LIBRARY UjNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS The Presidents I Have Known from 1860-1918 By SIMON WOLF AUTHOR OF "The American Jew as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen" SECOND EDITION PRESS or BYRON S. ADAMS WASHINGTON, D. C. COPYRIGHT 1918 BY SIMON WOLF GENERAL INDEX. Title i Dedication v Foreword vii Author's Preface xi Buchanan 1 Lincoln 4 Johnson 50 Grant 63 Hayes 99 Garfield 109 Arthur 132 Cleveland 136 Harrison 154 McKinley 167 Roosevelt 184 Taf t 292 Wilson 403 Humorous Incidents 447 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Simon Wolf Frontispiece James Buchanan 1 Abraham Lincoln 4 Andrew Johnson 50 Ulysses S. Grant 63 Statue of Religious Liberty 89 Rutherford B. Hayes 99 James A. Garfteld* 109 Tewfik Pacha 114 Arabi Pacha 125 At the Temple of Luxor 130 Chester A. Arthur 132 Grover Cleveland 136 Benjamin Harrison 154 William McKinley 167 Laying Corner-stone of Jewish Temple 181 Theodore Roosevelt 184 Leo N. Levi 208 John Hay 223 William Howard Taft 292 Presentation of Gold Medal to President Taft James Bryce Wendell P. Stafford 338 Joseph G. Cannon 342 Charles H. Lauchheimer Julius Stahel 394 > Woodrow Wilson 403 Josephus Daniels 406 I. O. B. B. Hebrew Orphans' Home 412 LIST OF DOCUMENTS, ADDRESSES AND LETTERS. Page Address on Lincoln's Birthday (1888) 23 Letter to New York Evening Post "Defence of the Jewish Race; Prejudice Rebuked" (November, 1864) 35 Evening Post Editorial Comment (1864) 43 "Washington Chronicle" (1864) 44 Letters from Ida M. Tarbell (1903 and 1916) 48 Letters from Carl Schurz (1906) 49 Letter from John Hay (1906) 49 Letters from General Badeau about Grant's Order No. 11 65-66 Letter to the Boston "Transcript" on "The Jews and General Grant" (1868) 67 Vice-President Coif ax Letter (1870) (Roumania) 76 Hamilton Fish Letter ( 1872) (Roumania) 77 Correspondence with President Grant regarding Statue of Religious Liberty (1876) 89-90 General Grant on lecture "The Influence of the Jews" 92 General Beale on lecture "The Influence of the Jews" (1888) . . 93 Correspondence with President Grant on his retirement (1877) 96-97 Letter to President Hayes (1878) 103 Letter from General Sherman (1878) 107 Letter from Chief Rabbi Herman Adler 113 Tribute to President Garfield 117 Extract from Address on Atonement Day (1893) 138 Letters from President Cleveland (1893 and 1895) 139 New York Sun Review of "American Jew as Patriot, Soldier, and Citizen" 146 Letter from John Bigelow (1905) 147 Letter from James Bryce (1907) 148 Letters from Mark Twain (1899) 149 Correspondence with Grover Cleveland 152-153 President Harrison on Russian Jewish Expulsions (1890 and 1891) 156 Correspondence with Secretary Charles Foster regarding Right of Asylum for Russian Jews in America (1891) 158-162 Letter from John Sherman (1893) 162 Tribute to Gen. Franz Sigel 163 Letters from President McKinley (1896 and 1898), 170-171, 173, 174, 179 Letter from Assistant Secretary Adee regarding the I. O. B. B. in Russia 171 Flag Day Addresses (1901) 175-176 Letters from President Palma and Gonzales de Quesada (1903) 177 Tribute to President McKinley (1901) 181 Letters from President Roosevelt and Secretary Hay regarding the Hay Roumanian Note 185-187 Correspondence with State Department regarding Kishineff Massacre (1903) 187-190 LIST OF DOCUMENTS, ADDRESSES AND LETTERS. Page Secretary Hay on proposed Kishineff Massacre Petition (June 15, 1903) .....191-193 President Roosevelt on proposed Kishineff Massacre Petition (June 15, 1903) 193-198 Letter from Secretary Hay on proposed Kishineff Massacre Petition (June 24, 1903) 199 Letter to Leo N. Levi on proposed Kishineff Massacre Petition 200 Letter to President Roosevelt on proposed Kishineff Massacre Petition (July 2, 1903) 201 Conference with President Roosevelt on proposed Kishineff Massacre Petition (July 14, 1903) 202-209 Letter from Secretary Hay announcing Russian Refusal to accept the Petition (July 17, 1903) 209 Correspondence between Leo N. Levi and Secretary Hay re garding presentation of Kishineff Petition to State De partment (October, 1903) 212-215 Letter to Count Cassini 216 Address on Russian Intolerance (January, 1903) 219 Tribute to John Hay (July 6, 1905) 221, 223 Letter to Count Witte and answer (August 3, 1905) 230-234 Symposium as to Governmental Classification of Jews as a Race (1903) 239-258 T. V. Powderly on Statistics regarding Jewish Immigrants (1899) 259 Letter to President Roosevelt on the Passport Question (1903) and Conference 264-266 Letter from President Roosevelt to Secretary Moody (1903).. 267 Tribute to Pope Leo (1903) 268 Correspondence with President Roosevelt (1904 and 1908), 269-270, 282-285, 287-289 Parallel between Lincoln and Roosevelt 270-273 Tribute to Booker Washington and President Roosevelt's comment thereon 273-275 Letter opposing Religious Insruction in the Public Schools (1905) 275 Letter from Theodore Roosevelt ( 1916) 291 Conference with President Taft regarding Abrogation of Rus sian Treaty, Mr. Taft's Memorandum and remarks by Jacob H. Schiff and Louis Marshall (February 15, 1911. .293-310 Correspondence between Mr. Schiff and President Taft re garding the Conference (February, 1911) 310-315 Letter from Secretary Nagel on the Conference (February 25, 1911) 316 Senator Cullom on Senate Hearings on Russian Treaty Abro gation Secretary Root on Russian Intervention 319 Correspondence with President Taft after Russian Treaty Ab rogation (December, 1911) 320 Letter from Hon. William H. Taft regarding John Hays Hammond and the Russian Passport Question (November 26, 1917) 321 Correspondence regarding I. O. B. B. Presentation of Gold Medal to President Taft 321-323 LIST OF DOCUMENTS, ADDRESSES AND LETTERS. Page Correspondence with Adolf Kraus and President Taft regard ing Russian Attitude to the Jews (November, 1912) ... .323-328 President Taft's Address at I. O. B. B. Banquet (April, 1910) 329-333 Ambassador Bryce's Address (Id.) (The Jew in History) . .333-338 Justice Stafford's Address (Id.) (Israel's Ideal of Justice) . .338-342 Speaker Cannon's Address (Id.) 342-346 President Taft's Address at I. O. B. B. 70th Anniversary (January 19, 1913) 348-350 I. O. B. B. Anniversary Oration 356-364 Correspondence with Secretary Nagel regarding "White Slave Traffic" 365-366 Correspondence with Secretary Nagel regarding alleged harsh enforcement of Immigration Laws (October, 1911) 367-369 Correspondence with Secretary Nagel on 75th Anniversary and Miscellaneous correspondence 369-370 Correspondence with President Taft and Secretary Nagel on Veto of Illiteracy Test (February, 1913) 380-382 The Bloom Incident, including correspondence with President Taft, and Secretary Dickinson's report (March-May, 1911) 382-390 Address on Haym Solomon 391-393 Miscellaneous Correspondence with President Taft.. 394, 398, 401-402 Tribute to Gen. Julius Stahel 394-397 Tribute to President Taft, the Man (March 2, 1913) 399 Correspondence with President Wilson 403-404, 411^112 Address of Secretary Daniels at I. O. B. B. Banquet 406-409 Correspondence regarding our Relations to Russia (1913- 1914) 409-411 Correspondence with President Wilson on Veto of Illiteracy Test 415-416 Article by Max J. Kohler on "Rights of Political Asylum Threatened" 417 Correspondence with President Wilson regarding securing Jewish Rights at the Peace Conference 422-424 Correspondence with President Wilson regarding proposed new Russian Treaty 424-425, 436-437 H. G. Hodges on Intervention in the Interest of Persecuted Jews 425-427 Letters from Wm. J. Bryan, Theodore Roosevelt, Wm. H. Taft, Charles Nagel and Mabel T. Boardman, regarding I. O. B. B. Quinquennial Convention (April, 1915) 428-431 Correspondence with President Wilson and State Department regarding Jewish Sufferings in the War 431^*35 Article "There, is no Jewish Vote" 437-439 Correspondence with Secretary Lansing 435, 439, 442 Correspondence with Secretary Wilson 439-440 Miscellaneous Correspondence with President Wilson, 441, 443, 444-445 Poem by T. V. Powderly to Simon Wolf on his 80th Birthday. . 443 DEDICATION. To the memory of my dear and sainted mother, whose inspiring optimism and constant teaching of the Golden Rule gave impulse and direction to my course of life, this book is affectionately dedicated. By the Author. Foreword by Mr. Justice Wendell Phillips Stafford of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia The only foreword that seems to be appropriate is a word of congratulation to those into whose hands this book may fall. No introduction is necessary, to the book itself, for wherever it is opened it will make itself charmingly familiar. No introduction of the author can be needed, because he is his own intro ducer, introducing both himself and others, and no one else could do it better. You have only to accept the offered hand and go with him on his interesting way. You will find here a large company of distin- tinguished people aside from the Presidents them selves, whom you are especially invited to meet. You will find yourself refreshing your recollection of a great period in American history. You will get many glimpses of what was going on behind the scenes in Washington. You will listen to delightful stories. You will be touched by pathetic incidents. You will be moved to laughter and perhaps to tears. You will see the anxious face of Buchanan, the hag gard, far-away look of Lincoln, the narrow self- willed expression of Johnson, the imperturbable de meanor of Grant, the gracious personality of Hayes, the large, magnetic presence of Garfield, the courtly bearing of Arthur, the indomitable figure of Cleve land, the cold self-possession of Harrison, the win ning smile of McKinley, the restless and virile move ments of Roosevelt, the massive form and bland good-fellowship of Taft, and accomplished ease and dignity of Wilson. You will find yourself present at many interesting meetings, where your presence will not hinder the free disclosure of personal traits in these and other noted characters of the time, and as you move through the changing scenes, you will come to have a warm admiration for your conductor so witty, so full of intelligence and kindly human interest, so frank and engaging in his revelation of himself and his activities, so devoted to the welfare of his people, so indefatigable in his efforts, so elo quent in his appeals, so broad in his sympathies, so unqualifiedly American in all he does and says. Born in a little town in Bavaria, feeling the heel of the oppressor in his youth, coming to this country while yet a boy, "clerking it" in a country store, studying law and securing admission to the bar, coming to Washington at the beginning of the Civil War and entering at once upon the public spirited and benevolent tasks which have occupied his days from then till now, winning the confidence of lead ing men, broadening and strengthening his influence, using all he gained for the service of his less fortu nate fellows, making himself a new sort of tribune of the helpless and needy in the departments of power, filling important positions at home and abroad, enlarging the circle of his friends till they include all sorts and conditions of men, and becom ing in his own way the typical man of his race in this country, he has been nothing more truly or more completely than this a fearless, honest, uncompro mising defender of free principles, a loyal and patriotic American. That, I am sure, is what he would be willing I should say in attempting to describe him. He passed his seventieth birthday amid grateful acclamations. He has now passed his eightieth with still increasing praise, and he is doing well to give us in these pages a record, incomplete though it must be, of the strik ing events of which he has been a part, with faithful portraits of the eminent personages he has known. The lesson taught by this volume will not be over looked at a time when some are skeptical enough to doubt the loyalty of large numbers of their fellow citizens born under other skies, many of whom are perhaps more capable than we ourselves of measur ing the wide gulf between free and despotic institu tions, and who are no less determined than we that "government of the people, by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth." AUTHORS PREFACE In the evening of a busy life, now prolonged much beyond the span allotted by the Psalmist, my mem ory reverts at times to those events and incidents in my experience of the past sixty years which are related, more or less directly, to affairs of national and international importance, and in which it fell to my lot to be an active participant. Especially marked among these recollections are those of the Roumanian Mission; the famous Kis- hineff petition ; the preventing of more than one hun dred thousand worthy immigrants from being de ported, and the continued struggle against the en actment of the literacy test for immigration which ended, for the time being, in the passage of that absurd piece of legislation over its third presidential veto in February, 1917; the Statue of Religious Lib erty erected in Fairmount Park, Philadelphia, under the auspices of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith; the many years of agitation for the valida tion of the passports of American Jews in Russia, which culminated in the abrogation of our discred ited treaty with the Gzardom in 1912; the malicious slurs on the Jewish people as having shown a lack of patriotism and courage during our Civil War, set in circulation from time to time after its close, which impelled me to the publication of my book, The American Jew as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen, in refutation of that calumny in 1895, and various other episodes of a like nature. Most of these movements naturallv centered at the national capital, Washington, where, as my home city throughout all these years, I had the honor, as officer or member of various national and interna tional organizations, of representing these bodies and thus, in a sense, the Jewish people especially, before the several departments of the national government as occasion required. So it was that I came to know the successive Presidents of the United States, from the great martyr President, Abraham Lincoln, in the crucial days of the great war to make America safe for freedom, to the present chief magistrate of the nation, Woodrow Wilson, in these no less crucial days of the yet greater war to make the world safe for democracy. In the year 1916 at the request of some of my friends, I jotted down a series of these recollections and they were published during that year, and in 1917 in the American Hebrew, New York, under the title "Presidents I Have Known." Dealing as these narratives did with various subjects of historical importance, they appear to have attracted for that reason a degree of attention that I had scarcely an ticipated. Recognizing the significance of this aspect of the matter I have gone ahead, quoting authentic documents where these were to the purpose, and rounded out my earlier recollections with those of the later Presidents whom I have known. Leaving these memoirs under that title I turn them over to my readers in the hope that, however cursory my jottings, they may yet serve to throw some further light, if only a sidelight, on a period replete with events of far reaching importance to the world. SIMON WOLF. JAMES BUCHANAN 1857-1861 The Presidents I Have Known from 1860 to 1918 JAMES BUCHANAN \ For many years I have been urged to write the reminiscences, experiences and observations incident to my knowledge of the Presidents of the United States, from the days of Buchanan up to the present incumbent. I have never before had the time to do full justice to this interesting and important chapter of American history, but now while summering at a restful place, I feel the impulse to attempt in a re stricted sense what has been so urgently requested by many friends. Residing in Ohio, in the hotbed of politics, it was but natural that I should become more or less identi fied and interested in one or the other party. Like so many other immigrants who were coming across the seas, when arriving as a lad my inclinations were for the Democratic party. The word "Democracy" contained something inspiring and elevating. Later years disenchanted me from that first opinion, and thus it was when the Democratic convention of 1860 met in Charleston, S. C., I was an alternate delegate and witnessed the exciting scenes which preceded the Rebellion. Indeed all that was said and done there was but a chapter in that tragedy which fortu nately ended in the Union being stronger than ever. I remember Benjamin F. Butler, a delegate from the State of Massachusetts, who had a half vote, cast it fifty-seven times for Jefferson Davis. It was a notable event and made a deep impression. And yet this same Benj. F. Butler when the war broke out be- 2 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN came a Union general and was one of the most deter mined to bring his former choice to condign punish ment. As is well known, that convention adjourned to meet again in the City of Baltimore, and I also witnessed the memorable scenes there enacted. The Ohio delegates, consisting of men who afterward became national figures, such as Henry B. Payne, George H. Pendleton, General James B. Steedman and others, were stanch Douglas adherents, while Thomas W. Bartley, brother-in-law of the Shermans and Ewings, was a pronounced pro-slavery Democrat, and so bitter and acrimonious became the arguments in the delegation that Bartley was finally ejected from the room as a traitor, not only to the Demo cratic party of Ohio but to the country. It was a scene almost tragic as Bartley walked out with bowed head and yet determined in his opposition to Douglas. I shall not attempt to go into the historic character of those days, but while in Baltimore some friends suggested that we go to Washington and pay our respects to the President of the United States, James Buchanan. We were admitted, and the careworn face, deep sunken eyes and furrowed cheeks of the President, I shall never forget. He greeted each and every one of us most cordially, and when I told him I was of German-Jewish extraction, his face lighted up for a moment and he said that was a good stock in both directions, and he had a great admiration for Germany and what it had accomplished and he also looked upon the Jewish people as a superior class of American citizens. I never did believe that James Buchanan was a traitor or not sincerely de voted to the best interests of the Union. His mis fortune was that he was educated and schooled in JAMES BUCHANAN 3 conservatism; he was wedded to states rights and to ante-bellum ideas and lacked the knowledge of the gravity of the situation and the evolution that had been caused by anti-slavery agitation and the publi cation of "Uncle Tom's Cabin." During this same visit to Washington, I also called on Stephen A. Douglas, for whom I entertained great respect as a leader of progressive democratic thought, and I am happy to know that when the Civil War did come he threw aside partisanship and rose to the very heights of American patriotism, giving loyal support to his opponent, Abraham Lincoln. When I saw Mr. Douglas and told him he had two sincere, warm admirers in Henry Greenebaum of Chicago and myself, he facetiously remarked, "That is a good set-off for Judah P. Benjamin." The Civil War with all its consequences, came and terminated, leaving the country more closely united than ever, and bringing within the fold of American citizenship four millions who by one stroke of the President's pen were emancipated and raised from the depths of degradation to the heights of American opportunity. Those were solemn days; men and women were assertive and active in their various vocations of life and every moment was filled with danger and hope. There was a strong band of men and women who in the darkest hour of that great struggle never yielded for a moment, but rose each day more hopeful until all their highest ambitions and aspirations were finally realized, as they will again be realized in our present great struggle. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. He knew to bide his time, And can his fame abide, Still patient in his faith sublime, Till the wise years decide. Great captains with their guns and drums, Disturb our judgment of the hour, But at last Silence comes; These are all gone, and, standing like a tower, Our children shall behold his fame, The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man, Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, New birth of our new soil, the first American. JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL. I will not attempt to go into an historical resume of all which Abraham Lincoln accomplished. That has been done by numerous historians and biograph ers. I can only give a pen picture of that which I experienced and observed. In July, 1858, while I was visiting in Chicago, Abraham Lincoln delivered an address on the law of equal freedom, and although Mr. Greenebaum and I were admirers of the "Little Giant of the West," Stephen Douglas, yet like all fair- minded people should ever be, we were open to con viction and concluded to hear Mr. Lincoln. It was the first time I had ever seen the Great Emancipator, and the impression made was one that has never been obliterated from my memory. Tall, gaunt, with his clothes hanging loosely, solemnity about his features, his eyes beaming with an intensity born of conviction, he looked to me then, as he did many times afterwards, the personification of realism, strength of thought and purpose. We went away ABRAHAM LINCOLN 1861-1865 (Taken one week prior to death) ABRAHAM LINCOLN 5 from that hall more patriotic than when we entered it, and while our political convictions had not been changed by anything Mr. Lincoln had said, our love of the Republic was materially increased. I will always remember with what enthusiasm we prog nosticated the future greatness of Mr. Lincoln as a statesman and an American. Mr. Lincoln stands before me today, as he did the day when I first had the honor and privilege of hearing him. I have on several occasions given the history of the Jewish soldier whom he pardoned at two o'clock in the early morning. While seated in my office prior to going to my home, I received a telegram from a town in New England asking me to wait for a letter that was coming by express. The letter came, and it stated that a young soldier, American born, of Jewish faith, had been condemned to be shot and the execution was to take place the next morning. It was in the crucial days of the war when every soldier was needed at the front and when Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, had threatened to resign unless the President would stop pardoning deserters. It seemed this soldier could not get a furlough. His mother, who was on her death bed, had begged for his return, to lay her hands lovingly on his head and give him a parting blessing. The filial love was supe rior to his duty to the flag, and he went home, was arrested, tried and condemned to be shot. For a mo ment I was dazed and uncertain as to the course to be pursued. Night came on apace, and finally I con cluded to call on the Hon. Thomas Corwin of Ohio, who was on intimate terms with the President. Mr. Corwin, as ever, was most gracious, but said, "My dear Mr. Wolf, it is impossible to do anything in this 6 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN direction. The President has heen maligned for be ing too generous and liberal in this respect." But I begged so hard that finally Corvvin sent word over to the White House, inquiring whether an interview could be secured. The word came back, "Later in the night," and it was two o'clock in the morning before we reached the President. The whole scene is as vividly before me as in those early hours of the morning. The President walked up and down with his hands hanging by his side, his face wore that gravity of expression that has been so often described by his historians and biographers, and yet he greeted us as if we were his boon companions and were indulging in an interchange of anecdotes, of which he was a past master. Corwin told him why we had come. He listened with deep attention, and when Corwin had exhausted the subject the President replied, "Impossible to do anything. I have no influ ence with this administration," and the twinkle in his eye was indescribable : "Stanton has put his foot down and insists upon one of two things, either that I must quit or he will quit." Corwin turned to me and said. "I told you, my dear friend, that it was hopeless," and was about leaving the room. I said, "Mr. President, you will pardon me for a moment. What would you have done under similar circum stances? If your dying mother had summoned you to her bedside to receive her last message before her soul would be summoned to its Maker, would you have been a deserter to her who gave you birth, rather than deserter in law but not in fact to the flag to which you had sworn allegiance?" He stopped, touched the bell; his secretary, John Hay, who time and again spoke of that occurrence, came ABRAHAM LINCOLN 7 in; he ordered a telegram to be sent to stop the exe cution, and that American citizen of Jewish faith led the forlorn hope with the flag of his country in his hands at the battle of Cold Harbor and was shot to death fighting heroically and patriotically for the country of his birth. When months afterward I told the President what had become of that young soldier, he was visibly moved and with great emotion said, "I thank God for having done what I did." It was an impressive scene, one full of pathos and sublime humanity, and is engraved on the tablets of memory as no other incident of my whole life. Another incident purely social and yet full of wit and humor was when a committee of the Washington Literary and Dramatic Association, of which I was president at the time, invited President Lincoln to be present at the 300th anniversary of Shakespeare's birth. It was at Carusi's Theatre that the entertain ment was to take place, and by the way, the Wash ington Literary and Dramatic Association was the only one that celebrated the 300th anniversary. We had invited the English Minister, Lord Lyons, Secre tary Seward and President Lincoln. Lord Lyons and his Secretary of Legation, Sir Edward Malet, who became my colleague as Consul General in Egypt in '81, and Mr. Seward were present. The President, on account of pressure of business, was unable to be with us. But when we invited him, he said, "Well, boys, what among other things are you going to play?" We told him "Hamlet." He in stantly responded, "Why would I not make a splen did grave digger, for am I not quoted as a fellow of infinite jest and humor, and is not my present life typical of that vocation?" 8 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN The day after he had signed the Emancipation Proclamation, in company with the Hon. John A. Bingham, a member of Congress from Ohio, who afterwards was the prosecuting attorney in the trial of the conspirators for the assassination of the Presi dent, we called at the White House, and it gave me pleasure, and indeed it was a privilege, to congratu late the President upon that momentous act which freed four millions of black men. His reply was terse and logical: "It was not only the negro that I freed, but the white man no less," which anyone conversant with history and what has since trans pired in the southern portion of our country must concede is absolutely correct. Another memorable scene was when James E. Murdock, the great actor, read "The Wild Wagoner of the Alleghanies," written by Thomas Buchanan Read, the Ohio poet, in the Senate Chamber of the United States. When Murdock came to the passage describing how the saviour of the nation would come from the far west, the side door of the Senate Cham ber opened and there stood Abraham Lincoln. It had not been prearranged, but it was one of those psychological moments that occur so often in the life of an individual as well as of a nation. One day the Associated Press brought a telegram signed by Benj. F. Butler, who commanded at For tress Monroe, stating that his troops had captured 150 rebels, 90 mules, 60 contrabands and four Jews. It was so entirely un-American (and uncalled for to associate American citizens of Jewish faith in a man ner that was discreditable) that I called on the Presi dent, and for a moment he enjoyed what he called the joke, but when I brought to his attention the slur ABRAHAM LINCOLN 9 and unjustifiable insinuation, he agreed with me and gave me a pass to go to Fortress Monroe. General Butler received me with cordiality, invited me to dinner, and we had a pleasant talk. He, like so many other generals who have made mistakes, claimed that he knew nothing of the message, that it had been sent by a subordinate and that he would have the error corrected at once, regretting the inci dent and assuring me of his warm friendship, not only personally but for those whom I represented, and I must say that his promise in this direction was made good afterwards. Time and again I saw President Lincoln riding out to the Soldiers' Home, his summer residence, sur rounded by a guard, his face bearing that same far away look that characterized his many days of care and suffering at the White House. When I arrived in Washington in June, 1862, I bore with me a letter of recommendation to Secre tary Edwin M. Stanton, written by his former part ner, Colonel George W. McCook of Steubenville, Ohio. After reading the letter, the Secretary, looking over his glasses with a look as determined as all of his acts were, said to me, "Young man, if what Colo nel McCook says is true, you have no business in the Department; get outside; and if it isn't true, I have no use for imbeciles." I took his advice, and have been thankful ever since. During the heat of the war, quite a number of Southern refugees were trying to pass through Washington to their Northern friends. They were promptly arrested and imprisoned. They sent for me as their attorney to secure their release. One day while I was in Philadelphia a detective came 10 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN and said to me that I was under arrest and was to be taken to Washington. I was brought before Colonel Baker, the Chief of the Detective Corps, whose office was opposite the Willard Hotel. Captain William P. Wood, the keeper of the prison, was in the room at the time. Baker in a very brusk tone said he would send me to the Capitol prison as a traitor; that I was not true to the Union, and that I was helping the enemy to escape. Before I could make any re ply, Captain Wood said, "That is not true, Colonel Baker. I know Mr. Simon Wolf; he is as loyal and patriotic a citizen as lives, and he has the right as an attorney to do that which his profession imposes." Baker said, "Captain Wood, who is the head of this Detective Bureau?" Wood answered, "You are, but there is someone higher than you to whom I will take Mr. Wolf." Baker said, "I don't care; take him wher ever you want to go." Wood took me to Secretary Stanton. Before we left Baker, and during the discussion* he said to me, "You belong to the Order of B'nai B'rith, a disloyal organization, which has its ramifi cations in the South, and your organization is help ing the traitors." This statement I indignantly denied, and told Colonel Baker that it was absurd on its face; that the Order of B'nai B'rith was edu cational and philanthropic, and its members, at least in the North, West and East, were as true to the Union as any other portion of American citizens. When we reached Secretary Stanton's office, Cap tain Wood explained the situation, and the Secretary promptly had me discharged, stating it was an out rage which he would not tolerate for a moment. He ABRAHAM LINCOLN 11 said, "Mr. Wolf, you have done your duty and I know that you are a loyal citizen." After the surrender of General Lee, the City of Washington was illuminated on the night of the twelfth of April, 1865, and the citizens en masse went to the White House where the President was being serenaded and where an address from him was ex pected. In passing down H street, between Sixth and Seventh, I noticed that one house was dark and not illuminated. It turned out subsequently to have been the house of Mrs. Surrat, who was hung as one of the conspirators in the plot to assassinate the Presi dent. At least such was the claim at the time. Per sonally I doubt whether outside of her connivance to capture the President, she was a party to any assas sination. But excitement ran high at that time and reason was subordinate to passion. There was an immense aggregation of human beings in front of the North Portico of the White House, and the President, in response to tumultuous applause and cheers, made his appearance. It was an eventful sight, one that I am sure has never been forgotten by any of those who were present and are still living. At the close of his remarks, which were full of human feeling, pa triotic fervor and the inspiration of humanity, indi cating not the conqueror, but the friend and saviour, the band struck up "Dixie," and with an inimitable humor characteristic of the great American, he said, "Yes, and we have captured that." The famous order No. 11, ostensibly issued by Gen eral U. S. Grant (and which was afterward disproven, as I will show in my article on President Grant), which excluded Jews as a class from the army, caused a great wave of indignation. Rev. Dr. Isaac M. Wise, 12 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN of Cincinnati, took up the matter with President Lin coln; he in turn directed General Halleck to have the order rescinded. In the Rebellion Record, published by Act of Congress, mention is made of the order, and a copy of the telegram to General Grant wherein it is stated that the Jews were loyally doing their duty as soldiers, sailors and citizens. I heartily cooperated in this whole affair then and afterward. It is the irony of fate that I should speak in my reminiscences of the great martyr president, the great American, the emancipator, the loyal citizen, the man of immortal fame whose classic words on the field of Gettysburg will forever be the slogan for men of all nations to repeat in behalf "of the people, by the people and for the people." On the fourteenth day of April, 1865, I had fully contemplated going to the theatre to see the perform ance of "Our American Cousin," as I was fond of Sothern as Lord Dundreary, but illness in my family at the last moment prevented, and it was not until the morning of the fifteenth that I learned of the terrible tragedy that had been enacted the night be fore by the madman, John Wilkes Booth. Let me say here in parenthesis that I knew Booth well. We had played on the amateur stage together in Cleve land, Ohio, and I had met him that very morning in front of the Metropolitan Hotel. He asked me to take a drink. He seemed excited, and rather than decline and incur his enmity I went with him. It was the last time I ever saw Booth. He had just returned from the National Hotel, where he had been calling on the daughter of a Senator. For the third time he had offered his love and for the third time she had declined. What would have been the con- ABRAHAM LINCOLN 13 sequence had she accepted, it is not for me to con jecture. I had living at my house at the time John H. Collier of Illinois, who for a few months was my partner. He had come after the second election of Lincoln, knowing the President intimately, to practice law, hoping in consequence of that acquaintance to secure a good line of business. I had gone to bed early on the night of the 14th, arose early on the morning of the 15th, walked downstairs and found the vestibule door open and the gas still burning. Knowing the bibulous characteristics of my friend Collier, I took it for granted that he had not come in, or possibly thought that I was still out. I turned the gas off and walked back upstairs to his room, and as I turned the knob it turned from the inside and we stood face to face. I said, "John, you didn't shut the door and turn the light out." He said, "No, I did not." "What's the trouble?" I said, and he replied, "My God, don't you know what happened? Lincoln was assassinated, Seward and his son Frederick severely wounded, and we are not sure but what General Grant has been killed." You can imagine the horror and agony of the moment. We walked downstairs together and as we got to the front door the bells of the churches tolled the death knell of the Great Martyr. He passed away at 7.22 in the morn ing, surrounded by members of his family and his cabinet and secretaries, and as his spirit took its flight, Stanton said, "He now belongs to the ages." A curious incident connected with this tragedy was that the President died in the house of a German tailor named Petersen, who was a rank secessionist and also given to indulging freely in spirits. He was 14 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN taken hold of by the soldiers and confined in the base ment of the house, for he was raving mad at the idea of an abolition president being brought to his house. The building was afterward purchased by an attor ney of Washington, who subsequently sold the house to the government, and it is now the Lincoln Museum of the City of Washington. After the tragedy I was compelled to remain in my house until after Booth's capture, for unfortunately I resembled him very much in feature. So much so, that Theodore Kaufman, the historical painter, asked me to sit for him for his famous painting of "The Assassination of Abraham Lincoln." The morning of the death of the Great Martyr will ever be memorable. It was as in the case of Napo leon, when nature seemed to be all in convulsion, he died. So in this instance all was gloom and dark ness; the most dismal rain and plaintive wind howl ing that I ever experienced. The strength of the nation was then and there made manifest by its calmness and dignity, although completely bowed down and prostrated by sorrow. Friend and foe, men who had fought for the Union and those who had fought for secession, vied with each other in acclaiming the man who had brought the nation out of the depth of danger and despair and who was not permitted to live to see the fruition of all his sacri fices and labor. But what Lincoln wrote on the pages of universal history lives today and will for ever live as the grandest exposition of Republican and Democratic ideals and strength, a vindication of character in the man who though lowly born rose to the topmost round of the ladder to bless and to en- ABRAHAM LINCOLN 15 rich and to enoble, not only his own country, but all the countries of the world. O Captain! My Captain, rise up and hear the bells Rise up for you the flag is flung for you the bugle thrills; For you bouquets and ribboned wreaths for you the shores acrowding; For you they call, the swaying mass, their eager faces turning; Hear Captain! dear Father! This arm beneath your head, It is some dream that on the deck You've fallen cold and dead. WALT WHITMAN. It will be found interesting to read from my diary of the year 1865, up to the time of the President's assassination : SUNDAY, January 1, 1865 Rode to Gov. Stanton's, of Kansas fame. Seaton retired. Sherman in Sa vannah; rebels whipped, and the condition of things generally on good footing. TUESDAY, January 3d Gold 227. Rumors of peace, but no foundation in fact. MONDAY, January 9th Nothing new, save rumors of peace. Were they true, it would be delightful. Savannah has veered into the Union lines. Bayonets accomplish much, especially when handled by brave men. Amendment of Constitution abolishing slavery up in Congress. Hope it will pass, for after all is said and done, the war owes its origin to slavery. TUESDAY, January 10th All is not well, although it is hoped that it will end so. Fessenden nominated 16 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN for Senator from Maine, an excellent choice. Major- General Butler removed on the 8th; sent to Lowell; something that should have been done long since; an American politician with the instincts of a Greek, "The Moor has done his worst, he can go." WEDNESDAY, January llth Considerable contro versy about Butler's removal. All agree, however, that he is no general. MONDAY, January 16th News of Everett's death. He died yesterday in his seventieth year. He was a man of decided ability and talent, accomplished and patriotic. He adorned every station; his death is a nation's loss. F. P. Blair, Sr., who had gone to Rich mond, has returned today. Rumor assigns him to have effected measures for peace. Heaven grant it so. TUESDAY, January 17th At the draft meeting. Gen eral Butler before committee on the conduct of the war, in relation to the Fort Fisher failure. While he was explaining on the map the utter madness of the attempt, Senator Wade received a telegram of its capture by Porter and General Terry on Sunday last. Comment unnecessary; he subsided like a bladder. The Charleston and Richmond papers write very de- spondingly. The day of doom has come. The mills of the gods grind slowly but they grind exceedingly well. I predict the speedy close of war. THURSDAY, January 19th More news from Wil mington. The capture of Fort Fisher was a great triumph and shows the difference between a char latan and a general. FRIDAY, January 20th Blair off to Richmond again. There is some chance for peace, even the Rebel Con gress seems to be imbued with it. I hope it may be ABRAHAM LINCOLN 17 so. The oil discoveries seem to rival the gold fever of '47 and '49 and is another source of national wealth. SATURDAY, January 21st Generals Grant, Sheridan and Burnside here. Charleston will soon be ours. All concur in coming of speedy peace. MONDAY, January 23d Blair nor Livingston not yet returned from Richmond. Lively time in the House about Butler. Brooks assailed him and Stevens re plied, and of course with his usual bitterness. TUESDAY, January 24th The Smithsonian caught fire today and was partially destroyed. Fort Gas- well captured, also 162 guns. Wilmington must now fall an easy prey. The enemy abandons the coast. Called on Hon. R. E. Eckley of Ohio, also on Gen. Schenk. WEDNESDAY, January 25th Everything is dread fully high. One must make a fortune to live here. Coal $16, coffee 60c., sugar 35c., flour $17, butter 70c., meat 30c., a good coat $100, boots $16, wages and fees the same rate as before the war and discontent is spreading. THURSDAY, January 26th Peace rumors stronger than ever. A counter revolution south. Lee dicta tor, Johnson reinstated, Davis defied in his own stronghold. Secession among the secessionists. SATURDAY, January 28th A great deal of talk about peace, but I fear it will lead to nothing. Gen. But ler's friends are injudicious enough to push his claims. There can never be a union of states if the sword alone has to cement the bond. This way will only end in conquest. TUESDAY, January 31st Glorida de profundis. Con gress today by constitutional amendment abolished 18 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN slavery throughout the Union, an act as historic as Independence Day. I doubt its constitutionality but who can doubt its justice. Peace commissioners are said to be on their way here. I trust good may come of it. WEDNESDAY, February 1st Events crowd hurriedly. It is reported and no doubt true that Peace Commis sioners have reached, if not our city, our lines. They are Stephens, Hunter and Campbell. Seward is re ported to have gone to Fortress Monroe to see them. Great satisfaction on the amendment of Constitution. Gold 203. THURSDAY, February 2d Another eventful day. The President and Seward have gone to see the southern commissioners at Fortress Monroe. Much speculation is rife. What a boon peace is and how lightly appreciated. FRIDAY, February 3d Peace rumors fly thick. Gold 209. SATURDAY, February 4th President and Secretary Seward return and no success. They claim indepen dence. They can have it if they gain it. MONDAY, February 6th The papers still claim that peace will ensue from late conference. Gold 213. TUESDAY, February 7th The Army of the Potomac has made an advance. Sherman is closing on Charleston. The Rebel press is one voice in favor of war. The loyal press is very conservative and peace ful, yet ready to fight it out. THURSDAY, February 9th The advance by Grant has been repulsed and we have sustained a slight loss. Southern papers are clamorous for war and denounce Lincoln and peace. They will not yield save in destruction. ABRAHAM LINCOLN 19 FRIDAY, February 10th The President's message and accompanying documents in relation to peace were read today in Congress. They are very explicit as to how the conference was brought about, but precious little as to the conference. I fear the nego tiations were more a political trick than the states man's. Went to Ford's theatre. General Grant, Gen eral Burnside and the President were there. More saw them than the play. SATURDAY, February llth General Grant in the city. At the House and Senate received with distin guished honor. Went to President's levee. No war news. Living fearfully high. TUESDAY, February 14th Sherman said to be within two miles of Charleston. The speech made by Benjamin at Richmond is fiery and bold and yet he is abused by the press. And why? Because he is a Jew. Go where you will and this serpent of the middle ages rears his envenomed head. WEDNESDAY, February 15th Senator Hicks, who died on Monday, was buried today with unusual pomp and parade. He deserved it for he was true in the dark and troubled days of '61. He alone of all southern governors breasted the waves of secession. Every article of living continues high. SATURDAY, February 18th The news from Sher man's corps is decidedly refreshing and gives sub stantial token of a speedy and lasting peace. SUNDAY, February 19th News is exciting. Grant telegraphs that Sherman's forces have captured Co lumbia, S. C., the capital of the hot-bed of treason. MONDAY, February 20th Charleston has been evacuated. The city is in possession of our forces. At last the day of doom has dawned and the Hotspur 20 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Chivalry are made to feel the folly of their suicidal course. FRIDAY, February 24th Another day of triumph. Wilmington and Fort Anderson were captured on the 22d and Washington's birthday has received addi tional lustre. In the evening to the draft meeting where we had a stormy time, but by boldness I suc ceeded in quelling the storm and the conclusion was peace and harmony. MONDAY, February 27th Gold 200. Congress busy. Louisiana not admitted. The chances of an imme diate peace are as remote as ever. TUESDAY, February 28th The oil fever is now raging in every part of the Union, and from what Hosmer writes me from Montana the gold and silver lodes are all the rage there. FRIDAY, March 3d Last day of this Congress. In company with Taylor and Goodrich was at the House and Senate until 12 m. Nothing from Sherman or Grant. SATURDAY, March 4th Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln for another term. The procession was small and ceremonies curtailed on account of weather, which up to 12 o'clock was miserable, but then the "Sun of Austerlitz" burst forth and the new administration was ushered in by glorious signs as the old passed off in clouds and storms. An immense number of peo ple are here. The inauguration was brief and to the point. Lincoln all over. TUESDAY, March 7th Hugh McCullough confirmed as Secretary of the Treasury, an appointment which is financial and not political. The 7/30 loan goes off like hot cakes and Jay Cooke is now or expects soon to be the Rothschild of the United States. ABRAHAM LINCOLN 21 FRIDAY, March 10th Harlan of Iowa, Secretary of Interior, vice Usher, removed, to take effect May 1st. Jno. P. Hale, Minister to Spain. Freeman Clark, Comptroller of Currency. Gold down to 184. No certain news from Sherman. MONDAY, March 13th The news from the South is very encouraging. Gold is going gradually. Mr. Lincoln is ill. The severe labor of shaking hands has undermined his health. May Heaven spare his life. TUESDAY, March 14th Sheridan has got within striking distance of Richmond. Sherman telegraphs that he is all O. K. near Fayetteville, N. C. WEDNESDAY, March 15th News from the South very encouraging. Gold 172. Stocks buoyant. Fail ures in New York, Philadelphia, etc., and the crash is imminent. SATURDAY, April 1st Battle of Five Forks and re moval of the gallant Gen. Warren who turned the battle of Gettysburg into victory. MONDAY, April 3d Capture of Richmond, Wash ington in a delirium, men walked the streets as if they were intoxicated. MONDAY, April 10th Surrender of Lee and end of war; no doubt a great American soldier on the wrong side. TUESDAY, April llth Speech of the President. A memorable evening. THURSDAY, April 13th Grand illumination. All houses lighted. 22 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN &F&*>**&&^^W^^ I REPRODUCTION OF PAGES FROM MY DIARY OF 1865 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 23 Before the Republican National League of Wash ington on the 12th of February, 1888, Lincoln's Birth day, as one of the speakers, I said: "I offer no excuse for speaking on a day sacred to millions of people, for I consider no day sacred enough to speak in praise of the memory of him whose birth we are celebrating today. As the power of electricity is in its embryo condition, so the fame and glory of Abraham Lincoln are commencing to dawn on the appreciation of mankind. I did not come here for the purpose of enlightening you on his history or his achievements; that has already been done by abler minds than mine. I came here as one whose ancestors also were in bondage, whose brethren are yet in political and social bondage; not in this, but in other countries, and to whom and for whom Abraham Lincoln achieved as much freedom and liberty as ever the laws of my ancestors have conferred religion and civilization upon mankind. I consider an occasion of this character should be edu cational; to educate the people of the United States to a full and merited appreciation of all that Abra ham Lincoln was and accomplished, not as a Re publican President, but as an American citizen. I believe that occasions of this character should be come so thoroughly appreciated in that portion of the United States which he freed as that portion of the United States from which he sprang. For I know while the colored men of our nation have been emancipated, the white men, by that same stroke of his pen, were equally emancipated; for what enslaved the one degraded the other. And the time will come, and not in the far distance, when 24 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Americans in every part of the United States will bless the day that gave birth to Abraham Lincoln, and will bless the day when the North was courage ous and strong enough to elect him, and bless the day when slavery was wiped away from the statute books of the United States. AN EDUCATIONAL DAY As I said, this should be an educational day, for 1 Mr. Lincoln was not only an American, he was in the highest ideal a typical American the very incarna tion of all that was just, true and manly, not only for the Christian but for the Jew, not only for the white man but for the negro, not only for the American but for all men, no matter from what part of the world they came. And at no time in my career was I impressed more with this fact than when, on the banks of the Nile, representing our great country abroad, one night between 12 and 1 o'clock, when banqueted by one of the native vice- consuls of this country. His son, who had been edu cated in Syria at the American College, arose and toasted the memory of the great emancipator, speak ing of Lincoln in language that will ever remain in my memory beautiful, terse, glowing. And there, in the midst of the Egyptian ruins, with fountains on one side and flowers on the other, this remnant of a decayed race, amidst all that which nature and art had once made so glorious, the Egyptian bondsman, now and ever under the heel of the European task master, gave forth his meed of praise to the great American; and I, a descendant of the exiled race, there to listen, praise and applaud. ABRAHAM LINCOLN 25 "As the memory of great men is celebrated from time to time in all climes, so the memory, deeds and achievements of Abraham Lincoln should forever be. We have Shakespeare anniversaries, we have Washington Birthdays ; we have Burns, Byron, Long fellow, Bryant and other men in all walks and chan nels of life, that have accomplished a great deal for the advancement of our species, for the elevation of our kind, for the radiation of thought and morals, who are gratefully remembered on their anniver saries. And I ask you, where would all those of our modern men have been had it not been for Abraham Lincoln to have given impetus by his life, to have given character by his achievements, to have immortalized truth and virtue as no other Ameri can has ever done? And, therefore, we should re vere his memory and we should make his birthday national, to educate our young men and young women, who perhaps may be falling by the wayside into materialistic views; teach them that there is something yet in life worth living for; that it is not the college, it is not birth, it is not wealth, that alone accomplishes great things in this country; but it is character and truth, nobility of soul and virtue of example that shall live for all time, and that will find their echo and their true response in the heart, not only of every American, but in the heart of every man that loves liberty and mankind." REVIEW OF ARMIES OF EAST AND WEST This sketch would be incomplete without incor porating as a part of that history the thoughts that came to me at the time of the great review, when the 26 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN armies of the East and the armies of the West were being mustered out, May 24th and 25th, 1865. For four years a civil war had raged; thousands and thousands had been killed on the field of battle; other thousands wounded who carried through life the evidences of battle; thousands of homes and bil lions of property destroyed; the beautiful savannahs of the Southland laid waste and now peace had corne. And while the conquered, maimed heroes of the South were wending their steps to their homes, proud and erect, as if they had been conquerors, to build anew for themselves and their families recon structed homes under new conditions, the conquer ors, the heroic soldiers of the Republic, were march ing in serried ranks, their tattered banners floating in the beautiful May sky, to be reviewed by the Presi dent of the United States and the members of his cabinet. It was a sight that can never be forgotten and that stirred every heart. HEROES OF THE WAR There was the great general, who said little, but did so much to bring about the glorious end of the internecine strife, Ulysses S. Grant. There was the hero who marched through Georgia, whose prophetic words then, "War was hell and could not be refined,'* had been more than verified, Gen. Wm. Tecumseh Sherman. There was George G. Meade, hero of Gettysburg, who, like the State from which he came, formed the keystone of the arch in the great galaxy of heroes. Then came that soldier sans peur et sans reproche, Winfield Scott Hancock, who on many a field of danger and doubt had rescued victory. There was the dashing, sturdy Philip H. Sheridan, who ABRAHAM LINCOLN 27 seemed the very embodiment of the god of war. Then there came galloping up the avenue with his blond hair floating around a beautiful head, a wreath of flowers in one hand, a sword in the other, his bridle rein in his mouth, the very incarnation of vic tory, Gen. George A. Guster. Then came the Have- lock of the army, one-armed Gen. O. O. Howard, the gallant Henry W. Slocum, and many of the subordi nate officers and privates who have since risen to national fame, notably Joseph Benson Foraker, Gov ernor and Senator from Ohio, whose gallantry on the field was only exceeded by his bravery and out spoken course as a statesman. There were also two gallant volunteer leaders, Gens. John A. Logan and Frank P. Blair. Then there was Gen. Edward S. Solomon, who on the field of Gettysburg, when the guns of Lee were thundering down on the plains, prior to the great charge of Pickett, had stood soli tary and alone smoking his cigar, with a bravado that inspired the admiration of the whole army. There was Gen. Leopold Blumenberg, of Baltimore, who had lost one of his legs at the battle of Antie- tam, marching along with an elan worthy of a younger man. There was Capt. J. B. Greenhut, of the famous Eighty-second Illinois, whose brilliant record in the army is still the inspiration around the campfires of the Grand Army of the Republic. There was Leopold Karpeles, one. of the medal-of -honor men, who snatched a rebel flag in the midst of the carnage and bore it triumphantly to the Union side, and who in turn became the banner bearer of his own troop and stood valiantly in the midst of the most terrific fire, holding the flag of his adopted country aloft as a symbol and an inspiration. 28 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN SOLDIERS OF THE REPUBLIC I speak of this comingling of names for a purpose. It symbolizes our country and all that the word typifies. The men who marched down the avenue in those memorable May days of '65 were not Catholics, not Protestants, not Jews they were soldiers of the Republic, American citizens who had left their homes in defense of the flag and the glorious institu tions of their fathers, who were returning to their peaceful abodes not as conquerors, not triumphant over a fallen foe, but gladdened that their heroism and valor had brought the men of the North and South closer together and cemented into indestruc tible friendship and better appreciation the common citizenship of the great Republic. At no period of the world's history was there a greater pageant or one that testified more to the sublime teachings of our national life than that great review. Here was a great commander, surrounded by his glorious staff, an army that was ready to obey his call, yet not a sound was heard of establishing an empire or disturbing the peaceful conditions of the country. All were again citizens, whose ambition and greatest endeavor it was to clear away differ ences and to establish more perfectly the great fab ric, reared by the valor and heroism of those who had fought at Valley Forge, as well as those who were victorious at Five Forks. How well it would be if in all the affairs of our social, intellectual, moral and business life we could bring home to one and all the grand example of that army. The lessons that are derived from their ac tion that is, that we are a nation of men, not sec tarians; that we are Americans, whether by birth or ABRAHAM LINCOLN 29 adoption; that the right of this assumption has been established in a thousand forms in peace and in war; that this is not a government of Christians nor a government of Jews, but "a government of the peo ple, for the people and by the people." Pity it is that the great President, the greatest American that ever lived, should not have survived to see the pageant that he had done so much to cre ate, but there was not a single soldier that marched or any of the spectators that gazed upon that great army but felt a tear drop in memory of him who sleeps in the tomb at Springfield, 111., whose example has circled the world in its magic influence and whose heroism and self denial, humane heart, out shone all his contemporaries, and will live to bless future generations. The young men of today, whose lives have been cast in pleasant places, do not, as they should, realize the great problem that confronted the nation in those crucial days of '61 and '65; but it should be now, more than ever, their duty to defend the flag, to up hold its institutions and to prove themselves worthy of the great heritage which they enjoy, and to extend not only a cordial but fraternal greeting to the sur viving heroes who will honor the nation's capital with their presence, and to assure them that our heart's deepest appreciation flows to them for the inestimable services rendered by them in the darkest days of the Republic. 30 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN VARIOUS INCIDENTS. MY FIRST INTERVIEW AND EXPERIENCE WITH HORACE GREELY In the years 1862 to 1867, there existed in this city an organization entitled The Washington Literary and Dramatical Association. It was composed of representative men of different nationalities and creeds. There was no prejudice in the organization merit and service were the recognized factors in its curriculum. Among other features, they had a course of lectures during the winter months, and that of 1865 and 1866, after the close of the war, was particularly notable, having for its star speakers, Horace Greely, Park Benjamin, R. J. de Cordova, Hosmer, the author of "The Octoroon," Bayard Tay lor, and others too numerous to mention. Horace Greely, owing to his pronounced abolition sentiments, had never been permitted to speak in Washington, and thus a number of associations were anxious to secure him as a lecturer. I was President of the Literary and Dramatical Association at the time. I sent a letter to Mr. Greely, asking him to lecture for us, telling him the material of which we were composed, and that we were striving to bring into closer touch men of all shades of opinion, to the end of bettering American citizenship. He promptly replied that the platform I had outlined was in accordance with his life-long views that he had always had a great admiration for the Jews on account of their splendid historical achievements and endurance, and therefore he would come. On the evening of the lecture, Odd Fellows' Hall on Seventh Street, Northwest, between "D" and "E" ABRAHAM LINCOLN 31 Streets, was jammed to the door. Naturally a large number were anxious to see Horace Greely; others to hear the great American abolitionist; still others the editor of the New York Tribune; while naturally a respectable number came out of sincere admiration and affection for the friends of the oppressed. I introduced him simply by stating, "I take pleasure in presenting the speaker of the evening, Horace Greely, the friend of humanity." There was a ripple of ap plause, and during his lecture, which lasted an hour and a quarter, there were several manifestations of approval and no dissent. He was optimistic through out; spoke of the past, and of the assured prosperity of the nation, now that slavery had been abolished and the states reconciled. He hoped for a happy future. At the close of the lecture I escorted him to the Tribune office, which was then on Fourteenth Street, opposite Willard's Hotel, and when seated (there never having been a word exchanged between us as to his terms), I asked him what we owed him. He promptly replied, "Nothing." I said, "No, that won't do, Mr. Greely. We have done very well, and we want to pay you." And he said, "Oh, you young men need all you have made it has given me great pleasure and indeed it was a privilege to be with you." I insisted, however, and handed him a one hundred dollar bill, which he reluctantly took. He put his hand in his pocket and drew out a dilapi dated pocketbook that almost fell to pieces, and slapped the hundred dollar bill into it, and then commenced talking to me about the Jews and their achievements, and denouncing the prejudice that unfortunately had made them victims of oppression throughout all ages. In the midst of the conversation 32 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN there was a knock at the door, and Greely with his shrill voice said, "Gome in," and a man came into the room. The moment Greely saw him he said, "Why, halloo, Jim; I thought you were West." The man replied, "Yes, I was West, but I couldn't make it go, so I came back to Washington with my wife and child and am stranded." Greely at once laugh ingly replied, "Why, that's fortunate"; and out came the dilapidated pocketbook, and he handed Jim the hundred dollar bill. This whole transaction was so thoroughly charac teristic of the great editor and patriotic American that it should not be lost to history. Years afterwards a friend of mine then living in Baltimore, a respected and representative merchant of that city, of Jewish faith, but who has since died, was coming from New York to Baltimore, and the train being late, said his prayers in the Pullman car, and in connection therewith used the phylacteries on his forehead and arms in accordance with the Ortho dox custom of the Jewish faith. Mr. Greely, who was in the same car, came up to him very much in terested and asked him all about what he was doing, and admired him for the courage of his convictions, not ostentatiously, but piously and religiously doing that which he conceived to be his duty. My friend became equally interested and asked Mr. Greely to stop with him, it being Friday evening, the opening of the Jewish Sabbath, to partake of the evening meal with him, which invitation Mr. Greely accepted. He watched with great interest the lighting of the Sabbath lamp and the blessing by the mother of the household, heard the prayers recited, and was as de vout during the whole evening as if he had been a convert to the Jewish faith. When Greely became ABRAHAM LINCOLN 33 the nominee of the liberal Republicans and the Democratic party, my friend wrote to him that he regretted exceedingly that he had been put forward as the victim of scheming politicians, but neverthe less, as a matter of recognition and admiration for him as a man and patriot, he would vote for him. Just after the attack on Ft. Sumter, the Jewish Congregation, worshiping in the Eagle Street Syna gogue, Cleveland, Ohio, raised the American flag in evidence of their patriotism and devotion. The ex ercises commenced by a choir of young ladies sing ing the "Star Spangled Banner" in a very spirited manner. The flag was presented to the congregation by Mr. B. F. Peixotto, accompanied by appropriate remarks on behalf of the young ladies who had made it. I also made a short talk in honor of the occasion, to the following effect: "On the shores of classic Italy, rich in eloquence, philosophy, arts and sciences past, but forever en shrined among the devotees of the beautiful, Free dom has again planted the banner of emancipation, and its enthusiastic sons are marshaled by a chief, whose Garibaldian will in after times be as much the theme of the poet as the white plume of Henry of Navarre, or the grey coat of him who sleeps 'neath the dome of the Invalides. As Americans as Israelites we contemplate with peculiar delight Feudalism and Priestcraft swept away, and leaving in its stead Institutions evoked by the free and untrammelled choice of a Nation of Freemen. But while glorious Italy is struggling to emancipate itself from the thraldom and bondage of ages, dedi- 34 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN eating the fair and genial soil to posterity, for fra ternal, united and free purposes we see here in our own fair land fairer than the sun of God ever shone upon misguided, ambitious demagogues, forgetting their duty and allegiance to their God and country, enlisted to destroy and upheave the foundations of our common Union, erasing the letter and spirit of the Constitution, as our conscript Fathers made it, and trampling upon that glorious emblem of nation ality, whose spangled and starred folds have shed a halo of glory and renown upon the name of America. Here in the noonday of civilization, art and sci ence, we see men usurping the prerogatives of jus tice, aiming to destroy Freedom, move back the dial of progress, and to perpetuate that from which we have fled; will we stand idly by and see this done? No ! Never ! The descendants of those warrior heroes whose gallant deeds have been enrolled on the illu mined pages of Sacred History, will never permit the home of their adoption to be desecrated, the last sanctuary of freedom to be despoiled by the unholy touch of Traitors and Rebels. And this, the 16th day of May, 1861, shall be to your posterity the Mecca at whose shrine they will worship, for it is on this auspicious genial May day their sires pledge anew, their lives, fortunes and sacred honor to a cause for which they have suffered in every clime, and for which they are today ready to sacrifice all they have by industry and prosperity amassed, and as a slight memento of your sincerity ;and devoted adherence to a cause for which your every heart's pulsation beats, you have this day dedi cated the Holy of Holies, and as that starred emblem, the patriotic gift of your fair daughters, floats in all ABRAHAM LINCOLN 35 its beauty and grandeur from the Dome of your Sanctuary, so shall it again wave the shield of pro tection to a pursued Kozta and fleeing Kossuth from the shores of the Atlantic to the furthest con fines of the Mexican Gulf." Curious that fifty-six years thereafter, when the United States declared war against Germany in April, 1917, it was the Jewish Congregation worship ing on Eighth Street, Washington, D. C., that raised the flag on the Temple to again give evidence of their spirit of true Americanism, and on which occasion I made a short address. In the fall of 1864 there were unjust attacks made upon American citizens of Jewish faith, which were not only local in Washington but throughout the country. It became so virulent that I was impelled to write a letter to the New York Evening Post, setting forth in a clear and convincing manner the injustice done to American citizens whose loyalty and devo tion to American institutions in peace and in war could not be questioned. DEFENCE OF THE JEWISH RACE PREJUDICE REBUKED. Ignorance is said to be the foundation of prejudice and intolerance. I know not how true this axiom may have been in the remote past; it certainly is not true in the present, for the higher you ascend in the scale of intellect and officers of the public service, the more bigotry and prejudice do you find. My heart is sick, my brain weary, my hopes dampened by these manifestations, not alone in the social, but radiating from the highest official circles. I am not one of those who have raised an immediate outcry if perchance a criminal was called a Jew, nor have I 36 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN assumed that, because some subservient, pliant editor launched forth his slimy vituperations, they were the opinions of the American Press; nor do I claim to be a religious Israelite, but I do claim to be an Israel ite and American. I espouse this cause from pure motives, because there is a living vital principle in volved. I know full well that it is useless to argue or reason with men whose inborn feelings are fixed and adamantine, who acknowledge no other cri terion but that which their avarice has engendered and their peculiar loyalty cemented. But I do ap peal to that American community whose proudest boast has ever been to be free from prejudice, and whose pathway has been one scene of triumph in the walks of freedom and culture. I am to you a stranger; you to me a household word. Years ago I swore allegiance to the star of your destiny, and more particularly since the ap pearance of that beautiful and gifted criticism on Shylock, as portrayed by Edwin Booth; for he who could indite the following is not alone the truthful historian, but the friend of humanity. "Shakespeare but followed the lofty impulse of his nature in holding up to execration that unquench able lust of lucre which marks the race, although he does not show that this passion was but the effect of that persecution which, by crowding the Jew out of every honorable pursuit, and thus cutting off his nature from every sympathy with the world around, sharpened and edged the keen corners of his brain for the only pursuit left to him. It is true that money-changers once spit on in the Ghetto are now hugged in the palace. Rothschilds and Foulds, Bel- monts and Benjamins, are found in the ante-cham ber of princes and presidents. But we fear that it is not so much that the prejudice against the Jews ABRAHAM LINCOLN 37 has ceased, but that the love of money has increased; not that the Jews have become as Christians, but that Christians have become as Jews. "But if Shakespeare was just in this respect he was not so in the picture he has drawn of the Jew's craving for revenge, and in the contempt with which he is treated by his daughter. Revenge is not a characteristic of the Jew. He is subject to sudden storms of passion, as in Shylock's scene with Tubal, but that intellect which always stands sentinel over the Hebrew soon subdues the gust. * * * "Jews also shrink from physical contests. Their disposition is to triumph by intellect rather than vio lence. It was this trial more than any other which rendered them in the Middle Ages so repulsive to the masses, who were all of the Morrisey and mus cular Christianity school. The contempt of a daugh ter for her parent is equally uncharacteristic of the Jew. The Jews are universally admired for the affections which adorn their domestic life. The more they have been pushed from the society of the family of man, the greater the intensity with which they have clung to the love of their own family. "No one can ever have visited the houses of the Jews without having been struck by the glowing affection with which the daughter greets the father as he returns from the day's campaign and the slights and sneers his gaberdine and yellow cap provoke, and without observing how those small, restless eyes that sparkle and gleam like snakes in search of prey, shine out a softened loving lustre as they fall upon the face of Rebecca or Jessica, or Sarah, and how he stands no longer with crooked back, but erect and commanding as he blesses his household gods with an exultation as vehement as the prejudices which during the day have galled and fretted his nature. "To do justice to the grandeurs of the Jewish race, and to brand with infamy its infirmities, it is not enough to produce a repulsive delineation of the latter. It would be only just to give expression to 38 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN the former, and to exhibit that superiority of intel lect which has survived all persecutions, and which, soaring above the prejudices of the hour, has filled us with reluctant admiration on finding how many of the great events which mark the progress of the age, or minister to its improvement, or elevate its past may be traced to the wonderful workings of the soul of the Hebrew and the supremacy of that spiritual nature which gave to mankind its noblest religion, its noblest laws, and some of its noblest poetry and music. * * *" Were these times not extraordinary and the preju dice now existing not rioting in an insanity of abuse, I might with profit stop and let your glorious words be our best defence. But the war now raging has developed an intensity of malice that borders upon the darkest days of superstition and the Spanish in quisition. Has the war now raging been inaugu rated or fostered by Jews exclusively? Is the late democratic party composed entirely of Israelites? Are all the blockade-runners and refugees descen dants of Abraham? Are there no native Americans engaged in rebellion? No Christians running the blockade, or meek followers of Christ within the folds of Tammany? We have been branded and outraged for four long years, until discretion has ceased to be a virtue, and it is incumbent upon you, the father of the American Press, to give us a hearing through the columns of your valuable journal. Why, when the authorities arrest a criminal, tele graph immediately throughout the Union that a Jew, or another Jew blockader has been caught? Do they, when they catch a James Maloney, say a Methodist ABRAHAM LINCOLN 39 or Presbyterian has been caught? Is it, then, a crime to be born a Jew, which has to be expiated upon the the altar of public opinion by a life of suffering and abuse? We have no country by inheritance; scattered over the wide world we find a home and refuge wherever tolerance and freedom abide. We become by adop tion natives of the soil, and give our toil and devo tion to the land and the flag. That local politicians, and even some metropolitan journals, have enun ciated the lie that we are cowards; that none of us are in the army, and if so, on the other side. And this standing paragraph has gone the rounds of the press, to the shame and disgrace of an intelli gent public, and no rebuke so far has been adminis tered by any journal save those whose circulation is exclusively among the persons maligned. I know, and I can produce the proofs, that some of the grandest acts of heroism performed during this war were done by Jews. That more than a thousand commissioned and non-commissioned officers and thousands of privates are serving in the Union army, whose faith is in God and their country. Who was it that on the banks of Green River, in the spring of 1862, when a company of the Thirty-second Indiana Volunteers were attacked and surrounded by thou sands of Texans, stood single-handed and alone against those fearful odds, scorning to surrender, killing and wounding eight of his assailants, and at last yielding his life a sacrifice to duty, and thus sav ing his scattered regiment? Lieutenant Sachs, a Jew! But was this act of bravery chronicled as the deed of a Jew? No; nor is it any more necessary than 40 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN that the other should be done, only it marks the con trast. Was the name of that gallant man and patriot, Colonel of the One Hundred and Twentieth Ohio Volunteer Infantry, who was severely wounded, serv ing under Grant in the famous and immortal Vicks- burg campaign, who was advised and entreated to resign, but who gave a decisive no, saying that he embarked in this contest to see his country free and united or his life ended, and who at last fell by a rebel bullet in that fatal Red River expedition, May 4, 1864 Marcus M. Spiegel, a Jew ever mentioned as such? Was your own brave citizen, Lieutenant-Colonel Newman, who offered his life as a sacrifice, and who upon his dying bed received the promotion of a brigadier-generalship ever mentioned as a Jew? But why multiply words. I could go on quoting incidents by the thousands, and no one is or should be more conversant with them than the departments at Washington, whence proceeds so much of this foul heresy and poisonous inoculation. Are all the copperheads Jews because Belmont was the chairman of the Democratic Convention? Is your own honored and talented citizen, Abram J. Dittenhoefer, elector on the Lincoln ticket, a traitor because he is a Jew? Is Moses A. Dropsie, Esq., one of Philadelphia's most gifted and talented lawyers, and who has been ever an active, untiring abolitionist, a traitor because he is a Jew? Least of all, should the dominant party, which claims to be the "avant courier" of truth, give expres sion to the intolerance sown broadcast; it certainly ABRAHAM LINCOLN 41 has not been decreed that the United States should feed this growing sentiment, which has almost died out in Europe. The party that has espoused the per sonal freedom of the negro is certainly not the one to launch forth its decrees and bulls against another portion of the human race. Several parties have been lately arrested and are being tried by the proper tribunals for an attempt to sell goods contraband of war, and contrary to the laws of the land. Fortunately there were some Christians among the number, or else the Press would have teemed with abuse, and the telegraph would have lightened its startling news of "another batch of Jew blockade runners caught." As it is, the journals have been coy as doves; only when a Christian firm has been released or tried, it was offi cially announced as such; but when some unlucky son of Israel shared the same fate it was chronicled as a Jew released. To us there is nothing odious or revolting in the term "Jew"; we are proud to be Jews, as history, art and science glow with the pages of our triumph ; but it is here used in this connection as a term of re proach, abuse, and to add to the malignancy of bigot and fanatic. For several weeks an article has gone the rounds of the press, detailing in colors that would do a Darley no dishonor, a conversation between a cer tain "humble tobacconist of Baltimore" and the President of the United States. The article says "a deputation of twelve Jewish tailors and cutters," etc., etc. Now not one Jew was among them; they were Christians and Republicans. It says "that a wealthy Jew secessionist tried to be released," etc. Equally 42 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN false, and the President is then praised for his firm ness for refusing, etc., etc. Fortunately I have an abiding faith in the good sense and patriotism of the honored Chief Magistrate, and that he will not pan der to every vagabond scribbler who comes fawn- ingly begging a few crumbs from the official loaves. Was this scribbler aware that the brother of that "tobacconist," and who had vouched for the loyalty of this same secess Jew, was a major in the Army of the United States and a provost-marshal of Mary land, who was severely wounded in the battle of Antietam, losing a leg, and who is one of the most active loyalists of Baltimore? General L. Blumen- berg, a Jew. Is it the Government of the United States that is pursuing this crusade against these citizens, or is it fostered and tolerated by its agents and the press? I am not now pleading the cause of the Jew, but I am defending the principle that underlies our pub lic institutions, our private worth. Are we to go on in this uncalled for vituperation, and sowing the wind to reap at last the whirlwind? When you catch anyone guilty of a wrong, an nounce the fact "that John Jones was this day caught," etc. Make no distinction, arouse no local pride, foment no prejudice, and thus only can we as a nation become national, free and independent; for when the day dawns upon peace, let the sun of lib erty illumine every nook and cranny of American soil, and let its resplendent effulgence dispel from every heart the last vestige of prejudice against creed or color, and let us be one in speech, one in sentiment, united in purpose and gloriously great in our love of destiny. SIMON WOLF. Washington, D. G., November 20, 1864. ABRAHAM LINCOLN 43 The letter was published and elicited the follow ing editorial comment from said paper: THE HEBREW RAGE We publish on our first page a heartfelt protest of Mr. Wolf, of Washington, against the flippant and contemptuous phrases which the newspapers often use in speaking of the Israelites. His sensitiveness is natural under the circumstances, and, indeed, con sidering the provocation, it can not be said that he uses language too strong in his rebukes of a prev alent prejudice. But we are inclined to believe that the writer does a slight injustice to journalists and others in ascribing to animosity what is generally the result of inadvertence a culpable carelessness, we admit, but not a wilful offense. Our correspondent is pleased to compliment the Evening Post on its uniform courtesy towards all races and religions, but the virtue we possess is due exclusively to our system of political opinions, which demands, in the language of Jefferson, "equal and exact justice to all men," because they are men; and which will not be satisfied with any condition of so ciety or any state of sentiment that does not cheer fully acknowledge the universal brotherhood of the human kind. My letter was republished in the Jewish Occident, edited by Rev. Isaac Leeser, of Philadelphia. President Lincoln's attention having been called to this letter, voiced his indignation in no uncertain terms, stating at the same time that no class of citi zenship in the United States was superior in patriot ism to those of Jewish faith. 44 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN The Washington Chronicle had an editorial com ment to the following effect: "The writer, as we learn from the Post, is a citi zen of Washington, and he certainly presents his case with ability and candor. It was once said by a distinguished minister that every people persecuted were apt to believe all men to be their enemies, and this is true in more than one sense of the Hebrews, and yet in our great struggle for human freedom many of the bravest and best defenders of the old flag have been Israelites. The great party which re- elected Mr. Lincoln, and intends to restore the Union on the most liberal basis, is a party which ignores sects and sections, and if it could lend itself to a proscription of any man because of his religion or his color, it would deserve to go down into utter and inevitable infamy. Hence it is that we recognize in the article to which we refer, and in the endorse ment of the New York Evening Post one of the oldest and ablest of the Republican journals that spirit by which alone the present organization of the friends of the Federal Union can be preserved and perpetuated." Mr. L. E. Chittenden, who at one time was Register of the Treasury, relates in his "Recollections of Presi dent Lincoln," a remarkable episode of the Civil War. Two Confederate cruisers were ready to leave English ports to prey upon the commerce of the United States, when our Minister to London, Charles Francis Adams, interposed. The English Govern ment as a concession stated that if a guarantee fund of five million dollars was deposited to the credit of the English Government by the United States as ABRAHAM LINCOLN 45 a guarantee against any damages that hereafter might be awarded to the Confederacy, the ships would not be allowed to sail. There was no cable at the time, and Mr. Adams was in great distress, when an English gentleman came to the rescue and made the deposit of five million dollars which pre vented the sailing of the cruisers. This episode is given at length in Mr. Chittenden's "Recollections," and reproduced in my book "The American Jew, as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen." In correspondence with Mr. Chittenden after the appearance of his book, I called his attention to my belief that the English gentleman was a Jew, to which Mr. Chittenden replied that he was not in a position to deny or to affirm, as the name of the generous person was, at his request, withheld. Recently I had a letter from a gentleman from one of the towns in Pennsylvania, in which he asked me, having read in the American Hebrew my sketch of Abraham Lincoln "Do you think Lincoln was a Christian, an Infidel, a Deist or a Spiritualist? Did you ever hear him make any remarks on the sub ject? Did you ever hear him utter an oath, or tell an obscene story? Do you know him to have been a temperance man, or a prohibitionist?" To which I replied: "Your letter is at hand. I do not know to what particular sectarian belief Mr. Lincoln adhered. I only know that in the ideal humanitarian sense he was a Christian, and one who, like "Abou Ben Adhem," loved his fellowmen. "I do not believe he was a prohibitionist. I do know that he was a man temperate in all things, which is the test of character. 46 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN "I never did hear him tell an obscene story. He did use many anecdotes to illustrate a point, and particularly the famous one when preachers from the West came and asked him to discharge General Grant because he drank too much whiskey, and Lincoln promptly asked them whether they could tell him where he bought it, as he would like to have some purchased and send it to some of the other Generals." The following is an extract from an address de livered by me before the German Societies of Wash ington at their celebration in commemoration of Lincoln's Birthday on February 12, 1898: "In the month of February, the American people have the honor of celebrating the birthdays of two of the greatest men the world has ever known- Abraham Lincoln, born on the 12th, and George Washington, born on the 22nd. The question is, which was the greater and the more to be revered by the people of the United States. Washington was the founder; Lincoln the preserver. Washington sprang, you might say, from royalty. He had in his veins what is known as the blue blood of Virginia, and while he was great in war and great in peace, yet when compared with Abraham Lincoln the divergence is great. Abraham Lincoln was one of the people, with the people, and for the people. He sprang directly from the ranks of the people, and there are none of our public men who understand the people, are as familiar with their desires and needs and appreciate true democracy as did the great martyr President. I believe with many others that certain people are born for a certain age. Abraham Lincoln was ere- ABRAHAM LINCOLN 47 ated by the great God to live at a time when such a hand and mind as his was necessary to preserve the union and free the slave. We are here today as American citizens, to show that those to the manner born have no mortgage on the love and affection borne the great Lincoln. As time goes on what this man was and what he accom plished is the more fully known and appreciated. One hundred years from now his character will be held loftier, more noble than it was among his con temporaries. This is but natural. The magnificent nation he preserved and did so much to upbuild will grow and become still greater, and the principles of liberty and freedom for which he died will be more fully understood and their true value realized and appreciated. Our children and our children's chil dren will hail the name and revere the memory of the war President as the greatest friend of all citi zens. His companions on the field of battle and in peace were men prominent in the history of all na tionalities in the United States. Abraham Lincoln's humanity was beyond ques tion. He never knowingly did anyone the slightest injustice. His heart went out to the people. He did not use his pen to seal the fate of any man, with the exception of Gordon, the convicted slave catcher and trader. The man who with one stroke of his pen wiped off the statutes that stain of the nine teenth century could not reconcile himself to let this inhuman slave catcher live. Lincoln's name and fame will never die, as long as self-sacrifice and true democracy is appreciated. We Americans, who fought with him and in support of the principles he represented, must see to it that 48 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN his name, fame and achievements shall live for all time and his memory be revered by us with affec tion and loyalty." These sentiments of patriotism and love of the flag are cherished in this world war as they were in the Civil War. On the occasion of my seventieth birthday Miss Ida M. Tarbell wrote in my Year Book the following : "With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in." As good a sentiment today, is it not my dear Mr. Wolf, as when your friend, Mr. Lincoln, uttered it nearly forty years ago. Sincerely, IDA M. TARBELL. October 31, 1903. On my eightieth birthday the same author, in send ing me a copy of her world-famous book on Lincoln, wrote the following: MY DEAR MR. WOLF: I have always counted it a privilege to meet anyone who knew Abraham Lin coln. I count it an honor that one who stood where you did in the Civil War, should not only want my Life of Lincoln, but want my name in your copy. I place it with pleasure and with all good wishes. IDA M. TARBELL. October 28th, 1916. ABRAHAM LINCOLN 49 In my Seventieth Year Book, Carl Schurz wrote the following: "Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, patri otic men are better than Gold." Abraham Lincoln. To my old friend Simon Wolf, the patriotic, high- minded and useful citizen of the great Republic, the heartiest greetings on his seventieth birthday. C. SCHURZ. As John Hay was one of the Secretaries and biog raphers of President Lincoln, it gratifies me to give in this sketch his beautiful tribute, written in my Seventieth Year Book : Dear Mr. Wolf: I congratulate you not only upon seventy years of a well-spent life, but also upon the mental, moral and physical soundness and vigor which are the guarantee of many more years of usefulness to your country and to humanity at large. Yours very sincerely, JOHN HAY. For four years the London Punch lampooned Mr. Lincoln. After his assassination, the following poem, which can not be too often republished, ap peared in Punch: "Beside this corpse that bears for winding sheets, The stars and stripes he lived to rear anew, Between the mourners at his head and feet, Say, scurrile jester, is there room for you? "Yes, he had lived to shame me from my sneer, To lame my pencil and confute my pen, To make me own this hind of princes peer, This rail splitter, a true born king of men." ANDREW JOHNSON Andrew Johnson was nominated in Baltimore as Vice President with Abraham Lincoln running as President for the second term. As is historically known, there had been a great deal of dissatisfaction among some of the Union men, especially in the border states, and a movement indeed had been started by Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, and S. G. Pome- roy, of Kansas, to prevent the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, and therefore the leaders of the Republican party deemed it wise to nominate a Southern border state Union man. Andrew Johnson was the one selected, having by virtue of his stanch and patriotic course in the state of Tennessee done loyal service, which in reality saved that state from giving more substantial aid to the Confederate cause. His outspoken bitterness, amounting almost to hatred, against those who were in rebellion, was so pronounced that when Abraham Lincoln was no longer President the Union men throughout the country felt a great deal of appre hension as to the course Johnson might pursue, inas much as his public utterances had lacked discretion and diplomacy. Senator William M. Stewart, of Nevada, in his autobiography, states that Senator Hoar, of Massa chusetts, and he, as a committee from the Senate, called after Lincoln's death at the Kirkwood Hotel, on Pennsylvania Avenue, to inform Mr. Johnson of the death of the President, and to have him sworn in as the successor. It is hard for me to believe that the physical condition of the incoming president was as described by Stewart, and therefore I will not ANDREW JOHNSON 1865-1869 ANDREW JOHNSON 51 repeat what might have been partly imaginary and partly inspired by the terrible vindictiveness that Senator Stewart felt for Johnson. Enough to say that he was sworn in as President of the United States, and the first great work that the President had to deal with was the trial and execution of those who had attempted the lives of Mr. Lincoln and the two Sewards, etc. The chief actor, Wilkes Booth, had been shot to death and therefore had passed beyond the reach of the law. The others were duly tried, including Mrs. Surrat, and were executed on the ground which is now known as the War College in Washington. Great efforts were made, which un fortunately were not successful, to secure the pardon of Mrs. Surrat, or at least a stay of her execution. Indeed, it is a curious fact in history that while the demand for clemency came from Northern men and women largely, it was after all President Johnson who was inexorable in his determination to have her executed. It was a tactical and political blunder from every standpoint, but as has been shown in the French Revolution, so at the time this incident happened, reason and mercy had practically been dethroned and passion reigned supreme. My intercourse with Mr. Johnson from many stand points was of a very pleasant character. I remember well when he was the guest of the Washington "Schuetzenverein," which literally means a target association, which had its annual festival to which the Presidents of the United States from time to time came and were the guests of honor. Mr. Johnson claimed to be an excellent shot and was taken to the booth to shoot at the target, and knowing as I did that even great men can be tickled by a straw, I had 52 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN instructed the target master in advance, to be sure that when President Johnson had fired his shot, to bring the target showing that he had hit the bull's- eye. He was very much gratified at the result, and said jocosely that in all his life he had tried to hit the bull's-eye, not always as successfully as in this instance. I was not an applicant or candidate for any office, but the President seemed to have taken a liking to me and offered me the position of Consul General to Cuba, which at that time was very tempting and of more importance than now. But I respectfully de clined, as I did not care to enter into any political office subject to the whims and caprices of Presi dents or politicians. This phase of thought became a subject of future revision. Mr. Johnson's political course was weird to such an extent that the Republican leaders finally con cluded to impeach him, and I can best express that phase of his career in the following historical resume of that event. There have been quite a number of impeachments for high crimes and misdeameanors, supposed to have been perpetrated by the rulers of various coun tries. Charles I and Louis XVI were executed after what were declared to have been fair and impartial trials. We have been more fortunate in this country, in not having had any of our rulers brought to the block, but we have had an attempt to impeach a President of the United States, to declare him unfit for the position to which he had been chosen, and fortunate it was for the nation, and for the future welfare of our people, that, at the crucial moment, there were found in the Senate of the United States ANDREW JOHNSON 53 seven statesmen who separated from their conferees, then in the majority, and voted in opposition to pre vent the impeachment of Andrew Johnson, Presi dent of the United States. Those were days of great excitement/ The political waves ran high, threatening to engulf the nation with disaster. It required not only wise statesmanship, great forbearance and intellectual poise, but also a steady hand to guide the ship of state through the seething and surging torrents into the port of safety. From the day when the committee on impeachment of the House of Representatives filed into the Senate of the United States, and in the name of all the people of the whole country, attempted to prove Andrew Johnson guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, up to the day when the Senate by a legal majority declared the President not guilty, I was constantly in attendance, morning, noon and night. I took no stock in the attempt of the impeachers, looking upon their course as not only momentous and fraught with the greatest danger to the Republic, but also con sidered it as it has since been proven, a step toward Mexicanizing the United States, and establishing a* precedent that each and every political party, when disgruntled or dissatisfied with the head of the nation, could use for the purpose of overthrowing the will of the people to suit their own political ideas. I can see the Representatives of Congress filing into the Senate now. There was Elihu B. Washburn, of Illinois, one of the famous Washburn brothers, who claimed to be the "inventor" of General Ulysses S. Grant, having recommended him specially to Presi dent Lincoln, and who subsequently for three days was Secretary of State under General Grant's first 54 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN administration, and then Ambassador to France, where he made a great reputation during the Franco- German War as being a protector of the Germans in France. Then came the ascetic Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, who was looked upon as the great commoner, and who exemplified his characteristics by his last will and testament, in which he desired to be buried in the negro cemetery at Lancaster, so as to be sure of being among friends when dead, as he had been a stanch defender of their rights when living. Then came Governor George S. Boutwell, of Massa chusetts, who afterwards became a Senator and later Secretary of the Treasury, whose brain was all aflame with that spirit of puritan indomitable energy that has made the New Englander a conspicuous figure in our history. Then came John A. Bingham, of Ohio, a great jurist, accomplished orator, statesman and diplomat, finishing his career as the representative of our Gov ernment in Japan years after, and who had the un happy duty thrust upon him of being the Judge Advo cate in the historical trial of the conspirators in Abraham Lincoln's assassination. This tragic inci dent, as Mr. Bingham often afterward told me, was a source of the keenest sorrow to him, especially as it involved the hanging of a woman. In these days of suffragettes, where women claim every privilege, I suppose there wouldn't be so much sympathy. The mention of Mr. Bingham's name reminds me of an incident in my own life, when years before in Ohio, I was on the witness stand in an important case involving a great deal of property in which rela tives of mine were concerned. Mr. Bingham was the counsel for the plaintiff, and had me on the stand, ANDREW JOHNSON 55 although a mere lad, for two days, cross-examining me. At the close of his cross-examination, he turned to the judge and said, with a great deal of grim humor, "One thing is sure, your honor, this young man will rise to great prominence, either in the recognition of his fellowmen, or by being hanged as an accomplished liar." It is for others to say whether the prophecy of Mr. Bingham has been realized. One thing is sure, I have not been hanged as yet. Then came the mighty warrior, Major General John A. Logan, of Illinois, whose every impulse was to fight for that which he conceived to be right, and whose raven locks and swarthy face gave no indica tion of that spirit of fairness and mercy which were the pulsating beats of his generous heart. Then came Major General Benjamin F. Butler, whose personality has already been described in the Lincoln sketch. A NOTABLE GROUP OF MEN In the Senate itself there was a notable group of men, whose names have gone down into our political history, presided over by the Chief Justice of the United States, Salmon P. Chase, whose political am bition had been crushed and who was soured in temper by the seeming ingratitude of the Republic and the stupidity of his political admirers. No man in our history died more disappointed than did the great Secretary of the Treasury and Chief Justice, whose name and fame had been a rallying cry for abolitionists and Republicans, and it was bitter for him to sit there and see the possible outcome of a President deposed for the benefit of one whom he intensely hated, to wit, Benjamin Franklin Wade, 56 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN of Ohio, the acting Vice President of the United States. Wade was the constant target of each and every one, for he was to be the residuary legatee of this tragedy. I knew Wade well in the old days in Ohio, esteemed him highly as a sincere and public-spirited patriotic American, but he was a bitter, malignant partisan, who never could see any good in any one opposed to him, and thus his judgment was warped, and his most generous impulses were also more or less tinctured with that spirit of acrimony born in partisanship. And there sat the mighty Olympus of the Senate, Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, whose frown was potential, whose utterances were domi nant, who combined the classic oratory of Cicero with the scholarship of Bacon, but whose character istics are summed up in an anecdote of President Grant's, who, when told that Sumner did not believe in the Bible, sententiously said: "How could he; he did not write it?" GIANTS OF THE SENATE There were mighty giants in both branches of Congress, but notably in the Senate, where the leaders of a great party, who had been prominent figures in the Civil War, represented the various States. There sat men whose names have become a household word in the political history of our country; such as Sher man, of Ohio; Chandler, of Michigan; Conkling and Morgan, of New York; Wilson, the Natick cobbler of Massachusetts, afterward Vice President of the United States; Morrill, of Maine, and Morrill, of Ver mont; Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Conness, of Cali fornia; Drake, of Missouri; Edmunds* of Vermont; ANDREW JOHNSON 57 Harlan, of Iowa, father-in-law of Robert T. Lincoln; the great war Governor of Indiana, Morton; Pome- roy, of Kansas; Stewart, of Nevada; Williams, of Oregon, afterward Attorney General under Grant's administration; Governor Yates, of Illinois; Bayard, of Delaware, afterward Secretary of State under* Cleveland; Hendricks, of Indiana, afterward Vice President, and others too numerous to mention. From all parts of the United States people flocked into the nation's capital to watch with eager interest and keen anxiety the outcome of this great historical, epoch-making event. There was no such thing as night time. The hotels were crowded. Caucuses were being held from right to left; intrigue vied with intrigue. Fair women threw their blandishments into the scale, and the very air was surcharged with sulphuric vapor that threatened to stifle the very heart of the nation. PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S COUNSEL The counsel for the President, Henry M. Stansbury, William M. Evarts and William S. Groesbeck, were the best that the nation could afford. Henry M. Stansbury, at one time Attorney General of the United States, was a son-in-law of the elder Thomas Ewing, and a brother-in-law of the junior Thomas Ewing. In this connection, I am also reminded of an anecdote. When Thomas Corwin, the greatest political stump speaker of our history, was seated in his office one day, Thomas Ewing, Jr., came to him and asked him to assist in trying a case in court. Corwin said: "Why nonsense, your father is the greatest lawyer in the country, your brother-in-law, Stansbury, stands equal to the best, and you're no 58 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN slouch yourself. What do you want me for?" And Thomas Ewing, Jr., replied: "We don't want you very much so far as your legal services are con cerned we need you to play the buffoon to the jury." William M. Evarts, of New York, whose wonderful ability is universally recognized and whose state papers made an important era in the department over which he so eminently presided, was afterward Secretary of State and United States Senator. I re member John Sherman telling an anecdote about Mr. Evarts. A committee from New York called on Mr. Evarts, asking him to speak at a certain func tion, but requested that he would not indulge in the long sentences to which he was universally addicted. To which Mr. Evarts replied, "Criminals never do like long sentences." William S. Groesbeck made the most important argument in that famous trial. The headquarters for the counsel of the President was the famous hostelry, Welcker's, which was oppo site the residence of the imperious Senator from New York, Roscoe Conkling, and the German Minister Baron Gerolt, the great friend of Abraham Lincoln. Welcker's was as well known in its day as Delmoni- co's in New York is now. Many a famous dinner was given there by parties interested in party and political legislation. The famous Samuel Ward, whom Crawford has immortalized in one of his novels, and who was a relative of his, gave many a royal feast to those engaged in matters in which he took a deep interest. During the whole trial, Welck er's was the center of attraction, and the newspaper correspondents outclassed themselves in vain at tempts to get information from the counsel or from ANDREW JOHNSON 59 statesmen who were visiting. After this great event, when Charles Dickens visited Washington and gave a course of readings, he was a guest at Welcker's, and one night, or rather morning, at a dinner given by me in his honor, he expressed the greatest interest in the historical events that had had their founda tion at the hotel at which he was stopping. I re member a witticism of Dickens, when one of the guests asked him whether he had ever seen the sun rise, and his reply was, "Often, when I went to bed." THE IMPEACHMENT TRIAL The trial dragged its weary length from day to day, and excitement, bitter political rancor, animosity, crimination and recrimination grew until at last the fateful hour came for a vote, John A. Bingham, of Ohio, having made the closing argument for the plaintiff. His peroration still rings in my ears. Great applause followed its close, and those who are not conversant with the effect of his speech might have supposed that the doom of the defendant was sealed, but as has been proven time and again in the campaigns of Bryan and McKinley, and Bryan and Roosevelt, the one got all the applause and the others were elected to the Presidency of the United States. It was to me as if the heart of the nation stood still, waiting on the words "yes" or "no." You could scarcely drop a pin in that vast audience without its being heard. Every eye centered on the Senators as their names were pronounced, who were to estab lish once and for all a precedent for the perpetuity or the destruction of the Republic. Names were called and a vote was given. "Aye" for the plaintiff, "no" for the defendant. The cru- 60 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN cial moment came when the name of William Pitt Fessenden, of Maine, was pronounced. It had been an open secret for days that Mr. Fessenden, with his wonderful grasp of statesmanship and sound reason ing, had come to the conclusion that President John son was not guilty of the crimes charged and that he would vote "no." In his lithe and slim figure there was not the slightest tremor of excitement, but calm as justice, impenetrable as fate, he pronounced the magic word "no." There was a throb throughout the vast Senate chamber, and each and every one felt that that was the beginning of the end. Fowler, of Tennessee came next, and voted "no." Grimes, of Iowa, answered "no." Henderson, of Missouri; Trumbull, of Illinois; Ross, of Kansas, and Van Winkle, of West Virginia, followed in close succes sion, and fearlessly voted "no," and as the last name was pronounced, the true friends of the Republic breathed a sigh of relief, while those who claimed to be equally true to the best interests of the Re public were frantic in their denunciation, charging conspiracy, bribery and corruption. And yet these seven immortals above named will stand in the annals of our country as the great apostles of reason, of statesmanship and of the true conception of a Republic. It was only the other day that the last of the seven was summoned to eternal rest, John R. Henderson, of Missouri. And what was the political fate of all these seven men? Their fate was the fate that is meted out by ungrateful people and Republics. They were hounded, denounced, pilloried and looked upon as traitors, not only to their party, but to their country. Time has vindicated their judgment, and placed them on that pinnacle where they so justly ANDREW JOHNSON 61 and rightly belong. Henderson was admonished by letters, telegrams and personal visits from his con stituents in Missouri, that he would be "a political dead duck" if he voted against impeachment, and Henderson made the famous reply: "Clay said he would rather be right than to be President; I would rather do right than be Senator," and with that dec laration he signed his political death warrant. And finally, was Andrew Johnson guilty of the crimes and misdeameanors charged against him? Had they been leveled at any ordinary individual there would not have been a question of the utter disregard by any one of the allegations made against him, but being President of the United States, who had gone back on what were supposed to be pledges of political fealty, he became the target, and would have fallen from his high office had it not been for the seven immortals. Andrew Johnson was, as so many of our great Americans have been, a man of the people, who had risen to eminence from ob scurity, and who, living in a state that was over-run with sentiment of secession, in the most crucial hour of our country's history, the Civil War, stood firm as the Rock of Ghickamauga for the preservation of the Union, and took his life in his hands as Governor of Tennessee and commander of a part of the army, to evidence his patriotism and belief in the Con stitution of the United States. I know of no more wonderful episode than the one which I witnessed when, long after, the State of Tennessee returned him to the Senate of the United States, and he became the comrade of many of the men who had at one time voted to disgrace and dethrone him. I sin cerely believe that Andrew Johnson was thoroughly 62 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN honest and patriotic, and when those who traduced and maligned him were criticising even Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Johnson stood shoulder to shoulder with his fellow compatriots fighting for the preserva tion of the Union. ULYSSES S. GRANT 1869-1877 ULYSSES S. GRANT During and after the impeachment trial of Presi dent Johnson the Republican leaders had selected General Grant as his political successor; his nomina tion was not a surprise and his renomination was a logical result of the opposition and venomous attacks he had to endure. In both campaigns I participated, making speeches in different parts of the country, notably Ohio and Indiana. This campaigning made life friendships and gave me valuable education. When you have Democracy looking up at you it is the most exciting moment of a speaker's career and makes the blood tingle in every vein. The hustings are the political schools of the nation; all of our great statesmen and orators owe their fame to this valu able adjunct. Ghauncey M. Depew, at one of the dinners given by the Ohio Society of New York, made this memorable statement : "Some men are born great, others achieve greatness, and some are born in Ohio." It can be truthfully stated that two of these observations are undoubtedly true of the man about whom I am writ ing this sketch Ulysses S. Grant achieved greatness, and was born in Ohio. It was at Willard's Hotel that I had the first glimpse of General Grant. I confess that he did not impress me as being anything extraordinary, an opinion that was shared then by a large number of his country men, but which time and experience completely dis pelled. I did not see him again until the great re view of May 24 and 25, 1865, after the war was over. I occupied then an office prominently situated, to wit, at the corner of Seventh street and Pennsylvania 64 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN avenue, over the Central National Bank, and there fore had a splendid opportunity to see that great historic pageant. Grant on that day represented in his outward demeanor an absolute repose, the tem per and spirit of the American people, calm yet firm, deliberate and assertive. There was no vindictive- ness in his face; the fires that lighted up his eyes were not those of grim satisfaction at being the con queror, but rather those of a man who was pleased to know that the country was once more united and that the war, with all its horrors, had ceased. There was nothing of the Roman Caesar manifest; on the contrary, the loftiest spirit of civilization which per meates and dominates the close of the nineteenth century. From that time on for several years, I had frequent opportunities of meeting General Grant, and I knew that in due course of time he would unquestionably be the candidate of the Republican party for Presi dent of the United States. I was most anxious to get at the inside history of "Order No. 11," which bore his signature and which had caused feelings of indig nation throughout the United States on the part of those American citizens who were of the Jewish faith. That Order, if inspired or dictated by General Grant, would have stamped him with extreme liberal ity as having an utter want of appreciation of the real duties of an American commander-in-chief. From what I had read and knew of General Grant as a public character, and what little I had seen of him personally, I felt confident that an erroneous impression existed and that injustice had been done the General and his great reputation. It was a very ULYSSES S. GRANT 65 delicate matter, inasmuch as a great deal of public comment had been made, some of the newspapers, then as now, rushing heedlessly and needlessly into print without a full knowledge of the facts. I there fore approached General Badeau, a member of his staff, also General Horace Porter, with whom I was on quite intimate terms, for the purpose of getting at the true inwardness of that Order, and received the following letter, under date of April 22, 1868: "Mr. Simon Wolf, "DEAR SIR: "General Grant directs me to acknowledge the re ceipt of your letter of April 14, in which you allude to an order issued By him in 1862 'banishing the Jews from the Department of the Tennessee,' and in which you 'most respectfully ask as an American citizen and an Israelite, whether this order was intended then or since to reflect in any way or manner on the Jews as a class or whether it was not an order di rected simply against certain evil designing persons, whose religion, however, was in no way material to the issue.' While General Grant is extremely anxious to avoid thrusting himself into anything approaching a controversy on such a matter, he yet can not fail to observe the cordial tone and spirit of your note, and out of respect to that, he instructs me to say that the order was as you suppose 'di rected simply against evil designing persons whose religion was in no way material to the issue.' When it was made, the guilty parties happened to be Israel ites exclusively, and it was intended to reach the guilty parties, not to wound the feelings of any 66 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN others. It would have been made just as stringent against any other class of individuals, religious, polit ical or commercial. "I am, Sir, very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, "ADAM BADEAU." I was not fully satisfied with this, and again wrote, to which General Badeau replied as follows : "March, 1868. "My Dear Mr. Wolf: "I have brought your request to the attention of General Grant, and while he would like very much indeed to comply therewith, yet he fears that any statement made by him would be misconstrued by the general public. He therefore prefers not to make any explanation other than that you have already received. He desires me to express his hearty and sincere appreciation of the interest you have taken, knowing that your motives are actuated by friend ship and a desire to do justice not only to himself, but to the people whom you so worthily represent. "Very truly yours, "ADAM BADEAU/' This gives emphasis to another feature of General Grant's character which has not been sufficiently commented upon, that is, his absolute unselfishness and extreme modesty. He preferred to suffer under the stigma of reproach and misunderstanding rather than have the public believe that at that juncture he was catering for the good wishes and possible votes of American citizens of Jewish faith. After his elec- ULYSSES S. GRANT 67 tion, I asked General Badeau for permission to pub lish the correspondence, and received the following letter, dated December 11, 1868: "My Dear Sir: "I can see no reason why the letter I wrote you last summer relative to General Grant's Order No. 11, should not be published, as you request. "Very respectfully yours, "ADAM BADEAU." After General Grant's nomination, while visiting in Boston, I published in the Transcript of that city, the following letter, which was copied all over the United States: THE JEWS AND GENERAL GRANT To THE EDITOR OF THE BOSTON TRANSCRIPT : In the Boston Post of Wednesday an article ap peared headed "Grant and the Jewish Vote," signed by "Max." I do not know who Max is, whether he is an Israelite or a Mohammedan, not being material; but to his conclusions I entirely object, as being illog ical, erroneous, and decidedly anti-Jewish. No one, even the General, denies that the order was prescriptive, but in one sense not uncalled for. The General never meant then, since, or now, to pro scribe the Jews because they were such, but simply to banish from his camp the Lazzaroni who infested it. Unfortunately the order was ill-worded, but that is no reason why American citizens should be be trayed from their allegiance to principles, and turn to a party that advocated the reverse of what is right and true. 68 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN I protest in the name of enlightened Judaism against this dragooning system and continually harp ing on the "old ancient grudge." We are not Jews in any political sense. We are, what is of far more value, American citizens, and as such can and will vote for the candidate of our party, be that Grant or Seymour. The ages of persecution have passed into oblivion, but the lessons taught have not been lost, for we know that here, free as the air, we breathe, we can worship God according to the dictates of conscience, that we owe no allegiance to class, and that the fostering of prejudice and the accursed spirit of exclusiveness that have marked our race should cease and forever, being detrimental to the development of free thought and true progress. Accursed will be the day when Jews as a class commit the unpardonable crime of becoming sec tarian in their politics, Know-Nothings among Amer icans. If such a thing should come to pass I wish to place my protest on record, for no matter how much of an error Gen. Grant or anyone else may have com mitted, I will not forget what I owe the country that has fostered and protected me in the exercise of free thought. I will not forget that if oppression and prejudice have overtaken us, they were mainly attributable to the very sectarian spirit that is here sought to be perpetuated. You, Mr. Max, or any other Israelite, can in your individual capacity as American citizens, vote and speak against Gen. Grant that is one of your in alienable rights and privileges; but forbear to use it in a religious sense. I know General Grant and his motives, have cor responded with him on this very subject, and assert ULYSSES S. GRANT 69 unhesitatingly that he never intended to insult any honorable Jew, that he never thought of their re ligion; that the order was simply directed "against certain evil designing persons, who respected neither law nor order, and who were endangering the morale of the army." General Grant is not the only man who, during the war, committed wrongs against the holiest rights. Fremont, Burnside, even the lamented Lincoln, were not free from them, and Congress had to legalize, subsequently, acts performed against the plainest rules of law and justice; but the emergencies of the time made them necessary, and an Anglo- Saxon race, ever ready to defend their principles, suffered these wrongs because they were necessary to the preservation of the Republic. Having lived in Washington for the last six years, I know how many of our people were indifferent to the cause, and how many only cared for the spoils. This they had, however, in common with other per sons, and I took occasion to defend my race against cruel aspersions and uncalled for prejudice; but yet I could not shut my eyes to the fact that hundreds infested the camps who were spies, blockade run ners, etc., who, owing no allegiance to the Govern ment, having ever a passport near, endangered the army, laughed at army regulations and orders, and when caught attempted to bribe their way to free dom. This was a state of things highly demoraliz ing, and the General in a moment of just indignation, in an hour of great peril, issued this order, never contemplating any wrong against honest, patriotic Jewish-American citizens. The order never harmed me never harmed any- 70 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN one, not even in thought, except those whom we as Jews despise and hold in contempt. It would be perfect folly to suppose for a moment that the Jews have found in Grant another Titus, for he is fully aware of the noble deeds performed by thousands of Jewish privates, and hundreds of Jewish officers during the late war; and I know that some of his warmest friends, even in Washington, are Jews. The bugbear of what he may do when he becomes President is childish. He will do his duty as the law and the will of the people, through their chosen representatives, prescribe; no more no less. This great love, all at once exhibited by the Dem ocratic party or any other party, this great tolerance prated about by Christians for Jews, is simply absurd. We are not Jews except to God; we are to the coun try what Mr. Smith, Mr. Jones or Mr. Brown are citizens. We seek no tolerance from anyone, in this age of progress and ennobling humanity. Tolerance is for slaves, not for Americans. SIMON WOLF. Boston, August 6, 1868. It proved satisfactory to the majority of the people to whom it was addressed, although I have no doubt there are still some who believe that Grant was actuated and inspired by Rishus (prejudice) ; in other words, who cannot alienate themselves from the feelings engendered by the Civil War. After his elec tion, I had a long and interesting conversation with him, and then for the first time he told me that he had had absolutely nothing whatever to do with the said order; there were official blanks at the head quarters, just as there are official blanks in the differ- ULYSSES S. GRANT 71 ent courts, in the one case having the name of the General printed and in the other that of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, which were used in making orders; that said Order No. 11 had been issued from headquarters upon the report made by General Sherman, who had complained that there were a large number of citizens, notably Jewish, who were violating the rules and laws of war in running the blockade and in purchasing cotton contrary to legislation, and that it was demoralizing and proving very injurious to the service; in consequence of which, in the absence of General Grant, the order was made by one of the staff officers, but unfortu nately bore the name of the General, and he never would state the facts as here given, simply because he dip! not wish anyone, as he stated, to suppose that he was seeking public applause; he would rather suffer in silence. The facts were also substantiated by the records. But his subsequent conduct during the eight years of his incumbency as President gave the lie to all insinuations and innuendoes that had been made against the integrity and liberality of Ulysses S. Grant. Assertions and beliefs amount to nothing; facts tell on the pages of history, and I here distinctly state that during those years President Grant did more on and in behalf of American citizens of Jewish faith, at home and abroad, than all the Presidents of the United States prior thereto or since. This may seem almost incredible, but I speak by the card. No one during that time, except those immediately sur rounding him or the members of Iris Cabinet, saw President Grant oftener than myself, whether fortu nately or unfortunately, having been appointed by 72 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN him as Recorder of Deeds for the District of Colum bia, a position which I did not seek nor covet and to which I was appointed in my absence from the city at the instance of General Rawlings, Secretary of War. I was seated with Mr. Julius Bien, of New York, at the Astor House when the afternoon papers were brought in, and there for the first time I was made aware of my appointment. I fully determined on returning to Washington to decline the honor, but discovered to my regret that a protest had been filed with the Senate Committee on the District of Colum bia on the score that I was a Jew. They did not question my manhood, my morals or my Republican ism, but solely on the old, old cry of not being a Christian. Realizing that there was a principle at stake, and that if I was confirmed I could always re sign, I made the fight before the committee, of which former Vice-President of the United States, the Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, was chairman, and I am happy to say that I was unanimously confirmed. Unfortu nately, illness in my family prompted me to continue holding the office, which I did from April, '69, until May, '78, about which I will speak in the sketch on President Hayes. How often have I been compelled to speak of this cowardly opposition on the part of certain people to those who happen to differ from them in their ideas of faith. In a Republic such as ours, men are not appointed on account of their re ligion, but on account of their party fealty and merit. Any other course would be detrimental to the best interests of the Republic. The first time I saw the President after my con firmation, he said, "You have been so highly recom- ULYSSES S. GRANT 73 mended by General Rawlings, whose judgment is almost infallible, that I rely on you never to deceive me. I learn that you represent your co-religionists, that you also stand well with the German-American element. I may want to see and consult you often; when I can no longer trust you, I shall ask for your resignation." He never did, not even when under temporary fire. That w r as General Grant's strength- unfailing trust in those in whom he confided, the men who had been his comrades on the line of battle, whose courage he had tested, were steeled to him against all attacks. Unfortunately, some betrayed that trust, but the General never complained. Thus I became officially connected with the admin istration of my choice. Being identified with the Republican party, looked upon, whether justly or not, as a representative German and Jewish Ameri can citizen, resident of Washington, there naturally poured in upon me from every part of the United States, petitions, applications and requests for office under the general government, for pardons of persons who had deserted from the army; for the restoration of minors who had enlisted without the consent of their parents; for violators of law who had been sent innocently in several instances to prison; to aid in securing American representation in Roumania; to prevent the exportation of American arms during the French-German War; to secure the immediate and prompt good offices of our government so as to prevent the wholesale deportation of Jews from Russia; to have the President as our guest through the means of my invitation time and again at the annual festivals of the Washington Schuetzen Verein, at the laying of the corner-stone and the dedication 74 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN of the Steuben monument, which is now standing in front of the Good Hope Orphan Asylum, in Anacostia, D. C.; at the dedication of the Jewish Orthodox Synagogue at the corner of Sixth and G Streets, at which the Rev. George Jacobs, of Philadelphia, offi ciated; at the fair in aid of the sufferers of the German-French War; and indeed on numerous occa sions where his presence gladdened one and all and where he ever bore himself with a simplicity most charming. He was so much impressed at one time with the zither players and Tyrolean singers whom he saw and heard at the Schuetzen Park that he asked me to bring them next day to the White House so that Mrs. Grant could hear them also. Of course these per formers were highly elated at the honor accorded them, and the next day I took them to the White House, and soon every employe and official connected with the White House listened to the music and songs of the Tyrol. Much to our surprise and pleas ure, the President himself came in, although as is well known, he cared very little for music of any kind except military, yet he seemed to again heartily enjoy the occasion, as he had done the day previous. It is proper in this connection to reproduce the conversation had with President Grant when Benja min F. Peixotto and myself called upon him after Mr. Peixotto had been appointed as Consul to Rou- mania. The President uttered the following words: "Respect for human rights is the first duty of those set as rulers over nations, and the humbler, poorer or more abject and miserable the people be, be they white or black, Jew or Christian, the greater should be the concern of those in authority to extend pro- ULYSSES S. GRANT 75 tection, to rescue and redeem them and to raise them up to an equality with the most enlightened. The story of the sufferings of the Hebrews of Roumania profoundly touches every sensibility of our nature. It is one long series of outrage and wrong, and even if there be exaggeration in the accounts which have reached us, enough is evident to prove the imperative duty of all civilized nations to extend their moral aid in behalf of a people so unhappy. Prince Charles and his ministers and the public men of that coun try may be brought to see that the future of their nation lies in a direction totally opposite to these laws, and persecutions, whether great or petty, which have hitherto so invidiously marked its character. It is not by Chinese walls or Spanish expatriation that nations can hope to make progress in our day. I have no doubt your presence and influence, to gether with the efforts of your colleagues of the great powers with whom, in this matter, you will always be prompt to act, will result in mitigating the evils complained of and end in terminating them. The United States, knowing no difference between her citizens on account of religion or nativity, naturally believes in a civilization the world over which will secure the same universal views." The substance of this, commencing with the words "the United States," was embodied in the circular letter given to Peixotto. There is no paper on file in the State Department of our Government that so truly and characteristically represents the spirit and genius of our institutions as this simple letter. It was not written for the President, but by him in our presence, and the words flowed naturally from a heart full of human sympathy, and as classic as his 76 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN own memoirs, written under great physical strain and stress at Mt. McGregor. On the 12th day of May, 1870, I received the fol lowing letter from Schuyler Colfax, who was then Vice-President of the United States, in answer to a request of mine to have a resolution introduced in the matter of the Roumanian outrages: "Washington, May 12, 1870. DEAR SIR: I have received your letter, but having heretofore presented several invitations to the Senate infor mally, I have been reminded privately by Senators that they were not within the 24th rule, which limits the Documents that may be submitted to the Senate by its presiding officer. I would suggest that you have the invitation presented by some Senator to whom the restrictive rule does not apply. In great haste, Yours truly, SCHUYLER COLFAX." I took his advice and the resolution was subse quently introduced by Senator Schurz. On April 12, 1872, I received the following letter from the State Department, signed by Hamilton Fish, in answer to a letter of mine asking the Department of State to instruct our Consul at Bucharest to pro test against the outrages practiced on the Israelites of Roumania : ULYSSES S. GRANT 77 "Department of State, Washington, April 12, 1872. To S. Wolf, Esq., Recorder of Deeds, Washington, D. C. DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 9th instant has been received. In reply, I have to state that this Department has addressed an instruction to Mr. B. F. Peixotto, the Consul of the United States at Bucharest, authorizing him to remonstrate against the outrages committed upon the Israelites in Roumania. I am, Dear Sir, Your very obedient servant, HAMILTON FISH." There was a genial humor about President Grant which no one not familiar with him could ever have imagined. I remember when Congressman Clark, then representing one of the districts in Texas in the days of carpet-bagging, presented some of his Texas constituents, and after being introduced, Grant looked up with a twinkle in his eye and said, "Clark, what were the names of your constituents before they migrated to Texas?" Again, while awaiting to have an interview with him, some enthusiastic politicians were observing to the President that it was a shame and outrage that John Morrisey (the noted prize fighter) should be a member of Congress, and Grant replied sententiously, "Not at all, this is a representa tive form of government and I have no doubt that John Morrisey fairly represents his district," and after a good hearty laugh on the part of those present, the President further observed, "I know John Morrisey 78 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN well and esteem him highly, for I believe that when he promises anything, he does it, which is more than I can say for some other members of Congress who are more cultured." He was anxious to give General Sigel some recog nition by appointing him to an office worthy of his name and achievements. While the President did not have the most unlimited admiration for the military ability of General Sigel, he nevertheless esteemed him personally. He said to me time and again that no man had done as much to aid the Union cause in the Northwest, and especially in Missouri, as General Sigel, and that his name had contributed vastly towards rousing the patriotic spirit of the Ger man Americans, and if for nothing else than that, he deserved the gratitude of the American people. I communicated these sentiments to the General, and the President was ready to appoint him as Collector of Internal Revenue, which General Sigel declined; then Assessor of Internal Revenue; he then wished to appoint him as Minister to Portugal, but this fared no better. Some time had elapsed when the San Domingo Commission was appointed, and I suggested to the President that there would be a splendid opportunity to recognize the ability of General Sigel, who was a thorough scholar and might be of great use and bene fit to the Commission. The President asked me to write or telegraph to the General, and if satisfactory he would appoint him as a member of the Commis sion. This time we were more fortunate General Sigel accepted. When the Commission was on its return home a rumor circulated that the vessel had foundered and all on board had been lost. I saw the ULYSSES S. GRANT 79 President on the day when the rumor was printed, and he asked me what I thought about it. I assured him that there was no earthly danger, for General Sigel was on board. The President wished to know what that had to do with it, and I said, "Why, Mr. President, he would decline death." A hearty laugh followed on his part and he must have repeated it to someone, for 1 heard it afterwards from a mem ber of his Cabinet. The irony of history is exemplified by present con ditions in regard to San Domingo. The principal cause of opposition on the part of Grant's political enemies was his attempt to purchase and occupy San Domingo, a step that is now justified and universally regretted that it was not accomplished by Grant. But there are times in the history of our country when passion and selfishness are supreme, which was evi denced when Secretary William H. Seward purchased Alaska. Leading papers and statesmen at the time jeered and laughed at "buying an iceberg," and the good citizens of Auburn, Seward's home, criticized him severely. American history records no finer stroke of statesmanship, save and except Jefferson's purchase of Louisiana. The only time I ever saw the President embar rassed for a moment was at the Schuetzen Park at the banquet in the evening of the day of the laying of the corner-stone of the Steuben monument. The Franco-German War was then on, and an enthusias tic German, since dead, but well remembered, arose and proposed the health of the President of the United States, the friend of Germany. I promptly arose, knowing what a delicate situation it was, and said, "No, no, the President of the United States is the 80 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN friend of all the governments of the world, but Gen eral Grant is our guest and friend." For a moment silence reigned, and then the applause was most hearty and spontaneous, and Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, who had accompanied the President, said to me smilingly, "That was most happily done; you ought to be in the diplomatic service," to which I promptly replied, "If I was, I would unquestionably have done as well as some of those whom you have sent abroad." One day I was made aware of the fact that the different religious sects in this country were to be represented in the service of the government, look ing to the education and caring for the Indians. I saw no reason inasmuch as that was adopted as a rule, why the Jewish faith should not also have a rep resentative, especially as we were not a proselyting people, and that whoever was appointed would see to the physical, mental and moral welfare of the In dians. I called on the President, and he was at once alive to the practicability of the suggestion and asked me to name someone. I promptly did so, having in the meantime consulted my friend, Hon. Simon W. Rosendale, of Albany, by recommending Dr. Herman Bendel, of Albany, who had seen service in the Civil War and who enjoyed then, as he does now, a most honorable reputation, and who had shown ability and rare judgment, which were the essential neces sities in the Indian or any service. President Grant appointed Dr. Bendel Superinten dent of Indian Affairs for Arizona, and then I had on my hands one of the most interesting political fights of my experience. Bendel came from the State of New York ; Roscoe Conkling, as Senator, claimed the ULYSSES S. GRANT 81 privilege of all the appointments. Richard C. McCor- mick, who was delegate in Congress from Arizona, naturally felt indignant that such an important ap pointment should have been made without consulting him. After the appointment had been sent to the Senate, the President sent for me, and while at the White House, Mr. McGormick came in, and I soon convinced him of the fitness of the appointment, and then and there won his friendship, which I enjoyed to the end of his life. But to win the imperial Roscoe Conkling was not so easy. The President failed to do so, and Conkling refused point blank to have the appointment confirmed. I told him that I extremely regretted that he was pursuing this course, but that I would not consent to the with drawal of Dr. Bendel's name unless the President requested it. I knew all the time that the President would not do so, as he quietly enjoyed the fight and likewise saw no reason why Conkling should have his own way. I made the fight before the Committee on Indian Affairs in the Senate and won, and I must do Conkling the credit and justice to say that he never harbored any ill will or anger; on the con trary, he seemed to have a higher respect for me and subsequently did me personally a most impor tant service. Dr. Bendel went to Arizona and for several years discharged the important duties en trusted to him to such eminent satisfaction that the officials of the Indian Bureau often said that no bet ter superintendent existed. There was a Board of Missions connected with this Indian business with which General O. O. Howard and Mr. John Welch, of Philadelphia, and other good Christian fellow-citizens were connected, who had a 82 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN meeting at the Arlington Hotel for the purpose of reviewing the services of the various superintendents and the work accomplished on and in behalf of the Indians. I was notified to be present, the Commis sion knowing that I had been instrumental in secur ing the appointment of Dr. Bendel, and much to my disgust and chagrin, I found a report as follows: "Dr. Herman Bendel, Superintendent of Indian Af fairs for Arizona, is a most excellent official, a man of splendid judgment, strict integrity, who has man aged the affairs of the office to entire satisfaction, but unfortunately he is not a Christian." It was such a startling and yet natural proposition emanating from that source, that for a moment I did not reply, and then gave them an exposition of American citizenship which I am sure they never forgot. I finally told them that if anyone in thQ world ought to be appointed to supervise the affairs of the Indians and to elevate them in manhood and morals, it should undoubtedly be an American citi zen of Jewish faith, especially of the medical profes sion, for the reports read at that meeting showed that three-fourths per cent of not only the elder population, but also of the children, were afflicted with diseases engendered by immoral practices, and that therefore Dr. Bendel could not only civilize, but also use his professional skill in converting them to the tenets of Judaism, a physical cleansing process as well as a soul-elevation. I remember well the New York Herald of the next day having a verbatim report of this meeting and seeming to enjoy the grim humor conveyed in my observation. But it proved ineffectual, the missionary element, dominant and assertive, won the day, and Dr. Bendel shortly after ULYSSES S. GRANT 83 resigned. It was another proof which I have had, fortunately very rare, of the lack of judgment on the part of those who differ in faith. The rupture between President Grant, Charles Sumner and Carl Schurz led to very unpleasant com plications, not only from a national but from a per sonal standpoint. I enjoyed then the friendship of Mr. Schurz, and it pained me exceedingly to find him taking the course he did against the administra tion to whose elevation he had contributed so much. I was well aware that whatever actuated Mr. Schurz was inspired by motives sincere and conscientious, and yet I could not help but think then, as I do now, that he sacrificed a great deal on the score of friend ship existing between Mr. Sumner and himself, and I believe that time mellowed Mr. Schurz's attitude to a very large degree as far as General Grant was con cerned, as after Grant's death no one paid a more beautiful and glowing tribute to the memory of the Great Commander than did Carl Schurz. He char acterized Grant's Memoirs as equal, if not superior, to Caesar's Commentaries. No higher praise could be given, especially coming from such a source. Grant's estimate of Sumner's vaulting egotism has already been spoken of in the chapter on Johnson. The discontent among a certain portion of the Republican party led in 1872 to the formation of what is known in history as the Liberal Republican organization. They called a national convention which met in Cincinnati, Ohio. Carl Schurz, Judge Stallo, Stanley Matthews and other notable Republi cans were at the head. The result of that convention was the nomination of Horace Greely, the noted and celebrated editor of the New York Tribune, a life- 84 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN long Abolitionist and Republican. The Democratic convention of that year met in the city of Baltimore and affirmed the action of the Liberal Republicans by adopting its platform and nominating its candi date, the most curious action in the political history of the United States. Horace Greeley had for years in the Tribune denounced and villified the Democratic party. He had gone so far as to say, "Show me a liar, a thief and a perjurer and I will show you a Democrat," and yet this great national organization, unmindful of the past and only eager to win no matter by what means took up the candidate of the Liberal Republicans in the hope of defeating Grant. For a short period of time there was some doubt as to the result, and President Grant, one day while conversing with him at the White House, during the campaign, suggested that if I felt like going on the stump in Ohio, and also in Indiana, he would not object. His wish was a command to me, and I did speak in the two states. During my itinerary I met the Hon. Abram I. Dittenhoefer, who is yet living in the City of New York. We spoke from the same platform, and the friendship engendered by associa tion is lasting and intense. In that same campaign, I was to speak in the evening when Joseph Pulitzer, the editor of the New York World, was to speak in German for the opposition. While seated in the hotel reading a newspaper, two men came in, sat down and ordered a drink. They spoke in German, good Pennsylvania Dutch, and one of them said to the other, "Did you ever hear such German as that man Pulitzer got off? Nobody could understand him." Naturally Pulitzer had spoken over their heads and they were disgusted ULYSSES S. GRANT 85 with his culture. When I met Pulitzer that same evening, I told him, and we had a laugh at his expense. Although time and again asked to speak to political organizations in German and to foster and stimulate political clubs of a Jewish character, I have never done the one nor advocated the other. In all mat ters of a public character there is only one citizen ship, and that is to be American and speak the lan guage of the country and notably now. As is well known, the result of that election was overwhelmingly in favor of General Grant, and discomfiture, chagrin and strenuous labors were undoubtedly the primary cause of Horace Greeley's early death. In 1865, at the second inauguration ball of Lincoln, Greeley lost his hat, in 1872 he lost his head. The fourth of March, 1873 (second inauguration of Grant), was most memorable on account of the weather. The oldest citizen of Washington had not seen anything like it. It was bitter cold, the wind blowing at the rate of sixty miles an hour; yet the streets were lined with people, and the front of the Capitol packed with an enthusiastic crowd. General Blumenberg, of Baltimore and I marched at the head of our respective "Schuetzen Verins," side by side with the army and navy boys of West Point and Annapolis. Many of these marchers contracted pneu monia and died. General Grant, with uncovered head, read his message, and the welkin rang with cheers. In the evening the Inaugural Ball was held in an improvised frame structure in Judiciary Square. Governor Alexander R. Shepherd, the founder of the new Washington, was chairman, and he opened 86 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN the ball in his fur overcoat; the coffee cans ran solid ice. President and Mrs. Grant, who were present, seemed to enjoy the Arctic conditions. I was a member of the Ball Committee, and Grant said to me, "I saw you and Blumenberg in the crowd today and wondered how you liked it." To me President Grant was the embodiment of a brave, patriotic and true man; but more than that, he was the President of the United States, who was entitled to forbearance, who deserved at the hands of his fellow-citizens that consideration which a just man is ever willing to accord to a private citizen. Therefore, I stood firmly and resolutely by the Presi dent in that unfortunate controversy engendered by the sale of arms to the French government. I saw at once that someone had blundered and that it was no time, no matter how much we might wish to sell our surplus arms, to sell them then to the French government. I called on the President at once, and he convened a Cabinet meeting, at which I had the honor to be present. I presented all the facts and argued that it would never do to pursue this course, as it would alienate the German-Americans from their love of and for the United States and would estrange from the Republican party a host of sterling, unselfish and devoted adherents. The President promptly acquiesced in this opinion, and the matter was stopped then and there, and the German papers of that day, as I find from quite a number of notes contained in my scrapbooks, gave high praise to the President for his prompt action, and incidentally spoke very pleasingly of myself. When the cable flashed the sad intelligence that the Jews of Bessarabia were to be expelled from ULYSSES S. GRANT 87 Russian territory and that a massacre had taken place in which a large number of Jewish people had lost their lives, in addition to getting action by both branches of Congress, which were then in session, I asked the President to use his good offices through our Minister in St. Petersburg on and in behalf of my unfortunate co-religionists. A special meeting of the Cabinet was convened, at which I again had the honor to be present, and it was unanimously agreed that such a cable message should be sent to the Hon. Andrew G. Curtin, our Minister. Curtin promptly acted, and successfully, for the great War Governor of Pennsylvania, than whom no more loyal or liberal American ever lived, appreciated the gravity of the situation, and did not act as did another Pennsyl- vanian, Charles Emory Smith, who was our repre sentative in Russia at a subsequent period, and when asked to use his good offices and best efforts on and in behalf of our co-religionists did nothing. Eugene Schuyler, who was Secretary of the American Lega tion in St. Petersburg, was requested in the absence of the Minister to write out a full report of the con dition of the Jews in Russia, not to give an opinion but a statement of facts, so that our government could act intelligently. In due time his report came, and it was of such a character that the Department found itself unable to print it. I was permitted to read it and was shocked at the un-Americanism of the writer. He fully agreed with all that Russia had done in its persecution and pogroms and knew of no reason for any other action than that which Rus sia had taken. In the course of years Mr. Schuyler was nominated for an important position under the government. My memory fortunately reproduced 88 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN that infamous report, and the committee of the Sen ate unanimously reported against his confirmation. Years afterward I met Mr. Schuyler in Switzerland and frankly told him what I had done and the rea son therefor. It was quite astonishing to him not only that I had seen the report, but that I had pre vented his confirmation, but he agreed that from my standpoint I was absolutely correct. We parted on the most friendly terms. President Grant took an interest in the proceed ings of the Convention of the Independent Order of B'nai R'rith, held in Chicago in 1874, and over which I presided. When I returned to Washington, I had to tell him all about the Roumanian Mission, of the action taken to erect a Statue to Religious Liberty, and other notable legislation. At the close of our interview, he said, "You Jews are certainly a great people and patriotic Americans." In 1876, the centennial year, when the Union of American Hebrew Congregations held their council in this city, President Grant received them, and all of the delegates were highly pleased with the recep tion and the cordial manner in which they were treated by the President. The President seemed to know quite a number of them, and when I saw him afterward he expressed gratification in having met so many intelligent American citizens, and when in troduced to Dr. Isaac M. Wise, the founder of the Union, he promptly said, "I know all about you, Doctor, especially in connection with Order No. 11." The following letter sent to President Grant, and his answer thereto, fully explain themselves: STATUE OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY, ERECTED AT FAIR MOUNT PARK, PHILADELPHIA, BY THE I. O. B. B., IN 1876. ULYSSES S. GRANT 89 Washington, D. C., June 26, 1876. My Dear Mr. President: No doubt you are aware of the fact that the Inde pendent Order of B'nai B'rith at its quinquennial Convention held in Chicago in 1874, unanimously voted the erection of a Statue to Religious Liberty, and that the same should be erected in Fairmount Park, Philadelphia. Now on this coming Fourth of July, the Statue having been completed by an Amer ican sculptor, Sir Mosely Ezekiel, will be dedicated and given to the people of the United States. This evidence of patriotism and of love of liberty on the part of American citizens of Jewish faith is in keeping with their history and their lofty ideals and concep tion of duty. No class of citizenship has been made happier by religious liberty than the Jew, for the denial of that liberty in other lands has been the cause of endless persecution and misery. We sincerely trust that this statue, typifying so grandly the separation of church and state, may be an inspiration and an example for all the genera tions of the future. Is it not possible for you to attend the unveiling? Very sincerely, SIMON WOLF. And the President replied: White House, June 28, 1876. My Dear Mr. Wolf: Your letter in the matter of the Statue to be dedi cated to Religious Liberty in Fairmount Park, Phila delphia, on the 4th of July, has been duly received. It has impressed me deeply and I congratulate you 90 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN and all concerned for this splendid contribution on the part of American citizens who at all times in war and in peace, have shown their loyalty and patriot ism on and in behalf of the Republic. I sincerely regret that official duties will prevent my attendance. Sincerely yours, U. S. GRANT. Just before General Grant was inaugurated, he exceeded the speed limit of the District by driving two of his pet horses too fast on Pennsylvania Ave nue. He was arrested by a policeman and brought before Justice Charles Walter, who was at that time Justice of the Police Court. Walter fined him ten dollars, which President-elect Grant paid without a murmur. Just after Grant had been inaugurated, the commission of Justice Charles Walter expired, and there were a large number of patriots anxious to secure the appointment. One of the arguments made to President Grant was that Walter was the Dutch man who had fined him ten dollars for driving too fast, and Grant sententiously remarked, "Is that so? Well, that's the man I will reappoint, for he knows how to do his duty, irrespective of men or station." One day I received a request from a blind girl, tell ing me that her father had been arrested and con victed of selling washed revenue stamps. She said that he was her only support and that he had been most kind and considerate of her at all times, and she begged of me to see whether I could not have her father, whom she believed to be innocent, and as was subsequently proven, pardoned. I went to the Presi dent and showed him the letter, printed in raised type ULYSSES S. GRANT 91 which the blind use; he tapped his bell, ordered the immediate release of the unfortunate man, and I have in my library today a letter of thanks from his daugh ter who physically blind, was glorious in her mental vision of the President, and I treasure the letter as among my choicest souvenirs. One day a woman called at my house; I remember it well; she said she lived in Chicago, and brought a voluminous petition for the pardon of her husband, who was then on his way to Joliet, having been con victed of a crime. I had had so many requests that I was not only chary about troubling the President but in reality it became a grievous burden to me in dividually, and I said I could not do anything, but my wife begged me to do what I could and I went to the President, giving him the petition. He read the names and recognized most of the signatures of the leading men of Chicago. He turned to me and said, "Do you know anything about this case?" I said, "I know most of the people who have signed the peti tion and believe that they would not request you to act unless they were convinced that some mistake had been made." He promptly ordered the pardon of this man. His pardon was telegraphed prior to his admission to Joliet, thus saving him humiliation. Shortly afterward it was proven beyond question that the man WHS innocent, and had been the victim of a conspiracy on the part of a relative of the per son with whom this man had been employed. This fact I communicated to the President, and it give him great satisfaction. This pardon led to my mak ing the acquaintance of this person in the City of Chicago at the general convention of the Order of B'nai B'rith in 1874. He was a journalist and proved 92 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN his gratitude in a thousand different ways during our stay, by which the name and fame of the Order became public through the channel of the press. Another case was that of a relative of a friend of mine, who had disappeared from home and whose whereabouts were unknown. Months afterwards I received a telegram from this friend telling me that the absent one had been discovered in a United States prison, having deserted from the army in which he had enlisted, and to do what I could to have him re stored to his family. The high character of the family prompted me to see General Grant and detail to him the circumstances. He fully recognized the situation and generously pardoned the man and or dered that he be permitted to return to his home. During the second term of President Grant, I de livered an address in Washington (and subsequently in different parts of the United States) under the auspices of the Schiller Bund, of which I was presi dent. It was entitled "The Influence of the Jews on the Progress of the World." Later I published it in book form and gave a copy to the President. A few weeks later I received the following letter: "My Dear Mr. Wolf: "I have read with great pleasure and interest your lecture on 'The influence of the Jews.' I congratulate you on this valuable and thoughtful contribution. It will educate the many who are prejudiced because they are ignorant. Sincerely, U. S. GRANT." Some years later I reprinted this lecture, and among others sent a copy to General E. F. Beale, who ULYSSES S. GRANT 93 was our Minister to Austria under General Grant's administration. To which General Beale answered as follows: May, 1888. My Dear Sir: I have read your lecture, "The Influence of the Jews on the Progress of the World" with very great pleasure and profit. There is but one single point I a little object to. It is too much a defense of the Jews. Who is there in these days, whose good opin ion is worth having, who requires a defense of the Jews ? If he knows anything of letters, science, phil osophy, faith, hope or charity, he must know that the finest illustrations of all these virtues are to be found in Hebrew history, and that the most profound states men, the most divine poets, artists, architects and warriors have sprung from that race, which has held itself together in spite of the world of prejudice in arms against them. Every just idea of modern times, of the obligations of the rich to the working poor, finds its foundation in the benevolence which teaches 'Thou shalt not muzzle the ox which treadeth out the corn,' and that other law so divine that it must have been inspired by God Himself, 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,' is Jewish law. The very search for wealth which ignorance reproaches them with, what is it? Is it not commerce, the handmaiden of civilization? It is commerce which brings the na tions together and makes the Brotherhood of Man a possible fact among the peoples of the world. As for Shakespeare and Shylock, I think you make too much account of them. Shakespeare was intent only on making a telling play, and in many of his other plays 94 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN he makes countrymen of his own much more un lovely characters than Shylock. Scott followed Shakespeare with the same end in view, yet who would not rather he had made Ivanhoe marry the beautiful, refined and self-sacrificing Rebecca than the insipid Rowena ? As for Dickens, he made Fagan only half as repulsive as the brutal and murderous Sykes. All men who love letters, whether unlearned like myself and only loving them from hereditary in stinct, or deeply imbued with them by education, know what that great people has accomplished in every branch which has raised the human race to its present condition. Very sincerely your friend, E. F. BEALE. One day I received a letter from a Jew in Jerus alem, who wrote me in jargon, which Henry Gersoni, lately deceased, managed to decipher, and the request was that I should see the "King of the United States" and bring to his attention the fact that he, the Jew of Jerusalem, had a daughter whom he wished to be married, and he wanted to do the "King of the United States" the honor to have him contribute to her dowry. The request was so amusing that I stated it to the President, and he said, "Do you think this man is in earnest?" and I said, "None more so," and he promptly gave me a check for $25, which I forwarded to my correspondent. Subsequently I received a let ter of thanks in Hebrew, also the portrait of General Grant in Jewish letters, which, I believe, will be found among the other Grant treasures on exhibition in the National Museum. The singular part of this inci dent lies in the fact that General Grant, while on his ULYSSES S. GRANT 95 tour of the world, came to Jerusalem, and near the walls where the pious Jew offers his prayers, a man prostrated himself before him, kissing his hand, and lo and behold, it was the person to whom the Presi dent had sent the donation. The American citizens of German origin and birth were not forgotten. Thus General Sigel was ap pointed Assessor of Internal Revenue in New York City; Morris Friedsaur, Collector and Assessor; Gen eral Max Weber, Assessor and Collector; General E. S. Solomon, of Chicago, was made Governor of the Territory of Washington, and General Grant had a very high and exalted opinion of the mili tary ability and bravery of the General; the staunch veteran Republican of the City of New York, An dreas Willman, was appointed Collector of Internal Revenue. In making this appointment, President Grant showed his wonderful memory, for the year prior he wanted to make this appointment, but the political combinations made it necessary to appoint someone else, and when a vacancy occurred, he said to me, "Why would this not be a fine opportunity to appoint Willman?" showing that he had never for gotten his original intention. He also appointed David Eckstein Consul to Vancouver. The same Mr. Eckstein was for years Consul at Amsterdam, and the German-American press rushed into print, wanting to know who Eckstein was, and I had to answer in a letter that was widely copied, showing that Eckstein had been a splendid patriot during the Civil War and had an admirable record in the State Department. General Grant took an active interest in all that appertained to the beautifying and enlarging of the 96 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Nation's Capital. He encouraged and supported Alexander R. Shepherd in his wonderful efforts to make Washington "a thing of beauty and a joy for ever," and eternal gratitude is due to both of these men for not only having taken the initiative, but laying the foundation for the future beautifying that has since been accomplished. On the eve of the retirement from Presidential office of General Grant, I addressed him the follow ing letter: March 2, 1877. My dear Mr. President : Day after tomorrow you will, by virtue of law, re tire from the Presidency which you have so splen didly adorned. Our intercourse personally and offi cially has been of such a pleasant character that I can not help but congratulate myself for the high privilege and distinction which this intimacy has con ferred. You have at all times been most considerate and cordial. Time and again you have given evi dence of your good-will, and indeed your forbear ance. Although you will retire to private life, I will ever have the highest esteem of your character as soldier, patriot and citizen. May the years yet in store for you, bring you health and happiness and good cheer. Sincerely your friend, SIMON WOLF. To which on the following day I received his reply : March 3, 1877. My dear Mr. Wolf : Your letter of yesterday has given me a great deal of pleasure. You have during the eight years of ULYSSES S. GRANT 97 our official intercourse shown the true spirit of an American citizen, and our personal relations have at all times endeared you to me. I thank you sincerely and hope that your future years may bring you still greater honors, health and happiness. Sincerely yours, U. S. GRANT. The friendship of the father was transmitted to the son, for on my seventieth birthday, General Fred D. Grant wrote in my "Year Book," "Hearty congratu lations to my father's old friend." General Grant was the godfather of my son, who bears the name Grant. The usual Jewish ceremony eight days after his birth took place on January 19, 1869. The Gen eral sent as his personal representative General Ba- deau, and a basket of beautiful flowers to the mother. Nothing that he did has left a purer fragrance of admiration and good-will than the unobtrusive act, at the time unknown to me, on his part in sending flowers and fruit from the White House grounds to one who was endeared to me by the holiest ties and who was temporarily absent from my home. I count as one of the most pleasing episodes of my life the fact of having been officially connected with his administration. I do not believe that he ever did anything intentionally to injure anyone. He was imbued with the loftiest sense of patriotism and generosity; and when anyone had once won his friendship, he clung to him through all the vicissi tudes and trials of life. The world knows General Grant by what he accom plished. In the Walhalla of fame his statue will 98 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN stand pre-eminent, but to the individual who enjoyed personal relations and to whom he unbosomed him self as he really was one of nature's noblemen he will live as the future historian is bound to depict him, an American who rivaled Bayard of old, a man sans peur, sans reproche. His tomb is near the classic banks of the Hudson, a Mecca for all lovers of liberty. The rising and setting sun of day, the stars of night, will shine thereon forever and ever, repro ducing in the hearts of all true patriots, light and lustre which time cannot pale or efface. RUTHERFORD B. HAYES 1877-1881 RUTHERFORD B. HAYES When Rutherford B. Hayes had been elected for the third time Governor of Ohio, I came to the con clusion that he would be the available candidate for the Presidency after General Grant's term should have expired. My opinion was based on prevailing conditions, and especially on the fact that he advo cated sound finance, and the German-Americans of Ohio, especially in the large cities, were firm and un shaken for that issue, and it was largely due to Carl Schurz, who made a series of addresses in Ohio, that Hayes was elected Governor by a small margin. In the spring of 1876, the politicians and the Re publican press were canvassing the various persons likely to be selected at the coming Republican na tional convention, Blaine being almost universally recognized as the candidate, I wrote to Mr. Sigmund Kauffman, a prominent Republican attorney of New York City, that R. B. Hayes would be nominated for President, and to make assurance doubly sure, I even named the Vice-President, William A. Wheeler, of New York. Kauffman wrote after the nomina tion that the prophecy entitled me to a Cabinet position! I attended the convention in Cincinnati, and the scene is as vivid as on the afternoon when it occurred, when Robert G. Ingersoll made his famous nominating speech for James G. Blaine. I am not exaggerating when I say that he fairly lifted me off my chair. I rose instinctively to the wonder ful pyrotechnic effects of that great speech, and had Governor Noyes, of Ohio, the personal representative of Mr. Hayes, not had the gas turned off from the hall, Blaine would have been nominated then and 100 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN there. No power could have prevented it. But the convention adjourned, the leaders had time to think, the effect of the speech wore off to some extent, and the next day, as I had prognosticated in the early spring, Hayes and Wheeler were nominated and elected. On the night of the election, or rather at 2 o'clock next morning, I was with William E. Chandler, Sen ator from New Hampshire; J. M. Edmonds, post master of Washington, and Lewis Glephane, a noted abolitionist of this city, who first published "Uncle Tom's Cabin." When we received the celebrated telegram from Zack Chandler from National Head quarters in New York, which was sent out all over the country, "Hayes has 185, Tilden 184"; and which declaration was maintained to the end, but came very near bringing on another civil war. Then came the great and crucial question as to who was elected, Tilden or Hayes. This is no time or place for me to enter at length into details as to that memorable controversy. I was deeply interested, and to some extent responsible for part of the work. One thing can now be truthfully said that to two American citizens of that time more than likely we are indebted for a non-recurrence of a civil war, U. S. Grant, then President of the United States, and Samuel J. Randall, Speaker of the House of Repre sentatives; the one a Republican, the other a Demo crat. Both rose to the very height of patriotism, and their firmness and determination to prevent disaster saved us from the greatest calamity that any nation can suffer. It is interesting in this connection to state that in 1868, Salmon P. Chase, Chief Justice of the United States, a life-long abolitionist and Republican, RUTHERFORD B. HAYES 101 was most anxious to be nominated by the national Democratic party at New York. Samuel J. Tilden prevented it, and Horatio Seymour was nominated and defeated. When the question of counting Louis iana came up in the Senate of the United States, Conkling was in doubt as to whether Hayes was enti tled to the electoral vote of that state. Mrs. Kate Chase Sprague, the daughter of the Chief Justice, and Mr. Conkling were friends; she managed to secure Mr. Conkling's absence from the Senate at the crucial moment, and Hayes won out and Tilden lost. She afterwards said, "I got even with Mr. Tilden for de feating my father." Mr. Hayes was inaugurated, notwithstanding all the bluster of certain Southern politicians, and nomi nated a cabinet that has never had a superior in the history of our country; Wm. M. Evarts, Secretary of State; John Sherman, of the Treasury; Carl Schurz, of the Interior; E. R. Hoar, Attorney General; Geo. W. McCreary, Secretary of War; David M. Key, of Tennessee, Postmaster General, etc. I continued my position as Recorder of the District, never dreaming, from what I had done for the party and especially for the President's election, but that I was secure as long as I cared to occupy it, but events shape themselves very curiously at times; in fact, Shakespeare has given it in better form, "There's a divinity that shapes our ends, rough-hew them as we may." As I have already stated heretofore, the Washington Schuetzen Verein had annual festivals, and naturally, as in other days, the President and his Cabinet were invited. The President, Secretary Schurz and Postmaster General Key had honored us with their presence, and enjoyed it. On the first day 102 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN of the festival when the annual parade took place, we passed the White House and the President was standing on the porch reviewing us, and an atten dant handed into the carriage in which I was seated as president of the Association, with the "King" of the Association, who had made the best shot during the past year, a basket of flowers, with a card on it "With the compliments of Mrs. Rutherford B. Hayes." I had told the President that this was cus tomary. There had been started in Washington shortly after the inauguration a women's temperance asso ciation entitled "The Mrs. R. B. Hayes Temperance Association." Therefore you can imagine the indig nation and vituperation that this simple act on the part of the President occasioned. We were de nounced, and I especially, from the street corners, by temperance fanatics, and a committee of ladies waited on Mrs. Hayes, threatening to disband their organization unless I was immediately dismissed from office. The newspapers took it up, not only in Washington, but all over the country; most of them ridiculed the position taken by some of the good women of the nation's capital. Time wore on, and late in the winter of 1877 the President sent for me and said he feared he would have to fill my place with someone else. The fact became known through the public press, and there poured into the White House hundreds of petitions and letters from all classes, nationalities and political affiliations, asking the President to retain me in office. Cardinals, archbishops, bishops, priests, preachers, Senators, members of Congress, bankers, in fact, it became almost laughable to think that an office like RUTHERFORD B. HAYES 103 the one I had held for nearly nine years should occa sion such a demonstration. I have all these docu ments in my possession, having been given me by the White House, and I treasure them as one of the dear est relics of my career, as an evidence of the loyal friendship and good-will of so many men in all parts of the United States. But the demand for the place became so earnest, especially as the President had certain political debts to pay, notably that of George A. Sheridan, a great stump speaker at that time from Louisiana, that in April, 1878, the President sent for me, and at the White House at 8 o'clock in the even ing he told me that he regretted it but he had to have my place. I left the White House without any state ment, but on the 18th day of April 1 sent the President the following letter: "Washington, D. C., April 18, 1878. "To the President: "In obedience to your verbal request, I herewith resign the position of 'Recorder of Deeds' for the Dis trict of Columbia. "I am somewhat at a loss when I reflect on the Civil Service policy of the administration, that this step is taken, especially as you said in answer to my inquiry, 'Is there any reason or cause?' 'None in the world. On the contrary, you stand well, but I need your place, etc.' "Nine years ago, Mr. President, I was appointed by General Grant, without any solicitation on my part. During this time I have faithfully discharged my offi cial duties, to the entire satisfaction of every man in the District. I have been a consistent, perhaps too consistent, Republican, doing all in my power to as- 104 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN sert everywhere the better doctrines of the party, and always at my expense. I did during the last cam paign everything possible to have you elected, and I find it perfectly logical that I should be punished, for no doubt had I opposed you, I might have been pro moted into the Cabinet.* "I resent the offer made to me, that I could be pro vided for, perhaps abroad. I am content to stay at home, and watch the further acts of an administra tion whose highest ambition it is to reward enemies and punish friends. "SIMON WOLF." From the political office, I went to the law office again, bankrupt in means, but wealthy in the friend ship, affection and confidence of my f ellowmen, espe cially my fellow-citizens of the District of Columbia. Secretary Schurz, who was my personal friend of many years' standing, which ended only when he passed away, regretted exceedingly that he could not prevent the President from doing what he did, so later in 1878, there being a vacancy on the municipal bench, he begged me to accept the nomination. I said I would only do so provided the President would personally send for me and tender it, which he did, and I must say, manfully never alluded to my letter of resignation, was most gracious in his manner, and as far as I know, we remained friends. B. F. Peixotto, who had done good work in Ru mania, as noted in the sketch of President Grant, had returned, and had come to Washington. He was my guest for months, waiting to have some recognition. *David M. Key, Postmaster General, Tennessee. RUTHERFORD B. HAYES 105 Finally I succeeded in having him appointed Consul General to St. Petersburg, Russia. There was some opposition in the Senate, but he was finally confirmed. Then, contrary to my advice, a banquet was given him at Welcker's, and the guest of honor in undiplo matic phrases spoke of the great work he expected to accomplish. The Associated Press gave currency to this speech, and Russia, only too anxious for a reason, promptly refused to receive him. Then sev eral more months intervened; finally he was ap pointed Consul at Lyons, France, an important com mercial post, which he filled with great credit, and where I found him and his talented family on my way to and from Egypt. General P. I. Osterhaus was his predecessor. Common courtesy should have prompted him to wait the coming of Mr. Peixotto, but the brave general left, declaring he would not wel come a Jew. Comment is unnecessary, save that it is one more evidence of the bigotry of some men. A young lady of a prominent Jewish family living in Washington was anxious to be appointed in one of the departments, but conditioned that she need not work on Saturday. I approached my friend, Secretary Schurz, who said that he would speak to the President, as the condition about Saturday was beyond his discretion. The President promptly au thorized the appointment, saying that anyone who would rather forego an office than violate their Sab bath was a good citizen and worthy of the appoint ment. This estimable lady remained in the Interior Department for forty years. President Hayes unfortunately was regarded as counted in, and that cloud obscured his really very 106 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN patriotic administration. Many reforms were started by him and his able Cabinet. At the close of the Festival above mentioned, I made an address, of which the following is an ex tract : "The church, the home, the public schools, are the educators of the people not one particular church, but all of them. To teach temperance is to practice it, not in one but in all things. The abuse and not the use is to be avoided. In my opinion all sump tuary legislation is an insult to common-sense. Regu lation and control are the only remedies. The Jew for centuries has been a model in his temperate con duct, law abiding and orderly, and all this without restraint of natural rights. "What a mockery and shame it is, this class of men and women who really blaspheme, who drag down from its high estate pure and undefiled relig ion, who besmirch the Goddess of Liberty with their unbridled license and who, instead of making them selves beloved, respected and venerated, cause jeers and ribald jests at every street corner, for the home, the school circle, is the church that you must educate in. Show by your conduct at home that everything in Nature has its uses and that the abuse of it alone causes countless millions to mourn and that the abuse is not confined to drinks, but also to words and to acts." During President Hayes' administration I organ ized, in the District of Columbia, a commission of nurses to go down South to nurse the yellow fever patients, in which President Hayes and his Cabinet officers took an interest. I received congratulations RUTHERFORD B. HAYES 107 and resolutions of thanks from the Southern people in connection therewith. How General Sherman regarded the social feature of German life in the Capital is best evidenced by the following letter written to me on the 2nd of August, 1878: Headquarters Army of the United States, Washington, D. C., August 2, 1878. Dear Wolf: I am almost sure I did not receive this year the usual card for the Schuetzen Fest, but I had no rea son to complain therefor, for I have been out twice with friends, both times receiving a hearty and cor dial welcome by all the members I encountered. Both nights I was caught by rain. I will come out again, for these outdoor sports have for me a special charm. I cannot control other engagements. One for to night, but tomorrow, Saturday night, or it may be Monday, will be better. I always inquire for you, because somehow I asso ciate you with this annual Fest. I admire your spunk in persevering in spite of wind and weather. Surely now the sky is clear, and I hope you will have no further reason to complain of the weather or of slim attendance. Wishing you all success in this and in all things, I am, as always, Your friend, W. T. SHERMAN. The administration of President Hayes, notwith standing the feeling created by the manner of the 108 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN final declaration of the electoral commission, that he was legally entitled to the office of President of the United States, was in every way creditable to the highest ideals of the Republic. The cabinet officers were, as a whole, unexcelled for ability in the history of the United States, and the President left the office with honor and credit to himself and to the nation. JAMES A. GARFIELD 1881 JAMES A. GARFIELD The Republican party, President Hayes having def initely declined to be a candidate for re-election, which promise he religiously kept, was naturally looking for a candidate who could win the suffrage of the nation. James G. Elaine and John Sherman were again candidates, but the stalwart, dominant faction of the party was opposed to them both, and finally rallied under the leadership of Gonkling, Oliver P. Morton, John A. Logan and Don Cameron to the support for the third term of President Grant. The fight in Chicago of 1880 is still memorable as one of the most eventful conventions ever held. Three hundred and six delegates of that convention relig iously and firmly stood by their colors on and in be half of the nomination of General Grant. The bal loting lasted for days. I was seated in the office of Carl Schurz, who was then Secretary of the Interior under President Hayes, surrounded by a number of the higher officials of the department, when the first bulletin of the balloting came General Grant, 306; John Sherman, so many; James G. Elaine, so many; and at the bottom of the list, James A. Garfield, 1, which had been cast by the editor of the Wheeling, West Virginia, Intelligencer. At the conclusion of the reading, I pointed my finger to that one vote, and said. "There is the nominee and the next President of the United States," and it turned out just as I predicted. The campaign was spirited, the opposition candi date being the peerless hero of many a battlefield, Winfield Scott Hancock. He made a declaration that the tariff was a local question, which led to his 110 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN defeat, although events since that day have justified his utterance. I was again very active in this cam paign, which led to the election of James A. Gar- field as President and Chester A. Arthur as Vice- President, but all the activities of each and every friend of Garfield would have been unavailing had it not been for the loyal and patriotic services of U. S. Grant and Roscoe Gonkling, who came to the rescue at the last moment, making the celebrated speeches at Warren, Ohio, after a conference with Garfield at Mentor. Scarcely had the new President been inaugurated when the factional fight for office became the crux, as unfortunately it has been time and again hereto fore, and the President, no doubt with the best inten tions, but lacking that firmness which should ever characterize the chief executive of a great nation, yielded to the narrow and vindictive pleadings of his Secretary of State, James G. Elaine, and the strife widened and deepened, until a crazy fanatic looked upon himself as the instrument not only of God but of the radical wing of the Republican party and shot the President, on the morning of July 2, 1881. I had known President Garfield for many years, had watched his career from every angle and had always a great admiration for his scholarship, oratory and statesmanship. He was a genial, lovable companion, and possessed those characteristics which are to a large extent magnetic in his intercourse with other men. For years I had cherished the desire to visit Egypt, and some time after the election of Garfield to the Presidency, during a conversation with my friend Carl Schurz, I told him that my health was somewhat JAMES A. GARFIELD 111 impaired and that I would like to take a short vaca tion to the Orient. He was quite enthusiastic about the idea and said he would speak to Garfield about it; several days thereafter he informed me that he had no doubt but that I would be appointed as Consul-General to Egypt. Sometime after the inauguration of Garfield and Arthur, and after the adjournment of the Senate, I was nominated as Consul-General and Agent Diplo matique to Egypt, and on Friday, July 1, 1881, I was summoned to the White House to receive my tem porary commission, the permanent one being sent to me after President Arthur had renominated me, the Senate promptly confirming the renomination. I found the President in the Cabinet Room, sitting at the writing table, and across from him sat his Sec retary of State, James G. Elaine. The President said, "I am just signing your commission. I hope you will have a pleasant trip and find the land of your fore fathers all that you expect. Try to pluck the mystery out of the Heart of Egypt, and come back to the United States, if such a thing is possible, a better citi zen than when you left." That was the last time I saw the President, for long before I returned, he had solved all the mysteries of life. The next day, Satur day, July 2d, while seated in my office, about to start to go to the Temple for divine service, prior to my leaving for Egypt, a gentleman rushed in and said that the President had just been shot at the Sixth Street station. It goes without saying that I was shocked and unnerved, but I wended my way to the Temple, where prayers for the wounded President were offered, being no doubt the only place of wor- 112 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN ship in the United States that offered prayers on that day. I sailed from New York on July 9th on the steamer "Oder," a tugboat compared with the great ships that now sail the Atlantic. But I had a delightful trip, genial company, and arrived at Southampton on the evening of the 19th. I went to the hotel, cabled home, had a delicious English mutton chop and a mug of English ale, and after ten days eating on board the ship, it tasted delicious. I was shown to my bed room, and did not know until the next morning that it was the room and the bed in which Artemus Ward, the great American humorist, had died. I knew him in Cleveland, Ohio, when he was one of the reporters of the Cleveland Plain Dealer. From Southampton I went to London; had a delightful time; went back to Southampton to take the boat for Havre; from there to Trouville, where I met some old friends who had formerly resided in the United States and who gave me a royal welcome; from there I went to Paris; from Paris to Lyons, France, where I was the guest of our Consul, Benjamin F. Peixotto. After a pleasant stay with these good and intellectual friends, Mr. Peixotto accompanied me on a trip to Germany, as I desired to visit my old home in the Rhenish Provinces. We got there entirely unknown ; I saw the house in which I was born, and where my sainted grandparents and parents had lived; visited the ceme tery, for that was the only place in which a trace of the former Jewish residents remained, and a peculiar feeling came over me as I stood near the crumbling stones, moss-covered, with their lettering almost in distinct, when I remembered the days of my child hood, and the standing of the Jews in Germany then JAMES A. GARFIELD 113 and now. I bore with me the parchment issued by our State Department, having the signatures of the President and the Secretary of State, and I realized what a contrast there was between Germany and the United States as to the status of the Jew. While in London I received the following letter from the Chief Rabbi of England, Herman Adler, a curious coincidence when referring now to the Beilis accusation in Russia. I am happy to say that I suc ceeded in preventing any uprising, and proved con clusively to the Greek Pope that the accusation was unfounded : MY DEAR SIR: I deeply regret that having been detained by unex pected and most pressing official duties, I was unable to be here until a quarter to five. My secretary faith fully reported to me all that you had communicated to him. I should like to have seen you with refer ence to the blood accusation brought against us this year in Alexandria, the falsehood of which I endeav ored to expose in a letter inserted in the Globe. I doubt not that you will use your position to forward the interests of our co-religionists in Egypt. With best wishes for a safe and pleasant journey, I remain, Yours very faithfully, H. ADLER. As it may interest some of my readers to know how the Agent Diplomatique and Consul-General to Egypt is received, I quote from my Egyptian reminis cences, leaving it to future publications to give that experience in extenso. When I was officially re- 114 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN ceived, it was a great event in my life. The official reception of an accredited Gonsul-General to Egypt is an imposing affair. 1 was sent for with a gilded coach, white Arab horses and the Chamberlain of the Khedive. As we passed through the streets lined with sol diers presenting arms, and as we reached the gates of the Palace, where a band of music played the Star Spangled Banner, I confess I was so moved that it was with the greatest difficulty I could refrain from tears. There was one dominant feeling prevailing, and that was the thought of my dear mother and the struggles we had in the land of my birth, and I was overwhelmed to think that now I was the accredited representative of the Great Republic of the West to the land of my forefathers, typifying in the highest degree the possibilities and opportunities of our coun try, and that, as Secretary John Hay, on a memorable occasion of which I speak in another chapter, said, "The God of Israel never sleeps or slumbers." The Khedive stood at the head of the stairs as I came into the Palace, welcomed me most gracefully and conducted me into the room where his ministers were; introduced me to all of them, and I addressed him as is customary, with the difference that I was the first Consul-General who talked impromptu, instead of reading his letter of credence, and it made quite a sensation. President Garfield having died before I was officially received, I alluded to that sad event, and the Khedive responded in equally feeling terms. At the conclusion of the ceremony I was invited to a seat, and the Khedive did not sit down until I had been seated, which seems to be a custom of the coun try. Coffee was brought in in beautiful golden cups, TEWFIK PACHA, KHEDIVE, 1881-2. JAMES A. GARFIELD 115 after which the door again opened and pipes with long stems and amber mouthpieces were brought in, and I was asked to smoke that which really meant the pipe of peace. I have never smoked in my life and was placed in a peculiar position; not to smoke would be a discourtesy, in fact, it might lead to a breach of relations between the two countries. So I closed my eyes heroically and gave a whiff. It was all that was necessary, as the Prime Minister after wards told me; he seemed to realize the embarrass ment I was suffering. After these ceremonies I was again conducted by the Khedive to the head of the stairs, where a sword was presented to me, and where also I was to receive a horse. Both of these customs had been instituted by Mehemet AH, a former Khedive, to typify the hos pitality and protection of Egypt. Under the regula tions of the State Department I could not take the horse, although the New York Sun in its correspon dence said that I did not take it because it would be too costly to take care of. I presented the horse to the Interpreter of the Palace, and the sword still hangs in my library. On the evening of this memor able day, which to my co-religionists reminded them of the feast of Joseph of old, all the synagogues had divine services, offering up prayers of thankfulness and giving vent to their enthusiastic feelings that one of their co-religionists, coming from the Great Re public, should have been accredited as Minister to Egypt. On the 22d day of February, 1882, I gave in honor of Washington's Birthday a banquet at the New Hotel, which was attended by all Americans then in Egypt, the Egyptian Ministry, Arabi Pacha at the 116 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN head, Leopold Sonneman, member of the German Parliament, Henry M. Field, one of the famous Field brothers, Wm. Walter Phelps, our minister to Aus tria, Benjamin F. Peixotto, Consul at Lyons, Father Sylvester Malone, of Brooklyn, and other notable men, Stone Pacha, and many of them accompanied by ladies. Among other things, when called upon to speak, I said in part that I did not wish to waste the time of the honored guests, as the United States speaks for itself. Its greatness, prosperity and un surpassed civilization were so fixed that no criticism or innuendo could change or mar them; that there were two elements more than any others that had contributed to bring these about, and these were popular education and the social equality of woman hood. The one laid broad and deep the foundations of a free and enlightened government; the other ce mented and strengthened by its presence, grace, beauty and virtue. "The United States has no secret diplomacy to push in Egypt," I continued, "her conduct is as open and broad as it is just. The great end and aim of her diplomacy is 'to do right and fear not,' and I say cheerfully tonight, as I have so often repeated, that Egypt has no warmer friend than my country. All we ask of her is to do what is right, to obey the laws, to uphold its obligations, to see that the treaties are, until revised or abrogated, respected, and then in all matters that aim to educate and promote the welfare, prosperity and greatness of Egypt, we are her staunch friend and well-wisher; only make haste slowly, be sure of every step. The eyes of the world are fixed here; let no one see anarchy or misrule, JAMES A. GARFIELD 117 but show yourselves worthy of the past, and of the future." The Minister Mahmoud closed with a feeling com pliment to Consul-General Wolf. After the death of President Garfield, memorial services were held in the American Mission Church. The Rev. Dr. Watson spoke in the Arabic most flu ently and eloquently, and I in English, as follows: "Not for the purpose of giving an extended biog raphy even had I the capacity but as a friend, as one who knew and loved him, do I wish to say in brief terms, that which lies nearest to my heart of the late President James A. Garfield. "It was on the first of July, 1881, a few short hours prior to the fatal shot, that I saw him last. It was in the library room of the Executive Mansion. Know ing that he was to depart on the following morning for Long Branch, to be with his wife, who was con valescent from a severe sickness, and knowing that I was about leaving for my post of duty which I now have the honor to fill, I desired to say good-bye to him. I was admitted, and he, with that smile that delighted and charmed all who came in contact with him, said, 'Well, my dear boy, this is singular. I am just placing my name on your commission; there is still a God in Israel; I hope you will have a good time; be strengthened in mind and body, and pluck the mystery out of the heart of Egypt.' Alas ! should I succeed in doing what he so kindly wished, he would no longer be living to receive the knowledge; but he, no doubt, has ere this solved not only the Egyptian, but all the mysteries of the world. "Born in the lowest ranks, in every relation of life, whether as a farmer boy, a driver of a canal 118 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN boat, a village pupil, the student, the teacher, pro fessor, preacher, state senator, colonel of volunteer regiment, chief of staff of a gallant corps, stemming the tide of battle at Chickamauga, member of Con gress for eighteen long years, elected as United States senator, or as President of the great republic, he was a man in the highest and grandest significance of the term. "Intelligent, truthful, classically intellectual, lib eral to all shades and opinions, he was a type worthy of the age and representing the characteristics of the cosmopolitan institutions of the land which gave him birth. And it was thus that in Chicago, in June, 1880, where he had gone to the National Republican Convention to advocate the cause of his friend, the eminent Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman, for President of the United States, that he, as is so beautifully told of another by our immortal Long fellow, when wooing the bride for his captain, and being asked by the maiden, 'Why don't you speak for yourself, John,' was chosen as the standard bearer instead, not by any wish or tricks of the poli tician, but by the unanimous impulse of the thought and brain of his great party. And after a heated contest, such as is only known in our country, he was triumphantly elected. And it was on the 4th of March, 1881, before thousands of his countrymen and countrywomen, in front of the nation's Capitol at Washington, that he took the oath of office, rever ently kissing the Book of Books, and then exhibited that manliness of character, interspersed with the boy's love, by first kissing his aged and loving, yet proud, mother, then his affectionate wife, and finally receiving the congratulations of his admiring friends. JAMES A. GARFIELD 119 "He entered upon his duties, receiving, as few Presidents had done before him, the almost unani mous encouragement of his countrymen. And in the very inception of his labors the fatal bullet did its deadly work. For months he exhibited to his grief-stricken country and to a sympathizing world, fortitude, self-reliance, fearlessness, and all those grand attributes which will hand his name down to generations unborn as an example of sublime cour age and manly virtue. "On the 19th of September, at Long Branch, to which place he had been taken in the hope of restor ing him to health, he passed from pain to rest, from sleep to dreams, to the music of that ocean's roar upon whose crested waves he loved to battle. To day in the district he so long and ably represented, amidst a people whose confidence and esteem he always had, 'neath the branches of the sighing trees he himself had planted, all that is mortal of the late President of the United States, James A. Garfield, will be laid at rest. None of his friends need ever blush for his memory. His bereaved family have the consolation of knowing that he is forever en shrined among the world's purest and best; the na tion, that they have one martyr President more to stimulate them to ever do their duty; and the world, a bright example of what a man is capable of doing who never knows fear, but is always true to duty. The President is dead. Long live the Republic. May the favor of Heaven and the love of his countrymen bless and guide his successor." The unfortunate fanaticism that characterizes men in their differences as to creed made itself manifest in my Egyptian experience. The American mission- 120 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN aries residing in Egypt, when informed that a citizen of the Jewish faith had been appointed Consul- General, were much alarmed, and tried to prevent my confirmation, but I had the pleasure long after ward to learn that in their report to their church convention in Philadelphia they made use of the fol lowing words : "Our Consul-General, the Hon. Simon Wolf of Washington, has done more for the mis sions and for the betterment and uplifting of our cause than all the Consul-Generals who have ever been here." This is almost laughable when one con siders that I was not in Egypt as a Jew, but an American citizen; that it was my bounden duty to aid every cause which would aid my country, and that the man who uses any official position to the detriment of another is unworthy of the great trust his Government places in him. Warren Bey, Surgeon General of the Egyptian Army, a native American, in his book entitled "Ex periences of a Doctor in Three Continents," says: "Some few years since, the United States govern ment tried the seemingly doubtful experiment of sending a Hebrew to Egypt as its official representa tive. Those who were best acquainted with the country, or who thought they were, held up their hands in horror, and declared that the most fatal of errors has been committed; that the authorities at Washington had made a radical mistake. The sequel proved it to be a measure of supreme wisdom. The Consul-General, the Hon. Simon Wolf, by his high personal character, his facility of adapting him self to men and circumstances, his extreme urbanity and his superlative tact, not only won the respect and affection of the Khedive and his ministers, but JAMES A. GARFIELD 121 produced an impression upon the minds of the Egyptians which did more to elevate the standing of his country and to eradicate the insane prejudice against his race, than could have been accomplished by a hundred years of ordinary diplomacy and the effort of a thousand moral teachers. It placed the seal of a great nation's endorsement upon a despised race; it swept away to a great extent the prejudices which had so long been the curse and the outrage of Israel; it furnished an occasion for the demonstra tion of the fact that a Jew could be a thorough gen tleman, an accomplished diplomat and an enlight ened humanitarian, and it struck a blow at religious fanaticism and social ostracism which carried with it a lesson of such practical wisdom as at once aston ished Egypt and delighted the champions of human progress everywhere. While adhering tenaciously to the Christian faith, I am not the less a champion of perfect intellectual and moral enfranchisement, and I hope to see the day when every man shall think and shall worship according to his convictions untram- meled by prejudice, unawed by prerogative and un influenced by aught save the suggestions of his own conscience." When I was in London, Lord Rothschild had sent me two letters, accrediting me to his correspondents in Alexandria and Cairo. I thus became quite inti mate with Baron Menasce at Alexandria and Baron Cattaue at Cairo, in whose hospitable homes I was a welcome guest time and again. Baron Cattaue had a palatial residence in Cairo, attached to which there was a synagogue, patterned after the best style of architecture. On the Day of Atonement he invited me as he did quite a number of friends, and even 122 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN some who were not ranking with him either socially or otherwise, but whom he loved to have from a re ligious standpoint, and when evening came we were his guests at breaking of the fast. It was an im mense drawing-room, one hundred people were standing in line awaiting the drawing of the curtain, when the host appeared in his Turkish robes, his wife at his side. Prayer was offered and we were seated, I next to the Baron. It was a wonderful sight. It has left a deep impression and illustrated the hospitality and the sincerity of the host. The palace of Baron Menasce at Alexandria was a veri table museum of art, containing specimens not only of the past but of the present, workmanship of the Abyssinians and Egyptians. The Bazaar in Cairo is worth a visit. There the people of all ranks mingle in fraternal comradeship, vieing with each other in the purchase of rare and costly articles, such as rugs, gold cloth, silver and gold cups, chains and brooches and a thousand other things that enter into Oriental life, and one of these small stores, which looks barely as large as one of our windows in a large department store, often con tains articles valuing hundreds of thousands of dol lars. The traders are very smart, alert and glib in offering their wares, and to give them what they ask is to be robbed. You are always safe at least when I was there to offer them one-half and then expect a good discount. An incident worth relating happened while travel ling from Stuttgart to Munich on my way to Vienna and Venice, when I met the German Consul, who re sided at Ismaila. We were on the same train. He told me the Crown Prince of Germany, "Unser JAMES A. GARFIELD 123 Fritz," afterwards Emperor Frederick Wilhelm, was on board, and would I like to meet him. I said I certainly would. He went away, came back in a few moments and said that the Crown Prince would be most happy. I was more than charmed with his personality, with his democracy, and with his genial good nature. It was a sad day for Germany and for civilization when he was summoned to eternal rest at so early a stage in his career. After we left him the Consul told me an interesting anecdote in con nection with the Crown Prince. While travelling in the Orient he was in the habit of cabling to his wife daily. The cablegrams were somewhat expensive and, as is well known, the German Court has always been most economical, so the Consul called his at tention to the lavishness of the cablegrams, and sug gested that some expurgation ought to be made. In these cablegrams the Crown Prince always used English words, such as "my darling," "my love"; so he turned to the Consul and said, "You can expur gate everything except 'my darling,' and 'my love' " ; which showed the character and domestic virtues of this great Prince. England in its treatment of the Egyptians, in fact of all the people whom it politically controls, has shown its usual wisdom by not interfering with the religious character and traits of the natives. It has injected into its body politic sound financial habits, relieving the Fellaheen from onerous and unjust taxation, and has brought about a better state of affairs than ever existed before. I also became acquainted with Maspero, the great Egyptologist, who had just discovered the Tombs of the Kings. My friend, Samuel S. Cox, who had been 124 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Minister to Turkey, was on his way back to the United States, and stopped in Cairo particularly to visit me. Having heard of this great discovery and the fact that the mummies were at the Bulak Mu seum, Cox said, "Simon, let us go down and see them." We went. When Cox saw Rameses he said, "Simon, speak to the old duffer." I promptly re plied, "My dear Sam, you are a college man, and as you are versed in the dead languages, and I am not, you speak to him." Mr. Cox was an old Ohio friend in my boyhood days in the Tuscarawas Valley. I drove him to New Philadelphia to lecture on "Irish Wit and Humor." That drive was keenly enjoyed, as was the lecture, which was brimful of good nature and choice diction. This love of wit and repartee prevented him from being elected Speaker of the House. No American statesman ever surpassed him in his love of justice for all men. Time and again he aided me in Congress, and in the departments to secure the recognition to which every man is enti tled. Prior to one of the contemplated uprisings by the Egyptians, while seated one day on the veranda of the Shepherd Hotel, talking with General Stone, and drinking a cup of coffee, the acting Consul-General of England came to me in great excitement and said, "My dear colleague, there is going to be an uprising among the natives tonight and they are going to slaughter all the Christians and Europeans." I drank my coffee very complacently, and receiving no re sponse from me, he reiterated his statement, and I replied, "How does that concern me; I am neither a European nor a Christian." This bon mot circulated for a long time over ARABI PASHA, SECRETARY OF WAR, EGYPT, 1881-2. JAMES A. GARFIELD 125 Egypt, for long after I had left that country. General Batcheller (who was a member of the Court of Ap peals) spoke of it, and General Horace Porter, two years ago, when speaking in Washington at a ban quet, spoke of it; hence there must have been some merit in this trenchant reply. In November, 1881, there was to have been another uprising in Egypt, fostered by Arabi Pacha, which I helped to prevent, as is shown by the following in terview. The Khedive and his Ministers thanked me, and the New York Herald had a lengthy cable gram giving me credit for skill and tact: I informed the General that it was not idle curios ity that had led me to desire to speak with him; that I was in no way addressing him in my official char acter of agent and Gonsul-General; that I had no instructions from my government on the subject; that the United States was in no way mixed up in European or Levant politics; that I met him as a fellowman, as an individual from among the 50,- 000,000 of free citizens of a free country that had gained its liberty by strenuous and long continued efforts, of a country whose citizens had a very few generations back themselves suffered tyranny and taken the bitterness of an iron yoke; and that be lieving him to be a true lover of Egypt, his native land, I desired to appeal to his patriotism and coun sel moderation. I said that he would serve his country far better by acting circumspectly, by not precipitating matters, by not seeking to go too fast, lest one step forward might lead to two steps back ward; that he, the General, and his fellow-reformers should remember that they had to deal with the Trojan Thorre of French and English ignorance 126 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN which was in their midst; and that, if they had con fidence in the present Khedive and the Ministry of Cherif Pacha, they should leave the direction of affairs to those wise Ministers and not bring suspi cion upon themselves and lose the sympathy of the world by interfering at every moment in the direc tion of the affairs of the State. I told him that I be lieved in the justice of the saying, "Egypt for the Egyptians," but that any hasty step or precipitate demand on the part of his party would only lead to the opposite of the result they desired to attain, for if Egypt had thousands of bayonets, England and France, and Europe, had hundreds of thousands. Arabi Pacha, after expressing his great pleasure at receiving me, replied by laying down the general principles as found in the introduction to books on modern jurisprudence. He said that man was a social being; that man could not live isolated, but that men were dependent one on the other in their affairs; and that hence the social order of things called for laws and regulations to be respected by all and enforced where they were not respected; that the books of the modern law recognized the brother hood of all men as shown by their common origin from Adam and Eve, and that among the principles inculcated by modern jurisprudence one was that of hospitality towards strangers. But he said, unfortu nately, Egypt had for centuries suffered under rulers who respected no laws, who made edicts that had force only so long as the ink with which they had been written was still damp; that he and his com rades, who for the past year, more or less, had acted as is already known to the world, wished to put a stop to the irresponsible power of the governors; JAMES A. GARFIELD 127 they sought to find some power that would check the rulers themselves when these latter set aside the very rules they had made. Speaking of Gherif Pacha, and the present Minister of War, he said he and his comrades had full confidence in their recti tude, and would obey them. Speaking of the Khe dive, he said that the Khedival family was a tyran nical, rapacious and blood-thirsty race, who had sought the help of Europe and the Europeans for their own selfish ends, of which the chief aim was their independence of the Sultan. That Tewfik Pacha, the present Khedive, was the only exception, he being kind, just and moral, neither a spendthrift nor a miser; that he, the General, and his compan ions respected the sacredness of the person of the present Khedive as the Deputy of the Sultan. Enlarging on the subject of hospitality to foreign ers, he explained that this did not mean to give them to eat and drink, but that it meant to allow foreign ers to dwell in the land in security and engage in purely legitimate trade and industry, and that, so far as he and his party were concerned, they would not allow one hair of a foreigner's head to be harmed; but that they could not look on and see the foreigner, the guest, make himself master of the house. Why, said he, should the custom-house, the post office, the railway and other departments be directed by foreigners and filled with foreign clerks, whilst the natives were quite competent to do this work? He admitted that in some departments for eigners were needed, as the natives were not suffi ciently advanced in knowledge and science. To such positions he said they would willingly admit foreign employees; and here he mentioned as examples, the 128 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN case of General Charles P. Stone, who had served Egypt by actually creating the general staff of the army, and the case of Larine Pasha, who was of such great service in the government military school. Such men, said he, serve Egypt for Egypt's good and should be well remunerated. The General dwelt at some length on the rumors in European papers that he had gone with his regiment to El-Wady in order to be ready to block the Suez Canal. He said that he did not think of such a thing; that the foreign policy of the government of Egypt was not within the sphere of his competence and that of his com rades; that they only dealt with the affairs of the home or internal policy of the government; that if he received orders from his emperor to block the canal, he would as a soldier obey the order, but had nothing to do with the decision of such question. After referring to the historical fact that in late centuries the orientals had lost the learning and science they possessed of old, which has been the cause of their weakness, and to the correlative fact that Europe had become strong by taking that knowl edge from the orientals and increasing it, which is the cause of Europe's present strength, the General begged me to remember that there were still many learned and wise men among his party; that it was true his comrades had chosen him as their leader in the dangerous business they had taken into hand, but that he was by no means the ablest among them. He said there were many in his party far more learned than he. He did not, however, say or even hint why it was that he had been chosen as the leader. The General assured me that he and his party had JAMES A. GARFIELD 129 always sought, and would always seek to obtain the redress of the grievances of the country by petitions, by respectful representations through the regular channels of their superiors, but that if all peaceable means failed, he and his companions were ready to sacrifice their lives for the cause they had taken up, and would enjoin upon their children and children's children to persevere in the same course, namely, to put a stop to tyranny, misrule and unwarranted aggression. I repeated in the strongest terms my counsel to moderation and my advice that he and his party should trust to the wisdom and patriotism and honor of Cherif Pacha, and to the known rectitude and moderation of the Khedive. I again repeated that I had spoken as a private, disinterested individual, the citizen of a country that had no hand in the politics of the Orient, and in no way under instructions from my government. * * * My readers will have noticed that I have tried in every way to steer clear of the political, economic and historical conditions of Egypt, and that I have been, to a large extent, reminiscent. I could go on telling many more incidents but deem what I have given you sufficient to whet your desire to visit that wonderful country which, at one time, focused the attention of the world a country that saw Caesar, Anthony and Cleopatra at the height of their power. During my whole stay I enjoyed every moment, under all conditions, and in reproducing some of the incidents the same pleasure has been afforded. Wonderful country, wonderful scenery, traces of the past, of the new present, and let me hope and trust, 130 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN of the great future. No one can gainsay the fact that England has had a civilizing influence on condi tions, and has brought the spirit of the modern into the memory of the ancient. Lord Cromer deserves, as he has so eminently received, the encomium and gratitude, not only of his own country, but of all countries. He has brought into Egypt new light, and has recognized not only the broadening effect of the humanities, but the right of each and every human being to enjoy the liberty of conscience that is one of the great factors of English rule to con serve the spirit of comity that should exist among those who differ in creed. It is the strong link that joins a mother country with her colonies; and we have followed that wise course in countries we have attached to us, either by purchase or the result of war. May this spirit of national and international interchange continue to the end of strengthening the ties of brotherhood among men and the comradeship born of the spirit of appreciation; so that no matter where we are born, or what faith we proclaim, we shall be welded together for the public weal; so that the walls of prejudice, born largely of ignorance and fanaticism, shall crumble and disappear; and that the anthems of praise and prayer ascending to the Great I Am shall not mar, but make, the music of the future. The American representative in Egypt differs hap pily from any of his colleagues, inasmuch as the United States does not have any politics in that coun try. We are represented in the courts of justice by international treaties. As independent observers and thinkers, our judgment is more potent and more to be relied on than those who are playing politics JAMES A. GARFIELD 131 on the chessboard of nations. It was a brief expe rience for an untried diplomat, but brief as it was, the memory of it has outlasted more than thirty- seven years of my life and is as vivid and intense today as in the days of the glorious sunrises and sunsets that gilded the edges of the Nile and that brought back from the tombs of the desert the im ages of the great Pharaohs who at one time domi nated the East. CHESTER A. ARTHUR As I had never contemplated staying in the diplo matic service, and as I was absent without my family, I resigned, and in May, 1882, returned to the United States. President Arthur, in accepting the resigna tion, spoke in most flattering terms of my usefulness and service while occupying the position I had re signed, and regretted that owing to my wish he was compelled to accept the same. The mission to Egypt was of a most pleasant character; the duties of the Gonsul-General are very slight and limited mostly to courtesies, official and social, to be ex tended to American tourists. On my return to Washington I called at once upon President Arthur, who received me graciously and reiterated verbally what he had so beautifully ex pressed in writing. I had known President Arthur for many years, and especially when he was Collec tor of the Port of New York. I had always esteemed him highly, which estimate was more than confirmed during his term of office. Roscoe Conkling, after his defeat in Chicago in 1880, when asked whom he wanted as Vice-President with Garfield, contemptu ously said, "I don't care whom you take." When someone mentioned Arthur, he said, "Oh, yes, he will do as well as any other;" and the Imperial Jove of New York politics never dreamed that events would so shape themselves that the man whom he had politically created would become the creator himself and prove so highly satisfactory to the people. I had the honor and privilege of seeing President Arthur often on matters of importance affecting the CHESTER A. ARTHUR 1881-1885 CHESTER A. ARTHUR 133 Jewish people; numerous appointments he graci ously made, some to West Point, some to Annapolis, and he treated me whenever he had an opportunity to do so in that spirit of true Americanism which is the bedrock of the Republic. To illustrate his democracy and tact, I remember being with him one day discussing a matter of some moment, when the Secretary of the Navy, Wm. E. Chandler, stepped into the room, and shortly after wards, the great wit of New York, Wm. R. Traverse. It was about luncheon time, and the President, when he had concluded with all of us, said, *'Gentlemen, it is time to go to luncheon. Let us go," extending his hand to me in particular. I instinctively felt that the other two gentlemen had been invited and that I happened to be an interloper, and therefore very promptly and very courteously declined the invita tion. Time and again Secretary Chandler has told me that the action of mine was most tactful and that the President at the luncheon table spoke of it with a great deal of feeling. Edward Lasker, the great German parliamenta rian, while on his visit to the United States, came to Washington and we gave him a banquet, to which the President had been invited. Owing to circumstances, he could not come, but wrote a beau tiful letter in recognition of the services Lasker had rendered to humanity. Lasker stopped at Welckers' famous hostelry, which was directly opposite the German Embassy. The German Minister of that period (there were no Ambassadors) was Captain von Eisendecker, who had been transferred to Washington from Mexico. I was intimate with him, having dined there time and again, and thought it 134 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN would be a gracious thing on the part of Eisendecker to invite Lasker to dinner, to which he at once promptly replied, "Why surely, and you must come also." In the evening I called for Lasker and we went to dinner. The Associated Press became aware of this fact and it was telegraphed all over the coun try. In a very short time Eisendecker was recalled and degraded to a minor position. The day after the dinner at the Embassy I escorted Lasker to the White House and while there waiting to see the President, Lasker was taken ill and we were prevented from seeing him. That attack was the precursor of what happened so lamentably very shortly afterwards in the City of New York. In 1890, when in Berlin, I called on our Ambassa dor, William Walter Phelps, who had been my guest in Egypt, and Phelps asked me whether I didn't wish to see Bismarck. I said, "Yes, it would be a matter of reminiscence, if not gratification." Two days afterwards Phelps sent for me, and the moment I entered the room he commenced to laugh, and before he could reply I said, "Lasker." He said, "You must be a mind-reader, my dear friend; Bismarck will not see you on account of the Lasker affair at Washing ton." The dinner incident and that which followed led to the famous resolution introduced by Congressman Ochiltree of Texas, in which the United States was to welcome Lasker and extol his great achievements in the German Parliament, a direct blow against Bis marck. It was supposed by everybody, including my friend Eisendecker, that I had written or inspired the resolution. I had absolutely nothing to do with it. It was Lasker's brother, Morris Lasker, of Galveston, CHESTER A. ARTHUR 135 Texas, who lately died, who undoubtedly got Ochil- tree to offer it, and it required a great deal of argu ment on my part to convince the Minister that I was not the author, for while he was very friendly to me, yet he was placed in a peculiar position, and had to make a show of being offended, even if he was not. The convention of 1884 unfortunately nominated James G. Elaine as the candidate of the Republican party. Had they been wise in their day and gener ation they would have nominated Chester A. Arthur, and he unquestionably would have been elected, while Elaine was defeated. I have known many Presidents intimately, both from an official as well as a social standpoint, and there never was one su perior in all those graces of a true gentleman to Chester A. Arthur. He bore himself with a dignity that was worthy of the best traditions of the Republic and has left an enviable record in the annals of his country. GROVER CLEVELAND In 1875 the Council of the Union of American He brew Congregations met in the City of Buffalo. My friend, Sigmund Levin, was one of the Committee on Entertainment and during my stay he asked we whether I didn't wish to become acquainted with one of their leading citizens. I said, "Certainly, with pleasure." We went to luncheon at a restaurant and there I was introduced to Grover Cleveland, who as far as I now remember, was at that time Sheriff of Erie County. Mr. Cleveland was playing pinochle, and was passionately fond of the game. As is usual with American politicians and states men, they have excellent memories, for when I called on Mr. Cleveland after he had been inaugurated as President of the United States, among other pleasant things he said, "Mr. Wolf, I wish we could have a game of pinochle here, but fear the demands on my time will prevent me from enjoying that pleasure." Mr. Cleveland in due course of time was elected Mayor of Buffalo, Governor of New York and then President of the United States. In my sketch of President Arthur, I made the ob servation that had he instead of Blaine been nomi nated in 1884, Mr. Cleveland might not have been elected. Unfortunately the personal qualifications of Mr. Blaine led to a serious defection in the Republi can ranks. Leading Republican journals revolted against the nomination, and the personal popularity of Henry Ward Beecher, who by the way was also an important factor, not to speak of the political animosity of Roscoe Conkling, won the fight. I shall not forget the morning after the election when I GROVER CLEVELAND 1885-1889 AND 1893-1897 GROVER CLEVELAND 137 met Senator Gonkling at the New York Club. He was stretched full length on a lounge, and when he saw me, sneeringly said, "Well, have you elected your candidate?" and I promptly answered, "No, but at least I have not betrayed my party," to which he made no response. Mr. Cleveland was the first Democratic President since the retirement from office of James Buchanan, and many feared that my relations with the adminis tration and with the President might be of such a character as to be detrimental to the interests I was serving, but I can state with absolute veracity that no such action was taken; on the contrary, if any thing, I was treated with greater courtesy than ever before. I saw President Cleveland time and again on many subjects and was always received most graciously, listened to patiently, and wherever it was consistent with the policy of the Government and diplomatic usage, I had no difficulty in securing favorable result either from the President direct or from the different departments of the Government. This is in keeping with the true spirit of American ism. Differences in politics during a heated cam paign must be relegated to the rear when the suc cessful candidate is administering the Government for all the people and not for his own political organization. Mr. Cleveland's private secretary, Daniel S. La- mont, was an important factor, in not only shaping the course of the administration but in directing in dividual callers to a proper realization of their wants. On the 20th day of September, 1893, I spoke at the Jewish Temple, Atonement Day services. The clos ing paragraph of that address is quoted herewith: 138 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN "I have no defense to offer on account of my faith, as Webster said of Massachusetts, so I say of the Jew. 'There he stands,' from every standpoint you will find him your equal. There is no longer any sense or reason to bring out the second-hand stock of the parrot orators, as to what the Jew has done in this or that department of life. He is no better or worse for being a Jew. He claims to be your equal in every branch of human achievement. My dear friends, he claims this as a man and not as a Jew. "May God so endow us as to give all that charity of judgment which is the grandest Gem in the Cor onet of Deity. The day of Atonement for the Jew has indeed come, the Christian owes it to us for Centuries of prejudice, let us prove worthy of the day and its import. "Finally let us say, that to have a united country we must have a united purpose, to have loyal citizens, you must treat all loyally, if our institutions are worth preserving, they must be respected, loved, not merely tolerated. If the citizenship of the palmiest days of Rome and Greece is again to spring eternal out of the happiness of the people, then the Jew and Christian must stand upon a common platform of recognized worth, must grasp each others hands as brothers, singing as they do, the songs of the Psalm ists; reciting as they do, the inspired proverbs of the past, looking forward as they do, to the emanci pation of the whole human race, and wishing as they do, to sow, not only by faith, but by act, the seed which when grown and ripened, shall fructify the whole earth and be a blessing to all the inhabitants thereof." A copy of this address was sent to President Cleve land, which he acknowledged as follows: GROVER CLEVELAND 139 White House, Sept. 24, 1893. My Dear Mr. Wolf: With pleasure I have read your address pro nounced at the Jewish Temple. It is in every way worthy of the day and of the people it glorifies. Sincerely, GROVER CLEVELAND President Cleveland, although stronger than his party, was defeated for immediate re-election, Presi dent Harrison succeeding him. In due course of legal time President Cleveland was re-elected, and during that term the same degree of intimacy and courtesy as had marked the first administration con tinued. During Mr. Cleveland's second term, I published "The American Jew as Patriot,' Soldier and Citizen." Among the first to whom I sent a copy with my com pliments was President Cleveland, who acknowl edged its receipt as follows : Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., Dec. 23, 1895. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: Please accept my thanks for a copy of your book entitled "The American Jew as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen," which you kindly sent me a short time ago. I hope I may be able at a future time to read the volume carefully for the slight ac quaintance I have already given it, convinces me that it challenges fairness and justice for a class of our citizens to whom they have not always been accorded. Yours very truly, GROVER CLEVELAND 140 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN With regard to this book, I may here insert a brief extract from the synopsis of the work included in the report of the American Jewish Historical Society for the year 1895 and the introductory paragraph of the lengthy review of the work published in the New York Sun. THE AMERICAN JEW AS PATRIOT, SOLDIER AND CITIZEN. For some years I have been engaged in the collec tion of materials for the preparation of a work prin cipally designed to show what part was taken by American Jews during the Civil War. This work is now approaching completion, and it affords me great satisfaction to be able to lay some of the re sults attained before this society. Whether the task would have been undertaken had I foreseen its almost insurmountable difficulties I am not prepared to say, for the further the work advanced the more numerous were the obstacles. From some States I am grieved to say I was not able to get any information; from others, so little as to be really painful on account of its being so in significant and so far below the undoubted facts. From some States the information, if not quite up to the mark, is rather gratifying. My sincere thanks are due to my friends in the Southern States for full and complete reports received. Virginia furnished 113 men, of whom 15 were wounded and 2 died in captivity, a total loss of over 25 per cent. The list of North Carolina gives 52 men, of whom 3 were wounded and killed, 2 captured, 8 died from wounds at Elmira, N. Y., making a loss of 33 per cent. GROVER CLEVELAND 141 South Carolina furnished 177 soldiers, of whom 20 were wounded, 29 killed and 5 captured, suffering a loss of over 30 per cent. Tennessee furnished 38 men, of whom 3 were wounded, 7 killed and 2 died in captivity, a loss of almost 32 per cent. I have at this date 7,243 men on my list; but over 1,600 names can not be properly classified as to State, regiment, and period of service. On the 12th day of July, 1862, President Lincoln gave his approval to an act of Congress authorizing the President to cause to be prepared 2,000 "medals of honor," to be presented to such non-commissioned officers and privates as shall most distinguish them selves by their gallantry in action and other soldier like qualities during the present insurrection. I am not prepared to say how many soldiers of the Jewish faith were honored by such medals, but I can mention seven who have come under my notice. First. Leopold Karpeles, color-sergeant of the 57th Massachusetts Infantry, at the battle of North Anna proved his ability to defend the flag under a terrific fire from the enemy. Although seriously wounded he held the colors aloft until weakness from loss of blood forced him to give them to a comrade. Ser geant Karpeles has high testimonials from his su perior officers for bravery, daring and discipline. Second. Benjamin B. Levy enlisted at the age of 16 as a drummer-boy in the 1st New York Volun teers. While his regiment was stationed at New port News he was detailed as orderly for General Mansfield. While he was carrying despatches on board the steamer "Express" to General Wool at 142 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Fortress Monroe, the steamboat was attacked by the Confederate gunboat "Seabird"; the steamboat with all on board was in imminent danger of capture, when young Levy saved the steamer by cutting loose a water-schooner they had in tow. For his prompt action Levy was highly complimented by Generals Mansfield and Wool. At Charles City Cross Roads he saved two of the colors of his regiment from capture, for which act he was promoted on the field by General Kearney to color-sergeant of his regiment. At the expiration of his term he re-enlisted in the 40th New York (Mozart) regiment and was seriously wounded at the battle of the Wilderness. He was appointed by President Lincoln to the New York Custom-House. There he still is. Third. Sergeant-major and Adjutant Abraham Cohn enlisted as private in the 6th New Hampshire Infantry. For distinguished services he was pro moted step by step to the post of Adjutant. He served until the close of the war. Adjutant Cohn received the medal of honor from the Assistant Adjutant General's office, and he was subsequently the recipient of the following highly gratifying communication : "ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, "August 14, 1879. "The medal mentioned within was given for con spicuous gallantry displayed in the battle of the Wilderness, in rallying and forming, under heavy fire, disorganized troops; also for bravery and cool ness in carrying orders to the advance lines under murderous fire in the battle of the Mine, July 30, 1864. (Signed) "S. N. BENJAMIN, "Assistant Adjutant General." GROVER CLEVELAND 143 Fourth. David Orbanski, of the 58th Ohio Infantry, received the medal of honor for distinguished brav ery and coolness under heavy fire at Shiloh, Tenn., and at Vicksburg, Miss. Fifth. Henry Heller, of Company A, 66th Ohio In fantry, earned the medal of honor for daring brav ery at Chancellorsville. Sixth. Abraham Grunwalt, of Company G, 104th Ohio Infantry, earned his medal of honor at Frank lin, Tenn., Nov. 30, 1864, in the capture of the corps headquarters' flag. Seventh. Corporal Isaac Gans, of the 2d Ohio Cav alry, for bravery displayed on the battlefield was appointed escort to a stand of colors captured by the Third Division. The following is a table, by States, of the Jewish soldiers who served in the Civil War: #3 * * STATES fc * ^ .S 2 g ^ a, U ^ Is u a Alabama 132 9 12 2 .. Arkansas 53 . . 1 United States Army 135 2 4 1 Confederate States Army. . 9 Connecticut 17 California 28 District of Columbia 3 Georgia 137 11 15 4 .. Iowa 12 1 1 Indiana 512 7 12 2 .. Illinois 1076 43 56 .. Kansas 9 3 1 Kentucky 22 2 144 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN d _j > i 1 ,, 1 S *5 3 . -^ T3 W I IJ S Louisiana 224 10 21 5 Maryland 7 2 Missouri 239 7 7 Massachusetts 17 2 . . . . Michigan 210 . . 22 Mississippi 156 5 12 1 Maine 1 North Carolina 52 4 3 8 2 New Jersey 18 . . 1 1 New Mexico 2 . . 1 New York 1882 26 29 8 .. United States Navy 76 2 2 Confederate States Navy. .11 Nevada 3 New Hampshire 2 1 Ohio 1134 16 52 .. Pennsylvania 528 54 19 11 Rhode Island 4 Revolutionary War 40 South Carolina 117 20 29 5 .. United States Staff 16 Confederate States Staff. . . 14 Tennessee 38 3 7 1 1 Texas 104 15 13 2 .. Vermont 1 Virginia 113 15 12 2 .. West Virginia 7 1 Wisconsin 20 3 4 Washington Territory 1 Wyoming Territory 1 Soldiers 7243 Wounded 316 Killed 336 Captured 53 Died in prison 17 GROVER CLEVELAND 145 To this are added brief sketches of a few Jews who served in the earlier wars of the United States : Major Lewis Bush became 1st Lieutenant of the 6th Pennsylvania Battalion in January, 1776, and Captain the following June. He was transferred to Colonel Thomas Hartley's additional Continental regiment January, 1777, and was commissioned Major in March, 1777. That he proved a brave sol dier his active part in a number of battles affords complete evidence. At the battle of Brandywine in September, 1777, he received wounds of so serious a character as to prove fatal a few days after. Major Alfred Mordecai was one of the recognized authorities in the military world in the field of scien tific research and in practical application of mechan ical deduction to war purposes. He served in the Mexican War, and was sent by our Government to witness and report upon the operations in the Crimea. Major Mordecai was the author of "Ex periments on Gunpowder" and other works. Commodore Uriah Phillips Levy, one of the best- known American naval officers of former days, was at the time of his death the highest ranking officer in the United States Navy. He served in the war of 1812, being the master of the brig of war Argus, which ran the blockade to France, with Mr. Craw ford, the American minister to that country, on board. The Argus destroyed twenty-one British merchantmen. In recognition of his valuable serv ices to the nation the Common Council of New York City honored him with the freedom of the city. Com modore Levy vigorously opposed the application of the lash to seamen. Upon his tombstone at Cypress Hill is recorded the fact that he was "The father of 146 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN the law for the abolishment of the barbarous prac tice of corporal punishment in the Navy of the United States." "THE AMERICAN JEW. From the Sunday New York Sun. "To combat one of the most obstinate of preju dices and to promote enlightenment on a subject concerning which ignorance has become unpardon able is the purpose of the book entitled The Ameri can Jew, as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen, by Simon Wolf (Brentano's) . The author has undertaken to delineate the part taken by his co-religionists in the development of the United States. He believes it entirely possible to prove that, from an early stage of American history down to the present day, men of the Hebrew race and faith have figured in the van of the country's progress. The work of accumulat ing the evidence has been performed by Mr. Wolf, while the task of editing the material has been in trusted to Mr. Edward Levy. The two co-laborers have, between them, accomplished results which de serve serious attention on the part not only of their co-religionists, but of the whole American commu nity. "Mr. Wolf tells us, in an introduction, that he was first impelled to the researches of which the volume before us is the outcome by reading a letter printed in the North American Review, in December, 1891, the writer of which asserted that he could not re member meeting during the Civil War a single Jew in uniform, and had never found an old soldier who recalled serving with Jews. This assertion was an- GROVER CLEVELAND 147 swered by Mr. Wolf in The Washington Post, by an enumeration of hundreds of Jewish officers and sol diers, culminating in the averment, on information and belief, that from 6,000 to 8,000 soldiers of the Jewish faith served in the Union Army alone. Ob serving that his letter was copied and discussed by leading American newspapers, Mr. Wolf determined to compile as full a list as possible of American citi zens of Jewish faith who had fought in the war of the rebellion, and to add thereto a record of many other typical instances of their useful energy and public spirit in the civil walks of life. The task which he had imagined would require no more than six months has occupied more than four years of continuous labor. Even now the author regards the product of his researches as exceedingly inadequate; it undoubtedly represents, however, the most valu able contribution to an interesting chapter of Ameri can history that has yet been given to the world." The following letter received from the celebrated publicist, statesman and scholar, John Bigelow, is interesting, as it was the opinion of a man who had given great service all the world over: 21 Gramercy Park, December 16, 1905. Honorable Simon Wolf, Dear Sir: I am much your debtor for a copy of your exhaustive account of the part which the Amer ican Jew has had in building up republican institu tions in the United States. It contains much valu able information that was new to me, and timely evidence of national obligations which have been but imperfectly appreciated; like the heroes before Agamemnon carent quid vate sacro. Your work gives a striking vindication of the in exorable logic of Macaulay's speech in the English 148 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Parliament in 1833 in support of the bill for the re moval of disabilities of the Jews in England. It is a curious illustration of human perversity that your race has been persistently persecuted almost exclu sively by the nations who profess to have derived their religious opinions through revelations first made to your race and upon which all their confes sions of faith rest and are absolutely dependent. If as St. John proclaimed nearly nineteen centuries ago "The truth shall make you free" he uttered a prophecy the fulfillment of which you are realizing in this country, where the racial distinctions of which your people have been victims elsewhere are unknown. At the same time republican institutions are receiving a vindication which sooner or later must make them universal. Yours very respectfully, JOHN BIGELOW. The following letter, after sending a copy of my book, "The American Jew," to Ambassador James Bryce explains itself: British Embassy. Washington, May 2, '07. My Dear Sir: Your book duly reached me, and I have kept your letter on my table meaning some day to write and thank you for it, but my frequent absence from Washington and constant pressure of work here have prevented me. I thank you cordially for it. The subject is of all the greater interest to me be cause I have many good friends among your co religionists in England, and I have often told my fellow countrymen how much we owe to the Jews as British citizens. They have given us some men who have done admirable work in England, as law yers, public men and as philanthropists like the Montefiores and the Mocattas. I shall therefore read your book with all the more interest. Yours faithfully, JAMES BRYCE. Hon. Simon Wolf. GROVER CLEVELAND 149 Mark Twain, in an article in Harper's Magazine, made a statement reflecting on the loyalty of the Jews during the Civil War. Coming as it did from a literary celebrity, I promptly wrote to him, calling his attention to my book, "The American Jew," send ing him a copy thereof, which he acknowledged as follows : Saiva Sweden, Sept. 15, 1899. Simon Wolf, Esq., Dear Sir: I wish to thank you for the books now, for if they should get lost on the way, you might think I got them and was derelict in the matter of courtesy. If you asked the Harper's for my address, they told you it was c/o Chatts Windus, 111 St. Mar tins Lane, London, and I shall get the books, but if you sent them to Harper they may possibly remain there. I perceive that the Jews did wisely in keeping quiet during the Dreyfus agitation. The other course would have hurt Dreyfus' cause, and I see now that nothing would have helped it. Dreyfus has now won for a second time, the highest honor in the gift of France. I hope he knows how to value that, but he must not accept a pardon anyway. An innocent man should spare himself that smirch, and Dreyfus would. I think he is a manly man. I thank you. I wanted one complimentary word from a competent source. With that support I can stand the rest. Sincerely yours, MARK TWAIN. Ill St. Martin's Lane, London, W. C. Nov. 8, 1899. Dear Sir: In your introduction (page 10) you say that the number of enlisted Jews was considerably in excess of the, etc., etc. 150 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN I take it you mean that in the two armies there were more Jews to their total population of 150,000 than there were of all the other peoples to the North and South's total population (which seems to have been about 31,000,000 though I do not find that you mention the aggregate). I have written that very awkwardly and stupidly, but you will understand. Jews, 8,227. Population, 150,000 The Jews seem to have sent something more than five per cent of their population to the war. Did the rest of the country send five per cent of its popula tion, or was it more? That is what I am trying to get at. In the Spring I shall be publishing a volume of short things and am meditating a postscript show ing the value of your publications. Very truly yours, S. L. CLEMENS. At the annual Schuetzenfest, President Cleveland having just been married, visited the Park with his bride and invited me into the carriage to make a circuit of the Park. It was a memorable scene and one that is often spoken of by those still living. The President had a high estimate and deserv edly so of the three Straus brothers. He told me, with a great deal of feeling, that among the host of loyal, intellectual friends there were none surpassing these three brothers, Nathan, Isadore and Oscar. Oscar was sent as Minister to Turkey, an office which he filled then and afterwards with wonderful ability. Isadore he would have made Secretary of the Treas ury had it not been politically necessary to appoint Daniel Manning, and when Manning retired, he did offer Mr. Straus the position of Postmaster-General. Nathan Straus he designated as the war horse of true American democracy and philanthropy thus evi- GROVER CLEVELAND 151 dencing his desire to recognize merit, independent of creed or nationality, which is the only course for an American to pursue. The President also had a high regard for Hon. Simon W. Rosendale, of Albany. At one time in conversation with the President, he spoke regret- tingly that he was not in a position to appoint Rosen- dale as Attorney-General. President Cleveland's dealing with the Chicago riots stamped him as a man of extraordinary nerve and true patriotism. I remember Justice Stephen I. Field telling me at the Kaaterskill Hotel that that action alone made Cleveland a great figure in American history. I shall never forget the last reception given by Mr. and Mrs. Cleveland. It was an unusual gather ing, even for the White House. There was univer sal regret from a social standpoint that this genial, beautiful hostess was to leave the White House, and when I came in line both the President and Mrs. Cleveland greeted me enthusiastically, and I have always treasured their greeting with the keenest delight. On the 16th day of February, 1897, I was called to the White House to discuss with the President the Immigration Bill which was then pending in Con gress, and which President Cleveland was expected to veto. I was with the President an hour, and I went away perfectly satisfied that at the proper time he would veto the bill, which he did on the 3d day of March, 1897, the day prior to leaving the White House. It is an important document and has con ferred upon the name and memory of President Cleveland praise unstinted and formed the basis for 152 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN vetoes of a similar character for future Presidents. On the same day I wrote to the President a letter as follows : March 3, 1897. To the President: At high noon tomorrow you will again be a pri vate citizen of this great Republic. You are well aware that I am a Republican, but that does not pre vent me from recognizing the character of the Amer ican and the Executive who has, for the last four years conducted the affairs of our government. I know that many things have been charged to you for which you are no more responsible than I am; on the contrary, I believe that matters would have been a great deal worse had it not been for your indomi table energy, courage and convictions and superior statesmanship. History will unquestionably give you the full meed of praise to which you are so pre eminently entitled. As an American citizen and one that has asked no favors, I tender to you my hearty and sincere congratulations, wishing you and Mrs. Cleveland health and happiness. Yours very sincerely, SIMON WOLF. to which on the 4th of March, the day of the inaugu ration of Mr. McKinley, Mr. Cleveland responded as follows : "My Dear Mr. Wolf: "Your very kind and courteous letter received. I thank you for the high estimate you have placed upon my services to the country. Whatever I did was inspired by feelings of patriotic duty. I hope you will continue to prosper in health and happiness. "Very sincerely yours, "GROVER CLEVELAND." GROVER CLEVELAND 153 Among the first copies of my biographical sketch of Mordecai Manuel Noah I sent one to ex-President Cleveland at Princeton, to which he responded as follows : "Princeton, Nov. 3, 1897. "My Dear Mr. Wolf: "I have just finished the reading of your bio graphical sketch of M. M. Noah, and have derived from its perusal, much pleasure and profit. I desire to thank you for your kind thoughtfulness in send ing it to me. "Yours sincerely, "GROVER CLEVELAND." When my daughter, Mrs. Frederick Gotthold, was preparing my Seventieth Anniversary Year Book, she sent a page to Mr. Cleveland, on which he wrote the following: "There are compensations in advancing years, and the best of these is the retrospection of work well done." GROVER CLEVELAND. October 17, 1903. All of the letters that I ever received from Presi dent Cleveland were written in his own dainty hand, more like a woman's handwriting than a man's. In closing this sketch, I would be untrue to history were I not to add my feelings of high regard, esteem and good will for Mr. Cleveland, as an American, as well as one of the great Presidents of our Republic. Partisan feelings are only transient and momentary, but patriotism and those sterling qualities which Mr. Cleveland possessed, are eternal. He has left us a lesson for manliness and courage and intellectual conservatism, which should at all times be an in spiration and an example. BENJAMIN HARRISON When Benjamin Harrison was running for Gover nor of Indiana, his opponent was the celebrated "Blue Jean Williams," and the latter was elected. It was during that campaign that I first became ac quainted with Benjamin Harrison. I called on him at his home in Indianapolis. He was aware that I was making speeches in Indiana, on and in his be half, as well as that of the Presidential ticket, and he was quite cordial, expressed a very high opinion of what is now known as the hyphen, and also seemed to evidence a great deal of knowledge and good feeling for American citizens of Jewish faith. One evening at Fort Wayne, Ind., Governor Oliver P. Morton of that State and I were to speak, when suddenly from an unknown quarter of the hall there came sizzling some very unsatisfactory eggs. One of these delightful missiles hit the Governor square in the face. I fortunately escaped everything except the copperhead aroma. The modern stump speakers are fortunately not subjected to such un-American treatment, but in those days it was part of the game, especially in intensely Democratic centers. During the closing days of Mr. Cleveland's first administration, it became evident that some Repub lican could be elected, owing to the unpopularity of Mr. Cleveland with his own party, as well as the tariff legislation enacted by the Democratic Con gress. While Blaine was still a popular idol, as Henry Clay in his time had been, yet the sober sec ond thought of the Republican leaders led to the conclusion that his nomination was an impossibility, BENJAMIN HARRISON 1889-1893 BENJAMIN HARRISON 155 and so finally Benjamin Harrison was nominated and elected. I was made a member of the Inauguration Com mittee which was to conduct the ceremonies of Har rison and Morton, and designated as Chairman of the Medal Committee, and I succeeded in having made what is known as the Centennial Medal, as it was the one hundredth anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. I received great commendation for the originality of the design, and President Harrison was particu larly gracious to me in consequence thereof. My intercourse with the new President was not of that intimate character that had been my good for tune with his predecessors, yet it was of a very cor dial nature. He tendered me the position of Consul- General and Agent Diplomatique to Egypt, which I respectfully declined, as I did not care to hold any further offices of the Government, outside of char itable and benevolent appointments, and those with out compensation. The President sent for me one day and said he desired to appoint a representative American citizen of Jewish faith to Turkey, Mr. Oscar Straus having done such splendid service under Cleveland's admin istration. I suggested Solomon Hirsh of Portland, Ore., who was subsequently appointed, and like his predecessor, did admirable work, highly satisfactory, not only to the country to which he was accredited, but to the country which sent him. It's a curious fact that Turkey has been looked upon as a proper place to send as representatives of the United States, American citizens of Jewish faith. It is known in well informed circles that Turkey did take a liberal 156 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN view of Jews as men and as citizens, and our Minis ters and Ambassadors of Jewish faith have really done splendid work. It was in part due to my constant attention and influence with leading members of both parties that a resolution was adopted in Congress calling upon our Government to take active measures in regard to our co-religionists in Russia, as is evidenced by the following letter written by the President to the House of Representatives: Executive Mansion, Washington, October 1, 1890. I transmit herewith, in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of August 20, 1890, con cerning the enforcement of prescriptive edicts against the Jews in Russia, a report from the Secretary of State upon the subject. (Signed) BENJAMIN HARRISON. And after said resolution had been adopted, I had a long interview with President Harrison on the sub ject, which eventually led to the following message to Congress under date of December 9, 1891 : This Government has found occasion to express in a friendly spirit, but with much earnestness, to the Government of the Czar its serious concern because of the harsh measures now being enforced against the Hebrews in Russia. By the revival of anti- Semitic laws, long in abeyance, great numbers of those unfortunate people have been constrained to abandon their homes and leave the Empire by rea son of the impossibility of finding subsistence within the pale to which it is sought to confine them. The immigration of these people to the United States many other countries being closed to them is largely increasing and is likely to assume proportions which BENJAMIN HARRISON 157 may make it difficult to find homes and employment for them here and to seriously affect the labor mar ket. It is estimated that over 1,000,000 will be forced from Russia within a few years. The Hebrew is never a beggar; he has always kept the law lives by toil often under severe and oppressive civil restric tions. It is also true that no race, sect or class has more fully cared for its own than the Hebrew race. But the sudden transfer of such a multitude under conditions that tend to strip them of their small ac cumulations and to depress their energies and cour age is neither good for them nor for us. The banishment, whether by direct decree or by not less certain indirect methods, of so large a num ber of men and women is not a local question. A decree to leave one country is in the nature of things an order to enter another some other. This con sideration, as well as the suggestion of humanity, fur nishes ample ground for the remonstrances which we have presented to Russia, while our historic friendship for that Government can not fail to give the assurance that our representations are those of a sincere well-wisher. Among other items of information submitted by Secretary Elaine in his report, was the mention of Hermann Kempinski, an American citizen, who had been imprisoned on his return to the place of his birth (Russia), which fact was brought to my atten tion by Mr. J. B. Klein of Bridgeport, Conn., repre senting Abraham Lodge, No. 89, of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith, of which lodge Kempinski was a member. Considerable correspondence pro and con ensued, in consequence of his incarceration, but I finally succeeded in having him released. Twenty- seven years after, on my eightieth birthday, among numerous letters congratulating me was one from this man Kempinski, who is now living at Bridge- 158 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN port, Conn., and who on Sunday, the llth of Feb ruary, 1917, when I was guest of honor at Abraham Lodge at their golden anniversary, publicly an nounced to the lodge, with streaming eyes, that I had saved his life and that of his family by my prompt conduct, and thanked me in most enthusiastic terms. It was a dramatic scene. The President took an active interest in the matter of discriminations against our co-religionists in dif ferent parts of the world, as will be seen from the foregoing message to Congress. Naturally, in consequence of this discrimination and persecution on the part of certain governments of Europe, immigration became a very important question in and out of Congress, and while at the White House one day, I mentioned the subject to the President, outlining to him my views, and he very promptly, and with great feeling, considering it was Benjamin Harrison, said that I should put my ideas in writing and address them to the Secretary of the Treasury, the Hon. Charles Foster, under whom came the Bureau of Immigration, which I did. At the time of writing this letter to Secretary Foster, Mr. Lewis Abraham, now deceased, was Secretary of the Board of Delegates, and kept the files, which have unfortunately been either lost, destroyed or mislaid, and I can only give a summary as printed at the time in some of the New York papers, which my friend, Mr. Max J. Kohler, the publicist, has gra ciously furnished me, and which reads as follows: Simon Wolf and Lewis Abraham of this city, on behalf of the Union of American Hebrew Congrega tions, have addressed to the Secretary of the Treas ury a communication on the subject of the immigra- BENJAMIN HARRISON 159 lion of Russian Hebrews to the United States. In their address the writers, while deploring the arrival in this country of so many of their exiled people, maintain that the statutes of the United States should not be so interpreted as to class them as paupers or assisted emigrants, "When hands of help and wel come are outstretched to elevate them to the exalted position of American citizenship without demanding any contributions from national or local taxes." "That the refugees are generally in distress," say the writers, "is not denied. Circumstances have placed them in a situation that is recognized through the civilized world as resulting from the greatest crime of the so-called enlightened century, and this distress their brethren are untiringly striving to alle viate. To close the avenues of this free and liberty- loving country that has opened its gates to the down trodden and unjustly persecuted, would be against the underlying genius and theory of our glorious and beloved Constitution. Neither the letter nor the spirit of the laws of our country requires us to close the gate of mercy on mankind." The writers refer to the large influx of Russian Hebrews into this country about ten years ago and state that so far as can be ascertained not a single one of them has become a public burden. Arguing from this and the further fact that a large number of organizations have been formed throughout the country having for their object the general care and elevation of the exiles, the writers maintain that even if they have their "passage paid with the money of another," they can not be classed as paupers, but rather come under the exceptional clause of the law, viz., "Where it is satisfactorily shown that such per sons do not belong to the foregoing excluded classes." To which Secretary Foster answered as follows : 160 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Treasury Department, Office of the Secretary, Washington, D. C., Aug. 1, 1891. Simon Wolf, Chairman, Board of Delegates of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations. Dear Sir: I beg to acknowledge receipt of your communication of the 27th ultimo with its enclosures as stated. You call my attention to the bitter hardships suf fered by many thousands of Hebrews by reason of their forcible expulsion from their homes in the Rus sian Empire, and you state among other things that there is no organization in the United States which assists or encourages destitute Hebrew refugees to come to this country; that you deplore this form of immigration; that the efforts of the several Hebrew societies represented by you are confined to amelio rating the conditions of those unhappy people after their arrival at American ports by relieving those in distress and aiding all to avoid massing the sea board cities and to distribute themselves to widely separated localities where they may as soon as possi ble become self-sustaining. You state that you have no complaint to make in connection with the official treatment of refugees who have already arrived, and that you do not apprehend any future cause for com plaint in this regard; but you urge the consideration that practically enforced immigration of this which can not properly be classed as "assisted" immigra tion within the meaning of our laws, and finally you declare the readiness of the people and associations for whom you speak to give to the Government in all cases a satisfactory bond guaranteeing that none of these refugee immigrants shall become a public charge. Be assured, sir, that I fully concur in your estimate of the magnitude of the present calamity which has befallen so many of your race, as well as in your hope that an early mitigation or cessation of the cur- BENJAMIN HARRISON 161 rent measures of expulsion may render unnecessary any general migration of Russian Hebrews to Amer ica or elsewhere. Unquestionably a great and sud den influx of expatriated and destitute aliens of any race would be a grave misfortune to any country, and American Hebrews act both patriotically and humanely when they advise Jewish refugees against coming hither, but at the same time endeavor to render self-supporting those who finally come. Ob viously the support of great numbers of dependent persons is a tax upon the resources of the country, even though paid from private funds, and, quite as plainly, industrial conditions here might be seriously disturbed by the sudden arrival and the enforced competition of a multitude of needy people. Hence it is important to the last degree that the Volume of this expected refugee immigration be not excessive or threatening and that with entire cer tainty it be promptly and widely distributed so as to supply a real want in scattered communities and in terfere as little as possible with existing and normal industrial conditions. The apparent scope and thor oughness of your plans for securing this immediate and wide distribution of the expected refugees are more gratifying, and upon the success of your asso ciations in carrying out these plans will largely de pend the possibility of the Government meeting your views in other respects. While the immigration laws of the United States must and will be enforced, I agree with you that those laws were never enacted in derogation of the plainest requirements of humanity, and no worthy immigrant who in all other respects meets the de mands of our statutes should be excluded from the country because, through the action of others, he is for the time being homeless and without property. I shall rely upon your voluntary assurance that you will actively urge upon your brethren in Europe the attitude of our laws toward assisted immigra tion. I also beg to remind you that any tendency 162 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN abroad to deflect toward this country the movement of destitute refugees or to stimulate their migration hither, would be distinctly hostile to the spirit mani fested in your letter and to the spirit in which the Government of the United States desires to treat this difficult and delicate problem. Thanking you for your expressions of confidence that this department, while executing the immigra tion laws efficiently will also execute them humanely, I am, Respectfully yours, CHARLES FOSTER, Secretary. The following letter of Senator John Sherman is interesting. My note was to the effect that the treaty which had just been completed was very objection able: Senate Chamber, Washington, Feb. 25, 1893. Hon. Simon Wolf, My Dear Sir: Your note of the 24th is received. The Russian treaty is beyond our control as it is rati fied and in the hands of the President. The clause inserted in the treaty is similar to that in the Belgian treaty and the Committee were unanimously of the opinion that it was not objectionable. I return you the letters enclosed. Very truly yours, JOHN SHERMAN. ( I called on the President one day in regard to the appointment of a young American of Jewish faith to West Point, and who had been highly recom mended to me by many friends. The President promptly said he would take the matter into consid eration and subsequently did appoint him, but un fortunately he did not pass the examination, or at least it was so reported by the Examining Board. BENJAMIN HARRISON 163 It may have been a good stroke of fortune for the young gentleman, as he has since risen in his pro fession to eminence and wealth. The death of General Franz Sigel impelled me to write the following tribute. As he was a great figure in the Civil War and afterward, and is mentioned in these sketches, as he showed his sincere patriotism at a time when his heart was stricken by sorrow, caused by the action of his favorite son, it deserves, in my judgment, perpetuation as an incentive to others : "The death of Gen. Franz Sigel brings on the can vas of memory pictures glowing with life and color. Born not far distant from the town which gave birth to the illustrious hero of two countries, I naturally feel an affinity and remember well how enthusias tically my sainted father spoke of Gen. Sigel, for he, too, was one of that tried band of Germans that loved liberty more than life. I made the acquain tance of Gen. Sigel forty years ago, just prior to the second battle of Bull Run, and from that day to this entertained for him the highest regard as a man, as a soldier, patriot and citizen. As a student of Amer ican history I have become thoroughly convinced of the fact that General Sigel contributed largely to the preservation of the Union. It was at the inception of the Civil War, when every moment was impor tant, when every act was making history, that Gen. Sigel's conduct and patriotism came to the fore. St. Louis, Camp Jackson, Missouri, were saved by his indomitable energy, experience in warfare, high- souled, broad and liberal principles, for the Union. The saving of Missouri preserved Kentucky and Ten nessee and prevented an invasion of Ohio, and the nation can never be too generous in its recognition of what Gen. Sigel did then and there. Aside from this, his name was one to conjure with. To 'fight 164 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN mit Sigel' became a rallying cry, not only among those of his own countrymen, but among all lovers of liberty. His retreats from superior numbers were masterly, and instead of discouraging became in spirations. "He was a soldier in the best sense of the term, uncomplaining, unpretending, always ready to dis charge the duties imposed upon him by circum stances or conditions, and when the war closed his first ambition was not to secure official recognition, but to work for those whom he most loved and cher ished. It was at my suggestion that Gen. Grant offered him positions of trust and responsibility which were on three different occasions declined, but finally he did accept the assessorship, collector- ship of internal revenue in the City of New York. He was tendered, at my request, the position of sec retary of the commission to go to San Domingo, and declined, but finally did go as the representative of the President. "The several positions the General filled in civil life were discharged with singular ability, faithful ness and with that self-same vigilance as had char acterized him during the Civil War. "To understand the perfect Spartan character of the General it need but be mentioned when he was pension agent of the City of New York he gave up his son to the courts of justice, declining any favors in consequence of his standing or record, claiming that having helped to save the Union he must lay no claim for immunity. President Harri son, to whose attention I called the condition of affairs, promptly pardoned his son. "Gen. Sigel, apart from his military ability, was a student and scholar. He wrote and thought with great facility, and his history of the revolutionary struggle in Germany is replete with facts and data for the future historians. His companions in the armies were his devoted friends. The humblest of his soldiers received as much attention, nay, more, BENJAMIN HARRISON 165 than those of higher rank. The acquisition of money played no part, and thus in the last years of his life he had to struggle for existence on the insignificant pension of $100 per month given by the Government he helped to save. It was a small pittance, and yet aided him materially. Now that he has joined the Great Army of the Republic now that he is stand ing side by side with Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, Thomas, Lee, Jackson and others, it behooves us who are reaping the benefits of his work and sacri fices to see that those he has left should become our wards, to see that his widow receives not only the pension that he did, but that it should be doubled, so that her declining years shall be made happy and contented; and I am sure that I am voicing the senti ments of every lover of his country and of every soldier wlio fought in the blue or in the gray when I say let Congress in its coming session vote a liberal pension to the widow of the hero of two countries an American who fearlessly did his duty, and whose memory will ever be cherished by his grateful coun trymen." President Harrison, a man of wonderful legal ability, of high intellectual qualities, was more un popular than any President that I had become ac quainted with. There was lacking in him magnet ism and social warmth. When you stood in his presence, as a great American politician so aptly de scribed it, you felt like having inflicted upon you "political pneumonia." Then also, unfortunately, as under other administrations, Mr. Elaine and the President were not on the most cordial terms, either personally or politically. So when the National Con vention of 1892, which took place at Minneapolis, renominated Mr. Harrison, with Whitelaw Reid of New York as his running mate, he was defeated by Mr. Cleveland. In my sketch of William McKinley 166 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN I will in the proper place bring in the incident in connection with that convention, over which McKin- ley presided. And thus there passed out of political history one of the great Americans about which there can be no doubt. He came from loyal, patriotic stock, was a Senator of pre-eminent force and ability, was hailed by members of the Supreme Court and the bar of the United States as one of the great legal lights, if not the greatest; but as already mentioned, he lacked certain essential qualities, without which no candi date can succeed in winning the suffrage of his fellow- citizens, many examples of which we have in our political history. That he was a gentleman and a patriot and in every sense worthy of the office he filled, there can be no question. WILLIAM McKiNLKY 1897-1901 WILLIAM McKINLEY Long before William McKinley became a national and international figure, I had made his acquain tance and won his friendship and good-will, which ended only when he passed to eternal rest. We often met at his home in Canton, Ohio, and at the house of a mutual friend, M. Ruhman, the son-in-law of Rabbi Levinsky, the author of the Family and School Bible. When he was elected a member of Congress this intimacy continued, and many social and pleasant hours were passed in my home and in his rooms at the Ebbitt House, where he lived during his whole Congressional career. He was at all times genial, and no matter what he had to do, either for his con stituents or for his friends, he was ever the same patient, courteous, and self-sacrificing gentleman. In due course of time he was elected Governor of Ohio. I telegraphed him, "Thane of Cawdor, King that will be," to which he promptly replied, "Thanks, not yet." The sentiment of the country crystallized into a feeling that McKinley was Presidential timber. At the Republican National Convention held in Minne apolis, where he presided, he could have been nomi nated, but declined, and when I told him, walking from the hall to the hotel, that he ought to have ac cepted, he said with a smile, "My dear Simon, I re peat my message to you, not yet." His fame as a statesman for constructive work of a national character, especially on the subject of tariff, grew. His wonderful liberality in dealing with all shades of public thought made him popular 168 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN with the masses, and he won the esteem and good will of his own party, as well as that of the opposi tion, and in due time, he was elected and re-elected. During the first campaign when I met him I told him he would be overwhelmingly elected, and that I would be among the first to greet him. So when I was appointed Chairman of the Committee on Medals of the Inaugural Committee, I had the honor and pleasure of pinning the gold medal on his coat at the head of the stairs of the Reviewing Stand. It was a proud moment when President McKinley said to me, "Well, Simon, there is still a God in Israel." I knew what he meant to convey, for we had often discussed the golden opportunities of this great Republic, and he was a living exemplification, not only of the the ory but of the practice. As with his predecessors, the White House was open to me at all hours. The President insisted on my treating him as an old friend. The gentle and loving Mrs. McKinley kept up her warm friendship. Station and adulation had not warped her judgment or undermined her good sense. In every way she was worthy of being the first lady of the land. In his affectionate and constant devotion to his invalid wife, President McKinley exemplified the highest traits of chivalrous manhood, his patience and cheer fulness were symbolic of the highest virtues, and earned him the universal esteem of his fellow-citi zens. The President several times asked me what he could do for me, but I steadily declined. The posi tion of postmastership of Washington and one of the Commissioners of the District were tendered to me by him, but I preferred private life. One day the WILLIAM MCKINLEY 169 President told me he would appoint Oscar S. Straus of New York as Minister to Turkey. I promptly con gratulated him in making this choice, as Mr. Straus had given great evidence of his ability, patriotism, and thorough Americanism, which I am happy to state he has continued to do in many other fields of public usefulness. On another occasion he told me that he was wor ried because John W. Ross, whom he had re- appointed Commissioner of the District, was opposed for confirmation by Senator Bacon of Georgia. Ross was a high-toned official, in every way efficient and universally liked. He was a gold Democrat, and had approved Mr. McKinley's election. Senator Ba con was a Bryan man and called Ross a traitor, having been originally appointed by President Cleve land. I told the President I thought I could over come the opposition if he would give me "carte blanche," to which he replied, "Ordinarily I would not, but I have confidence in your judgment. Go ahead and see what you can do." In Ma con, Georgia, a friend of mine, Jacob H. Hertz, a Democrat whose commission as Postmaster had expired, wished to be re-appointed. He was a dear friend of Senator Bacon. I had a very pleasant interview with the Senator. The outcome was that Ross was confirmed. Hertz was re-appointed. The President was most profound in his thanks for this trifling service, al though he regarded it from a different standpoint. This only confirms the old theory that there is more practice in politics than principle. To evidence the wonderful memory and friendship of President McKinley, one day he said to me, "What has become of E?" I said, "He is where he was 170 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN when you were a member of Congress, and when you recommended him to Secretary Windom for promotion. Under the administration of President Cleveland he was demoted for the good of the serv ice." I then told him, "I have a copy of your letter which you sent to the Treasury Department with me." Said he, "Let me have it," and on it he wrote, "Why can't this man be promoted?" and sent it to the Secretary of the Treasury. He was promoted, and for sixteen years filled the position with signal ability until the present administration came in, when he again was demoted, and, as usual, for the good of the service. What better proof need be had of the value of the Civil Service? After the first election of Mr. McKinley I wrote him a congratulatory letter, in the name of the National Union Republican Club of the City of Washington, to which he replied: November 23, 1896. Mr. S. Wolf, Prest., National Union Republican Club, Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir: I beg that you accept on your own behalf and convey to the members of the National Union Republican Club, my sincere thanks for your congratulations and expression of good wishes. Yours very truly, WILLIAM MCKINLEY. The corner-stone of the Washington Hebrew Con gregation was to be laid on the 16th day of Septem ber, 1897, and I asked the President to honor us with his presence, which he did, as is more fully described in my address at the memorial services of the mar tyred President. A brass plate has been put on the WILLIAM MCKINLEY 171 chair in which President McKinley sat during the exercises, and which chair is now treasured by the Congregation as a relic. Later, when the Temple was completed, owing to public duties, the President could not be with us but sent a letter of which the following is a copy: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., Sept. 8, 1898. My Dear Sir: The very kind invitation to attend the dedicatory exercises at the Eighth Street Temple on Friday after noon has been received, and I beg to express to you my deep regret that public duties and engagements will not admit of an acceptance. I well remember the interesting ceremonies inci dent to the laying of the corner-stone of the Temple, in which I had the pleasure of participating. Patri otic and loyal in war and in peace, its Congregation will, I am sure, continue to exercise great influence for good in this community. Assuring you of my appreciation of your courtesy, and with best wishes for the success of the exercises, believe me, Very sincerely yours, WM. McKlNLEY. Hon. Simon Wolf, Chairman, 926 F Street, N. W., Washington, D. C. The following letter from Asst. Secretary A. A. Adee was received: Department of State, Washington, D. C., December 11, 1897. Simon Wolf, Esq., Washington, D. C. My Dear Sir: I have your personal letter of yesterday's date ask ing whether the good offices of the State Department 172 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN could be secured in getting the consent of the Rus sian government for the introduction into Russia of the beneficent order of B'nai B'rith (Sons of the Covenant). The inquiry is somewhat embarrassing in that this Department is shy of using its good offices even to further the commercial enterprises of our citizens or corporations who seek to establish branches in for eign countries. In such cases the laws of the coun try regulate their admission to local privileges and this Department can not undertake either to stand sponsor for a particular enterprise or seek to obtain for it other than the same usage which is given to all foreign corporations in the country. It does not appear from your letter that the B'nai B'rith is an exclusively American organization, main taining branches in other countries. I rather, un derstand that its affiliating branches in Austria, Ger many, Roumania, Egypt and Jerusalem, of which you speak, are local organizations bearing to the parent stock, wherever it may be, much the same relation that the National Red Cross Associations of different countries bear to the parent Committee in Switzer land. That society, besides being established by in ternational treaty, has local organizations in many countries. The rules of the Russian Empire in regard to in dividual associations for other than purely commer cial purposes are understood to be very rigid. If they allow the organization of a Russian branch of B'nai B'rith, no assistance from us would be re quired. If they prohibit it, I do not think that any thing we could say or do would alter the Russian rule. Very truly yours, ALVEY A. ADEE. I presented the President with a copy of my book, "The American Jew as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen," WILLIAM MCKINLEY 173 and a few weeks later he sent me the following letter : My Dear Friend: I received the copy of your memorable book, "The American Jew as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen," and I thank you sincerely for the privilege of reading the same. I consider it a masterly treatment of the sub ject, and you have rendered not only to your people, but to all people a great service. No better class of citizens than the Jewish exists in our country, many of whom have been and are my personal friends. Again thanking you, I am, as ever, Sincerely, WM. MCKINLEY. I give herewith the following quotation from my book, "The American Jew as Patriot, Soldier and Citizen," pages 427-428: In a recent speech at Ottawa, Kansas, on June 20, 1895 (quoted in the Reform Advocate of Chicago, July 13, 1895), Governor William McKinley, of Ohio, referred to this incident as follows : "What more beautiful conception than that which prompted Abraham Kohn, of Chicago, in February, 1861, to send to Mr. Lincoln, on the eve of his start ing to Washington, to assume the office of President, a flag of our country, bearing upon its silken folds these words from the first chapter of Joshua: 'Have I not commanded thee? Be strong and of good cour age. Be not afraid, neither be thou dismayed, for the Lord, thy God is with thee, whithersoever thou goest. There shall not any man be able to stand before thee all the days of thy life. As I was with Moses so shall I be with thee. I will not fail thee nor forsake thee.' "Could anything have given Mr. Lincoln more cheer, or been better calculated to sustain his cour age or to strengthen his faith in the mighty work before him. Thus commanded, thus assured, Mr. 174 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Lincoln journeyed to the Capital, where he took the oath of office and registered in heaven an oath to save the Union. And the Lord, our God, was with him, until every obligation of oath and duty was sacredly kept and honored. Not any man was able to stand before him. Liberty was the more firmly enthroned, the Union was saved, and the flag which he carried floated in triumph and glory from every flagstaff of the Republic." In reply to a letter addressed to him by the daugh ter of Abraham Kohn, Mrs. Dankmar Adler (whose husband, the architect of the Auditorium Building and one of the architects of the Columbian Exposi tion, had fought through the war and been wounded at Chickamauga), Major McKinley wrote: "The in cident deeply impressed me when I first learned of it, and I have taken occasion to use it, as in my speech at Ottawa, to which you refer. I am very glad to have been able to give publicity to this strik ing incident, and I am sure that the family of Mr. Kohn should feel very proud of his patriotic act." I had several lengthy conversations with President McKinley on the subject of the Russian Passport and Treaty. Because the President was so engaged with important matters, it seems that he turned the sub ject over to Mr. George B. Cortelyou, who wrote me this letter: Executive Mansion, Washington, December 27, 1899. My Dear Mr. Wolf: If you can find it convenient to do so, I will be glad if you will call at the Executive Mansion to morrow or Friday, between eleven and one o'clock, as I would be glad to talk with you about a matter concerning which you have had some correspon dence with the President. Very truly yours, GEORGE B. CORTELYOU, Acting Secretary to the President. WILLIAM MCKINLEY 175 The interview took place, and I submitted a lengthy statement which the President afterwards told me was illuminating and comprehensive, and he hoped before his term expired to be able to do some thing towards mitigating the condition of the Jews in Russia, and bring about a revision of the treaty. On Flag Day, June 14, 1901, I was one of the speakers. Hon. Henry B. F. Macfarland, then Presi dent of the Board of Commissioners, in introducing me, said the following: "Those of us who were born under the flag, and who have loved it from birth, do not excel in ap preciation of it, or in devotion to it, our fellow- citizens who came from their native lands beyond the sea to its protection and its service. They saw, as with the eye of faith, its beauty and its blessings, and they deliberately left their birthplaces and cast in their lot with us. We could not choose, but they could and did choose, to be Americans. We could not appropriately close this meeting without hearing from a representative of our fellow-citizens who were born abroad. We are fortunate in having with us one who is so thoroughly representative of what is best among them, who himself left the fatherland that he might live in the land of liberty, and who has honorably served his adopted country at home and abroad." I addressed them as follows: Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: In my humble judgment, this would not be sym metrical unless someone should give voice in rec ognition of all that the flag symbolizes and typifies, especially to those who are born in other lands and who have found a home, refuge and happiness un der its folds in this country. No flag of any other 176 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN land, save that of Switzerland, typifies and symbol izes as much as ours. It means fraternity, it means devotion, it means assimilation; for here, under its starry folds, have come men and women of all countries to find that freedom which in their own was denied them; but more than that, and to which no one of the gifted speakers has alluded tonight, here in this great republic the Christian and the Jew, the Protestant and the Catholic, can worship God ac cording to the dictates of his conscience. It is in this spirit that our flag is created, and which no other country on the face of the earth permits. A love of the flag inspires the Army and the Navy of every land, as our flag inspires our soldiers and sailors, but there is no flag so pure, so just, so liberalizing as ours. There is no flag that stands for so much culture and true civilization as the flag of the United States. It is in this spirit I salute it, it is in this spirit I love and revere it, and it is in this spirit that I wish it transmitted to generations unborn. May I never see its starry field disfigured or stained by wrong, by injustice, or anything that may mark any change that would circumscribe the freedom of conscience and the right of good citizenship, for which it has stood in times past, and I hope and trust to God that it may ever stand, commemorative of all that is great and beautiful, just and true in American citizenship, so that when it shall spread its folds gloriously to the breeze in other lands, may it be to them the emblem it typifies for us. May it ever reflect the American spirit of justice, of mercy, of truth, and all those ele ments that are conducive to good government and ele vated citizenship." (These words of mine then are applicable now.) President McKinley's attention having been called to my speech, he expressed great pleasure and satis faction when he saw me a few days thereafter, and said that I had struck the keynote of the historical day. WILLIAM MCKINLEY 177 Just after President McKinley's inauguration a deputation of Cuban patriots visited Washington. They called on me to aid them in securing a hearing before the Committees on Foreign Relations of the Senate and House, of which Senator John Sherman and Congressman R. R. Hitt were Chairmen. After a great deal of hard work I succeeded in having them secure an audience, which had been denied them for a long time. I also inaugurated a mass meeting at the theater, which was crowded to the doors, and over which Corporal James Tanner presided. The meeting was most enthusiastic for Cuban indepen dence and in aid of the patriots. After independence had been secured, as a result of the Spanish-Ameri can War, the gentlemen with whom I had come in contact were always grateful, and in my testimonial Year Rook on my seventieth birthday the first Presi dent of Cuba wrote: October 10, 1903. It gives me great pleasure to congratulate you. Your words and your acts in our behalf can never be repaid by Cuba. You were a tower of strength to all of us. Sincerely, T. ESTRADA PALMA. The first Minister from Cuba to the United States wrote on the same occasion as follows: Cuba will always remember his noble efforts on and in behalf of her independence, during the dark days of her struggle, when a friend was a friend indeed. GONZALES DE QUESADA. 178 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN President McKinley was thoroughly aware of my efforts and enthusiastic in his expression of appre ciation, although not in an official capacity but per sonally. At the commencement of the Spanish-American War I had many interviews with the President, who was exceedingly troubled by the vast responsibility imposed upon him. He was seriously opposed to any war with anyone, but when the hour of action came he rose to the very height of the occasion. When one day I told him that a large number of Russia Jews had enlisted in the army, who had fled from the land of their birth and persecution, he was visibly touched, and with words full of emotion said, "How wonderful are God's ways." After the capture of Manila by Admiral Dewey, a movement was at once started in Washington to tender him a public welcome, and a committee was appointed to take charge of the matter. As a mem ber of said committee, I was designated to have pre pared a suitable medal in commemoration of the historical event, which I did, and had the honor of pinning the gold medal on the Admiral's coat, in the harbor of New York. He was very much pleased with the design. The bronze medals which were dis tributed among members of the committee and other persons were made of guns captured by Dewey at Manila. I was also present in front of the Capitol when the Secretary of the Navy presented Admiral Dewey with the sword voted by Congress, in recognition of his heroism in Manila Bay. From that date up to the time of the Admiral's death, our relations were most friendly and cordial. WILLIAM MCKINLEY 179 The President took a deep and sincere interest in the treatment of the Jews on the part of those coun tries which did not accord them full and equal rights. He often spoke to me how anxious he was not only individually, but officially, to mitigate their suffer ings and bring about a better condition worthy of the civilization in which we lived, and one day he wrote me the following letter : Executive Mansion, May 14, 1899. My Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letter asking me to use the good offices of the Government in asking Russia to recognize the American passport. Nothing would give me greater pleasure than to comply with your request, and I have instructed the Secretary of State to bring this matter to the attention of the Russian Government. Very sincerely, WM. McKiNLEY. During President McKinley's administration I was a witness before the United States Industrial Com mission at the Capitol, and was examined at length on various subjects of national importance, indus trial wage-earners, immigration, and the workings and aims of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith. Sometime after this testimony the President, having undoubtedly read the same, complimented me upon the American spirit that pervaded it. Just before he went to Buffalo in September, 1901, I had a very pleasant interview with him, and he was full of optimistic hope for the country and a continuance of the friendly relations with all gov ernments. He was in a happy frame of mind and 180 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN neither of us had the faintest conception of what was to transpire in the near future. A great many Americans do not fully appreciate the work that President McKinley did during his life time, as a statesman and as an executive. His con ception of duty was of the loftiest character, and self never dominated him for a moment. His treatment of the people who had become part of the nation in consequence of the Spanish-American War was of the most friendly and humane character, and it was his impelling force of justice that brought about a settlement with Spain that was equitable and in no way partisan. He was indeed the "Abou Ben Adhem" he loved his fellowmen, and in the pantheon of great Americans he will ever be a resplendent figure. At no time of his life did he so exemplify his charac ter as when on his dying bed he said, "It is God's way" that had been his dominant thought through out life, and death had no terrors for he was "Nearer, my God to Thee" with his dying breath, he saw the hand of the arbiter of life and death extended, and heard the angels of good-will shout their wel come. In the city in which he was so beloved and esteemed, in Canton, Ohio, he was laid at rest, and his mausoleum has become a Mecca, not in the same degree, but in no lesser sense than that of Mt. Vernon. It is the irony of fate that I should have lived to see three Presidents of the United States assassinated, with each and everyone of whom I was on terms of intimacy and good-will Abraham Lincoln, James A. Garfield, William McKinley. The Ohio Republican Association of the City of Washington held memorial services on October 6, WILLIAM MCKINLEY 181 1901, in honor of the martyred President, and among other speakers I was invited to address the meeting, which I did in the following words: Years ago I had the pleasure and honor of making the acquaintance of William McKinley, which soon ripened into a lasting friendship. To me he is not dead, but lives and will forever live, the highest ex ponent of truth, patriotism and inspiring American citizenship. He loved the Jew, he loved the Catholic, he adored his own faith, and to each and every one he was a brother and felt within himself towards each and every one the kinship born of the highest ideals of Christianity and exalted humanity. In other words, he represented in his life-work and thoughts the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. In this spirit William McKinley will be forever an example and a type, and I can tell you here today that in the enactment of laws for the pur pose of preventing anarchism, and for the punish ment of those who would destroy law and order you will find none who will more heartily and enthusi astically cooperate in destroying this hell-bound gang of miscreants than those who have come from other lands. You can depend upon that to a cer tainty, and in this spirit we will all work for God and country. Jew and Christian must go hand in hand in appreciation of the privileges that all enjoy, and which must forever be preserved as a priceless legacy and be transmitted to future generations as untarnished and as luminous of light and hope as we enjoy at this moment. The great life of the immortal martyred President which went out so grandly and sublimely will be for ever an inspiration to men all over the world, and in the distant islands of the East when they are being navigated by American ships with the American flag of freedom flying at their topmast, the patriotism, generosity and Christian humility of William McKin- 182 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN ley will continue to be their guiding star for God and country. No one can appreciate the grand characteristics of Mr. McKinley more than I, for he filled the measure of my fondest hopes of what a man, an American and a gentleman should ever be. I remember well when I called on him two years ago to invite him and his Cabinet to be present at the laying of the corner-stone of our Jewish Temple in this city. He said, "Well, Wolf, I really do not see how I can come; I am very busy and if I come to the corner-stone lay ing of your Temple, I will be asked to go to each and everyone of a like character." I said, "But, Mr. President, you know that you have no warmer friends than the American citizens of Jewish faith, and we look upon you with not only pride but with gratitude for the many evidences of good-will you have ever exhibited to us, not only in your present position but in all the positions that you have heretofore so honorably filled, that it would be a great impetus to each and every one if you would come." He promptly acquiesced and said he would be there, and he was, and it is one of the most memorable features of that historic occasion. President McKinley to me was something more than what he was to others. He typified in a concrete form not only the glorious past of our country, but its future. He became, whether by decree of Provi dence or circumstances beyond his control, the cen tral figure at the close of the nineteenth century, and created conditions for the betterment and advance ment of the United States which can never be de stroyed. He was one of the great American Presi dents, and his name, joined with his immortal pred ecessors, will live not only in the annals of our own country, but in the annals of history. May the young men and young women of our country be inspired to the noblest endeavor, taking as an example the work and worth of the great American typified in the life and service of William McKinley. WILLIAM MCKINLEY 183 But in addition to what President McKinley left as a priceless legacy to his countrymen as a statesman and a patriot, he has left to mankind a lesson of courage, of strength, of human endurance at the closing hours of his life that outranks him with any other man of his time or any time, and the death-bed scene will in future years be portrayed in sculpture and on canvas and be sung in immortal verse by the poets of the future, equal to any for which Rome and Greece have become immortal. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. My acquaintance with Theodore Roosevelt began when he was a member of the United States Civil Service Commission, and continued through the peri ods of his activity as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, then as Superintendent of Police of New York City; as Governor of New York State; as Vice President of the United States; as the successor of President McKinley upon the latter's death; and continued throughout the period of his administration after his election to the Presidency, and which has continued to this date. During all this time I have enjoyed his good-will and friendship. Throughout his in cumbency of all the various public offices which he had occupied, I have watched with interest his won derful activity and ability. But none of the defects of his temperament has included a lack of patriot ism, or an absence of that spirit of optimism which has marked his whole career. He is a great reader, a student of history. When I called his attention to my book, "The American Jew," he told me all about it, and with a great deal of enthusiasm congratulated me upon having writ ten it. I had the good fortune to call on him time and again on various matters of national and interna tional import and was always met with a spirit of frankness and alertness on the subject-matter at hand that was, to say the least, inspiring and forceful. Just after Mr. Roosevelt became President I called his attention, not only to the outrages practiced in Russia, but to the discriminations in Roumania. He took an interest in both questions, and said that the THEODORE ROOSEVELT 1901-1909 THEODORE ROOSEVELT 185 Roumanian question was in the hands of Secretary Hay, who was preparing a note on the subject. In the summer of 1902 a committee composed of members of Congress called on me and asked me to be the spokesman at a conference with President Roosevelt. All of the members were Democrats, but they thought more could be accomplished by taking an active Republican as their spokesman. I doubted this position, knowing that the President would grant an interview to anyone and be thoroughly outspoken on any subject presented, but I finally yielded to their urgent request, and we went to the White House. The purpose of the conference was to urge the President to do whatever possible in his power to secure the recognition of the American passport in Russia, and to prevent further pogroms. The President was undoubtedly much concerned, and in his stentorian voice said, "Give me a larger Navy and Army and possibly I might do some good in Russia," and bluntly said to me, "You ought to have known better than to come here on such a mission." We left the White House, and the members of Con gress were very much annoyed, but as I expected, were not at all displeased at the rebuff we had re ceived. On my return from the White House I wrote the President a letter concerning the interview, and the following is a reply: Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 22, 1902. Mr. Dear Mr. Wolf: I have received your letter of the 18th. If you will call upon Dr. Hill, the Acting Secretary of State, he will show you privately a copy of Secretary Hay's dispatch to Roumania. 186 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN As soon as you had had your first interview with me I took the matter up with the Secretary. As yet, it would not be proper to publish the memorandum. I am also at work upon the Russian matter of which you spoke to me. It will always be a great pleasure to see you, but I think the trouble has come from your not making an appointment in advance. It is very difficult for me to discuss matters with you in the presence of three or four others. I shall be more than pleased at any time to make such an appointment with you as you suggest, when we can go over all of these matters at length. Sincerely yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. MR. SIMON WOLF, Washington, D. C. In answer to a letter addressed by me to Mr. Hay, asking him to be present at a public meeting in re gard to the Roumanian question, he replied as fol lows: Department of State, Washington, D. C., November 4, 1902. Dear Mr. Wolf: I have received your kind letter of the 30th of October, but it is out of my power to make the engagement that you suggest. I am deeply touched and grateful for all the manifestations of good-will which have come to me from every part of the coun try in regard to the matter you mention, but I am disinclined to take any special personal credit for the action of this Government, and least of all to place myself in the position of accepting such mani festations in public. THEODORE ROOSEVELT 187 I hope you will kindly accept this assurance for yourself, and communicate it to any of your friends who are interested. I am, with heartfelt thanks, Sincerely yours, JOHN HAY. HON. SIMON WOLF, Washington, D. C. On receipt of the news of the outbreak of barbar ism, which had wrought such bloody ruin and dese cration among the unfortunate Jewish people of Kishineff, I took action immediately to bring the matter to the attention of our State Department. In order to obtain a reliable account of the terrible calamity, and to ascertain what relief was required, my letter to the Secretary was in the nature of an inquiry, and read as follows: Washington, April 29, 1903. Hon. John Hay, Washington, D. C. Sir: You have no doubt been made aware of the fact that the cable has brought news of terrible out rages and massacres practiced upon the Jews of Kishineff in Russia. These reports by cable have been supplemented by private cablegrams, which not only confirm, but augment the terrible outrages and murders perpetrated upon the unhappy citizens of Kishineff of Jewish faith. As many of these people have relatives in this country who are citizens of the United States, they naturally feel anxious about the condition of things, and also how far they can aid in sending supplies and money to the wounded and unwounded sufferers. To that end, as Chairman 188 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN of the Board of Delegates of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and as a member of the Ex ecutive Committee of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith, I would like the Government of the United States to instruct our Ambassador to Russia by cable to secure at once prompt and reliable in formation as to these outrages and the condition of the unfortunate victims of cruel persecution, and how far the Russian Government will permit us to send supplies and aid financially those who are in distress. I am sure in asking this I am not overstepping the boundaries of the courtesies that should exist be tween the two countries, and am absolutely sure that the Department of State in this instance, as in many other like instances, will cheerfully and readily co operate to the end that the facts may be known offi cially and the remedy applied as far as lies within the power of our Government, and so far as permis sion will be given to the citizens of the United States. Very respectfully yours, SIMON WOLF. On May 5th following, I wrote to the State Depart ment again to inquire if any reply had been received to the cable which the Secretary of State had sent at my request, to which letter I received the follow ing reply: Simon Wolf, Esq., Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Wolf: I am in receipt of your letter of this date in refer ence to the reported massacre of Jews in Russia. The THEODORE ROOSEVELT 189 Department acted immediately concerning this mat ter on your suggestion, and sent a cable to our Am bassador at St. Petersburg directing him to make an investigation to ascertain whether supplies would be received, and to report as soon as possible. Up to this time we have not heard from him, but pre sume he is giving this matter his best attention. I will keep you advised on the subject. Very respectfully yours, FRANCIS B. LOOMIS, Assistant Secretary. On May 9th another letter was received from the State Department, of which the following is a copy: Department of State, Office of the Assistant Secretary, Washington, May 9, 1903. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. G. Sir: Referring to your letter of April 29th, I have the honor to confirm my conversations with you by telephone, in one of which I stated that a cablegram had been sent to our Ambassador at St. Petersburg, directing him to ascertain if supplies for the benefit of Jews stated to be suffering in Kishineff would be received, if forwarded from this country for the re lief of the sufferers. The Department is just in receipt of the following cablegram from Ambassador McGormick at St. Petersburg : "It is authoritatively denied that there is any want or suffering among Jews in southwestern Russia, and aid of any kind is unnecessary. 190 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN While the offer and spirit in which it is made is appreciated, it is gratefully declined." Respectfully yours, FRANCIS B. LOOMIS, Assistant Secretary. The President of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith, Leo N. Levi, following upon my action, issued a circular to the members of the Order at home and abroad, calling their attention to what was being done in Washington, and asking their co-operation, which was readily accorded. I then urged Mr. Levi to hold a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Order in June, 1903, in the City of Washington. I pointed out to him the importance of doing so; I would arrange an inter view with the President and the Secretary of State to secure their co-operation, and if possible, inter vention with Russia. Mr. Levi accepted my sugges tion, and the meeting was called for June 14, 1903, I having secured the consent of the President and Secretary of State to grant an interview and confer ence, with our committee. On this date, June 14, 1903, the annual meeting of the Executive Committee took place at the Arlington Hotel, at Washington, D. C. The greater portion of the day and several hours of the night were devoted to a careful consideration of the plans submitted by the President of the Committee (Mr. Levi), for the conference to be held the following day with Presi dent Roosevelt and Secretary Hay. The proposed communication to the Secretary of State, and the tentative draft of a petition to the Czar accompany- THEODORE ROOSEVELT 191 ing the same, were discussed at great length, and iinally given the sanction of the entire committee. During the session of the committee word was re ceived that Count Gassini, the Russian Ambassador to the United States, would be willing to confer with Mr. Levi and myself, during the afternoon, touching the affair at Kishineff. This information, while not coming in an official form, was entirely reliable, and it became necessary for us to determine what should be done in reference thereto. It was finally concluded, in view of the appoint ment with the President and Secretary of State on the day following, that it would be indecorous to have any conference with the Russian Ambassador in advance of the audience granted by the President of the United States. On June 15, 1903, our committee, as previously ar ranged, called in a body at the State Department, and were received by Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State. Mr. Levi acted as spokesman, addressed the Secre tary, and as part of his remarks submitted the com munication and tentative draft of petition which had been considered and approved by the Executive Committee of the Order on the day previous. The Secretary made first an official reply, after which he engaged in an informal but earnest dis cussion of the subject with us. "No person of ordinary humanity can have heard without deep emotion the story of the cruel outrages inflicted upon the Jews of Kishineff. These lamen table events have caused the profoundest impression throughout the world, but most especially in this country, where there are so many of your co-religion ists who form such a desirable element of our popu- 192 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN lation in industry, thrift, public spirit and commer cial morality. Nobody can ever make the Americans think ill of the Jews as a class or as a race we know them too well. In the painful crisis through which we are now passing, the Jews of the United States have given evidence of the highest qualities gener osity, love of justice and power of self-restraint. The Government of the United States must exhibit the same qualities. I know you do not doubt the sentiments of the President. No one hates more en ergetically than he does such acts of cruelty and injustice as those we deplore. But he must carefully consider all the circumstances and then decide whether any official action can be taken in addition to the impressive and most effective expression of public opinion in this country during the last month. You will have observed that no civilized govern ment in the world has yet taken official action this consideration alone would bid us to proceed with care. The Emperor of Russia is entitled to our re spect, not merely as the ruler of a great and friendly nation, but as a man whose personal character is even more elevated than his exalted station. We should not be justified in assuming that this enlightened sovereign, who has given so many proofs of his devotion to peace and religious toleration, has not done and is not doing all that lies in his power to put a stop to these atrocities, to punish the guilty, whether they belong to the ignorant populace or to high official circles, and to prevent the recurrence of the outrages which have so shocked humanity. In fact, all we know of the state of things in Rus sia tends to justify the hope that even out of the present terrible situation some good results may THEODORE ROOSEVELT 193 come; that He who watches over Israel does not slumber, and that the wrath of man, now, as so often in the past, shall he made to praise Him." The conference lasted for forty minutes, at the end of which time, escorted by the Secretary of State, we repaired to the White House, where the President was awaiting us. Mr. Levi, acting as our spokesman, briefly referred to the conference with Secretary Hay, and submitted for examination a copy of the communication and tentative draft of petition which had been lodged with the Secretary. The President carefully exam ined the same, making comments as he read. When he had finished reading he thanked us and addressed the Committee as follows: "Mr. Chairman: I need not dwell upon the fact so patent as the widespread indignation with which the American people heard of the dreadful outrages upon the Jews in Kishineff. I have never in my ex perience in this country known of a more immediate or a deeper expression of sympathy for the victims and of horror over the appalling calamity that has occurred. It is natural that while the whole civilized world should express such a feeling, it should yet be most intense and most widespread in the United States; for of all the great Powers I think I may say that the United States is that country in which from the be ginning of its natural career most has been done in the way of acknowledging the debt due to the Jew ish race and of endeavoring to do justice to those American citizens who are of Jewish ancestry and faith. 194 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN One of the most touching poems of our own great poet Longfellow, is that in the Jewish cemetery in Newport, and anyone who goes through any of the old cemeteries of the cities which preserve the rec ords of Colonial times will see the names of many an American of Jewish race, who, in war or in peace, did his full share in the founding of this nation. From that day to this, from the day when the Jews of Charleston, of Philadelphia, of New York supported the patriotic cause and helped in every way, not only by money, but by arms, Washington and his colleagues who were founding this republic from that day to the present we have had no strug gle, military or civil, in which there have not been citizens of Jewish faith who played an eminent part for the honor and the credit of the nation. I remember once General Howard mentioning to me the fact that two of his brigade commanders upon whom he had placed special reliance were Jews. Among the meetings of the Grand Army which I have attended one stands out with peculiar vividness a meeting held under the auspices of the men of the Grand Army of Jewish creed, in the Tem ple in Forty-fourth Street, Temple Emanu-El, to welcome the returned veterans of the Spanish-Amer ican War of Jewish faith. When in Santiago, when I was myself in the army, one of the best colonels among the regular regiments, who did so well on that day and who fought beside me, was a Jew. One of the commanders of the ships which in the blockade of the Cuban coast did so well was a Jew. In my own regiment I promoted five men from the ranks for valor and good conduct in battle. It happened by pure accident, for I knew THEODORE ROOSEVELT 195 nothing of the faith of any one of them, that these included two Protestants, two Catholics and one Jew; and while that was a pure accident it was not without its value as an illustration of the ethnic and religious makeup of our nation and of the fact that if a man is a good American that is all we ask, with out thinking of his creed or his birthplace. In the same way when I was Police Commissioner in New York, I had experience after experience of the excellent work done an excellent work needing nerve and hardihood, excellent work of what I might call the Maccabee type in the Police Departmnet under me by police officers of Jewish extraction. Let me give you one little incident with a direct bearing upon this question of persecution for race or religious reasons. You may possibly recall, I am sure certain of my New York friends will recall, that during the time I was Police Commissioner a man came from abroad I am sorry to say, a clergyman to start an anti-Jewish agitation in New York, and announced his intention of holding meetings to as sail the Jews. The matter was brought to my attention. Of course I had no power to prevent those meetings. After a good deal of thought I detailed a Jewish ser geant and forty Jewish policemen to protect the agitator while he held his meetings; so he made his speeches, denouncing the Jews protected exclusively by Jews, which I always thought was probably the very most effective answer that could possibly be made to him, and probably the best object lesson we could give of the spirit in which we Americans man age such matters. Now let me give you another little example or 196 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN dealing with a Russian Jew, an experience that 1 had while handling the Police Department, and that could have occurred, I think, nowhere else than in the United States. There was a certain man I appointed under the following conditions: I was attracted to him by be ing told, on a visit to the Bowery branch of the Young Men's Christian Association, that they had a young fellow there, a Jew, who had performed a feat of great note in saving people from a burning build ing and that they thought he was just the type for a policeman. I had him called up and told him to take the examination and see if he could get there. He did and he passed. He has not only been an ex cellent policeman, but he at once, out of his salary, proceeded to educate his younger brothers and sis ters, and he got either two or three of his old kins folk over from Russia through the money he saved,, and provided homes for them. I have given you examples of men who have served under me in my administration of the Police De partment in New York and in my regiment. In ad dition thereto some of my nearest social friends, some of those with whom I have been closest in political life, have been men of Jewish faith and extraction. Therefore, inevitably I have felt a degree of per sonal sympathy and personal horror of this dreadful tragedy, as great as can exist in the minds of any of you gentlemen yourselves. Exactly as I should claim the same sympathy from any one of you for any tragedy that happened to any Christian people, so I should hold myself unworthy of my present position if I failed to feel just as deep horror over THEODORE ROOSEVELT 197 an outrage like this done to the Jewish people in any part of the earth. I am confident that much good has already been done by the manifestations throughout this country, without any regard to creed whatso ever, of horror and sympathy over what has oc curred. It is gratifying to know, what we would, of course, assume, that the Government of Russia shares the feelings of horror and indignation with which the American people look upon the outrages at Kishineff and is moving vigorously not only to prevent their continuance, but to punish the perpetrators. That Government takes the same view of those outrages that our own Government takes of the riots and lynchings which sometimes occur in our country, but do not characterize either our Government or our people. I have been visited by the Russian Ambassador on his own initiative, and in addition to what has been said to Secretary Hay, the Russian Ambassador has notified me personally without an inquiry upon my part, that the Government of Kishineff has been re moved; that between three and four hundred of the participants in the outrages have been arrested; and he voluntarily stated that those men would be pun ished to the utmost that the law would permit. I will consider most carefully the suggestions that you have submitted to me, and whether the now ex isting conditions are such that any further official expression would be of advantage to the unfortunate survivors, with whom we sympathize so deeply. Nothing that has occurred recently has had my more constant thought, and nothing will have my more constant thought than this subject 198 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN In any proper way by which beneficial action may be taken, it will be taken, to show the sincerity of the historic American position of treating each man on his merits without the least reference to his creed, his race or his birthplace." While dictating his views, he frequently stopped to discuss at length and in an informal way, matters that appeared in the official reply which he was giv ing to the stenographer. At the conclusion of his remarks Mr. Levi asked the pleasure of President Roosevelt as to communi cating the result of the meeting to the press. After some discussion it was concluded to give to the press the communication and the tentative draft of the petition which had been delivered to Secretary Hay, and a copy of which had been examined by Presi dent Roosevelt, along with the official remarks of President Roosevelt and Secretary Hay. The President expressed himself as deeply inter ested in the work of the Order of B'nai B'rith, and readily consented to send his autographed picture to be hung in B'nai B'rith Headquarters. Secretary Hay also consented to send his. The conference with President Roosevelt lasted for one hour, at the termination of which the Presi- - dent made hasty preparations to go to Baltimore to attend the Saengerfest. It had been arranged that the German Ambassador, Baron Speck von Stern- berg, was to accompany him as his guest, and as a mark of his personal esteem, and as further evidence of the interest felt by him in the subject of the con ference, at the end thereof he invited me also to THEODORE ROOSEVELT 199 accompany him to Baltimore as his guest, which invitation I accepted. Late in the afternoon of June 15th, the President gave out the official report of the conferences, as had been agreed upon, which report has been exten sively printed heretofore. Having given the matter due thought and delibera tion as to the advisability of sending the Kishineff Petition to the Russian Government, the President, through Secretary Hay, communicated to me his decision, as per the following letter: White House, June 24, 1903. Dear Sir: The President has concluded to transmit to the Russian Government the petition of which you pre sented him a draft on the fifteenth of this month. The matter which he had to consider most seriously was whether or not such a proceeding would be to the advantage of your persecuted and outraged co religionists in Russia. On this point he has decided to accept your opinion, and that of the numerous and intelligent groups of American citizens of the Jewish faith whom you represent. He requests that you will send him the petition in due form at your earliest convenience. Of course you will understand that the President can not tell you what reception your petition will meet with at the hands of the Russian Government. I am, Sir, Faithfully yours, JOHN HAY. HON. SIMON WOLF, Washington, D. C. 200 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN After the publication of the report of the meeting with the President and Secretary Hay, many offers of assistance and co-operation were received. One of especial value was considered that of Hon. Oscar S. Straus, who was quick to appreciate the great value and importance of the utterances made by President Roosevelt and Secretary Hay, and of the decision of the President to send the petition to Rus sia. The offer was promptly accepted, and through out the subsequent proceedings Mr. Straus' wise counsel and energetic co-operation were of inesti mable value. Scarcely had the petitions been sent out for signa ture when President Roosevelt evinced a strong de sire to have the petition delivered to him for trans mission. The expression of this wish by the Presi dent occasioned the utmost embarrassment, as will be observed in the correspondence which follows: Under date of July 2, 1903, I wrote a letter of which the following is a copy: Bro. Leo N. Levi, 27 Pine Street, New York City. Mr. Dear Friend : As I telephoned you today, I was called upon by the State Department, which stated that they had received a message from the President asking us to file our petition. I did my best to impress Secretary Loomis with the impossibility of immediate action, telling him the reasons therefor, and he agreed to telephone to the President and let me know later. In the meantime, I called up Oyster Bay and had a talk with Secretary Loeb, and asked him to request THEODORE ROOSEVELT 201 the President to await before taking any action, the receipt of a letter from me, a copy of which letter I enclose herewith. Yours very sincerely, SIMON WOLF. My letter to the President, under the same date, was as follows: Washington, D. C., July 2, 1903. To the President: Prior to receiving word from Secretary Loomis, I had anticipated your request, based not only on what appeared today in the Associated Press dis patches, but also from information that I had re ceived outside of the effect that Russian influences were at work to prevent American citizens from signing the petition which you had consented to transmit to Russia. Of course, you understand that the question of time had never entered into any of our calculations. We anticipated forwarding to representative cities of our country blank petitions to be signed by rep resentative citizens, irrespective of faith, which, you remember, we impressed upon you at our confer ence, and which met your approval. Now it would seem from the message received from you through the State Department this morning that you wish the petition at once, which is almost a physical im possibility at this season of the year, when so many prominent citizens are absent on their vacations, thus making it a hard matter to secure their signa tures. Based upon your request, however, we can by expediting the matter have the petition ready in- 202 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN side of a week. It will not be so representative as we expected, but it will be sufficiently important to give evidence of the universal feeling on the part of American citizens. Therefore, I respectfully ask that you give us this time, or if necessary to have further conference on this subject, as you may have reasons for haste of which at this end we are not aware in that case Mr. Oscar Straus, or Mr. Levi, or myself, or all three of us, as you choose, will promptly come to Oyster Bay at your summons. I wish to reiterate what I have tried to convey through the means of the press, that this is not a Jewish petition, but one emanating from American citizens, to be signed mainly by those who participated in the public meetings expressive of their sympathy and protest. I am, Mr. President, Yours very sincerely, SIMON WOLF. In view of my letter to the President, as well as correspondence between him and Mr. Leo N. Levi, President Roosevelt invited Mr. Levi, Mr. Straus and myself to luncheon at Oyster Bay on the 14th day of July, 1903. Before going to visit the President several confer ences were had between Messrs. Levi, Straus and myself, resulting in perfect accord of views. The President received us at Sagamore Hill with the cordiality and informality for which he is so justly celebrated. At the luncheon there was a member of the English Parliament present as one of the guests, as well as Dr. Albert Shaw, editor of the Review of Reviews. The President's daughter Alice, now Mrs. Nicholas THEODORE ROOSEVELT 203 Longworth, presided at the table, in the absence of her mother, who was indisposed. The President made known the important consid erations which made it necessary to act without fur ther delay. It would not be proper to disclose what these considerations were. Suffice it to say that they were convincing. He said that it was his purpose to send forward the petition, as originally designed by him, unless satisfactory reasons could be produced in favor of some other course; that we had through out displayed such conservation that he was dis posed to defer to our views, and therefore invited a full and free discussion. The views arrived at in the conferences between Messrs. Levi, Straus and myself, were then set forth, and in substance, were as follows: 1. That the petition had been in circulation but a few days, and only two or three thousand signatures had come in. These were from nearby points, and the petition in its then form could not be regarded as representative of the views of the entire people of this country. As it was important and necessary to act at once, the then condition of the petition argued against forwarding it in the first instance. 2. So far as its effect in Russia was concerned, that had already been obtained, unless, indeed, it should receive favorable reception at the hands of the Rus sian Government. Therefore, it was important to consider the situation in two aspects: a. If it should be accepted, it would not, in its present form, have the same effect as that which it would produce when completed as originally in tended. If the Russian Government should decide to 204 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN receive the petition, it would so state in response to an inquiry, and the petition might be then completed and forwarded, with the foreknowledge that it would be favorably entertained. b. If, on the other hand, the Russian Government should, in accordance with its semi-official declara tion, refuse to accept the petition, its decision would be the same, whether the petition should be sent for ward in the first instance, or the Russian Government sounded by a letter of inquiry. A decision by the Russian Government unfavor able to the petition would manifest itself most likely by a return of the document, if it should be sent in the first instance. It would then become an historical document. In its then form its value as an historical document would be greatly lessened by the fact that it was fragmentary and incomplete; whereas, when completed, as originally contemplated, even though it might be refused by the Russian Government, it would remain in the archives of our Government as an enduring testimony of the sentiments of the Amer ican people on the subject of Religious Liberty. 3. Finally, if Russia should decide to receive the petition, it would so indicate in reply to a letter of inquiry. If, on the other hand, it should decide not to receive it, the mere physical transmission of it could accomplish no good result. On the other hand, to send it in the face of a semi-official declaration that it would be unwelcome might incense the Rus sian Government, and thus operate to the prejudice of the Jews in Russia. In short, all the evil of the situation might be avoided and all the good achieved by a letter of inquiry, in which should be incorpo rated a sufficient description of the petition to make THEODORE ROOSEVELT 205 its import clear, together with a statement regarding the number and character of the signers thereto. On our way to Oyster Bay, I had stated to Messrs. Levi and Straus, that in my opinion, the petition having heen cabled and made known to the whole world, it practically mattered very little whether the Russian Government would receive it or not. The real import of the petition would have been accom plished. I had also suggested that in lieu of a de scription of the contents of the petition, the petition itself should be incorporated in the letter, if one be sent. Dr. Shaw, curiously enough, although not hav ing heard my ideas in this regard, made the same suggestions to the President. The President finally adopted Dr. Shaw's sugges tion, as well as those which we had made. When this conclusion was reached he proceeded at once to frame a letter of instructions to Mr. Riddle, the American Charge d' Affairs at St. Petersburg. He used as the basis thereof a tentative draft of instruc tions which had been previously prepared by Secre tary Hay, who, it appeared, was of the opinion, prior to our visit to Sagamore Hill, that the petition should not be forwarded to Russia in the first instance. President Roosevelt invited us to make suggestions while he was preparing the draft of instructions to Riddle, which, of course, were freely given. As Secretary Hay's draft did not include a copy of the petition, it had to be considerably modified. A portion, however, of the original text was em ployed, to which was pinned a printed copy of the petition, and President Roosevelt completed the let ter in his own handwriting. 206 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN l"o H< Imperial Mvjt-ifty Ih* Tzar The crael outrage* perpetrated at Kischmeff Junng Easter o( 190). have excited borror and rcpribalioo throughout the World T'ntil yum Majesty gave special and personal direct-on',. Mi* local authorities failed to maintain order or suppress the rioting The victjoiB were Jkws aod the msault was the resuH of 'c? ar>f Jews Russian subjects dwelling in Southwestern Russia, are in constant dread of fresh outbreaks. They feel that ignorance, superstition and bigotry, as exemplified by ihe rioters, are ever ready to persecute them ; that the local officials, unless thereunto specially admonished, am not be retied on at strenuous protectors of their peace and security ; that a public sentiment of hostility has been engendered against them, and hangs over thetn as 4 continuing menace. Even if it be conceded that these fear are to some extent exaggerated, it U unquestionably true tliatthey exist, that they art uot groundless, and that they produce effects of gret importance: The westward migration of Russiau Jews, which hai proceeded for over twenty years, is being stimulated by these fears, and already that movement has become so great as to overshadow in magnitude the expulsion of the Jrw fr6m Spain and to rank ith the Exodus from Egypt, THEODORE ROOSEVELT 207 fc, , r i04VH>vw< (Vlu^+l*^<>-t^\. x cr '> e disappointed. We are civilized people, we have got beyond the time when if we have a personal dif ference we go out and shoot each other. It is rather hard now to justify a proposition that if a man in sults me, it satisfies me and my honor to go out on WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 355 the so-called field of honor and let him shoot at me, because he insulted me, when I am such a good mark. It was that disparity that enabled society at large to laugh at the code-duello and the practice of duelling. Now it is more absurd as a matter of jus tice, as a matter of permanent progress towards righteousness, that when two nations disagree they should go to work and fight out the question and in that way decide what the right of it is. It depends upon the number of troops, the strength of the bat talions and a good artillery and all that sort of thing. It does not depend upon anything else, and a settle ment that way is not a settlement that appeals to civilized man, and yet that is the only way we have now, unless negotiations will help us to a solution. I can not believe that the world is going to tolerate it, I do not believe it, and therefore I hope not, in spite of the nightmare the Senate gave me. I have referred to the fact that this association is great in its usefulness, because of the actual chari ties that it disposes. It is great because of the exam ple that it offers the world. I don't know exactly why, but it is a fact that the Jewish charities are the greatest charities in any society. They are the most perfect, and I must think that it is due to the spirit of brotherhood that has been developed in your race by your common burdens. In your early history, when every man was against you, and when you stood together to live as a race and to carry on life, and a great history it is, you saw to it that every man and woman in that race had all the rights you could give him to enable them to live and to live happy. I believe that is the secret of brotherhood that you have. It is the secret of the charity that you 356 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN have towards each other, that you have created charity for your near brothers, and it is not a bit hard to understand that, as we have had every rea son to see it throughout the world. And now, my friends, as you will testify, I did not come here to make a speech, only a few desultory remarks, but I hoped that in this way I could be able to commu nicate to you the gratitude I feel towards your asso ciation for its kindly testimonial to me, and the profound admiration I have for the association for the race that made it possible." After President Taft had finished this magnificent and most gratifying tribute to the Jewish people, and their services to the country at large, particularly in upholding law and order and individual rights, as representative of the Executive Committee of the Order, I delivered the following oration: "When on the fourth day of July, 1776, the bell rang out the gladsome tidings of the birth of a new nation, founded on liberty and equality, it was not only a proclamation to the inhabitants of this coun try, but also to all the struggling people throughout the world. And the echo of those ringing, clanging notes of the Independence Bell are still circling the world in their potent influence for the uplift and betterment of mankind. From the earliest days of the Republic's history immigration was an important factor in its develop ment and progress. The founders of the Republic saw the value and the necessity of encouraging such immigration, and sent agents abroad to stimulate the inflow of the deserving from all parts of the world, to make this their home and the land of promise. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 357 From that day to this, there has been a constant flood of immigration that has enriched every por tion of our land, and produced results that have made the country greater, stronger, and in every line of human endeavor more and more a potentiality for the elevation and prosperity of humanity. Natu rally the people of the Bible, the people who have strengthened civilization, who have at all times been law-abiding and orderly, were among the first to see the great advantages and opportunities that this Republic afforded, and as history has abundantly shown, not only from the standpoint of Jewish his torians, but from that of non-Jews no less, the Amer ican citizens of Jewish faith have contributed their brawn and brain in peace and in war, and have never been recreant to the solemn obligations they owe to American institutions, and in exemplifying in the highest degree the grandeur and power of Amer ican citizenship. And thus seventy years ago a Spartan band of American citizens, whose ancestry went back to the dawn of civilization, conceived the idea of forming an organization that should be a helpmeet, not only to those who were within the boundaries of the Re public, but also those who were yet to come from lands of oppression and tyranny. They had unfor tunately experienced the sting of social ostracism that here and there still prevails, to the disgrace of the community in which it is practiced, and of the individuals who instill it, and they wisely concluded that although living in a Republic where every ave nue to advancement was supposed to be open to each and every citizen, and where liberty of thought and opinions dominated, that an organization exclusively 358 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN composed of Jews would be a betterment not only to the individual member, but to the Republic itself, and in that lofty spirit and in that conception of higher ideals, the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith was founded, not as a menace, but as a safeguard, as a school in which the individual, ignorant of the lan guage of the country, and ignorant of parliamentary proceedings, might be taught the sacred duties of American citizenship; where he would be among brethren of his own faith; where he would learn the love of law and order, without being made the sub ject of harsh criticism on the part of those who did not understand his characteristics, and who would be fain to flout their superior knowledge. Thus the lodge room became a source of vital im portance, and from its midst have gone forth into the outer world of American citizenship and respon sibilities, men of the highest character and standing, who have filled important places in civic life, and who have stood in the forefront on the battlefield, sacrificing their lives and fortunes to aid in preserv ing the Republic of the founders, and in which their own ancestors had taken an honorable part. And that spirit of educational fraternization, that spirit of virile American citizenship, is still maintained, and not only the brotherhood of the Jew, but the brotherhood of all men is taught within the lodge room ; the charity that is born of the divine spark of kinship, the regard for the feelings of each and every one and, chief above all, that patriotism is the ark to which all pay devotion, and the flag of our country is made the symbol of realization and future hope. When the founders of the Order started this or ganization they had no conception that it would grow WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 359 out of a purely local into not only a national but an international organization, but such has been the consummation, and today the Order is most potent in all parts of Europe, and even Asia. The very best elements of society have become brethren, and the interchange of communal work and of national and international aspirations have become the talisman by which great good has been achieved. We no longer need to await the word from the outside world as to our duty, when wrongs are committed, when massacres are perpetrated, when religious per secutions are practiced, when want and misery by virtue of war and disease appeals to our higher nature, and to our philanthropic impulses, the Order receives its summons direct, having planted the flag of brotherly love and harmony in every community of the world, and thus even within the last few weeks the Order sent out its ringing notes for help for the Balkan States, which has been promptly and most liberally responded to. But the Order has never been one-sided although Jewish, it has at all times been cosmopolitan, and helped to smoothen the pathway of men, irrespective of faith. It has given living example of that splendid citizenship which became the dominant characteris tic of George Washington, the founder; of Lincoln, the emancipator, and of Taft, the constitutional pre server. It is the only organization in the United States, nay, you might say in the world, that has given a plastic exemplification of "religious liberty" in the shape of a monument, which stands in the City of Brotherly Love in Fairmount Park that city where liberty of conscience was born on the fourth of July, 1776, and which statue was chiseled by an 360 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN American citizen of Jewish faith, and a member of the Order, Sir Mosely Ezekiel, of Richmond, Va., now of Rome, Italy. It grasped also the importance of sending a missionary to Roumania, which was financially supported by the Order, not to proselyte for our faith, but to speak in ringing notes for the emancipation of the Jews in that then, as now, be nighted country. Eternal gratitude is due to Presi dent Grant, who accredited one of our brethren, Benjamin F. Peixotto, and gave him a letter of credence which breathed the loftiest spirit of the Republic, and told the whole world that in this coun try we know no difference between man and man, and that all creeds stood on an equal plane. Peix otto did splendid work of an educational as well as of a statesmanlike character, and although the effect of his work has not been of a permanent character, the traces of it are still visible, and have been of great service even recently. The founding of homes for the aged, asylums for orphans, hospitals for the suffering, have been cardinal principles of the Order since its very inception, and are today potent factors in the humanitarian work which is becoming more and more the "shibboleth" to conjure with. From the orphan homes of the Order have gone men and women who have risen to the highest posi tions in the respective communities in which they reside. Trade schools, technical institutes, farm schools and all classes and shades of constructive work have been inculcated, developed, fostered and protected by and through the influence of the Order. The National Jewish Hospital for Consumptives at Denver, to which the brotherhood contributes liber ally, and which is nonsectarian, is another link in WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 361 the great chain of philanthropic work. The hospital at Hot Springs, Ark., named after our lamented leader, Leo N. Levi, is one of those healing institu tions so essential and necessary to human happiness. To the widows and orphans from the earliest days of the Order's existence up to the present, and to the stricken and unfortunate all over the world, when appeals were made, the Order has contributed millions of dollars, and therefore, even from a ma terialistic standpoint, is entitled to the highest credit and praise. Its Executive Committee have counselled with the presidents and cabinets of the Republic, have been charged with important duties, and recognized as leaders among the best of our citizens. Only the other day the Chief Magistrate of the nation, who has honored us with his presence tonight, in his ad dress to the Executive Committee of the Order, after it had presented him with a gold medal in recogni tion of his broad and liberal views and actions, said in part, as follows : "In this country, at least, every man, woman and child is equal before the law and entitled to enjoy those rights that we call inalien able; that in this country not only are those rights declared and secured by law, but that there is among the people a spirit that reflects and carries out the principles of our Constitution. Now, upon the Jew ish people it is not necessary for me to pronounce eulogism. In their just pride of their ancestry those of us who are not of the Jewish people have to be humble." It's a glorious privilege to belong to a people that notwithstanding all the trials and tribulations of centuries, notwithstanding all the misery, horrors 362 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN and persecutions that they have endured, they are still the bodyguard for the advancement and better ment of mankind. They give living proof of that wonderful vitality which is the bed rock of their existence; of that wonderful love of science and art, and all the refining influences of humanity which from the dawn of history has dominated and sur charged the Jewish heart with love of and for his fellowmen. The Order is, as many other factors in our Ameri can citizenship, helpful to bring about a better un derstanding between the respective nationalities, and to be especially helpful to the incoming future Americans, to teach them the difference between law and license, to instill into them love of our in stitutions and to produce in them that respect for government and its representatives which in other lands is denied them owing to persecution. No one need fear for the future of this great Re public as far as the Jew is concerned. He has ex perienced the sting of wrong and the crime of bitter persecution, and therefore realizes the blessings of liberty, tempered by law; he realizes the equality of brotherhood, bounded by respect for each other; he knows that the promised land, as foretold by the prophets of his people, is in that country where he is most happy, contented, and not only politically but morally and spiritually free, and every pulse beat of his heart must be responsive to aiding and strengthening the perpetuity of this Republic. And as the American Revolution was but the forerunner of the French, less its horrors, and as the cause of Ireland has been fought out in this country and not in England, so the Jews of the world have received WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 363 their impetus to higher ideals of political science, and the direct accomplishment of higher activities by and through the Order of B'nai B'rith, which has awakened in other lands an interest in and on behalf of the spirit of righteousness. It is true, it may have been wireless, but nevertheless potent. It has to a large extent been indirect, and yet powerful in its effectiveness, and thus the Order today, at home and abroad, stands for world influence, and although its members are limited, yet by that very limitation it is representative, powerful and influential, and is recognized in every city and hamlet of this country, as well as in Europe, as being an organization that strives to bring men into closer communion, to edu cate the outside world to a better realization of what the Jew is and has accomplished. The Order has never been narrow in its scope or restrictive in its work, but cheerfully co-operated and co-ordinated itself with other potentialities, to the end of being helpful in the largest sense for the largest number. During the administration of Julius Bien, who was for thirty-three years president and intellectual leader, as well as that of Benjamin F. Peixotto and Leo N. Levi, great progress was made, and the Order stood for all that was ideal and altruistic, and this lofty conception of the aims and objects of the Order has been faithfully and loyally maintained by the present administration under the able leadership of Adolf Kraus. It was Brother Bien who started the lodges in Europe, and it was Brother Levi whose Kishineff petition gave hope and cheer to our strug gling co-religionists in Bussia and Boumania. The Order does not stand still, as so many of its critics have asserted; on the contrary, it has pushed for- 364 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN ward and grasped the evolution of time and princi ples, and is as its founders intended it to be, a body of representative Jews who have brought together their brethren, from all shades of religious concep tion, into a grand unifying body of citizenship, and in fact, the Order is today also, as it has been in the past, the great ally of the Congregation. It has waged no war against the Orthodox or in behalf of the Reform. It has stood manfully for the princi ples which underlie Judaism in the concrete and progress in general; and many a lodge room in the smaller communities in the country became the rallying point for religious devotion and took the place of the absent synagogue, thus preserving the Jew, and this alliance between the Congregation and the Order is the true conception of the unity that is helpful without being bigoted or sectarian. The founders and many of their descendants have gone to their eternal rest, and the Order today is practically in the hands of a new generation, and it is most gratifying to know that the idealistic spirit of the past has not been abandoned, but accentuated and made still more glorious. Seventy years have gone into history since the foundation stone was laid upon which this Temple of Humanity was erected. Let us hope and trust that when the first centennial of its existence shall have come, that it will be found, as it is today, a brotherhood cemented for the good of mankind, an international organization whose interchange is peace to all men, and a helpmeet for the securing of all those high ideals for which the Republic was founded, and to the securing of which every drop of our blood must pulsate." WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 365 At the conclusion, President Taft arose and said: "All of us are to be congratulated for having had the privilege of listening to Mr. Wolf's address." IMMIGRATION MATTERS. Much correspondence was had with Charles Nagel, Secretary of Commerce and Labor, on immigration and questions affecting the Administration. Some of these letters appear throughout this sketch apper taining as they do to the specific subjects which I have related. Others are here given for the first time, as they form important links in the history of President Taft's Administration. On the question of the "White Slave Traffic" and certain charges which had been brought against dif ferent individuals, I addressed Secretary Nagel to the following effect: November 17, 1909. Hon. Chas. Nagel, Secretary, Department of Com- merce and Labor, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Secretary: An American magazine has published an article on the "White Slave Traffic," in which certain charges are made against people whose official representative I am in this city. I un derstand also that President Taft ordered the De partment to permit the writer of said magazine to go over the reports made by agents of your Depart ment on this traffic. Therefore, representing the Union of American Hebrew Congregations and the Order of B'nai B'rith, I am most anxious to be per mitted to have the same privilege of looking over the reports in your Department, to the end of aiding the Government and the states, if necessary, in every way possible, to stamp out this traffic, and bring condign punishment to the offenders. It is no idle curiosity on my part that prompts the request, but 366 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN solely in the interest, not only of our people, but of the country at large. In answer to a letter of mine, written to Hon. Bern- hard Bettmann, President of the Board of Governors of the Hebrew Union College at Cincinnati, he writes as follows: "Your letter in the matter of the 'White Slave Traffic' has been received, and has had my calm and yet most earnest consideration. You call for my opinion on this subject. There is neither wisdom nor good policy in trying to minimize the responsi bility of Jews in the matter of denials or attempts to weaken the testimony against them. I would rather admit that some so-called men and women, unworthy of the name of Jews, and violating every principle of Judaism, Orthodox or Reform, are guilty, and urge that the heaviest punishment that can possibly be inflicted, be meted to them, regard less of whom it may fall upon, and that every step be taken to blot out as soon as possible this blot upon not Judaism alone, but humanity at large." So you see, my dear Mr. Secretary, that this is how we feel and therefore I hope you will give the order in writing for me to look at the reports, to the end of taking effective steps in the directions indicated. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF, To which letter the following is a reply: H on. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Wolf: In conformity with the re quest contained in your letter of the 17th, I take pleasure in stating that an arrangement has been made with the Commissioner-General of Immigra tion whereby you will be permitted to look over the papers on file in the Department, relating to the re cent investigation of the "White Slave Traffic," for the objects and purposes set forth in your above- acknowledged communication. Very truly yours, CHARLES NAGEL, Secretary. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 367 The German Alliance of the United States having made criticisms of some of the rulings of Secretary Nagel, and certain of his subordinates, on immigra tion matters, Mr. Nagel wrote me the following let ter, after we had previously discussed the subject: October 18, 1911. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Wolf: While I have informally told you how much I ap preciate the action which you took in the matter of the German-American Alliance proceedings, I feel that I shall not be satisfied without expressing my appreciation, however briefly, in the form of a letter. I know of no one who has less ground for complaint than I have, because the consideration which has generally been shown me has been beyond all ex pectation. But one observation has impressed me more and more and perhaps I may be permitted to refer to it because it is common to all public life. An official today is expected not only to perform his sworn duty, but he is expected also to personally defend himself and his subordinates against any at tack that anyone may see fit to make, however groundless. There is a wonderful lack of comrade ship in that respect. If in any other phase of life men were subjected to similar treatment others would rush to their support. Perhaps no better proof of the general lack of confidence which pre vails today can be furnished than this illustration. While I know, therefore, that the personal phase is the least important, I can not deny myself the satis faction of saying to you how deeply I have appre ciated your personal interest, not at my suggestion, but of your own accord. Of course the public phase is infinitely more im portant, because you know that anything that goes to destroy public confidence must inevitably prove 368 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN injurious to the service. I think that the men who have lent themselves to the circulation of irrespon sible and false charges have not only done them selves a great injustice, but so far as the public is concerned their conduct is not far short from a crime. Sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL. To which I sent the following acknowledgment: October 19, 1911. Hon. Charles Nagel, Secretary, Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Secretary: I am in receipt of your valued letter of yesterday and have given the same careful perusal. As far as I am concerned, there is no reason in the world why you should explain any action taken by you, for in my experience with you during your incum bency as Secretary of Commerce and Labor, I have found you invariably just, humane and thoroughly human. I do not believe that in a single instance have you failed to do your duty fearlessly and intel ligently, and I know that in many instances you have crossed the borderline of discretion when suffering was to be relieved and hardships and separations prevented. Indeed in my whole experience of fifty years with government officials in the City of Wash ington, I have never found anyone to surpass you in that courteous and equitable treatment for which a public servant should ever stand. Therefore, con sidering all this, I feel as you do, aggrieved that any one should He so forgetful of his duty as an Ameri can as to arraign a Government official unjustly or for partisan or personal spite. This estimate I com municated in person to the President of the National German Alliance, and also by letter, knowing by absolute knowledge that the charges made against WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 369 Mr. Williams are utterly unfounded, uncalled for and unjust. These critics surely do not realize what the law imposes on you and that your heart has been wrung time and again in not being able to help when the law was imperative, and in spite of this law you have on several occasions gone beyond it to prevent deportation. It is indeed strange that after a man like you should have given so much personal atten tion, and your Assistant Secretary, Mr. Cable, no less, to be subjected to harsh criticism when praise should be bestowed. I do not suppose that there is anyone in the United States who has better or more intimate knowledge of immigration affairs than my self, and I am indeed time and again surprised at the patience and good will displayed by all of the officials of your Department, in trying to do that which is just and proper. I feel confident that when the whole subject is calmly and intelligently re viewed by those who are competent to judge and who are authorized to give an opinion, that this esti mate that I have outlined will be fully established. Do not for a moment permit small men and equally small newspapers to run away with your judgment, and with your natural disposition to do what is just and right. Time makes all things even, and the sober sense of the American people can always be depended on. You can be assured that I am at all times ready to serve you personally and officially, to the end that merit and fairness shall be recognized. Sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. On the occasion of my seventy-fifth anniversary, I received the following letter from Secretary Nagel: Washington, D. C., October 28, 1911. My Dear Mr. Wolf: Today, I wish to be regarded as one of the large procession that will figuratively speaking, present it- 370 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN self at your home to congratulate you and yours. Properly speaking, the good wishes should embrace a very much larger circle, regardless of race or color, who as I can testify, are under profound obligation to, you for your untiring, ever tolerant and wise efforts in their behalf. Have your mind's eye place me somewhere in the procession well towards the close, because I am a late arrival in the company of your friends, although I have known of you since my early manhood. Very sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL. Simon Wolf, Esq., Washington, D. C. Washington, D. C., October 29, 1911. My Dear Mr. Secretary: Yes, there was a procession of men and women, presents of every sort, flowers in profusion, letters and telegrams by the hundred, but I am happy to say that your thoughtful and appreciative letter, leavened the whole mass, and like "Abou Ben Adhem," outshone all the rest. It is so refreshing to receive in the winter of life, such wonderful words of good will, and more than compensates for all the work, trials and criticisms of the past. You can not form an idea how much hap piness you have given me, not only as an official, but as a man the one is so blended in the other, that I wish everyone was so gifted and as human as you are. Let me indulge in the hope that our future relations in both directions will be without a break, and although you come late as to time, you will always be enshrined in my heart of hearts. Sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. Hon. Charles Nagel, Washington, D. C. The following letters are self-explanatory: WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 371 Washington, D. C., July 15, 1912. My Dear Mr. Secretary: I regret exceedingly that I can not see you prior to my departure for New Hampshire, for which place I leave at three o'clock today and where I expect to be for six weeks unless I am recalled. I am happy to say that my granddaughter is feeling better. If you will pardon me, I suggest that you write out a decision in the imbecile case, and if you do not give it out yourself, send it to me and I will see to it, but under all the circumstances, I would like to have a copy for my files. The garbled statement in the press the other day has already done harm, and may do still greater harm unless corrected, which no one will understand better than yourself. I was at the White House today, but the President had cancelled all engagements. Hilles was absent, too; but I saw Secretary Forster, and gave him some important suggestions in connection with the cam paign. I hope you have a pleasant summer, and will be glad to hear from you when you have time. And if you wish to consult me about anything, I am at your disposal. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. Hon. Charles Nagel, Secretary of Commerce and Labor, Washington, D. C. Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, July 29, 1912. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have deferred answering your kind letter of the 15th instant in the hope that I might comply with the suggestion which you make. But while I have lived with books and ancient documents bearing upon the question, I have not found time to formu late my conclusion. In the meantime, I appreciate the difficulty as much as any one, and only feel clear 372 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN that but for the embarrassment of one or two deci sions I should have no difficulty whatever about a proper reading of the statute. In this I am con firmed by informal discussions with others in whose judgment I have confidence. Of course I am still further embarrassed by a number of protests, all of which disclose more ani mus upon the general question of immigration than intelligence on the question of law. Trusting that your vacation is benefiting you, I am, Sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL. Hon. Simon Wolf, Fabyan, N. H. Having written to the President, through Mr. Fors- ter, his secretary, regarding certain attacks which had been made on Secretary Nagel, and his admin istration of the immigration laws, the President wrote to me to the following effect: The White House, Washington, D. C., July 30, 1912. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have yours of July 27th to Mr. Forster. You need not worry about attacks on Nagel. They don't worry me, and they don't mean anything. Sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT. P. S. It is only a piece of much muckraking. Hon. Simon Wolf, Fabyan, N. H. Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, August 3, 1912. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have your confidential letter, and have nothing confidential to communicate, because I know noth ing about the matter of which you speak. I do not WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 373 mean to say that I am indifferent to such newspaper notices, but neither do I permit them to disturb me in the pursuit of my work. I know nothing, although I have been somewhat surprised that this news paper appears never to lose an opportunity to get in a dig, and could not even refrain from criticising me for letting in the child of a naturalized citizen, basing its decision on a misstatement of the present statute. With best wishes. Sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL. Mr. Simon Wolf, Fabyan, N. H. Washington, D. C., September 16, 1912. Hon. Charles Nagel, Marion, Mass. My Dear Friend: On my return home I learn that you will not be back to Washington for a week or two. Hence I take the liberty of writing to you that I have been informed that the State Department has come to some conclusion in regard to a new Russian treaty, and that the same had been discussed at the Cabinet meeting, and that one of the results will be the ap pointment of a mixed commission to take up the passport question. If this information is correct, I would like you to bring the matter to the attention of the President, that it seems to me it would be but logical and right that an American citizen of Jewish faith should be a member of that Commission. As the passport question concerns the citizens of Jewish faith more than any other class, I have no doubt that more than one of my faith will be appointed. I hope you are enjoying your outing. I feel very well indeed, but miss you very much. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. 374 . THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, January 18, 1913. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I understood you to say this morning over the tele phone that Senator Lodge had written to Mr. Mar shall that the provision for counsel before the Boards of Inquiry had been omitted because I opposed it. I know nothing about that. It is my understanding that the provision would never have been permitted to stand, no matter what my attitude might have been. The truth is that after the measures had been sent to conference this Department received its first re quest for the expression of an opinion. The time was limited, and on the 31st of December, I sent a communication of some nineteen pages in which we endeavored to cover the ground. Most of it was based upon preparation which the Bureau had made at an earlier date in the expectation that its repre sentatives would be called before the Committees. I should be glad at any time to give you a full copy of my letter. The portion which refers to the par ticular subject now under discussion is as follows: "While perhaps there is no insuperable objection to allowing counsel before boards of special inquiry, the fact that this outright change in the procedure will seriously impede the determination of cases con sidered before the board should not be overlooked. The passage of the provision will necessitate a great increase in the number of boards, and, in order to prevent impositions upon the Government, the em ployment of solicitors or attorneys to oppose and hold in check counsel retained by aliens. The pres ent practice of not allowing counsel has been ap proved by the courts, which have apprehended that Congress intended that the examination should be a summary and informal procedure." I did not regard this matter as of particular impor tance at the time, because I had no suspicion that such a provision could be retained in this bill. But WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 375 apart from that, in my judgment, the objections stated to this provision are good. If counsel for aliens are to be admitted the Government must have counsel. If a trial is to be had, witnesses should be subpoenaed. To all intents and purposes this would constitute a court, and I am not at all sure that any and all proceedings would not be subject to review by higher courts. Furthermore, I am persuaded that as a rule the class of lawyers who would engage in this business would not tend to increase the chance for fair dealing and protection of the alien. Sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL, Hon. Simon Wolf, Secretary. Washington, D. C. Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, January 22, 1913. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I find that there is further disposition to make this Department responsible for features of the new im migration act which have proved unpopular. Per haps it is just as well not to comment on this branch. This Department was not consulted while the bill was really under consideration and when we should have been consulted if there had been any disposi tion to really take our advice. When our comments were invited our time for consideration was limited, and I was compelled to avail myself of the informa tion which the Bureau had gathered at an earlier period. Furthermore, it is my own impression that in writing a report of this kind it is not merely to reflect the Secretary's views, but should as far as possible present the views of the Bureau which is charged with the work. With particular reference to the certificate provi sion the fact is that this suggestion comes from the State Department which has for years been engaged in correspondence with foreign countries upon that subject. The information from the State Depart- 376 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN merit was that Italy alone issues these certificates, and that Russia and Great Britain had refused to issue certificates of any character, so that Russia was not considered in connection with the question. I am of the opinion, however, that the provision in the new law is too drastic. I can well see how such a provision may enable foreign countries to embarrass immigrants who seek to come for the very reasons which induce us to extend protection. On the other hand, I do believe that certificates properly issued would be of great value. Experience shows that physical conditions may be examined with some hope of reaching a correct opinion, but points of character are difficult to detect, and a fair and in telligent understanding with foreign countries on that subject would prove of great value and would result in great protection to our country against really undesirable immigration. Sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL, Secretary. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. Washington, January 29, 1913. Hon. Simon Wolf, Atlantic City, N. J. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have just read your letter before leaving for New Haven where I am going at the President's sugges tion to endeavor to make a speech. I can not say more than this: I wonder what my successor will do with my correspondence. I regard it as a first- class opportunity for unfavorable limelight. I had feared that my name might be so coupled with the character certificate provision in the law that I had forfeited the esteem of many of your friends. However, I feel perfectly clear with my self, although it would be impossible to give the full explanation. The recommendation was made for WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 377 the Bureau and in the language adopted by it. In other words, it appears in an absolute form which, upon reflection, I should not have endorsed, and against which I should have protested if the Com mittee had given me a personal hearing. On the other hand, I do not share the fear about such a pro vision properly guarded. With the necessary dis cretion lodged here the certificate might be of con siderable advantage. True, they would have to be disregarded where countries abuse their power, but they might be respected where they are issued in good faith. And when so respected they would re lieve the aliens of many embarrassing questions which of necessity now have to be put to them. I can assure you that when I think of the power of an inspector and the ordeal to which innocent persons must be necessarily put, I am disposed to welcome any measure of procedure that is calculated to re lieve the service of this necessity. Sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. Washington, D. C., Feb. 27, 1913. My Dear Mr. Secretary: As I am going to New York in the morning and will not return until Saturday evening, and knowing how busy you will be on Monday, this may be the last occasion during your administration that I will have to express my great gratification for the admir able manner in which you have at all times con ducted the official duties of your Department, and the personal good will and friendship extended to me. I shall look back with the greatest pleasure and delight to the last four years which have indeed been an oasis in the desert of official duties. May the future bring you and your dear ones health and happiness, and be assured that I am ever 378 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN ready to show you how keenly I appreciate all that you have been and all that you have done to and for me. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. Hon. Charles Nagel, Washington, D. C. To which Mr. Nagel replied: Washington, D. C., Feb. 28, 1913. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have your esteemed letter of the 27th instant. Your expression of confidence is more than generous. I hasten to add that it is only a confirmation of your courteous and helpful attitude throughout my term of office. You are interested in a branch of my De partment which probably has given me more con stant concern than any other. In part, no doubt, because it necessarily invited the most unremitting public scrutiny and criticism; but chiefly because every decision was like a human sentence for hope or despair. In the administration you and I had frequently to disagree. It goes without saying that in some, perhaps in many instances, your judgment could not approve my decisions. If all my decisions were now collected for my revision, I should unques tionably make some changes. I endeavored, how ever, to adhere to some general rule, always keeping in mind the human equation. I had to act as a judge; your part more closely resembled that of the advocate. As a defender of a liberal interpretation of the law, you had the easier task. But you light ened my task by invariably treating the decisions when made, with respect, and thus making it possi ble to consider each following case represented by you solely upon its merits; with entire freedom on my part to avail of the aid which your large ac quaintance with this branch of the service could always provide. WII.TJAM HOWARD TAFT 379 With particular gratitude shall I always remember that when a concerted attack was inaugurated against me, you did not hesitate to defend me. I am persuaded that hut for you I would never have ob tained the hearing which finally turned the tide, With keen appreciation do I recall that after this hearing the general attitude changed; and the citi zenship which you especially represent, judged my official conduct with patience, impartiality, and, per haps, indulgence. With best wishes for the happiness of your family, and for many years of active service for you, I am, Very sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. G. Everything possible was done by all the combined forces to prevent the enactment into law of the new immigration bill pending in Congress, notably on ac count of the literacy test, although there were other objectionable features which were not so material and so commanding in importance as that. A hear ing to those in favor and in opposition to the bill was given by President Taft in the East Room of the White House. A large aggregation was present, rep resenting individual and associated thought. One minute of time was allotted to me, acting as Chair man of the Board of Delegates, but in this short space of time I said, "One of our ancient sages when confronted by a heathen with a knife in his hand, who threatened to kill the sage unless he could tell him what there was in religion while he (the heathen) was standing on one foot, gave as his an swer, 'Love thy neighbor as thyself.' ' Notwithstanding all the efforts put forth and in fluences which were brought to bear, in and out of 380 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Congress, the Immigration Bill, with all its drastic measures, was passed by a large majority. The President, however, vetoed the bill on account of the literacy test. It was one of his last important acts. It appears that the President was greatly in doubt as to the course he should pursue in view of the action of Congress, but it was fortunate that he had at his right hand Secretary Nagel, whose clear insight was influential in bringing the President to his conclusions. Immediately on learning of the veto, I wrote to the President in the following terms : My Dear Mr. President: I have not yet read your reasons for vetoing the Immigration Bill, but am confident that they are sound and in every way tenable. I felt sure from the first that after due and mature consideration, you would act as you have done. Permit me to sincerely congratulate you in the interest of our country. As time goes on, your action will be more and more approved, and you, yourself, will rejoice that you were so far-sighted as to deny your signature to a bill that was contrary to all the principles of our Government. Ever sincerely, SIMON WOLF. February fourteenth, nineteen hundred and thirteen. To Secretary Nagel, in this same connection, I wrote : My Dear Mr. Secretary: At no time since our acquaintance have I felt prouder of your work than I did this morning when I read the reasons given by the President for veto ing the Immigration Bill. It shows that your clear insight into this live wire question has been appre- WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 381 dated and made the dominant reason for the veto. Only a man like yourself who has been intimate with all the facts in connection with immigration, is a real judge, aside from your high standing as an American citizen and sincere patriot. This action of the President and yourself will go down in Amer ican history as a bright page, and as the representa tive of various Jewish organizations, resident in Washington, and individually as your friend, I ten der you hearty and sincere congratulations, and trust that the future will bring you that reward which you so eminently deserve. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. Hon. Charles Nagel, Washington, D. C. Feb. 15, 1913. To which Mr. Nagel answered: Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, February 17, 1913. My Dear Mr. Wolf: Knowing how deeply you are interested in the im migration bill, I was not surprised to find your very warm letter of the 15th instant. You are so fully advised of my position and the considerations which decided me and gave me concern, that it is hardly necessary to add another word at this time. The more I have reflected upon this question the more clear am I about the correctness of my position. The fact is that my observation, gathered from innumer able cases involving every possible nationality, has by degrees forced this conclusion upon me. I do not dispute the value of the opportunities which the Immigration Commission has had, but on the other hand I am prepared to assert that my ex amination has at least the advantage of being made at first hand and not by proxy. What the ultimate result will be, of course, I cannot guess, and in fact 382 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN about that I am not much concerned. The impor tant thing was to have the executive branch of the government right. If the bill is now passed it will, in my opinion, demonstrate in a very brief space the correctness of our position. The particular clause was important because it represents a principle, and it had to be given importance, although in the form in which it appears it has practically the life com promised out of it. Sincerely yours, CHARLES NAGEL. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. Investigations into the subject of Jewish illiteracy abroad showed conclusively that the Government immigration records were correct in indicating that approximately twenty-six per cent of Jewish immi grants would be excluded by the reading test of the Dillingham-Burnett Bill. It was largely due to my efforts that the Conference Report on the Immigra tion Bill was recommitted by both Houses of Con gress, with instructions to strike out the objection able "certificate of character" provision for immi grants, which would have barred out substantially all religious and political refugees, whom their home countries wanted to persecute by arbitrarily denying such certificates to them. It was by a vote lacking but a few of the legal two-thirds majority that the bill was finally defeated. THE BLOOM INCIDENT. During the early part of May, 1911, I received a call from Mrs. Elizabeth Bloom, wife of Joseph A. Bloom, who was a tailor at Ft. Myer, near Washing ton. The purpose of Mrs. Bloom's visit is shown by WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 383 the letter which I addressed to the President, which embodied Mrs. Bloom's letter to me, setting forth all of the facts in the matter. This letter, together with the entire correspondence in the Bloom affair, are given here in full and explain quite clearly this most interesting case : Washington, D. G., May 3, 1911. To the President: I am well aware that you are a very busy man, and that as a patriotic citizen and a loyal friend I ought not in any way annoy or worry you. But cir cumstances over which I have no control compel me to bring to your especial notice a matter that involves the fundamental principles of our institutions and the integrity of our Government. Some years ago Chaplain Pierce, then post chap lain at Fort Myer, asked me to indorse the applica tion for appointment to West Point of a young man by the name of Frank Bloom. President Roosevelt, unfortunately, could not grant his request, but told him to enlist and like a true American fight his way up for promotion from the ranks. The young man took the advice and entered the army, has an excel lent record and recently was examined for promo tion. On the papers the officer commanding Fort Myer, Col. Gerrard, made the following endorse ment: "The applicant is a son of Mr. Joseph A. Bloom, of Jewish persuasion, who is now and has been for a number of years a tailor at this post. His associates, as far as I know, and those of his family, have been with enlisted men and their families, and have been respectable. The young man is undoubtedly honest and upright, ambitious and probably deserving, but for the reasons stated I would not desire him in my command as an officer and social and personal asso ciate. The presence of the applicant's family at a military post would be subversive of discipline, and 384 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN their probable treatment a source of mortification to them and frequent cause of trouble to commanding officers. From an experience of many years I have found, except in few cases, few communities where Jews are received as desirable associates," which explains itself. The indorsement was brought to me by the mother of the young soldier, who is now doing his duty on the Mexican frontier. He is a private in Battery F of the 3d Field Artillery. Since Mrs. Bloom has called to see me, asking my good offices, I have received the following letter from her: "I called on you the other day (Wednesday) in regard to an injustice to my son, Private Frank Bloom, a citizen of American birth, who is a member of Battery F, 3d Field Artillery. "I have acquainted you with the facts the fact of a recommendation being given by an officer, in which it seems that the only objection which that officer holds against my son being an officer is that he is of Jewish parentage, and for that reason objectionable as a fellow officer and associate. "In our conversation I told you the injustice con nected with the case; the great wrong being done to the Jews, their being shunned, as it were, by their fellow human beings. But I did not tell you my end and aim in coming to you. "I spent good, hard money to give my boy an edu cation, to prepare him to make his mark in the world. We, his parents, consented, advocated and endorsed his entering the army; we wanted him to serve his country in the capacity of an officer. "My object is not one of revenge, not one of spite, to punish a man who is guilty of a gross wrong done to his fellow human beings, the Jews. No, I want to see that my son is dealt with fairly, to be given a chance to make his mark as others of his race have made before him. "I had hoped that my son would be a support to WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 385 me as he was before he entered the army, and it is to him that I look for comfort and happiness in my old days. "To be brief, I will hastily go over my wishes. The final examination comes off September 1. We, his parents, are positive that this indorsement was the only thing that prevented my son being eligible to take the final examination. We would like to have him get permission to take the final examination, which he surely deserves, in view of the fact that the time for preparation is being shortened day by day. He should be allowed to live, not to be down-trodden for the simple fact that he is a Jew. "If it can not be that he may get his final exami nation in September, then it is my request that he be honorably discharged from the army by favor, so that he may pursue another course, so as to prepare himself for his life's work. Either he shall be allowed to take the final examination this Septem ber, or that he be discharged. "I hope, honorable sir, that you will understand my views entirely, so that you can act accordingly in so serious a case. "Any action that you may take in this matter would not only be of great service and of great favor to me, but it would be of service in stopping antag onistic action toward our race. "Assuring you of my heartfelt appreciation and thanks for your noble interest in our trouble, and trusting that we will obtain our aims, I beg to re main, yours very respectfully. "(Signed) ELIZABETH BLOOM." which also explains itself. It would certainly show gross ignorance on my part were I for a moment to suppose that you would stand for any such indorsement or the consequences of such indorsement, for it goes without saying that the result of this un-American act on the part of Col. Gerrard has proven disastrous to the aspirations 386 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN of the young American soldier and is violative of every principle of our American institutions. What this person who wears the uniform of his country thinks as an individual of his fellow-citizens of Jew ish faith, or of tailors by profession, concerns no one but himself, but when in a representative and official character he so far forgets every obligation to the rest of his fellow-citizens it is high time that he should not only be taught his duty, but punished for not knowing it. I sincerely invoke your co-operation in this direc tion, and especially do I trust that neither the father, who is earning a livelihood at the post, nor the son, who is serving his country efficiently, will suffer in consequence of bringing this matter to your notice. Very sincerely yours, (Signed) SIMON WOLF, Chairman of the Board of Delegates and Resident Representative of the Independent Order B'nai B'rith. White House, May 8, 1911. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have your letter, and without comment I inclose a copy of my letter to the Secretary of War. I shall advise you of further steps in the matter. Sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT. Simon Wolf, Esq., 14th and G Streets, Washington. White House, May 8, 1911. My Dear Mr. Secretary: I inclose herewith a letter from Simon Wolf, a lawyer, and a very prominent and respected citizen of Washington. This gives to the statement he makes every presumption of accuracy and truth. It is difficult for me to read the indorsement of Col. Gerrard, set forth in this letter, with patience and WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 387 without condemnatory words that had better not be written. I wish you would examine the record and verify the statements of Mr. Wolf, and, if he has not been misinformed and his letter sets forth the facts direct that this young man be admitted to exami nation for a lieutenancy in the army. The statements made by Col. Gerrard are not true with reference to the standing that Jews have in this country, and I resent, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, that any officer of either should per mit himself in an official document to give evidence of such unfounded and narrow race prejudice as that contained in this indorsement. After you have made an examination of the record please advise me of your action. Sincerely yours, W. H. TAFT. Hon. J. M. Dickinson, Secretary of War, Washington, D. G. SECRETARY DICKINSON'S REPORT. War Department, Washington, May 9, 1911. My Dear Mr. President : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 8th instant, relative to the prelimi nary examination for lieutenancy of Private Frank Bloom, Battery F, Field Artillery, and to certain re marks of Col. Gerrard, 15th Cavalry, on Private Bloom's papers relative to the latter's Jewish parent age, brought to your attention by Mr. Simon Wolf, of Washington. The indorsement attributed to Col. Gerrard is cor rectly stated, and I entirely agree with you that such views are not only absolutely unfounded, but give evidence of narrow race prejudice, not to be ex pected from an officer of the army. However, Private Bloom's disqualification by the War Department was in no wise influenced by Col. Gerrard's remarks, but resulted wholly from the fact 388 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN that the soldier failed to secure the percentage re quired under War Department regulations in two separate subjects of his written examination. His general average on the entire mental examination was also below requirements. But in view of the apparent impression on the part of Mr. Wolf and of the soldier's parents that Private Bloom's disqualification was caused by his com manding officer's indorsement, and in order to show that the department has no sympathy whatever with the views contained therein, I shall designate Private Bloom to take the final examination in September next, and shall cause him to be notified accordingly. Very respectfully, (Signed) J. M. DICKINSON, Secretary of War. To the President, The White House. PRESIDENT'S ACTION. The White House, Washington, May 11, 1911. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I inclose to you a copy of a letter I have just re ceived from the Secretary of War, which explains itself. I shall take steps to see that the examination to which Private Bloom is subjected is one in which he will be given a fair chance and not be exposed to any unjust prejudice. Sincerely yours, (Signed) WILLIAM H. TAFT. Hon. Simon Wolf, Commercial National Bank Build ing, Washington. The White House, Washington, May 11, 1911. My Dear Mr. Secretary: I have your letter of May 9 in respect to Private Bloom. I should be glad to have you present to Col. Gerrard the question whether he did make such an indorsement, and then have you consider what steps WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 389 should be taken to discipline an officer who would make such an indorsement. Sincerely yours, W. H. TAFT. Hon. J. M. Dickinson, Secretary of War. The result of all this correspondence was that young Bloom, having been ordered to take the ex amination, passed splendidly, and was appointed a second lieutenant in the Army. His trials and tribu lations for more than a year need not here be re counted. It was most fortunate that General Leon ard Wood, Chief of Staff of the War Department, gave the matter his personal attention, and made a thorough investigation of all that Bloom was charged with, which led to Bloom's complete exoneration. Bloom for a time was in the Philippines, where he was promoted to first lieutenant and passed his ex aminations for a captaincy, which he has since re ceived and no doubt, with other brave American soldiers, has been ordered to France.* Few of my readers will ever know or appreciate the immense amount of work and sacrifice which I had to endure to prevent, in the first place, an injury being done to the son of an American citizen, and finally to prevent his dismissal owing to a cabal which naturally had no use for a civilian, and one who unfortunately, as they regarded it, was a Jew besides. At no time during my acquaintance with President Taf t did he show a finer sense of American citizenship and patriotism, and give way to more, indignant utterances than he did in the Bloom case. It was a splendid tribute to the proper conception of official duty in preserving the rights and privileges incident to each and every American. *Since printing the first edition, Captain Frank Bloom has been promoted to the rank of Lt. Colonel. 390 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN In answer to a letter which I sent to the President, thanking him for what he had done for Lieut. Bloom, I received the following: Butte, Montana, October 19, 1911. My Dear Mr. Wolf: The President has asked me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of October 13th, and to thank you for what you are good enough to say of his ac tion in the case of Frank Bloom. The President is very glad to know that the young man has been suc cessful in his examinations. Sincerely yours, CHARLES D. HILLES, Secretary to the President. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. G. April 4, 1918. Hon. William Howard Taft, New Haven, Conn. My Dear Friend: I am sure it will be very pleasing to you to know that our protege, Frank Bloom, "a Jew and the son of a tailor," has, by virtue of merit, gone right along on the road to promotion, and is now captain, and will no doubt soon go to the front in France. So you see Colonel Gerrard, aside from being preju diced, was mistaken. "A Jew and the son of a tailor" may have the making of a Major General of the United States Army who knows? Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. April 9, 1918. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have your letter of April 4th. I am very glad to know that Frank Bloom is getting on so well, in spite of Col. Gerrard's "break." Sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT. Mr. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 391 VARIOUS INCIDENTS. President Taft honored the Washington Hebrew Congregation by addressing a large and representa tive audience at the Temple on Eighth Street on May 16, 1911, on the occasion of advocating the erection of a monument in memory of the great American patriot, Haym Salomon, and in his speech he re ferred to the fact that I had brought to his attention this great patriot and the neglect of the Republic so far in commemorating his services. The following appeal in justice to the memory of Haym Salomon will be doubly interesting from the fact that it met with the approval of President Taft : JUSTICE FOR A JEWISH PATRIOT. In a letter to the Washington Post, Hon. Simon Wolf makes the following appeal for public recog nition of a public benefactor's unselfish deeds : I notice that a movement has developed in the city of Philadelphia to honor the memory of Robert Mor ris, the great Secretary of the Treasury at the time of the American revolution. Any one who has studied the history of the United States can not but be pleased at this recognition, for Robert Morris was not only a great financier and statesman, but was in addition thereto one of the most patriotic of Ameri cans, to whom no sacrifice was too great, and al though at this late day the close friend of the immor tal Washington is to receive, at the hands of his grateful countrymen in the city which he glorified, perpetuity by men as of a monument, it nevertheless is a sad commentary on the appreciative sense of the nation. Mediocrity and imbecility, clothed for the moment in the political ermine, disgrace many of our public parks, and yet such great men as Robert Morris have been ignored. In this connection I can not help but be reminded 392 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN of another great American, whose name is forever linked in immortal fraternity with that of Robert Morris; one who did as much, if not more, to aid the struggling colonists than any other American of his day. I allude to Haym Salomon, of Philadelphia, the Polish Jewish exile who adopted the United States as his home, and the Jerusalem of the prophet's promise; who enjoyed the confidence, esteem, and respect of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Morris; who loaned the United States Treasury nearly $300,000 a sum fabulous for that period; who, at his own expense, sent an agent to Spain to prevent that country from joining England against the colonies; who, as is shown by the narrative of Jared Sparks, loaned money to the great statesmen of that period, and who even paid their board bills at the time they were members of Congress. None of these loans, neither that made to Robert Morris, as Secretary of the Treasury, or to the individual statesmen, were ever repaid. With a generosity as boundless as his patriotism, he unselfishly and dis interestedly gave to the perpetuity of the republic, recognizing that in so doing he was aiding the insti tutions which conferred liberty of conscience, not only to his own co-religionists, but to all mankind. Time and again his descendants had bills introduced in Congress asking for the repayment of the loan without interest, and this request shared the fate of a thousand other meritorious claims, being used as the shuttle between Senate and House, weaving the shroud of defeat and pigeon-hole, while thousands of other claims, introduced by nonentities for imag inary creeks and rivers, were successfully passed. Only four years ago, the heirs having abandoned all desire for reimbursement, I attempted to have Congress pass an act, authorizing the striking of a gold medal in commemoration of this glorious event, so that the descendents of Haym Salomon might at least have an heirloom to treasure the glorious deeds of their illustrious ancestor. But this simple act of GENERAL CHARLES H. LAUCHHEIMER, OF THE MARINE CORPS 1918 WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 393 justice failed, and I am therefore emboldened at this hour, when in the Statuary Hall of the Capitol, where are so many Americans immortalized in marble and bronze, to recall to the statesman of the United States and to its patriotic citizens this episode of American history, and ask, in the name of all that is just and equitable, whether the hour has not come to do jus tice to the name of Haym Salomon? Washington, D. C. General Charles H. Lauchheimer, of the United States Marine Corps, was as the result of a personal controversy with the then Commandant of the Marine Corps, transferred from the Adjutant and Inspector's Office of the Marine Corps Headquarters at Wash ington, D. C., a position he held by law, to the Philip pine Islands. In due course of time he was trans ferred to San Francisco, and finally returned to his former post in the City of Washington. President Taft took an active interest in this mat ter, and did full and ample justice in the case. The appreciation by the Army, Navy and Marine Corps officers of Colonel Lauchheimer is best evi denced by the fact that as soon as he landed in Manila, he was elected President of the Army and Navy Club, and when he returned to Washington the same distinction was conferred by the Army and Navy Club of Washington, D. C. He has lately by act of Congress and by virtue of has great ability been promoted to the rank of Gen eral. He holds the position of Adjutant General and Inspector of the Marine Corps. It is the first instance in the history of the Republic that an American citizen of Jewish faith has been promoted to the rank of General in the Marine Corps. 394 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN In connection with their twenty-fifth anniversary I wrote the President and Mrs. Taft a letter of con gratulation, to which I received the following reply: White House, June 17, 1911. My Dear Mr. Wolf: Mrs. Taft and I very deeply appreciate the kind congratulations and good wishes which you express in your letters of June 15th on behalf of yourself personally and of the organizations represented by you in Washington. Please accept our warm thanks. Sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. G. The Executive Committee of the Order of B'nai B'rith sent a magnificent basket of orchids to the President and Mrs. Taft on their twenty-fifth anni versary, which were greatly appreciated by them. On the same page in my Seventieth Year Book, whereon Grover Cleveland wrote his sentiment, President Taft wrote: "I congratulate you to a green old age, thou sage in Israel. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT." GENERAL JULIUS STAHEL General Julius Stahel, a patriotic citizen of Hun gary and the United States, and who was the military escort of President Lincoln to Gettysburg in Novem ber, 1863, when the great and immortal address was delivered, died in December, 1912. A few weeks prior to his death, President Taft sent his aide, Major Butt to convey his congratulations, and a beau tiful bunch of White House roses in commemoration JULIUS STAHEL HUNGARIAN PATRIOT AND MAJOR GENERAL U. S. V. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 395 of the General's 87th birthday. General Stahel was buried December 6, 1912, at Arlington Cemetery, and at his grave I delivered the following eulogy: Major-General Julius Stahel was a Hungarian by birth, an American by adoption, and by those very facts, a lover of liberty and equal rights. A noble man by title, as well as by nature, he left the Austrian-Italian service as an officer, and joined the ranks of his Hungarian compatriots, who were fight ing for the emancipation of their countrymen. A close friend of Louis Kossuth, and aide on his per sonal staff, he fought heroically during the struggle. Was wounded and decorated on the field of battle. The Revolution unfortunately, owing to the inter vention of Russia, failed, and General Stahel came to the United States, to enrich our country, as so many other noble sons of all lands have done, in aid of the progress and glory of our nation. Our strug gle for independence brought Lafayette, Steuben, DeKalb, Pulaski, Muhlenberg, Gallatin, and other great patriots, who aided the immortal Washington in securing for us the priceless boon of liberty and independence. So our second struggle for national life brought to the forefront other men, born in other lands, who strengthened the ties of kinship, and secured more firmly than ever the bonds of the na tional union, such as Schurz, Sigel, Blenker, Von Steinwehr, Stahel, and many others too numerous to mention. Thus proving beyond all controversy the deep and abiding faith these adopted citizens of our republic had in the perpetuity of our country, and gave in the days of struggle and trial, freely and un- stintingly, as they did during the days of peace. General Stahel enlisted in the Eighth New York 396 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Volunteers, and as is now historically established, Blenker's Brigade, of which the Eighth New York formed a part, stemmed the tide of disaster at the first battle of Bull Run, and the Confederate archives will corroborate this statement. By splendid serv ice, gallantry and bravery, he rose step by step, until he became Major-General of Volunteers, command ing at one time the Eleventh Army Corps, and at another time a large division of cavalry. President Lincoln had unbounded confidence in his skill as a commander, and his loyalty as an American, and trusted him with a part of the de fenses of Washington. He was selected as the Presi dent's escort to Gettysburg, where the sainted martyr pronounced his immortal address. The General re ceived the Medal of Honor for conspicuous bravery on the field of battle of Piedmont, where, although wounded, and urged to retire to the rear, he had his wounds bound up, and was placed on horseback, and continued in the fight until victory had been achieved. As a Diplomat in China and Japan, he was recog nized by the State Department, and all the officials of those two governments, as a man of consummate tact and liberal judgment. So much so that when the Cleveland administration came into power, Sec retary Bayard urged him not to resign, as his serv ices had been so conspicuously brilliant. As an official of one of the large financial interests of New York, he gave evidence of an intelligent com prehension of the duties incident to his position, and aided materially in broadening and enlarging the scope and sphere of their business in the Orient. So we can safely say that along all the lines of WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 397 human achievement, General Stahel never failed to do his duty. He was the soul of honor, cheerful, entertaining companion, lovable in all his ways, and his acts of friendship and philanthropy are as many as his days were. He had a kind word for every one, never harsh in his criticisms or judgment, but firm, manly and conscientious in his opinions. He had a large circle of influential and loving friends, who looked upon him as a model, and who were honored by his friendship. There is no occasion to mourn his loss on the contrary, we should be cheered by the knowledge of having known such a splendid example of manhood, who enriched our country with his brawn and brain, and who will live in the memory of those surviving, and go down on the pages of our national history as a son worthy of his country. A peerless knight "sans peur et sans reproche," whose life's sun set in the furtherest regions of the western slope. Dear friend, patriotic American, genial companion, gallant soldier, refined gentleman, we salute you, and as the circling sun and moon will greet your remains at morn and noon, and as the stars in their vigils will cast their glorious sheen on the mound beneath which you sleep, so will we ever cherish and honor your memory. Auf wiedersehen. I was a faithful adherent of Mr. Taft's political fortunes and did what was proper in the advocacy of his re-election. I did not then, nor do I now, be lieve he was justly treated, and therefore remained faithful to the party traditions. I saw the President quite often during those memorable days preceding, during and after the nomination. I met him in 398 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Atlantic City when he was touring the country, and felt deeply touched by the sincerity of his speeches. I feared that the result would be disastrous, yet could not but consider that he was inspired by no other motive than that of doing the right thing in view of all of the conditions of his administration. A few days prior to President Taft's retirement from office I addressed a letter to him: Washington, D. C., Feb'y 27, 1913. My Dear Mr. President : As I am leaving for New York today not to return until Saturday evening, and which more than likely will prevent me from seeing you at the White House, as I know you will be very busy on Monday, I take this occasion to extend to you my sincere and heart felt thanks and congratulations. I have time and again expressed to you and others the great admira tion I have always entertained for you personally and officially, and the future will more than justify that sentiment. I sincerely hope that you will have a good rest from the strenuous duties you have undergone, and that you will have health and happiness galore. I trust you will always have a small reservation in that big heart of yours for Yours ever sincerely, SIMON WOLF. To which he replied: The White House, February 28, 1913. My Dear Mr. Wolf: Thank you very much for your letter of February 27th. I greatly appreciate the friendly and sympa thetic interest which you have manifested toward me and my administration, and I am gratified to have had your approval and your good will. With warm regard, Sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 399 The Washington Post of Sunday, March 2, 1913, had a very beautiful tribute to President Taft, which I can not refrain from embodying herein: WILLIAM H. TAFT THE MAN. On Tuesday at noon William H. Taft will become a private citizen. The glamour of office will vanish, and the power of the Presidency will pass. He will leave Washington, the scene of his long labors, and nothing attaching to the mightiest office on earth will go with him. But he will go away with something in his heart that neither riches, nor power, nor prestige, nor po litical skill can give; something that neither detrac tion, nor misrepresentation, nor defeat can take away. He will take with him the lasting friendship and affection of the American people. William H. Taft has gone through one of the most astonishing episodes in the history of the country. He has been called upon to endure an experience which, but for the fact that he was true to himself, and, therefore, true to every man, would have been keenly humiliating. He went into office by an enor mous vote. He leaves it after a historic defeat. But, in spite of defeat, and, because of his splendid bear ing in defeat, he is one of the best loved men who ever occupied the White House. Other men may look back at the election in No vember with chagrin, or humiliation, or regret, ac cording to the part they played. But Mr. Taft can look back upon it with no bitterness of heart, no humiliation, and no regret; and we believe that he does. History will take care of William H. Taft, and he leaves his record to the judgment of his countrymen, secure in the knowledge that he has acted always with honor and in obedience to an honest sense of duty. His heart has been right; his faith in his fel lows has not been impaired; his devotion to the law 400 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN and the Constitution has inspired him always, and he has never misused his power or influence for the benefit of any man or any cause. Let history deal with the public acts of Mr. Taft and the Taft administration. They will stand exam ination, and will wear well against time. Of Mr. Taft's personality and private character, posterity will judge best by reading the estimate of his con temporaries. Posterity will learn that he won the admiration even of his opponents by his optimism and kindheartedness in the midst of detraction and defeat; that he radiated good cheer and good fellow ship; that he bore his honors meekly, met misfor tunes smilingly, performed his duties courageously, and at all times lived so that all the world might look into his heart and find it wholesome. The new President of the United States could not wish for better fortune than to go out of the White House, in his turn, with the strong affection and hearty good wishes that follow William H. Taft. I could add nothing more to these splendid and truthful sentiments than that I heartily echo every one of them, as I believe the majority of the people of the United States also do. I can not at length say all that I should love to in regard to the characteristics of President Taft. He is still, thank Heaven, with us, a tower of strength in every civic and patriotic movement of our Gov ernment. Enough for me to say that like some of his eminent predecessors, Mr. Taft will rank high as an executive of eminent ability. Genial, whole- souled, he adorned every position he filled, and the future historian will give him first rank among our American Presidents. Some of the correspondence that passed between Mr. Taft and myself since his retirement is herewith given and explains itself, while others are reserved WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT 401 for the historian of the future, when both writers shall have crossed the bar: January 4, 1915. Hon. William Howard Taft, New Haven, Conn. My Dear Friend: My attention has been called to an address which you delivered before the Young Men's Hebrew Asso ciation of New York. I am well aware that news paper articles are not always reliable as to the full context. Therefore I write to you to know your exact meaning as to the criticism you made of secret societies. I infer without having your answer that your opin ion was leveled at religious societies who made use of their secrecy in the interest of politics, or to the injury of other religious bodies. You certainly could not have intended fraternal organizations such as the Order of B'nai B'rith, whose medal of honor you so worthily wear, for that organization, secret as it is, works solely in the interest of humanity its aims and objects being thoroughly American and patri otic, and at the same time, cosmopolitan. It was founded not in opposition to any other form of faith, but to strengthen the lines of brotherhood among all men, and to educate the incoming immigrants to a full realization of their civic duty. You will remem ber at the great meeting held in the City of New York, where you honored us by being one of the speakers, you heard in a feeble outline delivered by me, of the aims and objects of that great organiza tion. I fully concur with you that any attempt on the part of any secret religious society to undermine the superstructure of our form of government is criminal and dangerous, but Associations such as I have de scribed, and other kindred organizations, are helpful and beneficial. Wishing you a Happy New Year, I am, Sincerely, SIMON WOLF. 402 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN New Haven, Conn., January 6, 1915. My Dear Simon Wolf: I have yours of January 4th. Of course I had no intention of instituting a crusade against Secret So cieties, for I belong to the Masons. I was a Secret Society man in college. Of course my remarks are to he taken in the connection in which they were uttered. What I referred to was a Secret Society with political aims engaged in pushing a bigoted prejudice into the election or rejection of candidates for public office. Happy New Year. Sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. WOODROW WILSON 1913 WOODROW WILSON Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, has spoken in words that need no amplification on my part. His administration, outside of the Civil War, is undoubtedly the most momentous in the his tory of our country, in the conditions that surround the nation requiring sane statesmanship, sound rea soning, logical thinking, and prompt and patriotic action. I believe Mr. Wilson possesses these eminent attributes in a high degree. His messages to Con gress, notably those of recent date, mark a lofty con ception of duty, fearlessness of expression, and an eloquent diction unsurpassed in the annals of our country. His estimate of the difference between au tocracy and democracy, between civilization and barbarism, marks an epoch worthy of the best tradi tions of our country. I am most happy to state that although differing from the President in matters of party politics, his personal and official treatment of me has been most cordial. I have had the honor and privilege of writ ing to him on various subjects, all of which have received his most prompt and satisfactory attention, exceptionally so, as will be shown by the various letters which will be set forth hereafter. It gives me pleasure to insert herein, as evidence of my first intercourse with President Wilson, after his inauguration, the following letter which I ad dressed to him: Washington, D. C., March 5, 1913. My Dear Mr. President: I sincerely and heartily congratulate you for the splendid and humanizing Inaugural you delivered 404 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN yesterday. It is worthy of your past record, and is illuminating as to your future conduct. As an American citizen, I am ready to serve in the ranks to aid you in the course you have outlined for yourself and for the benefit of the Nation. Very sincerely, SIMON WOLF. To which I received the following answer: The White House, March 6, 1913. My Dear Mr. Wolf: The President directs me to acknowledge receipt of your kind letter of March 5th, and to thank you for writing it. He is glad to learn that his Inaugural address meets with your approval. Sincerely yours, J. P. TUMULTY, Secretary to the President. Mr. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. From the very beginning, even before he was elec ted President of the United States, Mr. Wilson took a deep interest in immigration affairs, and all condi tions pertaining thereto; as an evidence thereof I desire to reproduce herein an editorial which ap peared in one of the newspapers on the occasion of Mr. Wilson's visit to Ellis Island: "President-elect Wilson's visit to the Immigration Station on Ellis Island was a significant incident. It is well for the man who is to be Chief Magistrate of this Republic to see with his own eyes the working of the system by which prospective new citizens are admitted. Gov. Wilson had little time to examine closely the methods employed by the immigration officers to test the fitness of aliens seeking admis sion, but he saw enough, doubtless, to leave an in delible picture on his mind which may serve, in some WOODROW WILSON 405 way, to help him when some problem relating to immigration calls for his official notice. "We need immigrants who are healthy, industrious and law-abiding. Restrictions on the diseased, in competent, and criminally inclined can not be too sternly enforced. But any general restriction of im migration would work ill for the country. The South and the West need farmers and farm laborers, the North and the East need industrial workers. We must take them as they come and teach them to be come good citizens. Many of the men whom the President-elect saw on Saturday at the great gate of the port will be citizens in five years. Some of them may turn out to be bad citizens, but if the officers at Ellis Island have done their duty in admitting them, that result will likely be as much the country's fault as theirs." From the commencement of President Wilson's administration I had several interviews with him and acknowledgments from his private secretary to communications sent to the President, which for ob vious reasons had best not be published at this time. When President Wilson was elected, thus for the time being ending the Republican administration, many of my friends thought my usefulness as a rep resentative of various interests, especially the wel fare of our people, would be at an end, but the best proof that this was an erroneous conclusion is the fact that one month after the Inauguration a banquet was given by District Grand Lodge No. 5, of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith, to which I had invited the President, Vice-President, Secretary of State, Secretary of Labor, Secretary of the Navy, Judge Julian W. Mack, and other notable men. The President on account of a previous engagement could not honor us with his presence. However, the Vice- 406 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN President, the Secretary of State, accompanied by Mrs. Bryan; Secretary Daniels, and Secretary Wil son, of the Department of Labor, all were there, and responded to toasts. Unfortunately, I have only Sec retary Daniels response, which is given herewith : "I count it a blessing and a privilege that as a boy I grew up in a village in which one of its first citizens and a near neighbor and friend was Emil Rosenthal, a merchant prince of his community, whose heart was touched by pity for misfortune and whose purse was open to alleviate human suffering. His whole life may be illustrated by an incident that impressed itself on my memory. One morning the news was brought to town that the house of a poor farmer had been burned and his large family was homeless. At the postoffice, where the people gathered, many ex pressions of sympathy were heard. Mr. Rosenthal came into the company to get his Baltimore Sun, which he read every day of his life. He listened to the words of sympathy, and then remarked: 'I am sorry fifty dollars worth,' and, turning to those loud est in expressing their sorrow, he asked, 'How sorry are you?' This direct appeal brought large contri butions from the neighbors. In a somewhat varied life it has been my good fortune to find that this practical charity of one of my earliest Hebrew friends is characteristic of the whole race of which he was an ornament, as well as an example for emulation by men of other faiths and other races. My ablest college friend was the most brilliant youth of my acquaintance, a splendid young Hebrew, Soloman Cohen Weil, who died in his young manhood, joined me on Sunday afternoons in the study of the Bible. Before he was twenty-five years old he was Profes sor of Greek in the University of North Carolina, and who, though dying before thirty, had won an enviable place among the ablest men of the Empire State of New York. I take it that it is because of such inti- JOSEPHUS DANIELS SECRETARY OF THE NAVY WOODROW WILSON 407 macies and friendships in my North Carolina home that I am honored by an invitation to be with you tonight. By the most sacred ties of my life I am bound to your people, and no man of your race and belief rejoices more in the glorious work of this noble organization than your speaker. I sometimes think if it were possible for all men to live in small communities, like the one in which I was reared, where you can know your neighbor intimately, there would be such an appreciation and regard of our fellows as to make a complete acceptance of the brotherhood of men of all shades of opinion, relig ious and political. The Scattered Nation, of which Senator Vance, of North Carolina, spoke with ripe knowledge in such a way as to become the idol of Hebrews everywhere, constitutes the Gulf Stream of America's population. Clearly demarcated, a part of the ocean and yet keeping in its own separate channels the Gulf Stream warms the shores of north ern Europe and tempers the rigors of every clime it borders. So the Jewish race, coursing through the arteries of other races and tongues, is a valued part of all social and political and industrial life, giving of its best to making all mankind better and happier by its stimulating intellectuality and its devotion to its high standard. The Hebrew race has made good in everything it ever attempted, and though not gen erally known, this includes the sea. The parents of Moses applied rather early to have him admitted as a midshipman, and it was while he was navigating the Nile that opportunity, in the guise of Pharaoh's beautiful daughter, held out the soft, white hand that lifted him to the palace, to the court, to the schools of Egypt, and made him the man who gave the world the Decalogue. Jonah was the first captain of a submarine. However, the great engineers de clare that the lines and measurements of the battle ship and the ocean liner are modeled closely after those of the Ark, though Noah today might be con sidered by some as deserving of court-martial for 408 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN running his vessel aground. It is only a little over three weeks since I was called to your city to become Secretary of the Navy, and though I have been hard at work, I fear I have not yet learned enough to speak upon the right arm of American defense as fully as I hope to be able to do after a longer service in the most interesting department of the Govern ment. "John Paul Jones was the hero of boys of my State, particularly because its greatest citizen, Wiley Jones, gave him the sword that now reposes in the Navy Department, and John Paul added, 'Jones' to his name in remembrance of the goodness to him of the North Carolina patriots. From John Paul Jones to Victor Blue, naval heroes have been enshrined in the affections of the people in the good State from which I hail, and my present ambition is to be able as best I may to be true to the tradition of the Department of which I am now the head. I will confess to you the secret that I came to Washington with much ap prehension lest, 'land-lubber' that I am, I would not justify the President's faith, but two reflections con soled and cheered me. One was the story of a prede cessor, of whom it is told that during his first months in office he decided to take a trip on an armored cruiser. He had read about them, and when invited to go below, was astonished and said : 'By jinks, the thing is hollow. I thought it was solid.' The second comforting suggestion that came to me was the fact that Gideon Welles, Lincoln's Secretary of the Navy, had the same experience for Secretary of the Marine as I had, namely, he had long been editing a party newspaper and was national committeeman of his party. He made a reputation as Secretary of the Navy, but most by the recent publications of his diary. If a Connecticut editor could manage to stand upon the deck, I reflect, may not a North Carolina editor do likewise? Such was my thought and my encouragement. The story of our Navy has never} been fully written. From its beginning, when John WOODROW WILSON 409 Paul Jones left North Carolina to fight for the free dom of man, to the morning when Admiral Dewey sailed into Manila Bay and there destroyed the Span ish squadron, our Navy has fought for the freedom of the sea. The success of our Republic is due in a large part to the preparedness and efficiency and suc cessful operation of its naval forces. The Navy is the strong arm of the Government. Never to injure others, never for aggression, never for conquest, never for glory. No race has the right to build a Navy for national boasting and glory, but only for defense. Every dreadnought ought to be built with the prayer that it will never be used and with the hope that the day will come when universal peace will be established." Secretary of State Mr. Bryan requested me over the telephone to call at the Department at my con venience to discuss several matters of importance concerning my coreligionists. The following letter which on the day after this conference I addressed to Hon. Adolf Kraus will give a brief history of what took place between the Secretary and myself: June 28, 1913. Hon. Adolf Kraus, Chicago, 111. My Dear Kraus: Yesterday W. J. B. telephoned over to have me call and see him. It was a curious coincidence, in asmuch as I intended to go to see him today. He desired to know the standing and character of the B'nai B'rith, whether it was the representative Jew ish organization, and whether it was looked upon by the Jewish community at home and abroad, as rep resentative and worthy of confidence. You can easily imagine my answer. He then said he would ask me about the qualifications of a number of men who had applied for office, one of whom the Depart- 410 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN ment wanted to appoint in the diplomatic services. Naturally I spoke highly of those who deserved it. In this connection it struck me that Mr. - - might possibly want to go as Ambassador to Turkey, or some equally representative post. I told him that it was a pity that Spain had been promised to someone else, as it would have been a fitting recognition, after the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, to send a citi zen of Jewish faith back as representative, especially as Spain was getting quite liberal and asking Jews to come back. He said he felt very sorry that the mat ter had not been called to his attention, as he would have been pleased to have accepted my suggestion. He told me that he had sent for me, knowing that I was the representative of the Order in Washington, and of the Union of American Hebrew Congrega tions, and that it was easy to get a Democrat but not so easy to get a representative of a class. I then told him about the escapades in regard to your letters, and he laughed heartily, and said he bore no ill-will on the contrary, he admired you for your frankness, and thanked you for your good will, and is going to take further action, although some has already been taken, in the Roumanian matter. He also assured me that the administration would make no treaty with any government in which the rights of all American citizens were not recognized. The interview was quite lengthy, in every way satis factory, and indeed quite complimentary to the Or der and its worthy Chief. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. On December 3, 1913, I addressed a letter to the Department of State, making inquiry as to whether or not negotiations were pending between our coun try and Russia looking towards an early commercial treaty, and if so, whether the State Department would adhere to its action so far as to the recogni- WOODROW WILSON 411 tion of the American passport when in the hands of any of its citizens, irrespective of their religious faith or nationality. In answer to which, I received the following reply: Department of State, Washington, D. C., December 6, 1913. Mr. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. G. Sir: The Department begs to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of September 3rd, in which you in quire whether there are any negotiations pending between this country and Russia looking towards an early commercial treaty, and if so, whether the State Department will adhere to its action so far taken as to the recognition of the American passport when in the hands of any of its citizens, irrespective of their religious faith or nationality. In reply to your inquiry I have to inform you that there are no negotiations pending between this coun try and Russia for a new commercial treaty. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, For the Secretary of State, J. H. MOORE, Counselor. On the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary celebration of the Hebrew Orphan's Home of At lanta, Georgia, of which I am the founder and w'as the president for twenty-five years, I sent to Presi dent Wilson a souvenir publication of the occasion. In acknowledging the same, he sent me the following letter, which I deeply appreciated: The White House, March 26, 1914. My Dear Mr. Wolf : I warmly congratulate you upon the completion of the twenty-fifth year of the work of the Hebrew 412 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Orphan's Home. It is an institution that has done a work of which you have every reason to be deeply proud. How fortunate you are to have been able to do this distinguished work of charity. It must af ford you a great deal of genuine happiness. Cordially and sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Mr. Simon Wolf, 2013 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C. In my Seventieth Year Book, President Wilson wrote the following sentiment: "Let us pray that our dear country mixed of almost every element of the modern world, may have sympathies as wide as the world, put away the provincialism of prejudice and fulfil her mission of justice and humanity to the utmost. WOODROW WILSON." 7th June, 1914. In my copy of "The History of the People of the United States," written by Woodrow Wilson, he wrote on the fly-leaf of the first volume in June, 1914, the following: "This is too large a stage, the play moves with too varied a plot for any spectator to see more than a typical incident here and there the main motive and the chief figures of the epic drama, may that much be really seen and vividly, in these pages. WOODROW WILSON." During the early part of 1915, a hearing was given by the Immigration Committee of the House to vari- WOODROW WILSON 413 ous representatives, on the Immigration Bill pending at that time before that Committee. The Burnett Bill, as the law was known, contained the vetoed literacy test and other features that were more or less objectionable. The American Jewish Committee was represented by Mr. Cyrus Sulzberger, the president; Mr. Louis Marshall being absent on account of pending court business; the Board of Delegates and the Order of B'nai B'rith were represented by Hon. Abram I. Elkus and Mr. Max J. Kohler, of New York City, and myself. Mr. Sulzberger made a strong presentation along various lines of Jewish activity, and his reasons for opposing the literacy test. He was listened to with attention and questioned by a number of the mem bers of the Committee. Mr. Elkus, like Mr. Sulz berger, made an admirable statement and recom mendation as to what would be desirable in chang ing the character of the pending Immigration Bill. Mr. Elkus was also interrupted by numerous ques tions. Mr. Kohler, as usual, made a lucid, logical and historical statement in regard to immigration, of which subject he is a past master. Mr. Morrison, the secretary of the American Federation of Labor, was put on the stand and for six hours made an elaborate statement, and answered innumerable questions from each and every member of the Com mittee, and while the friends of the immigrant could not agree with Mr. Morrison in what he demanded so urgently in the interest of labor, yet it could not be gainsaid that he made a strong, intelligent pre sentation. The Committee was in session for fourteen long 414 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN hours, except for a recess to eat a bite. It was at 1.30 o'clock on the morning of the 13th, when the chance came for me to speak. I had very patiently waited, and while an effort was made to take a re cess and postpone hearing me until the morning of the 13th, it was determined by the Committee that they would hear me, and thus conclude the hearing. I spoke on all that immigration had heretofore achieved; stated the Jewish position on this subject with lucidity, and pointed out how Jewish immi grants coming from Russia and Roumania differ en tirely from the general immigration; that they were not immigrants but refugees, fleeing from religious and political persecution, and that the law should be so changed as to give a wide discretion to the Gov ernment officials in admitting these unfortunate vic tims of oppression and persecution. I pointed out the wonderful work the Jewish peo ple were doing in every city and hamlet of the coun try in aiding these incoming future Americans. The Jewish women were caring for the girls who other wise might be stranded; that they did not become public charges, and how the great boon of American citizenship entitled them to fuller consideration when the wife and children, as so often happens, came and one or more of the group afflicted with some disease, that the citizen was entitled to the highest consider ation; that the steerage in one sense was superior to the cabin, as they formed a valuable asset to the nation's wealth and prosperity. It was a dramatic scene in the early hours of the morn, and one never to be forgotten. A number of tilts between Judge Goldfogle, Judge Sabbath, and the Chairman of the Committee, Mr. WOODROW WILSON 415 Burnett, took place. The two former were ardent supporters of the contention that the literacy test was unnecessary and worked great hardship, while Mr. Burnett was in favor of the bill, naturally, being the father thereof. The outcome of the hearing is well known. The bill passed both Houses with all the objectionable features, and when it reached the White House, President Wilson, like his predecessors, Cleveland and Taft, vetoed it on account of the literacy test. The House attempted to pass it over the veto and failed, not being able to get the constitutional two- thirds majority. In the next session of Congress, however, the fight was renewed, the bill passing both Houses and again vetoed by the President, but unfortunately became a law by being passed over the veto. After the vetoing of the Immigration Bill, I ad dressed the following letter of thanks and congratu lation to President Wilson. January 29, 1915. The President: As Chairman of the Board of Delegates on Civil Rights of the Union of American Hebrew Congrega tions, and as resident representative of the Order of B'nai B'rith, I wish to thank you most heartily for the words contained in your veto message to Con gress on the Immigration Bill. They are worthy of the best traditions of the Republic, and express the sentiments, I am sure, of the sane, patriotic and pro gressive element of our people. Education confers no superiority, if character is lacking, while on the contrary, character is the basis of good citizenship. As you say, a large number of immigrants are de prived in their native country of a chance to educate themselves. My own sainted mother could only read 416 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN the Hebrew Prayer Book, and yet, I am sure she was in every way worthy of the privileges and opportu nities which she and her children enjoyed in this country. And so there are thousands and thousands of descendants of those who have given the world the Bible, the Psalms, and best literature of the dark ages, who would be deprived by the literacy test from entering. So the descendants of fair Italy, the heirs of the classic literature, art and song, the de fenders of liberty, would be deprived, all of which would be criminal, and deprive the nation of an asset which it so sorely needs. But why amplify? You undoubtedly understand the whole situation, and have grasped it in a terse, patriotic manner. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. And to which he answered: The White House, January 30, 1915. My Dear Mr. Wolf: The President has read with a great deal of in terest your kind letter of January 29th, and he asks me to thank you warmly for having written. He genuinely appreciates your generous expressions and your good will. Sincerely yours, J. P. TUMULTY, Secretary to the President. The rights of political asylum has never been de fined and outlined more exhaustively and intelli gently than that which is contained in the following article by the able publicist, Mr. Max J. Kohler, of New York City, which appeared in the New York Post, May 3, 1916: WOODROW WILSON 417 "RIGHTS OF POLITICAL ASYLUM THREATENED. Little-Discussed Amendments to the Immigration Bill Which Would Revolutionize American Policy Toward Political Refugees and Domiciled Aliens. To the Editor of the Evening Post. Sir: The Burnett Immigration Bill, as reported by the Senate Committee after its passage by the House, contains several amendments of great im portance. As amended by the Senate Committee, the bill restricts the proviso of section 3, exempting per sons convicted, or who admit the commission, or who teach and advocate the commission "of an offence purely political," only if such offence is not a felony." Such reference to "felonies," with respect to offences committed abroad, where (except in Anglo-Saxon lands) our own distinctions between felony and misdemeanor are unknown, is most un wise and confusing and uncertain; but however the provision be construed, almost every offence to which it can apply would be removed from the exemption, for practically no other offences involve "moral tur pitude," and only such offenders are excluded, whether the act be purely political or not. It is not very long since our country was agitated by the effort to extradite Pourento Russia, on the charge of murder, through a political offence com mitted in the course of a revolt against Russian des potism, and our Government finally refused to de liver him up. Yet what would become of our extra-' dition treaties if all their restrictions and safeguards could thus be circumvented by such summary de portation under the immigration laws. Still more recently in the Castro case (involving alleged mur der, resulting from ordering an insurrection stopped) (203 Fed. Rep. 155), and the Mylius case (criminal libel of the King of England) (203 Fed. Rep. 152, affirmed 210 Fed. Rep. 860), the courts were called upon to protect political refugees against arbitrary 418 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN and unjustified administrative deportation under the immigration laws, yet what would become of the restrictions there recognized by the courts, under this new legislative abolition of the right of asylum for such political refugees, President Wilson's em phatic language, based upon a true appreciation of our history, would be a hundred times more appli cable to the new bill: It seeks to all but close entirely the gates of asylum which have always been open to those who could find nowhere else the right and opportunity of con stitutional agitation for what they conceived to be the natural and inalienable rights of men, * * * a radical departure from the traditional and long- established policy of this country, a policy in which our people have conceived the very character of their Government to be expressed, the very mission and spirit of the nation in respect of its relations to the peoples of the world outside their borders * * * The right of political asylum has brought to this country many a man of noble character and elevated purpose who was marked as an outlaw in his own less fortunate land,- and who has yet become an orna ment to our citizenship and to our political councils. But all sorts of difficult and confusing questions of law would also arise, which the petty administra tive officers, having no legal knowledge, would be wholly incapable of deciding properly, and which probably only the Supreme Court of the United States can ultimately unravel. Our existing immi gration law excludes all persons who have commit ted crimes involving moral turpitude, whether they be felony or misdemeanor, unless they be purely political offences, so there has been no occasion thus far to inquire into the question whether the offences be felonies or misdemeanors and whether the dis tinction is to be gauged by the provisions of the for eign country's law (if it makes it), or our Federal Penal Code provision (Sec. 335), or the law of the particular State in which admission is applied for, or WOODROW WILSON 419 that of the State in which the immigrant is destined. Even the existing statute was shown in the Mylius case to be most confusing and uncertain in its pro vision as to "moral turpitude," both District Court and Circuit Court of Appeals reversing the Board of Special Inquiry and Secretary Nagel on this point of law. But ever so much more troublesome questions would arise if the "felony" test must also be taken into account, and particularly if the lay inspectors must suddenly become experts in the criminal law of every country from which the immigrants come. Strong reasons suggest themselves for assuming that the question whether the offence be a felony or not is to be determined by the provisions of the law where it was committed. Such would seem to be the theory of the Castro decision, but, on the other hand, as hereto pointed out, few foreign countries establish our particular distinctions between "felony" and "misdemeanor," and it would seem unreasonable to ascribe to lay immigration officials knowledge of the criminal laws of all the foreign countries involved, and this would be a construction of our laws which the courts would not favor. The alternative would be very difficult and trou blesome also, however an investigation into the character of the offence under the foreign law, and the application to the same of our own varying and confusing tests as to the distinctions between felonies and misdemeanors. These definitions or tests vary in the different States, and the Federal Penal Code provision is still different. Originally, the more seri ous offences, roughly speaking, were felonies, but different laws arbitrarily made certain acts felonies, or misdemeanors, as the case might be, involving much confusion and uncertainty as to the common law and each State even. Should the distinctions existing in the State where the immigrant lands be adopted regardless of his destination? If so, he would be admissible in one State, but not in another, and after landing, could 420 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN go wherever he pleased. If his assumed destination is the test he could assign one favorable to him, and nevertheless go wherever he wanted to, after admis sion. Moreover, such consideration of local State conditions on application to enter the United States seems inconsistent with the policy ably laid down by the United States Supreme Court in the recent case of Gegiow vs. Uhl. The alternative would seem to be the application of the Federal Criminal Code pro vision (Sec. 335), defining as a felony an offence pun ishable by death, or imprisonment of over one year, but that, in practice, would cover almost every offence involving moral turpitude, political or not, and would practically expunge the political offence exemption entirely. Another serious change made by the Senate Com mittee is the omission of the House provision, per mitting aliens who have declared their intention to become citizens to re-enter, in the discretion of the Secretary, despite other possible disqualifications. Many years ago, even under the Chinese exclusion laws, the United States Supreme Court recognized that unmistakable language in a law must be present to cut off the right of return of aliens domiciled here, recognized by international law, and this principle was subsequently applied, even to the wives and children of domiciled aliens. Surely, formal and solemn declarations of intention to become a citizen of the United States is most cogent evidence of ac quisition of a permanent domicile here, and will often involve serious liabilities under the laws of the country of original citizenship, if United States pro tection is thus cut off. Yet even discretionary power in the Secretary to admit them is cut off. This pro vision becomes all the more serious, because this bill established a new and revolutionary definition of "alien" under the Immigration Law to include only native-born or naturalized citizens of the United States. This will result in harsh and heart-rending separation of families. It will exclude wives, though WOODROW WILSON 421 their husbands are here and are citizens, whose citi zenship, except as to Chinese, has been heretofore recognized as resulting from the husband's. It will exclude minor children of citizens, not only on an original entry, but even afterwards though Secretary Nagel, in an able opinion, upheld their right, even in the first-named contingency, to enter, in order to avoid heartless breaking up of families. Such ex clusion of wives and infant children may take place on the flimsy and irrelevant reason that they may have some petty, insignificant "defect that may affect their ability to earn a living" may, however, im probably and notwithstanding the fact that the hus band or father may be so well off that there is no reasonable probability that the wife, for instance, will ever be called upon to earn her livelihood. This change is all the more remarkable, because the Sen-, ate, a few years ago, amended a House Immigration Bill by expressly providing that the wives and minor children of citizens should be regarded as admissible and an appropriate exception might be made, if ad visable, of such as suffer from loathsome and con tagious diseases, for instance. It is obvious that these provisions are very ill-advised, and have been adopted without careful consideration of the conse quences. MAX J. KOHLER." New York, April 29, 1916. Some of the most dramatic incidents in connection with the landing of refugees, the future Americans, transpired time and again, not only in this Adminis tration, but during many years prior. On several occasions people who had been ordered deported, and for whom at the last moment I had secured ad mission, were taken off the steamers sailing down the bay. The joy and happiness of the out-going immigrant, rescued, can never be told in cold type, 422 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN but their letters of thanks and their personal expres sions, have been more than compensation. The question of securing the assurance of our Government that it would use its good offices to bring about a recognition on the lines of equality and lib erality for the Jews in those countries where it had been denied them is evidenced by the following cor respondence between President Wilson and myself: February 9, 1915. To the President, Washington, D. G. As Chairman of the Board of Delegates of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and as resident member of the Executive Committee of the International Order of B'nai B'rith, I beg to present to you the wishes of your fellow citizens of Jewish faith, who are, in every sense of the word, patriotic and loyal Americans, and therefore are deeply con cerned in the outcome of the present war when terms of peace shall be determined on. You are well aware of the conditions of our co-religionists in cer tain parts of Europe; that for centuries in those countries they have been denied equal rights, either political or religious, in consequence of which a large number have sought refuge in this land of opportu nity, and that unless our Gpvernment can be instru mental in securing those rights, to the enjoyment of which they have so far been denied, the influx of such refugees from the lands of oppression will not only continue, but be largely increased. John Hay, when Secretary of State, made this prop osition very clear in his famous Roumanian note. He regarded the persecution of the Jews as an act of hostility to the United States, as it brought to our shores immigrants that would have remained in the land of their birth, were they treated in a spirit of fairness and justice. WOODROW WILSON 423 We do not believe that at any time in the world's history has the time been so opportune to secure equal rights for the Jews in Europe as at the time when terms of peace shall be agreed upon by the bel ligerent powers. The United States Government has a vantage ground equaled by none; one that can, I am sure, through your wise and sane statesmanship, become a dominating factor in the solution of this great and important question. It will not only be conducive to the welfare and prosperity of the people in question, but aid very materially the citizens of the United States, and we, therefore, most respect fully but earnestly suggest that you give this great international problem due consideration to the end of securing justice. With sincere regards, I have the honor, Mr. Presi dent, to subscribe myself. Your very obedient servant and fellow citizen. SIMON WOLF. The White House, Washington, April 7, 1915. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I read with the greatest interest the letter you were kind enough to leave with me a short time ago bear ing the signatures of representatives of the Order of B'nai B'rith and the Hebrew Congregations of the United States. I beg that you will assure those who were kind enough to send me this interesting letter that I follow from time to time with the greatest in terest the fine work of the organizations which they represent, work which undoubtedly contributes to the uplift and betterment of the nation, and I have been particularly interested in the work of education and philanthropy and the effort to destroy so far as they can the provincialism of prejudice as between races. Will you not be kind enough to convey to them my warm appreciation of their letter and my assurance that whenever and in whatever way it may be possi- 424 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN ble for me to serve the interests which they repre sent, I shall conceive it a privilege to do so? Cordially and sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. In addition thereto, to be assured of the status on the part of our Government, in concluding a new treaty with Russia, the following correspondence took place, which evidences that I have been watch ful and vigilant in securing those rights to which the Jew as a man and citizen is entitled: April 8, 1915. To the President : The newspapers have recently and again today, made statements that our Government was about re newing the treaty with Russia. You are well aware that the treaty of 1832, between the United States and Russia, existed for eighty years, when by almost unanimous voice of the American people, it was abrogated under the administration of your imme diate predecessor. The cause of said abrogation was brought about by the nonrecognition of the American passport by Russia, when in the hands of an American citizen, Russia contending that under their police regulations they had the right of preclud ing the domicile and sojourn of all persons seeking admission into Russia, especially those who had been born in that country and naturalized in the United States. Our contention was and is that, whether born or naturalized in this country, American citizens are entitled to equal rights and privileges. Therefore, I sincerely hope that any treaty to be concluded with Russia shall have the important clause of travel and sojourn in Russia by any American citizen irrespec tive of nationality or creed. Any neglect on the part of the Government to recognize this important factor of American citizenship would, I am sure, be WOODROW WILSON 425 resented by the same overwhelming majority that led to the abrogation of the former treaty. In bringing this matter to your attention, I am not voicing the opinions of American citizens of Jewish faith alone, although they are mostly concerned, but principally as an American citizen looking to the future growth and prosperity of the republic, and recognizing the all-important fact that, unless Russia enters the domain of civilization by recognizing all men as equals, that the principal sufferer by pursu ing her course would be the United States, owing to a continued abnormal and unnatural immigration, and as a patriotic American, I trust that whatever treaty shall be concluded with Russia, shall embrace the important paragraph, the absence of which led to the abrogation of the former treaty. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. The White House, Washington, D. C., April 12, 1915. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have your letter of April 8th. You may be sure that when we negotiate a new treaty with Russia we shall not be forgetful of the very important matter to which you call my attention. Cordially and sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. In connection with the question of our co-religion ists in Russia and Roumania, I take the liberty of quoting an excerpt from the book entitled "The Doc trine of Intervention," written by Mr. Henry G. Hodges, of the University of Pennsylvania. Coming from a distinguished Christian student of the ques tion, his discussion of "Intervention in the Interest of Persecuted Jews" (pp. 92-96), is particularly signi ficant. He says: 426 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN The case of an intervention in the interest of per secuted Jews presents several distinct peculiarities. In the first place, the race has no direct protecting governmental authority. In the second place, due to their scattered condition, they are unable to unite in sufficient numbers for their own adequate protec tion. These two facts are sufficient to explain the peculiarity of the present situation of the Jews in Roumania. At the Berlin Conference in 1878, the Powers agreed to recognize the Balkan States on the condi tion that they should not impose any religious dis abilities on their subjects. This was the spirit and letter of Article 44 of that Agreement. Recognition was granted with the understanding that this stipu lation would be fulfilled. Hence it follows from the spirit of Article 44 that should this article be vio lated, the Powers signing that agreement had the right, and even more the duty, of intervention. Nev ertheless, in accordance with the municipal law in Roumania, the Jews are, with a few exceptions, con sidered as foreigners so that they may not come un der the provisions of the article just mentioned. On the other hand, the authorities argue that since these Jews are not subjects of any other State, Roumania may compel them to render military service. The authorities treat them, in respect to many other mat ters, as their discretion may direct. It would seem that the parties to this Berlin Conference are lax in the fulfillment of their obligations so long as they allow such actions to continue. For them interven tion for the correction of the present anomalous con dition of the Roumanian Jew, is legally justifiable. For other States the cause is very weak. It must be admitted that the so-called rights of mankind are not absolutely assured. If Oppenheimer's history of the development of the mutual ascendancy of the Christian religion and the principles of international law is a true one, it is hard to see upon what grounds an intervention for WOODROW WILSON 427 the suppression of such conditions as exist in Rou- mania in respect to the Jewish population can be denied. The development of the "hands off" policy is nulli fying sympathy in a similar case, where no agree ment exists to justify an intervention. The case of the Jews in Russia is known to the civilized world. The reports can not all be false. The condition of these people arouses pity, but although deplorable conditions exist there, they are not existing in viola tion of any international agreement. The Jews in Roumania have a much stronger case than the Jews in Russia, but the only legitimate authority for tak ing up their cause from a strictly legal standpoint has failed to act. One of the strongest views in opposition to an in tervention based on religious oppression is expressed by Hall, from whose writings Oppenheimer says many of his opinions are formed. Evidently this opinion came from a different source. There are several writers who maintain that the Law of Na tions guarantees to every individual, wherever he might be, the so-called rights of mankind, no matter what may be his status; that is, even though he may be stateless. Among these writers are Rluntschli, de Martens, Ronfils and others. We may conclude that, although the opinions of the writers just mentioned can hardly be said to ob tain at the present time, nevertheless there is a ten dency to depart from that very strict construction given to the principle by Hall. As in the case of hu manity, it seems that the tendency of an ever-increas ing pressure of public opinion, combined with a more universal demand for justice, is to push the claim for legality of this cause ever nearer that point where it will be recognized by the majority. Religious toleration will be one of the accomplishments of an advanced international community just as surely as it is of the more enlightened States of the present time. 428 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN On the occasion of the quinquennial Convention of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith, held in San Francisco, California, in May, 1915, which Conven tion I am happy to state I was enabled to attend as a delegate, I had received the following letters, to be read to those assembled as a mark of good-will and friendship on the part of those whose signatures are affixed to each message: The letter from President Wilson, dated April 7, 1915, and read at the Convention, has already been quoted in this sketch. Department of State, Washington, April 3, 1915. Hon. Simon Wolf, Woodward Building, Washington. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I am just in receipt of your letter saying that you expect to attend the quinquennial convention of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith to be held in San Francisco in the near future and suggesting that you will be glad to carry a message of greeting and good will. I am, of course, acquainted with this great inter national organization and profoundly appreciate the large work which ft has done in the matter of edu cation and social uplift. Please present to the mem bers in most cordial language my compliments and good wishes, and accept for yourself my thanks for giving me this opportunity to give expression to the interest which I feel in the work that the Order has done and in the still larger work before it in propa gating peace and good-will throughout the world. Yours very truly, W. J. BRYAN. WOODROW WILSON 429 Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y., April 10th, 1915. My Dear Mr. Wolf: Through you permit me to extend my hearty good wishes to the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith and to wish it all success in continuing its work in strengthening the ties between man and man and endeavoring to contribute to the uplift and better ment of humanity. It has been a great educational and enlightening factor in our American life. With hearty good wishes, Sincerely yours, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Simon Wolf, Esq., Woodward Building, Washington, D. C. New Haven, Conn., April 1st, 1915. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have yours of March 30th. I am glad that you are going to attend the quinquennial convention of the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith, which will meet in San Francisco sometime during April. I have great respect for the Order because of the good which it has done, the conservative attitude which it has occupied, the harmonizing effect which it has had upon otherwise discordant elements, and the general world fraternity which it has promoted. It is a body of representative American citizens that deserves the approval and encouragement of all their fellow citizens. I sincerely hope that the convention will be full of usefulness, on the one hand, and of enjoyment for the members of the Order, on the other. Sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT. Honorable Simon Wolf, Woodward Building, Washington, D. C. 430 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Western Union Day Letter. Chicago, 111., April 24, 1915. 9 a.m. Hon. Simon Wolf, St. Francis Hotel, San Francisco, Gal. Permit me to express my best wishes for the suc cess of the great charitable and educational work of your organization, at no time in our history has there been more need for enlightened toleration or better reason for taking account of the real contributors to our country's welfare. I am happy to know that you were able to attend the meeting and I trust that Cali fornia may bestow upon you health-giving warmth and cheer, as you dispense good-will and comfort among your fellowmen. CHAS. NAGEL. Honorable Simon Wolf, Woodward Building, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Wolf: May I, on the part of the American Red Cross, ex tend warm greetings to the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith at its quinquennial convention. It was a pleasure some five years ago to address this repre sentative body of Jewish men here in Washington. Since then we have received continuous support and sympathetic interest and aid from the Jewish people in America, and we desire to express our very sin cere thanks and gratitude for their assistance. There is no greater humanitarian organization in the world than the Red Cross. It knows neither race nor creed, but unites all mankind in the bond of brotherhood. Though the Executive Committee of the American Red Cross realizing that the work for the sick and wounded would take all its time, funds and energy, decided not to undertake non-combatant relief work, some funds have been received to aid these non- combatants and the Committee was glad from this WOODROW WILSON 431 small amount to appropriate $10,000 for the Jewish Committee that is sending relief to Palestine. It has also been of assistance in sending boxes of supplies through for the relief of the Jewish people in Aus tria, Poland and Galicia. Again with most hearty appreciation and gratitude for the aid of the Jewish people in the great humani tarian work of the Red Gross, and asking for their continued assistance and interest, I am, Yours sincerely, MABEL T. BOARDMAN. The matter of shipping whole wheat by and through the consent of the Allies, to be used during Passover by our suffering brethren abroad due to the terrible and prolonged war, having been brought to my attention, I addressed President Wilson to the following effect: January 5, 1916. To the President: I had the honor of informing you the other day that we are contemplating having a mass meeting on the evening of the twentieth, in aid of the Jewish War Sufferers, and at the same time to bring home to official Washington the fearful condition of my co-religionists. One of the main objects outside of the collection of money is to secure the good offices of our Govern ment for the purpose of getting the permission of the Allies to ship several cargoes of whole wheat so that at the coming Passover it can be used to make un leavened bread. There are thousands of Orthodox Jews \vho would starve during the period of eight days if they could not have this unleavened bread. In itself it may be termed a trifling affair, but to those concerned, it is a matter of life and death. Will you instruct the State Department to take up this matter to the end of securing the permission? As ever, sincerely, SIMON WOLF. 432 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN To which he made the following reply: January 6, 1916. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have your letter of January fifth and will be very pleased to take up the matter you refer to with the State Department to ascertain if it is possible to do anything. Of course, we will do it if it is possible. In haste, Cordially and sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Mr. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. G. Letters received from my friend Alvey A. Adee, in regard to the same matter, are also given herein and fully explain themselves: Department of State, January 8, 1916. Mr. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. G. Sir: The Department acknowledges the receipt, by ref erence from the President, of your letter of January fifth, requesting the President to instruct the Depart ment to use its good offices for the purpose of obtain ing permission from the Allies to ship several car goes of whole wheat so that at the coming Passover it can be used to make unleavened bread. Before complying with your request, the Depart ment begs to request you to inform it how much wheat you desire to ship, to what places, to whom it is to be consigned, and how it is to be distributed, as these questions are certain to be asked of the De partment by the governments from whom the per mission to ship the wheat is requested. I am, sir, Your obedient servant, For Secretary of State: ALVEY A. ADEE, Second Assistant Secretary. WOODROW WILSON 433 And later the following letter was received : Department of State, Washington, February 19, 1916. Mr. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. Sir: With further reference to your letter of January fifth, to the President, requesting him to instruct the Department to use its good offices for the purpose of obtaining permission from the Allies to ship several cargoes of whole wheat so that at the coming Pass over it can be used to make unleavened bread, there is quoted herewith a copy of a telegram, dated Feb ruary 14, 1916, from the American Embassy at Lon don, indicating the attitude of Great Britain toward the shipment of whole wheat at this time. "British Government has just answered my repre sentation made under your instruction to effect that they had already received a request to authorize the export of such bread from Holland, and that after careful consideration, it was decided reluctantly that it must be refused as far as consignments to Ger many and Austria and the territories occupied by their armed forces were concerned. "British Government adds that from official and public statements made from time to time, by or on behalf of German Government, it appears that sup ply of flour at present in Germany, is amply suffi cient to furnish pure flour when required for special purposes. It is therefore opinion of British Govern ment that application should be made to German and Austrian Governments to allow distribution to their Jewish subjects of such quantities of pure flour as may be necessary to satisfy their religious require ments." I am, sir, Your obedient servant, For Secretary of State, WILLIAM PHILLIPS, Third Assistant Secretary. 434 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN A statement having been made by certain parties in New York City, that they had received authorita tive advices that an outbreak had recently been made against the Jews of Russia, I was impelled to address the State Department in the following manner: April 29, 1916. Hon. Robert Lansing, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Secretary: My co-religionists all over the country are very much excited and worried about a statement made, which is claimed to be from an authoritative source that there is to be an outbreak against the Jews of Russia at the coming Russian Easter. It is scarcely conceivable that such a crime should be committed at any time, but particularly at this juncture when hundreds of thousands of Russians of Jewish faith are battling for the land of their birth, or at least not shirking the duty they owe to the State, notwith standing the horrible outrages and persecutions to which they have been subjected. I, therefore, would take it as a great personal fa vor, not only for my own sake, but for the sake of millions of our people, if you could secure some re liable information from our Embassy at St. Peters burg, as to the reliability of such statement or the probability of any such outrages. Whatever reply you may make to me will be strictly confidential, unless it should be of such a character that you of your own accord will permit its publication. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. And received from Secretary Lansing the follow ing satisfactory and courteous answer: WOODROW WILSON 435 Department of State, Washington, May 4, 1916. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I am in receipt of your private and confidential letter of April 29, 1916, requesting information as to the authenticity of a report that there is to be an out break against the Jews of Russia at the coming of the Russian Easter. The Department has cabled the Embassy at Petro- grad making inquiry in the matter. I am, my dear Mr. Wolf, Very sincerely yours, ROBERT LANSING. Mr. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. And later, Mr. Adee addressed me, giving absolute assurance that no such outbreaks had taken place, and that the Russian Easter had passed without *nci- dent. His letter is given below in full : Department of State, Washington, D. C., May 12, 1916. Mr. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. Sir: In further reply to your letter of April 29th, in ref erence to the reported threatened danger to Jews in Russia at the then approaching Russian Easter, the Department begs to inform you that it is in receipt of a telegram, dated May llth, from the American Ambassador at Petrograd, stating that the Russian Easter has passed without incident. I am, sir, Your obedent servant, For the Secretary of State: ALVEY A. ADEE, Second Assistant Secretary. 436 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Many letters, and even telegrams having been re ceived, asking whether our Government was making a treaty with Russia, I again addressed the President on the subject, as is shown by the following: May 25, 1916. To the President: I had the honor on February 9, 1915, of addressing you a letter, to which you replied on April 7, 1917, copies of which I herewith enclose. Since that date various groups of American citi zens of Jewish faith have been much concerned as to what attitude our Government will take in securing equal rights for their co-religionists in every part of the world, especially in Russia and Roumania. In the present European conditions, it is hard to prog nosticate or conclude as to what may or may not be done when the belligerents shall have concluded on terms of peace, but when that hour comes, we wish to be assured on the part of our great Government, so far as the Executive can promise, that every means consistent with diplomacy and with the demands of humanity, shall be exercised to secure those rights which are inherent in every human being, and which when conceded by all Nations, will strengthen the kinship, no matter what the nationality or creed may be, and materially contribute to solve a great prob lem, coincident with the prosperity and development of the United States. Is it asking too much, my dear Mr. President, for you to express yourself as far as is consistent and proper at this juncture, that your determination to do the right thing at the right time has not changed; on the contrary, has been accentuated by the present conditions and by the ultimate prospects of universal peace? Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. To which he replied: WOODROW WILSON 437 The White House, Washington, May 29, 1916. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I have your letter of May twenty-fifth. I hope that it is not necessary for me to state again my determi nation to do the right and possible thing at the right and feasible time with regard to the great interests you so eloquently allude to in your letter. Cordially and sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. This letter of President Wilson should have been conclusive as to the attitude of our Government when the terms of a world peace are to be agreed on, and made from every practical standpoint, a Jewish Congress for the time being, at least, unnec essary. At the close of President Wilson's first adminis tration and during the campaign for his re-election, in answer to the claim that there was a Jewish vote politically, and to refute this hydra-headed monster preying upon the intelligence and integrity of Amer ican citizens of Jewish faith, the following article was prepared by me, which has been received with favor everywhere, irrespective of party, creed or na tionality, and I feel that it is quite appropriate to in corporate it in this sketch, if for no other reason than to preserve the same for future reference: THERE is No JEWISH VOTE. For sixty years I have been in direct opposition to any subject that would favor me so-called idea of a separate vote. I have refused time and again to speak before any Jewish audience, as such, in 438 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN favor of one or the other candidates, either local or national. It goes without saying that as an Ameri can citizen, irrespective of nationality or creed, I am entitled to my opinion and convictions, and so is every other American from that standpoint solely. We owe no thanks to anyone in power for appoint ing one of our faith to any position of trust and re sponsibility. The sole question as to the right of being appointed consists in the fitness and ability of the candidate. Any other course would be preju dicial to all the equities and to all the best traditions of our Government. I find that from the days of Lincoln up to the present, Presidents have appointed American citizens of Jewish faith to important posi tions by virtue of the principle above enunciated. Members of Cabinets, Ambassadors, Ministers, Judges and other offices of trust have thus been conferred and no credit is due to the one that appoints or tq the one that receives the appointment, save and ex cept that the appointing power, conscious of the re sponsibility vested in him, recognizes all classes of American citizens as worthy of confidence, and that the recipient recognizes party affiliations and not sectarian motives. I have been asked to speak on the political hust ings in various places of the country, and notably to my co-religionists, and have steadily declined, for I would be recreant to all that is best in American in stitutions if I were to prostitute my name and the good will I enjoy by trying to corrall those of my own faith because one or the other President may have appointed one or more of my co-religionists. If I were to speak, I would say: "I am here as an American citizen, voicing my own political convic tions, and expect each and everyone of you to vote according to your convictions as American citizens in every possible direction, that while we are Jews in faith, we are American citizens, and being such, we exercise the God-given right of voting as all other of our fellow-citizens are expected to do. Any other WOODROW WILSON 439 course would destroy the fundamental principles of our government, and the Jews, as well as any other nationality or religious corporation, would be used as a buffer and a "hold-up" to secure favors from one or the other of the political parties. During my vacation in the summer of 1915, 1 wrote to Secretary Lansing, congratulating him on the splendid reply made to Austria in the matter of the exportation of munitions of war. He acknowledged my letter in the following manner : The Secretary of State, Washington, August 19, 1915. My Dear Mr. Wolf : I was very much gratified to receive your letter of congratulation upon our reply to the Austrian state ment relative to the export of munitions of war. I thank you for your letter and appreciate greatly your thoughtfulness in writing me. Very sincerely yours, ROBERT LANSING. Simon Wolf, Esquire, Fabyan, White Mountains, New Hampshire. On different occasions I addressed Secretary Wil son, of the Department of Labor, concerning certain matters, which are self-explained by Mr. Wilson's replies, which are set forth herein: Department of Labor, Office of the Secretary, Washington, March 6, 1916. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I am sincerely grateful for your kind note of the 4th instant. It is peculiarly gratifying to know that the conduct of this new Department meets with the 440 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN commendation of one who has been so observant of the working of the various branches of the Federal Government as yourself. Again I thank you, therefore, for your generous expressions. Sincerely yours, W. B. WILSON, Secretary. The Secretary of Labor, Washington, D. C., March 23, 1916. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I acknowledge receipt of your favor of the 23rd instant relative to the reception in honor of Ambas sador Morgenthau to be held in New York on April 5th. The arrangements suggested by you are entirely satisfactory to me and I will be very glad to accom pany you on the train leaving here at 12.30 on that date for New York. Sincerely yours, W. B. WILSON, Secretary. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. C. The Secretary of Labor, Washington, April 12, 1916. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I am in receipt of your favor of the 10th instant, with enclosure, copy of letter of appreciation sent by you to President Wilson, referring to my participa tion in the reception to Ambassador Henry Morgen thau. Please accept my sincere thanks for the very kind references to the address delivered by me on that occasion. Very sincerely yours, W. B. WILSON, Secretary. Hon. Simon Wolf, Woodward Building, Washington, D. C. WOODROW WILSON 441 On one of my personal visits to the White House, I left with President Wilson a pamphlet on Zionism, prepared by the late Dr. Voorsanger, of San Fran cisco, as well as copy of my sketch of Mordecai Man uel Noah. The following day, after having had a chance to glance at them, the President wrote me a personal note of thanks, in which he said : June 1, 1916. My Dear Mr. Wolf: I greatly appreciate your courtesy in leaving with me yesterday the pamphlet on Zionism and your sketch on Mordecai Manual Noah, and I shall value them not only for their intrinsic merit, but also as an evidence of your thoughtful friendship. Cordially and sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Mr. Simon Wolf, Woodward Building, Washington, D. C. The following letter to the President is self-explan atory: June 11, 1917. To the President: I have read with great admiration and patriotic fervor your admirable letter to the Russian people. Nothing could be clearer or sincerer, and the passage about "expending our blood and treasure and that we must be victorious now," I am sure will have a great effect upon all the people of the world. It is providential that in a crisis like this, we have at the head of our great Government a man whose brain and heart are so completely woven together for the common good of humanity. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF. 442 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN The Roumanian Commission being about to visit our country to secure recognition and aid from our Government, I felt the time opportune to suggest to the State Department that steps should be taken to secure some absolute guarantee as to the granting of equal rights to the Jews resident in Roumania. Therefore I addressed the following letter to Secre tary Lansing: June 26, 1917. Hon. Robert Lansing, State Department, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Secretary: I wish to bring to your attention the fact that Roumania so far, either because it did not care to declare itself, or was unable to do so in conse quence of conditions, has made no promise of taking any step, as far as known to me, in regard to eman cipating Roumanian citizens of Jewish faith. Time and again in the last forty years they have promised to do so in fact, became a party to the famous Ber lin treaty, but which was ignored by the Roumanian Government. As the Roumanian Commission is about coming here to secure recognition and aid from our Govern ment, it seems to me it would be highly desirable to secure from this Commission some absolute guaran tee as to granting equal rights to the Jews of Rou mania. More than likely you have already taken steps in this direction. Very sincerely yours, SIMON WOLF, Chairman of the Board of Delegates on Civil Rights of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and Resident Representative of the Inde pendent Order of B'nai B'rith. WOODROW WILSON 443 And in answer to which I received assurances that the subject-matter would be given attention. On the occasion of the banquet tendered to me by New York friends in honor of my eightieth birthday, President Wilson sent the following letter in ac knowledgment of the invitation sent to him: The White House, Washington, November 22, 1916. My Dear Mr. Peyser : I am complimented by the interesting invitation conveyed by your letter of November twenty-first and sincerely regret that my duties are so exacting and are likely to continue so pressing that it will not be possible for me to join the members of the Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Aid Society of America in the banquet they are planning to tender the Honor able Simon Wolf. I can only express my apprecia tion and regret. Sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Julius I. Peyser, Esq., Washington, D. C. One of the tributes on my eightieth birthday: To SIMON WOLF ON HIS EIGHTIETH BIRTHDAY Made of the stuff from which Kings are wrought Yet greater than any King Brother to men of every clime, and To every living thing Ruler o'er hearts that prize true worth Yet servant of all who need Rich in what you have given away Though deaf to the voice of creed. 444 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN A heart that feels for the woes of men Whatever their creed or clime Honored thy name the whole world round For words and deeds sublime We honor you this day of days As you cross the eightieth span Of the arch of life, a life well spent In the service of God and man. TERENCE VINCENT POWDERLY, Late Commissioner-General of Immigration. October 28, 1916. The following correspondence exchanged between President Wilson and myself during my summer va cation in 1917 may be of interest to my readers: Poland Spring House, South Poland, Maine. August 17, 1917. My Dear Mr. President: Last evening we had an illustrated lecture on our "five great wars," when your picture and the legend "Stand by the President" appeared, the applause was great and a wave of patriotism swept over the large audience. When Grant's picture appeared and the lecturer said Grant's slogan of "Unconditional Sur render" must be applied to Germany, the Welkin rang with cheers. The people are waking up and I do feel that the horizon is brightening. God and the country is with you. Sincerely, SIMON WOLF. The White House, Washington, 21 August, 1917. My Dear Mr. Wolf: Your letter of August seventeenth has brought me very cheering information and I want to thank you WOODROW WILSON 445 for it very sincerely. It was certainly an act of thoughtful kindness on your part to write. Sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Hon. Simon Wolf, Poland Spring House, South Poland, Maine. Poland Spring House, South Poland, Maine, Aug. 29, 1917. My Dear Mr. President : Your trumpet call to the Democracy of the World is masterly, and will rank equal, if not superior to any state paper in our archives. Please accept my sincere appreciation. There is only one way for en during peace and that way you have outlined in plain Anglo Saxon words. They ring true. Sincerely, SIMON WOLF. On the 9th of January, 1918, I wrote to President Wilson, thanking him for the splendid address he had made before Congress, to which he replied as follows : The White House, Washington, January 10, 1918. My Dear Mr. Wolf: Thank you very warmly for your note of yester day. It is much appreciated. Sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. Hon. Simon Wolf, Washington, D. G. It is gratifying that American citizens of Jewish faith have been summoned to positions of great trust and responsibility in this crucial hour, noticeably the patriotic philanthropist, Julius Rosenwald. His example of civic and Jewish duty has been and is an inspiration. 446 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Since publishing the first edition, the President of the United States has called to the Public Service, Bernard M. Baruch, who has been a tower of strength proving his generosity and loyal patriotism. My estimate of President Wilson, tersely expressed, is that his leadership, his literary genius, his states manship and political sagacity are unsurpassed in the annals of our country. Our relations have been most friendly, and it is my sincere wish that they will so continue to the end. In the midst of this great struggle of democracy against military autocracy, it behooves every Amer ican, irrespective of nationality, creed or political affinity, to support, encourage and uphold the Presi dent of the United States, and at no time during my four-score years and two have I been more optimis tic as to the final outcome, confident that the Re public founded by Washington, preserved by Lin coln, will be perpetuated by Woodrow Wilson. It is most gratifying to state that during all these years of personal and official relations with the Presidents and their several Department Secretaries, as well as the Chiefs of the Bureaus, our intercourse has been uniformly cordial, considerate and humane, and it is gratifying for an American citizen to give emphasis to this liberal humanizing conduct on the part of those who govern the affairs of state. HUMOROUS INCIDENTS While seated in the coupe on my way to Lyons, France, a lady and gentleman came in who spoke English. I had just received my mail from the Con sulate. Among other things was a copy of Pack, which I handed over to the gentleman, and he im mediately returned it to me, saying "The dirty dog." I could not understand why he should say that and looked at the cartoon, and lo and behold, it had a picture by Nast of Tweed and his gang in striped clothes. I looked at the man and found that he was Garvey, the plasterer of the New York Court House. In conversation with him I found that he was en tirely innocent of the charges, which was confirmed by Father Malone, and we had a very pleasant time together, his wife being a most intelligent, accom plished woman, and they were of my party on the Nile. During my early days in Washington I taught in the Sabbath School, and one Sabbath a young girl who had been asked to write an essay on King Solo mon brought the following: "King Solomon was a wise and great man in Israel. He had 600 wives, 400 lady friends, and there is where all the Free Masons come from." A few years ago I was invited to speak at the Shamrock Club of this city, of which I am now an honorary member. Being called on to speak, I said, "I am very much reminded of the Irishman who asked the Priest to have him buried, as he was then expected to die, in a Jewish cemetery. When the 448 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Priest, astonished, asked him why, he replied, "Why, your Holy Reverence, the devil never would look for me there," and so I said "My friends would never look for me tonight at this club." Some years ago on my trip from Atlanta, where I had been attending the annual meeting of the Orphans' Home, coming into the Pullman from the diner, a gentleman greeted me and asked me to take a seat with him. Inquired where I was from and when informed, he said Washington was a wonder fully beautiful city, making great progress. I said "Where are you from?" and he replied, "North Caro lina," and I said, "The South is making rapid strides, commercially and financially, and North Carolina particularly so, and if they could get rid of their Governor they would do still more." He replied, "I am the Governor of North Carolina." He then called his son and said he wanted to introduce a gentleman who didn't like the Governor. We became quite in timate and had a pleasant time together, and he has remained my friend ever since. One evening in Washington I escorted the wife of a Justice of the Supreme Court to dinner. In con versation I found that she was from Ohio, and I asked if she knew a certain person in the city where she lived who had been a notorious copperhead, and an opponent of President Lincoln, and she said, "Oh, yes, Mr. Wolf, I knew him very well; he was my father." And no one enjoyed the incident more than the Justice. HUMOROUS INCIDENTS 449 During President McKinley's administration a ban quet was given at the Arlington Hotel, and among other toasts, a member of Congress from New York, elected by the Tammany organization, responded to the sentiment "Our Ladies." After going over the stilted phrases incident to this toast, he worked him self up into a grand passion of rhetoric and said, "On the battlefield of Balaklava, when the camp fires were lit, and the moon shone in all its glory, there arose from the different camps the glorious song which has circled the world, 'Annie Rooney' ' (instead of Annie Laurie). An incident in Andrew Johnson's career typifies the character of the man. When appointed Gover nor of Nashville he was told that if he attempted to speak in that city he would be shot. Arriving there he had a large table placed in front of the Court House where he was to speak, and pulling out a large revolver, put it on the table. He said, "I am in formed that I would be shot if I attempted to speak here. I am ready to be shot before I commence." There was dead silence and then tumultuous ap plause, and he made his speech without any moles tation. U. S. Senator McCreery, during General Grant's administration, was a very genial, rough diamond. A nephew of his who had been in Europe called on him and left his card, and when they met, the Uncle said, "Dick, what did you mean by leaving your card marked E. P.?" The nephew explained to the Uncle the meaning of the letters E. P. and R. S. V. P., etc., and the Uncle replied, "Is that what you went to 450 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Europe for?" Several weeks afterwards the nephew met the Senator and he said, "Uncle I see you called on me and left your card," and the Uncle answered, "Yes." The nephew said, "What did you mean by S. B. A. N. ?" "Sent by a nigger," the Senator replied. Senator McDougal, of California, was a very ac complished scholar, but was very convivial in his habits. During Johnson's administration one night, coming from a dinner party, he slipped into a sewer, and would have disappeared down the Potomac had it not been for the curious coincidence of the pres ence of a policeman, who grabbed him just as he was disappearing. The policeman evidently did not know him and said, "Who are you?" The Senator replied in a guttural voice, "I I I was Senator Mc Dougal, but now I am sewered (Seward). On my way to Egypt I left Vienna to take the steamer at Venice, and as I entered the coupe a gen tleman was seated in the extreme end. I said, "Good morning," "Bon jour," "Guttentag," and received no response. I concluded that the man was deaf or an Englishman. As we got to a stopping place where we got the London papers a thought struck me as I heard the boy calling London Times, Telegraph, etc., and I beckoned to the boy and bought all the papers he had, and came back into the coupe and sat down on the papers. The train started and the gentleman in the corner said, "Would you be kind enough and let me have one of your papers?" and I promptly replied, "I thought you were deaf," and he laughed and said, "No, I am not deaf; I am only one of those cussed fools who think to speak to anyone without HUMOROUS INCIDENTS 451 being introduced is a crime." We became quite chatty, and had a royal lunch together; found he was an English nobleman and member of Parliament, and we parted the best of friends, having handed me his card, and begged me, if ever I came to London, to look him up. When I returned from Egypt and going from Frankfort to Munich, just as the train was starting a lady was precipitated into the coupe with a number of bundles. I sprang to her rescue and placed the bundles in the rack. We commenced talking. I found her to be a woman of culture. She was on her way to greet her son, who was coming from In dia. We found many things in common, especially experiences in Egypt. She was an English woman, and we began to converse about the peculiarities and eccentricities of different nationalities. Among other things I told her the incident above related, and showed her the card of the gentleman. She gave a shriek and said, "That was my husband." Subse quently when in London I called on this wonderful couple and had a royal reception, and have ever felt grateful for the curious incidents that led to so pleasant an acquaintance. While in Egypt the Khedive presented me with a sacred bug, which had been placed with the mum mies o Rameses. It was a very valuable treasure, and the London Museum was anxious to get it and offered me a thousand pounds. When I returned home, my father-in-law, when told of this incident, said, "What two fools were there on that day, the man that offered it and the man that refused it." 452 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN An incident occurred at the National Theatre in Washington one night when a beautiful opera was given. Some of the attaches of one of the legations were in one of the boxes. They chatted so much that the audience was very much disturbed. I arose in my seat and said in a very loud voice, "If the music and singers do not stop it will be impossible for us to hear what is going on in the box." For a moment there was dead silence, and then the ap plause was tremendous and then the box was empty. When I was leaving Egypt on a vacation in April, 1882, Araba Pacha was the Chief Executive and had assumed supreme authority, although the Khedive was still reigning. In making my farewell visit, I said to him, "Your Excellency, I hope when I return I will find you well, and Egypt happy." Araba Pacha, who had a great deal of the native humor of Abra ham Lincoln, promptly replied, "That reminds me of a Sheik speaking in the Mosque, who said, 'All of you who are afraid of your wives stand up.' All ex cept one man stood up. At the close of the service the Sheik went up to this man and said, 'Evidently you are not afraid of your wife,' and the man in a plaintive tone said, 'She gave me such a beating this morning that I am not able to stand up.' So, my dear Consul-General, when you return you may find me well, but you will also find that England has given us such a drubbing that we can't stand up." His prophesy was fulfilled. In 1904, when in Portland, Oregon, I was asked by Dr. Stephen S. Wise, now of New York, then the Rabbi of the Portland synagogue, to speak to the HUMOROUS INCIDENTS 453 Sabbath School children on the subject of Egypt. I did so, describing the country and my experiences in simple words and phrases, in order that the children could grasp my meaning without straining their men tal faculties. Among other things, I described my official recep tion when I arrived in Cairo; that I had been sent for by the Khedive to be brought to the Palace in a gilded coach drawn by white horses, like another Cinderella, and the Khedive's Chamberlain to escort me. At the close of my address I told the children that I would give to one Boy and one girl who would write the best essay on what I had said a copy of my book, "The American Jew," and an autographed photograph of the author. A few weeks after I received two large envelopes from Dr. Wise. The boys' essays were all very good, and I had some trouble in making the selection. In the girls' package I had absolutely no trouble what ever as one of the girls had written the following: "This morning the good Rabbi introduced the Hon. Simon Wolf, of Washington, D. C., who told us of Egypt and our ancestors; how he was received by the Khedive, being taken to the Palace in a gilded coach drawn by white horses, and that as a mark of good will he had even sent his chamber-maid. 91 Needless to add that this girl won the prize. One day I met my friend, Hon. T. V. Powderly. During our conversation he asked me the number of my business telephone. Main 7777. He laughed heartily and said that reminded him of an incident. "Years ago a Priest went back to his old home in Ireland. The son of an old friend had died. The 454 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Priest was asked to officiate. On the day of the funeral the good Father spoke feelingly (the custom in Old Erin is to put the age of the departed on the coffin). When the Priest saw the figure he halted. Then again spoke of the youth and bright future of the son. He stopped, looked at the figure, and finally said, 'My dear friends, this young man was born be fore the flood.' " The figures instead of 28, showed 7777. In 1850, in my old Ohio home, there lived an ec centric man, very absent-minded. He would wade through the muddy streets unconscious of what he was doing. On one occasion he wandered into the Post Office and commenced writing. After a while he stopped and rested his head on his hands. The Postmaster, Samuel Haskins, came to him and said, "How do you do, Mr. Dawson?" He was alert at once and said, "That's it, by George, Robert M. Daw- son," having forgotten his own name. For years I was in the habit of stopping in Phila delphia on my way from New York to Washington, to visit my dear and sainted parents, and to get their blessing. On one of these occasions, five years after the celebration of their golden wedding, I rang the bell of their home. Mother opened the door and greeted me as ever. I said, "Where is father?" "The vagabond is in the club," I went out to bring him home. When we were seated, mother said, "My dear Simon, what I have to endure with this man no one knows, but I always knew it was no match for me. When there is a ballet in town, your father sits in front of the stage." All this at the age of HUMOROUS INCIDENTS 455 eighty-six and after fifty-five years of happy wedded life. I am happy to say that I have inherited both of their characteristics. For twenty-five years on the Day of Atonement I addressed the Jewish Congregation of Washington. On one of the evenings after I had made a talk, an old Jewish woman returned to her home. Her chil dren flocked around her, solicitous as to her health, having fasted all day. She said, "I feel well. Oh, children, you should have heard Mr. Wolf today." "What did he say, mother?" "What he said I do not know, but he did speak beautifully." This can be truthfully said of other speakers. William Jennings Bryan said at the B'nai B'rith banquet of District Grand Lodge No. 5, in 1913, "I got all the applause, but McKinley got the votes." On Lincoln's birthday, February 12, 1917, 1 was the guest of honor at a banquet given by Joseph Lodge, I. 0. B. B., at Bridgeport, Conn. The Governor of Connecticut and other notables were speakers. The Governor praised New England and the Puritan Fathers. I responded to the toast "Our Country." Among other things, I quoted the incident of Haym Salomon and what he, the Polish Jew, had done for the Republic; that he had loaned Washington and other patriots three hundred thousand dollars at a time of dire distress; that some of the heirs had for years tried to secure payment or recognition; that the bill went from House to Senate, or from Senate to House, without result, but this was not to be won dered at, "being the claim of a Jew, naturally, there was no 'pork' in it." 456 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Years ago I attended a wedding at Goldsboro, North Carolina. The day was February 22d. In the midst of the hilarity, champagne flowing freely, a gentleman who had seen service in the Confederate Army, arose and proposed a toast. The glasses were raised, "Here is to the greatest American, Jefferson Davis." My glass went down. After the cheers, I said, "It seems to me that it would be more appro priate to drink to the Father of Our Country, George Washington." For a moment silence reigned and then great applause followed, and the gallant south erner shook hands with me in a very cordial way. Shortly after the close of the Civil War an associa tion of which I was a member went to Richmond as the guest of a society. After feasting and singing, I was asked to speak. At the close I asked all to rise and sing the grand anthem of our reunited country. I felt the shock of surprise, but all responded. It was the first time since 1860 that the "Star Spangled Banner" had been heard, and ever since the close of the war the sons of the southland have nobly re sponded in peace and war, worthy sons of the great and free Republic, and at no time more heartily than now. At a banquet of the Masonic Veterans of the Dis trict of Columbia, Frank P. Sargent, then Commis sioner-General of Immigration, and president of the Locomotive Firemen of the United States, was one of the speakers. To illustrate the peculiar ideas of the labor union he told the following story : "It was lunch hour. The men were scattered on the lawn. A foreman made the rounds, and came to a man HUMOROUS INCIDENTS 457 lying under a tree groaning lustily. 'What is up, Mike?' 'Oh, I have great pain.' 'Why don't you go to the drug store and be relieved?' What, in my toimr " During the Buchanan-Fremont campaign of 1856, before I was a voter, I was an ardent Democrat. The township in which I lived was Republican, and Bu chanan was elected by the nation, while Fremont carried Ohio. The Republicans got up a monster demonstration at Shipton Hall, to which they invited me, but which I declined. I in turn invited the Democrats of Tuscarawas County to a dinner that I arranged in the loft of the warehouse annexed to our store. I sent for music, oysters, etc., and we had a royal time. The chairman of the evening was Dr. John Brisbane. The Republicans had sent to a west ern county of Ohio for venison. Dr. Brisbane arose and said, "While the Republicans are feasting on dead venison, we are the guests of a hospitable living Wolf." In 1870, at the dedication of the Steuben monu ment in Scheutzen Park, I delivered an address on the German-French War. President Grant, Carl Schurz and Baron Gerolt were present. It made a deep impression and was printed. One of these copies I sent to Rev. Dr. Isaac M. Wise, of Cincin nati, who was notoriously at that time in favor of France. He returned the copy to me with this en dorsement, "Simon, you are a 'Shaute' (fool). /. M. Wise." 458 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN During President Harrison's administration there was an after-dinner club which met at the Willard Hotel. The association had no constitution or by laws or officers but elected the presiding officer dur ing the evening. On this particular evening, Senator Palmer, of Michigan, afterwards the Director-General of the Chicago World's Fair, presided. William A. Croffut, a celebrated newspaper correspondent, was introduced and proposed as a subject for debate, "Shakespeare or Bacon." After a number of per sons had spoken, Senator Palmer introduced me as the next speaker. I arose very solemnly and said, "Ladies and Gentlemen. As a descendant of the an cient people, I do not care for Bacon," which of course settled the situation as far as I was concerned. During the administration of President Hayes, General Sherman was a guest at the annual festival of the Scheutzenverein, and as I escorted him through the banquet room the band struck up "Marching Through Georgia," and General Sherman turned to me and said, "By God, Wolf, I wish I had never seen Georgia." When I was admitted to the Bar I went to ML Vernon, Ohio, where the District Court was in ses sion and my examination was referred to Columbus Delano, who was Secretary of the Interior under Grant, and Frank Hurd, at one time member of Con gress. We went to the hotel, and after dinner they set down to examine my qualifications. Delano re quested Hurd to examine me. Hurd said, "Mr. Wolf, what is the first duty of an attorney?" I promptly replied, "To get a retainer." Hurd turned to Delano and said, "Mr. Delano, have you any other questions HUMOROUS INCIDENTS 459 to ask?" Delano said, "I think Mr. Wolf has an swered all the requirements," and they signed my certificate. I regret to say that I have not lived up to that answer. In 1874, after the General Convention of the Inde pendent Order of B'nai B'rith at Chicago, I went by invitation to Louisville, Kentucky. At the close of the meeting held there, I called on Minna Kleeberg, the noted Jewish poetess. Her marital relations were not very happy. In addition thereto, she had defec tive hearing. We had a very pleasant hour, and she did a great deal of talking, and I good-naturedly a great deal of hearing. Among other things she said was, "My dear friend, when I was a young girl I had great ambition. I dreamt of a golden future, and I prayed to God to give me a husband whom I could honor and respect, but alas, he has given me no hearing. " Father Sylvester Malone, of Brooklyn, who was one of my companions in Egypt, was a character. True to his faith, he was thoroughly cosmopolitan. When the Civil War came he hoisted the flag on his church. Some of his parishioners threatened to take it down. He promptly got a rifle and said, "Who ever attempts to take down the American flag, I will shoot." A good lesson for some of our slackers to day. Years ago at the old United States Hotel, Atlantic City, at which I was stopping, two young cockneys with more hair than brains were lamenting as to where one could go and not find these Jews. I promptly replied, "To hell." 460 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN HOTEL EGYPT, ALEXANDRIA, INCIDENT. While at the Hotel Egypt in Alexandria, waiting to register, the room clerk told me of a very funny in cident in connection with our celebrated statesman, Robert R. Hitt, who, while waiting to enter his name, had observed that the room clerk was speaking every conceivable language. So when it came his turn to register, he said, "Do you speak American?" And the clerk promptly replied, "Yes, Gargon, go upstairs in my room and bring down the American Gram mar"; and lo, and behold, when it appeared it was the book of Petroleum V. Nasby of the Toledo Blade, the famous book that afforded so much amusement and pleasure to Abraham Lincoln. THE DOUGLASS INCIDENT. Shortly after I had taken charge of the Recorder's office, I was besieged by persons desiring clerical positions. Among them was the son of Frederick Douglass. He had applied, being a printer, for work at the Typographical Union, and they promptly blackballed him, and I equally promptly appointed him. Some of the other clerks criticising me, I promptly dismissed, for I made it a rule of my life, that prejudice is not only a blunder, but a crime, and for a Jew to give evidence of that accursed virus is unpardonable. The press brought editorials on my action and favorable in each instance. It was the only decent thing to do. Years after, Frederick Douglass was appointed to the same office which I had held for nine years. HUMOROUS INCIDENTS 461 THE JUNE, 1863, INCIDENT WITH ABRAHAM LINCOLN. On the 26th day of June, 1863, 1 called at the White House. Although the President was busy and very much disturbed, he graciously accorded me an inter view. His face lighted up and he feelingly said, "Dark days these. The clouds obscure the sun, but it is there all the same. We must win, we will win" Gettysburg was the answer, and thus the fourth day of July, 1863, made the wonderful world celebration of 1918 a possibility. GENERAL POPE'S TELEGRAM AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. While the Second Battle of Bull Run was being fought, General John Pope telegraphed that he had so many prisoners that he needed civilian help and supplies. I promptly, among others, responded, hired a horse and wagon, filled it with all kinds of supplies, and rushed to the battle front. Instead of helping Pope, we were made prisoners, the tide having turned in favor of Lee. Horse, wagon, supplies were con fiscated, while I was ordered to Libby Prison. I asked to be taken to the Commanding General, who proved to be Stonewall Jackson. I gave the Masonic sign of distress, he responded and I was released and sent back to our lines. This telegram of General Pope's was a sample of many others he boastingly sent. SECRETARY SALMON P. CHASE AND TREASURY RULES. One day during Lincoln's Administration a gentle man from New York called on me for professional service. He had a claim for clothing furnished the Army. He had to pay notes at the bank that very day, and unless he got his Treasury draft, he would be in 462 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN sore trouble. I called on Mr. Gonant, warrant clerk of the Treasury. He said, "You see that pile of war rants, no doubt yours is among them, but the Secre tary has made a rule not to take them out of turn." I went to see Secretary Chase, who as ever was most courteous. I told him what I wanted. He sent for Mr. Conant, "Why, Mr. Conant, can't you help Mr. Wolf?" "The rules prevent." "Who made them?" "You, Mr. Secretary." "Then I unmake them to help Mr. Wolf's client," and so the credit of the New Yorker was saved. A lesson for lawyers was part of this incident. My friend was anxious to rush off, stating he would send me my fee. Mr. W. S. Hunting- ton, cashier of the First National said to me, "Let him cash his draft and pay you, distance, time and a con venient memory may be disappointing." New Yorker demurred but finally yielded. COMMODORE INGRAM AND KOSTA. On the second day of September, 1870, fateful day for France, I was summering at Oakland, Maryland. Among the guests was Commodore Ingram of South Carolina. He told me of the dramatic incident when an Austrian who had declared his citizenship for the United States being arrested, escaped and fled for protection on his, the Commodore's war vessel. The Austrian Government demanded him. Ingram said, "Come and take him," and shotted his guns for action. They did not come, and this splendid Ameri can answer brought reputation and glory. Congress voted Ingram a medal, of which I have a replica. It vindicated for all time, the sanctity of asylum, and that wherever the flag floats is protection to all of our citizens, native or naturalized. HUMOROUS INCIDENTS 463 GEORGE HARDING AND THE KAATERSKILL HOTEL. One evening at the above hotel, owned and man aged by George Harding, the famous patent lawyer who with Abraham Lincoln and Edwin M. Stanton won the McGormick Reaper case. Harding, Justice Stephen I. Field, General Julius Stahel and myself were seated in Harding's private office. He was somewhat dejected. His daughter came in, seeing her father's condition, she asked him, "What is the matter?" "Oh, Belle, I'm almost crazy, Mr. Gold stein wants one thing, Mr. Blumenthal another, Mr. Jacobs still another." Belle responded, "Why, father, what do you expect, what God and Moses could not do, satisfy the children of Israel, you expect to accomplish?" Great laughter, and we took an extra snifter and drank to the health of Miss Harding. AN ISLAND EPISODE. Years ago, in company with some friends, I went for a week's outing to an Island on the Potomac. One day a terriffic electrical storm broke over us. It lasted for ten hours. The proprietor of the hotel got on his knees, praying for mercy. Night came on and some of us retired to bed, deeming that the safest. One member of our party had a wonderful nose, such as Heine so graphically describes, "If you were to meet that nose on a dark night in a dense forest you would feel fear." WTiile the lightning was most vivid, this good man, plus the nose, came out of his bedroom in his "robe de nuit," and in a stentorian voice said, "I am your father's ghost." A vivid flash, terrific bolt, down went man and nose with the words, "Hear, Oh, Israel, I am dead." 464 THE PRESIDENTS I HAVE KNOWN Pointe-a-Pic, P. Q., Canada, August 13, 1918. My dear Mr. Wolf: I thank you for sending me your book on "The Presidents I Have Known." It is full of most interest ing matter. Your personal experience with the Presidents whom you have known will, I am sure, be of great usefulness to the historian. The correspond ence which you publish reflects much light on the struggle of the Jewish people against religious preju dices. It is one thing to grant in a constitution, and in the forms of law, the fullest recognition of re ligious freedom, and it is another thing to achieve complete equality of opportunity in the political, social and business fields of activity, unobstructed by traditional religious prejudice. You have been on guard for your people in Washington through many administrations, and it must be a source of greatest satisfaction to you to realize how much you have accomplished in bringing to the attention of the Presidents whom you have known, instances of offi cial discrimination based on religious bigotry and racial prejudice, which the Presidents thus informed have been able to condemn and remedy. I felicitate you on this work which you have completed after you have passed your eightieth milestone. With the hope that you may continue to enjoy your green, useful and graceful old age for many years, believe me, Sincerely yours, WM. H. TAFT. THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DAT! STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO 50 CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $1.00 ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. SEP 8 1961 216556 Ill ill I II I i ! H I i i I I tl I ill iill :l I ! i