what we have of it is dominated entirely by Greek, so that it is difficult to determine the normal limits which our idiom would have had if unsup- ported by the Greek. For this we are in part compensated by a number of divergences from the original, which, in view of the general fidelity of the translation, are significant.* The construction after factitive verbs is found in all the Germanic dialects ; its employment in Gothic, therefore, need not be ascribed to Greek influence. taujan : hwazuh saei afletij> qen seina . . . tauji}> J>o korinon Matthew, 5, 32. whoever puts away his wife causes her to commit adultery jah gatauja igqis wa{r\>an nutans manne Mark, 1, 17.' and I will make you to become fishers of men That this construction was natural to Gothic is indicated by its substitution in several places for a different Greek locu- tion, e, g,, *The text of Streitberg's new edition of the Ootisches Elem^ntarbuch (1906) has been consulted in all possible instances, and it has not been found to affect, in the case of this construction at least, the customary inferences con- cerning the translator's usage. »Al80, Mark, 7, 37. 23 gatawidedun anakumbjan allans LukCf 9, 15. sunus }panzei will liban gataujij> John, 5, 21. gawaurkjan : gawaurhta twali/du wimn mij> sis Mark^ 3, 14.* iirolT](r€ . . . tva &ans JUhan seinans dau}?ans Matthew, 8, 22.' 4065 ToDs veKpoi>s dd\J/ai Toi>s iavTujv veKpois ^ fraletan : jah ni fralailot rodjan \io» unhuli>dns Marky 1, 34.* Kol oiK ifi€V \a\eiv rcb daifidvia bidjan : bedun ina . . . galei\>an LukCf 8, 37. '^pan siponjans hindar marein Matthew, 8, 18. iKiXevaev arreKdeTv els rb vipav The closeness of this use to the strict classical accusative with infinitive is more readily observed when the Gothic active infinitive is used to translate a Greek passive: haihait ina tiuhan du sis LukCf 18, 40. iK^eva-ev airrbv dx^^vat irpbs airrbv haihait wopjan du sis ]>an8 skalkans Lukey 19, 15. elrrev (avTf0rjvai a^y rois doiXovs ^ Other examples are: Mark, 8, 25; Luke, 5, 34 ; John, 6, 63 ; 11 Cor., 9, 10 ; Skeirins, V b, VII, c. With gamanwjan: I Cor., 9, 5. 2Pfeiffer's Germania, XIX, 296. 3 Also, Mark, 7, 27 ; 10, 14 ; LuJce, 4, 41 ; 9, 60 ; 18, 10 ; John, 11, 44 ; 18, 8 ; etc. * Also Mark, 5, 37 ; 7, 12 ; Luke, 8, 51. 24: There are even a few examples after hidjan and anabiudan in which the accusative is entirely detached from the main verb, but these are literal translations of the corresponding Greek bidjandans, ni swarei arist gu>s niman izwis II Cor., 6, 1. irapaKoXovfiev fi^ els Kevbv t^p x^P*-^ tov ^^oO di^aadai vfids anabiuda . . . fasian \>uk \>d anabusn I Tim., 6, 13. TrapayyiWoj . . . TTjpija-at aii gasaihwi}» \>ata wair]>an Mark, 13, 29. drav tSrire ravra yevbpueva hwanfilu hausidedun waur\>an in Kafarnaum Jbuke, 4, 23. 6andan ina Mark, 14, 58. ijfieh ijKOTLKTapLiv airrov \4yovTos bigat unhul\>on usgaggavja jah \>d dauhtar ligandein ana ligra Mark, 7, 30. eZpe rb Saifxbvtov i^eXrjXvdbs Kal r^v dvyaripa fiepXrjfxivTfv iirl ttjs kXIvtis Verbs denoting a mental action seem to be treated exactly like verbs of sense perception. The accusative with infinitive 25 occurs a number of times in Gothic independently of the original. rahnjan : ni wulwa rahnida wisan sik galeiko guj>a PAiZ., 2, 6. ovx apirayfibv ijyi^aaTO rb etvai taa 6e^ );>atuh rahnida in Xristaus slei>a tvisan PhU., 3, 7. ravra ^yrnxai 5iA rbv Xpiffrbv ^T^fxiav wenjan : unte wenja mik hwo hweil5 scdjan at izwis I Con, 16, 7. iXwl^ii) y&p XP^^°^ 'r*''^ iirifieTvai irpbs if /xas wenja . . . swikunbans vrisan uns II Cor., 5, 11. i\irll^(ij . . . vetpavipCiadai munan : man auk ni waihti mik minnizo gaiaujan II Cor.j 11, 5. "Koyl^ofiai yhp firjSiv vffrepTjKivai munandans sik aglons urraiyan PkU.f 1, 17. ol6fX£voi d\l\piv iyelpeiv gatraujan : jabai hwas gatrauaij> sik silban Xristaus wisan II Cor., 10, 7. et Tts v^TTOLdev iavT^ XpiffToO elvai wiljan : wileidu fraleitan izwis >ana >iudan Judaic Mark, 15, 9. d^Xere diroXiJo-w vfuv rbv ^aaiXia tuv ^lovdaLuv More often the use of the accusative with infinitive after these verbs of mental perception is due to a literal imitation of the Greek. rahnjan: ak mais sildaleikjandans fraujins laisein smkun\>aba in allaim alamannam faura u-isan rahnidedua SkeirinSf vm, b. dodnnam . . . existere putabant hugjan : hugjandona in gasin)>jam ina wisan Luke, 2, 44. vofilaavres ainbv ip ry ffvvodlq, elvai galaubjan : triggwaba galaubjand auk allai Johannen praufetu wisan Luke, 20, 6. Trerreurfiiyoi ydp elffiv ^I(advT]v vpo^Tiv elvai. gadSmjan: eis allai gad5midedun ina skula wisan dau)>au Mark, 14, 64. 0^5^ irdyres KariKpivov Avrbv ivoxov elvat davdrov munan : ik mik silban ni nauh man gafdhan Phil., 3, 13. ifjL avrbv oijiru) Xoylj^ofMi KareiXTj^lmi 26 witan : unte wissedun silban Xristu ina wisan Luke, 4, 41. 8ti ydeiffay rhv "Kpiffrbv airbv etvai wiljan : ne wilda trtton mannan Mark, 7, 24, fXT}Ziva ijdeXe yv&vai ni wileima \>ana \>indandn ufar unsis Luke, 19, 14. oi diXofiev TovTov Pa i]fids Several times the active infinitive is used after wiljan to translate a Greek passive infinitive. hwaiwa wildedi haitan ina Luke, 1 , 62. rl &v d4\oL KaKetadai avrbv That the use of the accusative with infinitive after verbs of mental action is not foreign to Gothic, may be inferred from the frequent occurrence of an accusative with a pre- dicate adjective or participle after verbs of this class. These two constructions are practically identical. rahnjan : sa mik silban wair\>ana rahnida Luke, 7, 7. 0^5^ ifiavrbv ^^itaaa |)iw68 seinans fraujans allaizos sweri)>5s wairj>ans rahnjaine I Tim., 6, 1. 8e Luke, 7, 29. idiKalcjcrav tov 0e6v kunnan : ei kunneina imk ainana sunju gu);> John, 17, 3. tva yiyvdxTKuxri a maht usgaggandein Luke, 8, 46. Hyvuv Sivafxiv i^€\dovana swaleikana II Cor., 12, 2. olda &vdp(t)iroy . . . apvayivra rhv toiovtov 27 After qi^an Gothic generally employs a clause introduced by ei (that) instead of the Greek accusative with infinitive, the former being the regular native construction. But the original is imitated in a few passages. hwana mik qij>and mans vman Mark, 8, 27. riva tie \4yovcnv ol AvOpojiroi elvai haiei qi>and mstass ni wisan Mark, 12, 18 ; Luke, 20, 27. \4yovun \>eihwon wair\>an John, 12, 29.^ fXeyov PpovT^v yeyovivai An examination of the foregoing examples will show that it is possible in nearly every instance to connect the accusa- tive with the verb of the main clause as an object to it. But when the translator encountered an accusative with infinitive after an impersonal verb, he found it impossible, apparently, to render it faithfully and still preserve the Gothic idiom. When the object referred to a person, there- fore, he changed the accusative case to a dative and thus brought the substantive into closer relation with the main verb as a sort of dative of advantage.^ jah warb ]>airhgaggan imma . . . J>airh atisk Mark, 2, 23. Kal iyhero Siairopel/ea-dai airSv jah war]> . . . galei\>an imma in synagogein iah lai^an Luke, 6, 6. iyivero 5k . . . elffeXdeTv g^r^y . . . Kal diddg-Keip swaei mis mais faginon war)> II Cor., 7, 7. &iudangardja gu)>s galci\>an Mark, 10, 24. wws 5ia hindarlei\>an J>au witodis ainana writ gadriusan Luke, 16, 17. eiKOirdrepov 64 iffTi rov ovpavSv kuI t^p y^v TrapeKdeTv ^ toG pdfwv jxlav Kepalav ireffeiv This analysis, furthermore, justifies us in construing as datives the doubtful substantives in the following sentences : mel ist uns us sleipa urreisan Bomans, 13, 11. &pa Tifias ijdt) i^ iirvov iyepdijvai god ist unsis her unsan Luke, 9, 33. Ka\6v iffTi TjiMcis &8e elvai More frequently Gothic substitutes a clause with ei for the accusative with infinitive in such passages. The same holds true of the use after swaswe and swaei (Greek ware). Gen- erally ^ the accusative with infinitive of the original is trans- lated by a clause, but there are sporadic cases of literal imita- tion. swaei )»ata andanei)>o izwis mais fragiban jah ga);>laihan II Cor., 2, 7. &ffTe roivavrlov p.a\\ov ifxais x^P^^^*^^^'- '^°-^ irapaKaXiarai (5) Old High German In Old High German we are confronted by some of the same difficulties that are met with in Gothic. Much of the prose literature is translated from Latin and the rest is clearly under the influence of Latin models. It is hardly permissible to assume ^ that an original text like the " Evan- gelienbuch" represents the widest usage which Old High German ever had. Since the construction was on the wane ^E. g., Mark, 1, 27 ; II Cor., 3, 7 ; 7, 7 ; 8, 6 ; Ramans, 7, 6, etc. 'As is done by Apelt : Ueber den Ace. c. Inf. im Ahd. und Mhd., 12. 29 in Middle High German, but was even there more freely employed than in the " Evangelienbuch," we may with greater security adopt the criterion established by Denecke, that where the construction occurs in Middle High German it probably also occurred in Old High German.^ Otfrid's relatively limited use of the accusative with in- finitive is freer than that allowed by the modern German idiom. After factitive verbs the construction is fairly com- mon. gituon : ih tuon ivvuih uuesan mannd fiscara Tatian, 19, 2.' faciara vos fieri piscatores hominum gituost tu mih erstdn Notker, n, 29a5.' thou makest me to arise gifestenon : den du dir gefestenStost utbesan einiclicho liebin Notker, ii, 289al6. whom you establish to be for yourself the only life lazen : liaz thaz touastweldi sin Otfrid, i, 23, 9.* he caused the waste-world to be Verbs of permitting and commanding are also generally joined with an accusative and infinitive. Ifizen : wir sculun . . , lazan sin thaz sldfan Otfrid, iv, 37, 7. we should let sleep be heizan : hiaz inan irwtntan Otfrid, li, 9, 52. he bade him turn around hiaz er sie bringan thero fisgo /6., v, 13, 35. man sie hiez legem spiritalem intdlegere Notker, ii, 446bl5. bittan : bat sih katrencan daz wip Miillenhof u. Scherer's Denkmalery x, 5. asked the woman to give him a drink in baten chomen Notker, n, 446bl5. > '^ Der Gebrauch des Inf.^ bei den Ahd. U^erseteem, 27. 'JSa. Sie vers. ^Ed. Hattemer. *Ed. Erdmann. 30 gibiotan : gibot her thiejungiron stigan iussit diseiptUos ascenders leren : leri unsih beton doce nos orare wellen : willih inan wonen volo eum manere ni wollemes thesan nhhison nolumus hunc regnare uuolta mih uuesen sina sponsam Tatian, 80, 7. Tatian, 34, 5. Tatian, 239, 3. 16., 151, 3. Notker, ii, 64bl2. Besides the accusative with infinitive, these verbs also employ an accusative with a predicate adjective or participle. lazen : er tuihtes ungeddn ne liaz he did not leaye aught undone in caleitit unsih ni lazzes induei nos ne siveris Verbs of sense and mental perception : gisehan : sah si druhttn stantan in imo sahun sie gotes kraft scinan ih sah in haben geislicha genada I perceived him to have spiritual grace horen : thenfater hort er sprechan thaz ir hortut guedam mih what you heard me say findan : thesan fundumes . . . quedan hunc inveniemus . . . dicentem chiusen : chiuset tih taz kemugen perceives you to be able (to do) this Otfrid, V, 4, 46. Murbach Hymns, 2, 10.^ Otfrid, V, 7, 44. i6., II, 11, 29. Notker, ii, 128bl4. Otfrid, I, 25, 15. lb., II, 13, 5. Tatian, 194, 2. Notker, iii, 253a8. gewar warden : sie uuurten guar die sangcutenna dar zufaren Notker, iii, 258b26. they noticed th^ muses go there ^Ed. Sievers. 31 irkennen : ih irkanta . . . tkia kraft hi&r faran fona mir Otfrid, III, 14, 36. I recognized . . . the might go before me wanen : wantun sih geist gisehan Tatian, 230, 3. existimabant se spiritum videre wantun in wesan lb,, 12, 3. existimantes esse wanit sih ambaht bringan lb., 171, 3. arbitretur obsequium praestare (accusative lacking) daz man sih uuanet uuesan dinhalb helfelose Notker, ii, 206a9. that one thinks himself to be helpless rachon : vuanda uuir daz ende geuuar rachoton guot utiesan Notker, m, 149b4. for we deemed the end to be good bechnaen : ih pechnata mih uuandallichin Notker, ii, 222a9. I acknowledged myself converted wizzen : den er uueiz sih mugen fersueren Notker, ii, 402a3. whom he knows to be able to forswear himself zuivelon : zuivelost tu danne daz uuesan naturlich ambaht tero fuozo Notker, in, 168b3. do you doubt that to be the true service of the feet ahton : daz ahtot er uuesen daz pezesta Notker, iii, 99b36. he considers that to be the best There are other examples with truwen (ISTotker, III, 233b7), gedenchan (ih.. Ill, 336b35), erhugen {ih.. Ill, 166b31), and ratiscon (ih.. Ill, 229b8). This class of verbs very frequently takes an accusative with a predicate adjective or participle. (gi)sehan : gisahun . . . fisgd brdtenti Otfrid, v, 13, 32. they saw the fish broiling thih sulichan gisahi lb., Y, 20, 84. he saw thee such findan: fand sia drurenta lb., i, 5, 9. found them mourning 32 funti ganzan slnan sun found his son whole wizzen : wir wizun inan firdditan we know him wicked sie sih westin reinan they knew themselves pure ih weiz megin fon mir uzgangen novi virtutem de me exisse zelen : thaz er nan zalta so ^ua< Jh.j ni, 2, 22. 16., m, 20, 108. 76., IV, 12, 21. Tatian, 60, 6. Otfrid, II, 7, 58. The persistence of the construction after these verbs of perception in Middle High German is an indication of its genuine Germanic character. Grimm cites among other ex- amples : ich sach vil liehte varwe hdn die heide ich sihe si hdn so suezez leben ich horttn wol den ersten ^n ich erkenne alle diesen Stiicke war sin Luther has " ich achte es billich sein" and Opitz at the end of the seventeenth century writes " acht ich es das beste seinJ* There are also such eighteenth century survivals as " ich habe dies geschehen zu sein mir erzahlen lassen " and ^' da ich mich zu liegen vermerkte." ^ The accusative with infinitive after verbs of speaking is hardly found outside of Tatian and ^otker, but we are not therefore justified in attributing it to Latin influence, since plentiful analogies exist in other Germanic dialects. quedan : ir quedet mih werphan diwala dicitis eicere me demonia er chad sih finden sin herza he said his heart to find itself chundan : sih chundida wesan chisendida announced himself to have been sent * Grimm : Deutsche Grammatik, IV, 118-119. *Ed. Weinhold. Tatian, 62, 3. Notker, n, 306b30. Isidor, 10, 11.2 33 lichazen : llchizita sih rumor faran Tatian, 228, 1. finxit se longius ire iehen : pediu sulen uuir iehen guot uuesen allero dingo ende Notker, m, 149b6. we should aflSrm the end of all things to be good bezeichenen : tiu dir bezeichenet eteuuaz uuesan Notker, in, 475b30.» which indicates to you something to he The " Murbach Hymns " once employ an accusative with a predicate participle after sprecJian to translate a Latin accu- sative with infinitive. erstantan truhtinan sprichit 19, 10. resurrexisse dominum fatetur Peculiar to E'otker and probably due to Latin influence is the use of the locution after verbs expressing an emotion, e, g., chlagetost tu dih tir unrehto uuesen gdonot ill, 40a5.' do you complain that injustice toas done to you In considering the usage with impersonal and neuter verbs we must remember that many Old High German expres- sions of this class govern an accusative case as direct object,' e.g., ist wuntar : ist filu manno wuntar Otfrid, v, 1, 1. great wonder is on the men wuntar was thia menigi lb. , i, 9, 27. wonder was on the multitude ist niot : thes thih mag wesan wola niot lb., v, 6, 14. of this you it may well be pleasing (you may well rejoice at this) ^ Other examples in Notker are found after sprecAen (III, 506b31), lougnen (III, 168b), anttvurtm (III, 252b34 ; 242a8), sagen (III, 203al2). '^ Other examples after riuwen (III, 45a3), zihen (III, 475b30), zumen (III, 107b20). 34 thes ist sie iamer filu niot lb. , v, 22, 7. they are ever pleased at this wola ward : ward wola thiu seUmn mtmmgon lb. , v, 9, 11. When an object infinitive is added to sentences like the pre- ceding, we have a combination which is hardly distinguish- able from the free Latin accusative with infinitive. But it is quite apparent from these illustrations that the assump- tion of Latin influence is not necessary, that the accusative, indeed, is almost always felt as directly connected with the main verb, and that these cases, therefore, do not differ from the other categories of the accusative with infinitive which are found in Old High German.^ gilustit : then lesan iz gilusti Otfrid, i, 1, 10. whom the desire takes to read {den es verlangt) gilimphit : gilimfit mih gangen. Tatian, 92, 1. oportet me ambulare gilsimt inan varan 76., 87, 1. oportebat eum transire bifahit : ni bifahit wizagon vorwerda lb., 92, 1. non capit prophetam perire In E'otker, impersonal verbs with this construction seem to follow Latin models in most cases, since often the accusative has no connection whatever with the main verb, which is fol- lowed by another substantive in the dative case as indirect object. ist oflFen : unde offen si sament tein lichamen ersterben dia uuerltsdlda III, 68b3. it is plain that together with thy body earthly happiness will perish ist chunt : tir ist chunt . . . alia dia erda sih kezihen uuider demo himile in, 84b29. it is known to you . . . that the whole earth moves . . . ist not : fone diu ist not, chad si, misseliche namen haben diu finuiu und siu doh ein uuesen iii, 124b29. hence it is necessary . . . that the five should have different names and yet be a single thing ^Denecke, 44. 35 (6) Old Saxon In Old Saxon the accusative with infinitive presents no difficulties. It is found after verbs expressing a causation and a sense or mental perception, but it occurs neither after verbs of speaking nor after impersonal verbs. don : gehirmon duon uuir alia ddga firlica Psalms, 73, 8. quiescere faciamus omnes dies festos thu mahtis an enon dage all teuuerpan that hoha hus heSancuninges, stenuuerco mest endi eft standan giduon Hdiand, 5574. doit im iro hugi tulflien lb., 5188. latan : Tho let hi that uuerod thanan . . . si^on lb., 1986. Ne lat thu thi thinan hugi tulflien, merrean thina modgithdht lb., 328. 2346 ; 2633 ; 4951 ; 5031 ; 5690. hatan : het sie im tho nahor gangan lb., 1255. het ina slanden up ia fan themu graje gangan lb., 4097. hietun thuo hotidband hardaro thomo uuundron uuindan endi an uualdand Crist selSon settean lb., 5499. 317 ; 2117 ; 2388 ; 3571 ; 3724 ; 3860 ; 4505 ; 5508. biddian : ina gemo bad helpan JSeliand, 2094. badun tho so gerno godan drohtin anUucan thea lera lb. , 2578. gisehan: tho he gisah that bam cuman lb., 474. uui gisahun is bocan sJdnan lb., 599. 601 ; 2180 ; 2217 ; 4538 ; 5009 ; 5093 ; 5295 ; 5373. horian : gihordun uuilspel mikil fon gode seggean. lb., 527. siu gih5rda ira bam sprecan lb., 831. tho sie that gihordun thea maga'S sprekan lb., 2777. findan : Tho sie Erodesan thar rikean f undun an is seli sittien lb., 548. 807 ; 818 ; 4770 ; 5460. 36 uuitan : thar he thene odagan man inne uuisse an is gestseli gome thiggeanj sittean at sumble lb. , 3337. Like Gothic and Old High German, Old Saxon admits an accusative with a predicate participle or adjective after these verbs. sehan : qua'Sun that sie qwican sahin thene erl mid iro ogun Heliand, 4129. huan gisah thi man enig bethuungen an sulicun tharaSun lb., 4405. findan : fand sie sldpandie lb., 4797. fundun ina gi/aranan thuo iu lb., 5700. uuitan ; thar hie uuissa that godes barn, hreo hangondi herren sines lb. , 5730. thar sie ina er biforan ubilan ni uuissin, uuordun faruuarhten lb., 5185. uuissun ina so goden endi gode uuertSen lb., , 2726. si'Sor hi ina hluitran uuet sundeono sicoran lb., , 1719. tellian : the sie tho uuisostun undar theru menegi manno taldun lb., ,4467. he ina so rikean telit lb., , 5103. (7) Old Norse The richness of Old lN"orse literature in the construction of the accusative with infinitive contains a suggestion of what may have existed in the other Germanic dialects whose sur- viving documents are too meagre to furnish an accurate measure of the extent to which they employed the locution. "No better illustration of the inadequacy of Grimm's definition for the Germanic languages could be desired than the at- tempted application of it to Old 'Norse by Lund. Lund classifies his examples under two categories: one of these he calls the accusative and infinitive to indicate that the union between these two elements is a loose one, while he terms the 37 other accusative with infinitive because the two forms are there joined in a firm syntactical combination. But he adds that " the two sometimes run together, so that it is very dif- ficult to make a distinction," ^ Though it is justifiable to note the distinction between the two uses, we must recognize that the latter is derived immediately from the former and that the transition from one to the other is practically un- noticeable.^ lata : vil ek at >u latir mik vita Egilss.^ 168. hann let \>dfara metS sem )>eir vildu Sn. Edda, 19. bitSja : bitS ek bai-na sifjar duga ^gisdr., 16. Jjorvaldr batJ biskupfara til Islands Kristn., 4. sja : hann ser utlenda menn koma i hoU folSin sins Alex.y 2. J>a sja j)eir atjan menn renna i moti ser DropL, 23. )>a er gu^ fa^ir sa son dnn vUja sva gott verk gora A. M., 675, 17. heyra : ef \>u ^oto heyrir ulf Sigur^ukv.f n, 22. finna : Billings mey ek fann belSjum a solhvita, sofa Havam.j 96. Verbs of mental perception : trua : J>eir tru^u hann gutJ wra Sn. Edda, 148. hyggja : ek hygg hann vera engan vin )>inn JSgiUs., 169. hygg ek nu her vera komna velflesta boendr OisLy 44, 3. engi joiun ek hug^a jafnramman vera Vaf^.j 2. hygg ek ]>ik oepa munu Harbarslj.j 47. aetla : ekki er J»vi at leyna, at ek setla Urpak stolit hafa Band.j 12. >at setla ek y]>r kalla Odainsakur Fomald.y m, 66. hafa : J>eir hoflSu hann engum fyrr set sitt hpf u"5 hneigja Alex., 16. * Ordfejningslcere, 379. ' Cf. Falk and Torp : Dansk-norskens Syntax, § 128. 38 geta : ek get Harold skjott munu her koma EgUss., 4. vita : veit ek ofullt ok opit standa sonar skar% er mer sjar um vaun Sonartor., 6. ask veit ek standa Voluspa, 62, 19. allt er J)U veit i minum huse vera Hrafnk., 9. doema: doemdan ySr vitislaussan ver^a GisL, 44, 123. Verbs of speaking : segja: )>eir sogfSu okkr eiga born saman Kristn., 22. J>eir sog^u Aann m^ii hafa lanardrottinn sinn Hervar. , 24. Hei^rekr segir son Haralds konungs vera oeztan Hervar. , 25. eigi nennir Darius he'San af at segja hamingja blinda vera Alex., 46. kvetSa: hann kvatJ ]>at eigi vera Hrafnk., 13. tJlfr kvatJ Aann wiuncitt J>vi rd'^a, en kra^ ser mart hafa verit i mot gort af Haraldi GisL, 44, 60. ]4k kvetJ ek allra kvena vergjamasta vera ^gisdr., 17. at J)U >er i^rey kvetJir oleitJastan Ufa Skirnism. , 19. kalla : kalla ek ySr vera yfirkomna Sn. Edda, 28. konungr kallatSi son Hei'Sreks vera ceztan Hervar. , 25. telja : tel ek brce^r jnna hafafcdlit ugilda a sjalfra sinna verkum Egilss., 163. taldi \>rcda Steinars hafa nogar sakir til gort Egilss., 216. ))eir tol^u hann ver^a mundu agsetan mjok at afli Sn. Edda, 19. Construction with predicate participle or adjective: bidja: konungr ba'S Aann v«/A;ommn Fornm., i, 16. vilja: |>eir er \>ik yiljsL feigan Dropl., 35. sjS. : J)eir sa Romveya nar alia laupa }>ar vdpna'Sa Gisl, 44, 149. trua truir J>u );>ann gu^ Sn. Edda, 4. vsinta : vaentir ek \nk mer ok )>eim altraustan Gial., 44, 122. 39 dcema : dcema hinn vesta mann sekjan, \>}of, ok tnandrdpsmann Band,^ 18. skilja : jarlinn skildi i J>vi kominn endadag sinn J^omw., v, 388. vita : hann vissi sik eigi \>a,T til mjok ulikan ok vanfoeran Stjom., 2. sa ma'Sr er yer vitum mestan ok agaeztan Sn. Edda^ 5. )>a konu «r hann vissi vssnsta Helg. S^orv., pref» segja : hon segir \>d sdtta Band., 14. jdng skal laust segja Grag., 107. kve^a : SteingertSr kva^ hann vrnian ICorm., 18. ))iX* kve'5 ek oblau^astan alinn Fafnism., 23. telja : jjeir telja hana fnllmjok djarfa ok uvUra JFlatey, i, 40. jata : jatum ver hann gw^ Sn. Edda, 4.* This very free use of the construction in Old I^^orse is highly interesting in view of its greatly restricted limits in modern Danish. With verbs of mental perception and declaration the use has been almost extinct since the Renais- sance, finde being practically the only verb of these categories which now admits the construction.^ (8) Summary From a brief survey it appears that a number of the Indo-Germanic languages at a very early period in their his- tory possessed the construction of an accusative with infinitive in its simplest and most limited form after verbs of causa- tion — a construction in which accusative and infinitive were at first separately dependent on the main verb. In some dialects, such as the Sanskrit, it developed very little beyond ^AU the Old Norse examples are taken from Lund's Oldnordisk Ordfringan of sedra gehwaere, egorstreamas swea.Tte swogan /&., 1371. hie )>a fromlice leton forS /eo^ran flana scwras Jttdl., 220. Hwilum hea]>or6fe hleapan leton on ge^it faranfealwe mearas JBeow., 864. Let se hearda Higelaces |>egn brddne niece . . . brecan ofer bordweal ift., 2977. liet nu of J>inum stabole streamas weaJlan Andr,, 1503. ^Schmidt: Language of Pecock, 119. Compare also Gaertner {Zur Sprache von Utopia, 103) ; Robinson's translation uses the accusative with infinitive after verbs of saying and thinking, "wo sie erst im 15. Jahrh. durch Pecock in ein Originalwerk eingefiihrt wurde und dann bald eine weitere Verbreitung fand, wahrend der ace. c. inf. vordem nur vereinzelt und als nachahmung des lat. gesetzt wurde." See also Krickau, pastim. 44 Leton >a ofer fifelwseg farnige serlfSan bronte brim])isan Elene, 237. Since Old English had no infinitive which was passive in form, it was obliged, like other Germanic dialects, to employ the active form to express a passive meaning.^ Often, in- deed, it is difficult to determine whether in a given instance the infinitive is to be construed as active or passive. In sentences like '^ hat mynster timbrian " or '^ let liine ofslean/' it is perhaps only our modern analytic feeling for the language which inclines us to associate the substantive in the accusative case immediately with the predicate verb which precedes it, and to make it the object of that verb rather than of the infinitive which comes after. There are, how- ever, a number of passages, which will be cited in their proper place, in which the active form of the infinitive is employed to translate a Latin passive, and there are some instances in original texts in which the interpretation of the infinitive as passive is scarcely to be questioned, e. g., Da ic wide gefrsegn weorc gebannan manigre msegi>e geond J>isne middangeard Beow.^ 74. ic ondrsede gif sum dysig man );>ds boc Ket o'S'Se raedan gehyrS ^Ifric: Introd. to Gen., 27. The verbs which are found to take this construction in Old English are the same as in the other members of the Ger- manic branch : IcetaUy hdtan, hyran, and seon, laitan (with passive infinitive) : ^ *"Lange begriindet ist in unserer Sprache nach den Verbis horen und sehen den inf. act. zugleich passivisch zn gebrauchen ; ich hore erzdhlen (audio narrari), ich sah ihn mit Fiisse treten (calcari), ich kann kein Thier schlachten (mactari) sehn ; . . . Gleich zweideutig ist die bedeutung des Inf. hinter den Verbis Idssen und heissen ; erst der Zusammenhang gibt zu erkennen, ob die active oder passive gemeint werde. ..." Grimm : Deutsche Grammatik, IV, 61-63. See also Wilhelm, 36 ; Wiilfing, II, 191 ; Steig : ZsfdPh. , XII, 311. ^ Of none of the examples classed in this way can the positive assertion be made that the infinitive is passive. I have here included all examples in which the passive interpretation is probable. 45 leton him J>a betweonum taan wisian Andr.f 1099. Swa bits gumena gehwam se J>e oftost his unwaerlice on \>as laenati tid lif bisceawalS, l«te"5 hine beswican |>urh swetne stenc Whahj 62. Swa swy^Se nearwelice he hit lett tii dspyrian ))8et . . . ChronidCf 216. castelas he let wyreean lb. , 220. s«m« he laet ]>reagan mid heardum broce, )»8et hi leornigen J)one craeft ge)>yldelicu Boethius, 133, 26. oiios duris agitariy ut virtutes animi . . . confirmant gif hi letalS hi selfe bebyrgan on haligre stowe Gregory : Dialogues^ 341, 36. si in sacro loco sepeliri st faciant liet hi ealle fordon -u me naht besrmcariy ne nSfre min gewit fram |>e gehwerfan, ne mln mcBg\>had afylan lb., 172, 67. And ne l«t J>u me nsfre mine scmle beswican lb., 175, 175. don (active infinitive) : Oc se ilce Heanri dide J>on« king to understandene Chronide, 257 ; 259. dide him gyuen up t)8et aSSrice of Burch andfaren ut of lande lb., 262. dide heom ewmen Hder lb., 266. J>on« eadigan Mathmm he gedyde gangan to J)am east-dsele Blick. H(m., 239. utan biddan aelmihtine God "Se "Se eardian de^S J>a eadmiodan in his faeder huse Bede, 502, 18. ^ In Middle English the construction spread rapidly to all verbs of causing and became the regular syntactical combina- tion after these words. ^ Cited by Wiilfing, II, 184. The examples after don here quoted are exhaustive for the texts examined. 46 let (passive infinitive) ; He let hym, >>o he was ded, burye at >.ilke gate Kobt. of Glouc, 44. 0>er radde, J>at he schulde al rayd )>e kyndome late ys dogter spousi to an hey prince of Rome lb., 89. lete his doughtur be y spoused A mychel tour longe & brade In Jerusalem he let be made But if he let hit so be hid lb., note. Curs. Mundi, 7877. lb., 9279. do (active infinitive) : and his up ariste do me stepen uwward in heie and holi }>eawes Horn., 1, 207. forte don him understanden he doS men hungren and hauen "Srist J>enne dob him pyne nyhtes wake and don hem monen his sinfulhed 2351 ; 2752 ; 2927 ; 3482. don (passive infinitive) : And to her ynne dud hit be bom And dude her sackes to be imdone Forgyue me l>at I dud you take In to bondes wiJ>outen sake I shal you do aqueynted to be his modir dud him for to hide A cofur of yerdes dud she be wrougt Do hit in \>e fuyr be brint lb., 221 ; II, 57 ; 145, etc. 0. E. Misc., 17, 543. lb., 95, 60. Gen.'Ex., 180. Curs. Mundi, 4856. 76., 5004. lb., 5079. lb., 5298. lb., 5609. lb., 5614. lb., 6086. And have my trouthe, but thou it finde so, I be thy bote, or that it be ful longe. To peces do me drawe, and sithen honge Troilus, i, 831. ffor thei seyn thow dedist their brother to be slain Merlin, 41. and how ye sholde do hym be brent lb., 51. comaunde her that she do the childe to be delyuered lb., 89. do the to be bore in a lytier -^^m 92. dide hym to be baptised ^^-i 112, etc. 47 make (active infinitive) : )>ine licome >e hit )>« make^ don Hom.j i, 21. and makede arisen mid him alle \>a \>et him efden er ihersumed 76., 141 ; 205 ; 267 ; 269. he make's ]>« unbilefidle man to leuen . lb,, ii, 11. make's him toforlese his aihte lb., 13 ; 29 ; 111 ; 213. J)C blynde he makede loki and \>e dede aryse O. E. Misc., 39, 54. he make)> vs don sunnen lb. , 72, 7, etc. Alle men owe >at lord to drede )>at made man to haue mede Curs. Mundi, 271. slegely he made Adam to slept lb., 626 ; 808 ; 1865 ; 2517, etc. make (passive infinitive) : feirnesse and lufsum neb, flesch hwit under schrud makes mxini mx)n beo luued te ra^er and te mare Horn., i, 269. He made vs alle in bale be brougi Curs. Mundi, 614. Si}> he made him alle ou t dryue Foule & beest mon & wyue lb., 1909. Alle speke of hir she was so shene And so hir preysed to |>e kynge )>at he hir made to him brynge lb., 2416. J>i8 verrei knowlechynge schal make men to ben approtied of crist at ]>e day of dome Wyclif, 22. ye knoweth well that he maketh hem to ben waisshen in a water Merlin, 2. make it to be baptiseth lb. , 14. The kynge made hem alle be shett in a stronge house Ib.y 29 ; 26 ; 40 ; 57 ; 62 ; 64 ; 68 ; etc. nede (active infinitive) : man him wile neden his sinnes toforleten Horn., ii, 75. J>ei neden prestis to figite & werre Wyclif, 99. & nedid alle prestis to leue J>e betre & take the worse lif lb. , 190. nede (passive infinitive) : & so i>ei neden hem to be dampnyd lb., 57. gar (active infinitive) : Til Gregory gerte clerkes to go here and preche Piers PL, xv, 436. 48 gar (passive infinitive) : Thyne absens gars thi sauU be shent Townley, 350, 299. (com)move (active infinitive) : And many tymes haue moeued \>e to \>inke on >ine ende Piers PL J xn, 4. and this commeveth me to speke TroiluSf V, 1783. by the whiche he moued gretely his goodnesfor toforgyue hym Fisher, 73, 29. forsothe it sholde moue vs to haue pyte & compassyon lb., 280, 28 ; 299, 1 ; 344, 31 ; 374, 8 ; 389, 2. bring : Heo brogte oure lord Jhesu Ch'ist to dye on |?e rode Kobt. of Glouc, 61. bind : thou hast vtterly bounde me by thy grace and many-folde benefytes to be thy seruaunt. Fisher, 40, 14. cause (active infinitive) : cause we to dye Troiliis, iii, 1505. Yet, er that ye me cause so to smerte lb., iv, 1448. This prison caused me natfor to crye C. T., A, 1095. I shall not do nothinge that sholde cause hym to be angry Merlin, 51. and that sholde cause hym toforyete a grete partie of his sorowe lb., 71. cause (passive infinitive) : be about to cause synnes to be done Fisher, 20, 29. that may so spedef uUy cause ony creature to be blyssed lb. , 23, 19. he may cause the kynges pyte in his besynes to be obteyned and had lb. , 73, 13. 99, 7; 102, 16; 133, 6; 155, 36; 398, 1. causing some of them to be taken More, 346 G. whiche els he shal cause to be done unto us himself lb., 369 F, etc. cause them to be so instructed andfumisshed Elyot, 27. For he caused the countrayes , , . tobe discribed andpaynted lb., 78. causinge them to be taught that lerninge lb., 168, etc. compel : ]>at he compelle not for his pride Hs suget ioptUte bihynde \>e betre worschipynge of god Wyclif, 33. 49 compell ihevi by his punysshement to do penaunce Fisher, 40, 35. • compellynge her to crye lb., 300, 22 ; 385, 6. constrain : & noon obedience schulde constreyne a prest to wittenesse a falshede Wyclif, 36. a pore man ];>ei constreynen to synne bi manas lb. , 63. hou schulde J?an ony synful wrecche . . . constreyne men to bileue \>2it he is heuyd of holy chirche? certis J>ei constreynen men sumtyme to bileue ... Wyclif, 84 ; 85 ; etc. He that hath done his duty and constrayned hymselfe so besyly and many tymes to make satysfaccyon Fisher, 26, 18. draw : what thyng drawes hymfor to ordayne his will all at goddes will Hampole, i, 21. enforce : They enforced theyr ennemies to stryke on lande Elyot, 180. stir : |>e fadir of lesyngis )>at stirede ]>e heige prestis & pharisees in cristis tyme to puie on hym & his disciplis . . . Wyclif, 27. god almygtty stire)> prestisy lordis & comunes to knowe ypocrisie J6., 140; 176; 189. And that lyght of grace stereth . . . thefoules to brynge forth the fruyte of good werkes Fisher, 37, 27. stereth the synner to do penaunce Fisher, 159, 16. 276, 7 ; 374, 29. blind : J>e fend blyndi)> ypocritis to excuse hem by feyned contemplatif lif Wyclif, 188. (2) Verbs of Advising, etc. In verbs of advising, teaching, persuading, and the like, the causative element is sufficiently prominent, but it is modi- fied by a secondary notion. In Old English leer an and fcecan generally are followed by a direct object in the accusative case and by a clause in which the substantive is repeated, e. g,, hine l«rde, ixBt he sceolde drihten to deatJe belaewan ^Ifric, 153, 45. But the briefer accusative with infinitive construction is sometimes employed. 4 50 Iseran : God us Isere'S wceccan --Elfric, 168, 404. God us Isere^ /cEstan and selmessan syllan earmum mannum 76., 168, 108. tiecan : tsec me J>inne willan to vyyrcenne Boeth., 149, 21. ac Crist sylf and his apostolas us tiehton seg^er to healdenne -^Ifric : Pentateuch, 24. In Middle English, however, the latter construction becomes the more common, soon supplanting the other completely. leren : J>o \>e leren \>efolc to understonden god noht mid weldede ac mid wise speche Horn., ii, 93. and leren elch man to helpen him seluen J>e hwile he mai lb., 185. •5e lage us \ereS to don god 0. E. Misc., 10, 297. And some he lered to laboure Piers PL, xix, 231. 242; 244. learn (passive infinitive) : I shalle be your rescowe and leme hym to be ruled as a knyghte Malory, 197, 10. teach : Gif he seolf nule don swa swa he heom techcS to donne Ham., I, 109. techen \>efolke godes hesne to done lb., 139. II, 75 ; 119. Alle men he tauhte to holde treowe luue 0. E. Misc., 38, 45. And wisse us and theche To wyten vs wy)> J>an vnwihte lb., 72, 3. how worschipen t>ei and techen oJ?«rc to worchipe Wyclif, 9. wissen (and filsten) : wisse)> ws to leden ure lif on clennesse H&m., ii, 7. wisse'5 hem to understanden wat is uuel lb., 39. wisse and fulste uh swo tofolgen his holi eor)>liche procession Ih., 93. *'Koly writt," quod J>at weye, "wisseth men to suffre^^ Piers PL, xi, 374. wissen (passive infinitive) : J>at wissen vs to be saued Piers PL, xn, 271. 51 kennen : if mon kennes yow horn to knowe Gawaine, 1484. Kenne me bi somme craft to knowe >e fals Piers Pl,^ ii, 4. X, 338 ; XIV, 16. reden : reade^ us ant learetS/oree geme lutel alle fallinde |>ing Horn., I, 255. Ic rede "Sc king, nu her bi-foren, To maken la'Ses and gaderen coren Gen.-Ex., 2133. Somme men redde Resoun J>o ei counseilen mm to be bysi a-boute worldliche richessis . . . and conseilen men more to taken vengaunce Wyclif, 16 ; 17. Conseilled caym to kullen his brother Piers PL, i, 66. IX, 195 ; XV, 337 ; xix, 195 ; 389. advise : wherfore they aduysed them in no wyse to meue Malory, 175, 13. alway I wolde aduyse hym nat to detayne the childe to longe in that tedious labours Elyot, 55. munegen : Ihadede men he munegcS wel to lerene ilewede men Horn., I, 131. Ah ure drihten j>et munege'5 us to fechten te-geines J)et aide neddre lb., 155. and muneged u^ alle to ben warre ]>arof 76., n, 5. 7; 9; 11; 15; 39; 51; 67; 139; 169; 201; 215. De mire mune^ us mete to tilen enspiren : first god enspires \>am to forsake }>is worlde Hampole, i, 48. conforten : counforten hem to don extorcions . . . and to meyntene false causes Wyclif, 6. for J>ei conforten hem to figtte ayenst cristene men in false werris lb., 176. enclynen : that it ne enclynede som juge to han pitee or corapassioun Ch. Boeth., 136, 261. 52 glosen : Ye shal eek seen, your fader shal yow glose To been a wyf TroiluSf iv, 1471. (3) Verbs of Allowing and Preventing Old English Isetan : he let hine swa micles wealdan Gen. , 253, >onne lete he his hine lange wealdan lb. , 258. And )>u, Hunfer^, Iset ealde lafe, wraetlic wsegsweord, widculSTie man heard-ecg habban Beow.^ 1488. IsetatJ hildehord her onbidian lb., 397. 1728 ; 1996 ; 2389 ; 2550 ; 3082 ; 3132. l«t nu geferan flotan useme . . . ond J>onne gebidan beornas \>lne Aiidr., 397. 831 ; 1180 ; 1330. ond f orhwy se goda god laete senig yfel beon Boeth. , 6, 9. 26, 6 ; 49, 26 ; 49, 29 ; 67, ; 117, 5 ; 123, 26 ; 136, 9. leton eall«s "Seodscipes geswineg J>us leohtlice forwurSan Chron., 139. J>a lett he sum )>one herefaren to heora agene lande Chron., 216.^ latan (passive infinitive) : >a J>onne hwse\yre he ne laetej> na beon forholene sefter deajie Greg. Dial., 294, 5. quos taraen post mortem cuius sanctitati fuerint non patitur eelari he sette scole, & on "Ssere he let cnihtas IBran Bede, 545, 45.' forlaetan : )>a hine halig god ece upp forlet edmonne streamum stlgan sti'Sferh^ cyning Gen. , 1404. forleton eorla gestreon, eor^an healdan gold on greote Beow., 3167. ]>a se beorg tohlad, eor^scrsef egeslic, ond )>8er in forlet flod fce'^mian Andr., 1587. ^For other examples, see Juliana, 200; 622; Elene, 818; Brunnan., 60 Maldon, 7 ; 108 ; 140 ; Wiilfing, II, 184. ^Wiilfing, II, 192. 63 cS )>8et dryhten forlet dcegcandelle scire sctnan lb., 835. Da hine seo fiemne forlet aefter ^rsechwile ]>y8tra neosan Jw/.,553. Hio on sybbe forlet secan gehwylcne agenne card Holy Rood, 61 ; Father's Advice, 74. Elene, 598 ; 793. he forlet his here abldan mid Scottum Chnm., 5.1 Middle English After let our construction is too common to require citation in the later stages of the language. leun : leue me vnderstonde >i dol and herteli tofelen sum hwat of J>e sorhe Hem., i, 285. Ure louerd ihesu crist leue us swo ure synnen to heten lb., II, 59; 97. God leve him werken as he gan devyse TroUiis, in, 56. )>olen : )>ole us to bi-wepen ure sunne Hcmi., i, 71. >at tu ne )>oledes ham noht fulli/ainen of me 76., 277. ne nalde he nawt |>olien )>e \>eof forte breoken hire lb., 245. and ne J>ole m« neauer nan o"5er J>ing again )>i wille luuie lb., 285. )>a< co/d iren )>u holedest in J)i syde of J>e spere kene to J>in herte glyde 0. E. Misc., 140, 45. For elles he sal noght thole )>am lyefe Pr. Ckm.^ 4352. suffer : >is may be said be all >a \>at God suffers /o/ow vanytese 76., 1581. )>at God wald suffer ]>e devel of helle, Apere til hymself )jat es of myght mast lb., 2275. wiJ>outen childe ofte suffre> he mon & womman longe to be Curs. Mundi, 10325. * For other examples, see Wiilfing, II, 185. 54 whi schulde >ei suffre so grete cost of kechenes and gate housis and wast chambris for lords and ladies and riche men, and a frere to haue a chambre for an erl or duk Wyclif, 15. but certis it is foul ypocrisie J>us to suffre synne regne lb., 9 ; 14 ; 17 ; 26 ; 30 ; 32 ; 56 ; etc. suffer (passive infinitive ) : "Loverd, }>ou suffers here," says he, ^' Be writen bitter syns oga,ynes me ^^ Pr. Con., 5496. suffren cristene soulis be stranglid wi)> woluys of helle Wyclif, 104. suffer never her soules beforlorne In the brynnyng fyre of hell Gaw. & Bagn., 840. And wol nat suffren hem, by noon assent, Neither to been y-buried nor y-brent C. T. , A, 945. that he wolde not suffer her to be shamed here in this worlde Merlin, 10. the voide place of the table, that 1 suffred to be assaide lb., 71. why suffrest Tne so longe to be vexed with this trouble Fisher, 13, 16. neyther to suffre the shyppe of his chirche to be so shaken lb., 58, 33; 132, 34; 171, 4; 193, 17; 231, 30; 379, 15 ; 389, 12, etc. who shal nat suffre, in the childes presence, to be shewed any acte or tache dishonest, or any wanton or undene worde to be spoken Elyot, 29. grant : lord vs graunte to dwelle him wi)> Ours. Mundi, 5466. Ther mighty god yet graunte us see that houre Troilus, ii, 588. Wherfore we beseke yow to graunte us to live Merlin, 37. Graunte me good lorde my soide to be replete with the fatnes of charyte Fisher, 147, 30. let (= prevent) : Ageyn vs shal he haue no mygt Or at >e lest holde him stille And lett vs not to do oure wille God bad hem to wildernes wende Or philistiens wolde wi]? hem mete And let hem for to wende her strete lb., 6180. 55 Gif J>ei maken prelatis and lordis ... to lette prestis to preche goddis lawe and to lette )>e pepU to knowe and to kepe >e comaundementis of god Wyclif, 5. Gif }>ei letten curatis and pore prestis to techen men godis lawe J6., 9 ; 23 ; 50 ; 57 ; 73 ; etc. but noon of the clerkes ne cowde se the cause that letted the werke to holde Merlin, 31. he wold bren them or any other christen man that he thought myght let his opinions to goforwarde Fisher, 345, 5. let (passive infinitive) : but >ei leuen & dispisen }>e gospel & letten it to be prechid Wyclif, 70. J>ei putten here owen cursed synnes vpon trewe men to lette goddis lawe to be knowen Wyclif, 138. But doubtlesse neyther of these may let vs to be herde Fisher, 237, 25. warnen : And he wemede iSisfolc ut-gon Gen. -Ex., 2966 ; 3000. And na thing salle \>am warn ne lett. To do )>air wille whare-swa it es sett Pr. Con., 7985. I maye not wame peple to speke of me what it pleaseth hem Malory, 198, 2. bireven : for no wight may bireve A man to love, til that him list to leve Troilus, i, 685. (4) Verbs of Commanding Old English hatan : Metod engla heht, lifes brytta leohtfor^ cuman Gen., 121. Heht J>a lifes weard on mereflode middum weof^an hyhtlie heofontimber lb., 144. 157 ; 345 ; 499 ; 516 ; 525 ; 537 ; 830 ; 864 ; 943 ; 1047 ; 2039 ; 2504; 2783; 2798; 2867. Heht }>a ymb twa niht tirfcestne heeled ymbuHcigean werodes bearhtme Exod. , 63 ; 254. het J>a his scealcas smfan J>a hyssas Dan,, 231 ; 79 ; 431. 56 hatetS hehenglas hludre stef ne beman bldwan ofer burga geseotu Or. & Sat., 601. hatatS hy upp dstandan Orist, 889 ; 294 ; 1025 ; 1342 ; 1375. Jjset he healreced hatan wolde medo-aern micel wen ^reiTj/rcean Beow., 6S. het hine mid \^m lacum leode sw«se secean on gesyntum, snude eft cuman lb., 1868. 293 ; 1045 ; 1807 ; 2812. hatan (passive infinitive) : Her Offa Myrcena cining het -^"Selbrihte \>cet heafod ofslean Chron,, 55. He het hine )>a gehindan ond gebringan on )>8et land jElfric, 104, 153. J>a het he \>ysne biscop beon gelaeded Greg. Dial., 194, 17. hunc jussit deduct )>a het he hine heafde beceorfan Bede, 478, 3. het hine \>a teon & Isedan to tSam deofolgyldum lb. , 477, 17. ad simulacros eum jussit pertrahi het "Sam "Searfan \>cet hors syllan lb., 540, 21. praecepit eguum pauperi dari & se cyning hi ofslean het Bede, 584, 28. atque occidi jussit.^ The verb (be)heodan is ordinarily followed by a dative case with a clause or by a dative with an infinitive, e, g,, Swa ic nu bebeode beamum mlnum, )>egnum ))ry'5fullum, %cRt hie "Se hnaegen Andr., 1328. beodan Hdbrahdme mid his eaforum tw«m of eor^scraefe Srest fremman lb., 779,' But a few times, probably by the analogy of hatan, this verb also takes the accusative with infinitive. Nu ic bebeode beacen cetywan, wundor geweor'^an on wera gemange Andr., 729. * For other examples, seeWulfing, TI, 189, 191. ^ Hatan, also, is occasionally found with a dative and infinitive, e. g.. Gen., 1858, 1865, 2223 ; Dan., 126 ; Metra, IX, 9. 57 o^ Moyses bebead e(yrla8 on uhttid aernum bemum folc somnigean, frecan drtsarif habban heora hlencan, hycgan on ellen, beran beorht searo, baecnum cigean Exod.f 215. het )>a & bebead hra)>e men swingan & tintregian ^one godes andettere Bede, 477, 42. caedi sanctum dei confessorem a tortoribus praecepit ^ bebeodan (passive infinitive) : "Sa bebead se biscop iSysne to him laedan Bede, 615, 1. hunc ergo adduci praecipit Episcopus ' Erconbryht bebead deofolgyld beon towor-pene Ib.j 531, 2. ut E. idola destrui praecepit bebead ]>oe,t feoweriiglice fcRsten healden beon ser Eastrum J&., 531, 10. jejunium Quadraginta dierum observari praecepit.' Biddan, which in Old English receives the same syntactical treatment as heheodan, has ask, request for its primary mean- ing, and will be best considered with that class of verbs. But sometimes, in late Old English, it approaches very closely to the idea of commanding, and in this sense it is fol- lowed at least once by the accusative with infinitive. ofssende se cyng Godwine eorl end bsed hinefaran in to Cent mid unfri"5a to Dofran Chron.^ 173. forbeodan : and he ne abyh^ na us, hset he ua ne forbeode ealle unrihtwisnyssa and yfel to donne .^fric, 9, 212. )>c ^a halgan boceras forbudon to secgenne Ib.f 24, 9. Middle English haten : hehte hine swiUe stille steolen vt of hirede & hehte hinefaren to J>on tune Layamon, 100. ah god almihtin \>e hat dan J>in god on-gein his uuel Horn., i, 15. ah J>enne )>e preost hine hat age/en ))a ehte )>on monne t>et hit er ahte 76., 31 ; 121 ; 229 ; ii, 201. * For other examples, see Wiilfing, II, 182. 'Wulfing, II, 179. Ubid., 188-189. 58 As his dragones fogte )>us, \>e kynge hette Merlyn here, Forte segge, get he cou^e, wat \>e tokonyng were Bobt. Glouc.y 131. he het men to gyue hem mede Curs. Mundi, 7121. Hym, or ysaak myn ayre J>e which he higte me kulle Piers PL, xvi, 232. haten (passive infinitive) : Quik he het his sone take, And spoili him of clothes nake, And beten him with scourges stronge, And afterward him hegghe an-honge Seven Sages, 499.^ In Middle English hiddan and heodan were completely leveled under the form hidden, and the latter verb was fol- lowed bj the accusative with infinitive much more frequently than were either of the Old English verbs. To this extension of the construction the leveling of the accusative and dative cases must have distinctly contributed: baed heom for heora wur^scipe wreken hire teonan Layamon, 104 ; 115 ; 128 ; 132 ; etc. bed hine witen >one forwundede Mon Horn., i, 85. )>u biddes me bihalde hu J>u faht for me lb. , 277 ; 279. On festing he bit ris us turnen Horn., ii, 63. 65 ; 87 ; 139 ; 147 ; 173 ; 211 ; 215. he bit MS don ure bukes wille 0. E. Misc., 14, 432. 43, 227 ; 160, 38 ; 166, 81. ^o bad god iour^en stund and stede Oen.-Ex., 41. ^0 god bad ben "Se firmament lb., 95. 120; 137; 163; 787; 979; 1085; 1219; 1269; 1549; 1595; 2121 ; 2141 ; 2143 ; 2238 ; 2255 ; 2290 ; 2376 ; etc. bid (passive infinitive) : Bad hire "Sor wi^ hir heuod ben hid He bad him ben sperd fast dun And holden harde in prisun lb. , 2039. Do bad monophis pharaun wimmen ben set in euerilc tun lb., 2569. ^Ed.Weher. 69 Do bad ^is king al opelike, In alle burges modilike, Euerilc knape child of ^at kin ben a-non don "Se flod wilS-in /6., 2583. Ghe bad it ben to hire brogt Ib.y 2605. t>at help may avayle )>e saules son For his sake, J>at biddes it be don Pr. Con., charge : Gif J>ei chargen men more to seke blynde stockys or ymagis and to offre to hem more )>an to pore bedrede men Wyclif, 7. • J)es worldly prelatis chargen men to speke not agenst here pride and coueitise Wyclif, 31 ; 57 ; 112, etc. And Jeanne he charged chapmen to chasten her childeren Piers PL, V, 34. This amorous quene chargeth her meynee The nettes dresse L. G. W., 1189. Command was often followed by a dative with infinitive or by a dative and a clause in recollection of its customary construction in French. The expression commander a quelquun is imitated in sentences like the following : For God til ilk man commandes right To helpe his neghebur after his myght Pr. Con., 5862. & J?erfore crist comaundid to alle men \kU \>d schvMe not bileue Wyclif, 29. But the prevailing construction, even in the earliest docu- ments in which the word occurs, is the accusative and in- finitive, although very often it is impossible to distinguish this usage from the former when the dative is not marked by a preposition. \>e \>ndde morn commaundide he A gederyng of J>e lond to be Curs. Mundi, 4925. Bremely commaundide he and bad Midwyues to be of ]>at same lond lb., 5542 ; 11559. sij> he comaundid a man to leue l>e beriynge of his fadir and go preche ]>e gospel Wyclif, 31. 55 ; 57 ; 79 ; 90 ; 111 ; 158, etc. 60 And Gomanded a coristable J>at come atte furst To '' attache )>o tyrauntz " Piers PL, ii, 198. And how \>e kynge comaunded constables and seriantz, Falsenesse and his felawschip tofettren an to bynden lb., ii, 206. IV, 85 ; XI, 175 ; xix, 358 ; 361. Comaundeth me, how sore that me smerte, To doom, al that may lyke un-to your herte Troilus, v, 132. command (passive infinitive ) : Putifar comaundide sone Joseph for to take and done In kyngis prisoun for to ly Curs. Mundi, 4417. & in leuynge werkis of mercy where god comaundi)> hem to be don Wyclif, 176. The duke comaundeth, schortly for to seyn, His handes hym be-hinde to be bounde Be Beg. Princ., 2626. Thus Merlyn, on the Witsonday, chese fifty knyghtes, and comaunded hem to be sette at that table Merlin, 60. When the kynge herde hem thus sey, he hadde grete merveile, and comaunded hem to be serued lb., 61. We wyll command the gates to be kept aboute I^igby? ^0, 422. The physycyen also commaundeth a man to be let blode by a certayne mesure or quantyte Fisher, 218, 21. statutes & ordynaunces . . . whiehe by her offycers she commaunded toberedde 76., 296, 18. whan our sauyor commaunded this double trybute to be payed for hymselfe & for Peter lb., 318, 24 ; 375, 7. he commaunded the bridge to be broken Elyot, 178. say (=: command) : Sey him on tJin stede to gon Gen. -Ex., 4114. forbid : "Se lage us ler'S don god, and forbede-S us sinne 0. E. Misc., 10, 297. And pharaon stirte up anon And for-bed "Sisfole to gon Gen.-Ex. 2932. Hem )>ougte kynde him wolde forbede To haue done so cursed a dede Curs. Mundi, 1105. Dauid seide god hit forbede >e to ]>enke to do )>at dede Curs. Mundi, 7723. 3203 ; 4372 ; 1956 ; 2830. 61 forbid (passive infinitive) : his highnes by his proclamacions forbode any maner english bokes printed beyonde the sea to be broughte into thys realme, or any to be solde, prynted within this realme More, 343 G. defend : I deffende yow to speke ther-of Merlinj 64. forbear and prohibit : no more than it were to forbeare or prohibite a man to come into a faire gardein Elyot, 129. (5) Verbs of Requesting This class is represented in Old English bj hiddan and is sometimes found with accusative and infinitive. baed him J^raecrofe, \>d rmcas J>8e8 rsed aMcgan Gen.f 2030. baedon bletsian beam Israela, eall landesceaft ecne drihten Dan,^ 359. bsed hine dreecan, hwset seo run bude I>an.f 542. baed ganganforlS gode geferan Maldon^ 170. baed hdligne helpe gefremman Andr.y 1614. baed hine J>urh mihta scyppend, gif he his wordcwida wealdan meahte, spruce dhebban Outhlac^ 1131. baed him engla weard geopenigean uncu'Se wyrd Elene, 1101. baed hine Cristenne beon Bede, 475, 24.* biddan (passive infinitive) : baed Scs. Albanus from Gode him wceter seaM beon Bede, 478, 25.' In Middle English, it has been pointed out, hiddan merges with heodan in meaning as well as in form. There are, how- ever, numerous examples in which the primary force of hiddan is still strong. And bad hire fader graunt hym J>e gode CJordeille Bobt. Glouc., 31. » Wiilfing, II, 182. Ubid., II, 188. 62 And bed hire, for J>e loue of God, his wra»e hjm forgeue lb., 35. beseech : \>o \>\s castel gare was, Hengist J>e king bisogte To come to hys castol Bobi. Glouc, 116. bisougte )>e knygtes Telle >e comune )>at J>ere cam a compaignye of his apostoles Piers PL, XIX, 149. And hir bisoughte on thee to han som routhe Troilus, i, 769. But nathelees, yet gan she him biseche . . . For to he war of goosish peples speche lb. , iii, 682. IV, 725 ; V, 857. pray : ^ou him preye sum word me sende Curs. Mundi, 1271. And preye him to do you bote lb., 4734 ; 4943, he preide \>e peple of his cite to taken i>e rentis agen Wyclif, 118. And preide cyuUe to se and symonye to rede it Piers PL, ii, 70. And preyed peronelle her purfyle to lete Piers PL, V, 26. VI, 199 ; 202 ; xiii, 112 ; xvi, 73. It nedeth nought to preye him freend to be Troilus, ii, 1451. pray him with us dyne lb. , ii, 1458. And after this, she may him ones preye To ben good lord lb., Ii, 1657. Ill, 124 ; 546 ; 632 ; 718 ; iv, 294 ; 1384 ; v, 305, etc. Verbs such as to will, desire, summon may be considered as stronger verbs of requesting, containing an element of command. will : God hem andswarede ^^iosue Ic wile bm loder-man aft^r «e " Gen.-Ex., 4109. I wool noon o>ere do outrage Curs. Mundi, 1972. For God wille m^n se, thurgh swilk takens sere, How unstable J>i8 world es here Pr. Con., 1428. Monkes and monyals and alle men of Religioun Her ordre and her reule wil to han a certeyne noumbre Piers PL, xix, 262. Holi Scripture wole a man to loue al what God wole him loue Pecock, 114. 63 my fader of heuen will it so be Townley, 369, 82. For he sayd that all such lawes be contrary to the gospel, which wil no man to dye More, 345 H. will (passive infinitive) : and Cryst will nathyng be done hot wele, & with-outen harme of othir men Hampole, i, 40. Oure lawe he seide J>at we in lyue Wol furste oure elder dougter be gyue Curs. Mundi, 3883. God wolde haue men . . . be stirid toward religioun Pecock, 523. Euery one (sayth he) that worketh wyckednesse doth abhorre that lyghte, because they wyll not their myschieues therby to be knowne Leland : New Yearns Gift, 8. desire : Whan the kynge herde hem desire Vlfyn to be of here counseile Merlin^ 83. He desyrth yow, and preyyt on eche party, tofulfyll his comraavndment and desyre Digby, 62, 215. I desyer \>e redars to be my frynd lb., 136, 2143. the mother of Achilles desired Jupiter importunately to inclyne his fauour to the parte of the Troyanes Elyot, 48. desire (passive infinitive) : desyre a lettre of supply cacyon /or to be made dylygently Fisher, 73, 12. he desyred the same to beperfourmed lb., 136, 3. Quintilian, instructyng an oratour, desireth suche a childe to be giuen unto hym Elyot, 51. covet (passive infinitive) : he coueyteth more his mercy to be magnefyed than the power of his lustyce Fisher, 230, 20. require : ye requeren me To come ayein Troilus, v, 1600. I requere yow sone to helpe myn hertes desire Merlin, 75. exhort : Exhort tham to be of gud chere Digby, 220, 1492. And therefore scripture in many places exhorteth vs to seeke after bim Fisher, 364, 26. 64 exhorted PtholomeCf kyng of Egipt ... to haurUe and embrace histories Elyot, 82. exhort and call: whiche mekenesse our prophete remembrynge, calleth and exhorteth euery creature to do penaunce Fisher, 38, 15. clepan : clepede hem to shrifte, ]>at is to reusende and to forleten and to beten here sinnes Horn., ii, 129. la|>en : ]>ere-fore ure drihten ne la^e^ us noht to beren swiche rode lb., 207. )>enne he hine la!S&6 to drinken more 76., 213. (6) Verbs of Creating, Choosing, Appointing, etc. ordain : For oure lord had ordeyncd yete A ehUde to rise in his ospringe Curs. Mundi, 1198. Alswa he ordaynd man to dwelle And to Ijif in erthe, in flesshe and felle Pr. Con., 81. First what it es to fele and se. And whar God has ordaynd it to be lb., 3956. J>us ordaynd God \>am to serve man lb., 6382. J>oug god of his rigtwisnesse ordeyne )>a< souU to abide )>ere fourty yere or mo Wyclif, 102. he hadde ordeyned that childe to haue his arte and witte Merlin, 14. that thus hath ordeyned with-outen ende Me in his blisse euer /or to reigne Digby, 146, 190. If almyghty god had not ordeyned the tyme of Antecryste to be shorte Fisher, 191, 35. for whome crystes chirche hath ordeined specially this psalme to besayd lb., 209, 6. choose : chese yow soehe a man to be youre kynge and lorde Merlin, 96. here is the man that god hath chosen to be youre kynge 76., 106. a Lorde, that thus hath appoynted and chosen you to bee his creature Fisher, 369, 30. appoint : hath appointed you to be a Christian woman, & to be partaker of all those graces Fisher, 372, 6. 65 when it should like him to appojnte any of them to come to his presence lb., 375, 11. who appointed to them Saul to be their kynge Elyot, 14. constitute : his heuenly ministres, whom, as the churche affirmeth, he hath constituted to be in diuers degrees called hierarches Elyot, 4. elect : dyd nat they by one assent electe Agamemnon to be their emperour lb., 16. devise : And thenne hadde she me deuysed to be kyng in this land and soo to regne Malory, 133, 7. In Modern English all verbs of express or implied causa- tion are regularly followed by an accusative v^ith infinitive. Detailed illustration is unnecessary. A partial enumeration of the verbs is enough to indicate the v^ide extent of the locu- tion. (a) Verbs of pure causation: hring, cause, compel, corv- strain, dispose, drive, enable, enforce, force, goad, impel, incite, incline, disincline, lead, oblige, move, prompt, provoke, stimulate, urge. (b) Modified verbs of causation: advise, counsel, em- bolden, exhort, recommend, teach, warn. (c) Verbs of allowing: authorise, allow, permit; "he would not permit it to be acted in his house," Spec, 'No. 6 ; suffer : " When men have suffered their imagination to he long affected with any idea," Burke. (d) Verbs of commanding: bid: "for we bid this be done,'* Meas. f. Meas. I, iii, 37; charge, command, order: " ordered his tongue to he cut out/' Spec, No. 23 ; enjoin., forbid : " has forbidden any such ceremony to be used in the house," Spec, No. 12. (e) Verbs of wishing: desire, liTce, require, want, wish: " some of which I could wish entirely rejected, and the rest to be used with caution," Spec, ^o. 44. (/) Verbs of requesting, persuading, etc : adjure, ash, beg, 5 66 beseech, conjure, entice, entreat, importune, induce, invite, persuade, prevail with, prevail upon, request, solicit, (g) appoint, choose, elect, etc. B. Yeebs of Sense Peeceptioit In discussing the construction of accusative with infinitive in the Indo-Germanic languages, notice was taken of the parallel locution in which some predicate other than an in- finitive — an adjective, adverb, participle or prepositional phrase — is employed with the accusative. This locution, which occurs most frequently after verbs of sense and mental perception, is a very important factor in the development of the construction of accusative with infinitive in English. It is obvious that there is no essential syntactical difference be- tween the construction with the infinitive and with the other predicate, and that it is often possible to employ the two locutions interchangeably.-^ Old English (ge)seoa : dseg ^resta geseah deorc sceado sweart SMJi'Srian geond sidne grund Gen., 133. Wende hine wra^mSd, ^ser he J?8et wif geseah on eor^rice Euan stondan lb. , 547. geseo ic him his englas ymhe hweorfan lb. , 669. 772 ; 1320 ; 1820 ; 2087 ; 2403 ; 2577 ; 2777 ; 2877 ; 2926. si^'San hie gesawon of sulSwegum fyrd Faraonis fof^ ongangan Exod., 155 ; 471. ^ Grimberg remarks that the nominal form was the one originally employed as predicate in cases of this kind and that the similar use of the infinitive is of later origin. The transition, he thinks, was supplied by those forms in which a participle was the predicate. When the infinitive to be was joined to this participle, the relation between accusative and predicate was made more definite, and the development of this infinitive construction was assisted, moreover, by the analogy of the accusative with infinitive after verbs of caus- ing. Arkiv for Nordisk Filologi, XXI, 226. 67 )>a geseah ic \>d gedriht in gedwolan hweorjan, Israhela cyn unriht don, wommas wyrcean Dan., 22. liwset se beam bude >e he hllcan geseah lb., 545 ; 553 ; 601 ; 726. |)8et hie sweotoUice geseon mihten })8ere wlitegan byrig weallas hllcan Jud., 136. Sioh nu sylfa >e geond )>as sidan gesceaft swylce rodores hrof rume geondwlUan Crist, 59. Gesegon hi on heah))U hldford stlgan lb., 498. 506 ; 522 ; 554 ; 1249 ; 1292. msere ma»umsweord manige gesawon beforan beom beran Beow. , 1023. 1347 ; 1425 ; 1516 ; 1585 ; 1661 ; 2542 ; 2604 ; 2756 ; 2767 ; 2822 ; 3038 ; 3128. (ge)seon (passive infinitive) : )?a, of wealle geseah weard Scildinga, se he holmclifu healdan scolde, beran ofer bolcan beorhte randas Beow., 229. ]>uhte me \>eet ic gesawe syllicre treow on lyft laedan leohte bewunden Holy Rood, 4. )>a he geseah \>one hldf of dune laetan Greg. Dial., 99, 9. cum quadam die submitti panem conspiceret for^am he gesyhj? hine sylfne byman lb., 304, 7. quia concremari se aspicit >y ma ^e hi geseo^ eac \>d mid heom blissian lb., 311, 12. qui secum eos laetari conspiciunt >a geseah he Germanes sdwle . , . fram aenglum beon borne lb., 171, 19; 272,13. vidit Germani . . . animam ... in coelum/em J)Eet he gesawe Pefmwi bean borenne lb., 319, 17. se etiam Petrum . . . magno/erri pondere religatum . . . vidisse . . . swa hi geseo]? d^ra yflu beon witnode in ecnesse lb. , 333, 23. quanto in aeternum mala puniri conspiciunt ^ geseon (other predicate) : Geseah Jja lifes weard drlge stowe, dugoSa hyrde wide ceteowde Gen., 163. ^ For other examples, see Wiilfing, II, 185-186. 68 Bare hie gesawon heora llchaman geseah unrihte eof^an fulle side saelwongas synnum gehladene widlum gewemde lb., 1292. Geseah J>a swi'Smod cyning, >a he his sefan ontreowde vmndor on wite agangen Dan., 269. Gesyh'5 sorhcearig on his suna bure ivlnsele westne, windge reste reote berofene Beouu, 2455. sy^'San we gesegon under swegles gang windas and waegas ond wceterbrogan f orhte gewordne for f rean egesan Andr. , 455. hret>er innan swearc hyge hreowcearig, \>ses )>e he his hldford geseah ellorfusne Guth., 1025. he gesawe \>one for\>ryccedne and gebundenne raid mycelre byr^ene and ofdune dworpene in J>a sweartestan stowe Greg. Dial, 339, 18. Petrum . . . deorsum positum . . . magno ferri pondere religatum ac depressum vidisse confessus est behealdan : syllic aefter sunnan setlrade beheold ofer leodwerum lige scinan, bymende beam Exod.f 109. behealdan (predicate adjective) : \>d stowe beheold dreama lease Gen.j 107. sceawian : J>onne \>e he sceawaj? \fd godan fremian and weaxan to Godes wuldre Greg. Dial, 206, 26. (ge)hyran : ic gehyrde hine >Ine died and word lofian on his leohte and ymb )>in lif sprecan Gen. , 507. Ic on J>i8se byrig bearhtm gehyre, synnigra cyrm swiiSe hliidne, ealogalra gylp, yfele spi-Sce werod under weallum habban lb., 2406. gehyre^ cyning mafSlan, rodera ryhtend sprecan re])e word Crist, 797. Beow., 785, Beow., 1345. lb., 1842. lb., , 2022. Jul. , 1. lb., 609. lb.. 629. 69 hwilum ic gehere helle scealcas, gnornende cynn grundas maenan Cr. & Sat. , 133. )>ara >e of wealle wop gehyrdoa gryreleo'S galan godes andmcan sigeleasne sang, sar wdnigtan hellehcefton Ic >8et londbuend leode mine seleraedende secgan hyrde ne hyrde ic snotorlicor on swa geongum feore guman \>ingian ])a ic Freaware fieisittende nemnan hyrde Hwset ! we >8et hyrdon hceleS eahtian deman daedhwate, J>8ette in dagum gelamp sil^^an heo gehyrde hcdeS eahtian gehyrde heo hearm galan helle deofol Nsefre we hyrdon hode^ amigne on J?ysse >eode butan J>ec nu l^a \>egn o'Serne }>yslic cy'^an ymb swa dygle wyrd Elene, 638. Ful oft icfrode menu fym gehyrde secggian and swerian ymb sume wisan Sol. & Sat., 424. Hwset ! we eac gehyrdon be lohanne aeglseawe menn se'Selo reecan Fat. Ap., 23. sit>ban >u gehyrde on hli>es oran galan geomorne geac on bearwe Husb. Mess., 21. Hio geherdon stefne of heofone clypion to ]>«re fsemne Jjus iElfric, 178, 296. And me waes efne ]>an gelicost, \>e ic l>a eft gehyrde minne hldford cegan lb., 206, 380.1 (ge)hyran (passive infinitive) ; Her is gefered ofer feorne weg EB^elinga sum innan ceastre, ellI>eodigra, \>one ic Andreas nemnan herde Andr., 1173. 1 For other examples, see Wiilfing, II, 186-187. 70 and H* nief re J>urh ieniges mannes mil's gehyrdon haele'Sum cy'^an butan her nu )ja Elene, 659. Hwaet ! we "Scet hyrdon J>urh halige bee haele-Sum cg^an Ib.^ 670, 853. Swelce hone mseran morgensteorran, \>e we o'Sre naman sefensteorra nemnan Hera's Metra, iv, 13. }>a muneces herdon ^a horn bldwen ^aet hi blewen on nihtes Chron., 258. J>aet halige godspell, J>c ge gehyrdon nu raedan ^Ifric, Q6, 1. J)a saede he, hu he ]>i8 ongaet, and eac hwylce word he gehyrde be him spreean in gemetinge J>ara awyrgedra gasta Greg., 190, 17. ^ qualiter hoc cognovisset, vel quae in conventu malignorum spiritum de eo audivisset, indicavit gehyran (predicate participle) : gehyrde ];>one hellescea]>an qfersm'^edne Elene, 957. (on)findan : funde )>a on bedde blacne licgan his goldgifan gsestes gesne, lifes belidenne Jud., 278. fand l>a )«er inne aejjelinga gedriht swefan aefter symble Beow., 118. se aet Heorote fand wceecendne wer wiges bidan lb., 12.67. o\> \>!et he fseringsifyrgenbeamas ofer harne stan hleonian funde lb., 1414 ; 2270 ; 2841 ; 3033. \^T ic hine finde fer^ sta\>elian Jul. , 364. (on)findan (other predicate) : He })a geferede ]>urh f eondes craeft o^ ^aet he Adam on eor'Srice, godet handgesceaft gearone funde Gen. , 453. heo }>ar J>a gearwe funde mundbyrd aet ]>am mseran beodne Jud., 2. 1 For other examples, see Wiilfing, II, 189, 192. 71 He J?a mid >am ma^mum maerne \>ioden, dryhten sinne driorigne fand ealdres cet ende him seo wen gelah, sy'S'San mid cor^re carcernes duru eorre aescberend opene fundon, onhliden hamera geweorc, hyrdas deade Sume, )>a ic funde butan godes tacne, gymelease, ungebletsade Symle hy Gu\>ldc gearene fundon Hwilum him to honda hungre ge)>reatad fleag fugla cyn, Jjser hyfeorhnere witude fundon ddlwerigne Fonde l>a his mondryhten fond ]>si hlingendne fusne on for^sib /rean unwenne g%sthaligne in godes temple hy gesunde set ham finda'S toitode him wiste and blisse he maeg si^an on his runcofan rihtwisnesse findan on ferh^e fseste gekydde gemetan : Hie >a aet burhgeate beorn gemitton sylfne sittan sunu Arones gif )>u \>yslicne \>egn gemittest wunian in wicum Hie ^a gemetton modes gldwne, hdligne hmle, under heolstorlocan bidan beadurofne o'S ^aet he gemette be mearcpa'Se standan strsete neah stapul aerenne Beow., 2788. And)'., 1074. Jul., 490. GutL, 885. lb., 980. lb., 1120. Riddles, XLiv, 7. Metra, xxn, 58. Gen., 2426. Bi Manna Mode, 45. Andr., 143. lb., 1061. for^aem he hine gemette sittan on gerenedum scridwsene BoetL, 61, 18. t>a gemette he hine lUtian in anum scraefe Greg., 99, 23. and >a bro^ru gecigde to him, ]>e he gemette J>aer mid }jam scinlacan fyre bysmrian lb., 124, 9, 72 gemetan (passive infinitive) : J>a gemette heo hire hwaete ealne heon neah gedseledne fram hire agenum suna J>earfendum mannum Greg. , 68, 22. cmne triticum . . . invenit a filio suo pauperibus expensum gemetan (predicate adjective) : Ic niefre \>e, )>eoden leofesta, Jjyslicne ier gemette >us meSne Guth., 986. gefelan : J>a semninga gefeldon hi an swyn yman hider and t>ider betwyh heora fotum Greg., 236, 1.* Middle English see : hwenne ho isegen Aore emcmtene wandrede ]?oZie. Horn., i. 151. \>o \>e he sah Martha artd marie Magdalene \>o two sustres wepen for here bro'Sres dea'S lb. , ii, 147. I, 257 ; 259 ; 261 ; ii, 115 ; 209. Peter iseyh )>e Gywes vre louerd vaste bynde 0. E. Misc., 43, 211. Ye mowen iseo )>« world aswynde lb. , 94, 39. And slep and sag, an soSe drem, fro "Se er'Se up til heuene bem, A leddre stonden, and 'Sor-on Angeles dun-cumen and up-gon Gen. -Ex., 1605. 1911 ; 1951 ; 2773 ; 3872. Loverd when saw we \>e haf hunger or thrist Or of any herber haf grete brist Pr. Con., 6204. 611 ; 2644 ; 2906 ; 3778 ; 5145, etc. whenne \>e baronage of egip Say him haue suche worship Curs. Mundi, 4627. I seygh neuere palmere with pike ne with scrippe Axen after hym er til now in >i8 place Piers PL, V, 542. J)OW shalt see in }>i-selue treuthe sitte in J)ine herte lb., v, 615. Eesoune I seighe sothly suen alle bestes lb., xi, 326. VI, 328 ; X, 362 ; xv, 219 ; xvi, 39 ; xvii, 106, etc. That knew this worldes transmutacioun. As he had seyn it chaungen up and doun C. T. , A, 2839. Ne at this tale I saugh no man him greve lb., 3859. ^For other examples aherfindan, gemetan and gefelan, see Wiilfing, II, 187, 190. 73 Whan he saugh so benigne a creature Falle in disese and in misa venture lb., B, 615 Troilus, I, 628 ; ii, 333 ; 574 ; iii, 153 ; L. G. W., 978, etc. see {-ing infinitive) : Rebecca seide what man is he ]>at towarde vs comyng I se Curs. Mundi, 3356. On })at ladder say be (sic) boun Aungels clymbynge vp & doun lb., 3781. yonder 1 se his dougter rachel Dryuynge his beestes to ]>e wel 76., 3831. 1 saugh cominge of lady es nyntene L. G. W. , B, 283. My body mote ye seen, within a whyle, Right in the haven of Athenes /e^tngre lb. , 2551. Ther maistow seen coming with Palamoun Ligurge him-self C. T., A, 2128. Yet saugh I woodnesse laughing in his rage C. T., A, 2011. Saw I conquest sittinge in greet honour Ib.j 2028. For sikirly I saugh him nat stiringe Ih.y 3672. see (passive infinitive) : To se mir* dere Children that be so yong, With these Caytyves thus sodeynly to be slo.yn Digby, 13, 31. To se hym that regnyd in blisse . . . Thus to be slayn in al giltlesse Ib.j 193, 659. this is a dooleful syghte to see the yonder knyghte so to be entreted Malory, 146, 1. called hym coward knyghte that he wold for shame of his knyghthode see a lady soo shamefully be taken aweye lb., 296, 18. see (other predicate) : hwen |>ai sehen me swa wok and swa forhuhande and buhande toward ham Horn., i, 277. t>at seh tocleue his heorte wi^ J>e speres ord lb., 285. and segh \>os tweie brodren in J>e se on here shipe werpinde ut here fishnet lb., ii, 175. hwanne ^u iseye heouen-king Of )>e ibore wi}>-vte wo 0. K Misc., 51, 495. God sag his faste fair and good Gen.-Ex., 127. 74 ^0 pharaun sag is lond alfre Quan he segen ISis hird al cunun And kyng Cassibel y sei so muchefolk y-lorcy and adreynt of his fon, glad he was )>er fore lb., 3098. lb., 3222. Robt. Glouc., 52. He sey }>e emperoure^s ost ysprad a boute wyde 76., 55. i>o he say ysfelawes ymor]>red so viliche lb., 126. whenne ei>er say o]pere naked Curs. JMundi, 799. For bi his cheer he say him wroo]> lb., 1091. >an may men his liknes se Chaunged, als it had never bene he Pr. Con. , 832. >arfor )>e world, \>at clerkes sees |>us hdde lb., 1478. For him men demen hoot that men seen swete Troilus, ii, 153. 76., V, 1599. I have eek seyn with teres al depeynted Your lettre Yet saugh I brent the shippes hoppesteres ; The hunte strangled with the wilde beres ; The sowe freten the child right in the cradel The cook y -scalded, for al his longe ladel C. T., A, 2017. sceawen : and )>er wi^-inna he him sceawede gan on aid mon )>et .iiii. deoflen ledden abuten Horn., i, 43. behold : beholdynge this lyght to shewt forth Fisher, 50, 83. beholdeth the corrupte mater ren downe from his sores 76., 141, 17. whan thou behelde & sawe that blyssed lorde tume aweye his face from the 76., 143, 24^ whan he shall beholde Eneas folowe Sibille in to helle Elyot, 65. beholding me cZawnce 76., 226. behold {-ing infinitive) : whan we beholde a man and a woman daunsinge Elyot, 236. to beholde a personage . . . folowyng in his actis Elyot, 266. behold (passive infinitive) ; to beholde a personage . . . to be resolued in to all vices Elyot, 266. behold (other predicate) : And som other man beholdeth his conscience defouled with sinnes Ch. Boeth., 188, 338. 75 Beholdinge his body thus tome & rente J^igby, 176, 146. Whan Arthur beheld the ground so sore bebledde Malory, ]30, 15. beholdeth hymselfe forsaken by his owne defaute Fisher, 250, 31. And therefore when we behold the Image of the Crucifixe in anye place set vp lb., 398, 17. beholdyng them dayly broken Elyot, 302. espy : she aspyed an armed knyghte comyng toward the bedde Malory, 249, 12. they may espy vs wauer or stumble Fisher, 83, 3. perceive : whan Ihesu perceyued & behelde the rychefolkes offre many grete gyftes Fisher, 130, 14. and whan they perceyue a synner leue his synfull waye lb., 258, 13 ; 266, 10. perceyuing therin to be a perfecte measure Elyot, 224. whan they perceyue or here any doctrine or vertuouse worde procede from any of their companyons Elyot, 279. And if, moste vertuous prince, I may perceyue your hyghnes to be herewith pleased lb., cxciii. And finally perceyuing hym to be of a trew perfite faith, and his desire to procede of a feruent mind More, 349, H. perceive i-ing infinitive) : perceiuinge the imprqfitable weedes apperynge Elyot, 248. perceive (other predicate) ; he perceyueth hymselfe deceyued by his dreme Fisher, 78, 12. wherto he perceiueth the childe inclined Elyot, 56. hear : And we iherden heom heryen in heore preching After ure tange >>en heoueliche kyng 0. E. Misc., 56, 671. 1, 2; 56, 667; 56, 670. He herde hem murnen Gen.-Ex., 2053. As men may here J>er clerkes telle Pr. Con., 983. 1303 ; 2268 ; 2810 ; 2903 ; 3392 ; 3815 ; 3954 ; 3992, etc. heere her gostly fadris preche & do after hem Wyclif, 159. I have yherde hiegh men etyng atte table, Carpen as jpei clerkes were of cryste and of his migtes Piers PL, x, 101 ; Prol., 189 ; xv, 521 ; xx, 229. 76 hear {-ing infinitive) : Whan that she hereth any herde tale, Or in the hegges any wight steringe Troilus, III, 1235. I herde goingt, up and doune, Men, hors, fioundes, and other thing JBL of Duch. , 348. hear (passive infinitive) : But who hering a man, whom he knoweth nat, to he called a disar Elyot, 278. hear (other predicate) : Si]>en shul ye here hit tolde Curs. Mundi, 141. For no man schulde here goddis lawe tauwgt Wyclif, 157. I pray to god, so yeve me sorwe and care. If ever, sith I highte Hogge of Ware, Herde I a miller bettre y-set a-werk C. T., A, 4335. yf thou here ony thynge spoken Fisher, 80, 30. find : ]>esne mon we f unde vorbeoden vre lawe 0. E. Misc. , 46, 325. Ge schul bi ne>e yet y fynde holwe stones tweye. And in ey)>er a dragon )>er inne slepe faste Robt. Glouc, 131. Freres and faitoures han founde mche questiouns To plese with proude men Piers PL, x, 71. ]>ow shalt fynde fortune \>q faille Ib.y xi, 28. fond Mr fro the mete aryse TroUus, ii, 1462. I fond him for to haue don no thing worthi of deeth Acta Apos., 25, 25.* find {-ing infinitive) : }>ei fond loth sittyng bi ]>e gate Curs. Mundi, 2767. And figtynge fonde he iewes two lb. , 5666. I coom rennonde On mounte Gelboe & fonde Saul lenyng on his spere lb., 7804. She fond hit ded liggyng her by Ibid., 8617. And thou shalt finde its, if I may, sittinge At som windowe, in-to the strete lokinge Troilus, ii, 1014. And at the laste her love than hath she founde Beting with his heles on the grounde L. O. W., 862. ^Koch, Grammar, II, 114. 77 And so bifel, that in the tas they founde . . . Two yonge Jcnighies ligging by and by C T. , A, 1009. find (passive infinitive) : Gef alle luj>er holers were y-serued so. Me schulde fynde >e les such spouse bruche do Roht. Glouc, 26. find (other predicate) : fint hit emti and mid besme clene swopen Horn. , ii, 87. gef hie finde'5 us slepende lb., 193, 201. He smot on iSat flod wi'S 'Sat wond, Sone anon blod men al it fond Gen.-Ex., 2944. Ful soone he fonde hit ful grille Curs. Mundi, 464. Vpon j>e watir \>ere he fond A drenched beest jperefietond Ib.y 1885. 4024 ; 4163 ; 4563 ; 5043 ; 5743 ; 6829 ; 7716. And >o fonde I \>efrere aferde andflyttynge bothe Piers PL, xi, 62. meet (present participle) : I met the kingis selcand a barne Toumhy, 149, 275. read (passive participle) : This thynge we rede done in an other parable Fisher, 264, 26. feel : For whiche him thoughte he felte his herte blede Troilus, i, 502. That yet fele I myn herte for him wepe lb., ii, 567. But wel he felte aboute his herte crepe . . . The crampe of deeth, to streyne him by the herte 16. , in, 1069. Ill, 1443 ; 1671 ; v, 17 ; C. T., A, 1220. feel (infinitive and present participle) : )>at he or scho >at es in J>i8 degre, may als wele fele Ipefyre of lufe byrnand in Jjaire saule, als l>ou may fele ];>ifynger bym, if )>ou putt it in >e fyre Hampole, i, 32. feel (other predicate) : Wha-swa feles hym here gylty Pr. Con., 3374. whan he felte hym self soo wounded Malory, 350, 5. reade it at suche tyraes as you shall feele your selfe most heauie and slouthfull to doe any good worke Fisher, 351, 13. when shee feelt hyr selfe tempted with hyr ghostly enimy. lb., 414, 32. 78 C. Verbs Denoting Mental Action The dividing line between verbs of sense and mental per- ception is not one which can be precisely marked. It will be noted that in a number of the citations grouped under sense perception the verbs have a derivative force which tends to place them in the other class. The fact that the same verbs assume the two significations naturally involves the extension of the construction in vogue after the primary class to the derivative class. But, further than this, there are in Old English a number of verbs which are not associated with any idea of sensation and which admit after them an accusative with infinitive of a more developed type than any thus far noticed. Old English gefrignan, gefrlnan, gefricgean : ^ J)a ic aldor gefraegn Elaraitarna fromnefolctoganfyrdgebeodan Gen.j 1960. \>a ic nS^an gefraegn under nihtscuwan heeled to hilde 26., 2060. 2242 ; 2482 ; 2540. Hwset ! we feor ond neah gefrigen habalS ofer middangeard Moyses domas, wrjeclTco wordriht wera cneorissam, in uprodor eadigra gehwam sefter bealusi^e bote lifes, lifigendra gehwam langsumne raed, hseiie'^uva. secgan^ Exod., 1. 98 ; 285. ^Both gefrignan and {ge)h^ran { = hear of, i. e., ham) take also a pure accusative, even when unaccompanied by an infinitive, e. g., No ic on niht gefraegn under heofones hwealf heardran feohtan ne on egstreamun earmran mannon Beow. , 575. Naenigne ic under swegle selran hyrde lb., 1197. ^ The infinitive here is passive : ' we have heard the decrees of Moses to be announced far and near over the mid-earth,' etc. 79 Gefrsegn ic Hebreos eadge lifgean in Hierusalem goldhord dselan cyningdSm habban, swa him gecynde 57 ; 459 ; 739. >a get ic fur'Sor gehegen feonda . . . Dan., 1. . . . ondetan 526. Cr.&Sat, 225. Gefrsegen ic ^a Holofemus winhatan wyrcean georne ond eallum wundrum girwan up swsesendo 246. J)rymlic Jwd, 7. Ne we so^lice swylc ne gefrugnan in aerdagum aefre gelimpan Crist, 78. Fela ic monna gefraegn msegjjum wealdan Widsith, 10. Ne gefrsegn ic t>a maeg\>e mdran weorode ymb hyra sincgyfan sel gebaeran Beow., 1011. 1027 ; 1966 ; 2484 : 2694 ; 2752 ; 2773. Ke gefraegn ic nsefre wur)?licor set wera hilde sixtig sigebeorna sel gebseran ne n«fre swdnas swetne medo sel forgyldan Fimisb., 37. Da ic lungre gefraegn leode tosomne burgwaru bannan Andr., 1093. 1706. Hwaet ! ic flltan gefraegn on fyrndagum tnodgleawe men middangeardes raeswum Sol. & Sat., 179. Ic on wincle gefraegn weax ndthwoet ])indan ond \)unian, hecene hebban Biddies, XLVi 1. Ic gefraegn for haele^um hring aerendean, torhtne butan tungan tila reordian lb., xlix 1. gefrignan, gefricgean (other predicate) : Hwaet ! we gefrunan on fyrndagum iwelfe under tunglum tireadige h(de% l)eodne8 )>egnas Andr., I. syS^an hie gefricgea'5 /rean useme ealdorleasne Beow., 3002. hyran : ne hyrde ic guman a fyrn xnigne aer ^fre bringan ofer sealtne mere selran lare 3fenologium, 101. 80 Ne hyrde ic si'5 ne ser. on egstreame idese laedan on merestrsete maegen fsegrre JElene, 240. Gif t>e t>spt gelimpe on ITfdagum, >8et ^u gehyre ymb J^set halige treo frode frignan ond geflitu rxi^an be J'am sigebeame Ih., 441. hyran (passive infinitive) : Ne hyrde ic cymlicor ceol gegyrwan hildewaepnum ond hea'Sowsedum Beow. , 38. witan : Daer ic seomian wat \>inne sigebro^or mid }jam burgwarum bendum fsestne Andr., 183. Jjser he glsedmod geonge wiste wic weardian Jul, 91. se be his mondryhten life belidenne last weardian wiste wine leofne Guth., loll. hwser ic under swegle selast wisse goldhrodene cwen giefe bryttian Widsith, 101. Ic wat eardfsestne dnne standan Biddies, L, 1. Hyse cwom gangan, }>8er he hie wisse stondan in winsele ^6., LV, 1. Ic wat dnfete ellen dreogan wiht on wonge i6. , Lix, 1, witan (other predicate): >a he hit geare wiste synnihte besecdd, susle geinnod^ geondfolen fyre ond fiercyle, rece ond reads lege Gen., 41. J>^ he wiste handgeweorc heofoncyninges lb., 494. wi8te forworhte \)d he ser wlite sealde lb., 857. 1346 ; 2517 ; 2793. wiston him be su'^an Sigelwara land Exod. , 69. wiston drihien ecne u^ipe, aelmihtigne Dan., IM. on \>dm drihtenweard deopne wisse sefan sidne ge]>anc ond snytro craeft lb., 535. 81 wiston gumena gemot, aB>elinges He eor^serne bi)>eaJU Jjses \>eic\>e on \yyssum hyn^um wat ]>e him symle wat aef ter ligi^rsece lif edniwe wat his iuwine sejielinga beam eor>an forgiefene wiste J^sem ahlsecan to ))8em heahsele hilde ge\pinged 714 ; 764 ; 1306 ; 1863 ; 2409. Wat ic Matheus }>urh mienra hand hrinan heorudolgum, heafodmagu searonettum beseted witon hyra hyht mid drihten 976 ; 1065 ; 1326. ond me ]pcet to worulde wat to helpe for^on ic hine goodne wat LVin, 3 ; cxviii, 14, 21, 164 ; cxxxi, 18. Ne wat ic mec beworhtne wuUe flysum Ic wat mine sdnle ajnnum forwundod cunnan (predicate adjective) : ond ic \nne so'Sfcestnysse sweotule cunne forstandan (predicate adjective) : selfe forstodon his word onwended Gen. , 769. afandian : ic habbe afandod \>e hibban gode geferan Col. ad Puer.^ Harr. of Hell, 2. Body & Smd, 156. Phoenix, 369. Seafarer, 92. Beow., 646. Andr.y 941. Guth., 61. Psalms, LI, 7. lb., Mil, 6; cv. 1. Biddies, xxxvi, 3. Hymns, i, 3. Psalms, CXVIII, 12. ongitan : bearhtm ongeaton gH^homgalan Beow., 14S1. )j8et he \>one grundwong ongitan meahte, wrsete giondwlltan lb. , 2770. he hine sylfne ma ongset aefweardne dgyltan beforan his feeder eagum Benedictes Greg., 130, 5. se cognovit etiam absentem in Benedictis patris oculis deliqui^se ^ Koch : Grammar, II, 112. 6 82 and eac, >>8es ]>e J>a wif siedon, )«et hi on^ton J'ier mycele mcenigo in gdn J6., 284, 26. atque, ut dicebant, intrantium multitudinem scDtiebant "Sa ongeat he mid scearpre gleawnysse hwcethugu ximndurlicre halignesse on ^sere stowe heon Bede, 533, 42. intellexit aliqwid sanctitatis huic loco inesse gif "Su heofonlic weorud ongeate ofer us cuman lb., 568, 31. si caelestes supervenire coetus cognovisti J>one sylfan rim wintra hine hcehbende heon, oft he £er his monnum foressede ^set he mid onwrignesse his swefnes ongeate Ih., 621, 23. * quern se numerum annorum/wisse hahiturum, ipse jamdudum somnii revelations edoctus suis praedicere solebat ongitan (passive infinitive) : "Sa ongeat heo ge on "Sam swefne ge on hire modes gesyhjje hire cetywed heon \xEt heo geseah Bede, 596, 6.^ intellexit vel in somnio vel in visione mentis ostensum sibi esse quod viderat ongitan & oncnawan ( passive infinitive) : ge eac /c/a o]>era gescreopa & gesynto ... he oncneow & ongeat heofonlic him forgif en heon Bede, 592, 22.^ sed & alia commoda & prospera caelitus sibi fuisse donata intellexit ongitan (other predicate) : He ongit si^'San 2^eZ ond unnet call J>8et he hsefde on his incofan ieror lange Metra, xxii, 16. frine me syH^an ond mine stige ongit gesta^elode Psalms, cxxxviii, 20, gemunan : eac ic geman me sylfne secgan Greg., 281, 9 ; 283, 1. Jam narrasse me memini (recolo) on minum sweoran, in "Sam ic me gemon geo beran, ^a ic geong wees, "Sa ydlan byrj^enne gyldenra sigla Bede, 589, 26.^ nViilfing, II, 187. Uh., 190. Ub., 188. 83 geacsian : and we geacsodon his geceasterwaran beon godes englas and we geacsodon Jjsera engla geferan beon J>a gaestas so'Sfaestra and fullfremedra manna Wulfstan, 2, 1.^ geleornian : in ^am anum he geleomode moncynne ingong openian •Sees heofonlican lifes Bede, 620, 39.2 in quo solo didicerat generi humano patere vitae caelestis introitum geleornian (passive infinitive) : worhte ^a cyricean, "Se he ier geara iu geleornade ealde RSmanisce weorce geworhte beon Bede, 498, 31.^ ecclesiam quam ibi antiquo Romanorum fidelium opere factam . fuisse didicerat wenan : on "Ssere stowe wynsumnesse mid "Sy ic unc wende ingangende beon Bede, 629, 39. ^ in cuius amoenitatem loci cum nos intraturos sperarem gelyfan (passive infinitive) : "Sa aeriste he gelyfde on anum "Ssera restedaga beon gewordene Bede, 548, 28.' Middle English hear : Alas sayd syr Launcelot that euer I shold lyue to here that moost noble kyng that maad me knyght thus to be ouerseite wyth his subiecte in his owne royame Malory, 852, 14. witen : And sone he dede it eft agen, Al hoi and fer he wiste it sen * Gen.-Ex., 2811. tho thinges which that purviance wot biforn to comen Ch. Boeth., 198, 91. Men wiste never womman han the care Troilus, v, 20. not with stonding that thei wisten these seid bokis not be of Holi Scripture Pecock, 251. I wille not wete my lady to be in no ieopardy Malory, 120, 30. 1/6., 187. ^76., 188. 5 16., 190. * He knew it to be. 84 witen {-ing infinitive) : Eek right so, whan I woot a thing coming Troilus, iv, 1075. witen ( passive infinitive) : Ghe wiste of water it boren ben Gen. -Ex., 2632. witen (other predicate) : wiste hire drogen sort for "Srist Gen.-Ex., 977. of ali kinde he wiste him boren lb. , 2761. Maxencius ]?o he wiste him come Kobt. Glouc, 86. He says, *'if my fader or moder ware In helle, and I wist ];>am \>are " Pr. Con., 2845. And wist herfoos brougt to grounde Curs. Mundi, 2534^ I wist not his wonyng here lb., 3800. Falsenesse is faine of hire for he wote hire riche Piers PL , ii, 77. he wiste hym mostefell and hasty Merlin, 30. I wyste you neuer soo mysauysed as ye are now Malory, 358, 29. know : And knew coueryng to com of care Curs. Mundi, 3478. he Jjat alpha con not seen how shulde he knowe tayu to ben lb., 12203. Who knew euer any kyng such counsel to take Gaivain, 682. men )>at knowen \>e fredom of goddis ordynaunce for prestis to be \>e beste Wyclif, 194. whanne that god knoweth anything to be Ch. JBoeth., 204, 176. whan that god knoweth any thing to bityde lb., 204, 179. he knoweth it to be lb., 204, 208. he knowith me admytte and allowe the writingis of Doctouris Pecock, 71. This childe is right wise that knewe this to ben here Merlin, 37. know (passive infinitive) : he knoweth and vnderstandeth hymselfe to be delyu£red Fisher, 111, 22. know (other predicate) : J>ts wommon was J^e furst man knew Martirid for loue of crist iesu Curs. Mundi, 8923^ 85 hir qyeyni abouen the kne Tmked the knightes knewe Sir Tristrem, n, 103. " Madame," quod he, *' hit is so long agoon That I yow knew so charitable and trewe^' L. G. TT., A, 433. >e iewes knewe hemseluen Gultier as afor god Piers PL, xu, 80. wenen : For whenne J>ou wenest hit trewest to be Curs. Mundi, 59. <& wayned horn to wynne be worchip >er-of Gawaine, 984. And who-so sayth, or weneth it be A jape or elles a nycetee he, that thou wenest be glorious and renomed 181, 14 ; 188, 251 ; 189, 405 ; 195, 111. that is goddes myght, Which wham men wene most upryght To stonde, schal hem overcaste Thei wene it be a Paradys T.his ij^ opinioun thei wenen to be groundid 129 ; 149 ; 151. wenen (other predicate) : weneth him-selven nedy why thou sholdest wene thyself a torecche 144, 83 ; 149, 99. Ch. B. B., 11. Conf. Am., Prol., 655. lb., I, 502. Pecock, 6. Ch. Boeth., 143a25. lb., 144, 85. He weneth no knyght so good as he but he shall wene it be the Duke Malory, 202, 10. Merlin, 76. menen : Bot mon most I algate mynn hym to bene Gawaine, 141. but if thei meeneden hem in that that thei weren preestis /or/o be ouerers to hem to whom thei weren preestis Pecock, 425. trowen : This I trowe be treuthe trowe it be trewe Piers PL, i, 143. Pecock, 50. thou trowist Artur and lulius Cesar and Hector to be quyk in thi clooth lb., 151. trowid no thing be better and mygtier and vertuoser than eche of these spiritis to be lb., 244 ; 153. 86 trowen (passive infinitive) : as the seide hethen men trowiden the seid ymagis to haue be quyke continueli with the seid spiritis whom thei trowiden to haue be Goddis, therfore tho hethen men trowiden tho ymagis to haue alwey herd . . . and haue seen 76., 246. think : holy faders thynke all synners to be vnder the power of an euyl spyryte Fisher, 71, 7. suche as thynke themsdfe to haue deserued more than other 76., 264, 18. they bee fewe or none that I can thynke to bee auayleable 76., 359, 23. they think that to be very seruice of God More, 359 C. think (other predicate) : J>enche gie cbIc word of him swete Horn. , i, 217. J>e ne wilen noht here sinnes forleten ac )>inche"5 hem swete lb., II, 83. J)enche'5 \ns mannes wUe boht mid \>e almesse 76., ii, 157. As moyses on fer t>ougt J>e tre brennyng & brent nougt Curs. Mundl, 5751. J)ai J>ynk \>am'self vylest Hampole, i, 17. Haly men thoght )>is lyf hot wast Pr. Con. , 2184. 3998; 4915 Jjei J>enken it ynowg to kepe here owene fyndyngis Wycliff, 77. Ye xall nat thynk your many spent in wast Digby, 73, 487. ihjnkyng my-selff crealur* most veyne lb., 146, 195. he thoght hymself as worthi as hym that hym made Townley, 23, 19. And we thoght it well wroght lb., 286, 237. I thought 710 man my pere ne to me semblable Malory, 177, 20. I wold thynke my selfe good ynough for them all 76., 234, 36. bothe they thoughte it a passynge fayre swerd lb., 289, 28. euery man thynketh his owne lady fayresi lb., 358, 20 ; 25. judge : And J?oug Justices iugge hir to be ioigned with fals Piers PL, ii, 136. iuge and diffame ful scherpli weelnyg aUe Cristene to be ydolatrers Pecock, 149. 87 they iudge sicete to be sowre & sowre to be swete . . . and that they iudge to be the lawe of God which is but a fals imaginacion More, 359 B-C. judge (other predicate) : Sitthen luwes ]>at we iugge ludasfelawes Piers PI., ix, 84. Ne I may nat, for swiche honours, jugen hem worthy of reverence Ch. Boeth., 158, 32. deem : How many men, trowest thou, wolden demen hem-self to ben almost in hevene Ch. Boeth., 145, 116. And demed himself ben lyk a cokewold C. T., A, 3226. deem (passive infinitive) : And thilke thing that any wight demeth to ben desired Ch. Boeth., 194al8. what resoun deemeth to be doon for God Pecock, 223. deem (other predicate) : demed hire unmihti onont hire seoluen to etstonden wi^ his Horn., I, 255. Nu is riht >enne )>at we demen tis seal/ eauer unmihtie to werien 76., 257. we demen us seolf e^diche ant lake lb, for >enne deme^ he its miichc towr'S lb. Ne deme ^e nogt tuurISi 0, E. Misc., 6, 186. Also men demen it a grete chariie to saue . . . Wyclif, 58. >)es prelatis demen heresie alle Jjat is agenst here lykyng lb., 85. that I deme and hold unworthy Ch. Boeth., 158, 34. the whiche wikked shrewes wolde I demen aldermost unsely and caitifs lb., 181, 55 ; 177, 171 ; 182, 118 ; 187, 208. Wol deme it love offreendship in his minde Troilus, ii, 371. For him men deemen hoot that men seen swete lb., ii, 1533. I trowe men wolde deme it nedigence C. T,, A, 1881. hold : I holde hit be a sikenesse That I have suffred this eight yere Bh of Duchess, 36. no Cristen man holdith or trowith eny godli vertu to be in eny ymage Pecock, 153. 88 hold (other predicate) : hald hinne >enne swUche mon I^e beo bute lage Horn., i, 17. Whar-for I hald a man noght mtty Pr. Con., 588, He prayses aid men and haldes J>awi toyse lb., 794. And worlisshe riches, how-swa l>ai come, I hald noght elles bot filth andfantome lb., 1196. 1094 ; 1349 ; 1528 ; 1609 ; 1920 ; 4298. And al holicherche holdeth hem bothe ydampned Piers PL, x, 386. J>at folke helden me afole lb., xv, 10. haldes J>am wretchedest, leste, & lawest Hampole, i, 17. holden hem goode cristen m£n Wyclif , 25 ; 86. Wemay, man, I hold the mad Tmvnley, 13, 148. account : which name they accounte to be of so base estymation Elyot, 99. wherin they accounted to be the truest and most certayne meditation of warres lb., 188. (ac) count (other predicate) : As to )>e clergye of cryst counted it but a trufie Piers PL, xii, 140. I cownte us shent Townley, 319, 435, I compte me neuer the wers hnyght for a falle of sir Bleoberys Malory, 342, 12. thenne I accompte her trauaille but loste lb., 234, 34. And connynge . . . they reiecte, and accounte unworthy to be in their children Elyot, 112. consider : more than y se men considere it so to come Pecock, 474. consider (predicate noun) : ye al this considerd a meetly thyng for vs to desyre Fisher, 306, 20. let (= consider, with predicate adjective) : and for J>ese )>re ))ing let hit unleflich and ne lefde hit noht Horn. Ii, 125. have (predicate noun) : for alweyes ye wold haue me a coward Malory, 221, 21. 89 reckon : rekeneth all other that folowe not theyr opinions to be deuyded from the chyrche Fisher, 343, 3. I rekoned my selfe to be in most healthe lb., 362, 18. reckon (other predicate) : reken myself unable .... More, 351 A. I recken myself of duetye depely bounden lb. , 352 A. repute : reputeth all iheym that folowe not his doctryne to be deuyded from the chirche catholyke Fisher, 342, 30. they dyd repute themeself & theyr adherentes only to be of the chirche catholyke Fisher, 343, 1. reputing all that hisfiers demeanure to be, (as it were) , a diuine maiestie Elyot, 40. repute (predicate noun) : Who wyll nat repute it a thinge vayne and scornefull Elyot, 266. suppose : supposyng by here seyd sute hem to haue taken of the seyd William. . . . Paston, i, 18. they which do suppose it so to be called Elyot, 2. one supposed /eZi'aVe to be onely in lechery lb., 24. some suppose it to be fury and hastines lb., 37. 49 ; 116 ; 124 ; 237 ; 273 ; 278. presuppose : Who euer in his speche . . . presupposith the same gouemaunce to be knowen bifore his same speche and to be knowen eer he so ther of spekith Pecock, 23. take : Wherfore alle the men in thilk while taken a creature to be her God Pecock, 199. tell (= reckon, with other predicate) : Swo ben alle oregel men )>e telle^ hem selu^n heige Hom., II, 37. Certanly I tell us shent Tovmley, 319, 446. comprehend : as science comprehendeth it to be Ch. Boeth., 195, 130. conceive : and no man conceyue me in contrarie wise tofeele Pecock, 90. imagine : ymagine thisfreend be present to us 76., 269. 90 tergates, that they imagined tofcdle from heuen Elyot, 223. understand : which wordis many men vndirstonden Crist to haue seid and meened of the sect of Pharisees Pecock, 629. they wepte to see and vnderstande soo yonge a knyght to leoparde hym self for their ryghte Malory, 281, 17, leven (= believe, with predicate participle) : I dred nougt >at so sore As when I lened and leued it lost Piers PL, xiii, 38. believe : whi and wherto schulden we bileeue his seiyng to be trewe he beleued them to be goddes frendes they beleued it to be trewe lb., 349 H. feynen : He sal feyn hym to ryse fra dede Pr. Con., 4304. Gif l>ei feynen hem to be men of abstynence Wyclif, 13. feynen (other predicate) : He sal feyn him ded til mens syght Pr. Con., 4302. Gif >ei feynen hem sotil of fisik and knowynge of wymmenys complexcion Wyclif, 10 ; 11 ; 172. feyned hem blynde Piers PL, vi, 123. But )>o J>at feynen hem folis Piers PL, x, 38. I will to-morowe go to an Abbey, and feyne me stronge sike Merlin, 52. pretend : pretending hem to hue the lawe of God Pecock, 462. record : as ech wijs man can it recorde to be trewe lb., 249. remember : whan we remembre our selfe to be tempted Fisher, 79, 22. forget : having forgotten that coppy to remuyne in my hand More, 1426. savor : all true christen nacions haue sauored always those meatis to be good and holsome More, 359 H. 91 trust : he trusteth to god or euer he come to the courte ageyne to be of as grete noblesse as euer were ye bothe and mo men to speke of his noblesse than euer they did yow shall not I trust one time or other lacke to suffyse dread : he dred hym self to be shamed fear : ferynge the vengeaunce of god to fall upon them Malory, 590, 33. More, 356 C. Malory, 218, 5. Fisher, 107, 17. promise : He promysed also at his ascencyon the holy ghost to come Fisher, 108, 25. deserve ; Such a dunt as >u hatz dalt disserued >u habbez To be gederly golden on nw geres morn Gawaine, 452. Modern English believe : but I cannot Believe this crack to be in my dread mistress whom I believe to be most strait in virtue Believing you to be an universal encourager of liberal arts and sciences W. T., I, ii, 322. Meas.f. Meas., II, i, 9. Spec, No. 54. No complaisance to our court, or to our age, can make me believe nature to be so changed Burke, 357. We must be tainted with a malignity truly diabolical, to believe all the world to be equally wicked and corrupt 26., 378. The necessary appoach to our use of the salvation offered by the Christian religion is to believe the story of Adam's/aM to be historical his disciples believed him to have risen 13; 175; Arnold, xvii. lb., XXXIX. believe (other predicate ) : we did not believe the reportei^s of Jesus capable, in either case, of rendering Jesus perfectly Arnold, 153. 92 conceive : and of the same do some conceive our father Adam to have been Browne, 20. whom many conceive to have borrowed his description from More lb., 385. 34; 387; 445; 472. conceive (-ing infinitive) : This sort of incident^ again, it is as natural to conceive repeating itself Arnold, 48. 101 ; 252 ; 274. conceive (other predicate) : conceiving the heavens an animated body Browne, 19. 58 ; 63 ; 72 ; 84 ; 457 ; 481 ; 493. I conceive them very sufficient to account for all the phenomena Burke, 186. consider : I did not consider things from books to be of so much good to me Arnold, 169. consider (other predicate) : since the jurisprudence of this country does not consider any person incompetent to manage his own affairs Bagehot, 65. 170. although we did not consider the ordinances of society binding Arnold, 133. esteem : since we esteem this opinion to have some ground in nature Browne, 62. esteem (predicate adjective) : that which both esteemed affixed arid certain lb., 66. fancy : might fancy sailors to be Bagehot, 233. fancy ... a seafaring village to be like that lb. , 233. fancy {-ing infinitive) : I have often fancied one of our old kings standing in person, where he is represented in effigy, and looking down upon . . . Spec, No. 69. fancy (other predicate) : fancies himself out of the world lb., 15. 25 ; 63. 93 We fancy his mind placed in the light of thought Bagehot, 84. guess : These I guess to be a party of puns Spec.^ 63. hold : the greater file of the subject held the duke to be wise Meas.f. Meas.y III, ii, 144. some hold it to be seven heads Burke, 139. hold (predicate noun) : And Valentine I'll hold an enemy Two Gent.f II, vi, 29. imagine : as I imagine it to be in all respects the opposite Burke, 160. Ugliness I imagine likewise to be consistent enough with an idea of the sublime lb., 160. men imagine it to be adequate Arnold, xxxviil. who imagines Moses or Isaiah or David or Paul or Peter or John to have written Bible-books which they did not write lb. , 12. 34 ; 78 ; 137 ; 263. imagine (-ing infinitive) : everything about which he can imagine there being the sm.allest doubt Arnold, 67. 210 ; 273 ; 332. imagine (other predicate) : you imagine me too unhurtful an opposite Meas.f. Meas., Ill, ii, 175. *'A great poet,'^ he says, ** I should not have imagined myself" Bagehot, 55. judge (other predicate) : If your honor judge it meet Lear, I, ii, 297. Haply when they have judged me fast asleep Two Gerii., Ill, i, 25. a stranger to the cause of the appearance, would rather judge us under some consternation Burke, 84. presume (predicate adverb) : presuming therein some cordial relation Browne, 8. reckon : whereof I reckon The casting forth to crows thy baby daughter To be or none or little W. T., Ill, ii, 191. 94 repute (predicate adjective) : That all in England did repute him dead I Hen. IV, V, i, 54. suppose : by supposing humour to be a person Spec, 35. Supposing you to be a person of general knowlege lb., 41. Suppose one who had so vitiated his palate . . . io be presented with a bolus of squills Burke, 68. 73 ; 83 ; 85 ; 96 ; 144 ; 194 ; We suppose therefore the reader of Literature and Dogma to admit the idea Arnold, 136. 15 ; 126 ; 150 ; 153 ; 181 ; 227 ; 254 ; 273 ; 338. suppose (-ing infinitive) : to suppose him suddenly turning to the law and its precepts is not natural Arnold, 319. suppose (other predicate) : he supposeth the root of a tree the head or upper part thereof Browne, 18. supposing the acuteness of the sense equal Burke, 74. 122 ; 189 ; 194. the writer of the Fourth Gospel whom we suppose a Jew Arnold, 217. 220. suspect : If you meet a thief, you may suspect him, by virtue of your office, to be no true man Mtieh Ado, III, iii, 53. which, notwithstanding, many suspect to be but a panic terror Browne, 46. suspect (predicate noun) : lest she suspect, as he does. Her children not her husband^ s W. T., II, iii, 107. take : but he at that time, over-fond of the shepherd's daughter, so then he took her to be W. T., V, ii, 127. Tem^., II, ii, 112 ; Meas. f. Meas., Ill, ii, 17. which ... I take to be written by some young Templar Spec, 8. 20 ; 24 ; 28 ; 58 ; 65 ; 66 ; 67 ; 76 ; 79. whose idea of the line of beauty I take in general to be extremely just Burke, 156. think : I think your blazon to be true Much Ado, III, i, 107. 95 I think this lady To be my child Cordelia Lear, IV, vii, 69. And this we rather think to be the tree mentioned in the Canticles Browne, 433. he would think a general mourning to be in sl less degree the same ceremony Spec, 64. this difference, which I think to be apparent Burke, 63. I believe no man thinks a goose to be more beautiful than a swan lb., 67. beliefs which it now thinks to be untransformable Arnold, XL. They think the body of laws now existing to be, in the main and in its essence, excellent Bagehot, 19. think (other predicate) : May I be bold To think these spirits? Temp., IV, i, 119. Two Gent, 1, ii, 24 ; II, vii, 33 ; M. f. M., I, i, 22 ; Lear, I, iv, 71 ; II, iv, 238, etc. a man . . . am ]>e hi ahton owhit his beon on sundran cwse^ Bede, 489, 15. bodian & lieran : "Sa "Se bododan & Iserdon aenne vnllan & an wyrcnesse beon on Drihtne hselende Bede, 639, 34. qui unam in Domino Salvatore voluntatem atque operationem dogmatizabant gecy San : he gecy'Sde hine sylfne cunnan, hwylce wjeren Godes gestihtunge Grreg., 137, 7. secgan : & hire ssegde ealra heora modor Hilde abbuddisan >a of weorulde geleoran & hire geseondre mid micele leohte & mid engla "Sreatum to "Sam ecan leohta heofona rices wuldres & to gemanan )jara upplicra ceasterwarena dstlgan Bede, 596, 10.^ )>a secgatS hine lybban Luke^ 24, 23.* secgan (passive infinitive) : nis >aet wundor to forswyggienne )>8et Herebald se Cristes ^eow ssede from him, & \>oet eac swylce beon geworden on him sylfum Bede, 618, 27.^ neque hoc praetereundum silentio, quod famulus Christi Herebald in seipso ab eo factum solet narrari miraculum tellan : ne tella)> we synne wesan gesynscype Bede, 495, 17. gehatan : gehet Ame sy//Vi€ deofolgyldum twjisacan Bede, 511, 35.* ^ For this and preceding examples from Bede, see Wiilfing, II, 188. 'Koch: Grammar, II, 112. » Wiilfing, II, 190. *Ib., 188. 100 The nearest approach to this locution in Old English poetry- is found in the employment of an accusative with a predicate adjective after secgan in several passages. ond J>one claenan eac sacerd so'Slice saegdon toweard Crist, 136. 6]?er him ]>ds eor\>an ealle ssegde laene under lyfte Guthlac, 90. saegdon hine sundoj-wisne Elene, 588. gecennan : ic J?e ecne god aenne gecenne Glaubensbekenntnis, 4. This construction, either with the infinitive or other pre- dicate, begins to occur more frequently after the thirteenth century. knowledge : Austin knoulechid hivi silf hunie out Pecock, 178. knowleged hymselfe greuously to haue offended Fisher, 7, 10. knowledge, inacwen (other predicate) ; ich icnowe me gulti Horn. , I, 205. knewleched hym gulty Piers PL, xii, 193. he knoledged himself worthy to be hanged More, 346 G. Dauyd was in wyll for to knowlege hymselfe gyltye Fisher, 6, 30 ; 33, 18 ; 163, 27 ; 215, 31. knowleged hymselfe a greuous synner lb., 131, 36. 144, 23 ; 162, 4. confess : whan he dyd confesse cryst lesu to be the sone of god Fisher, 320, 14. confess (predicate adjective): my-selff right nought than I confesse P^gby, 146, 201. call (= declare): git say I more forsolje here Of abraham whiche ye calle jpbr to be youre fadir alle Curs. Mundi, 12150. thei callen it to be werk of the feend Pecock, 476. 101 clepe : but gif ]>ei clepen be contrarie name )>e deudis chirche to he holy chirche Wyclif, 61. If thou, clepist oonli thilk vertu to be a godli vertu Pecock, 153. he clepith and seith Thymoihie to be such a bischop lb., 446. tell : sixe thingis tellith Crist to come in his pas- sioun Wyclif,^ say ; he seith his apostlis to be hise frendis lb. neither eny creature ougte seie him to haue a propre Euangelie Pecock, 61. If thou seie the now rehercid opynyoun of the seid clerk to be groundid here on this lb ., 414. declare ; Dynys declarith openli a bischop to be aboue othere louger preestis Pecock, 446. he shall declare them to be of all men mooste fortunate Elyot, 38. declareth to be in them these qualities or diuerdties lb. , 289. declare (predicate participle) : whiche I shall declare to the apporprid by moralite JDigby, 20, 487. allege : alleggith Holi Scripture to be worthier than is the doom of resoun Pecock, 81. pronounce (predicate adjective) : whi schulde curatis pronounsen here bre\>eren a cursed Wyclif, 35. gif a preste pronounse siche a man a cursed lb., 36. preyse (predicate adjective) : Ac charite \>at poule preyseth best and most plesaunte to owre saueoure Piers PL, XV, 152. avaunt : what or wherto avauntede ye we to ben weleful Ch. Boeth., 130, 34. ^Schmidt: Language of Pecock, 119. 102 their maister wyll perchance auaunte hym selfe to he a good philosopher Elyot, 167. whome he aduaunted to be his father J6., 222. prove : who euer can proue him silf to be noon such as y haue here now spoken of Pecock, 88. for ellis there were no wey to proue bi it eny thing be trewe lb., 373. And no scripture can there proue the very trewe church to hold an article as trew faith More, 355 D. prove (other predicate): & bi J>is false lawe l>ei may proue heretikis whom euere >ei wolen Wyclif, 75. proue eche hyng in cristendom forsworn & no kyng lb. who that preued hym the best knyght Malory, 147, 15. warante : " Who is ther That knokketh so? I warante it a theef C. T., A, 3791. show : he therbi schewith weel him to be noon of hem Pecock, 88. 153 ; 239 ; 403. wherby he may shewe his wretchednes to be grete & ouerheped Fisher, 74, 24. 102, 31 ; 136, 5. to shewe him selfe to be weary Elyot, 41 . show (other predicate) : shewynge them^elfe culpable Fisher, 153, 14. 226, 21 ; 253, 25. he shewed himself so repentaunt More, 346 H. shewed ihemselues open incestuouse harlottes Ib.y 359 B. cleyme (= proclaim) : also he cleymyd hym-sylf son of \>e godhed Digby, 105, 1321. proclaim : proclaymynge hymsdfe synfull & vnkynde Fisher, 236, 16. assent : and I assent, right as ye say, Some preuay poynt to be puruayed Townley, 206, 71. OF THE A UNIVERSITY 3 OF / ^^.TQRWU^ 103 affirm : Johne Waters, that namyth hym self Paston, and affermith hym untrewely to be my cousyn Paston, i, 19. What euer deede or thing Holi Scripture of the Oold Testament tellith or affermeth God haue do Pecock, 625. whiche Plato affirmeth to be the firste and chiefe parte of a publyke weale Elyot, cxcii. which these fonde felowes affirme now to be bitter and perilous meate . . . mch as now these mad men affirm to be well seasoned and good More, 360 A. ioT faith his felowes and he aflfirme to bee that thing which onely doth iustify us lb., 363 C. describe : But yet Cornelius Tacitus describeth an oratour to be of more excellent qualities Elyot, 117. conclude : concludeth nat daunsinge to be at all tymes and in euery maner unlauf ull Elyot, 209. define : prudence, whom TuUi defineth to be the knowlege of thinges whiche ougte to be desired and folowed Elyot, 239. Pecock also employs the construction after assigne (209; 472), conferme (147; 528), defende (123), denounce (112), denye (509), diffame (149), expresse (305), graunte (246), ohiecte (50), prophesie (234), storie (299), teche (248), wijte (155), witnesse (526). Modern English acknowledge : But Nineveh, which authors acknowledge to have exceeded Babylon Browne, 399. they acknowledged their bodies to be the lodging of Christ 76., 481. acknowledge (predicate adjective): this thing of darkness I Acknowledge mine Temp., V, i, 276. whom nature is ashamed Almost to acknowledge hers Lear, I, i, 216. 104 admit : admitting an equal number of rays, or an equal number of luminous particles to strike the eye Burke, 176. to admit nothing to be true . Arnold, 51 ; 226. which our readers will admit to be an appoint- ment of Providence Bagehot, 52 ; 177. affirm : who affirms this peculiar vessel to be an artery Browne, 8 ; 63. affirm Ood to be a person Arnold, 84. affirm God to be either the one or the other lb. that belief in witchcraft which in the century previous a man like Sir Matthew Hale could affirm to have the authority of Scripture 76., 36. allow : which stricter botanology will hardly allow to be camphire " Browne, 433. I allow a beauty to be as much to be commended Spec. , 4 ; 65. allowing all that has been said on this subject to be sufficiently proved Burke, 168 ; 183. Suppose that we allow him to have had not one whit more bent than other people Arnold, 123 ; 180. approve (predicate noun) : which approves him an intelligent party to the advantages of France Lear, III, v, 12. assert : we do not assert God to be a thing Arnold, 31. 50 ; 56 ; 84 ; 91. assume : which theologians in general assume to be the meaning Arnold, 24 ; 197. betray : which . . . betrays itself to be a modern composition Spec., 62. boast : and boasts himself To have a worthy feeding W, T., IV, iv, 168. conclude : I conclude myself to be hungry Spec, 25 ; 35 ; 62. you must conclude her not to be beautiful Burke, 140. conclude (predicate adjective): concludes the story fabulous Browne, 44. 105 confess : Which he confesseth to be manifold I Hen. IVy IV, iii, 47. 80 doth Eucharius confess it to be the emblem of Christ Browne, 88. all that we say about the Bible we confess to be a failure Arnold, 10. confesse (predicate participle): we have to confess ourselves fairly puzzled and beaten confirm (predicate phrase) : nor will inspection confirm a peculiar vessel in this finger Browne, 10. (ac) count (other predicate) : The philosopher accounts that east from whence the heavens begin their motion Browne, 21. 51 ; 60 ; 65. Byron counted the critic and poet equal Bagehot, 202. declare : declared the owners of it to be altogether untainted Spec., 9. by declaring him to be without body Arnold, 74. declare (other predicate) : declaring in his death somewhat above humanity Browne, 61. of whom I must declare myself an admirer Spec., 13. define : if we define sitting to be a firmation of the body Browne, 2. I shall here define it to be a conceit Spec. , 62. demonstrate : which we could demonstrate to be beautiful Burke, 135. describe ; whose tenderness Busy describes to be very beautiful Spec, 65. discover : which must discover the writer to be a man of sense Spec., 35. give out (predicate participle) : which, but three glasses since, we gave out split Temp., V, i, 223. 106 grant : though we grant it to be measured by sevens Browne, 52. although we may grant every logion in the series to he in itself authentic Arnold, 297. have : Nabuchodonosor {whom some will have to be the famous Syrian king of Diodorus) Browne, 386. 439; 478; 489. have (other predicate) : since some will have them emeralds Browne, 400 ; 464. justify (predicate noun) : I here could pluck his highness* frown upon you And justify you traitors Temp., V, i, 128. maintain : but I will maintain the word'jviih my sword to be a soldier-like word II Hen. IV, III, ii, 82. I have heard him oft maintain it to be fit Lear, I, ii, 77. and this my worthy predecessor . . . always maintained to be no more than the true oval proportion Spec, 52. the fundamental theme of Jesus, we maintain to be no " arid mysticism" at all Arnold, 284. mark (predicate adjective) : These signs have mark'd me extraordinary I Hen. IV, III, i, 41. proclaim : and many other evidences proclaim her to be with all certainty the king's daughter W. T., V, ii, 42. profess : so we profess Ourselves to he the slaves of chance W. T., IV, iv, 550. profess (other predicate) : that I profess Myself an enemy to all other joys Lear, I, i, 74. profess myself . . . your ever faithful friend Browne, 453. pronounce : whether it pronounce the attempt here made to be of solid worth or not Arnold, XLI. 75 ; 139 ; 231 ; 271. Goethe . . . pronounced Beranger to have "a nature most happily endowed" Bagehot, 156. 107 pronounce (other predicate): I hate thee, Pronounce thee a gross lout, a mindless slave W. T., I, ii, 301. you may pronounce it true Spec. , 62. those who pronounce them vain Arnold, 2. 31 ; 143. prove : proves this to be the Evangelist's main point Arnold, 202 ; 227. prove (other predicate) : this proves me still a sheep Two Gent. , I, i, 82. 31. f. M., IV, ii, 40 ; I Hen. IV, I, iii, 95. report : a notable lubber as thou reportest him to be Two Gent., II, v, 47. And was the duke a fishmonger, a fool, a coward, as you then reported him to be Meas. f. Meas., V, i, 336. the very words our Gospels report him to have said Arnold, 264. represent (predicate adjective) : after he has represented Cimon so stupid Spec., 77. say (predicate participle) : I should say myself offended Ant. & Cleop., II, i, 32. show : A little thought will shew this to be impossible Burke, 167. an explanation which the whole account we have of Jesus shows to be idle Arnold, 263 ; 300. show (other predicate) : His little speaking shows his love but small Two Gent., I, ii, 29. Mer. Wives, II, iii, 56 ; Lear, III, iv, 36. subscribe (predicate noun): I will subscribe him a coward Much Ado, V, ii, 59. swear (predicate noun) : I'll swear myself thy subject Temp., II, ii, 155. 108 E. Summary From the very earliest times English, in common with other Indo-Germanic languages, employed, after certain verbs of express or implied causation {Icetan, forlMan, hdtauy hiddan), an accusative with an infinitive. In some cases, as after hdtan and hiddan, the two elements were apparently felt as separate objects of the main verb, though they were loosely united by the logical relation of subject and predi- cate. But after verbs of direct causation it is impossible thus to analyze the component parts of the locution. In a sentence like " he caused Mm to worh," him cannot be construed as independently the object of caused but must be considered as associated with the infinitive and forming with it a single objective conception dependent on the verb of the main clause. The tendency to dissociate the accu- sative from the main verb and to attach it to the infinitive is even stronger in those instances in which the latter ele- ment has a passive force. In " he ordered the army to he sentf' army is manifestly not the direct object of the com- mand, but rather the sending of the army. In later Old English the construction of accusative with infinitive spread to verbs of this group which earlier were construed with a clause only or with an accusative and a clause. Verbs like beodaUj ddn, maciaUj tcecan and Iceran, though found very rarely with an accusative and infinitive in late Old English, began to employ the construction more and more frequently in early Middle English, and by the opening of the four- teenth century that was the prevailing locution and practi- cally the only one employed. 'New words, introduced from the French or Latin, very soon adopted the native construc- tion. The verb command, for instance, as has been pointed out, was for a time employed in accordance with both the French and English idioms. The French construction, that 109 of a personal object introduced by the preposition to and followed by an infinitive or a clause, was used alongside the English accusative with infinitive, but the latter locution before long completely replaced the other. In Middle Eng- lish the periphrastic form of the passive infinitive is em- ployed in original literature side by side with the active form, so that there is no doubt as to the nature of the con- struction intended. With verbs of sense perception, even when the infinitive is active, the accusative is to be taken as more closely con- nected with the main verb than with the infinitive. The relationship here is the same as that described in causative verbs with a passive infinitive. It is, in brief, impossible mentally to dissociate the two elements, accusative and infini- tive : they express a single conception. When I say " he sees a man walking/'' I do not mean that he sees a man or that he sees walking, but only that he sees a walking man. This construction is regular in all periods of the English language with verbs expressing an immediate sense percep- tion, and therefore requires no extensive comment. Erom verbs of sense perception to those of mental per- ception the transition is an easy one, since the same verbs often have both functions. In its use with verbs of mental perception the accusative with infinitive possesses a degree of development scarcely differing from that found in Greek and Latin. The closer association which is felt be- tween the accusative and the infinitive after such verbs arises, probably, from the fact that many of them do not admit a personal object in the accusative case if no pre- dicate is associated with the latter. But a direct neuter object is possible with any of these verbs, and this fact renders their inherent transitive force sufficiently obvious. The point is illustrated in Old English by gefrignan and gehyran, meaning to learn about. The former verb in par- ticular is followed by the accusative with infinitive much 110 more frequently than any other verb of mental perception, but it occurs only sporadically with a pure accusative. The fact that it occurs so at all, however, is evidence sufficient to indicate that the accusative in our construction is due to its original employment as the object of the main verb and not to its use as the subject of the infinitive. After verbs of declaration the early language, in its ori- ginal literature, shows only the faintest beginnings of the construction in the form of an accusative followed by a pre- dicate noun, adjective, or participle. The importance of the use of the latter forms as predicates is fundamental in the development of the accusative with infinitive. The fre- quency with which these predicate forms occur in Old Eng- lish after verbs of mental perception, and their employ- ment after verbs of declaration previous to any similar use of the infinitive, may be treated as a confirmation of the view that they preceded the accusative with infinitive in time, and, in fact, afforded the model by analogy to which the latter construction was more fully developed. The re- lation between the accusative and the predicate, whatever form that predicate may take, — whether infinitive, substan- tive, adjective, or participle — is the same. The practical identity of the two locutions is illustrated by the fact that it is possible to convert every non-infinitive predicate into an infinitive by the introduction of the copula to he. The question of Latin influence in this period can be dis- posed of without difficulty. As is manifest from the Bede citations, the translator on a number of occasions imitates the Latin construction in rendering an accusative with infi- nitive after verbs of mental perception and declaration. But very seldom does he do violence to the English idiom in so translating. He refrains from imitating the con- struction after neuter and impersonal verbs, confining his translation within the same limitations that bound the na- tive locution. That it should be found more frequently in Ill translations than in original works is to be expected from the extensive use of this construction in Latin; and it is not surprising to find sporadical examples bearing the distinct stamp of foreign importation. But in expanding the great mass of Latin accusatives and infinitives into English clauses, the translator has shown that his feeling for the native idiom has not been corrupted by the foreign language. Since Latin exerted so slight an influence on Old English transla- tions, it may readily be inferred that it had no effect at all on original literature or spoken language. It has already been remarked that during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries our construction became regular after verbs of causation, and that with verbs of sense per- ception it already had been so in Old English. After verbs of mental perception and declaration, also, its use became wider in Middle English. Every document examined (dat- ing after 1250) affords some examples of an accusative with a predicate after verbs belonging to the latter groups. Though there are great discrepancies in the extent to which the construction is employed, even by contemporary writers, there is, in general, a marked progression in successive periods. It is employed with greater frequency by Wyclif than by other writers of his time, owing, it may be, to his somewhat more Latinized vocabulary. When verbs which in Latin were customarily used in conjunction with an ac- cusative and infinitive were taken over into English, it was found natural to associate them with the same locution in the latter language. This is an element of Latin influence which ought to be conceded, and it accounts for the exten- sive use of the construction by Pecock in the fifteenth cen- tury. But the position of Pecock with reference to the history of the accusative with infinitive in English has not been rightly estimated. There is in all his work scarcely a sin- gle example of its use after verbs of mental perception which 112 is without some earlier parallel. His usage after verbs of declaration is rather more eccentric, and it cannot be denied that on the whole he employs the accusative with infinitive more extensively than any preceding writer, or, indeed, than any succeeding one. But the difference is only one of degree, and we must take into consideration the fact that Pecock's vocabulary is saturated with Latin words, that he is writing a controversial treatise, almost every page of which bristles with verbs of mental perception and declaration which afford him endless opportunities for the use of the construction, and that he employs this construction much less frequently than the that clause, and apparently only for the sake of varying the latter. To draw an inference as to the unique- ness of Pecock's usage by contrasting it with that of Malory or the " Merlin " romance seems eminently unfair. If we were to compare a volume of Matthew Arnold with a romance of Bulwer-Lytton's, let us say, the disparity in their usage with regard to this construction would be found not a whit less striking. A work of pure narrative fiction, written in a popular style, does not give the same occasion for the use of the accusative with infinitive as does a more formal and technical work, especially if the latter be of an argu- mentative character. The statement quoted at the head of this chapter, moreover, to the effect that not a single exam- ple of the construction exists in " Merlin," Malory or Caxton, is obviously unwarranted. Even a very fragmen- tary examination of the works in question was sufficient to reveal its inaccuracy. This supposed absence of our locution from all English literature between the age of Pecock and that of Fisher, More, and Elyot inspired the other assertion: that it took a full century for the example set by Pecock to bear fruit. There is certainly no more justification for saying that Fisher and Elyot imitate Pecock than there would be for declaring that they imitate the Latin. It is indeed more 113 probable that their native feeling for tbe construction was colored by their familiarity with the classical languages. But with them too the subject matter is partly responsible for their usage, which, again, is not startlingly different from that of the fourteenth century, but simply represents another stage in the development of the native locution. The usage at the end of the sixteenth century, as repre- sented in the works of Shakespeare, may be taken as the norm of modern usage. By putting together the occurrences in all the thirty-seven plays, it is possible to collect a number of examples which gives a disproportionate idea of the actual extent of the construction. In scarcely any play does Shakespeare employ it after verbs of mental per- ception and declaration more than half a dozen times, but he does use it after a gi-eat variety of verbs. In later writers the construction differs in extent as considerably as among the earlier ones, but the reasons for this variation it is difficult to assign. Thus the number of examples found in the " Spectator " or in Matthew Arnold far exceeds those found in an equal amount of the prose of Dr. Johnson or Walter Bagehot. Our final conclusion, therefore, is that the accusative with infinitive existed to a considerable extent in the very oldest English, and that the language possessed at hand all the elements necessary to a further development. This develop- ment was actually taking place in early Middle English without the assistance of foreign influence, at a time when other Germanic dialects, whose literature was as much domi- nated by Latin as was that of England, were rapidly losing the construction. This native tendency, however, was proba- bly stimulated by the great stream of Latin verbs which flowed into the English language between the fourteenth and the sixteenth centuries. 8 CHAPTER lY Construction with IsTeutee and Impeesonal Verbs No wonder is a Uived man to ruste a T., A, 502. The Middle English construction of a substantive with infinitive after neuter and impersonal verbs bears a striking resemblance to the accusative and infinitive which Latin employs with such verbs, and hence all the accounts of the origin and development of this locution in English have been strongly colored by preconceptions based on Latin syntax. This criticism does not, indeed, apply very strictly to the description of it given by Professor Jespersen. Group- ing the locution with a number of others, not very closely allied to it, he considers it as a " peculiar form of anaco- luthia {sicy ^ and tentatively adopts for it the term "un- connected subject." " Sometimes," remarks Jespersen, " the phenomenon ... of an unconnected subject with an infi- nitive, corresponds very nearly to the Latin accusative with the infinitive, only the nominative is used." " According to Einenkel ^ the origin of the construction is to be sought in the Middle English use of the infinitive as subject of an impersonal verb, when that verb was also followed by a dative case of the person. The loss of in- flections tended to obscure the form of the substantive, and, the construction having thus grown somewhat vague, its interpretation was determined by the existence in Latin of a similar construction, the substance of which was in * Progress in Language^ 205. '16., 209. ' Streifzuge durch die mittelenglische Syntax, 247 ff. 114 115 the accusative case. Einenkel feels quite convinced that the substantive is felt as an accusative in English, for Chaucer affords several examples in which the oblique case of the pronoun cannot be disputed, and others, v^ith the case doubtful, in which a dative interpretation would pro- duce no sense. But this construction, Einenkel remarks, held sway for a brief period only. It disappeared as some- thing quite foreign to the language, and the accusative was replaced by the dative or its prepositional substitute for, thus restoring the original syntactical relation. The entire development presents, to Einenkel, the interesting pheno- menon of an Old English construction being entirely con- verted by strong Romance influence, of the new construction for a time supplanting the old one, but being checked, and finally completely destroyed, by the older form.^ Stoffel - differs from Einenkel in deriving the construc- tion directly from the accusative with infinitive, not, how- ever, from the Latin construction, but from an accusative with infinitive which, he declares, " as the logical subject of a quasi-impersonal verb must once have been as common in the Germanic tongues as we find it to have been in the classical languages." ^ In support of this he cites passages from Gothic which have been pointed out as most probably due to the influence of the Greek original, and he adds a single example from English, " god is its her to heonnef rendered by Wyclif '^ it is good us to he here'' which trans- lates the " bonum est nos hie esse " of the Vulgate. In order to establish a connection between this construction and the so-called '^ inorganic jor," it is necessary for Stoffel to prove * Baldwin {Inflection and Syntax of Malory, § 241 ff . ) agrees with Einenkel as to the origin of the construction, and also ascribes its anomalous form to the decay of the dative inflection, but he, like Jespersen, is aware of instances in which the substantive is in the nominative case, and his explanation of this development is not convincing. 2 Studies in English, 49 ff. ^^ Stoffel, 55. 116 a transition from the accusative case to the dative, and this is no easy matter. " To me/' he says in generously spaced letters, '^ there is hardly any doubt that ' inorganic for ' came into use as a substitute for a dative case, which to the consciousness of Middle English speakers, had taken the place of the original accusative in such a sentence as ' It is good us to be here.' " ^ The obvious objection to this state- ment is that it ignores the undoubted priority of the dative construction. To prove the possibility of such a substitu- tion Stoffel makes use of the very convenient loss of English inflections, and he adduces the very unreliable Gothic as a parallel. The conditio sine qua non, he adds, for the substi- tution of the dative for the accusative is that the predicate of the principal sentence should admit a dative complement, and this condition is fulfilled by English verbs such as is fair, is a great chance, is good, etc.^ Having thus satisfied himself of the probability of the transition, StofPel proceeds to describe its manner. '' There must have been a time somewhere in the fifteenth century, when it began to be felt that in our Middle English construc- tion the noun or pronoun preceding the infinitive could no longer be looked upon as an accusative. An accusative even if accompanied by an infinitive, as the subject of the sen- tence, it was too absurd ! '' ^ (Why should it suddenly have become absurd in the fifteenth century, and not before?) Two developments were possible : first, the substitution of the nominative, now obsolete; secondly, the interpretation of the substantive as a dative, directly connected with the main verb, thus leaving the infinitive by itself to perform the func- tion of logical subject of the sentence. Since an unmarked dative is against the genius of an uninflected language, the preposition for, which was rapidly encroaching on to, was pitched upon to mark the case. " Such, I am firmly con- Ub., 60. ^Stoffel, 61. 117 vinced, is the origin of for + Ace. cum. Infin., which at the beginning of the XV century we have found to come into use as the logical subject of a sentence." ^ The use of the locution in cases where there is no underlying dative relation constitutes a return to Middle English practice ; the for is here utterly redundant, and the expression is placed at the head of the sentence to emphasize its function of sub- ject and to lay stress on the fact that there is no con- nection between for -{- accusative and the main verb.^ The weak points of StoffeFs explanation are quite obvious. It starts from a construction, that of the accusative and infi- nitive with impersonal verbs, which cannot be shown to have had any existence in English. The account of the transi- tion from an accusative to a dative is neither clearer nor more convincing than Einenkel's account of the transition from a dative to an accusative. A new examination of this construction is therefore not out of place. It seems to me that the explanation of the various case-forms in which the substantive appears is to be sought, not in some improbable and far-fetched theory of a transition from one case to another, but in a variety of sources, and that three such sources can be clearly distinguished. (1) One of the most important of these is the substan- tive use of the infinitive as subject of a neuter verb : to do thus, were to me a full noyous bond to be bounden with Exam, of Sir Wm. of Thorpe.^ Grevous to me, god wot, is /or to tmnne Troilus, iv, 904. Often, for the sake of emphasis, the infinitive is to a certain extent detached from the predicate, and sometimes an antici- patory subject is introduced: Ub., 62. '^Stoffel's explanation is followed by Franz : Sh. Grarnm., 380, and by the New English Dictionary (see under /or 18). ^ Pollard : Fifteenth Century Prose and Verse, 113. 118 to swear by any creature, both GOD's Law and man's law is against Exam, of Sir Wm. of Thorpe.^ & Hs is luciferis pride, stynkynge ypocrisie and anticristis blasphemy e, to crie and meyntene >at suche ben able curatis and grete men of holy chirche Wyclif, 24. and >is is foule ypocrisie to make men holden hem holy whanne \>ei stynken bifore god for old endured synne lb., 25. These are all general statements. If, now, it is desired to associate a substantive with the action of the infinitive, in order to limit it or make it more specific, what course was followed ? J^euter verbs joined with certain nouns or adjec- tives admitted the employment of a dative of advantage or disadvantage, and in such cases the dative was felt as logi- cally, if not syntactically, the subject of the action expressed by the infinitive : Eow is geseald to witanne Godes rices gerynu Bright' s Reader, 2, 4. Men seyn, *' to wrecche is consolacioun To have an-other felawe in his peyne" Troilus, i, 708. but yet it hardere is to me To seen that sorwe which that he is inne lb., iv, 905. a ful gret negligence Was hit to thee, to write unstedfastnesse Of women L. G. W., A. 525. yit is it bet /or me For to be deed in wyfly honestee lb., 2700. But not all predicates admit the employment of a dative of advantage, as in the sentence to swear by any creature, both GOD's Law and man's law is against. Most frequently is this true when the element joined with the neuter verb is a prepositional phrase or a noun. In such 1 16., 112. 119 a case the obvious way of indicating the subject of the infini- tive is by placing the substantive directly before it in the normal subject position, and in the normal subject case, the nominative : A carpenter to be a knyght That was ever ageyne ryght. Halliwell : Nugae Poet., 17.^ It is quite clear, from this illustration, that the substantive has a force entirely distinct from that which would be con- veyed by placing it in the dative case after ageyne ryght, and the locution thus introduced was therefore a distinct acquisition for the language.^ That the locution came into use actually in this simple way seems to be borne out by examples like the following : For gif it be symonye a clerk to serue a lord for a benefice & \>e lord to resceyue J>erfore gold or gold worjj, bi J?e same skil it is symonye to serue the pope in sich a straunge tiaueile and contre Wyclif, 66. And yet to have that good purpose all their life, seemeth me no more harm the while, than a poor beggar that hath never a penny, to think that if he had great substance, he would give great alms for god's sake More, 35. There is one way to go surely, that is, to set lyttell by thynges worldly, and a manne to holde hym contented onely with honestie Elyot : Bank, of Sap. , 10b. To labour in vayne, and a man weryenge hym selfe to gette nought but displeasure is ex- treme peuyshenes lb., 30. iMatzner : Gram., Ill, 22. ^ The naturalness of this usage is attested by the recurrence of the construc- tion in modern English : Apollo himself to turn out of his own temple, in the very age of Sophocles, such Birming- ham hexameters as sometimes astonished Greece, was like an English court keeping a Stephen Duck, etc. De Quincey, Style, Edinburgh, 1862, p. 203. 120 A man doynge a trespasse ayenst almighty god & lye longe in it offendeth more greuously than .... Fisher, 203, 26. Even more significant in relation to this point are two ex- amples of this construction in Chaucer's translation of Boe- thius, which are not in imitation of an accusative with infinitive of the original. Thou seidest eek, by the mouth of the same * Plato, that it was a neeessarie cause, wyse men to taken and desire the governaunce of comune thinges 134, 36. Tu eiusdem viri ore hanc sapientibus capessendae reipublicae necessariam caussam esse monuisti And yif it seme a fair thing, a man to han encresed and spred his name, than folweth it that it is demed to ben a foul thing, yif it ne be y-sprad and encresed 161al9. Quod si hoc ipsum propagasse nomen pulcrum videtur, consequens est, ut foedum non extendisse iudicetur In the second sentence ipsum, as well as hoc, agrees with nomen, thus leaving propagasse alone as the subject of the sentence. If, then, we wished to attribute to the influence of the original Chaucer's translation of the phrase by a substantive with infinitive, we should have to impute to him an imperfect understanding of the Latin text. But the use of the nominative with infinitive is by no means limited to those predicates which admit no dative of advantage. As has been pointed out, the function of the nominative is distinct from that of the dative, and the use of one in no way precludes the employment of the other in the same clause. This appears clearly from the following sentences, the predicates of which allow a dative case, but either omit it or employ it in addition to the nominative and infinitive, according to the requirements of each par- ticular case. 121 Wiche is an en sample })at it is not good akynge to ouer sore charge his peple Sir John Fortescue, 133. ^ a barons childe to be begyled, it were a cursed dede Nut-brown Maid.^ For hit is to \>e soules biheue, Ech man to knowen his bileue On Seven Deadly Sins, 21.' A kinges sone to ben in swich prisoun And be devoured, thoughte hem gret pitee L. G. TT., 1975. (2) This tendency toward the formation of a clear nomi- native with infinitive construction as the subject of a neuter verb was reinforced from another direction. There is found, in Middle English, an independent infinitive in expressions indicating surprise or some other strong emotion, amount- ing almost to an exclamation : "Horaste! alias! and/aZsen Troilus? I knowe him not, god helpe me so," quod she. TroiliLS, ni, 806. With this infinitive, as with the one discussed above, there may be associated a substantive in the nominative case. To this completed exclamation, moreover, there may be joined, either to precede or follow, a declaratory sentence which gives a more precise and definite expression to the emotion: O lord ! what a tokene of mekenesse & forsakynge of worldly richesses is J)is ; a prelat as an abott or a priour, >at is ded to J>e world & pride & vanyte >er-of, to ride wij> foure score hors . . . & to spende . . . bol^e t>ousand markis and pound es Wyclif, 60. "J. kinges sone, and eek a knight,^ ^ quod she, " To been my servant in so low degree, God shilde hit, for the shame of women alle ! " L. G. TF., 2080. Is this a fair avaunt? Is this honour? A man himself accuse thus and defame ! Occleve : Letter of Cupid.* ^ Ed. Plummer. ^ Skeat : Specimens of Eng. Lit. , 105. ^ Englische Siudien, IX, 43. * Pollard, 15th Cent. Prose & Verse, 16. 122 What ioy is me to here ! A lad to sesse my stall ! Townley, 169, 111. ihu make me a knyght, that were on the newe ! Digby, 14, 338. A man to haue Ais sight, born starke blinde, From Adam's Creation where shall we fynde ? J6., 172, 40. I to here a childe that xal here alle blisse And have myn hosbond ageyn ; ho my the have joys more? Coventry, 77.* So yonge a childe suche clergye to reche, and so sadly to say it, we wondyr sore lb., 193. The exclamatory emotion is still distinctly perceptible, though in a somewhat weakened form, in sentences like the following : That were shame vnto the sayd syre launcelot, thou an armed knyghte to slee a naked man by treason Malory, 209, 7. Never hast bee seyn ne shall be after this, Suche cruell rigore to the kinge of blisse ; The lord that made all, Thus to suffere in his humanitee. And that only for our iniquitee ! Digby, 175, 102. a maydn to here a chyld, I wys, Without mans seyde, that were ferly Townley, 187, 29. It should be noted how these latter examples tend to approxi- mate those of the first class, and how in the few citations below the two constructions become practically indistin- guishable. A more meruell men neuer saw then now is sene vs here emang ffrom erth til heuen a man be drawe With myrth of angell sang Townley, 363, 326. This is a febyll fare, A seke man and a sare To here of sich a fray lb., 161, 31. ^Matzner : G'mm., Ill, 22. 123 What a fawte it was, The seruaunte, alas, His master to forsake! Dlghy^ 210, 1157. It is a straunge thynge an old man to take a yonge wyfiE Coventnj, 95.^ Nou is Hs, seide )?at on, gret scharae, ic understonde, An emperour to siche aboute so wide in eche londe St. Catherine, 75.' According to our interpretation, it is possible to construe most of the expressions with neuter verbs as cases of nomi- native with infinitive. After these are differentiated from the mass, a small and well-defined residuum is left which needs to be accounted for in another way. The general characteristics of the former class are first, that the predi- cate verb is practically always neuter, not impersonal, the copula being more usually joined with a noun than with an adjective. In the second place, the predicate verb is never considered in relation to the substantive which is joined with the infinitive, but is felt either universally or in relation to another object which is definitely expressed in the dative case. is hit nu wisdom mon to don so wo him suluen Ancren Riwle, 364.' "Sowgte ^is quead, '' hu ma it ben, Adam ben king and eue quuen^^ Gen.-Ex., 295. "Sor was nogt wune on & on, '^at orfSor to water gon lb., 1639. Quat laban, " long wune is her driuen, fii-mest on elde, first ben giuen lb., 1681. For hit is vncou}? & vnwone \>efadir to bicome \>e sone Curs. Mundi, 10139. ffor it es a velany a man for to be ci arrayde apone his heuede with perre and precyous stones, and all his body be nakede and bare KoUe of Hampole.* ^Miitzner: Gram., Ill, 22. ^ Wiilcker : Altenglisches Lesebuch, p. 14. ^ Jespersen : Gr. & Str. of Eng., 209 note. * Matzner : Sprachproben, 1 38, 26. 124 ffor it is a presumpcione a man by his awene wytt for to prese to mekill into knawing of gastly thynges Koile of Hampole.^ It is a fendis pride a synful creature to putte defautte in }>e ordynaunce of crist Wyclif, 3. For god sei> be ysaye J^at a man to turmente his hed and peyne his bodi only is not J^at fast be whiche god chees, but bis is >e fast bat god ches ; a man to breke be bondis of synne & do werkis of mercy to poore men & nedi lb., 25. bei demen it dedly synne, a prest to fulfille be ordynaunce of god in his fredom wib-oute nouelrie of synful men 76., 193. pat hit was to wordliche Or elles to muche loue of flesche A mon to kepe him self to nessche St. Bernard, 332. ^ Goddes sone to lugge bare And leten a bef to lyue gon, Bernard, bis was a sori fare, Such dom hedde neuer no mon ! Minor Poems of Vernon MS., p. 308.' Therfor hit ys a gret peril Schipmen for to liste thertjl Eobt. of Brunne, 1462.* pei thowt it was enow, quan bei schuld speke, A kyng to be lord owyr thys a-lone Capgrave : Life of St. Katherine, 24, 139-9.* And bat bis synne in yow schuld not be sene, A kynges doghtyr to dey bothe mayd & qween lb., 144, 1077. Oure goddis may seyn that we been on-keende, ffor alle the benefetes that thei to vs sende We to suffre the yougthe of woman-keende Thus openly crist for to commende And al his treson with colouris to defende, Oure goddis eke deueles for to calle — This suffre we, and that is werst of alle. lb., 307, 1422. ^Matzner; Sprachproben, 149, 33. ' Horstmann : Altenglische Legenden, 47. ^Ed. Horstman, E. E. T. S., 98. ^Anglia, IX, 43. ^E. E. T. S., vol. 100. 125 Ac it is but selden yseye \>ere sothenesse bereth witnesse, Any creature >at is coupable afore a kynges iustice Be raunsoned for his repentaunce Piers PL, xvii, 299, Poule preueth it impossible riche men to haue heuene lb., x, 336. For certeinly, the firste poynt is this Of noble corage and wel ordeyne, A man to have pees with him-self, y-wis Troilus, i, 891. For trewely I holde it greet deyntee A kinges sone in armes wel to do, And been of good condiciouns ther-to lb., ii, 164, It is oon of the thinges that furthereth most, A man to have a leyser for to preye, And siker place his wo for to biwreye lb., u, 1368. Now were it tyme a lady to go henna lb., in, 630. Now is this bet, than bothe two be lorn lb., iii, 1223. The worst kinde of infortune is this, A man to have ben in prosperitee, And it remembren, when it passed is Troilus, in, 1626. For it were better worthy, trewely, A wei-m to com^n in my sight than thou L. G. W., A, 243. This is the sentence of the philosophre : A king to kepe his liges in justyce ; With-outen doute, that is his offyce 76., 365. No wonder is a tewed mxin to ruste C. T., A, 502. But it is good a man ben at his large lb. , 2288. It is ful fair a man to bere him evene lb., 1523, Lo, swich it is a miller to be fals I lb., 4318. ther is a maner garnison that no man may vanquisse ne disconfite, and that is, a lord to be bileved of hise citizeins and of his peple lb., B, 2528. It is a woodnesse a man to stryve with a stranger or a more mighty man than he is him-self lb., 2671. no-thing ... is so muchel agayns nature, as a man to encressen his owene profit to the harm of another man i 6., 2776. 126 It is a gret worscliipe, a man to kepe him fro noyse and stryfe Ch. Melibeus.^ i ^ certes it is a full greet folye a man to pryden him in any of hem alle C. T., i, 456. Another is, a man to have a noble herte J6., 469.- a man to pryde him in the goodes of grace is eek an outrageous folye lb. , 470. The thridde grevance is a man to have haim in his body 16., 666. if it be a foul thing, a man to waste his catel on wommen, yet is it a fouler thing whan ... lb., 849. It is a greet folye, a womman to have a fair array outward and in hir-self be foul inward lb., 935. Forthi good is, whil a man may, Echon to sette pes with other And loven as his oghne brother Conf. Am., Prol. 1048. Lo now, my sone, what it is, A man to caste his yhe amis lb., i, 379. Men to say well of women, it is the best : And naught for to despise them, ne deprave Occleve : Letter of C.^ The werste kynde of wrecchednesse is, A man to have been weelful or this De Hey. Princ. , 55. Nay s^thely, sone, it is al a-mys me Hnky> ; So pomx a wight his lord to counterfete In his array, in my conceyit it stynkith De Beg. Princ., 435. Good is a mxin eschewe swich a powke lb., 1921. Perillous is, a mrni his feith to breke lb., 2222. A ! lord, what it is fair and honurable, A kyng from mochil speche him refreyne lb., 2416 ; 2423 ; 2712 ; 2424 ; 3971 ; 3951 ; 4574. it is better that we slee a coward than thorow a coward alle we to be slayne Malory, 60, 8. ^Matzner: Sprachproben, 401, 5. Skeat (1. 2675) has "worship to a man." ^Pollard: Fifteenth Century Prose and Verse, 20. 127 for it is gods wyll youre body to be punysshed for your fowle dedes lb., 67, 10. it semeth not ( = is not likely) yoiv to spede there as other haue f allied J6., 77, 34. It is the customme of my Countrey a knyghte alweyes to kepe his wepen with hym 76., 92, 23. I calle hit foly knyghtes to abyde whan they be ouermatched lb., 172, 12. Thou to hue that loueth not the is but grete foly lb., 237, 17. Thou to lye by our moder is to moche shame for vstosuffre 76., 453, 4. Loo, what it is a man to haue connynge Skelton, i, 36. ^ No merwell is a man be lik a best Henryson : Fables.'^ His folke . . . putte hem self vpon their enmyes, so that it was force the polony ens to recule abak Caxton : Blanchardyn, 107, 16. ^ It is better a man wysely to be stylle than folysshly tospeke Caxton: Charles the Grete, 93, 5.^ Yf I retorne wythoute to auenge my barons, I shall do pourely, sythe they haue susteyned and borne up the Crowne Imperial and my wylle, and I now to retorne wythoute to avenge them. He that gaf me suche counceyll loueth me but lytel, I se wel lb., 16, 14.' It is shame you to bete hym Townley, 237, 296. This bewteose lord to bryng to me, his awene seruande, this is no skyll, A knyght to baptyse his lord kyng, My pauste may it not fulfyll Townley, 198, 125. Ther may not be lightly a greter trispesse. Then the seruaunt his master to denye Digby, 210, 1147. Ther-for it is the best, Ych on of vs a diuerse way to take lb., 209, 1125. ^Ed. Dyce. ^ Gregory Smith : Specimens of Middle Scots, 3. ^.Ed. Kellner in E. E. T. S.; see introduction, Ixx. 128 It is not conuenient a man to he ther women gon in travalynge Coventry, 149.^ It was never the maner, by dere worthi God, A yoman to pay for a knyght Gest of Bobyn Hode.^ ''It were greate shame," sayde Kobyn, ' ' A knight alone to ryde ' ' Ib.^ it sholde be profytable and necessarye the pyte of god to be purchased for vs Fisher, 73, 20. it is meruayle this lyne to be so longe holden vp by his power and mageste lb., 92, 34. what dooth it profyte the secrete mysteryes of hym to be shewed and made open to vs lb. , 109, 4. But it is not ynough all synnes to be done awaye lb., 117, 8. And it is of a trouth the water and the oyle to haue no strength of theyr owne nature lb., 109, 30. It is impossyble synnes to be done away by theffusyon of gotes blode or bulles lb., 126, 134. The gretest charyte & loue that may be shewed is onefrende wyllyngly to suffre deth for an other lb., 138, 35. Take hede how conuenyently it agreeth with holy scrypture this virgyn to be called a mornynge lb., 49, 23. God wist that it was nothing meet the servant to stand in better condition than his master More, 29. any man to chide once any of them for a hundred heresies, that were utter wrong and no lawful law lb., 366 H. for sith I see well that that thynge wyll not bee, better it is I reken there be triacle redy, then the poison to tary and no triacle for it lb., 356 F. it seemeth impossible a countrey nat to be well gouerned by good lawes Elyot, 26. ^ Matzner : Grammar, III, 22. 2 Guramere : Old English Ballads, 6. 3/6., 12. 129 And what pleasure and also utilitie is it to a man which intendeth to edifie, himselfe to expresse the figure of the warke that he purposeth 76., 45. I suppose this to be the very trewe lawe of araitie, a man to hue his frende no lesse nor no more than he loueth hymselfe Elyot : Bank of Sap., 3. It is a fowle thynge a man to tell moche of hym selfe, specially that whiche is false lb. , 7b. It agreeth not with reason, that he'^ whom feare can not vanquysshe, to be subdeived with couetyse, or he which can be ouercome with no pcyne, to be vanguyshed with carnal affection lb., 9. A man to perceyue that he is ignorant, is a token of wysedome lb., 28b. Plinius hath thys very notable sentence, that one to helpe an other, is a meet comelinesse in the mortal kynde of man Leland : New Year's Gift, 101. For as Vlpianus reporteth in his Pandectes, it is all one, a thynge not to be, and not to apere to the commen vse 1 b. And yet all this to be sylenced by all the ancient wryters of the same country ... is so strange, that it may well seem impossible for any such thing to have been Verstegan, 91 . This coniuncture to haue remayned for some space after the great and general deluge, and the breach and separation of Albion from Gallia by the said deluge not to have been caused, is by sundry reasons to bee proued 76. , 100. assuredly his mother witte wrought this wonder, the childe to disprayse his father, the dogg to byte his mayster for his dainty morcell Lodge : Defence of Poetry.^ It is the lesser blot, modesty finds. Women to change their shapes, than men their minds Two Gent, V, iv, 108. ^The nominative case may here be due to a slight contamination, suggested by the introduction of that. ^ Gregory Smith : Elizabethan Critical Essays, i, 64. 9 130 which ... Is all as monstrous to our human reason As my Antigonus to break his grave W. T. , V, i, 40. I to hear this is some burden Timon, II, iii, 266. Thou this to hazard, needs must intimate Skill infinite or monstrous desperate AWs Well, II, i, 186. A heavier task could not have been imposed Than I to speak my griefs unspeakable Errors, 1, i, 33. (3) There is a distinct group of examples, in which the substantive is without doubt of dative origin, although the form of the pronoun in these cases has been employed by some as an argument in favor of the accusative interpreta- tion. This is the construction after impersonal verbs, where the substantive is originally closely united with the predicate verb, e. g.. It sit a prest to be wet thewed Conf. Am., i, 273. Sometimes the substantive happens to be separated from the predicate verb by other expressions, and on such occasions there is a tendency to associate the substantive with the in- finitive, forming a locution which at first sight is not dis- tinguishable from the one employed after neuter verbs : For wel sit it, the sothe for to seyne, A woful toight to han a drery fere Troilus, i, 12. In the following examples the feeling for the dative varies in distinctness, but is never quite absent. Bettre it is and more it availleth a man to have a good name, than for to have grete richesses C T., B, 2828. And thilke folk that ben blisful, it accordeth and is convenable to ben goddes Ch. JBoeth., 179, 53. it myshapped me to be sore wounded Malory, 286, 27. 131 And thogh it happene sum of hem, be fortune, to gon out, thei conen no maner of langage but Ebrew Mandeville.^ When hit happith the herte to hente the edder Depos. of Rich. 11.^ he deuised, that if it fortuned the queue to he delyuered of a sonne . . . and if it fortune ye quene to haue a doughter Berners : Chronicle, 30.^ It may also fortune a man to be sory for his synne & to be confessed of the same Fisher, 32, 11. if it fortune any man to sinne lb., 412, 27. if it missehappe any man to fall in such a fond afleccion More, 357 A. After certain adjectives compounded with neuter verbs, an unmarked dative may be employed, as in the following instances: Betere were a ryche mon For te spouse a god woman, Thah hue be sum del pore, Then te bringe into his hous A proud quene ant dangerous, That is sum del hore. Proverbs of Hending, 280.*^ hard hit was hem to abyde * Curs. Mundi, 2398. Unkinde were ous to kis so kenne Sir Tristrem, iii, 42. It sholde not be suffred me to erre Troilus, IV, 549. Now was this child as lyk un-to Custance As possible is a creature to be C. T. , B, 1030. That in his house as famulier was he As it possible is anyfreend to be lb., 1221. Now is it right me to procede. How Shame gan medle and take hede Rom. Rose, 3787. * Morris & Skeat: Specimens of Early English, II, 173. ^ Matzner : Grammar, III, 22. ' Krickau, 24. * Matzner : Sprachproben, 310. ^ Cf. : Nis Jjset unease eallwealdan gode to gefremmane Andreas, 205. 132 O Alisaundre ! it is vncouenable, The for to haue of peple regyment Be Beg. Princ, 3501. Nat were it knyghtly, me to \>e consente lb., 2610. But an element of confusion in the case of the impersonal verbs is that a number of them were undergoing a change from an impersonal to a personal use, as may be seen from what neede me to care whatsoeuer I doe ( Fisher, 382, 32) and you need not to care what you doe (Fisher, 384, 10). It seems that in the transition there is a group of examples in which the it is retained in its original position with the verb, while the substantive, which comes to be felt as the subject of the now personal verb, follows in the position ordinarily occupied by the dative. The construction then presents every appearance of a nominative with infinitive as the subject of an impersonal verb. >an nedly byhoves be punyst syn, Outher opon erthe or with-in Pr. Con. , 2864. And that happe (=if it happen) the fundacion of the seyd collage to take to noon effecte Paston Letters, i, 449. It fortuneth after enemyes to come and lay syege to that Cyte Fisher, 261, 22. It semeth almyghty god to be in maner in a deed slepe lb., 170, 28. Laste all though it semeth the mornynge to be a cause of the sonne, notwithstandynge the sonne without doubte is the cause of it lb., 48, 17. Yet surely if it shold happen any boke to come abrode in the name of hys grace or hys honorable counsail More, 1422. It happened a bataile to be on the see betwene them Elyot, 180. And verily I suppose, if there mought ones happen some man, hauyng an excellent wy tte, to be brought up in suche forme as I haue hytherto written lb., 153. 133 Another fact which seems to point to a dative origin for the substantive is the indiscriminate use of the dative, marked by the preposition to^ and of an unmarked substantive, as illustrated in the prose of Pecock. The two locutions are there employed after the same adjectives without the slight- est variation in meaning. If it like to eny man for to holde 142. It is forboduii to itsforto vse the otliere writingis dyuerse fro Holi Scripture 211. It is bettir to a man forto entre sureli into lijf with oon yge 539. folia hadde be to al thilk Cristen multitude . . . forto haue storid & iresourid to hem eny grete possessiouns 318. it is not perel to Cristen men neithir to the lewis neither to hethen men forto haue and entermete with ymagis of God 249. it is ouer hard to him being riche for to entre 297. The substantive in the following examples may, possibly, be felt as a dative, though such an interpretation is not absolutely necessary. it is not synne a man forto giue ensample to othere men 168. a man for to smyte and bete his neigbour ... is no synne 165. it is posible a .riehe man to entre into the kingdom of heuen 296. it is profitable and speedful ofte tymes a man forto speke as many vsen forto speke 27. it is leeful and expedient a man to here and holde 171. it is not forbodun of God eny man to be riche 297. how hard it is a man to reule his tunge 422. 134 sithen it was profitable dekenes to be in the clergie 332. it is alloweable me for to seie 260. These sentences, it is plain, in no way resemble those in which the substantive with infinitive is the subject of the neuter verb, since the substantive here is closely attached to the main verb. The only possible significance of this use of the unmarked dative is that when the feeling for the case became obscured, and the substantive, for the sake of em- phasis, was placed at the beginning of the sentence, it was necessarily construed as a nominative case and was then merged with the similar construction of different origin. (4) There still remain to be considered a few facts which seem to point to an accusative interpretation of the substantive. The Hereford-Wyclif translation of the Bible, a very literal version, sometimes translates a Latin accusative with infinitive by a similar English construction : non est bonum hominem esse solum Gen. , ii, 18. it is not good man to be alone amarum est te reliquisse Jerem., ii, 19. bittir it is thee to han forsaken The first of these examples is, of course, neutral, and, to completely counterbalance the weight of the second, the same version affords us an instance of a Latin accusative ren- dered by an English nominative. notum sit isse nos Ezra, v, 8. be it known wee to han go.^ Occasionally, no doubt, an isolated writer, saturated with his Latin models and influenced by the resemblance of the English construction to the Latin, may reproduce a real ^HoUack : Vergl. Stud, zu der Her. -Wye. und Purv, Bibelvhersetzung, 68. 135 accusative with infinitive. Examples of such imitation are the following passages: Nis it bot hert breke, That swithe wele finde we, And foly ous to speke, Ani word againes the Sir Tristrem, ni, 64. Kynde tellith that the more eldere a man waxith, the more it is agen kynde hym for to pleyn Sermon against Miracle Pl.^ The tendency to imitate the Latin is most marked in the prose of Pecock, who, as has already been pointed out, is in general dominated by Latin syntax. His prose contains the most numerous illustrations of the accusative with infi- nitive after impersonal and neuter verbs. it is preisable him to bind him silf 557. it is profitable him to haue sum thing 555. it is alloweable, resonable, and profitable hem to haue mansiouns 549. it is no nede me forto . . . eneerche the writingis of Doctouris 71. it is open Poulfor to haue meened 217. it was so stabilid ymagis to he had in chirchis 254. it migte seme miche of al what y haue bifore taugt in this present book he vntrewe 73. And whether this was not an horrible abhomynacioun . . . hem forto so sturdili bi manye yeeris iuge and diffame bothe the clergi and weelnyg al the lay party of Goddis chirche 149. which it is sure God to chese 188. it accordid not with resoun eny man forto hold to gidere apostilhode or discipilhode and possessioun of immouable godis 295. ^Matzner: Sprachproben, 241, 13. 136 it schulde be agens Scripture ... a preest forto haue 377. In one passage Pecock employs a pronoun in the nominative case: and therfore thilk proces rather confermeth ymagis to mowe lawfulli be, than that thei alle to be is vnleeful 147. Our facts make it clear that the construction of a sub- stantive and infinitive with neuter and impersonal verbs is the result of native linguistic forces. The elements which contributed to the development of this construction are (1) the infinitive, employed as the subject of neuter verbs, to which a substantive in the nominative case was joined when it was desired to limit the action expressed by the infinitive, without in any way connecting the substantive with the main verb; (2) the use of a nominative with infinitive to express a strong emotion — an exclamatory phrase to which a declaratory statement was often added in order to give a more precise and deliberate utterance to the emotion. The two coordinate parts in time coalesced into a single sen- tence group, and then it became possible for examples of this class to be merged with those of the first. (3) Still another source for the construction is to be sought in a group of impersonal verbs regularly followed by a dative case with a supplementary infinitive. The transition from the im- personal to the personal construction, and the consequent change of the dative to a nominative, produced a number of examples in which the substantive continued to be con- strued with the infinitive instead of being taken as the subject of the main verb. If any importance is to be at- tached to the loss of inflections as a factor in determining the case of the substantive in our locution, it must obviously be to emphasize its nominative value. For it is difficult to 137 understand how a feeling for the accusative case could have been developed in the language at a time when there was no way of marking or of recognizing such a case. The only certain uses of the accusative are such as occur in literal translations of Latin texts or, very sporadically, in original documents written under strong Latin influence. The close parallel between the English and Latin locutions rendered the contamination of one by the other very easy. The only writer in whom the contamination takes place to a notable degree is Pecock, and his position in the history of English prose is scarcely that of a pioneer or model, as is often assumed. Syntactically he is anomalous and under complete subjection to his Latin models. " Inorganic For" In the light of the foregoing facts, the explanation of the construction with inorganic for is a simple one. The use of a dative case, introduced by the preposition for or io, after neuter verbs compounded with certain nouns and ad- jectives, was quite common in the fourteenth century. The same nouns and adjectives also admitted a construction of a substantive and infinitive which possessed a different force and in which the former element was in no way connected with the predicate verb. This loose and apparently de- tached position of the substantive was not long tolerated in the language, and the tendency to assimilate this independent noun and infinitive with the dative construction, outwardly at least, by the introduction of for revealed itself even in the prose of Wyclif : it is agenst charite /or prestis to preie euere more and no tyme to preche 112. The force of the original construction is very seldom obscured by this intrusion of the preposition, since the context plainly 138 indicates the syntactical function of the expression intro- duced by it, which is that of subject of the sentence. By the continued operation of analogy, the leveling pro- cess was extended. 'Not only was the preposition inserted when the substantive with infinitive followed the predicate, but even when it preceded and stood at the head of the sen- tence. Not only was for introduced after predicates which admitted a dative case, but it was also employed in con- junction with such as could by no possibility be construed with a dative. In all of these uses the primary force of the construction stands out clearly. The preposition for in no way changes the feeling for the expression ; it disguises its origin to a certain extent, but the disguise is penetrated by the slightest examination. What we have in this con- struction, therefore, is not, as Einenkel would have it, a dative case which reverts to an earlier construction after hav- ing gone through the intermediate stage of an accusative. ^N'either is it a dative derived directly from an accusative and later returning to its accusative function, as Stoffel in- terprets it. The construction is merely that of a nomina- tive with infinitive, subject of a neuter verb, which is leveled in order to bring it into conformity with the much older and more familiar dative construction after such verbs, and in which the syntactical relations of the substantive are not in the least affected by the formal change. The use of the preposition, however, necessarily eliminates the nomina- tive forms from the construction. Examples of the use of inorganic for are found in the fourteenth century,^ are fairly common in the sixteenth, and increase rapidly thereafter. ^ There is no justification for an assertion like the following: "Such sen- tences as * I don't know what is worse than /or such wicked strumpets to lay their sins at honest men's doors' (Fielding) would be sought in vain before the eighteenth century, though the way was paved for them in such Shakespearian sentences like ' For us to levy power Proportionate to th' enemy is all impossi- ble.' " Jespersen: Growth & Sir. of English, § 211. 139 it is best Jor hem to he men of priuat religion Wyclif, 17. it is blasphemye for ony creature to take t)is to hyra lb., 81. For, sir, hit is no maystrie for a lord To dampne a man with-oute answere or word L. G. W. , A, 386. It is a besy thing For one man to rule a kyng Skelton, I, 349. And syth it is conuenyent & accordynge/or synners to wayle, to wepe, tofaste Fisher, 31, 27. Many causes there he for synners to be penytent lb., 63, 28. Better it were /or the artyfycer to make a clocke all new than to mende or brynge agayne into the ryght course a clocke ... lb., 117, 33. It is a straunge and a dede in maner ayenst nature for almyghty god to shewe vengeaunce lb., 166, 10. And though it were sorowful & greuous for the chirche to here these sayd wordes lb., 192, 6. Were it suppose ye al this considerd a meetly thyng for vs to desyre to haue this noble princes here lb., 306, 20. O my sweete Lorde, what is this /or thee to desire lb., 385, 35. It booteth not /or me to weep or cry More, ii. It is a great reproche and dishonestie for the husbande to come home wythowte hys wiffe, or the wiffe withoute her husband, or the sonne without his father Utopia, 257.* In maximo probro est coniux absque coniuge redux, aut amisso parente reuersus filius when it shal not be lawfull /or their bodies to be separate agayne lb. , 227. quum corpore iam seiungi non liceat But /or the husbande to put away his wyfe for no faulte, but for that some myshappe is fallen to her bodye, thys by no meanes they wyll suffre lb., 227. 1 Ed. Lupton. 140 Alioquin inuitam coniugem, cuius nulla sit noxa, repudiare, quod corporis obtigerit calamitati, id uero nuUo pacto ferunt Then if it be a poynte of humanitie /or man to bryng health and comforte to man hominem homini saluti ac solatio esse, si humanum est maxime had it not bene better /or yowe to haue -played the domme persone nonne praestiterit egisse mutam personam For it is not possible /or all thynges to be well nam ut omnia bene sint fieri non potest ioxfor the watch to babble and to talk is most tolerable and not to be endured Besides, it were a mock Apt to be render' d, for some one to say * ' Break up the senate till another time ' ' 'tis no sin /or a man to labour in his vocation for, for me to put him to his purgation would perhaps plunge him into far more choler lb., 191. 76., 98. lb., 100. Much Ado, III, iii, 36. Caesar, II, ii, 96. I Hen. IV, I, ii, 116. Hamlet, III, ii, 317. But /or him, though almost on certain proof, to give it hearing, not belief, deserves my hate for ever Massinger ; Duke of Milan, IV, ii.^ *For further extension of the construction, see Stoffel, 48 fi. CHAPTEE Y The Coistjunctive-Impekative Use of the Infinitive It seems convenient to adopt the term conjunctive-impera- tive for the construction about to be described, because of its analogy to a Greek locution bearing that name. This construction has been noticed by several writers, but in so fragmentary a fashion, due to the fact that the authors were each considering a single literary monument, that a satis- factory description of it was out of the question. The full extent of its use in Middle English has not hitherto been estimated. Baldwin quotes the following passage from Malory: this is my counceill . . . that we lete puruey x knygtes ... & they to kepe this swerd ^ 40, 35. and regards the italicized expression as an extension of the use after neuter verbs, through analogy to such sentences as " I will rescue her or else to die." Such an analogy, however, is not sufficiently obvious to warrant the acceptance of his theory. Hardly more satisfactory is the explanation of Kellner, who asserts a tendency in Middle English to sup- plant temporal and conditional clauses by absolute construc- tions. The present and past participles were thus employed to represent present and past tenses, e. g., the same Plato livinge, his inaister Socrates deservede victorie Ch. Boeth.y 133, 29. The service doon, they soupen al by day C. T. , F, 297. 1 § 244. 141 142 But the lack of a future participle forced writers to resort to the infinitive to denote future tenses. Thus, Kellner says, there came into existence that peculiar use, which, in the course of its development became more and more free, so that in the fifteenth century the infinitive absolute often serves to alternate with any principal sentence or clause. Caxton, he affirms, disliked the construction, but Malory made a great deal of it, and it is possibly due to the influence of this great favorite that the absolute infinitive is frequent in Berners and occurs even in Elizabethan times. ^ A fun- damental objection to Kellner's theory is that he has com- prehended under a single definition four or Rve widely diver- gent constructions, among which is the substantive with in- finitive after neuter verbs, and that his explanation does not absolutely fit any of them.^ Still another interpretation of this so-called absolute con- struction is suggested by Krickau, who thus describes it: ' When two coordinate clauses depend upon a verb of wishing, the writer employs a substantive clause for the first and usually an accusative with infinitive for the second. Cu- riously the subject of the second clause, when it is a per- sonal pronoun, is in the nominative instead of the accusa- tive case.' He then proceeds to give the following arbi- trary explanation of this curious phenomenon : ^ When a modal auxiliary was used in the first of several coordinate clauses, its use was avoided in the second [no reason] even with a different subject, and the bare infinitive with the pre- position to was substituted, the auxiliary being understood. Now even when there was no such auxiliary, but there might have been, the writer placed the nominative of the personal pronoun in the second coordinate clause in recollection of the former construction.' ^ Fundamentally,' he adds, ^ the Waxton^s Syntax in Transactions of Phil. Soc,, 1888-1890, § 29. ^ Baldwin, § 249, analyzes Kellner' s classification. 143 construction is one of accusative with infinitive after verbs of wishing, and the subject whose case cannot be identified by its form is originally to be construed as an accusative in these expressions.' The greater freedom of the construction in Berners forces Krickau to assume that it was possible to consider a verb of wishing or desiring omitted, and the con- struction as dependent upon it.^ Einenkel arrives nearer the truth when he suggests that the frequent employment of the absolute infinitive is to be traced primarily to its use in expressing purpose. ' We may have a sentence, he says, in which an infinitive of pur- pose, dependent on the main verb, has a subject distinct from that of the main verb and sometimes to be supplied from the context, e. g,. He yaf me al the brydel in myn hond To han the governance of hous and lond C. T., D, 813. The words me and myn here suggest the subject for to han. But if the context did not afford us any clue as to the subject, or if the infinitive for which the subject was to be supplied were preceded by another infinitive, the subject of which was identical with that of the main verb, we should have an ambiguous sentence, such as * He yaf me al the brydel in myn hond to live in idelnesse and to have the governance of hous and lond. To render this perfectly intelligible, Chaucer would intro- duce the personal pronoun in the nominative case to define the subject of the infinitive: I dar the better aske of yow a space Of audience, to shewen our requeste, And ye, my lord, to doon right as yow leste C. T., E, 103. ^ ^Der Ace. mil dem Inf., 21-22 ; 27-29. Cf. also Jespersen : Prog, in Lang., 206-209. 2 Strei/ziige, 80, 144 But Einenkel is content to call it one of Chaucer's make- shift constructions,! and he gives no account of the nature or the manner of its development. He confines his explana- tion within the limits of Chaucer's usage, and therefore his explanation is too narrow. We can, however, avail ourselves of his useful hint in order to establish more firmly a con- nection between the final and the conjunctive-imperative uses of the infinitive in Middle English. According to Brugmann and Delbriick the imperative use of the infinitive is derived immediately from its use to indi- cate purpose and result, which is its primary function. An instance of a substantive in the nominative case being em- ployed as the subject of such an infinitive is cited by Delbriick from Vedic Sanskrit : ^ yd mdrtyesv amrta rtava devo devesv aratir nidhayi hota yajistho mahna sucddhydi havyair agnir manusa Irayddhydi KV, 4, 2, 1. He who is set among mortals as an immortal, sacred comrade, may the priest most fitted for sacrificing bum mightily, may Agni become alive through the sacrifice of the man (lit. the priest to burn . . . Agni to become alive) . In Homeric Greek, also, it was quite usual to employ a sub- ject in the nominative case with an imperative infinitive referring to a third person: Kal 5' avrbs M irpdiToun fidxeffdai, Iliad, 9, 709. let him fight (lit. he to fight) among the foremost ijCidev 5' 'ISatos frw Kot\a% ixl vijas elirifiev ' ArpctSTjc' ' Aya/n^/xpovi Kal Mcj'eXdy fjLvdov "* AXe^dvdpoio rod eivcKa veiKos Spcapev Kal di t6^ elir^fievai irvKivbv tiros lb., 7, 372. In the morning let Idaeus go to the hollow ships to announce to the sons of Atreus, Agamemnon and Menelaus, the message of Paris, because of whom the strife arose, and to say this shrewd speech (= let him say ) ^/6., 82. ^ Vergleichende Syntax, ii, 453-454. 145 reiJxea (TuXiJcras (jtepiro} KotXas iirl vfjas er set ham beon heora lond to healdanne, o\>er utfaran to winnanne Orosius, 46, 16.^ In Middle English the construction is not seldom met with. Whi schope thou me to wrother-hele To be thus togged & to-torn and othere to haven al mi wele Debate of Body & SouIJ Vndir >e rote a welle out braste •wi\> stremes clere fresshe & colde Alle to drinke ynowge >at wolde Curs. Mundi, 11704. Oure lord wolde for resoun \)\\ke Be fed of a maydenes mylke So hir maydenhede to be hid and Mr husbonde wide kid lb., 10795. Some he gaf wytte with wordes to shewe, Witte to Wynne her lyflode with as j^e worlde asketh, As prechouris & prestes & prentyces of lawe, J>ei lelly to lyue by laboure of tonge, And bi witte to wissen other Piers PL, xix, 224. J>e kynge and )>e comune and kynde witte \>e >ridde Shope lawe & lewte eche man to knowe his owne lb., Prol., 121. Glotonye he gaf them eke and grete othes togydere, And alday to drynke at dyuerse tauernes, And there to iangle and to iape . . . And \>ei to haue and to holde and here eyres after, A dwellyng with >e deuel and dampned be for eure lb., ii, 92. in so sitting in the myddil he was the redier and the abler forto waite into al her good and profit, (for to be seen of hem alle, and forto be herd of hem alle, and alle hem ^ forto reeeyve mete of him the bettir ) Pecock, 300. * Shearin : Expression of Purpose in Old English Prose, 15. ^ Matzner : Sprachproben, 103. Commenting on it in a note, M. calls it an accusative with infinitive to express purpose. ^ The accusative here may be due to Pecock' s associating the accusative as the regular subject of the infinitive. 147 sped well, good woman ! 1 am to l>e sentt, yow for to speke with >e Kyng Dig^Vj 116, 1643. therfor' a rib I from the take, therof shall be (raaide) thi make, And be to thi helpyng. Ye both to goueme that here is, and euer more to be in blis ye wax in my blissyng Townley, 7, 186, Pray to thy Son aboue the sterris clere, He to vouchesaf, by thy mediacion, To pardon thy seruannt, and brynge to saluacion Skelton, i, 14. That sonday thenglysshmen made great dykes and hedges about, their archers to be the more stronger Berners : Chron., 196. lette vs all be a fote, except thre hundred men of armes . . . to the entent they somwhat to breke and to opyn the archers, and thanne your batayls to folowe on quickely afote . . . 76., 195. I wold desyre you . . . that ye wolde graunt a truse to endure all onely but to morowe, so that you nor we, none to greue other , but to be in peace yt day 76., 142. Than the kynge sente to prelates of the chirche, that euery man of the oste sholde be confessed and entry man to foryeven other, and be in charite and clene lyf Merlin, 55. This moost precyous blode was shedde without mesure . . . to thentent our synnes . . . shal ... be clensed, done away and we to be parte takers of the redempcyon ones done Fisher, 229, 29. gyuynge also example of good and honest conversacyon to thende that all the people in this ivorlde may be gadered in to one flocke, and the chyrche to be knytte togyder in one fayth hope & chary te 76., 191, 1. Then have we nowe come furth the booke of Frere Barnes . . . which ... is at thys daye comen to the realme by safe conducte, whiche at hys humble suite, the kynges hyghnesse of his blessed disposicion condiscended to graunt 148 hjm, to thende that if there rayght yet any sparke of grace be founden in hym, it myght be kept kindeled, and encreased, rather than the man to be cast away More, 342 G. I trust so to open this wyndow, that the lyght shal be seane . . . and the old glory of your renoumed Britaine to refloHsh through the worlde Leland : New Yeai-'s Gift, 67. The infinitive is also employed in English with an im- perative force, to state an injunction or agreement, after ex- pressions denoting a command, decree, pledge, etc. Chrono- logically this use is parallel with that of purpose and result, but its precise relation to the latter is illustrated by other Indo-Germanic languages. The kinship of the two construc- tions is quite obvious from the following Middle English examples: '* It nere," quod he, *' to thee no greet honour For to be fals, ne for to be traytour To me, that am thy cosin and thy brother Y-swom ful depe, and ech of us til other. That never, for to dyen in the peyne. Till that the deeth departe shal us tweyne. Neither of us in love to hindren other, Ne in non other cas, my leve brother ; But that thou sholdest trewely forthren me In every cas, and I shall forthren thee " C. T., A, 1129. Ordinarily the expression of command is followed by a clause, and a second statement, parallel to the first, is ren- dered by a substantive with an infinitive : he het men to gyue hem mede If \>ei coude hit rigtly rede And ]>ei to gyue \>e same ageyn If ]>ei hit red nougt certeyn Curs. Mundi, 71 21. And my wyll is, that my body be Beryed in the Chirchhey of the Paryshchurch of Thornecombe . . . And no fest noJ)er terment y-hold, bote.iij. Masses atte my buryyng, saue CCC poure men schullen haue mete & drynke ynowe . . . and 149 .xiij. poure men clothed in Russett ylyned witt white, and euery of ham to haue .viijd. Earliest English WillSf 26, More-ouer hit is my will that my body be buryd . , . And that at the day of my buryng ther be saide iij masses, And all -so that \>er be xiij pore men clothid in white, holdyng eche of hem a torghe brennyng . . . And afterward the torgis to he dolt .iij. of hem to the Chirch of Thornecombe E, E. TT., 129, 12. / will that then all such porcion or porcions as shulde come to hym or theym soo dying remayn unto the other on lyving, evynly amongs theym to be devided : provided alway, that if the said ,ij. parts be in any maner of stuff or catall or any part of theym and not brought into money, that then my said wif to have the choyse off whiche half she best lyketh, and my said .iiij. childern to holde theym contented with all suche half as she refusith Fabyan's Will, vii. which .iiij. tapers 1 will be holden at euery tyme by foure poore men, to the whiche I will that to everyche of theym be geven for their labours . . . and if any of theym happen to be unmaried, than they to have but .iijd. a pece 26., iv. Also /t»i7/ that myn executrice doo assemble upon the said day of moneths mynde .xij. of the porest menys children of the fore- said parisshe and after the masse is endid and other obseruances, the said children to be ordet^ed aboute my grave, and there knelyng, to say for my soule . . . and the residue to say a pater noster 76., v. Also if it happen me to dye at London, than I will that suche .iiij. of my felishipe as here me to churche, have my ryngs of gold . . . and the other too . . . to have viijd a piece of theym lb., vi. 1 mil that the seid Seynt Marie preest ne his successours shal not lete to ferme the seid place to no man nor woman . . . but he and his successours to logge there Bury WUlSj 21. 150 I wiU and ordeyne . . . that he shall ... founde or do founde . . . and indewe withinne the seid mancion or collage of vij. religeous monkys or pristes, to preye for the soules above seyd in perpetuite, of whiche one to be chief governor of hem, and he to have x li. Will of Sir J. Fastolf (b)^ Sche is vndyr godd made be patent lettyr hys vycere generall, if I schall sey sothe, To geue mankynd bothe nase, eye, & tothe Of what schape )>at hyr lykyth to geue. And of hyr werk no man hyr to repreue Capgrave : Life of St. Katherine, 158, 1319. And the clerkes charged the kynge that in nc manere he sholde not se me a-lyve ; but as sone as I were founde, that I sholde with- oute respite be slain, and my Mode to be brought to be putte with morter in the foundement of the tour Merlin, 31. that he and the gode lady his wif swere on a boke to kepe a childe that shal be brought vnto hem, and that she yeve it soke of hir owne mylke, and Mr owne childe to be put to a-nothir woman to be norisshed lb., 88. and he badde me that I sholde pray yow to put youre owne childe to sowken a-nother woman, for my love, and youre wif to yeve the childe sowken of her owne mylke lb. , 88. They within made apoynment with the erle, to sende xxiiii of their chiefe burgesses to Burdeux, in hostage . . . and if within that space, the frenche kynge do sende a suffycient persone,to kepe the felde agaynst therle of Derby, than they to have agayne their hostages, and to be quyte of their bonde ; and yf nat, than they to put theym vnder the obeysaunce of the kynge of Englande Berners : Chronicle, 135. the same season ther were acorded, ordeyned and confyrmed, alyaunces and confederacions, ^ Pastern Letters, i, 446. 151 right great and large, and sworne solemply on bothe parties, to holde fermly and nat to breke, nor to do agaynst it by no maner of way, but that those two kynges to abyde fermly in vny te of peace, loue, and alyance lb. , 438. The other lordes were of the contrary opinyon, sayeng, how they had sealed and sworne, howe that if the kyng, or one of his chyldren, were nat there personally by the sayd day, than they to yelde them up to the obeysance of the frenche kyng lb., 451J In memorie where of it was then ordayned, that from thence foorth no drum, pype or other instrument should be sounded in the street leading to the gate through which they passed : nor no osterie to be there holden Verstegan, 86. The idea of commanding, on which the expression of nomi- native with infinitive depends, may be merely implied in the context, not directly expressed. In such cases the in- finitive approaches very closely to the force of a pure impera- tive. "The beste counseile," seide thei, "that we se ther-inne is that ye somowne a grete courte to be at Cardoel . . . and that eche come araide to a-bide xv dayes, and eueriche man to brynge with hym his wif ..." And the kyng was plesed wele with her coun- seile, and sente to alle the barons to be at Pentecoste at Cardoel, and euert/ baron to brynge with hym his wif Merlin, 65. and therfore hit was my quest to brynge her ageyne and yow bothe or els the one of vs to abyde in the felde Malory, 114, 27. & yf he can vanquysshe me then he shall delyuer to thee thy nece Esclaramond & yf T ouercome thy man then thou to returne to thy cite & suffer thy nece styll with him & also thou to restore all ye domages that thou hast done him & his in this warre Berners : Huon, 185, 9. * Quoted by Krickau, 27, but not found. 152 hit shall be expedient that a noble mannes Sonne, in his infancie, haue with hym continually onely suche as may accustome hym by litle and litle to speake pure and elegant latin. Semblably the nourisses and other ivonien aboute hym, if it be possible, to do the same Elyot, 34. Wherfore there wolde be radde to hym, for an introduction, two the fyrste bokes of the warke of Aristotell, called Ethicae, wherein is contained the definitions and propre significations of euery vertue ; and that to he lerned in greke Elyot, 91. Lastly, that if there shall be two or more competitors for the same vacancy, caeteris paribus, he that has the thickest skin to have the preference Spec, 18. The future indicative is likewise employed to express a command when the subject is in the third person, and parallel to such forms an infinitive is sometimes found: Also he will that if his wyf or eny of his saide sonnes worke the contrarye of this his present wille, in lettyng or distourbyng of the saide executours of fulfillyng ther-of, that then ]>ey shall lose aduantage and benefite of this his present wille E. E. Wills, 128, 9. The stage directions in the Townley and Digby plays gen- erally read '^ Here shall enter . . .", " Here Herod shall rage/' etc., but in one instance we have: Here to enter a dyvel with thunder and fyre, and to avaunce hym sylfe, saying as folowyth ; and hys spech spokyn, to syt downe in a chayre Dighy, 43. A commaundement make I here J>at ye alle may se & lere >e bareyn shal hir fruyt fynde And o)>ere sene that gitt are blynde \>e pore also to gete some bote And crepel to go rigt on fote J>e dede to rise & o)>ere vchone Be sett in to her state anone Curs. Mundi, 12255. 153 spirits malyngny xall com to >e, Hyr to tempt in euery plase, now alle the vj J)at her' be, wysely to werke, hyr fawor to wynne, to entyr her person be ]>e labor of lechery, J>at she at >e last may com to helle Digbyf 70, 428. Sometimes the infinitive has a force between that of futuri- ty and command, corresponding rather closely to the Latin periphrastic : In bedleem iuda he to be bore Curs. Mundi, 11468. Jwo/Z Elysabeth Keston have (80) marke paid to Norman Waschebourne for her mariage. And yef he gruche therwith, the mater so to be laboryd and sewyd that he be constrayned ther to do hit E. E. WUk, 118, 18. And all-so if the saide Margarete his wyff decesse or tyme Rauf his son comme at ful age, thanne all her dower, and the xx marc yerely forsaid, to be kept to the sustenaunce of al his Children yn the maner and fourme forsaide lb., 122, 35. And if he die withoute heires of his body comyng . . . Thanne the saide maners, londeSj tenementes, rentes & seruices, with the appurtenaunces, to remayne to Margarete lb., 124, 3. I must go & seke for the home cuppe & harnes ye which thou wert wont to haue & enioy & 1^ to bere them to kinge Oberon Berners : Huon, 169, 12. Which treaty toke such effect, that all such knightes as were within the towne, might depart at their pleasur, without any domage, and to drawe to Niorth, to Xaintes, and to Lusygnen, or whyder soeuer it pleased them, and the lady of Soubise to put herself vnder the obeysance of the frenche kyng Bemers : Chronicle, 452. And the yonge kyng was putte vnto the rule of the gentyll knyght sir Rycharde Dangle, by the accorde of all the lande, to be ^ Variant inserts am. 154 instructed in noble vertues ; and the realme of England to be governed by the duke of Lancastre Ib.y 483. Among whom if any be proued after to have abused it, than the use therof to be forboden him, eyther for euer or till he be waxen wyser More.* Their bloody sign of battle is hung out, And something to be done immediately Ccesar, V, i, 15. I saw him arrested, saw him carried away ; and, which is more, within these three days his head to be chopped off Meas. f. Meas. , I, ii, 67. 'Tis opportune to look back upon old times, and contemplate our forefathers. Great examples grow thin, and to be fetched from the passed world Browne, 403. We even find in English instances of the use of an infi- nitive in direct commands of the second person. ^ CumalS him fore ond cneow bigea'S on ansyne ures drihtnes, ond him wepan ^ fore, %e us worhte »r ! Psalms, xciv, 6. Venite, adoremus, et procidamus ; et ploremus ante dominum, qui fecit nos Ne ahebbatJ ge to hea eowre hygej?ancas ne ge wi^S gode «fre gram word sprecan ! ' lb. , Lxxiv, 5. ^Skeat : Specimens of Eng. Lit., 187. ^ Such a use of the infinitive is quite common in Italian in negative expres- sions of command ; e. g., O Pilato, nonfare 'L figlio mio tormentare Jacopone da Todi. Quoted in J. A. Symonds* Italian Literature, i, 293. O santa allegrezza Di devozione. Per nulla stagione Non m^ abandonare lb., 1,301. Levati su, donzello, e non dormire lb., i, 57. In positive expressions of command, the idiom is also familiar to the collo- quial speech of several of the modern European languages, notably German and Kussian. See Delbruck, II, 459-60. 'Grein, in the Sprachschatz, glosses the forms as conjunctives. 165 Nolite extollere in altum cornu vestrnm : nolite loqui adversus eum iniquitatem swike nu and gon of te to chirche Horn. , li, 66-67. And if ich habbe wel ispeke J>er-of J)U nym gome And nouht me vor to beten al wyj>-vte dome O. E. Misc. , 45, 269. Fader be \>\x wid child, and be J>u wudewis frend, be arme gnme Jt* froueren; and \>e woke gume }pu coueren, J>e wronke gume \fu rigtin mid alle Hne migtin lb., 135, 592. Gyf )>ou do liyt, I shal \>e gyve Ten pound of gold wel wi)> to lyve ; ]>o ten pound I take \>e here, And me to selle on bonde manere, I ne recche unto whom, But onlycli he have be Crystendom Manning : Handlyng Synne. God seide tel me & not layne ' Curs. Mundi, 1127. And if grace graunte be to go in in bis wise, bow shalt see in bi-selue treuthe sitte in bine herte, In a cheyne of chary te as bow a childe were. To suffre hym and segge nougte, agein bi sires wille Piers PL, V, 614. AI have I noght to done in this matere More then another man hath in this place, Yet for as muche as ye, my lord so dere, Han alwey shewed me favour and grace, I dar the better aske of yow a space Of audience, to shewen our requeste. And ye, my lord, to doon right as yow leste C. T., E, 99. I seye this, be ye redy with good herte To al my lust, and that I frely may, As me best thinketh, do yow laughe or smerte. And never ye to grucche it, night ne day.^ And eek whan I sey " ye," ne say nat '' nay," Neither by word ne frowning contenance ; Swer this, and here I swere our alliance. lb., E, 351. ^ Emerson : Middle English Reader, 94, 19. ^ Gottingen MS reads : bat bu ne lain. ^Skeat's punctuation with an interrogation point seems to me to be wrong. 156 And also thou to brynge me thy handfull of the here of hys herde and .iiii. of hys grettest teth Berners : Huon, 50, 20. Consider he's the prince, and you his subjects, And not to question or contend with her Whom he is pleased to honour Massinger : Duke of Milan, I, ii. It is readily seen that all the foregoing groups of examples are closely related and lend themselves to a common classi- fication. The Indo-Germanic infinitive was, by its very nature, flexible, and its potentialities were variously developed in the various languages. From its primary use in express- sing purpose and result, it tended in a number of languages to develop an imperative force. This tendency is most markedly illustrated in Greek, but is manifested also in a number of the modern European languages. In Italian it is quite regular in negative expressions of command, while its use in Russian and German, in all expressions of com- mand, might possibly be considered a direct development from the nominal use of the infinitive. In Middle English the tendency to develop the imperative force of the infinitive seems to have been no less strong than in ancient Greek. Though all shades of the construction can be illustrated from English texts, it is not possible, by means of the examples discovered, to arrange a chronolo- gical sequence which shall establish a clear development from the original phase, the use of the infinitive for purpose and result, to the highest stage, its use as a direct imperative. These extremes are already found in Old English, and they exist side by side, together with all the intermediate stages, throughout Middle English. The examples have been ar- ranged to indicate the manner in which the transition might have occurred. First come those passages in which the in- finitive expressing purpose and result is employed, together with a substantive in the nominative case, as equivalent to a clause. The exact function of the infinitive in these 157 cases is often made clear by the use of a conjunction or of a parallel clause. The infinitive of purpose and result is followed by a group of examples in which the infinitive contains the idea of command, but not directly, only as de- rived from some verb of commanding, agreeing, appointing, or decreeing in the main clause on which the infinitive is de- pendent. The accusative with infinitive after these verbs may to some extent have influenced this construction, but that the accusative with infinitive was not the construction intended in these cases is sufficiently evident from the fre- quent use of the nominative forms of the pronoun. But when the meaning was sufficiently clear from the context, it was often possible to omit the governing verb, which, however, remained vaguely before the consciousness, and the infinitive, being then left as the principal verb of the sen- tence, came very near to expressing a direct command. From this point the transition is not difficult to the final stage in which the infinitive becomes a direct imperative, without the intervention or even the remotest mental suggestion of a governing verb being felt. The dozen examples of this last use which have been quoted seem to admit of no other inter- pretation. There has been included also a group of examples in which the infinitive is employed with an imperative force as parallel or equivalent to a future indicative similarly em- ployed. But this use merges with the one previously des- cribed and is quite analogous to the Greek use, of the future indicative in commands which is spoken of by Delbriick. FUTUEE AND POTENTIAL INFINITIVE The passages already cited, in which an infinitive is em- ployed parallel to a future indicative to denote command, may suggest the explanation of such a use of the infinitive 158 when no command is expressed or implied. The examples of an infinitive which is used as equivalent to a future in- dicative, even when the latter form does not precede, are clear enough. I leue monkynde fordone he ^ But hit be stored bi me & t>e Curs. Mundi, 2939. If ye hit do I you teche Siker may ye be of wreche And youre shame shal be cou|> Alle men to haue you in mouj? ^ lb., 4133. Alle )>at bereth baslard, brode swerde or launce, Axe other hachet or eny wepne ellis, Shall be demed to >>e deth but if he do it smythye In-to sikul or to sithe to schare or to kulter ; Conflabunt gladios suos in vomeres, &c ; Eche man to pleye with a plow pykoys or spade, Spynne, or sprede donge or spille hym-self with sleuthe. Prestes and persones with placebo to hunte, And dyngen vpon dauid eche a day til eue Piers PL, iii, 303. J)anne shal J?e kynge come and casten hem in yrens And but if dobest bede for hem \>^i to he \>ere for euere lb., VIII, 101. And Jjanne shal I come as a kynge crouned with angeles, And han out of helle alle mennes soules. Fendes and fendekynes bifor me shulle stande, And be at my biddynge where so eure me lyketh. And ^ to he merciable to man )>anne ray kynde it asketh lb., xviii, 369. And thanne agreen that I may ben he, Withoute braunche of vyce in any wyse, In trouthe alwey to doon yow ray servyse As to my lady right and chief resort. With al my wit and al my diligence. And I to han, right as yow list, comfort. Under your yerde, egal to myn offence, As deeth, if that I breke your defence ; * I think man-kind sal perist be (Cotton, Gottingen) ; I J>ink mankinde sal lorne be (Trinity). ' Other MSS read : All men sail you haue in moujj. ^ Subject / omitted. 159 And that ye deigne me so much honoure, Me to coraaunden ought in any houre. And I to been your verray humble trewe TroHus, in, 131. Let hym fynde a sarsyn And y to fynde a knyght of myn. The batell vJ>on them schall goo Guy of Warwicky 3531. Out of the erth herbys shal spryng Trees toflorish and hniefurth. bryng Townley, 2, 43. and than thou mayest goo and retourne surely in the palays at thy pleasure, and no man to let the for yf thou haddest slayne v. C. men there shalbe none so hardy to touche the Berners : Huon, 107, 3. assay if ye canne get graunt of therle of Derby to let vs depart, our lyues and goodes saued, and we to delyuer to hym this castell {^=^nous U renderons le forterece) ^ Berners ; Chronicle, 133. Who so euer causeth a synner to leue his synful lyf shal both saue his owne soule from dampnacion & his synne to be done away Fisher, 123, 28. When theyr soules ben departed from the bodyes, they shall neyther be cast in to hell neyther into the paynes of purgatory, but without ony lette to be in the gloryous place of heuen Fisher, 11, 5. When the future verb is found in a dependent clause (indirect discourse) and shall is therefore changed to should, the infinitive continues to be employed in the same manner. As oure lord biforne him higt Of him to springe alle l>inge to rigt ^ Curs. Mundi^ 8527. For euery cristene creature shulde be kynde til other, And sithen hethen to helpe Piers PL, x, 364. alle thinges bityden the whiche that the purviaunce of god hath seyn biforn to comen Ch. Boeth., 194bl2. right as we trowen that the thinges which that the purviance wot biforn to comen ne ben nat to bityden Ih., 198, 90. 1 Krickau, 25. ' Other MSS read : of him suld spring that all suld right. 160 "For certaynly, this wot I wel," he seyde, "That for-sight of divyne purveyaunce Hath seyn alwey me tofor-gon Criseyde" Troilns, iv, 960. & also yf a man had bene of grete age he shulde retourne agayne to the age of .xxx. yere and a woman to become as freshe & lusty as a mayde of .xv. yere Huon, 116, 30. sayd to these lordes of France, how they were well content to be vnder the frenche kynge, so that they myght caste downe their castell to the erthe . . . and on that condicyon the towne of Kochell . . . shulde be for euer vnder the resort and demayne of y^ frenche kyng, and neuer to be put away by maryage . . . also they of the towne to haue a mynt to forge money Berners : Chron., 454. The people herynge the wordes of the prophete lonas and ferynge the vengeaunce of god to fall vpon them Fisher, 107, 16. He promysed also at his ascencyon the holy ghost to come J6., 108, 25. God almyghty promysed by his prophete Ezechiel that euery true penytent wyllynge to forsake his synfull lyfe shoulde haue forgyuenes, & neuer after his wyckednes to be layd to his charge -f^'j 221, 16. For as for leysore shall not I trust one time or other lacke to suffyse, for so muche & for muche more to More, 356 C. A variation of this use is that occasionally found in future conditions less vivid. sayd he wolde neuer depart thens, tyll he had wonne it, orels the kyng of Scottis to come, and to reyse his siege parforce Berners : Chronicle^ 38. yf ye had weddyd a lady, & loue her derely ... & then a traytoure pryuely to purchase your dethe for loue of your wyfe Huon, 287, 15. I coniure the by y® grete vertu deuyne, & by your parte of paradyce, & that your soule to be dampned yf case be that ye say not the trouth Ib.y 287, 8. 161 but I could then have looked on him without the help of admiration, though the catalogue of his endowments had been tabled by his side, and 7 to peruse him by items Cymheliney I, iv, 4. With this group the following passages in which the infini- tive has a distinctly optative force, are to be compared : Ne in him desyr noon othere fownes bredde But arguments to this conclusioun, That she on him wolde han compassioun, And he to be hir man, whyl he may dure Troilus, i, 465. They would gladly se theyr wyues and chyldren, and some to se theyr louers Huon, 303, 26. Heaven would that she these gifts should have, And / to live and die her slave As You Like It, III, ii, 161. For would that I myself had such a son. And not that one slight helpless girl I have, — A son so famed, so brave, to send to war, And I to tarry with the snow-haired Zal, My father, whom the robber Afghans vex Arnold : Sohrah and Rustum. ^ Oh, that I were a beast on the wild hills. And I had borne thee to my twilight lair Alive, and there had bitten thee to death, And dabbled all thy beauty in the dew — And he to look upon it Mackaye : Sappho and Phaon, p. 81. The so-called resumptive to construction, in which an in- finitive is used parallel to a verb with a modal auxiliary, when the subject is unchanged, is exactly our construction of the infinitive with the force of a future indicative, except that the subject is not repeated before the infinitive. The in- stances of an infinitive alternating with other than a future auxiliary are of comparatively later date and scarcely found outside of Malory. ^ Eversley Edition, p. 106. 11 162 If he be rightwis king, >ai sail Maintene him both night and day, Or els to lat his frendschip fall On faire manere, and fare oway Minot's Poems, 25, 113.^ Hit tokened Adam & his sede Ouer al \>e world shulde be sprad And ))ereof to he lord mad Curs. Mundi, 598. He shalbe a lord of great renoume. And after me to were the crowne Squyr of Low Degre, 1059.^ & who-so wol nat, Ke xal be had in hold ; & so to be cast in carys cold D^gby, 60, 150. how myght this be, that the day I shall on dye, I sholde breke my nekke, and be hanged, and also to he drovmed Merlin, 52. Yef ye wole yeve vs leve, we will assaye it, and for to preve the grete lesynge lb. , 62. Of yow and yowers I wyll have remenberavns & dayly yower bede woman /or to be L)igby, 129, 1966. Thys wryght would wedde no wyfe. Butt yn yougeth to lede hys lyfe Wright^ s Chaste Wife, 19.^ That no man schuld beseke her of grace, Nor her to hegyle lb., 101. ^ I shalle be your woman and to doo ony thynge that myghte please yow Malory, 150, 2. And anone the kynge commaunded that none of them vpon payne of dethe to myssaye them ne doo them ony harrae lb., 160, 32. we wyl be felawes to gyders and neuer tofayle Malory, 194, 21. god wold that ye shold put him from me outher to slee hym 76., 221, 28. I wyl foryeue the the dethe of my broder and for euer to become thy man lb., 224, 18. ye shal haue homage & feaute of me & an C knyghtes to be alweyes at your commaundement lb., 231, 7. ^ Ed. Ua\l. ' Hazlitt : Early Popular Poetry. 3 Quoted by Baldwin, § 239 note. 163 I loue her and wille rescowe her or els to dye lb., 237, 22. I will doo to yow homage and feaute with an C knygtes with me and alle the dayes of my lyf to doo you seruyse where ye wille commaunde me lb., 266, 29 ; 277, 11 ; 282, 34 ; 286, 21; 242, 20 ; 244, 14 ; 690, 5 ; 191, 8 ; 716, 29. I would no more Endure this wooden slavery than to suffer The flesh-fly blow my mouth Temp., Ill, i, 62. Who would be so mock'd with glory, or to live But in a dream of friendship Timon, IV, ii, 33. She tells me she' 11 wed the stranger knight, Or never more to view nor day nor night Pericles, II, v, 17. Some pagan shore. Where these two Christian armies might combine The blood of malice in a vein of league, And not to spend it so unneighborly John, V, ii, 39.^ Absolute Consteuction A secondary idea is sometimes joined to the main clause by the insertion of a parenthetical nominative with infinitive. Such an expression is by its form subordinate and requires no connective to elucidate its relation to the main clause. But because the secondary clause cannot be construed as in any way dependent upon the main verb, the writer often introduces the conjunction and, and thus gives a coordinate value to the infinitive and the finite verb. Also y will >at lohn Edmund haue al J>e led . . ., he to paie ber-for as it ys worthy E. E. W., 2, 11. And all the remenauntys of my godys, y wyll they be preysyd & parttyd in thre : on part for to be don for my soule, & that other part to my wyfe lb., 13, 19. » Quoted by Abbott, § 350. 164 Also J be-queyth to ysabell ray dowter, an . C. pounde to hir mariage, of whiche somme ys owynge to me, to be payd, an .C. Mark . . . and >« remnaund to bepayid of my godes )>at leuyth lb., 19, 11. Also I bequethe to my wyfe alle J>e goodis ]>at be meuablis, and she to be my prinsepall seccutur lb., 80, 4. Also I be-quethe to be distribued a-mong prisoners . . . the prisoners to prate for my soule, XX. s' lb., 78, 3. Item I beqwethe all maner of godis to my wyf Alson Newent, and sheforto do me like as she wolde I dede for her in |>e same cas lb., 83, 13. y will the best prest that may be founde, sey for me the saide trentall, with the hole diriges, and all the seruice thurghout the yere, and the prest to have lb., 88, 10. And I make myn executours, Marie my wyif, and my sone Kichard, Marie to be evermore myn executrice principall, And no ihyng to be dymened agens here wille lb. , 93, 17. All-so I woll that lane Newmarch haue CC mark in gold, And I to bere all Costes as for her bryngynge yn-to seynt Katrens, or where-euer she woll be elles lb., 118, 14. 82, 14 ; 95, 16 ; 123, 18 ; 132, 18. Item, I will and ordeyne . . . that the pore pepyl . . . have . . . quantitie of the x. part of oon yeerly valewe and reueneuse of the seyd lordshepis . . . halfe to be departyd to . . . parishe cherchis for werkys . . . and half to be departyd amonges the seyd pore pepil Will of Sir J. Fastolf. I geue and qwethe to Willm Hussher iijs iiijc?, and he to have his identour of his prentished Bury Wills, 16. first I will be .iij. preests yerely at the said obite, whereof oon to be assigned to syng masse of Kequiem, another masse of the v. 165 Wounds . . . and at the tyme of the lavatory everych of them to say *'De Pro- f undis ' ' Fabyan' s Will, ix. Than bothe the brethern be-sought hym full lowly to a-bide with hem, and thei to be gouemed by hym as he wolde Merlin^ 48. this is my counceill . . . that we lete puruey X knygtes ... & they to Jcepe this swerd Malory, 40, 35. And thenne hadde she me deuysed to be kyng in this land and soo to regne and she to be my quene lb., 133, 7. therfore they agreed on a truce, to endure to the fyrst day of May next after, in all the marches of Calais . . . and other landes to be styll in warre Berners : Chronicle, 478. tidynges came, how trewse was taken bytwene the sayde two kynges, to endure to the feest of Saint John Baptyst ; and in the mean tyme, the pope to do what he myght to make a further peace lb. , 185. Man that was create in great honoure, & among all creatures lyuynge none but he had theyr face set streyght to loke vp in to heuen, en- dued also with reason and free wyll, fourmed and made lyke vnto the ymage of almyghty god, ordeyned by his maker to be aboue all other creatures of the worlde, and they also to be at his commaundement Fisher, 39, 1. If they wold use but a fewe nombre of houndes, only to harborowe, or rouse, the game, and by their yorning to gyue knowlege whiche way it fleeth ; the remenant of the disporte to be in pursuyng with iauelyns and other waipons, in maner of warre Elyot, 193. wamyng her (as for all ) hensfurth to desist for feare of the reward of shame, and he to rest contented with the wrong he had alredy done Fenton's Bandello, n, 82.* be then desired By her that else will take the thing she begs ^Ed. Douglas. 166 A little to disquantity your train, And the remainder that shall still depend, To be such men as may besort your age, Which know themselves and you Lear, I, It, 268. But she used him for her sport, like what she was, to trifle a leisure sentence or two with, and then to be dismissed, and she to be the Great Lady still Elia : On Some Old Actors. Historical Infinitive The infinitive is sometimes found parallel to a simple narrative tense. Stormes roos on euery syde , Sonne & moone J>e ligt gan hide. Hit merked ouer al >is world wide. pe reyn fel doun so wondir fast, pe Welles wax, ]?e bankes brest, pe see to ryse, \>e erthe to cleft, pe springes all oute to drep Curs. Mundi, 1762. pe frount frounse)? l>at was shene, pe nese droppej? ofte bitwene, Tee\> to rote, bree\> to stynke lb., 3571. Esau went hoom his wey vnto syer >ere he coom fro, and iacob to his fadir to go^ lb., 4020. In )>at lond was a werre strong And hit lasted somdel long. Foure kynges werred vpon fyue \>efyue ageyn J)e foure to stryue ^ lb., 2491. parauenture he loueth in somme other places ladyes and gentylwymmen, and to be loued agayne, and he be suche a man of prowesse Malory, 141, 1. * pe springes cum over-all utedriue Cotton. pe springes gan over-all utedriue Gottingen. *can ga (Cotton & Fairfax); gan ga (Gottingen). ^ to- stryue (Cotton). 167 Conclusion The results of this entire investigation may briefly be summarized as follows: 1. Old English, in common with other Indo-Germanic languages, possessed the construction of an accusative with a predicate as the object of a principal verb. This predi- cate could be a substantive, an adjective, a participle, or an infinitive. The usage was limited only by the capacity of the governing verb for taking an object in the accusative case. Subject to this limitation, the construction was be- coming more common in early Middle English, without the aid of Latin influence, but its rapid extension in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries may to some extent have been stimu- lated by the Latinizing of the English vocabulary which was going on during that period. In its fullest development in the middle of the sixteenth century, the construction is dis- tinguished by the same essential characteristics which marked it in the earliest English. It at no time developed with the freedom of the classical construction. 2. The use of a substantive with infinitive as the subject of a neuter or impersonal verb, which has often been iden- tified with a similar classical construction, is really of native origin. The instances in which the substantive is in the nominative case far outnumber the others, but it is possi- ble to account for the examples in which the substantive as- sumes another case by proving a variety of sources for the construction. This construction is not found at all in Old English, is in general use between the thirteenth and six- teenth centuries inclusive, and survives in Modern English in a disguised form in the so-called " inorganic for " con- struction, in which the substantive is preceded by the prepo- sition for and in which the case is therefore necessarily objective. 168 3. The infinitive, accompanied by a substantive, has been found in Middle English employed to express purpose and result, to denote various shades of command in sen- tences in which a verb of commanding is expressed or implied, and finally, to express command by itself without the presence of any verb of commanding. These uses have been classified under a common heading as the conjunctive- imperative use of the infinitive, because of their analogy to a similar use of the infinitive in Greek. 4. The infinitive occurs in Middle English as equivalent to a future indicative. When it is reduced to a dependent position in a subordinate clause, this infinitive naturally tends to become potential in its force, and it is therefore not surprising that it should also be found to have an optative force in certain independent statements. 5. The use of a nominative and infinitive in place of a clause, to express an idea parenthetically or loosely joined to the principal idea of the sentence, is frequent in Middle English. This is the Absolute Infinitive, which is also quite common in Modern English. 6. The infinitive sometimes occurs in Middle English as equivalent to a simple narrative tense, and in this respect it resembles the Latin historical infinitive. BIBLIOGEAPHY I. Texts Examined Following is a list of the texts from whicli the material for this dissertation has been chiefly collected. Quotations gleaned from occasional reading or from secondary sources are indicated in footnotes. Books marked with a star ('^) have been read only in part. Old English. Bibliothek der Angelsaehsischen Poesie. Begriindet von C. W. M. Grein, neu . . . bearbeitet von R. P. Wulcker. Kassel and Leipzig, 1883-1898. (Quoted by title of poem and line. Psalms quoted by verse.) Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel . . . Edited by Charles Plummer on the basis of an edition by John Earle. Oxford, 1892. (Quotations from the Laud MS. by page.) Angel sjich si sche Homilien und Heiligenleben. Herausgegeben von Bruno Assmann in Bihl. der Ags. Prosa, Vol. III. Kassel, 1889. (Quoted under ^Ifric by page and line.) King Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius' De Consolatione Phi- losophiw, edited by W. J. Sedgefield. Oxford, 1899. (p. & 1.) Bischofs Waerferth von Worcester Uebersetzung der Dialoge Gregors des Grossen . . . Aus dem Nachlasse von Julius Zupitza nach einem Copie von Henry Johnson herausgegeben von Hans Hecht. Leipzig, 1900. {Bibliothek der Ags. Prosa, Vol. V; p. & 1.) Middle English. Old English Homilies and Homiletic Treatises ... of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries. Edited by Richard Morris. First Series. London (E. E. T. S.), 1868. (Horn. I, p.) Old English Homilies of the Twelfth Century. Edited by the Rev. R. Morris. Second Series. London (E. E. T. S.), 1873. (Hom. n, p.) An Old English Miscellany containing a Bestiary, Kentish Sermons, Proverbs of Alfred, Religious Poems of the Thirteenth Century . . . Edited by the Rev. Richard Morris. London (E. E. T. S.), 1872. (O. E. Misc. p. «& 1.) 169 170 The Story of Genesis and Exodus, an Early English Song, about A. D. 1250. Edited by the Rev. Richard Morris. Second and Revised Edition, 1873. London (E. E. T. S.), 1865. (1.) *Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle. Transcrib'd and . . . publish'd . . . by Thomas Hearne. Oxford, 1724. (p.) Cursor Mundi (The Cursur o the World). A Northumbrian poem of the XlVth Century . . . Edited by the Rev. Richard Morris. Lon- don (E. E. T. S.), Pt. 1, 1874; pt. 2, 1875-1876. (Trinity M8. 1.) The Pricke of Conscience (Stimulus Conscientiae ) . A Northumbrian poem by Richard Rolle de Hampole. Copied and edited ... by Richard Morris. Published for the Philological Society . . . 1863. (Pr. Con., 1.) *Richard Rolle of Hampole. An English Father of the Church and his Followers. Edited by C. Horstman. London and New York, 1895. (Hampole, p.) *The English Works of Wyelif Hitherto Unprinted. Edited by F. D. Matthew. London (E. E. T. S.), 1880. (p.) The Vision of William concerning Piers the Plowman ... by William Langland (1377). Edited by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. London (E. E. T. S.),1869. Text B. (Piers PI., passus and line.) The Student's Chaucer. Being a Complete Edition of his Works edited ... by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. Oxford University Press, 1894. (Separate works quoted by line; Boethius, by page and line and, where necessary, by column; Canterbury Tales (C. T.), in accordance with Skeat's division). *The Complete Works of John Gower. Edited by G. C. Macaulay. The English Works. Oxford, 1901. (Book and line.) *The regement of Princes . . . Edited by Frederick J. Furnivall. Lon- don (E. E. T. S.), 1897. The Fifty Earliest English Wills in the Court of Probate, London. A. D. 1387-1439; with a priest's of 1454. Copied and Edited by Frederick J. Furnivall. London (E. E. T. S.), 1882. (E. E. W., p. and 1. ) •Fifteenth Century Prose and Verse with an introduction by Alfred W. Pollard. Westminster, 1903. (Pollard, p.) ♦Paston Letters 1422-1509 A. D. A Reprint of the Edition of 1872-5. . . . Edited by James Gairdner of the Public Record Office. West- minster, 1900. (p.) ♦The Repressor of Over Much Blaming of the Clergy. By Reginald Pecock. Edited by Churchill Babington. London, 1860. (p.) *Merlin or the Early History of King Arthur: A Prose Romance (about 1450-1460 A. D.). Edited by . . . Henry B. Wheatly. London (E. E. T. S.), 1899. (p.) *Le Morte DArthur by Syr Thomas Malory. The original Edition of William Caxton now reprinted and edited by H. Oskar Sommer. London, 1889. (p. and I.) 171 The Townley Plays Re-edited from the unique MS. by George England . . . London (E. E. T. S.) , 1897. (p. and 1.) The Digby Plays . . . With an incomplete Morality of Wisdom, Who is Christ (Part One of the Macro Moralities). Edited by F. J. Furnivall. London (E. E. T. S.), 1896. (p. and L) *The Boke of Duke Huon of Burdeux done into English by Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners. Edited by S. L. Lee. London (E. E. T. S.), 1872-1877. (p. and 1.) The English Works of John Fisher Bishop of Rochester . . . Now first collected by John E. B. Mayor. Part I. London (E. E. T. S.), 1876. (p. and 1.) *The Workes of Sir Thomas More Knyght, sometyme Lord Chancellour of England, wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge. In London at the costes and charges of lohn Cawode, lohn Waly, and Richarde Tottell. Anno 1557. (page and section.) The Utopia of Sir Thomas More in Latin from the edition of March 1518, and in English from the first edition of Ralph Robynson's translation of 1551, with additional translations, introduction and notes by J. H. Lupton. Oxford, 1895. (p.) The Boke named The Governour. Deuised by Sir Thomas Elyot, Knight. Edited from the first edition of 1531 by Henry Herbert Stephen Croft. Vol. I. London, 1883. (p.) The Bankette of Sapience, compyled by Syr Thomas Elyot knyght, and newly augmented with dyuerse titles and sentences. M. D. XLII. 1534. Leyland's New Year's Gift. Bibliographiana No. 1. Edited by W. A. Copinger . . . Privately Printed at the Priory Press, Manchester, 1895. (p.) Modern English. Shakespeare's Plays: (Globe Edition). Henry IV (2 parts) ; Two Gentlemen of Verona; A Winter's Tale; Tempest; Merry Wives of Windsor; Measure for Measure; King Lear; Much Ado About Nothing; Cymbeline; other plays, passim. *Sir Thomas Browne's Works . . . Edited by Simon Wilkin. Vol. Ill, London, 1835. The Spectator, Numbers 1 to 80. (Quoted by number). *The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke. First American from the last London Edition. Vol. I, Boston, 1806-1807. *The Works of Walter Bagehot. Published in full by The Travelers Insurance Company of Hartford, Connecticut. Edited by Forrest Morgan. Vol. I. Hartford, 1891. God and The Bible. A Review of Objections to "Literature and Dogma." 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E.: Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen . . . Zweiter Theil. Bonn, 1901. Zickner, Bruno: Syntax und Stil in Reginald Pecock's "Repressor." Greifswald Diss. Berlin, 1900. VITA The author of this dissertation was born in Russia in 1883. He came to the United States with his parents in 1892 and entered the public schools of E'ew York, gradua- ting in 1898. He held a Pulitzer scholarship from 1898 to 1906. He received his secondary schooling in the Horace Mann and DeWitt Clinton High Schools of i^ew York, graduating from the latter in 1901. He entered Columbia College in 1901 and took courses in literature under Pro- fessors T. R. Price, Brander Matthews, G. E. Woodberry, G. P. Krapp, and Calvin Thomas, receiving the degree of A. B. in 1904. He was enrolled in the graduate school of Columbia University, in the Department of English, from 1904 to 1907, and during that time took courses in Com- parative Literature under Professor J. E. Spingarn, in English Literature under Professors Brander Matthews, G. R. Carpenter, W. P. Trent, W. A. Neilson (now of Harvard University), F. T. Baker, G. P. Krapp, W. W. Lawrence, and Dr. C. M. Hathaway (now of Annapolis). He also had courses in philology under Professors A. Y. W. Jackson, H. A. Todd, A. F. J. Remy, and R. Tombo, Jr. He re- ceived the degree of A. M. in 1905. In 1907 he was ap- pointed Instructor in English at the University of Illinois. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY BERKELEY THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW Books not returned on time are subject to a fine of 50c per volume after the third day overdue, increasing to $1.00 per volume after the sixth day. Books not in demand may be renewed if application is made before expiration of loan period. N0Vl8?92ff MAY 081995 MAY 01 1996 Moffitt ^^^ ^^ r ni.^7d U, C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES I J ■■ CDSaED3b73 -7