4? ^ "" 
 Haitt^ y 0AH 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 INV-SOI^ %H3 
 
 :ALIFO^ ^ 
 
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 ^EUN'IVER% ^ N
 
 PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSK.I.
 
 M E M O I B S 
 
 OF 
 
 PRINCE ADAM 
 
 CZARTORYSKI 
 
 AND HIS 
 
 forty ^teafor I. 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO THE PRINCE'S NEGOTIATIONS WITH PITT, 
 FOX, AND BROUGHAM, AND AN ACCOUNT OF HIS CONVERSA- 
 TIONS WITH LORD PALMERSTON AND OTHER ENGLISH 
 STATESMEN IN LONDON IN 1832 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 ADAM GIELGUD 
 
 TWO VOL U M ES 
 
 WITH PORTRAITS 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 SECOND EDITION 
 
 REMINGTON & CO., PUBLISHERS 
 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN 
 
 1888 
 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVKD
 
 EBRATA 
 
 In pages IS and If), for "\Volocxyn, rend Wolczyn. 
 
 In the footnote to page 73, for 1795, read 1794. 
 
 In the footnote to page 74,/-/?' 1434, rend 1595. 
 
 In page 151, line 11, for Wiszniowiec, read Wisniowiec : and in line 13. 
 far Wiszniowiecki, read Wisniowiecki. 
 
 In page 152, line 5. and the footnote, for Wiszniowiecki, raid Wisnio- 
 wiecki. 
 
 In the footnote to page 152. for 1(575, rnttl 1(>73. 
 
 In jiage 170, line 27, for 1793, read 1798. 
 
 In the footnote to page 183, introduce the word* and at Narva after v.-here.
 
 [An Alphabetical Index to this work will be found at end of 
 Second Volume .] 
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 DK 
 435.5* 
 
 228 
 
 . / 
 
 -~f.oo.5~*- 
 PREFACE .......... vii 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 INTRODUCTORY TO THE MEMOIRS ..... I 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 1776-1782 
 
 EARLY YOUTH. FAMILY RECOLLECTIONS. LIFE IN A POLISH COUNTRY- 
 HOUSE. PRINCES AND PRINCESSES ON THE STAGE. A CRIMINAL 
 
 PRIEST. THE POLISH DIET . . . . . . 17 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 1783 
 
 JOURNEY TO VOLHYNIA AND PODOLIA. INTERVIEW WITH FREDERICK 
 
 THE GREAT ........ 33 
 
 1142108
 
 iv CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 1784-1787 
 
 PULAWY. EDUCATION AND STUDIES . . . . . 42 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 1786 
 
 A HOLIDAY IN GERMANY. WIELAND. GOETHE. A POLISH CARNIVAL. 
 
 VISITS TO ENGLAND ....... 44 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 1794-1795 
 
 JOURNEY TO ST PETERSBURG. LEADING PERSONAGES IN RUSSIAN 
 
 SOCIETY UNDKR THE EMPRESS CATHERINE. THE ZUBOFFS. 
 
 CATHERINE. HER COURT. THE YOUNG PRINCES ENTER THE 
 
 RUSSIAN SERVICE ....... 55 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 1796 
 
 CONVERSATIONS WITH ALEXANDER. STAY AT TSARSKOE-SELO. 
 
 RELATIONS BETWEEN THE GRAND-DUKE PAUL AND HIS SONS. 
 BIRTH OP NICHOLAS . . . . . . . 109 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 1796 
 
 THE PATE OP THE PRISONERS. REFLECTIONS ON ALEXANDER'S EDU- 
 CATION. ARRIVAL OF THE KING OF SWEDEN. FAILURE OF THE 
 
 NEGOTIATIONS FOR HIS MARRIAGE WITH THE GRAND-DUCHESS 
 ALEXANDRA. DEATH OF CATHERINE. . . . . 127
 
 CONTENTS v 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 1796-1798 
 
 ACCESSION OF PAUL I. HIS CHARACTER. ARRIVAL OP KING STANIS- 
 LAS AUGUSTUS. THE EMPEROR'S CORONATION AT MOSCOW. A 
 
 POLISH ENVOY TO ENGLAND. PRINCE ADAM'S RELATIONS WITH 
 
 ALEXANDER. COUNT STROGONOFF AND M. DE NOVOSILTZOFF. 
 
 PROPOSED ANNEXATION OF GALICIA TO HUNGARY. DEATH OF 
 
 STANISLAS AUGUSTUS. PRINCE VOLKONSKY. PRINCE GALITZIN. 
 
 AN IMPERIAL PROGRESS TO KAZAN. A PALACE PLOT. RUSSIA, 
 
 ENGLAND, AND MALTA. PITT AND ROSTOPCHIN. EUROPEAN 
 
 COALITION AGAINST FRANCE . . . . . I (JO 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 1798-9 
 
 STAY AT VIENNA. THE GRAND-DUKE CONSTANTINE. POZZO DI BORGO 
 
 AND THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. THE KING OF SARDINIA. 
 
 ALFIERI. QUARREL BETWEEN RUSSIA AND AUSTRIA. RAPPROCHE- 
 MENT WITH FRANCE. THE NEAPOLITAN COURT. A RUSSIAN 
 
 LOTHARIO . . . . . . . . . 198 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 1801 
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL .... 223 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 1801-2 
 
 MY RELATIONS WITH ALEXANDER. THE SECRET COUNCIL. EUROPEAN 
 
 COALITION AGAINST ENGLAND. THE DON COSSACKS MARCH UPON 
 
 INDIA. NELSON'S BOMBARDMENT OF COPENHAGEN. ARRANGE- 
 MENT BETWEEN RUSSIA AND ENGLAND. MISSION FROM NAPOLEON 
 
 TO ALEXANDER. ALEXANDER'S CORONATION. INTERVIEW BE- 
 TWEEN ALEXANDER AND FREDERICK WILLIAM III AT MEMEL. THE 
 
 STROGONOFFS. THE VORONTZOFFS. PLANS OF REFORM. MY 
 
 APPOINTMENT AS ASSISTANT FOREIGN MINISTER OF RUSSIA. STATE 
 
 OF EDUCATION IN RUSSIA . . . . . . 256
 
 vi CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 1803-4 
 
 DIFFERENCES WITH SWEDEN. THE CHANCELLOR VORONTZOFF's POLICY. 
 
 THE FOREIGN AMBASSADORS AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, ENGLAND, 
 
 FRANCE, AND SWEDEN. ALEXANDER^ PROFESSED LIBERALISM 
 
 PUT TO THE TEST. HIS FOREIGN POLICY AND THAT OF NAPO- 
 LEON. PRINCE CZARTORYSKI BECOMES UNPOPULAR AT COURT. 
 
 A DUEL. THE CHANCELLOR'S ILLNESS. NAPOLEON AND THE 
 
 RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR 313
 
 PREFACE 
 
 PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI has long -been known, and 
 is perhaps still remembered, in England as the friend 
 of Earl Grey, Lord Brougham, and other leading 
 English statesmen of the time of the first Reform Bill, 
 and as the representative and champion of his unhappy 
 country during the thirty years which he passed in 
 exile. His Memoirs,* the greater part of which were 
 written from his dictation in occasional hours of leisure 
 in Paris, end at the battle of Austerlitz ; they give 
 vivid pictures of the life of the Polish aristocracy dur- 
 ing the latter part of the eighteenth century, of the 
 Court of the Empress Catherine, of the assassination of 
 the Emperor Paul, and of the character of Alexander I, 
 
 * A French edition, with a preface by M. Charles de Mazade, of the French 
 Academy, was published in Paris in May, 18S7 by M. M. Plon, Nourrit, & Co.
 
 viii PREFACE 
 
 who had made Prince Adam his Minister and con- 
 fidential friend. Of the remainder of his busy and 
 eventful life no detailed history has yet appeared. 
 It is not attempted in the present work to furnish such 
 a history, but only to supplement the Memoirs by 
 diplomatic papers, and other matter hitherto unpub- 
 lished, which are of especial interest to an English 
 reader. The documents and extracts from private 
 letters and diaries have been copied or translated from 
 the originals in the archives of the Czartoryski family, 
 the introductory chapter is based on facts taken from 
 the late M. B. Zaleski's excellent biography of the 
 Prince, unfortunately unfinished, and the account of 
 his stay in England after the collapse of the Polish 
 Revolution of 1830-1 is derived from a manuscript 
 work now in preparation, which has been kindly placed 
 at my disposal by M. L. de Gadon, secretary to Prince 
 Ladislas Czartoryski, the son of Prince Adam and 
 the present head of the family. In order to elucidate 
 the text, the Memoirs and other papers have been 
 arranged in order of date, and are connected by a brief 
 narrative of the incidents to which they refer, thus 
 presenting, it is hoped, a clear, if incomplete, survey of 
 the career of a statesman whose distinguished abilities, 
 lofty virtue, and ever-fervent patriotism mark him 
 out as one of the noblest and most striking figures of 
 
 the century. 
 
 A. G.
 
 JHtmoirs of prince Jltmm QUariorgsfei 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 INTRODUCTORY TO THE MEMOIRS. 
 
 THE Czartoryskis come of an old Lithuanian family, 
 related to the royal dynasty of the Jagiellons. In 
 1569, John and Alexander Czartoryski took a promi- 
 nent part in bringing about the union of Poland with 
 Lithuania, and during the seventeenth century various 
 other members of the family distinguished themselves 
 by their valour in battle and their ability a,s politicians 
 and churchmen, but it did not attain the height of its 
 celebrity until the middle of the eighteenth centur}^ 
 when, in the words of Mickiewicz, it became the only 
 private family in Europe that had a political history. 
 The heads of the house were at that time the Princes 
 Michael and Augustus. Michael, the eldest, a man 
 of remarkable talents and energy, received an excellent 
 training in statesmanship under his friend Count 
 Fleming, the Minister of King Augustus II, and 
 
 VOL. I. A
 
 2 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 rapidly rose to a position of almost unexampled in- 
 fluence among his countrymen. Augustus, his brother, 
 proud and reserved in character, but ambitious and 
 passionate, chose the military career. He became a 
 Knight of Malta, and took part in the capture of 
 Belgrade under Prince Eugene, who presented him 
 with a sword of honour in recognition of his bravery on 
 the occasion. In 1729, he became a Major-General 
 in the Polish army, and in 1731, after a duel with one 
 of his rivals for the hand of Madame Denhoff, a lady 
 of rare intelligence and immense wealth, she selected 
 him out of a crowd of suitors, among whom were 
 various foreign princes, such as the Duke of Braganza, 
 the Prince of Charolais, and the Duke of Holstein. 
 Prince Augustus thus became one of the wealthiest 
 men in Europe, and by good management he not only 
 paid the debts on his wife's estates, but doubled her 
 income. At the end of the first year after their 
 marriage, he sent to her a number of boxes full of 
 gold pieces, representing the revenue from her estates, 
 which she at once ordered to be returned to him ; 
 and this ceremony was repeated annually during the 
 forty years of their married life. 
 
 When Augustus III was called to the Polish 
 throne in 1741, Poland was enjoying the blessings of 
 peace, while the surrounding countries were desolated 
 with the conflicts of hostile armies ; and her people 
 presented all the outward signs of prosperity. But as 
 a State she was powerless. In some countries it is a 
 frequent subject of complaint that the people do riot 
 take sufficient interest or part in politics, and that the 
 Government consequently falls into the hands of pro-
 
 INTRODUCTORY 3 
 
 fessional politicians. In Poland, not to take part 
 in public life was regarded almost as a crime. Nearly 
 every voter* was an active politician ; but this pro- 
 duced an exaggerated sense of the importance of 
 individuals in the State. Each man had his own 
 opinions, and refused to be bound by those of others ; 
 the liberum veto, originating in times when the 
 principle of government by majority had not yet 
 been discovered, was regarded as a palladium of liberty. 
 Under such circumstances government was impos- 
 sible. t The Diets had repeatedly to be dissolved with- 
 out passing the measures necessary for administration, 
 and a wide field was opened for the intrigues of foreign 
 powers and ambitious magnates, especially as the old 
 principle of elective monarchy was still retained. The 
 two Czartoryski princes set themselves to the task of 
 restoring order in this chaos, of combining and directing 
 the national forces which were dissipating themselves 
 in futile individual effort, and of enabling Poland to 
 resume her position among the independent States of 
 Europe. But the difficulty of the task was greatly 
 increased by the fact that the Poles did not see their 
 
 * It is a common mistake among Englishmen to talk of Poland as ' an aristocratic 
 republic. ' The so-called nobles did not form an aristocracy in our sense of the term, 
 but consisted of all those who had political privileges. In the eighteenth century 
 they numbered one-fifth of the population a proportion considerably greater than 
 that of the electorate to the population in England, even after the first Reform Bill. 
 
 t Another cause of the weakness of Poland as a State is thus indicated by Mr 
 Lecky (History of England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. vi. chap. xxii. p. 104) : 
 ' The objects of Governments are not only various, but in some measure incompatible, 
 and the Dutch constitution, like the old constitutions of Poland, being mainly con- 
 structed with the object of opposing obstacles to the encroachments of the central 
 power, had left the country wholly incapable of prompt and energetic action in times 
 of public danger. No augmentation of the military or naval forces, no serious 
 measure of defence, could be effected without the separate assent of all the provinces, 
 and the forms that were required by law were so numerous and so cumbrous that it 
 was probably chiefly its more favourable geographical position that saved the United 
 Provinces from the fate of Poland. '
 
 4 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 danger and did nothing to second the efforts which 
 were made to save them. 
 
 The princes began by associating with them in the 
 execution of their plan some of the younger and more 
 active members of the great Polish families the 
 Oginskis, the Poniatowskis, and the Zamoyskis. They 
 thus formed a strong party in the country, which by 
 its wealth and influence was able to give effective 
 support to the Government and to check the flood 
 of anarchy which was rapidly undermining the State. 
 In the midst of the general indolence and disorganisa- 
 tion, people looked up with respectful awe to these 
 self-denying patriots who, in the midst of wealth and 
 luxury, devoted their days and nights to the improve- 
 ment of the administration and the strengthening of 
 the position of their country with regard to foreign 
 powers. Not content with being themselves hard 
 workers in the cause, the two princes selected a 
 number of intelligent and able young men whom they 
 trained at their own expense, both at home and 
 abroad, for the various branches of the public service. 
 Their object was, above all things, to establish a strong 
 and orderly government in Poland, and their own 
 conduct of affairs was a model on a small scale of such 
 a government. With their immense wealth and 
 extensive social relations all over the country, they 
 constantly stepped in to remedy the defects of the 
 existing system, protecting the poor and weak against 
 the rich, coming forward as the champions of order in 
 the midst of the incessant conflict of opinion in the 
 Diets, and setting an example of steady work and high 
 political aims. This naturally excited the jealousy
 
 INTRODUCTORY 5 
 
 and alarm of other great Polish families, such as the 
 Potockis and the Radziwills ; but they persistently 
 carried out their scheme of action in the face of all 
 obstacles. 
 
 Foreign alliances at that time took a very different 
 shape from what they do at present. In 1746 Eng- 
 land, Austria and Russia were combined against 
 Frederick the Great, who was supported by France 
 and Turkey. The Czartoryskis sided with the former 
 powers, the Potockis with the latter. Poland had 
 sunk into such a state of anarchy that no Polish 
 statesman could gain any great influence among his 
 countrymen unless he had the support of some foreign 
 ambassador, and it was therefore necessary for the 
 Czartoryskis to declare themselves openly as the 
 partisans of one of the great powers which struggled 
 with each other for leadership in the moribund Polish 
 State, especially as the King himself, alarmed at their 
 steadfast and uncompromising honesty, had gone over 
 to the side of Prussia and France. This was the 
 beginning of the alliance of the Czartoryskis with 
 Russia an alliance into which they entered with 
 the best of motives, but which had the most 
 disastrous consequences. The first fruit of the alliance 
 was the mission of Stanislas Augustus Poniatowski, 
 the nephew of the Czartoryski princes, to the Russian 
 Court in the capacity of secretary to Sir Hanbury 
 Williams, the British Ambassador. Poniatowski, 
 young, handsome, and with all the accomplishments 
 of a courtier, speedily gained the favour of the Grand- 
 Duchess, afterwards Empress, Catherine, and this 
 greatly strengthened the position of the Czartoryskis
 
 6 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 at the Russian Court. Finding themselves abandoned 
 by the King, they looked more and more to St 
 Petersburg for support, and the accession to the 
 Russian throne of the Empress Catherine in 1762 
 seemed at length to hold out a prospect of the realisa- 
 tion of their hopes. In a long letter announcing the 
 event to Poniatowski, she informed him that she 
 would at once send Count Keyserling to Warsaw to 
 make Poniatowski King after the death of the reigning 
 sovereign ; or, if this should not be possible, to endea- 
 vour to obtain the election to the throne of Prince 
 Adam Casimir Czartoryski, the son of Prince Augustus 
 and the father of the writer of the following Memoirs.* 
 Catherine was thought at that time to be a 
 sovereign of liberal ideas, who would give her people 
 a constitution, and would introduce a new era of 
 freedom and universal justice. These illusions were 
 so general that even such experienced and sagacious 
 politicians as the Czartoryski princes were deceived by 
 them ; they thought that the regeneration of Poland, 
 for which they had worked thirty years, was at hand. 
 But King Augustus's favourite Minister, Brlml, did 
 his utmost to foil their plans. The chief dignities 
 in the country were taken from the Czartoryskis and 
 their adherents and given to their adversaries, and 
 scandalous scenes were got up in the Diets with the 
 object of decrying thorn in the eyes of the public.! 
 
 * ' J'envoie incessamment le Comte Keyserling ambassadeur en Pologne pour vous 
 faire roi, apres le deces de celui-ci, et en cas qu'il ne puisse re"ussir pour vous, qxie ce 
 soit le Prince Adam.' Memoires de Stanislas Auguste Pouiatowski et sa corres- 
 pondance avec Catherine II. Posen, 1862. 
 
 t The following letter, of which there is a copy in the Czartoryski archives, was 
 addressed on this subject by the Empress Catherine to her ambassador Count 
 Keyserling : ' M. le Comte de Keyserling : Je viens d'apprendre que la diete en 
 Pologne est rompue et que vos amis ont pense" etre massacres. Je vous recommande
 
 INTRODUCTORY ^ 
 
 This brought matters to a crisis. The two heads of 
 
 o 
 
 the Czartoryski family were growing old, and 
 Catherine was showing an inclination to conclude an 
 alliance with Frederick the Great ; it seemed to them 
 that if they did not at once take decisive action, all the 
 fruit of their life-labour might be lost. The occasion 
 was afforded by the candidature of Prince Charles of 
 Saxony, the favourite son of the King of Poland, for 
 the dukedom of Courland. The Russian candidate, 
 Biron, was supported by the Czartoryskis, but the 
 majority of the senate declared itself in favour of 
 Prince Charles, and a note asserting his claims and in- 
 timating doubts as to the legitimacy of Catherine was 
 addressed by the Ministry to the Russian ambassador. 
 This was equivalent to a rupture with Russia, and 
 the Czartoryskis proposed to Catherine that they 
 should form an armed confederacy, not against the 
 King of Poland, but against his Minister Bruhl, 
 recalling the words of the Due de Gramont to Louis 
 XIV : ' We make war against Cardinal Mazarin, but 
 we serve your Majesty.' The confederacy was to 
 take the government of the country into its own 
 hands, restore order and reform abuses, and after 
 the death of Augustus III give up the throne to a 
 prince whose election should be agreeable to Russia. 
 In order to avoid a civil war, the Czartoryskis asked 
 that Russia should send an overwhelming force into 
 the country to support them, and in return they 
 promised to recognise Catherine as Empress of Russia, 
 
 d'offrir tout mon appui aux princes Czartoryski et a leurs amis et de ne rien negliger 
 en tout ce qui leur peut procurer surete, appui, et profit. Je vous fais cette lettre a 
 ce sujet, vous assurant d'ailleurs de mon affection. Moscou, ce 13 Octob. 1762. 
 Catherine. '
 
 8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 and Biron as Duke of Courland ; to regulate the 
 frontier between Poland and Russia ; and to give the 
 Empress satisfaction for the insult which had been 
 inflicted upon her. That the Czartoryskis, mistaken 
 and disastrous as their policy has proved, were 
 sincere in their professions of disinterestedness and 
 wished only for the good of their country, was uni- 
 versally acknowledged at the time, and even Herr 
 Benoit, the Prussian Ambassador, wrote to Frederick 
 the Great that ' they were too patriotic to seek the 
 throne for themselves so long as Augustus III was 
 alive, and only thought of the regeneration of their 
 country.' Their only object was to establish a strong 
 arid orderly system of government in Poland ; and 
 finding that they could not obtain sufficient support 
 for carrying out this object among their own country- 
 men, they unhappily trusted in the apparent liberalism 
 and justice of the young Empress of Russia. 
 
 The hesitation of Catherine, and the death of 
 Augustus III in 1763, necessarily postponed the 
 execution of their projects. The Empress, who had 
 been gradually entering into friendly relations with 
 Frederick the Great, wrote to him that she agreed in 
 his opinion that the crown of- Poland should not 
 be retained by the House of Saxony, and that it 
 should be given to a Pole ; and she suggested that 
 Poniatowski should be elected king, as having the 
 least right to the crown, he would be most under 
 obligation to the two powers that helped him to it. 
 Frederick readily consented, and a treaty was accord- 
 ingly concluded between the two sovereigns binding 
 them to joint action with regard to Poland. This
 
 INTRODUCTORY 9 
 
 alliance opened the eyes of the Czartoryskis to the 
 danger which threatened their country : their nephew 
 Poniatowski was fully aware of their plans and had so 
 far supported them, but he was totally unfitted to 
 occupy the throne of Poland at so critical a period 
 of her fortunes, and it seemed only too evident that 
 Russia and Prussia intended to use him merely as a 
 tool for establishing their influence in Poland and 
 perhaps destroying her independence. What they 
 most dreaded, however, was a civil war, which they 
 were convinced could only precipitate the dangers by 
 which Poland was threatened ; and they accordingly 
 persisted in the course of policy on which they had 
 started. When the Diet was convoked they came 
 supported by a large Russian force ; their opponents 
 protested, and left the House ; and the Czartoryskis 
 at once took the opportunity of introducing the reforms 
 for which they had laboured so long. The system 
 under which the high State dignitaries were indepen- 
 dent of each other and of the King, which was one of 
 the chief causes of the anarchy into which Poland had 
 fallen, was abolished, and replaced by an organisation 
 of Ministers appointed by the sovereign and responsible 
 to the Diet ; all classes of the population were made 
 equal before the law ; and a multitude of smaller 
 reforms, all in the same spirit of liberty and order, 
 became part of the Polish constitution. Rulhiere, the 
 historian of the Saxon party, could not restrain his 
 admiration at the Czartoryskis having ' in six weeks 
 carried out reforms which the French., kings had only 
 executed in six centuries.'* 
 
 * Histoire <le 1' Anarchic de Pologue, vol. ii. p. 229.
 
 io MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 The triumph of theCzartoryskis now seemed assured. 
 Even their adversaries, seeing the wise measures of 
 which they were the authors, and the benefits which 
 these measures were already conferring on the country, 
 abandoned their attitude of passive resistance, and 
 Poniatowski was elected king without opposition 
 (1764), after which the Diet passed a resolution direct- 
 ing that statues of the Princes Michael and Augustus 
 should be erected at Warsaw and Wilna ' in memory 
 of the national gratitude.' The princes did not, how- 
 ever, possess the qualities which ensure popularity : 
 their strict, almost harsh, sense of justice, their aver- 
 sion to compromise and conciliation, revived the 
 dormant hostility of their adversaries and alienated 
 many of their supporters. Yet the Poles had never 
 enjoyed such security at home, or greater respect 
 abroad than in the first years of the reign of their new 
 king, when the Czartoryskis were the virtual rulers of 
 the country. ' Every citizen,' it was said, ' at length 
 felt that his life, his honour, and his property were 
 safe,' and for the first time for many years Russia and 
 the other neighbouring powers abstained from inter- 
 ference in Polish affairs. Unfortunately the influence 
 of the Czartoryskis did not last long enough to produce 
 a permanent improvement in the administration. 
 Both the King and the people grew restive at the dic- 
 tation of these two rigid old men, who were so much 
 their superiors in wisdom and self-control, who despised 
 popularity, and sought no approval but that of their 
 own consciences. Moreover, the reforms which were 
 gradually and quietly being introduced by them 
 began to inspire anxiety in the neighbouring States.
 
 INTRODUCTORY IT 
 
 Frederick the Great, with his usual sagacity, saw that 
 the effect of these reforms must ultimately be to make 
 Poland entirely independent of her neighbours, and his 
 correspondence with the Empress Catherine and the 
 Prussian Ambassadors at Warsaw shows how ea^er he 
 
 C7 
 
 was to throw every possible impediment in the way of 
 the Czartoryskis, and especially to prevent the abolition 
 in the Great Diet or Parliament of the liberum veto, to 
 which the Poles still blindly clung as one of the 
 pillars of their freedom. At length the Russian and 
 Prussian Ambassadors openly declared themselves 
 against the Czartoryskis, and taking advantage of 
 their unpopularity, secured a majority against them 
 in the first Parliament convoked under the new reign 
 (1766). The Czartoryskis accepted this defeat with 
 characteristic stoicism : the project for the abolition 
 of the liberum veto was deferred for a more favourable 
 opportunity, but they remained in office and silently 
 but steadily pursued their work of reform. This, 
 however, did not at all suit the views of the Russian 
 Government, which, now thoroughly alarmed, deter- 
 mined to come forward in active opposition to the 
 Czartoryskis and the King, whom it regarded as their 
 tool. A pretext was ready to hand in the position of 
 the dissenters, who were under the same disabilities 
 as the Catholics then were in England, and whom 
 Catherine had always affected to protect, thereby 
 gaining the applause of her friends the encyclopedists, 
 and making a display of liberalism which cost her 
 nothing and was very convenient for her policy. The 
 Russian Ambassador, Repnin, who had been one of 
 the warmest of the supporters of the Czartoryskis,
 
 12 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSK1 
 
 was instructed to demand that the disabilities of the 
 dissenters should be removed. The princes replied 
 that in the then existing state of public opinion it 
 would be impossible to carry such a measure in the 
 Polish Parliament, upon which Catherine sent her 
 troops into the country to ravage the estates of the 
 Czartoryskis and the King, and issued a proclamation 
 condemning the new policy of reform and promising 
 that the Empress would take all those who had 
 grievances under her special protection. The Czar- 
 toryskis, in no way cowed by these barbarous reprisals, 
 undauntedly stood their ground, and when Repnin 
 called upon them to resign office, replied that they 
 did not hold their posts from the Empress of Russia, 
 but from the King of Poland.* Their steadfastness 
 and the abuses committed by the Russian soldiery 
 produced such a reaction in their favour that Repnin, 
 hoping thereby to paralyse the growing opposition to 
 his plans, caused some of the principal senators to be 
 arrested and sent into the interior of Russia. Those 
 who remained, threatened with a similar fate, passed 
 all the measures that Repnin proposed to them. The 
 disabilities of the dissenters were abolished, and a 
 treaty was concluded with Russia assigning to that 
 Power the right of protecting and controlling the 
 Polish administration. But the great majority of the 
 Polish nation indignantly refused to ratify the de- 
 cisions of its intimidated representatives. On the 29th 
 
 * ' Je n'ai pas re^u mon emploi de S. M. Imperials, ainsi elle me pardonuera si je 
 ne veux pas m'en defaire a sa requete. Je suis vieux, tres-vieux ; elle me fera 
 tres-peu de mal en m'otant le peu de jours qui me restent. Mais j'ai trop soil) de 
 ma gloire pour ternir la fin d'une vie qui, j'ose le dire, a ete passee sans tache au 
 service de ma patrie, par un acte que le moude avec raison condamnerait comme 
 lache et interesseV
 
 INTRODUCTORY 13 
 
 of February, 1768, an armed confederation was formed 
 at Bar to rid the country of its Russian aggressors. 
 Russia, hampered by her war with Turkey, strove in 
 vain to induce the King to declare himself against 
 the confederates, and the Czartoryskis entered into 
 communication with them in order to extend the 
 movement over the whole country, and enable Poland 
 to present a united front against her northern neigh- 
 bour. These efforts failed through the un popularity 
 of the King and the jealousy of the other great 
 aristocratic families. Yet the confederation stood its 
 ground ; its principal founder, Joseph Pulaski, was an 
 old retainer of the Czartoryski family ; and Repnin's 
 successor in the embassy, Prince Wolkonski, reported 
 to Catherine that ' nothing could be done so long as 
 the Czartoryskis remained in Warsaw.' The Russian 
 Government then confiscated their property. They 
 persisted, however, in their patriotic attitude, declaring 
 that whatever happened they would remain faithful 
 to their country ; and the King, feeling that they 
 were his only support and that he had neither the 
 ability nor the character which alone could in such a 
 crisis enable him to maintain himself, refused to 
 abandon them. 
 
 Even Catherine was impressed by this noble 
 courage and perseverance. She restored to the 
 Czartoryskis their confiscated estates, and appointed a 
 new ambassador to Warsaw, Count Saldern, who 
 treated the King and his Ministers in a conciliatory 
 spirit very different from that of his predecessors. 
 But Prussia, alarmed at the apparent reconciliation 
 between Russia and the King, now sent her troops
 
 14 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 into Poland. The confederation of Bar was crushed, 
 and the first partition was arranged with Kussia and 
 Austria by Frederick the Great. 
 
 Michael and Augustus Czartoryski did not long 
 survive the fall of their country, for which they had 
 laboured so much and so well. The former died on 
 the 13th of August 1775 ; the latter, on the 4th of 
 April 1782, leaving an only son, Adam Casimir, 
 to whom Catherine had assigned the throne of 
 Poland in the event of its not being accepted by 
 Poniatowski. Like the rest of his family, Prince 
 Adam Casimir maintained frequent relations with 
 England, and he studied English institutions when a 
 young man in the house of his father's friend, Lord 
 Mansfield, then Lord Chief Justice. His amiable 
 character, wit, and accomplishments made him 
 universally popular, and he would certainly have 
 been elected King, and perhaps have averted some 
 of the misfortunes of his country, if Catherine had 
 not supported the candidature of his cousin Poni- 
 atowski. The Prince de Ligne, a man well acquainted 
 with the various European courts, calls him in his 
 Memoirs ' the most distinguished man of the four 
 quarters of the world.' Joseph II of Austria fre- 
 quently corresponded with him, and Frederick the 
 Great was the first promoter of the negotiations which 
 resulted in the marriage of his relative, Prince Louis 
 of Wlirtemberg, with Prince Adam Casimir's second 
 daughter Marie. As Commandant of the Lithuanian 
 Guard and of the Corps of Cadets, the Prince showed 
 remarkable ability and zeal, and some of the most 
 eminent Polish patriots, including Kosciuszko, were
 
 INTRODUCTORY 15 
 
 trained under his immediate superintendence. His 
 services in the promotion of national education were 
 equally valuable and untiring. As a judge, his 
 impartiality was such that he sentenced some of the 
 most powerful dignitaries in the country, including 
 his own father, for acts of oppression committed by 
 their stewards on their poorer tenants. 
 
 Prince Adam Casimir married on the 19th 
 September 1761, the Countess Elizabeth Fleming, 
 daughter of the celebrated minister of Augustus II ; 
 they had five children, two boys and three girls. 
 The eldest son, Adam George, the author of the 
 following Memoirs, was born at Warsaw on the 14th 
 
 O 7 
 
 of January 1770, and it will be seen that he describes 
 his impressions from a very early age. His mother, 
 who in later years was looked up to with attachment 
 and respect by the whole Polish nation, is frequently 
 referred to by him in terms of warm affection, and 
 before proceeding to the perusal of his Memoirs the 
 reader may be interested in the following description 
 of her appearance and character taken from her 
 'portrait,' written by herself in her thirty-seventh 
 year : 
 
 ' I was never handsome, but I have often been 
 pretty ; I have beautiful eyes, and as all my feelings 
 are reflected in them, the expression on my face is 
 often interesting. My complexion is white enough 
 to be almost brilliant when I blush ; a smooth 
 forehead does not make my face ugly, and my nose 
 completes the symmetry of my features. My mouth 
 is large, my teeth white, my smile amiable, and 
 the shape of my face a graceful oval. I have enough
 
 1 6 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 hair to make an easy and becoming head-dress ; it is 
 dark, like my eyebrows. I am rather tall than short : 
 my figure is elegant, my bust perhaps too thin, my 
 hands ugly, but my feet charming ; and there is much 
 grace in my movements. I have an extreme desire to 
 please, and am skilful in showing both my physical and 
 my mental qualities to the best advantage. Though 
 vain and ill-tempered, I am endowed with such tact 
 that I very seldom do anything which does not either 
 give pleasure or inspire lively interest. I am most 
 warm and constant in my friendships ; nothing can 
 abate my confidence in those I love, and I always 
 look up to them as superior to myself. My predom- 
 inent passion is the love of my country. This is a 
 sort of religion with which all my future is bound up, 
 and which my husband and children and my own 
 disposition have made the dearest and most indispens- 
 able sentiment of my life.' 
 
 ( The Memoirs of Prince Adam Czartoryski, with 
 some notes and other supplementary matter illustrative 
 of the text ivhich have been added l)ij the Editor, begin 
 in the next Chapter.)
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 1776-1782 
 
 EARLY YOUTH. FAMILY RECOLLECTIONS. LIFE IK A POLISH COUNTRT- 
 
 HOUSE. PRINCES AND PRINCESSES ON THE STAGE. A CRIMINAL 
 
 PRIEST. THE POLISH DIET. 
 
 MY recollections of the days of my childhood pass 
 before my eyes like a landscape in which some objects 
 stand out here and there in clear and definite forms, 
 while others disappear in a mist or in the distance. 
 
 The first place of which I have any precise remem- 
 brance is Kozanka, on the river Bug, where there was 
 an old stone mansion, with numerous underground 
 cellars containing excellent old wines. 
 
 This was in the year 1776. My father, then com- 
 mander of a regiment of the Lithuanian Guard, had 
 taken his detachment to Rozanka during the summer 
 in order to train his troops in some military man- 
 oeuvres which he wished to introduce into Poland. 
 He obtained some good soldiers from Prussia, and 
 sent young Poles there to learn the Prussian system 
 of drill. 
 
 I well remember the tents which were pitched on 
 the green meadow, and the officers of the Guard who 
 used to assemble there for dinner, with a monk of St 
 VOL. i. B
 
 1 8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 Bernard, who was the almoner of the regiment a 
 
 ' O 
 
 tall, stout man, very popular with the officers on 
 account of his merry conversation. 
 
 I also recollect the hetman Branicki, who was for 
 many years- my father's intimate friend, coming to 
 Rozanka. At that time the hetrnans had entirely 
 recovered their former authority, and M. Branicki 
 was accordingly received with all the official honours 
 as well as with the hospitality always accorded to a 
 guest. The whole regiment was in parade uniform, 
 and seemed to me a large army, though it was only 
 composed of two battalions. My father's man-servant 
 was at that time in attendance upon me. He was a 
 Frenchman named Boissy, a native of Pontoise, near 
 Paris ; a worthy and intelligent man, who by his 
 democratic spirit had preserved me from the influence 
 of the habits of grandeur which at that time were 
 pretty generally prevalent in Poland. His example 
 induced me to develop from my earliest youth a spirit 
 of activity and independence. 
 
 At this time my parents were in the habit of pass- 
 ing the summer at Woloczyn, some miles from 
 Rozanka, and my later recollections are connected 
 with the vast palace of Woloczyn, which was then 
 occupied by the Chancellor Michael Prince Czar- 
 toryski, my father's uncle. It was there that my 
 mother was educated under the supervision of the 
 Chancellor's wife, and she was also married there to 
 her maternal uncle, the son of my grandfather 
 Augustus. 
 
 The two old princes were very favourable to the 
 match, but it was vehemently opposed by the Princess
 
 EARLY YOUTH 19 
 
 Lubomirska, my father's sister. The chief reason of 
 her opposition was this. Shortly before her marriage, 
 my mother went to see one of the peasants on the 
 estate, and found in the cottage a child suffering from 
 a very severe attack of smallpox. This gave her a 
 great shock, as she had lost several of her sisters from 
 the same illness ; and she caught the infection so 
 dangerously that her life was despaired of. Directly 
 she recovered, her parents hastened the marriage, and 
 she came to the altar with her face covered with marks 
 of the disease and a wig on her head, as she had lost 
 all her hair. The Princess Lubomirska was much 
 grieved to see so ugly a woman given in marriage to 
 her brother ; but though she used all her influence 
 with her father against the match, she could not 
 
 O 7 
 
 prevent it, as it was considered a very advantageous 
 one. Some time after, my mother entirely recovered 
 her health, and soon became celebrated for her beauty. 
 
 The main building at Woloczyn was of wood, and 
 the outbuildings of stone. I remember the portraits 
 of Charles XII, Augustus II, and Poniatowski, the 
 King's father ; there was a large garden crossed by a 
 long and wide canal, at the end of which was a statue 
 of Neptune and his attendants, in the French style 
 then in fashion, imitated from the statues in the 
 gardens of Versailles. 
 
 There were some brilliant fetes at Woloczyn, at 
 which the guests were amused by music and theatri- 
 cals. Once there was a swimming race, in which the 
 swimmers were dressed as tritons, and among them 
 the one who was most remarked was General Count 
 Briihl.
 
 20 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 My mother taught me French. One day she told 
 me to learn by heart some verses of Racine which we 
 had read together, and in which Mithridates discloses 
 to his children his plans against the Romans. I have 
 never forgotten these verses, as I was punished for 
 not having learnt them by being obliged to stop at 
 home, while the other people at the palace went on an 
 excursion to a neighbouring village with a spring, in 
 a very picturesque spot, which my mother had de- 
 corated with flowers. These expeditions were very 
 merry and noisy, and I was bitterly disappointed at 
 not being allowed to go. 
 
 My first recollections of Warsaw are very vague. 
 One of the incidents which struck me the most was 
 the general mourning which followed the death of my 
 father's uncle, Prince Michael ; * all the inhabitants 
 of the ' blue palace 't were dressed in black. 
 
 I also recollect the shame and grief which I felt 
 one day when I cast the blame of some fault I had 
 committed upon one of the running footmen employed 
 in the palace. This man's name was Anthony, and he 
 was so stout that his place was practically a sinecure. 
 He came dressed as for a journey, with a sheepskin 
 coat on, and reproached me with having been the 
 cause of his dismissal, upon which I at once admitted 
 that I was the culprit. I learnt afterwards that the 
 story of his dismissal was an invention ; but it pro- 
 duced a salutary effect. 
 
 Shortly after, I became seriously ill. There were 
 several physicians at ray grandfather's, including one 
 
 * On the 13th of August, 1775, when the author of the Memoirs was five years 
 old. (See preceding Chapter). 
 
 t The residence of the Czartoryskis at Warsaw.
 
 FA MIL Y RECOLLECTIONS 2 1 
 
 named Bart ; they all arrived at the conclusion that 
 my recovery was hopeless. My mother begged them 
 to remain in attendance upon me, but none of them 
 would take the responsibility. A friend of my parents 
 then brought Dr Bekler, physician to King Stanislas 
 Augustus, and he restored me to health. 
 
 From this date I began a new life. Colonel 
 Ciesielski was appointed niy tutor ; great care was 
 taken of my health, and I resided sometimes at 
 Powonzki,* sometimes at Warsaw. Impromptu fetes, 
 in which I and my two sisters took part, used at that 
 time to be given in the ' blue palace,' and there were 
 several Frenchmen \vho contributed in a material 
 degree to these entertainments. M. Dorigny, a very 
 efficient dancing master, formerly attached to the 
 opera in Paris, and ballet-master at Stuttgart, where 
 the Duke of Wiirtemberg ruined himself in theatrical 
 performances, presided over the dancing ; M. Patonar 
 directed the music, and M. Norblin designed the 
 costumes and the scenery. 
 
 One day a fire broke out after one of these fetes, 
 just as the last guest had gone. It began in the wing 
 of the building where iny sisters lived. The actors, 
 who still had their costumes on, were the first to help. 
 One of them had red silk stockings, and while he was 
 occupied in extinguishing the flames, a servant threw 
 a large pailful of water on his legs, thinking they 
 were on fire. My sisters and their governess, Made- 1 
 moiselle Petit, had to escape to the other side of the 
 building with their friends, the Miss Narbutts. 
 
 Meanwhile the flames continued to spread, and 
 
 * A villa near Warsaw.
 
 22 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 had covered the whole of the wing. The fire did not, 
 however, penetrate the main body of the building, and 
 my sisters established themselves there. A third 
 sister, Sophia, was born at this time. My health was 
 still delicate, and it was thought necessary to teach 
 me riding, which gave me great pleasure. 
 
 My rides were usually taken in the direction of 
 Powonzki ; and the time I passed there was the 
 happiest in my life. The estate was a sort of green 
 oasis, whose verdure was the more attractive as it was 
 surrounded by a sea of sand. Each of the children 
 had a cottage and a garden, and in the centre, on a 
 hillock, was a larger house inhabited by my mother, 
 with a wood on each side of it, and looking down on a 
 little lake, w r hose waters flowed into a stream that 
 bathed all the plantations of the estate. My mother 
 also had some artificial ruins erected, after the fashion 
 of the time, to complete the attractions of the place. 
 There were an island in the lake, a mill, a grotto on the 
 island, stables in the shape of a classical amphitheatre, 
 and a large courtyard with a great many hens and 
 pigeons which we used to feed. 
 
 We seldom received strangers ; but living as we 
 did for each other our mother for her children and 
 we for her our life was a very happy one. It was 
 like an eclogue a true picture of rustic poetry. 
 
 Each of the cottages in our colony had its particu- 
 lar emblem. My sister Marie had a chaffinch with 
 the motto, 'GaieteV My device was a branch of oak 
 with the word ' Fermete ' inscribed upon it. At the 
 top of my mother's house was a hen with her chickens ; 
 on that of my sister Teresa, a basket of white roses,
 
 LIFE IN A POLISH COUNTRY HOUSE 23 
 
 
 with the inscription ' Bonte" ; ' on that of the steward, 
 
 a swarm of bees, and below the word ' ActiviteV The 
 Miss Narbutts also had their cottages at Powonzki ; 
 and the whole organisation of the place had been 
 devised and carried out by my mother. 
 
 We got up early, breakfasted either at my 
 mother's or with the steward's wife, who gave us some 
 excellent coffee, and then went to work in the gardens. 
 At dinner-time one of our servants named Martin 
 used to come from Warsaw, leading a donkey which 
 carried our food in two panniers, and which was 
 always received with joy and expected with impati- 
 ence. Dinner was laid sometimes in one place, some- 
 times in another, and was announced by a gong. 
 
 We often went out on donkeys, and on Sundays 
 we used to go to Mass, some riding and others on 
 foot. 
 
 Occasionally there were grand fetes, at which the 
 King was sometimes present. One day the signing 
 of the peace of Chocim* was represented in the middle 
 of a little wood of elder trees, in a grove generally 
 used for theatrical performances. Lubomirski, who 
 had succeeded Chodkiewicz in the command of the 
 army, and a Turkish Pasha, advanced towards each 
 other with their respective escorts. These grand 
 ceremonies were the things that gave me the least, 
 pleasure. 
 
 Meanwhile the question of my education was being 
 seriously considered at the ' blue palace,' and my tutor 
 sometimes objected to my going so often to Powonzki; 
 but the attractions of the place were so irresistible 
 
 * In 1621, when Sigismund III was King of Poland.
 
 24 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 
 that, yielding to the wish of my mother, he pitched 
 
 his tent next to my cottage. 
 
 Those happy times lasted for a few years and were 
 interrupted by a great misfortune. We lost my 
 eldest sister through a terrible accident. We looked 
 upon her as a second mother, and were very fond of 
 her, for she was devoted to her younger brothers and 
 sisters. One day, as she was standing before the 
 chimney-piece, her dress took fire. She fled in terror ; 
 Mademoiselle Constance Narbutt tried to hold her 
 back and extinguish the flames, but could not stop 
 her. In the next room was the governess, Made- 
 moiselle Petit, who as usual was playing piquet with 
 M. Norblin. The latter, hearing the screams of the 
 children, ran out and wrapped my unfortunate sister 
 in a cloak, thereby extinguishing the flames. She 
 was, however, severely burnt ; for some days it was 
 hoped that she might recover, but she was too delicate 
 to bear the shock, and she died shortly afterwards.* 
 
 My mother was at this time confined to her bed, 
 and gave birth to a little girl, my sister Gabrielle, who 
 only lived a few days. 
 
 It was necessary to conceal from my mother the 
 death of my eldest sister ; she was always asking to 
 see her, but Dr John, who was her physician, did not 
 allow her to leave her bed. Every day she wrote to 
 her daughter and insisted on her being allowed to 
 come into her room, so that at length Dr John was 
 obliged to tell her the truth. The news brought on 
 
 * In the Czartoryski Museum at Cracow there is a little book of 24 pages con- 
 taining a poem on the death of this princess, entitled "Therese Czartoryska,' by J 
 K. L. (supposed to be Lavater), and published at Zurich on the 22nd of September 
 1780.
 
 PRINCES AND PRINCESSES ON THE STAGE 25 
 
 an attack of paralysis of the side, and for a long time 
 afterwards my mother had to walk with crutches. It 
 was only by the application of electricity that she re- 
 covered the use of her leg. 
 
 I also was recovering from a serious illness which 
 caused much anxiety. For some time my sister's 
 death was concealed from me, and my man-servant, 
 who pretended to ask for news of my sister, told me 
 that she continued in the same state. I was deeply 
 attached to her, and when I learnt the truth I for the 
 first time shed tears of real grief. I still often think 
 of her, so good, so amiable, and with so fine a soul 
 that her parents and the younger members of the 
 family were deeply attached to her. 
 
 My father was at this time at Wilna, where he 
 was President of the Judicial Court. When he came 
 back to Warsaw for the holidays he did not know 
 anything of what had happened. As he was crossing 
 the Vistula on the ferry-boat between Praga and 
 Warsaw, he asked the ferryman for the news, and was 
 told of my sister's death. My father refused to believe 
 him, but was convinced when further details were 
 given him by my grandfather Augustus. He nearly 
 fainted, leaning for support against the wall of the 
 room ; and I saw a flood of tears flow from his 
 eyes. 
 
 My sister's cottage was moved into the wood, and 
 was kept there in remembrance of her. Each Thurs- 
 day, the day of her death, was for a long time given 
 up to mourning and pious meditation, and my mother 
 consecrated it by a good action. 
 
 The Princess Anna Sanguszko, daughter of the
 
 26 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Princess Sapieha, Chanceliere of Lithuania, also be- 
 longed to the colony at Powonzki, and later on it was 
 joined by Madame Sewerin Potocka. My mother 
 often went into their house, where there were amuse- 
 ments of all kinds. There was a performance of an 
 opera called Zemire et Azor, in which two of my 
 sisters and Mademoiselle Narbutt appeared in an 
 enchanted palace, striving to calm the grief of Ze'mire. 
 After my sister's death this opera was performed at 
 the Warsaw theatre ; my mother wished to be present, 
 but she was so affected at the scene above described 
 that she had to quit the theatre in a fit of despair, in 
 spite of the efforts of the Princess Sanguszko to 
 console her. I was a witness of this painful inci- 
 dent. 
 
 After a time everything resumed its usual course, 
 as generally happens in this world ; the fetes were 
 revived and new members were admitted into the 
 colony. A great friend of my mother's, the Countess 
 Tyszkiewicz, nee Kinska, daughter of the Princess 
 Poniatowska, and niece to the King, was received 
 with great ceremony. She had lost an eye through an 
 illness in early youth, and had replaced it by one of 
 glass ; still she was very pretty, and was fond of 
 active sports, such as hunting and riding. 
 
 Being desirous of returning my mother's polite- 
 ness, the Countess Tyszkiewicz had a comedy played 
 in her house under the title of * L'amoureux de Quinze 
 Ans.' She herself took the part, dressed in man's 
 costume, of the lover, and my second sister played 
 the heroine. The theatre was in the sheepfold, and 
 the Countess went to it on horseback, in the costume
 
 PRINCES AND PRINCESSES ON THE STAGE 27 
 
 in which she was to act. After the play there was 
 a collation. 
 
 There were also theatrical representations in the 
 house of the Chanceliere Princess Sapieha. One of 
 the pieces that were played there was an opera, ' La 
 Colonie,' in which the performers were the Princess 
 Radziwill, nee Przezdiecka, who often came to 
 Powonzki and had a fine voice ; my mother ; M. 
 Wojna, who w r as afterwards ambassador at Rome ; 
 and General Briihl, of the artillery. 
 
 On another occasion they played ' Andromaque.' 
 The leading part was taken by the young Princess 
 Sanguszko, who had just married ; she was very 
 pleasant and good-natured, but a little frivolous, and 
 she had taken lessons of a celebrated tragic actress 
 from Paris. The part of Hermione was played by 
 another Princess Sanguszko, who was afterwards 
 Princess of Nassau ; that of Orestes, by Prince 
 Casimir Sapieha ; that of Pyrrhus, by a Swiss named 
 Glaize ; and that of his confidant, by Prince Calixtus 
 Poninski. This tragedy did not produce any impres- 
 sion upon me ; I only recollect that Prince Sapieha 
 was dressed in a Greek costume, and M. Glaize in a 
 Roman one. 
 
 When we were at Warsaw I was often sent, 
 according to the custom of that time, to assist at my 
 grandfather's toilet. When I went to him they had 
 to put pomatum on my hair, and to powder and curl 
 it, which was very unpleasant to my mother, who did 
 not like to see me thus disfigured. On one of these 
 visits it was Corpus Christi day, and there was an 
 altar in the courtyard. The Bishop, a protege of my
 
 28 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 grandfather's, was under the canopy, and my grand- 
 father assisted at the mass. Shortly after my grand- 
 father died,* and all amusements ceased. He 
 was buried in the church of the Holy Cross, and 
 his death caused general regret especially to his 
 daughter, the Princess Lubomirska, who was at 
 Warsaw at the time, and did not leave him until the 
 last moment. 
 
 He died simply and naturally, without the least 
 desire to attract remark. Every day after dinner he 
 used to play at a game called ' tryset,' which was very 
 like whist, and was played by four people ; the Pope's 
 Nuncio generally joined in the game. The Prince 
 kept up this habit to the last, and although he was 
 very weak, he had himself dressed to go to the card- 
 table. On the very day of his death he came as 
 usual, bowed to the Bishop Archetti (who afterwards 
 became a cardinal), and apologised for coming a little 
 late. As his sight was failing, he asked why they 
 had not lit the candles, although the room was lighted 
 up as usual. Meanwhile the Princess Lubomirska 
 was in her apartments in deep grief, and could not 
 come down into the room, where my mother was with 
 the whole family. All the people of the house, down 
 to the lowest servant, were assembled in profound 
 silence. The Prince, who was in an invalid chair, 
 turned to Dr Bart, who never left him, and asked 
 him in German : ' Wie lange wird's dauern ' (How 
 long will it last) ? The doctor felt his pulse, and 
 replied : ' Another half-hour, I think.' The Prince 
 then apologised for not being able to play any longer 
 
 * On the 4th of April, 1782. (See preceding Chapter).
 
 A CRIMINAL PRIEST 29 
 
 with the Nuncio, and had himself taken into the 
 bedroom ; the prelate followed him, and began to 
 read the psalms for the dying. While he was reading 
 he held the Prince's hand, and as he spoke the words 
 of the Psalmist : ' My God, I give up my soul to 
 Thee,' the Prince pressed his hand and gave up his 
 last breath. The crowd which had penetrated into 
 the palace, hitherto respectfully silent, then burst into 
 tears and sobs. 
 
 At the time of my grandfather's death, my father 
 was still at Wilna, where he was for the second time 
 President of the Chief Tribunal of Lithuania. He 
 entirely devoted himself to his functions in this 
 capacity. Several magistrates were accused of having 
 done injustice to individuals either through indul- 
 gence for others, or from motives of personal re- 
 venge. I heard people say that while my father 
 was in office, an action was brought against my 
 grandfather by a gentleman who had a claim on 
 his estate, and that my grandfather was condemned 
 in costs. 
 
 There was much talk at this period about a crime 
 which had been committed some years earlier, but 
 the author of which could not be discovered. By a 
 singular accident the first trace of the criminal was 
 found in 1781, and it drew suspicion upon a man 
 named Ogonowski, who had become a priest and was 
 protected by the Bishop of Wilna, Massalski, well 
 known for his dissolute life. My father, who was 
 then President of the Court, used all his influence to 
 have the culprit brought to trial. 
 
 The Abbe Ogonowski, who had rapidly passed
 
 30 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 the various ecclesiastical grades which lead to final 
 ordination as a priest, hearing that he was in danger, 
 took refuge in a convent, under the protection of 
 Bishop Massalski. A detachment of troops belonging 
 to the Lithuanian Guard, of which my father was in 
 chief command, was ordered to surround the con- 
 vent during the night, and succeeded in getting 
 the doors opened, notwithstanding the resistance of 
 the priests. Ogonowski was found with some diffi- 
 culty in a cell, and taken to prison in spite of his 
 protests and those of the clergy. He was convicted 
 of murder and other offences, after a very long and 
 careful trial, and was condemned to death and 
 executed. 
 
 Several old cases were settled while my father was 
 in office, and the procedure became much more regu- 
 lar than had previously been the case. He finally 
 withdrew from his post in 1782, and hastened to 
 return to Warsaw to take part in the Diet which had 
 been opened under the presidency of Colonel Krasinski. 
 This was the first meeting of the Diet at which I 
 was present. My tutor and myself frequently went 
 both to the senate and to the Chamber of Deputies. 
 I was struck by the grave and imposing presence 
 of Prince Lubomirski, Marshal of the Crown, 
 who, as I have heard other people say, w T as emi- 
 nently fitted to keep order at the meetings of both 
 Houses. 
 
 The most important matter that was considered 
 at this Diet was the withdrawal by the chapter of the 
 Cathedral at Cracow (with the support of Prince 
 Poniatowski, Bishop of Plock) of Monsignor Soltyk,
 
 THE POLISH DIET 31 
 
 Bishop of Cracow, from the adminstration of that 
 diocese, on the pretext of mental incapacity. 
 
 The anti-Russian party defended the bishop, who 
 had been one of the most valiant members of the 
 Confederation of Bar.* The party of the King and 
 of Russia strove to maintain and justify the act of 
 violence committed against Monsignor Soltyk, and 
 being the most numerous, succeeded in obtaining a 
 majority in favour of the measure. 
 
 The opposing parties spoke with much passion, 
 endeavouring to prove on the one hand that the 
 Bishop of Cracow was perfectly sane, and on the 
 other that he was rnad. One of the most moving 
 and eloquent of the speeches was that of the Castellan 
 Ankwicz, who was at that time regarded as an 
 exemplary patriot, but afterwards passed over to the 
 Muscovite party. He was one of the victims of 
 Kosciuszko's revolution ; the people of Warsaw 
 themselves executed the sentence which had been 
 pronounced against him. 
 
 During his year's residence in Lithuania, my 
 father had gained the sympathies of the citizens 
 of that province, and he thought that he would have 
 the majority of the Lithuanian votes at the Diet 
 in favour of the party of which he was one of the 
 chiefs ; but the fear of Russia and the King's 
 presents decided otherwise. Many of the Deputies 
 found reasons to avoid the inconvenient results Avhich 
 
 * The originators of the Confederation of Bar were two bishops, Soltyk and 
 Krasinski. The object of the Confederation, which was formed by Casimir Pulaski 
 on the 29th of February, 1708, was to deliver Poland from the domination of Russia. 
 The confederates maintained their ground by extraordinary feats of arms against 
 the Russian troops for five years, and were finally crushed by Souvaroff in 1772, a 
 few months before the first partition of Poland. (See the previous Chapter).
 
 32 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 would ensue from an open rupture with the King 
 and the Russians. 
 
 The Diet having thus come to a close in so 
 unfavourable a way for our party, my father deter- 
 mined to visit the estates which he had inherited 
 in Volhynia and Podolia.
 
 CHAPTEK III 
 
 1783 
 
 JOURXEY TO VOLHYNIA AND PODOLIA. INTERVIEW WITH FREDERICK 
 
 THE OREAT. 
 
 BEFORE leaving for Volhynia, I went with ray tutor 
 to pay a visit to Prince -Lubomirski. This was the 
 lasktime that I saw him ; he did not long enjoy the 
 fortune which his wife had inherited, and died in 
 the same year, universally regretted. He lived in 
 the palace which afterwards became that of the 
 Tarnowskis, and belonged by right to the Czarto- 
 ryskis. The Princess and her husband were very 
 sensible people, but as often happens in the marriages 
 of great families, their characters were not suited 
 to each other. The Prince left heavy debts which 
 his widow admitted and scrupulously paid. His 
 sallies and repartees were characteristically Polish. 
 My mother esteemed him greatly, and he was a true 
 friend to her. I do not know on what occasion he 
 once said to her that he would come to see her after 
 his death, and for a long time she feared he would 
 keep his word. These apprehensions recurred nightly, 
 when everybody was asleep ; the slightest noise re-^ 
 called to her the promise of her deceased friend. 
 VOL. T. c
 
 34 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 We left for the estates in Podolia with a large 
 suite. My father at that time had a very numerous 
 court, chiefly composed of noblemen's sons, many of 
 whom came even from Lithuania. The rendezvous 
 was at Pulawy, from which place we started. Dozens 
 of carriages followed each other in line, and we 
 travelled at the rate of not more than six miles* a 
 day. After breakfast we proceeded to the next stage, 
 where we dined ; the food and wine always preceded 
 us. There were a great many led horses, and we 
 often mounted them to get over a stage more quickly. 
 One of the principal officials of the court always went 
 on beforehand to get our quarters ready. We were 
 accompanied by several young pages dressed after the 
 Polish fashion ; and before we left Warsaw, the majoi'- 
 domo thought proper, as a prudential measure, to 
 administer some corporal discipline to them. My 
 father, as he was coming out of the house, perceived 
 traces of tears and vexation on their faces, and asked 
 what was the matter. ' See how the major-domo has 
 punished us,' they answered. My father then asked 
 the major-domo what they had done, to which the 
 latter rejoined that it was a good thing to prepare 
 them in this way for their journey. 
 
 We stopped on our way at the houses of several 
 landowners, many of whom joined our party, which 
 increased the number of our led horses and carriages ; 
 we had also brought some camels with us, as my father 
 wished to introduce them into general use. The 
 caravan stopped at Klewan, the first of my father's 
 estates in Volhynia. We next arrived on the property 
 
 * A Polish mile is equal to five English miles.
 
 JOURNEY TO VOL1IYNIA AND PODOLIA 35 
 
 of Prince Sapieha, who received us with the amplest 
 hospitality. The Prince suffered much from gout, and 
 this was attributed to the custom, which at that time 
 was very general, of always drinking with a visitor. 
 Prince Sapieha came every evening leaning on a cane 
 to look at the brilliant illuminations in the garden. 
 Our next halting-place was Mikolajew, in Podolia. 
 There were not enough rooms here for the whole of 
 our party, which had become very numerous, and 
 many of us slept in tents. 
 
 Among the many friends who accompanied us on 
 this journey was Niemcewicz,* my father's aide-de- 
 camp. Opportunities were frequently taken of em- 
 barking on various love adventures, in allusion to 
 which one of the poets of our party wrote a song of 
 which the first couplet was as follows : 
 
 ' Beautiful Tomira, this is probably the last of our 
 pleasant evenings ; I am with you to-day to-morrow 
 I shall be alone, and woods and streams will separate 
 us. But when I shall no longer be there, remember I 
 was the first to love you.' 
 
 Niemcewicz was very assiduous in his attentions 
 to the sex. One of the houses where we stayed the 
 longest was that of M. Onufry Morski. This gentle- 
 man had a very important position in Podolia, and 
 was a friend of my father's, for whom he had a 
 great liking. He had a very handsome wife, of whom 
 he was jealous, and he did not trust the friendship of 
 Niemcewicz. One day the comedy of ' Le Joueur? 
 which my father had translated from the French, was 
 
 * An eminent Polish writer, best known for his ' Historical Songs ' and his 
 excellent translations from various English poets. He was born in 1757, and died 
 n exile at Paris in 1841.
 
 36 MEMOIRS OF I' HINGE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 performed at his house, and his wife took a part in it. 
 He himself played the hero, and had to address her 
 in a speech full of ardent love, to which she listened 
 with the greatest coldness, as I remarked at each 
 performance. Morski's younger brother was after- 
 wards the ambassador of the King of Saxony and 
 Grand-Duke of Warsaw at Madrid. His elder brother, 
 the canon, was passionately fond of dancing ; I still 
 remember with what entrain he danced the mazurka 
 at a masked ball at Siedlce, and he was not a man 
 of very rigid morals. 
 
 Among the more intimate guests at my father's 
 house was Colonel Molski, a wag fond of bon-mots and 
 good eating. He once made a bet that he would eat 
 an enormous dish of piroyi* alone, without hurting 
 himself. He gained his bet, and drank some punch 
 to wash the pirogi down. 
 
 At Miendzyboz we met a large detachment of 
 Gossacks, which gave us the idea of constructing a 
 sort of fortress and feigning attacks upon it. My 
 tutor shut himself up in the fortress with my brother ; 
 the besiegers were under the command of Colonel 
 Molski, to whom I acted as aide-de-camp. When the 
 day for the attack came, there was much noise and 
 fighting on horseback. M. Siehen, mounted on a very 
 spirited horse and riding at full gallop, encountered 
 one of the Cossacks, and the shock was so violent that 
 Siehen fell from his horse and became insensible. 
 When he recovered consciousness, he had completely 
 lost his memory, and he did not recollect what had 
 happened until several days afterwards. The Cossack 
 
 * Small meat puddings.
 
 JOURNEY TO VOLHYNIA AND PODOLIA 37 
 
 escaped with a few contusions. Soon after there was 
 almost a real battle between the Cossacks and the 
 inhabitants of the village, a detachment of whom were 
 in the fortress where we were to breakfast. The be- 
 sieged at last ate the food that had been prepared for 
 us, and an arrangement was then made to prevent 
 further accidents. I assisted at this fight on horse- 
 back, and it greatly interested me. 
 
 From Miendzyboz we went to Kamieniec, where 
 was M. Witt, the father of General Witt, whose wife 
 was the beautiful Greek that afterwards married Felix 
 Potocki. At that time she was in all the freshness of 
 her beauty, and shortly after she travelled all over 
 Europe, her charms attracting universal admiration. 
 She did us the honours of her house at Kamieniec, sur- 
 rounded by people distinguished by their youth, their 
 birth, or their talents. All paid her implicit obedience, 
 and besides her beauty she attracted by a sort of 
 originality proceeding either from a feigned naivete or 
 from ignorance of the language. I was told that 
 when people admired her beautiful eyes, or when she 
 spoke of them herself, she used to say in French : 
 ' mes beaux yeux,' thinking that this was a single 
 word. 
 
 M. Witt took me and my tutor over the ramparts 
 of the fortress to show us that it was impregnable. 
 The rock on which it is built is surrounded by a 
 moat, on the other side of which is another rock, 
 containing vast casemates to hold troops for the 
 defence of the place. The only channel by which the 
 inner rock communicates with the outer one is very 
 narrow, and is provided with very solid ramparts.
 
 3 8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 From Kamieniec we went to Chocim, which at 
 that time belonged to Turkey, and where the officer 
 in command was a pasha who displayed much luxury 
 and politeness in receiving my father as general of the 
 Podolian territories. After handing round chibouks 
 and coffee, the pasha's son, a tall young man, ap- 
 proached me and my brother and invited us to visit 
 the harem with his father's permission. We followed 
 him, a portiere was raised and then drawn down 
 behind us, and we entered the seraglio. 
 
 I saw through the doors of the rooms looking into 
 a passage some women, who seemed much astonished 
 and alarmed at our presence. We went to a place 
 where was the young man's mother, the pasha's wife, 
 surrounded by several female attendants ; this was a 
 sort of kiosk erected in a corner of a rectangular 
 garden. We did not like these women, and thought 
 them very untidily dressed. They received us very 
 amiably, examined us with much curiosity, and asked 
 us some questions ; but the conversation was neither 
 long nor animated. 
 
 We returned to Miendzyboz, which was the last 
 stage of our journey, for to tny great regret we did 
 not go as far as Cracow. 
 
 We travelled through Galicia, and after stopping 
 at Oleszyce, Sieniawa, and Jaroslaw, we arrived at 
 Pulawy, where we finally took up our residence. 
 
 [On the 27th of October, 1784, Prince Adam's 
 sister Marie was married to Prince Louis of Wiirtem- 
 berg, the brother of the wife of the Grand-Duke Paul 
 of Russia (afterwards the Emperor Paul) and a 
 relative of Frederick the Great. The newly-married
 
 INTERVIEW WITH FREDERICK THE GREAT 39 
 
 pair went to Berlin, and soon after Prince Adam's 
 mother paid them a visit. Here she had an inter- 
 view with Frederick, which she thus graphically 
 describes in a manuscript diary preserved in the 
 Czartoryski archives :- 
 
 1 The King of Prussia always lived at Potsdam, 
 and only received on certain days which were fixed 
 beforehand. It was not without a certain degree of 
 fear that I made myself ready to visit him. Having 
 from my childhood constantly been told of his genius 
 and great deeds, I had formed in my mind so high an 
 idea of him that I felt timid. I hoped I would be 
 admitted to his presence with many others, and be 
 lost in the crowd ; but Madame Voss, the Queen's 
 lady-in-waiting, took me alone into the drawing-room, 
 and directly I entered, the door opposite me opened, 
 and the King came in also alone. Madame Voss 
 merely mentioned my name and withdrew. I thus 
 remained tete-a-tete with a man who filled me with 
 fear, and whom I believed to far exceed in genius and 
 learning all those whom I had yet seen. I was so 
 dazed that if I had at once left the room, I could 
 have sworn that Frederick was at least six feet high. 
 He took my hand kindly, and said : " I am old, and 
 my sight is bad ; allow me, Princess, to take you to 
 the window, so that I may have a good look at you." 
 This completed my confusion ; tears were in my eyes, 
 and I trembled like a leaf. The King, no doubt 
 to give me courage, then himself began the conversa- 
 tion, still holding my hand. " You have given us 
 an angel, Princess," he said. " I saw her yesterday, 
 and she inspires me with the greatest interest." I
 
 40 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 then ventured to look at the man who had called 
 my daughter an angel. To my surprise I saw not a 
 giant, but a little man, shorter than myself, rather 
 crooked, and in a shabby uniform covered with snuff. 
 He had beautiful blue eyes, a mild but penetrating 
 glance, and a manner which inspired confidence. 
 Seeing that I was looking at him, but that I did not 
 yet venture to open my lips, he continued : " Your 
 angel will always find in me a friend. She has 
 married my nephew, but I must plainly tell you that 
 they are not made for each other, she is an angel and 
 he* The King did not finish the phrase, but added, 
 " Anyhow you know him and will do him justice ; all 
 I will say now is that this cannot last, but let 
 her boldly come to me whenever she finds it 
 necessary." These words calmed my anxiety, arid 
 there remained only a feeling of gratitude which it was 
 easy for a mother to express when speaking of her 
 daughter. The interview lasted over an hour. 
 Frederick II afterwards spoke of many other things. 
 He asked me about Poland and our King. This 
 was a very delicate subject, as he had only recently 
 plundered our King with the help of his allies, who 
 had shared in the spoil. Among the questions he 
 addressed to me I remember his asking whether 
 Stanislas Augustus wore a military uniform. I felt 
 the irony of this question, as our army had at 
 that time been so reduced that we hardly had any 
 troops at all. I answered, as was the fact, that 
 the King wears the uniform of the School of Cadets. 
 
 Prince Louis of Wiirtemberg was afterwards deprived of his command in the 
 Polish army for declining to fight against Russia, and his wife, the Princess Marie, 
 then refused to live with him.
 
 INTERVIEW WITH FREDERICK THE GREAT 41 
 
 "He is right," observed Frederick; " cest vraiment 
 un roi d I'ecole" I felt indignant at this remark, which 
 seemed to me quite uncalled for. I turned red, the 
 tears again rose to my eyes, and I exclaimed without 
 thinking : " Sire, vous lid avtz donne une legon cruelle 
 et pen meritee." When I came in I did not dare to 
 raise my eyes to him ; afterwards, when he began 
 to speak of my daughter, I felt bolder, and I was 
 thoroughly roused when he spoke slightingly of my 
 unhappy country and King, whom he had humiliated 
 after plundering him. After I had spoken I felt 
 frightened, but Frederick thus went on, as if he had 
 not heard what I said : "I have often remarked that 
 in Poland women should govern ; if they did, every- 
 thing would be better there, and our conversation 
 to-day has confirmed me in that belief." He then 
 bowed to me politely and respectfully, again saying 
 that my daughter could always reckon on his protec- 
 tion ; and with this our first interview ended.']
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 1784-1787 
 
 PULAWY. EDUCATION AND STUDIES. 
 
 AT Pulawy we* began an existence which was entirely 
 new to us, and we entered on our studies seriously 
 and regularly. 
 
 Up to that time we had only been taught elemen- 
 tary knowledge, and our lessons were frequently 
 interrupted, while now they became almost our sole 
 occupation. M, Lhuillier taught us mathematics and 
 universal history ; Colonel Ciesielski, the history of 
 Poland ; Kniaznin, literature and Latin. Our clas- 
 sical master was at first a Dane named Schow, and 
 afterwards Groddeck, who subsequently became a 
 professor at the University of Wilna. 
 
 I do not quite remember whether it was then or 
 later on that rny father appointed as our tutor M. 
 Dupont de Nemours, a member of the National 
 Assembly, who was much esteemed in France for his 
 ability and character. He had with him a secretary 
 named Noyer, a very importunate man who paid 
 
 * The author and his brother Constantino. The Bohemian traveller Tanner, 
 writing in 1G78, says of this magnificent country seat of the Czartoryski family : 
 ' Prospeximus hie a dextra numinis parte Pulavii castrum splendidum, efc a circum- 
 jacentium hortorum amzenitate deliciosum.'
 
 EDUCATION AND STUDIES 43 
 
 marked attention to Madame Petit. One day he 
 knocked at her door, and not knowing any other way 
 to get rid of him, she told him she was not at home. 
 M. Dupont did not stay long with us ; he returned to 
 France, and I saw him in Paris at the time of the 
 Restoration. He introduced himself to me as my old 
 tutor, but I had entirely forgotten him. 
 
 There was a fencing-master at Pulawy who gave 
 us a lesson every morning in the garden after we got 
 up, which was very early, and then we passed to other 
 studies. The company used to be very large at 
 dinner, as all the persons in the service of the family 
 were present. 
 
 Besides our studies, we had various pleasures, such 
 as hunting, excursions to the house of M. and Madame 
 Filipowicz, the steward of the Pulawy estates at 
 Konska Wola, country rides, and especially coursing. 
 I was very fond of this pastime ; in a wood in the 
 vicinity there were hares on the hills, and a brood of 
 foxes which we amused ourselves by driving out of 
 their holes with dogs. 
 
 This was for us children what I may call 'the 
 Pulawy period.' My father's stay in Lithuania at- 
 tracted to our house a great number of citizens of that 
 province ; several young men also came from Lithuania 
 to be educated at our house, and they amused the 
 company during the hours which were not given up 
 to study. 
 
 Our daily fencing-lessons took place in the garden 
 during the summer. Although accustomed to the use 
 of the foil at the school of Cadets, Rembilinski, one of 
 our tutors, was once hit in the eye, and on another
 
 44 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYXKI 
 
 occasion, as he was fencing with me, iny foil pierced 
 his mask and wounded him in the mouth. He was 
 much frightened, and his first thought was to ascertain 
 whether his second eye had not been hurt. I was 
 profuse in my apologies, and thanked God that my 
 awkwardness had not had any more serious con- 
 sequences. 
 
 We used to hold meetings like those of the Diets, 
 at which we discussed public questions. I recollect 
 that at one of these meetings the question discussed 
 was, which was the best government, one in which 
 political power was distributed among the people, or a 
 government in which all power proceeded from a 
 central authority. I advocated the greatest possible 
 liberty, while to my great surprise Rembilinski de- 
 clared himself in favour of a' central and paternal 
 government. His speech was so eloquent that I 
 could not find words to answer him, which greatly 
 dissatisfied me. I was beaten, but not convinced.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 1786 
 
 A HOLIDAY IX GERMANY. WIELAND. -GOETHE. A POLISH 
 CARNIVAL. -VISITS TO ENGLAND. 
 
 IN 1786, I first went to travel abroad ; I was accom- 
 panied by ray tutor, who had been ordered to take 
 the waters at Carlsbad. Madame Oginska, the 
 hetman's wife, my father's cousin and my mother's 
 aunt, started for Carlsbad at the same time as we 
 did, accompanied by a numerous suite, as was then 
 the custom. We visited several German towns where 
 I came into contact with many eminent men. I can- 
 not say that I made their acquaintance, for my mind 
 was as yet not sufficiently developed ; but I still 
 remember having met them. 
 
 My father had invited to Pulawy a professor of 
 Latin and Greek who had been recommended to him 
 by Steine, the celebrated professor of Gottingen. 
 He was a young Dane and an enthusiastic admirer 
 of the beauties of ancient literature, like all who 
 came from that university. I shared this enthusiasm 
 a little childishly, but very sincerely under the 
 influence of Kniaznin, who taught us Polish and
 
 46 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Latin literature. I neglected the tedious though 
 indispensable study of grammar, and tried to under- 
 stand the classic poets, which gave me the appearance 
 of knowing much more than I did in reality ; and I 
 paraded my knowledge in the presence of the German 
 savants whom I met on my travels. At Prague I 
 made the acquaintance of Meissner, professor of Greek 
 literature and author of several German works. 
 His reputation, which at that time was very great, 
 did not survive him. I recollect with pleasure the 
 conversations I had with him, and I was much 
 astonished to find that I was able to quote to him 
 from memory some verses from the Greek poets. 
 
 We passed through Gotha, where, thanks to a 
 letter of introduction from my father, we made the 
 acquaintance of Baron Frankenburg, Minister to the 
 Duke of Gotha. He was an intelligent, amiable, and 
 cultivated man, and he placed us in relations with 
 other celebrated and interesting persons. He gave 
 us letters with which we went to Weimar, already 
 known as the German Athens, where I saw Wieland 
 and Herder, with whom my father kept up a corres- 
 pondence. 
 
 Wieland's appearance was anything but poetical ; 
 he was short, rather stout, somewhat advanced in 
 years, wrinkled, and wearing a sort of nightcap which 
 he seldom took off. 
 
 Baron Frankenburg also enabled us to make the 
 acquaintance of Goethe, and I was admitted with my 
 tutor to a private house where the poet read to 
 some friends his play of ' Iphigenia in Tauris,' which 
 he had just finished. I listened with great en-
 
 GOETHE 47 
 
 thusiasm. Goethe was then in the brightest period 
 of his youth ; he was tall, and his face was handsome 
 and imposing, with a piercing look, sometimes a little 
 disdainful, as if he were looking down upon the 
 horizon of humanity. This slight tinge of arrogance 
 was also visible in the smile on his beautiful mouth. 
 He hardly remarked the admiration of a youth 
 like myself, for this was a homage to which he was 
 accustomed. When he afterwards became Minister 
 to the Grand-Duke of Weimar he no longer showed 
 the same disregard of official favours and decorations ; 
 but he always retained in his face and demeanour a 
 sort of grandeur which made people compare him to 
 Phidias's statue of the Olympian Jove. 
 
 At length we arrived at Carlsbad, where we 
 found Madame Oginska, whose presence greatly 
 contributed to our pleasure. She had with her 
 several young ladies, the daughters of her major- 
 domo Siedlecki, and also Dr Kittel, who was young 
 and very handsome, and was consequently much in 
 request with ladies whose health required, or seemed 
 to them to require, a doctor's care. 
 
 There was at that time at Carlsbad a very bril- 
 liant casino, where the whole society of the place 
 assembled, and where there was dancing almost every 
 evening. One of the ladies was said to be much 
 admired by the Archduke Leopold, whose weakness 
 for the sex was notorious, and who ascended the 
 throne some years later. I was struck by the beauty 
 of the features of this lad} 1 ", and especially by the 
 extraordinary vivacity of her movements. 
 
 We returned home in the autumn, and the winter
 
 48 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 of 178G to 1787 was passed partly at Pulawy, partly 
 at Siedlce. We continued our studies at Pulawy 
 without much regularity, but with great interest and 
 diligence, and passed the carnival at Siedlce, where 
 there was a numerous and brilliant gathering of 
 visitors. Madame Oginska, who held her Court 
 there, was very pious, but her sole anxiety was to 
 amuse her guests and make them merry. She had 
 in her house a great many charming young ladies 
 belonging to noble families. When her toilet was 
 over, her guests were admitted into her apartments, 
 and these young ladies were to be seen taking to her 
 some article of dress a flower, a ribbon, a veil, or a 
 bonnet which was to be worn in the course of the 
 day. Afterwards everybody went into the drawing- 
 rooms, where amusements of all kinds were constantly 
 going on. 
 
 Madame Oginska was very fond of playing at 
 cards, and invited the best players to Siedlce. This 
 was not perhaps very praiseworthy, but it con- 
 tributed to our amusement for part of the day. In 
 the evening there was dancing and drawing-room 
 games ; in the summer we walked about in a large 
 garden which was called Alexandria, and which 
 Madame Oginska had decorated in the English 
 fashion ; in the autumn we went out shooting, and 
 she used to join our party, firing from her place at 
 the birds as they flew by. 
 
 It was difficult to suffer from ennui at Siedlce, 
 and the natural consequence was that romantic 
 adventures frequently occurred, in which I sometimes 
 played a part. I had found some books which fired
 
 VISITS TO ENGLAND 49 
 
 my imagination ; I read them during several nights, 
 when I should have done better to devote the time 
 to study. One of the young ladies at Siedlce, 
 Mademoiselle Marie Niezabitowska, became the object 
 of my ' sighs/ which I did not venture to communicate 
 to her without great hesitation. To enter into the 
 young ladies' room was beyond my power, and often I 
 used to stand near the door, fearing to cross the 
 threshold. At length I got over my timidity, and my 
 usual place was on a box in the young ladies' room. 
 
 To make love or fall in love was the lot of every 
 young man at Siedlce, and I had some rivals, among 
 whom was Niemcewicz. Mademoiselle Niezabitowska 
 was one of the prettiest of the young ladies there, and 
 she was also endowed with other qualities by Nature 
 which distinguished her from other women during 
 her long life. Poets wrote verses to her, and I 
 remember that one of these effusions ended by 
 deploring her severity to those who surrounded her. 
 It was indeed difficult to secure her good graces, and 
 she treated her admirers with much rigour. 
 
 Some cases of scarlet fever having broken out in 
 the ladies' apartments, my mother recalled me to 
 Pulawy. 
 
 [Here there is a break in the Memoirs, which are 
 not resumed until the 3^ ear 1795, when Prince Adam 
 Czartoryski proceeded with his brother Constantino 
 to St Petersburg. In 1789, when he was nineteen 
 years of age, he went with his mother to Paris and 
 then to London, where he stayed for some weeks 
 VOL. i. D
 
 5 o MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 with Lord Mansfield, to complete his political educa- 
 tion by studying the English constitution. During 
 this time he witnessed the trial of Warren Hastings ; 
 and afterwards he visited Scotland and the principal 
 manufacturing towns in England. One of his English 
 acquaintances of that period, Dr Currie of Liverpool, 
 thus describes, in a letter to Mr F. Creevy, M.P., 
 dated the 31st of October, 1803, his impressions of 
 the Prince in 1790: 'I dined yesterday by special 
 invitation with Prince William of Gloucester. There 
 was a good deal of talk about the Northern coasts, 
 where the Prince and several of his suite were last 
 year, and I was a good deal interested to hear that 
 the politics of Russia were led by Prince Adam 
 Czartoryski, the Secretary of State. The Prince 
 said that he was a most agreeable, accomplished man, 
 but decidedly in the French interest, a Jacobin, etc. 
 etc., and that his influence was the great bar to 
 England resuming her proper weight at the Court 
 of St Petersburg. Now you must know this Czar- 
 toryski is an old acquaintance of mine was a cor- 
 respondent, and might have been so yet, but for my 
 own neglect, for he wrote me several letters since 
 I ceased to write to him. He made the tour of 
 the island along with his mother in grand style, some 
 time in the earlier and better stages of the French 
 Revolution. He was then about twent} T or twenty- 
 one, and a very fine young man indeed, full of great 
 expectations of happy changes in society ; full of 
 ardour, benevolence, and adventure. He had passed 
 the preceding winter at Paris, in close attendance on 
 the National Assembly in the most brilliant days of
 
 VISITS TO ENGLAND 51 
 
 Mirabeau. He had afterwards been a close attendant 
 on the debates in our own Parliament, at that time 
 so interesting. He seemed to me extremely capable 
 of appreciating the great talents then displayed on 
 the theatres of both nations, and was very fond of 
 comparing the statesmen and orators of France and 
 England. Mirabeau and Fox were his heroes but 
 he preferred the latter. He was absolutely as great 
 an idolater of Fox as you are of the General [Sir 
 John Moore], and seemed to me to have that sim- 
 plicity and elevation of soul which is necessary to 
 appreciate our incomparable Charley. I took to 
 Czartoryski extremely, and he used to ride out with 
 me and walk with me during the fortnight he stayed 
 here, as you do. He is an English-looking man, a 
 black fellow, very tall and handsome spoke our 
 language and loved our country. I had several 
 letters from him during his tour in Scotland (where I 
 introduced him) and mean to have a search for them. 
 He was very deeply interested in the Revolution in 
 Poland, in which I think his mother played a prin- 
 cipal part. She was with him, and took the direction 
 of him a woman then still handsome, and said to be 
 of great address of every kind, but perfectly intel- 
 ligible and feminine. When I revolve all these things, 
 Sheridan's scheme of sending Fox to St Petersburg 
 struck me as a noble thought. Depend upon it, if it 
 could be accomplished, that his influence there would 
 be speedily felt. For this Czartoryski is a virtuous 
 man, and, if we knew how to approach him, neither is 
 nor can be the tool of Bonaparte.' 
 
 Prince Adam returned to Poland in 1791, and
 
 52 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 entered the army under the command of his brother-in- 
 law, the Prince of Wiirtemberg. It was in this year 
 that the famous Reformed Constitution of the 3rd of 
 May, which was afterwards made by Russia and Prussia 
 the pretext for a second partition of the country, was 
 passed by the Grand Diet (known as ' the Four Years' 
 Diet ') at Warsaw.* This Constitution was regarded 
 
 * 'It was the deliberate and systematic policy of Russia and Prussia to maintain 
 anarchy in Poland, in order that it might never rise to prosperity or power or ' 
 independence. With this object they agreed, at the beginning of the reign of 
 Stanislas Poniatowski, that they would maintain by force the existing Constitution, 
 and oppose any attempt to abolish the Lib^ru/n Veto, or to make the monarchy 
 hereditary. A strong and earnest effort was, notwithstanding, made to effect the 
 former object, and the reform was so powerfully supported that it would have 
 undoubtedly succeeded had not Russia again interfered, and re-established, with the 
 concurrence of Prussia, Liber urn Veto in its full stringency. The jealousy of three 
 great powers alone for a time saved Poland. At last they agreed upon their share of 
 the spoil. In 1772 they signed 'in the name of the Holy Trinity,' treaties for the 
 plunder of Poland, and in a few months the first partition was easily effected. It 
 was justified at the time, and has been defended by some later historians on the 
 ground of that very anarchy which it had been for many years a main object of two 
 of the plundering powers to foment and to perpetuate. Prussia solemnly guaranteed 
 the integrity of Poland. She promised to assist her against all hostile attacks, and 
 all interference with her internal concerns. The King of Prussia not only fully 
 recognised the right of the Polish people as an independent nation to revise their 
 Constitution, but he also strongly urged them to do so. 
 
 ' The Prussian policy of detaching Poland from Russia was, however, perfectly 
 successful, and, relying on Prussian support, the Polish Diet, which first met in 
 September 1788, and which was confederated for the emergency, carried a series of 
 reforms which totally changed the constitution and condition of Poland. It was 
 decreed that the army should be raised from 20,000 to 100,000 men. The system of 
 taxation was thoroughly revised. A considerable representation was given to the 
 trading towns. The excessive powers of the Dietines were abolished. The Liberum 
 Veto was swept away, and finally on May 3, 1791, a new Constitution was voted, in 
 which, after the reigning King, the crown was offered to the Elector of Saxony, and 
 to his heirs for ever. It was certain that Russia would resist bitterly what was 
 done, and she early announced to the Diet that she would permit no change what- 
 ever in the Constitution of 1775. The King of Prussia expressed his satisfaction at 
 what had occurred, to the Polish Minister at his Court, to the King of Poland, and 
 the Elector of Saxony. He urged the Elector to accept the Polish crown : lie 
 offered him his warm alliance, and he professed himself fully determined to fulfil 
 his own treaty obligations. 
 
 ' As for the policy of Russia towards Poland, it was one of cynical, undisguised 
 rapacity. The course of events depended largely on the King of Prussia. That 
 sovereign, as we have se*en, had first induced the Poles to assert their independence 
 of Russia. He had himself urged them to amend their constitution. He had been 
 the first to congratulate them on the constitutional reform of May 1791. He had 
 bound himself before God and man, by two solemn and recent treaties, to respect 
 the integrity of Poland ; to defend the integrity of Poland against all enemies ; to 
 oppose by force any attempt to interfere witli her internal affairs. Yet, as we have
 
 VISITS TO ENGLAND 53 
 
 by the greatest statesmen and political writers of the 
 time as the highest step yet attained in the science 
 of government. Burke said that it was ' a glory to 
 humanity' and ' the noblest and greatest benefit shed 
 upon the human race.' Fox described it as ' a work to 
 which all the friends of freedom should be sincerely 
 attached,' and Volney remarked that Poland was the 
 only country of Northern Europe which had amelio- 
 rated the hard lot of its peasantry. 
 
 In 1792, Prince Adam took part in the campaign 
 against the Russians, who had invaded Poland in con- 
 sequence of the issue of the new constitution ; he 
 fought in the battle of Granno, and was decorated by 
 the King for his bravery. 
 
 In 1793, he again went to England, and entered 
 into close relations with nearly all the politicians of 
 note in that country.* It was while he was still 
 staying there in 1794 that the Kosciuszko insurrection 
 broke out. Directly he heard the news, he hurried 
 back to join the insurgents, but was stopped at 
 Brussels and put in arrest under orders from the 
 Austrian Government. Meanwhile the insurrection 
 was suppressed, and the third partition of Poland took 
 place. Soon after the Prince rejoined his parents at 
 Vienna, where the Emperor Francis intervened with 
 the Empress Catherine of Russia to cancel the confis- 
 
 also seen, he had resolved as early as March 1792, not only to break his word and to 
 betray his trust, but also to take an active part in the partition of the defenceless 
 country which he had bound himself in honour to protect.' (Lecky, History of 
 England in the Eighteenth Century, Vols V and VI. ) 
 
 * Tliere are in the Czartoryski archives several bulky manuscripts written by the 
 Prince during his stay in England at this time. Two of these, in the English 
 language, are treatises on English law and on the system of police and civil 
 administration generally ; a third, in Polish, is on the judicial administration in 
 England.
 
 54 
 
 cation of the estates of the Czartoryski family, ordered 
 by her in consequence of their participation in the 
 insurrection. The Empress insisted, as a condition of 
 her entering into negotiations on this subject, that the 
 two young princes should go to St Petersburg to 
 enter the Russian service, and after much deliberation 
 at a family council this condition was accepted.]
 
 CHAPTEK VI 
 
 1794-1795 
 
 JOURNEY TO ST PETERSBURG. HEADING PERSONAGES IN RUSSIAN 
 
 SOCIETY UNDER THE EMPRESS CATHERINE. THE ZUBOFFS. 
 
 CATHERINE. HER COURT. THE YOUNG PRINCES ENTER THE 
 
 RUSSIAN SERVICE. 
 
 IT was the 12th of May 1795, when my brother and I 
 arrived at St Petersburg. In order to form an idea 
 of our feelings on entering that city, it is necessary to 
 know the principles in which we were brought up. 
 Our education had been entirely Polish and Republican. 
 The study of ancient history and literature, and of the 
 history and literature of our country, had occupied 
 the years of our adolescence. Our minds were full of 
 Greeks and Romans, and, following the example of 
 our ancestors, we thought only of perpetuating the 
 ancient virtues on the soil of our fatherland. With 
 regard to political liberty, more recent examples, 
 taken from the history of England and France, had 
 up to a certain point rectified our ideas, without in 
 any way diminishing their energy. The love of our 
 country, of its glories, its institutions, and its liberties 
 had been inculcated into us by our studies, and by 
 everything we had seen or heard around us. I should
 
 56 MEMOIRS OF PRIXCE ADAM CZARTOKYSKI 
 
 add that this feeling, which penetrated the whole of 
 our moral nature, was accompanied by an invincible 
 aversion to all who had contributed to the ruin of the 
 fatherland which we so much loved. 
 
 This two-fold sentiment of love and hatred domi- 
 nated me so entirely, that I could not meet a Russian 
 either in Poland or elsewhere without feeling a rush of 
 blood to the head without blushing or turning white 
 with anger for every Russian seemed to me an 
 author of the misfortunes of my country. 
 
 My first task was promptly to replace on a satis- 
 factory footing the affairs of my father. Three- 
 fourths of his fortune, all consisting of land situated 
 in the provinces seized by Russia, had been seques- 
 trated. These estates were mortgaged to a consider- 
 able extent, so that not only my father's own property, 
 but also that of a great number of our countrymen, 
 was in question. The representations made in my 
 father's favour by the Court of Vienna had had no 
 result. Catherine was provoked by the patriotism of 
 my father and mother, and their sympathy with 
 the Kosciuszko insurrection. ' Let their two sons 
 come to me,' she said, 'and then we will see.' She 
 wished to keep us as hostages. 
 
 Our departure for St Petersburg was thus indis- 
 pensable. Our father, kind and considerate as ever, 
 did not venture to demand this sacrifice from us ; and 
 it was the fact of our knowing this that prevailed 
 over every other consideration. Our fatherland was 
 lost : were we also to condemn our parents to want, 
 and make it impossible for them to discharge their 
 debts ? We did not hesitate an instant. At the same
 
 JOURNEY TO ST PETERSBURG 57 
 
 time we knew well that to go to St Petersburg, 
 far from all our connections to give ourselves up 
 as prisoners, so to say, into the hands of the most 
 detested of our enemies, of the executioners of our 
 country was in our situation the most painful sacrifice 
 we could make to paternal affection ; for to do this it 
 was necessary to act in opposition to all our senti- 
 ments, all our convictions, all our plans to every- 
 thing that was nearest to our hearts and minds. 
 
 I described with all the ardour of a youthful poet 
 my state of mind at this time, in some verses entitled 
 ' The Song of the Bard,' which I composed during my 
 stay at Grodno. When I left that town I sent the 
 manuscript to our friend Kniaznin, and it was often 
 read with tears of sympathy by my family. 
 
 We bade adieu to our parents (who at that time 
 were residing at Vienna), in the month of December 
 1794. After sadly passing a few days at ^ieniawa,* 
 w r e proceeded on our journey at the beginning of 
 January, and stopped at Grodno (where the King 
 Stanislas Augustus then lived under the surveillance 
 of Prince Repnin), until we received permission, 
 which did not arrive till the following spring, to go 
 on to St Petersburg. The Empress at first refused 
 to give this permission, and we were shown a note in 
 her own hand in which she stated as the reason of her 
 refusal that my mother had, as in the story of 
 Hamilcar and Hannibal, made us swear eternal hatred 
 to Russia and her sovereign. While at Grodno we 
 often went to see the King, and we were witnesses of 
 his grief and bitter self-reproaches at not being able 
 
 * Iu Galicia, now the country residence of Priiice Ladislas Czartoryski.
 
 5 8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 either to save his country or to perish in fighting for 
 her. 
 
 Since my first arrival at St Petersburg my feelings 
 have never changed, but their outward expression has 
 necessarily been modified by events. The same 
 juvenile ardour which made us regard our departure as 
 a heroic sacrifice to paternal affection, made the detested 
 position in which we were placed more tolerable. 
 When one is young, there are few things that cannot 
 be borne ; one is strong enough to contend with every 
 kind of adversity and even of misfortune. New 
 scenes, new impressions, though painful, yet hitherto 
 unknown, always distract the mind in the end even 
 if they do not change it. 
 
 We were received in St Petersburg society with 
 much consideration and good-will. Our father, who 
 had lived in the Russian capital at the time of 
 Elizabeth, of Peter II, and of the accession of 
 Catherine, was well known and respected there by 
 the older inhabitants. His letters, which we brought 
 with us, procured us a favourable reception. The 
 injustice with which we had been treated by the 
 Cabinet, elicited a sympathy in our favour which was 
 not entirely barren, as it was openly and fearlessly 
 expressed. I have no doubt, remembering the com- 
 pliments which were paid to us, that the courtiers 
 of whom St Petersburg society was at that time 
 almost entirely composed, knew beforehand that their 
 politeness to the disinherited of Poland the foster- 
 children of liberty could not compromise them at 
 Court. Perhaps they had even received a hint that 
 this conduct on their part would be pleasing to the
 
 RUSSIAN SOC11ETY 59 
 
 Empress. After a few weeks we had made many 
 acquaintances, and we received invitations every day 
 from the members of the aristocracy. Dinners, balls, 
 concerts, soirees, private theatricals, succeeded each 
 other without intermission. 
 
 We were everywhere accompanied by M. James 
 Gorski, who had been requested by our father to be 
 our friend and guide, and to assist us by his advice. 
 No better mentor could have been selected. Easy- 
 going, merry, tolerant, a genial and witty companion, 
 and at the same time scrupulously honourable and 
 never hesitating to tell an unpleasant truth, he was 
 the very man to keep us in the right way without 
 alienating us by excessive severity. We were very 
 happy in the society of this excellent friend, and I 
 only satisfy the demands of my conscience in here 
 expressing our gratitude to him and our grief at his 
 unexpected loss. He encouraged us to take advan- 
 tage of the friendly reception given to us, by entering 
 into relations with the persons who were ultimately 
 to bring about the restitution of our fortune. Gorski 
 spoke French with a strong Polish accent, but this 
 did not in any way disconcert him. All he said and 
 did was marked by a laconic precision which was 
 thoroughly in accordance with his character and ap- 
 pearance. He held his head high, and had a proud 
 manner and a brief and decided way of speaking, 
 always, however, within the limits of politeness. 
 Although he did not much esteem the majority of his 
 acquaintances, they were devoted to him. He was 
 very fond of pleasure and good living, and persuaded 
 us to go into society, which perhaps our melancholy,
 
 60 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 and also a little natural indolence, would otherwise 
 have prevented us from doing. He never lost sight 
 of the object of the journey we had undertaken, and 
 he never neglected any means calculated to achieve 
 it. He always urged us to pay visits and take steps 
 which were inexpressibly disagreeable to us, and it 
 was to his persistence in this respect that our success 
 was mainly due. 
 
 This period of our youth was a decisive one for 
 the rest of our career : for, thus suddenly introduced 
 into a state of things entirely foreign to us and 
 contrary to our ideas, we saw all our plans disappear 
 and our future changed and broken in opposition to 
 our wishes and our convictions. As regards myself 
 this phase of my life produced deep and painful 
 results. The misfortunes of my country, of my 
 parents, and of many others of my countrymen, the 
 defeat of justice and the triumph of violence and 
 crime, had unhinged my mind. I began to doubt 
 the ways of Providence. I saw only contradictions 
 and aimless struggles ; nothing seemed to me to 
 deserve any serious attention ; I was absorbed by 
 a feeling of scepticism, of cold and despairing indiffer- 
 ence. I have since more than once relapsed into these 
 attacks of despair. But although, seeing nowhere 
 any solid basis of action, and suspecting everybody, 
 I looked upon men and things with contempt, an 
 interior voice suggested to my reason that virtue 
 and charity were indubitable realities that were worth 
 living for, and that even if this were not the case, 
 they were to be preferred to anything else. This 
 debate of niy conscience alone saved me from the
 
 RUSSIA N SOCIETY 6 1 
 
 fatal effects of universal doubt. The first germs of 
 belief, though weakened, still remained in my soul. 
 
 Compliments and pleasures always produce their 
 effect on a youthful mind, though they do not 
 prevent, and indeed sometimes promote, a feeling of 
 scepticism. Our souls retained their wounds, but we 
 felt some change on the surface. We found that, 
 according to the proverb, the devil is not so black as 
 he is painted, especially if he makes himself amiable ; 
 that it was not just, notwithstanding the outrages 
 that had been committed on our country, to accuse 
 the whole Russian nation of them to include in our 
 detestation of the Government, individuals who had 
 nothing in common with it ; that the appearances of 
 things chano-e according to the condition and status of 
 
 o o ~ 
 
 persons, and that to arrive at a sound judgment of 
 their private, and still more of their public, conduct, 
 one should put one's self in their place and have regard 
 to the circumstances by which they are surrounded. 
 By degrees we came to the conviction that these 
 Russians, whom we had instinctively learnt to hate 
 whom we indiscriminately classed as malignant and 
 
 / O 
 
 sanguinary beings, with whom we were to avoid every 
 contact, and whom we could not even meet without 
 disgust that these Russians were much like other 
 people ; that there were among them young men who 
 were witty and courteous, and even kind, so far at 
 least as could be judged from their words ; that 
 Russian ladies were very amiable ; that, in a word, one 
 could live among Russians without repulsion, and 
 even sometimes feel obliged to give them one's 
 friendship and gratitude.
 
 62 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORY8KI 
 
 I only make these self-evident remarks to show 
 that we were in no way prepared for the transition, 
 and that, passing so suddenly from one extreme to 
 the other, we felt as if we had been cast from a preci- 
 pice on a sea where, not being able to land, we were 
 obliged to direct our course as best we could. We 
 were young, and we met with dangerous and insidious 
 acquaintances and amusements. The society of St 
 Petersburg was on the whole brilliant, animated, and 
 full of variety. Many houses of different kinds were 
 open to us, and strangers were everywhere received 
 with eagerness. 
 
 The salons of the Princess Basil Dolgoroukoff and 
 those of the Princess Michael Galitzin, both of whom 
 have since become well known in Paris, were dis- 
 tinguished by their elegance. These two ladies 
 rivalled each other in wit, beauty, and amiability. 
 It was said that both had been admired by Prince 
 Potemkin. The unfortunate adorer of the Princess 
 Dolgoroukoff was at that time Count de Cobentzel, 
 the Austrian ambassador, while the Princess Galitzin 
 had enchained Count de Choiseul-Gouffier, known by 
 his mission to Constantinople and the narrative of 
 his travels in Greece. He had converted the 
 Princess's palace into a sort of art museum, though 
 she herself did not much care for art. 
 
 The Narishkin palace was of quite a different 
 kind. With all its anachronisms, it was a true 
 Russian building of the Asiatic type, and the young 
 ladies there, who were less looked after than they 
 usually are in Russia, were said to have been also 
 distinguished by Prince Potemkin. The doors were
 
 J2USSIAX SOCIETY 63 
 
 open to everybody, and Cossacks, Tartars, Cir- 
 cassians, and other Asiatics were among the guests. 
 The owner, Leo Narishkin, gay, affable, good- 
 natured, an old favourite of Peter III, and after- 
 wards a courtier of the Empress Catherine, always 
 ready to please her favourites, with all of whom he 
 was on good terms, spent enormous sums as Grand 
 Equerry in balls and receptions, and yet, though he 
 had been doing this for ten years, did not manage to 
 get through his fortune. I do not know if his heirs, 
 who had the same taste for lavish expenditure, have 
 been more successful. 
 
 At the Grolowin palace there were not daily 
 soirees, as elsewhere, but little coteries like those got 
 up in Paris, to perpetuate the ancient traditions of 
 Versailles. The mistress of the house, whose two 
 daughters have since married MM. Fredro and 
 Potocki, was very witty, talented, sentimental, and 
 fond of art. 
 
 Another house which had a peculiar character of 
 its own was the palace of Count Strogonoff. The 
 Count had lived for a long time in Paris, and had 
 contracted habits there which were in singular con- 
 trast to the old Muscovite customs. He and his 
 friends talked of Voltaire, of Diderot, of the Parisian 
 stage, and discussed the merits of the pictures of the 
 old masters, of which the Count had a rich collection; 
 and while this conversation was going on, a huge 
 table was laid, with a barbaric disorder betraying the 
 origin of his Siberian riches, at which people dined 
 without being invited and were waited upon by a 
 crowd of serfs.
 
 64 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 I will not sketch in detail the society of St Peters- 
 burg ; I have to speak of more serious subjects. I 
 will only add that Russian society was at that time, 
 as it probably is still, only a reflection of the Court. 
 It might be compared to the vestibule of a temple, 
 where no one has eyes or ears for anything but the 
 divinity within. Every conversation, I had almost 
 said every phrase, always ended in a reference or 
 question relating to the Court what was said or done 
 there, or what was intended to be done. Every 
 important impulse came from the Court ; this de- 
 prived society, it is true, of any distinctive character, 
 yet it seemed to be animated and gay. 
 
 The Empress Catherine, the immediate author of 
 the ruin of Poland, whose very name inspired us with 
 horror, and who was cursed by everyone with the 
 heart of a Pole who, in the opinion of people outside 
 her capital, neither had virtue nor even womanly 
 decency had nevertheless succeeded in gaining the 
 veneration and even the love of her servants and 
 subjects. During the long years of her reign the 
 army, the privileged classes, arid the administrators 
 had their days of prosperity and lustre. There can 
 be no doubt that since her accession the Russian 
 Empire had gained in prestige abroad and in order at 
 home far more than during the preceding reigns of 
 Anne and Elizabeth. People's minds were still full 
 of the ancient fanaticism and of a servile feeling of 
 adoration for autocrats. The prosperous reign of 
 Catherine had confirmed the Russians in their servility, 
 though some gleams of European civilisation had 
 already penetrated among them. Thus the people,
 
 RUSSIAN SOCIETY 65 
 
 great and small, were not in the least shocked at the 
 deprav r ed tastes of their sovereign or the murders and 
 other crimes which she committed. Everything was 
 allowed to her. Her luxuriousness was a sacred thing, 
 and no one dreamt of condemning her debaucheries : 
 
 o 
 
 it was like the pagans respecting the crimes and the 
 obscenities of the gods of Olympus and the Caesars of 
 Home. 
 
 The Muscovite Olympus had three stages. The 
 first was the so-called ' young court/ occupied by the 
 young princes and princesses, all of whom were grace- 
 ful and cultivated, and promised well for the future. 
 The second was held solely by the Grand-Duke Paul, 
 whose sombre character and fantastic humour inspired 
 terror, and sometimes contempt. At the top of the 
 edifice was Catherine, with all the prestige of her 
 victories, of her prosperity, and of her confidence in 
 the love of her subjects, whom she could always lead 
 according to her caprices. 
 
 All the hopes that could be based on the ' young 
 court ' belonged only to a distant future, and did not 
 in any way diminish the general affection for the 
 supreme authority of the Czarina, especially as the 
 ' young court ' was regarded only as a creation of the 
 ruling power. Catherine reserved to herself exclu- 
 sively the care of the education of her grandchildren ; 
 and their parents were forbidden to exercise any 
 influence in this respect. Directly they were born 
 the princes and princesses were taken away from their 
 parents, and they grew up under the eyes of the 
 Empress, to whom alone they seemed to belong. 
 
 The Grand-Duke Paul was the shadow in the
 
 66 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 picture, and augmented its effect. The terror which 
 he inspired greatly strengthened the general attach- 
 ment for the rule of Catherine. Everyone wished 
 that the reins of government should long remain in 
 her strong hands ; and as all feared Paul, they admired 
 the more the power and the great abilities of his 
 mother, who held him in dependence, far from a 
 throne which by right belonged to him. 
 
 This rapid sketch will explain the idolatry of the 
 inhabitants of St Petersburg for their female Jupiter. 
 It was in some sort a reproduction of the adoration of 
 Louis XIV before death had carried away his numer- 
 ous descendants. 
 
 It would have been very difficult, if not impossible, 
 for a stranger arriving at St Petersburg to resist 
 impressions and prejudices so deeply rooted. Once 
 he entered the Court atmosphere and the society 
 which depended upon the Court, he was imperceptibly 
 carried away by the same ideas, and generally ended 
 by joining in the concert of praise which was con- 
 tinually rising around the throne. As a proof of 
 this, illustrious travellers might be cited, such as the 
 Prince de Ligne, the Counts de Segur arid de 
 Choiseul, and many others. In the group of strangers 
 and natives who slandered their acquaintances, who 
 would sacrifice anything to a bon mot, and who had no 
 reason to mistrust us, there was not one who, so far as 
 I knew, ever ventured to make a joke at the expense 
 of the Empress. They respected nothing and gossipped 
 about everything ; a disdainful and mocking smile 
 often accompanied the name of the Grand-Duke Paul ; 
 but if that of Catherine was mentioned, all men's faces
 
 RUSSIAN SOCIETY 67 
 
 at once put on an air of seriousness and submission. 
 There were no more smiles or jests ; no one dared 
 even to murmur a complaint or a reproach, as if the 
 most unjust and outrageous actions, when committed 
 by her, were decrees of fate, to be accepted with re- 
 spectful submission. 
 
 Catherine was ambitious, spiteful, vindictive, ar- 
 bitrary, and shameless ; but her ambition was com- 
 bined with love of glory, and although when her 
 personal interests or passions were concerned every- 
 thing had to give way, her despotism was in no way 
 capricious. Her passions, disorderly as they were, 
 were dominated by her reason and her abilities. Her 
 tyranny was not the fruit of impulse, but of calcula- 
 tion. She did not commit crimes which were of no 
 advantage to her. She even consented sometimes to 
 
 o 
 
 be equitable in matters to which she was indifferent, 
 in order that the glory of justice might increase the 
 splendour of her throne. Moreover, being jealous of 
 every kind of fame, she aspired to the title of a 
 legislator, in order to give herself, at least in the eyes of 
 Europe and of history, a reputation for statesmanship. 
 She knew only too well that sovereigns cannot dis- 
 pense with appearing just, even if they are not so in 
 reality. She was anxious to gain over public opinion 
 to her side so long as it did not run contrary to her 
 views ; otherwise she disregarded it. The political 
 crimes which she committed in Poland, she explained 
 as necessary for the security of the State and as 
 adding to its military glory. She seized the estates 
 of the Poles who had shown most zeal for the in- 
 dependence of their country, but in distributing these
 
 68 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 estates she benefited the great Russian families, and 
 the bait of an illicit gain induced all around her to 
 flatter her taste for a criminal, pitiless, and conquering 
 policy. 
 
 Much astonishment was expressed when General 
 Fersen, the winner of the battle of Maciej^o vice,* re- 
 fused the confiscated estates of the Czacki family, and 
 asked as his reward some bonds of the Imperial 
 domains. No one else would have ventured to make 
 so legitimate a request, as every order of the Empress 
 was received with blind submission. Her wish, even 
 if it entailed a revolting act of injustice, was not to be 
 discussed: to do so would have been a proof of un- 
 exampled boldness. People held that her acts were 
 not to be judged by ordinary standards, and that even 
 the principles of equity were subject to her decrees. 
 
 I will quote an example of this which made some 
 noise at the time. The Princess Schakoffskoy, who 
 had a colossal fortune, had married her daughter to 
 the Duke of Aremberg. This had happened abroad. 
 Catherine, indignant at her consent not having been 
 asked, ordered the princess's goods to be confiscated. 
 The mother and daughter came to implore the 
 Empress's pardon, but Catherine was deaf to their 
 prayers. She cancelled the marriage, saying that it 
 was invalid, as it had been contracted without her 
 permission. The mother and daughter quietly sub- 
 mitted, and the public took this iniquitous decision as 
 a matter of course ; at least nobody said a word about 
 it. Some time after, the young princess was per- 
 
 * The battle in which Kosciuszko's insurrection was finally suppressed, and 
 Kosciuszko himself was wounded and taken prisoner (10th of October 1794).
 
 RUSSIAN SOCIETY 69 
 
 suaded to contract a second marriage ; but being 
 sincerely attached to her first husband, and stung by 
 remorse, she killed herself. 
 
 There was also an analogy between the Court of 
 the Empress Catherine and that of Louis XIV in so 
 far that his mistresses played exactly the same part at 
 Versailles as her favourites did at St Petersburg. As 
 to the immorality, the license, the intrigues, and the 
 baseness of the Court of St Petersburg, they are 
 rather to be compared to what we read of the courts 
 of the Byzantine Emperors ; while for a parallel to the 
 submission and the veneration of the people we must 
 look to the fascination exercised upon the English 
 nation by Queen Elizabeth, who, equally cruel and 
 ambitious, was endowed with greater talents and a 
 masculine energy. 
 
 Even the libertine spirit of Catherine, which often 
 prompted her to improvised amours, was of service to 
 her with the army, the Court, and the privileged 
 classes. Every subaltern, every young man who 
 possessed physical attractions, aspired to the favours 
 of his sovereign ; and although she descended from 
 her Olympus only too often to visit ordinary mortals, 
 her subjects did not the less respect her power 
 and her authority ; on the contrary, they were 
 always admiring her discretion and cleverness. Those 
 who approached her, of whatever sex, and who had 
 enjoyed her benefits, were truly attached to her, and 
 were never weary of praising her goodness and 
 amiability. 
 
 For some time we were forbidden to see this source 
 of favour and power, whose rays dazzled all eyes. In
 
 70 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 other words, we had not received permission to present 
 .ourselves at the Imperial Court, which as usual 
 occupied the Tauris Palace from the beginning of 
 spring. The only members of the Imperial family 
 we had seen were the young princes, who were in the 
 crowd on the day of our arrival, the 1st of May 
 according to the Russian calendar, when nearly the 
 whole of the population goes to the promenade of 
 Catherinenhoff. Some time after, when we were 
 already received in society, we were invited to assist 
 at a fete which was to last about twenty-four hours, 
 for it was to begin with a breakfast, to continue with 
 a dance, walks, and the theatre, and to end with a 
 supper. This fete was given by the Princess Galitzin 
 in honour of the 'young court.' We had not been as 
 yet presented ; but the Princess Galitzin, following 
 the instructions she had received from the Countess 
 Schouvaloif, her mother, who had been given a hint 
 by the Empress, had invited us, and this gave us a 
 certain position in society. It would be impossible to 
 see a handsomer couple than the Grand-Duke 
 Alexander, who was then eighteen, and his wife, who 
 was only sixteen. Both beamed with youth, grace, 
 and goodness. 
 
 The evenings were passed in the amusements I 
 have described, but during the day, which is so long 
 in that climate, the whole bitterness of our situation 
 forced itself upon our minds. We had to visit, to 
 solicit, to humble ourselves. It was hard, arid we 
 should have had much more difficulty in doing it if 
 Gorski had not been there to keep us up to the work. 
 He exercised all his authority over us ; he did not
 
 THE ZUBOFFS 71 
 
 leave us a moment's relaxation, repeating that 
 the effects of our neglect would fall upon our parents, 
 and that the only object for which we were at St 
 Petersburg was to replace them in their estates. 
 
 Plato Zuboff was at that time the most powerful of 
 the Empress's favourites, and we had to go to him 
 first. We came to his apartments in the Tauris Palace 
 at the appointed hour. He had a brown coat on, and 
 was leaning on a piece of furniture. He was under 
 middle age, with a good figure and an agreeable 
 countenance ; his dark hair was curled and brushed 
 up into a tuft ; his voice was soft and clear. He 
 received us with an air of benevolent protection. 
 Gorski acted as our interpreter, and hastened to reply 
 to the questions which Zuboff addressed to us ; his 
 French was not correct, but his mien was always 
 imposing. Zuboft' assured us that he would do all he 
 could to help us, but added that we must not be 
 under any illusions, that everything depended on her 
 Majesty's favour, and that neither himself nor any 
 one else was able to influence her decisions. He 
 added that we would soon be admitted to her presence. 
 Prince Kourakin, brother to the future ambassador, 
 who had undertaken to protect us, had taken us 
 to Zuboff; but at the moment when we entered 
 he disappeared, or rather stayed behind in the ante- 
 chamber. He rejoined us as we were going out, 
 and listened with a smile of curiosity to our account 
 of what had happened. All his questions proved 
 that he was convinced that we had just left the 
 most powerful man in Europe. 
 
 But there was another man equally important ;
 
 72 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 this was Valerian Zuboff, Count Plato's younger 
 brother. His more masculine face and figure made 
 him more attractive than his brother, and it was 
 said that the Empress liked him so much that if 
 he had presented himself first he would have become 
 the favourite. As it was, the fact of his being Count 
 Plato's brother, and his personal qualities, gave him 
 great influence over the mind of the old Czarina. 
 We were therefore obliged to pay him a visit. By a 
 singular coincidence, Valerian Zuboff had been the 
 commander of the detachment which had sacked 
 Pulawy* in the previous year. The horrors which 
 marked the passage of the Russian troops through 
 Poland are well known, and though Zuboff did not 
 preside in person over the pillage of Pulawy, it can 
 hardly be credited that the most savage soldiery 
 would have acted in so outrageous a manner without 
 their commander's consent. If, as is probable, they 
 acted under orders from above, a man of honour would 
 have taken care to show that it was with reluctance 
 that he acquitted himself of such a mission, and would 
 have at least moderated the execution of it. No such 
 moderation, however, was shown; and we, the victims 
 of the pillage, had to ask the spoiler (for such we 
 thought him) for his protection. We were even 
 obliged to request his intercession to be admitted into 
 the presence of his brother, and it was to him that 
 we owed the special honour of a private reception. 
 
 In the opinion of the Russians, however, Valerian 
 Zuboff was a young man of loyal and noble senti- 
 ments. All that was said against him was that he 
 
 * See note on page 42.
 
 THE EMPRESS CATHERINE 73 
 
 was too fond of pleasure ; his honour was believed to 
 be untarnished. He was at that time engaged in a 
 love intrigue with Madame Prot Potocka, who had 
 followed him to St Petersburg, where she lived in 
 concealment : this, however, did not prevent him from 
 making other liaisons. He had lost a leg in a 
 skirmish, before Praga* was taken by assault, and 
 his crutches seemed to add to his charms in the eyes 
 of the Empress and other ladies. On examining him 
 more closely one saw the nonchalance of a young 
 man spoiled by fortune and by women. His rooms 
 were always full of flatterers of all kinds. In the 
 interest of our parents, our worthy friend Gorski 
 took us there also, much against our will. When, by 
 repeating our visits, our relations had developed into 
 a sort of familiarity, we still felt them to be inex- 
 pressibly tedious ; there were no points of sympathy 
 between us, and it was impossible to enter into any 
 conversation. Count Valerian usually began by 
 assuring us that he and his brother did not possess 
 anything like the influence they were supposed to 
 exercise over Catherine's mind, and that very often 
 she did the very opposite to that which they wished 
 her to do. I believe, however, that Count Valerian 
 Zuboff was the only one who had our interests at 
 heart. Whether as a matter of conscience, or from 
 a desire to retrieve his reputation, he urged his 
 brother to help us, and he pleaded warmly to the 
 Empress in our behalf. 
 
 The principal favourite acted very differently. 
 
 * A suburb of Warsaw, captured in 1795 by Souvaroff, who put its inhabitants 
 to the sword. This event was followed by the capitulation of Warsaw, the abdica- 
 tion of King Stanislas Augustus, and the third partition of Poland.
 
 74 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Count Plato Zuboff, as I said above, had granted 
 us the honour of a special audience, and, like other 
 applicants, we had to remind his Excellency of our 
 existence in order to obtain his protection. Every 
 day about eleven o'clock he had a levee, in the literal 
 sense of the word. An immense crowd of petitioners 
 and courtiers of all ranks hastened to assist at his 
 toilet. The street was full of carriages with four or 
 six horses, exactly as at the theatre. Sometimes, 
 after a long period of waiting, the crowd was informed 
 that the Count would not see them on that day, and 
 they then dispersed to come again on the morrow. 
 If Zuboff was disposed to see them, the folding doors 
 were opened, and generals, high civil functionaries, 
 Circassians, and merchants with long beards, crowded 
 into the room. Among the applicants were many 
 Poles who came to claim the restoration of their 
 estates, or redress for some grievance. One of these 
 was Prince Alexander Lubomirski, who intended 
 to sell his estates in order to save the remains of his 
 fortune, which had been involved in the ruin of the 
 country. There was also the Metropolitan of the 
 United Greeks,* named Sosnowski, who came to bow 
 his venerable head to the favourite in order to obtain 
 the restitution of his property and save his church, 
 which the Russian Government had already begun 
 cruelly to persecute. M. Oskierko, a young man of 
 interesting appearance, came to ask for an amnesty 
 for his father, who had been imprisoned or banished 
 to Siberia, and whose fortune had been confiscated. 
 
 * The union of the Roman and Greek churches in Poland was effected in the 
 1434.
 
 CATHERINE'S COURT 75 
 
 The number of persons who had been thus treated 
 was immense ;* the proportion of them who would be 
 able to avail themselves of the doubtful chances of 
 the so-called amnesty was very small. Some were in 
 chains, others in Siberia; and it was not every one 
 who could get permission to go to St Petersburg. 
 All complaints were suppressed, and the Government 
 officials, who constituted a hierarchy of fabulous 
 extent, did not give the required permission unless 
 they themselves derived some advantage from it. 
 And even when all difficulties had been overcome, 
 and the petitioner had obtained admission to the 
 Russian Court, the usual answer was that given to 
 the Metropolitan of the United Greeks that the 
 Empress's decrees, whether just or unjust, were 
 irrevocable, that complaint was useless, and that W 7 hat 
 had been done could not be undone especially as 
 official avidity closed the doors to every appeal. 
 
 To return to the assemblages in the favourite's 
 rooms. Each suitor showed in his face what he 
 wanted. Some expressed grief and a simple desire to 
 defend their property, their honour, and their exist- 
 ence ; others betrayed a design to seize somebody 
 else's property, or to keep it if they had already 
 obtained it. Thus some were led by misfortune, 
 others by greed. Others again only came to pros- 
 trate themselves before the rising star. It seemed 
 almost impossible to be humiliated on finding one's 
 self in a crowd composed of the h'rst dignitaries of the 
 
 * Many of these exiles, being deprived of all means of communication with their 
 friends and relatives in Poland, remained in Siberia for the rest of their lives. 
 There are thousands of Polish families now in Siberia which are descended from the 
 confederates of Bar and men who took part in subsequent Polish insurrections.
 
 76 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Empire, men of the most illustrious names, and generals 
 in command of our provinces, who placed everybody 
 in their districts under tribute and inspired universal 
 fear, and who, after coming in all humility to bow their 
 heads before the favourite, either went away without 
 obtaining a look from him, or stood waiting like mes- 
 sengers while he changed his dress reclining on a sofa. 
 The following was the usual course at these recep- 
 tions. When the folding-doors were opened, Zuboff 
 slowly entered the room in a dressing-gown, with 
 scarcely any underclothing, and after nodding slightly 
 to the suitors and courtiers, who stood respectfully in 
 a circle, began his toilet. The servants approached 
 him to dress his hair and powder it. Meanwhile 
 other applicants came in ; they also were honoured 
 by a nod when the Count perceived them; all watched 
 carefully for an opportunity to catch his eye. We 
 were among those who were always received with a 
 gracious smile. Everybody remained standing, and 
 none dared to speak. It was by his gestures, by an 
 eloquent silence, that each person advocated his cause 
 before the all-powerful favourite. Only those spoke 
 to whom the Count addressed himself, and on these 
 occasions he never talked of the subject of the applica- 
 tion. Often he did not say a word, and I do not 
 remember his having ever offered anybody a seat 
 except Field Marshal Soltykoff, who was the chief 
 personage at Court, and had, it was said, made the 
 Zuboffs' fortune ; it was through his intervention that 
 Count Plato had succeeded Mamonoff. The despotic 
 pro-consul Toutoulmin, who at that time was the 
 terror of Podolia and Volhynia, having been invited
 
 THE ZUBOFFX 77 
 
 by one of the servants to take a seat, only ventured 
 to sit on the edge of a chair and got up directly 
 afterwards. 
 
 While the favourite was having his hair dressed, 
 his secretary, Gribovsky, usually brought him papers 
 to sign. The applicants used to whisper to each 
 other the sum that was to be paid to induce him to 
 get his master to look favourably on their requests, 
 and he took these presents with as much pride as Gil 
 Bias. When the hair- dressing was over and the 
 papers were signed, the Count put on his uniform or 
 his coat and withdrew into his apartments. All this 
 was done with a nonchalance which he tried to pass 
 off as gravity and dignity ; but there was too much 
 artifice in it. When the Count had disappeared, all 
 went to their carriages, more or less discontented at 
 their reception. 
 
 We did not plead our case before any Minister, as 
 in Gorski's opinion it was better to rely on the protec- 
 tion of Zuboff alone. We were introduced, however, 
 to several other eminent persons. One of the most 
 important of these was Count Bezborodko. He was 
 a native of Little Russia, and had begun his career 
 under the orders of Marshal Romantzoff. Having 
 been recommended to the Empress by his chief, he 
 soon obtained by his talents, his great aptitude for 
 work, and his extraordinary memory, rapid promotion 
 both as regards fortune and dignities. He was 
 appointed a member of the Committee of Foreign 
 Affairs, and was employed by Catherine in the most 
 secret negotiations. With the outward appearance of 
 a bear, he had a keen wit, a lucid intelligence, and a
 
 78 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTOR7SKI 
 
 rare power of mastering a subject. Lazy to a degree, 
 and given up to pleasure, he never set to work till the 
 last moment : but then he worked very rapidly and 
 without stopping. This gained him the esteem of the 
 Empress, who loaded him with rewards. He was the 
 only man of any distinction at Court who did not 
 flatter the Zuboffs ; he did not even visit them. All 
 admired his courage ; but no one imitated it. 
 
 The old Count Osterman, Vice-Chancellor and 
 senior member of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, 
 looked like a figure in a piece of old tapestry. Long, 
 thin, pale, dressed in the ancient fashion with cloth 
 boots, a brown coat, gold buttons, and a black 
 ribbon round his neck, he represented the period of 
 the Empress Elizabeth. He was quoted as an ex- 
 ample of honesty, a rare quality in those days ; he 
 was grave in manner, and without saying a word 
 he would wave his visitors to their seats with his 
 long arm. He now only appeared at solemn dinners 
 on great occasions, when there was a question of a 
 final despatch or declaration to which his name was 
 to be signed at the head of those of the other 
 members of the Committee. Though advanced in 
 years and of moderate capacity, Count Osterman was 
 valued for his high principle, his good sense, and his 
 great experience. He was the only member of the 
 Council that had opposed the partition of Poland ; he 
 represented that such an event would rather be of 
 advantage to Austria and Prussia than to Russia. 
 His advice was not taken, but he should have the 
 credit of it. Since then his influence declined daily, 
 and although still the titular head of the department
 
 THE ZUBOFFS 79 
 
 of Foreign Affairs, he was really shelved; this, how- 
 ever, did not prevent Catherine from treating him 
 with every consideration. 
 
 At the time of the accession of the Emperor 
 Paul, Osterman retired to Moscow, with the title 
 of Chancellor of the Empire. His elder brother, 
 the Senator, known for his absence of mind, also 
 lived there. These two old men were still in exist- 
 ence at the time of the coronation of the Emperor 
 Alexander. As they did not leave any direct heir, 
 they adopted as their successor Count Tolstoi, who 
 assumed the name of Tolstoi-Osteraian, and after- 
 wards distinguished himself by his bravery at the 
 battle of Culm, where he lost a leg. 
 
 Count Samoiloff, Procurator-General (an office 
 which at that time comprised the direction of the 
 Ministries of the Interior, of Justice, and of Finance), 
 although he was a nephew of Potemkin, was one of 
 the most assiduous of the flatterers of the Zuboffs, 
 who, as everybody knew, were declared adversaries 
 of his late uncle. SamoilofF was not remarkable for 
 ability, and indeed he made himself ridiculous by his 
 foolish pride. He was not ill-natured, but, as was 
 well said by Niemcewicz, he committed evil actions 
 by his want of discernment, his meanness, and his 
 pusillanimity, rather than by inherent wickedness. 
 In making use of him, Catherine wished to prove to 
 the world that she could govern her immense empire 
 even with an incapable minister. She took a pride 
 in showing that she was thoroughly acquainted with 
 legislation in everything that related to the conduct 
 of the affairs of the country, and one must in justice
 
 8o MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 admit that its internal organisation was visibly im- 
 proved under her reign. Samoi'loff, however, had 
 really no preponderant position in the Government, 
 and any one who had to do business with him gener- 
 ally found reason to regret it not because he wished 
 to do harm, but because he was incapable of under- 
 standing anything clearly, and was at the same time 
 too vain to admit it. Prince Alexander Lubomirski, 
 who negotiated with him for the purchase of his 
 estates, and our unfortunate fellow-countrymen who 
 were locked up in prison, had only too much reason 
 to know this. 
 
 Days and weeks thus passed in constant move- 
 ment various scenes, sometimes disagreeable, some- 
 times unimportant, succeeding each other and at least 
 giving variety to our lives. But neither our constant 
 anxiety as to the recovery of our parents' fortune, nor 
 the splendour of the society into which we were 
 thrown, effected any change in the deeper sentiments 
 of our hearts. When we returned to our rooms we 
 always thought of our parents, our sisters, our country, 
 and of the sad position in which we were placed. 
 What we felt most bitterlv was that, at the moment 
 
 i/ 
 
 when we were passing our time at balls and entertain- 
 ments, the most heroic of our countrymen were in 
 prison. It was very difficult and dangerous to get 
 news of them ; but fortune favoured us in this respect. 
 After the second partition, when part of the Polish 
 army in Podolia and the Ukraine was forced to enter 
 the Russian service, two young men put on the 
 Russian uniform and managed to obtain places in the 
 service of Plato Zuboff. One of these was Komar,
 
 777^ ZUBOFFS 81 
 
 afterwards the possessor of millions in Podolia, who 
 was not unknown to us, as his father had been 
 employed by my grandfather to manage his affairs ; 
 the other was Poradowski, afterwards a valiant 
 general, killed in the war of 1812. 
 
 Poradowski had been an officer in the regiment of 
 my brother-in-law, the Prince of Wiirtemberg ; we 
 were thus old acquaintances. These two gentlemen, 
 Poradowski especially, found means of obtaining some 
 news for us about the prisoners. We learnt in this 
 way that Niemcewicz, Konopka, and Kilinski were 
 shut up in the casemates of the fortress ; that 
 Kosciuszko had been removed from them and con- 
 fined somewhere else, and that he was treated with 
 every consideration and generally respected. He was 
 placed in charge of Major Titoff, who was much 
 attached to him and related various anecdotes of him 
 which were very insignificant (the Major was very 
 rough and ignorant), but, being about such a man as 
 Kosciuszko, were repeated from mouth to mouth, 
 Potocki, Zakrzewski, Mostowski, and Sokolnicki were 
 confined in a house in Liteina Street. Not being: able 
 
 o 
 
 to do anything for them, w r e at least gave ourselves 
 the pleasure of often going through this street, either 
 in a carriage or on foot, in the hope of seeing them. 
 Sometimes we succeeded in catching a glimpse of 
 them passing like shadows before our eyes ; but they 
 probably never perceived us, as the house was very 
 strictly guarded both within and without. Our hearts 
 beat fast, however, when we raised our eyes to the 
 windows behind which the prisoners were confined. 
 Except Marshal Potocki, they were not personally 
 VOL. i. F
 
 82 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 known to us ; but they had become dear to the heart 
 of every good Pole by the great deeds which they 
 were being made to expiate by sufferings equally cruel 
 and unjust. 
 
 When we came back in the evening we used to 
 talk of the impressions of the day. Our worthy 
 friend Gorski did not spare his epithets with regard 
 to those whom he had been obliged to treat with 
 consideration in public. Whenever the name of any 
 of these people (except a few whom he realty re- 
 spected) was pronounced, he immediately added : 
 ' Yes, he is a villain, a rascal,' and so on. These 
 expressions he used particularly with regard to Poles 
 of an equivocal or tarnished reputation. People un- 
 fortunately were to be found daily, who thought that 
 their indifference to the fate of their country and 
 their treasonable practices would gain them the favour 
 of the Ministers and the Court. If their former 
 services did not seeui to them to have been suffi- 
 ciently rewarded, they tried to show themselves more 
 base in order to get a larger reward. We had more 
 than once to blush at this disgraceful conduct on the 
 part of some of our countrymen. We were not, how- 
 ever, confounded with them ; the Poles at St Peters- 
 burg were divided into two classes, entirely distinct by 
 their qualities, their manners, and their sentiments. 
 
 There was no Pole whose society we enjoyed more 
 than that of Prince Alexander Lubomirski. He was 
 a good patriot and a wise and worthy man ; the turn 
 of his mind was both tranquil and gay, so that he 
 sometimes evoked merriment out of the saddest 
 events. He often went with us on our visits.
 
 CATHERINE 83 
 
 Between one visit and another we gave free course to 
 our observations and criticisms, as sometimes happens 
 when men who are tired of concealing their thoughts, 
 and of feigning to agree by a gesture to what they do not 
 approve, can afterwards, when they are in the society 
 of people with whom they are intimate, freely express 
 their true opinions, and thereby compensate them- 
 selves for the constraint and humiliations they have 
 been obliged to suffer. 
 
 Notwithstanding these moments of confidential 
 talk, the sad necessity of concealing our sentiments 
 and our bufferings, of dissimulating our thoughts, 
 the impossibility of declaring aloud what we felt 
 were most painful to us ; and they influenced my 
 character and my intellectual faculties in the most disas- 
 trous manner. This clog on my frankness made me 
 sombre, extremely silent, and reserved, and I seldom 
 made any remark except to myself. It may be that 
 I was by nature inclined to reticence, but more 
 propitious circumstances would perhaps have made 
 this inclination disappear or might have diminished 
 it, while my position at St Petersburg only aggra- 
 vated it. During the whole of my life I have not 
 been able to master this tendency, imposed on my 
 youth by an inevitable fate. 
 
 At length, after waiting for several months, we 
 
 O ' *-J 
 
 were informed that we were to be presented to the 
 Empress at Tsarskoe-Selo, the summer residence of 
 the Court. This was a decisive moment for us, for 
 until that time we had not had the slightest idea of 
 what was to be the result of my father's memorial 
 announcing that he had sent us to St Petersburg and
 
 8<j MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 I 
 
 asking for the restitution of his estates. We were 
 advised to come early : the presentation was to 
 take place after church. Meanwhile we went to 
 General Branicki. who was married to a niece of 
 Potemkin's, and had rendered great service to 
 Catherine in the affairs of Poland ; he was still in 
 high favour with her, and an apartment was reserved 
 for him in all the Imperial Palaces. It was very 
 unfortunate that he should have degraded himself by 
 assisting in the ruin of his country. A courtier 
 stained with misdeeds, ambitious, unprincipled, and 
 greedy of wealth, he yet felt himself a Pole at 
 heart, notwithstanding his family relations with the 
 Russians ; and he would have preferred to satisfy his 
 tastes and his ambition in Poland rather than in any 
 other country. He was still proud of the Poland he 
 had lost ; he regretted her and suffered at her humilia- 
 tion. He detested the Russians, whom he knew well, 
 and he revenged himself upon them by silent contempt 
 and mockery of their faults. On the other hand, his 
 heart was open to some old friends to whom he could 
 speak without fear. His lively, essentially Polish 
 mind and his witty remarks made his conversation gay 
 and interesting. Though very fond of describing his 
 experiences, he avoided all allusion to the fatal league 
 of Targowitza.* He also liked to talk of old times, 
 and then he assumed a grand seigneur air which entirely 
 disappeared when he was in the crowd of courtiers 
 whose nothingness he felt, or in the presence of Cathe- 
 rine, who often invited him to play cards with her. 
 
 * This League, formed by Branicki and others at the instigation of the Empress 
 Catherine, was the precursor of the second partition of Poland.
 
 CATHERINE'S COURT 85 
 
 He seemed really attached to our parents, with 
 whom he had passed many long and eventful years ; 
 but he could only help us by advice, which might be 
 expressed in the words ' patience and submission.' 
 He told us of all that passed, and offered us a room 
 at Court on the audience-days, when people had to 
 wait a long time. We accordingly went to him on 
 arriving at Tsarskoe-Selo to wait for the hour when 
 we should be presented. He gave us his instructions, 
 and when we asked whether we were to kiss the 
 Empress's hand, he replied, ' Kiss her where she likes, 
 so long as she gives you back your fortune.' He 
 also showed us how to bend the knee. 
 
 The Empress was still in the chapel when those 
 who were to be presented to her went to the reception 
 room. We were first presented to Count Schouvaloff, 
 Grand-Chamberlain, formerly the favourite of the 
 Empress Elizabeth ; he was at that time all-powerful, 
 and was known for his correspondence with D'Alem- 
 bert, Diderot, Voltaire, and other eminent writers who 
 solicited his favour. It seems that it was by Elizabeth's 
 orders that he engaged Voltaire to write the life of 
 her father Peter, and Catherine, who was then young, 
 also strove to gain his good-will. Count Schouvaloff 
 was now old, but still vigorous, and insisted on per- 
 forming the functions of his office. We were placed 
 by him in a line near the door through which the 
 Empress was to come. The mass being over, the 
 procession passed two abreast. First came the 
 gentlemen of the chamber, the chamberlains, and the 
 great dignitaries ; then the Empress herself, accom- 
 panied by the princes, the princesses, and the ladies of
 
 85 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 the Court. We had no time to look at her closely, for 
 it was necessary to bend the knee while she pronounced 
 our names. Then we stood in a circle with the ladies 
 and other Court personages, and the Empress walked 
 round addressing a few words to each person. 
 
 She was well advanced in years, but still fresh, 
 rather short than tall, and very stout. Her gait, her 
 demeanour, and the whole of her person were marked 
 by dignity and grace. None of her movements were 
 quick ; all in her was grave and noble ; but she was 
 like a mountain stream which carries everything with 
 it in its irresistible current. Her face, already wrinkled, 
 but full of expression, showed haughtiness and the 
 spirit of domination. On her lips was a perpetual 
 smile, but to those who remembered her actions, this 
 studied calm hid the most violent passions and an 
 inexorable will. In coining towards us her face 
 assumed a gentler expression, and with that sweet 
 look which has been so much praised, she said : ' Your 
 age reminds me of that of your father when I saw 
 him for the first time. I hope this country suits you.' 
 These few words sufficed to attract to our side a 
 crowd of courtiers, who began to lavish upon us 
 compliments even more flattering than those we had 
 previously received. We were invited to occupy seats 
 at the table under the colonnade ; this was a parti- 
 cular honour, as the Empress never gave such invi- 
 tations but to her private friends. 
 
 Our reception by the Empress and the society of 
 St Petersburg was, considering our age and position, 
 evidently only the last echo of old traditions relative 
 to Poland of the high opinion still held by the
 
 CATHERINE'S COURT 87 
 
 Muscovites as to our leading men. Our family 
 especially, which during the previous century had 
 unfortunately been forced into frequent relations with 
 Russia, was better known than the others. My 
 grandfather and my father were generally respected 
 in Russia, and we met at St Petersburg the two 
 Narischkins and their wives, who had known my 
 father when he was in great favour with Peter III, 
 and with Catherine at the time of her accession. 
 
 We were presented on the same day to the Grand- 
 Dukes. Paul received us coldly, but with dignity ; 
 his wife, the Grand-Duchess Maria, showed us much 
 consideration, chiefly on account of her brother, whom 
 she wished to reconcile with our sister.* The younger 
 Grand-Dukes received us frankly and graciously. 
 
 The wealthier classes at St Petersburg pass the 
 summer in country-houses in the vicinity. Every 
 great nobleman has one, and lives in it as luxuriously 
 as in the capital. As the fine season is short, every 
 one tries to use it to the best advantage, so that for 
 some months the town is deserted. Our visits conse- 
 quently had to be paid in the country, and as we 
 were always travelling we often returned to town 
 very late. There is scarcely any night in the 
 summer, and the recollection of our moonlight nights 
 in Poland made us sad. Gorski allowed us no 
 breathing time ; we had to renew our journeys daily, 
 and neglect no opportunity of multiplying our rela- 
 tions. This was, indeed, the only means of attaining 
 our object, for in spite of our flattering reception at 
 Court, and the repeated recommendations of people 
 
 * See note ou page 40.
 
 88 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 in power, our business was still in suspense. Catherine, 
 who was well informed as to everything that was 
 going on, knew that we were popular in the capital, 
 and the praise that was lavished upon us could not 
 fail to produce a good impression upon her. 
 
 Besides our journeys to the country villas, which 
 were in themselves very fatiguing, we had to go 
 every other Tuesday and on each holiday to Tsarskoe- 
 Selo to assist at ZubofFs toilet. Having been pre- 
 sented, we were also qualified to go to the Palace, and 
 on these occasions we were usually invited to dine at 
 the principal table. At the head of this table sat the 
 Empress and the Imperial family, but people of all 
 the higher classes were admitted to it. We were 
 also advised to take part in the evening entertain- 
 ments, which in fine weather took place in the garden. 
 The Empress walked there with the whole of her 
 Court, or sat on a bench surrounded by the older 
 courtiers, while the young Grand-Dukes and Grand- 
 Duchesses, with the younger ladies and gentlemen 
 of the Court, played at various games before her on 
 the grass. The Grand-Duke Paul never took part 
 in these amusements, for when divine service or 
 dinner was over he went to his residence at Pavlovsk. 
 While playing at these games we became more closely 
 acquainted with the Grand-Dukes, who were most 
 amiable to us. 
 
 It was the custom for certain of the elect, our- 
 selves included, to go after dinner to ZubofFs rooms. 
 This was not a ceremonious visit ; one was supposed 
 to be admitted to a certain familiarity, and to form 
 part of a friendly meeting. The favourite used to
 
 CATHERINE'S COURT 89 
 
 wear a loose coat, and was more nonchalant than 
 ever ; he would ask his visitors, who usually were 
 not numerous, to sit down, and would then stretch 
 himself at full length on a sofa. The conversation 
 was characteristic of the host : it was sometimes 
 brightened by Count Cobentzel, the Austrian Am- 
 bassador, or by Count Valentine Esterhazy, after- 
 wards master of the ceremonies at Vienna. The 
 latter was a welcome guest at Tsarskoe-Selo, having 
 by his good stories, and a bluntness of manner which 
 is best suited to every kind of flattery, insinuated 
 himself so far into the good graces of Zuboff and 
 the Empress that he obtained some considerable 
 estates in Volhynia. Neither Count Esterhazy nor 
 his wife had any nobility of character or appearance, 
 yet the latter was on a very intimate footing with 
 Catherine. Their scapegrace of a son, a spoilt child 
 brought up in the palace with a Calmouk girl, and 
 amusing by his tricks, greatly contributed to the good 
 fortune of his parents. 
 
 It was whispered at the Court that while Count 
 Plato Zuboff was being loaded with favours by his 
 septuagenarian mistress, he paid court to the Princess 
 Elizabeth, the wife of the Grand-Duke Alexander, 
 who was at that time only sixteen. This aspiring 
 and chimerical pretension covered him with ridicule ; 
 people were surprised at his having dared to nourish 
 such a thought under the very eyes of Catherine. 
 As for the young Grand-Duchess, she took no notice 
 of him whatever. It seems that he was seized with 
 a love-fit generally after dinner, and he then did 
 nothing but sigh, lie on a sofa with a sad air, and
 
 co MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 look as if he were oppressed by a heavy burthen on 
 his heart. Nothing would please him but the melan- 
 choly and voluptuous sounds of the flute, and he 
 had all the appearance of a man seriously in love. 
 It is said that he had imparted the secret to some 
 of his confidants, who professed to sympathise with 
 his sorrows without appearing to have guessed their 
 cause. His servants alleged that whenever he re- 
 turned to his rooms after a visit to the Empress, he 
 was prostrate with fatigue and pitiably sad ; he then 
 used to pour scent on his handkerchief and receive 
 intimate visitors with an air of depression which 
 was the subject of general remark. Yet he refused 
 to take any rest, alleging that sleep deprives us of 
 some of the most beautiful moments of our lives. 
 
 In this manner the summer season of 1795 passed 
 away. In the autumn the Court returned to the 
 Tauris Palace, and our morning visits to the favourite 
 recommenced with more frequency than ever, as the 
 day was approaching when our case was to be de- 
 cided. The Zuboffs constantly repeated to us that 
 their good-will was not sufficient, and that they could 
 not do all they wished. No good augury w r as to be 
 discovered in these words. Meanwhile, the suitors 
 became more and more pressing : some sought to 
 recover their estates, while many others set every 
 engine in motion to obtain part of the sequestrated 
 estates for themselves. From the. highest to the 
 lowest, each wished for a share of the spoil : for 
 Catherine^had not yet said anything as to what she 
 would do with the immense private estates, crown 
 domains, and church property, which she had seized.
 
 CATHERINE'S COURT 91 
 
 The crisis was very interesting, and its solution 
 was looked forward to on all sides with anxiety. 
 How many Russians founded upon it their hopes of 
 enlarging their estates and increasing the number of 
 their serfs or ' souls,'* as they called them ! This gave 
 a new stimulus to sycophancy, not only with regard 
 to the favourite, but to his secretaries, who aped his 
 ridiculous morning receptions, and rehearsed his 
 arrogance before the stupid mob that crowded their 
 ante-chambers. Among the speculators who, like 
 pillagers on a battlefield, sought to enrich themselves 
 at the expense of the vanquished, there were unfortu- 
 nately some Poles unworthy of the name they bore. 
 Appealing to their services, to their treason to the 
 fatherland, they chose their victims among those who 
 had been convicted or even suspected of patriotism. 
 The more they increased the number of these victims, 
 the greater were their chances of plunder. 
 
 Our parents, pressed by their creditors, and 
 anxious about their fate, were still more so for us, as 
 at the time when we were informing them of the 
 friendly receptions we had met with at St Petersburg 
 my mother had received an anonymous letter, written 
 in excellent French, describing in exaggerated language 
 the effect we had produced in society and our favour- 
 able reception at Court, but adding that what was 
 most to our credit was that, insensible to all cajoleries, 
 we remained steadfast in our love for our country and 
 our hatred for the Empress Catherine. As it was 
 known that all letters to my family were opened at 
 
 * Serfage properly so called, i.e., the rigLt of selling a peasant as part of one's 
 property, never existed in Poland ; it was a purely Russian institution.
 
 92 MEMOIRS OF PRIXCE ADAM CZARTORY8KI 
 
 the post-office, my mother's distress on receiving this 
 communication may easily be imagined. It was evi- 
 dent that the anonymous letter had only been written 
 with the intention of awakening Catherine's suspicions, 
 and preventing the restitution of my father's estates. 
 It will be recollected that during our stay at Grodno, 
 Prince Repnin had shown us the autograph of a note 
 from Catherine, with regard to an oath of hatred to 
 Russia and the Empress which I was supposed to 
 have taken before my mother. This story was pro- 
 bably also manufactured by one of our countrymen ; 
 it was absurd to suppose that such a theatrical demon- 
 stration should be necessary to inspire us with hatred 
 for such enemies. 
 
 The only means left to us for obtaining the re- 
 covery of our parents' estates was to resign ourselves 
 to entering the Russian service. This was the sine 
 qua non, the completion of our sacrifice, the inevitable 
 consequence of our journey to St Petersburg. At 
 one of our evening visits to Tsarskoe-Selo, Zuboff had 
 told us that the Empress intended to give us commis- 
 sions as officers of her guard ; and that it was the 
 greatest piece of good fortune that could happen to 
 us that we should thus become part of a glorious and 
 irresistible army, which was strong enough to march 
 across the world without being stopped by any 
 obstacle. This was indeed the prevalent idea among 
 the officers in the Russian army, and they could not 
 as yet rid themselves of it. Although we were pre- 
 pared for the proposal, our hearts failed us when it 
 was made officially. It was impossible, however, to 
 refuse it, and moreover, having once determined to
 
 CATHERINE'S COURT 93 
 
 give ourselves up to the Russians, the form which 
 the sacrifice should take was a matter of very little 
 importance. We considered that it would be unworthy 
 of us to propose the slightest compromise, or to show 
 the least anxiety to obtain any higher position. The 
 highest rank would be as insupportable to us as the 
 lowest ; any discussion on this point would show that 
 we attached importance to the proposal, while the 
 fact was that it was to us a matter of perfect 
 indifference. 
 
 With bowed heads, feeling like victims, we were 
 ready to accept any suggestion that might be made to 
 us, without enquiry into its consequences. A traveller 
 suddenly placed by some chance in Central Africa, 
 would not attach the least importance to the forms, 
 distinctions, or honours used among the savages, and 
 this was precisely our case. Thrown out of our natural 
 sphere by misfortune, surrounded by violence and 
 compulsion, filled with disgust and despair, we thought 
 it our duty not to express any wish whatever : it was 
 not worth while. 
 
 At length came the long-expected ukase announc- 
 ing the decision of the Government as to the confiscated 
 estates. Catherine distributed a whole mass of them 
 among her favourites, her Ministers, her generals, 
 governors of provinces, and even subaltern officials; 
 also among some Poles who were traitors to their 
 country. She did not restore my parents' estates, but 
 without mentioning them she made a present of their 
 fortune (amounting, according to the Russian mode of 
 calculation, to 42,000 souls) to my brother and myself. 
 The estates of Latyczew and Kamieniec, which
 
 94 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 formerly belonged to my father, fell to the lot of 
 Count Markoff. The ukase did not mention my 
 sisters ; but this arbitrary and illegal act having 
 always been regarded by my family as invalid, it 
 remained without result both with regard to my 
 sisters and my parents. The property really went 
 back to them, as all we had to do was to send my 
 father full power to dispose unconditionally of the 
 fortune which had been ceded to us. 
 
 There had been so much uncertainty as to 
 Catherine's final decision in this matter, that the 
 result was received in society with general satisfac- 
 tion. We were told that the loss of Latyczew and 
 Kamieniec should be regarded as a fine, and that 
 we had no reason to complain. We thanked Catherine 
 with one knee on the ground, as required by the 
 etiquette of the Court, and almost immediately after 
 we had our uniforms on. Mine was that of the 
 cavalry of the guard ; my brother's, that of the 
 Ismailoff regiment of infantry. 
 
 It would not have been proper abruptly to cease 
 our visits to the favourite, and Gorski was too much 
 a man of the world to allow it. We also received 
 several invitations to the concerts in the Tauris 
 Palace, which was regarded as an extraordinary favour 
 for officers of the guard who do not form part of the 
 Court. These were further signs of the Empress's 
 good-will ; but they all ceased directly the Court 
 moved to the Winter Palace. We were then classed 
 as officers of the guard, who only go to the palace 
 on Sundays and holidays, when they have to stand 
 at a door next to the diplomatic corps as the Empress
 
 ENTERING THE RUSSIAN SERVICE 95 
 
 goes by. She merely gratified us with a look as she 
 went to the chapel and returned from it. The Grand- 
 Dukes always bowed to us with much grace. 
 
 It was for these dress receptions, which were 
 repeated on every Sunday and holiday, that the 
 dandies of the barracks put on their best uniforms, 
 tightened their waists, put pomatum on their hair, 
 and placed themselves in line with the hope of 
 attracting the eyes of the Empress and fascinat- 
 ing her with their tall stature and broad shoulders. 
 It is said that some of them used in days gone 
 by to be promoted to her favour on these occa- 
 sions ; but she was now too old to indulge in such 
 fancies. 
 
 The military service in the Guards' regiments was 
 at that time much neglected, but it was necessary to 
 attend drill at least once a year. Some officers really 
 liked the service and performed it, but this was 
 because they chose to do so, and their zeal was 
 thought rather ridiculous by young men of fashion. 
 The generals who commanded us did not take any 
 pains to make us work. We were seldom on guard 
 in the palace, and my turn only came once. As to 
 my brother, being an infantry officer, he was on duty 
 with a detachment of his regiment, which always had 
 to guard the castle at night. The Empress having 
 perceived him, said that now he was on guard she 
 would sleep in peace. 
 
 An amusing adventure happened at this time to 
 my friend Gorski. The ukase relating to my father's 
 family had been published, but the order for handing 
 over the property to us had not yet appeared. Plato
 
 9 6 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Zuboff was entrusted with the task of communicating 
 the order to the Governor-General Toutoulmin, who 
 was then at St Petersburg, hoping to participate in 
 the act of spoliation and to derive illicit advantages 
 from it ; but Zuboff did not hurry. We were there- 
 fore obliged to continue to assist at his toilet. One 
 day the favourite, who had on his shoulders a white 
 towel, beckoned to Gorski to come to him. The 
 latter came up at once, and listened with such 
 attention to Zuboff that he allowed some snuff to drop 
 from his nose and stain the favourite's towel. The 
 audience expected some tragical denotement, but 
 Gorski, who never lost his presence of mind, finished 
 what he had to say and returned to his place as if 
 nothing had happened. 
 
 On New Year's Day we were appointed Gentle- 
 men of the Chamber. Court appointments were at 
 that time held in much higher estimation than they 
 are now. Ranks at Court stood on the same footing 
 as corresponding ranks in the army, and took preced- 
 ence of ranks in the civil service ; the consequence 
 was that families with a great name, or with great 
 interest, always placed their sons in the Guards, and 
 tried at the same time to obtain for them an appoint- 
 ment at Court. Being thus raised in the hierarchy 
 of the tchin, they afterwards passed into the civil or 
 military service with the rank to which they had 
 been promoted. 
 
 Catherine wished the Grand-Duke Constantine to 
 marry while she was still living, and all preliminary 
 preparations were made for the establishment of his 
 household. People intrigued for places either for
 
 MARRIAGE OF THE GRAND-DUKE CONSTANTINK 97 
 
 themselves or for others, and lists were formed of the 
 gentlemen of the chamber and the chamberlains, the 
 former with the rank of brigadier, and the latter with 
 that of major-general. The Duchess of Saxe-Coburg, 
 accompanied by her three children, had just appeared 
 at St Petersburg, and it is from that time that the 
 elevation of this princely family began. Whenever 
 a princess was wanted at Moscow, a diplomatic agent 
 was sent to the capitals of the small German princes 
 who had pretty daughters to marry, and made a 
 detailed report on the qualities of these princesses, 
 and the moral character and blood-relations of their 
 parents. After reading these reports, the Empress 
 designated the princesses whom she wished to see 
 at St Petersburg, in order to make her selection. 
 She had in her time herself undergone an examina- 
 tion of this kind, and did not think that she was 
 inflicting any humiliation on these ladies by subject- 
 ing them to the same ordeal. Indeed all the German 
 
 O 
 
 princesses were very glad to get a summons of this 
 kind for any of their daughters, and felt very flattered 
 when one of them was chosen as the bride of a Grand- 
 Duke. During the past century Russia had perhaps 
 more prestige in Germany at least than she has 
 now, and the young princesses who were destined for 
 that country looked forward to a life the prospect of 
 which singularly pleased their old mothers. They 
 were like the Circassian women who think their 
 fortunes made when they are taken as slaves to 
 inhabit the harems of Turkish pashas. The mothers 
 looked upon the brilliant position of Catherine as a 
 presage for their daughters, and were not repelled by 
 
 VOL. I G
 
 9 3 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 any thought of possible sacrifices, or else only looked 
 upon them as difficulties from which the young 
 Grand-Duchesses could easily extricate themselves, 
 and which therefore need not cause them any anxiety. 
 It was Baron Budberg, then a diplomatic agent, and 
 afterwards Minister of Foreign Affairs, who procured 
 for the Duchess of Saxe-Coburg the happiness of 
 bringing her three daughters to St Petersburg. 
 
 The Duchess was very clever, and her daughters 
 were all pretty. It was painful to see this mother 
 offering her daughters like goods for sale, and watch- 
 ing anxiously to discover on which of them would fall 
 the eye of the Empress and the handkerchief of the 
 Grand-Duke Constantine. There was something so 
 humiliating in this conduct that we tried not to notice 
 it, especially as the Duchess and her daughters were 
 in all other points very amiable and worthy of respect. 
 Various anecdotes about the Grand-Duke Constantine 
 were current which were far from confirming the hope 
 that the match would be a happy one. These stories 
 ought to have opened the eyes of the daughters and 
 their mother, but perhaps they thought that as they 
 had come from so far it was too late to go back, or 
 maybe their eyes, fascinated by the splendour of 
 greatness, did not see things in their right light. 
 
 Catherine had received the mother and her 
 daughters with open arms ; she was continually with 
 them, and while she talked with the mother, her 
 grandsons had plenty of opportunities of becoming 
 acquainted with the daughters, as there were fetes, 
 soirees, balls, and promenades every day. The Grand- 
 Duke Constantine had received orders from his grand-
 
 MARRIAGE OF THE GRAND-DUKE CONSTAXTINE 99 
 
 mother to marry one of these princesses ; he was only 
 allowed to choose from among the three. Constantine 
 was then seventeen years old. When he was older, 
 and indeed during the whole of his career, he always 
 proved by his conduct that his passions were indepen- 
 dent both of his will and his reason. It was not 
 therefore probable that at so early an age he should 
 have consulted either ; he simply obeyed the orders 
 of his all-powerful grandmother. 
 
 It was thought in the capital (we did not yet 
 belong to the Court) that the Grand-Duke would 
 select the youngest of the three sisters. The eldest 
 had managed to withdraw by frankly declaring that 
 her heart was not free ; and she was the only one who 
 could congratulate herself on her courage. She had 
 accepted the addresses of a young Austrian officer 
 (afterwards a general) ; her parents, not wishing to 
 oppose her inclinations, finally gave their consent, and 
 she alone of the three sisters was happy. 
 
 The appointments of officers of the Guards and of 
 Gentlemen of the Chamber were both sinecures. At 
 the same time this combination of military rank in 
 the Guards regiments, to which no duty was attached, 
 and of honorary rank in the Court, was not without 
 its advantages. It furnished a career of adventure 
 and emotion to young men who were ambitious, rich, 
 and fond of pleasure. They were admitted to the 
 games, dances, soirees, and theatrical performances of 
 the Court into the interior of that sanctuary in the 
 midst of which people who had real duties to perform 
 could not penetrate unless they had attained the 
 highest ranks. It seemed strange that men without
 
 ioo MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTO-RYSKI 
 
 any personal merit should find the gates of the 
 palace open to them, while generals of long service 
 mixed with the crowd in the ante-chambers. We had 
 at least some satisfaction in seeing the terrible 
 Governor-General of a province totally eclipsed in the 
 capital, barely obtaining a look from the favourite, 
 and not daring to show himself in any distinguished 
 society. There was some sweetness in this little 
 revenge ; but, the sentiment of social superiority apart, 
 all other relations remained the same ; for this governor, 
 who was treated with contempt in the capital, 
 indulged in the same tyranny as before directly he 
 returned to his province : he compensated himself over 
 and over again for the humiliations he had had to put 
 up with, and, sure of impunity, inflicted rapine and 
 persecution on the members of families which he 
 dared not visit at St Petersburg. It was difficult, if 
 not impossible, to obtain justice with regard to the 
 permanent abuses of discretionary power, so long as 
 these abuses were not too revolting revolting in a 
 country where nothing shocks ! and were covered by 
 certain forms. In the provinces everything was done 
 by officials and secretaries who had no access to 
 society, still less to the Court, and who decided every 
 case in the name of their chiefs, most of whom were 
 either indolent or stupid. To have on one's side the 
 clerks was a sure way of success, for the provincial 
 oppressors and pillagers kept up so close an under- 
 standing with the underlings of the senate and the 
 ministerial departments that the truth could not come* 
 out any where. 
 
 Our appointment as Gentlemen of the Chamber
 
 MARRIAGE OF THE GRAND-DUKE CONSTANTINE 101 
 
 initiated us into the private habits of the Court, and 
 enabled us to make a closer acquaintance with several 
 high dignitaries and with some young men whom we 
 met in the salons and who became our comrades. It 
 also had the effect of bringing us nearer to the Grand- 
 Dukes. 
 
 I will first speak of the ceremonies which attended 
 the marriage of the Grand-Duke Constantine. His 
 choice was well known to the public. The young 
 Princess Julia, who, as the future Grand-Duchess, 
 was to assume the name of Anna, was already being 
 taught the Russian catechism, and was preparing 
 to change her religion. It is said that German 
 princesses who had any chance of marrying a Russian 
 Prince, did not receive any special or profound in- 
 struction as to the dogmas which mark the line of 
 distinction between the various Christian religions. 
 This precaution was taken by the prudent parents 
 so that the princesses might change their religion 
 without much conscientious scruple. Be this as it 
 may, the facility with which they adopted the 
 Russian faith certainly gave the statement a colour 
 of truth. They were mostly quite indifferent to 
 religious dogmas, or if not, they adhered secretly to 
 the religion which they had publicly disowned. 
 
 The day of renunciation and baptism for even if 
 you are a Christian you have to be baptised over 
 again when you embrace the Russian religion came 
 first. The Imperial family and all the courtiers pro- 
 ceeded in splendid dresses to the chapel, which was 
 already occupied by the bishops and the clergy. It 
 was painful to see the young princess advancing in a
 
 :02 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 dress of cloth of gold laden with diamonds, like a 
 victim crowned with flowers, to bow her head to 
 images which were in no way sacred to her, to submit 
 to the exigencies of a ceremony which was opposed to 
 her convictions and her sentiments. It \vas evident 
 that she did this simply out of deference, knowing 
 opposition was useless, and without attaching the 
 slightest importance to the ceremony. 
 
 The Russian rite reminds one rather of pagan than 
 of Christian observances. The bishops and popes, all 
 with long beards, involuntarily recall to one's mind 
 the high priests of antiquity. Everything is calculated 
 for external pomp and to appeal to the senses ; there 
 is no provision for that religion of the heart, lifting 
 up the soul to the Creator, which demands tranquillity 
 and reflection. Preaching is a mere form ; I have 
 never heard a good sermon in a Russian church either 
 at Court or elsewhere. Moreover, the clergy never 
 preach except on grand occasions. Their sermons are, 
 both by habit and obligation, borrowed to a great 
 extent from the writings of the primitive Slavonic 
 church ; this always makes their eloquence subtle and 
 pompous rather than instructive or convincing. 
 Hymns and ceremonial take up the whole time of the 
 service, so that there is none left for doctrine. The 
 services are, in fact, theatrical representations copied 
 direct from those of idolaters. The chalices carried 
 on the acolytes' heads, the opening and closing doors 
 of the sanctuary, the worship before images, the 
 censers constantly in motion, present a scene very like 
 those we read of in connection with pagan sacrifices. 
 One would look in vain for the simplicity and in-
 
 MARRIAGE OF THE GRAND-DUKE CONST AXTINE 103 
 
 struction to be found in Protestantism, or the devotion 
 and the tender aspirations of Catholicism ; these bear 
 the stamp of civilization, while the Russian rite is 
 Asiatic and barbarous. There is something strange 
 even in its manifestations of devotion. Thus every- 
 body young or old, elegant or shabby takes the 
 sacrament. People who belong to the churches of 
 Western Europe often do not wish or do not dare to 
 approach the holy table, yet they often have more 
 faith and true piety ; their abstention from the sacra- 
 ment, though sometimes blameable, is accompanied by 
 respect for their religion, and may be merely a con- 
 sequence of it. In Russia, on the other hand, religious 
 Ceremonies are often performed not in satisfaction of 
 one's moral aspirations, but merely as a matter of 
 custom, and the people who go to church turn the 
 hymns and prayers sung by the popes into ridicule. 
 At confession the priest reads to the penitent or 
 penitents (for sometimes several confess their sins at 
 the same time) a list of sins, and the penitent usually 
 does not answer aloud, but when some sin is mentioned 
 of which he is guilty, he murmurs long prayers, often 
 without seeming to pay attention to them, and then 
 goes to take the sacrament. 
 
 These reflections occurred to me when I saw the 
 young princess, endowed by nature with gaiety and 
 charm, accepting the new religion without foreseeing 
 her destiny which, however, it was easy to guess 
 at ; while those of her family who were present 
 seemed to beam with happiness. / 
 
 Some days afterwards the marriage took place. 
 The princess was given to a youth barely entering man-
 
 104 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 hood, but with a violent temper and savage caprices 
 which had already furnished many a topic of conversa- 
 tion. The ceremonious dinners, balls, entertainments 
 of all kinds, and fireworks lasted for several weeks ; 
 but as usual all these noisy diversions, splendid as 
 they were, did not inspire mirth. The marriage 
 ceremony always has a tinge of melancholy ; it is a 
 solemn moment which decides the whole future of 
 the persons who are united by it, and those who 
 witness it cannot help reflecting on the fact that at 
 that moment the happiness of two human beings is at 
 stake. This was especially the case at the marriage 
 of the Grand-Duke Constantine ; a sinister veil of 
 sadness hovered over the ceremony and the fetes 
 which followed it. It was a mournful spectacle, this 
 handsome young princess, come from so far to adopt 
 a foreign religion on a foreign soil, to be delivered up 
 to the capricious will of a man who it was evident 
 would never care for her happiness. These fatal 
 presentiments were soon confirmed by the confidential 
 avowals of the Grand-Duke himself. What he 
 related to those with whom he was intimate about 
 his honeymoon was marked by an unexampled want 
 of delicacy towards his wife. She and the wife of 
 the Grand-Duke Alexander became friends. Beino- 
 
 o 
 
 both German and both far from their respective 
 families, they were naturally inclined to a mutual 
 confidence which might be their consolation in case 
 of adversity, and might double their happiness if 
 their marriages should prove a success. The Grand- 
 Duchess Elizabeth, who was destined to a more 
 elevated position, and was incomparably more- fortu-
 
 MARRIAGE OF THE GRAND-DUKE CONSTANTINE 105 
 
 nate in the character of her husband, seemed to be 
 the supporter and protectress of her sister-in-law, 
 and a substitute for her mother and sisters, who were 
 soon to leave St Petersburg. The inequality of their 
 respective positions drew the bonds between them 
 still closer. 
 
 When the fetes were over, and the Coburg 
 family had gone, the Court resumed its normal life. 
 Sledging parties were organized ; the Empress some- 
 times wished them to take place in the morning, and 
 the Gentlemen of the Chamber who were on duty 
 were then called to accompany her. On one of these 
 occasions I saw Catherine in a morning neglige and 
 Zuboff coming familiarly out of her room in a pelisse 
 and kid boots which did not disconcert either the 
 Empress, her favourite, or the bystanders. 
 
 In the Winter Palace, so called because the Court 
 inhabited it at that season, the evening assemblies 
 used to take place in a room known as the salle des 
 diamants, because the crown jewels were kept in it 
 in glass cupboards. This room communicated on one 
 side with the bedroom and other private rooms of the 
 Empress, and on the other with the rooms allotted 
 to her servants. The throne-room, which was re- 
 garded as belonging to the private apartments, 
 separated the servants' rooms from the drawing-rooms 
 beyond. The chevaliers-gardes, a detachment of 
 officers selected for their stature and merit, used to 
 sit at the entrance to the throne-room. They were 
 the direct descendants of the famous company of 
 grenadiers who had placed the Empress Elizabeth on 
 the throne, and had been rewarded for this service by
 
 io6 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 all of them who were soldiers being promoted to the 
 rank of officer and made her private guard. This 
 guard was maintained on the same footing until 
 Catherine's death, and it always kept its rich costume. 
 
 The ordinary Court assemblies used to take place 
 in the salle des diamante; one only saw there people 
 who were on intimate terms with the Imperial family 
 and officers on duty. The Empress used to play 
 cards with Zuboff and other dignitaries. It was 
 remarked that the favourite did not pay much atten- 
 tion either to his sovereign or to the game ; he was 
 often absent-minded, and his eyes were constantly 
 turned to the table where the two Grand-Duchesses 
 were with their husbands. It was surprising that 
 the Empress did not notice what was evident to 
 every one else. These evenings would have been 
 terribly dull in any other place, and even in the 
 Empress's salon people were glad they were so short. 
 The Empress did not wait for supper, but used to 
 leave early and withdraw into her room. She bowed 
 with dignity to the princesses and the members of 
 the Court, the folding-doors of her room opened, and 
 then Zuboff, bowing like the Empress, used to go 
 in with her and the doors were shut. The Grand- 
 Dukes and Grand-Duchesses withdrew at the same 
 time as the Empress. 
 
 Two snow hills were sometimes erected in the 
 vicinity of the Tauris Palace. The princesses and 
 the whole personnel of the Court used to go there 
 to descend in sledges according to the Russian custom. 
 People were very merry at these entertainments, the 
 young men having young and pretty ladies as their
 
 COURT AMUSEMENTS 107 
 
 partners. One day young StrogonofF gave the officer 
 of police, who wished to prevent his passing, a box 
 on the ear. Strogonoff' was reprimanded, and there 
 was an end of the matter. Some excellent concerts 
 were given in the Grand-Duchess's apartments, and 
 at the Hermitage Palace French plays and Italian 
 operas were admirably performed. The Austrian 
 Ambassador, Count de Cobentzel, usually conversed 
 with the Empress ; besides these the only persons 
 present were the Grand-Dukes and Grand-Duchesses 
 and people belonging to the Court. These perform- 
 ances took place twice a week, and were very pleasant 
 as there was no constraint of any kind. I still see the 
 audience as it then appeared to me. In front of the 
 stage was the Empress, occupying a double seat owing 
 to her size ; next to her was the Count de Cobentzel, 
 with his squint, and his bald head covered with a 
 thick coat of powder, approving everything she said. 
 On either side were the Imperial family, all fresh 
 and pretty faces, except that of the Grand-Duke 
 Constantine ; and the rest of the society occupied 
 seats raised in the shape of an amphitheatre. 
 
 The Empress was quite satisfied at her second 
 grandson's marriage, and she seemed to revel in the 
 leisure which was given her by the favourable turn 
 in foreign politics. Everything went smoothly : the 
 affairs of unfortunate Poland had been settled accord- 
 ing to her wish, the King of Prussia was about to 
 cede the city of Cracow to Austria in compliance 
 with her orders, and all the European monarchies 
 were at her feet, approving and flattering her plans. 
 This was because England and Austria wished to
 
 io8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 procure her active assistance against France, while 
 Naples, Rome, and Sardinia, fearing the republican 
 movement, sought the same object. The King of 
 Prussia took care not to oppose her in anything. 
 But while Catherine issued the most vehement diplo- 
 matic notes against the Revolution and the French 
 Republic, and fomented the whole of Europe against 
 them, she prudently avoided war, observing the 
 vicissitudes of the fortunes of the allies, and taking 
 care not to allow her troops to intervene. While 
 the others were exhausting themselves in sanguinary 
 battles, she twice * robbed Poland of territory and 
 distributed fragments of the booty among her accom- 
 plices ; she was supreme over the whole of Northern 
 Europe, the terror of the Turks, and proud of the 
 universal homage paid to her. Tranquil at home, 
 she sent troops to Persia under the orders of Valerian 
 Zuboff, for her feminine instincts were always mixed 
 up with the masculine, or rather Macchiavellian, enter- 
 prises of her policy. These were the last of her happy 
 days. The victories of Buonaparte in Italy and the 
 conduct of the young King of Sweden were soon to 
 fill with bitterness the last year of her life. 
 
 * In the partitions of 1773 and 1792.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 1796 
 
 CONVERSATIONS WITH ALEXANDER. STAY AT TSARSKOE-SELO. 
 
 RELATIONS BETWEEN THE GRAND-DUKE PAUL AND HIS SONS. 
 BIRTH OF NICHOLAS. 
 
 BEFORE the break-up of the ice on Lake Ladoga, 
 which generally occurs towards the end of April, St 
 Petersburg usually has a few days of fine weather, 
 with bright sun and a moderate temperature ; and the 
 quays are then full of gaily dressed people walking 
 and driving. The Grand-Duke Alexander was often 
 there either alone or with his wife ; and this was an 
 additional incentive for high society to assemble. I 
 used also to come with rny brother, and whenever the 
 Grand-Duke met one of us, he stopped to talk, and 
 showed us particular attention. 
 
 These morning meetings were, so to say, a con- 
 tinuation of the Court soirees, and our relations with 
 the Prince daily became more intimate. In the spring 
 the Court moved as usual to the Tauris Palace, where 
 the Empress Catherine professed to live in greater 
 retirement, and only admitted very select company in 
 the evening. The Grand-Duke still came occasionally 
 to the quay ; he told me he was sorry to see me so
 
 no MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 seldom, and asked me to come to him to the Tauris 
 Palace for a walk in the garden, which he wished to 
 show me. Spring had already begun, and as generally 
 happens in this climate, nature had made up for lost 
 time, and vegetation had rapidly developed itself in a 
 few days ; the trees and fields were green and covered 
 with flowers. I went on the day and hour fixed by 
 the Prince. I am sorry I did not take note of the 
 exact date, for that day had a decisive influence on a 
 great part of my life and on the destinies of my 
 country. Thenceforward I became devoted to the 
 Grand-Duke, and I may say that our conversation 
 then led to a mutual friendship, followed by a series of 
 fortunate and unfortunate events, whose results still 
 make themselves felt and will be perceived for many 
 years to come. 
 
 As soon as I came in, the Grand-Duke took me 
 by the hand, and proposed that we should go into the 
 garden, in order, he said, that he might enable me to 
 judge of the skill of his English gardener. We walked 
 about in every direction for three hours, keeping up 
 an animated conversation all the time. The Grand- 
 Duke told me that my conduct and that of my brother, 
 the resignation we showed in a position which must 
 be painful to us, and the calm indifference \vith which 
 we had received both the smiles and the frowns of 
 fortune, had gained us his esteem and confidence ; that 
 he divined and approved our sentiments ; that he had 
 felt it necessary to let us know what he really thought, 
 and that he could not bear the idea that we should 
 judge him otherwise than as he really was. He 
 added that he did not in any way share the ideas and
 
 CONVERSATIONS WITH ALEXANDER m 
 
 doctrines of the Cabinet and the Court ; and that he 
 was far from approving the policy and conduct of his 
 grandmother, whose principles he condemned. He 
 had wished for the success of Poland in her glorious 
 struggle and had deplored her fall. Kosciuszko, he 
 said, was in his eyes a man who was great by his 
 virtues and the cause which he had defended, which 
 was the cause of humanity and of justice. He added 
 that he detested despotism everywhere, no matter in 
 what way it was exercised ; that he loved liberty, to 
 which all men had a right ; that he had taken the 
 strongest interest in the French Revolution, and that 
 while condemning its terrible excesses, he wished the 
 French Republic success arid rejoiced at its establish- 
 ment. He spoke to me with veneration of his tutor, 
 M. de la Harpe, as a man of great virtue, of true 
 wisdom, of strict principles, and of energetic character. 
 He owed to him all he knew and any good qualities 
 he might possess especially those principles of truth 
 and justice which he was happy to bear in his heart 
 and with which M. de la Harpe had inculcated 
 him. 
 
 While we were walking about in the garden we 
 several times met the Grand-Duchess, who also was 
 taking a walk. The Grand-Duke told me that he 
 confided his thoughts to his wife, that she alone knew 
 and shared his sentiments, and that I was the only 
 person besides herself to whom he had dared to speak 
 of them since his tutor had gone ; that he could not 
 mention them to any Russian, as none were as yet 
 capable even of understanding them ; and that I must 
 therefore feel how great a pleasure it would be for
 
 ii2 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 him to have in future some one with whom he could 
 talk openly and in entire confidence. 
 
 This conversation was, as may be imagined, 
 occasionally interrupted by demonstrations of friend- 
 ship on his part, and of astonishment, gratitude, and 
 devotion on mine. He bade me farewell, saying that 
 he would try to see me as often as possible, and urging 
 on me the greatest circumspection arid secrecy, though 
 at the same time he authorised me to communicate 
 to my brother the subject of our conversation. 
 
 I was deeply moved, and could hardly believe my 
 ears. That a Russian Prince, Catherine's successor, 
 her grandson and her favourite child, whom she 
 would have wished to see reigning after her instead 
 of her son, and of whom it was said that he w r ould 
 continue her reign, should disavow and detest his 
 grandmother's principles should repel the odious 
 policy of Russia should be a passionate lover of 
 justice and liberty should pity Poland and wish to 
 see her happy seemed incredible. And that such 
 noble ideas and great virtues should be able to grow 
 and flourish in such an atmosphere and with such 
 surroundings, was surely little less than a miracle. 
 
 I was young, full of exalted sentiments and ideas ; 
 extraordinary things did not long astonish me, for I 
 readily believed in anything that seemed to me great 
 and virtuous. I was subjugated by a charm which 
 it is easy to understand : there was so much candour, 
 innocence, resolution which seemed unshakeable, and 
 elevation of soul in the words and countenance of this 
 young prince, that he seemed to me a privileged 
 being whom Providence had sent to this w r orld for
 
 CON VERSA TIONS WITH A LEX A NDER 1 1 3 
 
 the happiness of humanity and of my country. My 
 attachment to him was boundless, and the feeling 
 with which he inspired me at that moment lasted 
 even after the illusions which had given birth to it 
 successively disappeared ; it resisted the attacks 
 which Alexander himself made upon it, and it never 
 died in spite of the many events and sad misunder- 
 standings which might have destroyed it. I told my 
 brother of our conversation, and after giving a free 
 rein to our surprise and admiration, we plunged into 
 reveries of a radiant future which seemed to be 
 opening before us. It should be remembered that at 
 that time so-called liberal opinions were much less 
 prevalent than they are now, and had not yet pene- 
 trated into all the classes of society and even into the 
 Cabinets of sovereigns. On the contrary, every- 
 thing that had the appearance of liberalism was 
 anathematised in the Courts and salons of most of the 
 European capitals, and especially in Russia and at St 
 Petersburg, where all the convictions of the old 
 French regime were grafted in an exaggerated form 
 on Russian despotism and servility. 
 
 It was assuredly a moVfc fortunate and important 
 incident that in the midst of these elements there 
 should be a prince, the future ruler of Russia, who 
 would necessarily exercise immense influence in 
 Europe, holding such decided and generous opinions 
 entirely opposed to the existing state of things. Now 
 that I look back, forty years afterwards, upon the 
 events which have taken place since that conversation, 
 I see only too well how little they have realised the 
 picture that our youthful imaginations had drawn. 
 VOL. i. H
 
 1 1 4 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZA K TOR YSKI 
 
 Liberal ideas were at that time in our eyes still 
 surrounded by an aureole which has paled since they 
 have been tested by experience ; their realisation had 
 not yet produced the cruel deceptions which have so 
 often disheartened us. That period, in the years 1796 
 and 1797, was the most brilliant one of the dawn of 
 liberal ideas : the cycle of the French Empire had 
 not yet chilled and dispersed the warmest partisans of 
 the Revolution. 
 
 Our Polish sentiments, our wishes, our inexperi- 
 ence our faith in the ultimate success of justice and 
 liberty will explain how at that moment we aban- 
 doned ourselves with joy to the most seductive illu- 
 sions. For some days after this remarkable conver- 
 sation we had not an opportunity of talking with the 
 Grand-Duke ; but whenever he met us we exchanged 
 friendly words and sympathetic gestures. 
 
 Soon after, the Court left for Tsarskoe-Selo. All 
 the cavalry officers of the guard had to go there on 
 Sundays and holidays to attend at mass, at dinner, 
 and in the evening ; some even resided there, either 
 in one of the very inconvenient little houses which 
 surrounded the courtyard opposite the palace, or in 
 the village, where the discomfort was equally great, 
 but where the officers were less under constraint. 
 
 Alexander at first urged us to come often, and 
 then to stay at Tsarskoe-Selo, in order, as he said, to 
 have an opportunity of being more with him. He 
 liked our society and wished for it, as it was only 
 with us that he could speak unreservedly. We 
 had a right to come into the Imperial apartments 
 when the Empress went there in the evening, to take
 
 CONVERSATIONS WITH ALEXANDER 115 
 
 part in the promenades and games which took place 
 every fine day, and to join the courtiers who met under 
 the colonnade, a part of the palace which the Empress 
 liked best, and which was close to her apartments. 
 The officers did not on ordinary days dine at the 
 Empress's table unless they were on duty. This 
 happened to me once ; I was placed opposite to 
 Catherine and had to wait upon her, which I did 
 with some awkwardness. 
 
 We often returned to Tsarskoe-Selo, and soon 
 after we settled there for the season. Our relations 
 with Alexander naturally aroused much interest : 
 it was a kind of freemasonry, but the Grand-Duchess 
 was let into the secret. An intimacy whose object 
 was at that time so recent and so ardently discussed 
 furnished material for conversations which were sus- 
 pended only to be resumed on the next opportunity. 
 Political opinions which now seem trite and hack- 
 neyed were at that time startling on account of their 
 novelty, and the mystery we had to preserve,, the 
 idea that we were expressing these opinions under 
 the eyes of a Court encrusted with the prejudices of 
 absolutism and of Ministers puffed up with their 
 supposed infallibility, added interest and piquancy to 
 these relations, which grew more frequent and 
 intimate every day. 
 
 The Empress Catherine looked favourably upon 
 the connection which was establishing itself between 
 her grandson and ourselves ; she approved it, of 
 course without guessing at its true motive or at its 
 probable consequences. Probably, with her old ideas 
 as to the splendour of the Polish aristocracy, she
 
 n6 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 thought it would be useful to attach an influential 
 family to her grandson. She in no way suspected 
 that this friendship would confirm him in the opinions 
 which she detested and feared that it would be one 
 of the thousand causes of the progress of liberty in 
 Europe, and of the re-appearance only for a time, 
 alas ! of Poland, which she had thought she had 
 buried for ever, on the political scene. Her approval 
 of the marked preference shown us by Alexander 
 closed the mouths of all objectors, and encouraged 
 us in continuing our relations, which were so attractive 
 to us in all respects. 
 
 The Grand-Duke Constantine, from a spirit of 
 imitation, and seeing that his doing so pleased the 
 Empress, now made great professions of friendship to 
 my brother, invited him to his rooms, and admitted 
 him to the intimacy of his family ; but there was no 
 question of politics in this connection. My brother 
 was not in this respect as fortunate as I was ; none 
 of the motives which had bound us to Alexander 
 existed in the case of Constantine, and his capricious 
 and violent character, not admitting any impression 
 but that of fear, rendered all intimacy with him 
 undesirable. Alexander, however, requested my 
 brother to take Constantine's overtures in good part, 
 at the same time charging him not to reveal the 
 secret of our political conversations. 
 
 At first Alexander was quartered in the palace, 
 and did not yet live in the separate building in the 
 park which the Empress had ordered to be built 
 for him, and which had just been completed. We 
 used to go there for our afternoon walks until
 
 S TA Y A T TSA RSKOE-SEL 117 
 
 Alexander established himself in the new building, 
 when he was much more free to see us. He often 
 had either my brother or myself to dinner, and a day 
 seldom passed but one of us supped with him also, 
 when the rooms at the palace were quite finished. 
 In the morning we used to take long walks together ; 
 the Grand-Duke was very fond of walking and of 
 visiting the villages in the neighbourhood, and it was 
 especially on these occasions that he used to talk of 
 his favourite subjects. He was under the charm of 
 early youth, which creates images and dwells upon 
 them without being checked by impossibilities, and 
 which makes endless projects for a future which seems 
 to it eternal. 
 
 His opinions were those of one brought up in 
 the ideas of 1789, who wishes to see republics every- 
 where, and lool^ upon that form of government as 
 the only one in conformity with the wishes and the 
 rights of humanity. Although I was myself at that 
 time very enthusiastic although born and brought up 
 in a Republic where the principles of the French 
 Revolution had been accepted with ardour yet I 
 had constantly to moderate the extreme opinions 
 expressed by Alexander. He held, among other 
 things, that hereditary monarchy was an unjust and 
 absurd institution, and that the supreme authority 
 should be granted not through the accident of birth 
 but by the votes of the nation, which would best 
 know who is most capable of governing it. I repre- 
 sented to him the arguments against this view, the 
 difficulty and the risks of an election, jvhat Poland 
 had suffered from such an institution, and how little
 
 i.8 ^fE^fOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Russia was adapted to or prepared for it. I added 
 that now at any rate Russia would not gain anything 
 by the change, as she would lose the man who by his 
 benevolent and pure intentions was most worthy of 
 accedino- to the throne. We had incessant discussions 
 
 o 
 
 on this point. Sometimes during our long walks we 
 talked of other matters. We turned from politics 
 to nature, of whose beauties the young Grand-Duke 
 was an enthusiastic admirer. One had to be a great 
 lover of nature to discover its beauties in the country 
 we walked in ; but everything is relative in this 
 world, and the Grand-Duke flew into ecstasies about 
 a flower, the greenness of a tree, or the view over 
 an undulating plain. There is nothing uglier or less 
 picturesque than the neighbourhood of St Petersburg. 
 Alexander loved gardens and fields, and was fond of 
 agriculture and the rustic beauty rif village girls ; 
 the occupations and labours of the country, a simple, 
 quiet, and retired life in some -pretty farm, in a wide 
 and smiling landscape such was the dream he would 
 have liked to realise, and to which he was always 
 returning with a sigh. 
 
 I knew well that this was not the thing best 
 suited to him ; that for so high a destiny more ele- 
 vation, force, ardour, and self-confidence were necessary 
 than Alexander seemed to possess ; that it was not 
 right for a man in his position to wish to rid himself 
 of the enormous burthen which was reserved for him, 
 and to yearn for the pleasures of a quiet life. It was 
 not enough to perceive and feel the difficulties of 
 his position ; he should have been filled with a 
 passionate desire to surmount them. These reflec-
 
 STA Y A T TSAR8KOE-SBLO 1 1 9 
 
 tions occasionally presented themselves to my mind, 
 and even when I felt their truth, they did not 
 diminish my feelings of admiration and devotion for 
 Alexander. His sincerity, his frankness, his self- 
 abandonment to the beautiful illusions that fascinated 
 him, had a charm which it was impossible to resist. 
 Moreover, he was still so young that his character 
 might yet gain the qualities in which it was defective; 
 circumstances and necessities might develop faculties 
 which had not the time or the means of showing 
 themselves; and although he was afterwards much 
 changed, he retained to the last a portion of the 
 tastes and opinions of his youth. 
 
 Many people my countrymen especially in later 
 years reproached me for having placed too much con- 
 fidence in Alexander's assurances. I have often 
 maintained against his detractors that his opinions 
 were sincere. The impression produced by the first 
 years of our relations could not be effaced. Assuredly, 
 when Alexander, at the age of eighteen, spoke to me 
 with an effusiveness which relieved his mind, about 
 opinions and sentiments which he concealed from 
 everybody else, it was because he really felt them, 
 and wished to confide them to someone. What other 
 motive could he have had ? Whom could he have 
 wished to deceive ? He certainly followed the inclina- 
 tion of his heart and expressed his real thoughts. 
 
 Besides our political discussions, and the ever-wel- 
 come topic of the beauties of nature, and the dream of 
 a quiet country life after the destinies of free Russia 
 should have been secured, Alexander had also a third 
 object to which he ardently devoted himself, and
 
 120 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 which was not at all in accordance with the others, 
 namely, the army, which was his hobby, as it was 
 that of his father, the Grand-Duke Paul. This 
 prince lived during the summer in his country-house 
 of Pavlovsk, half-a-league from Tsarskoe-Selo. The 
 Empress Catherine had allowed him to keep there for 
 his amusement some battalions of marines. He was 
 Grand-Admiral, and this honorary title gave him 
 certain privileges. The Empress pretended not to 
 perceive that Paul made too large a use of them, and 
 that following the example of Peter III, his unfor- 
 tunate father, he had created for himself a sort of 
 little army, which he clothed and endeavoured to drill 
 according to the system he had observed in Prussia 
 when he visited Frederick the Great at Berlin. This 
 army was, I believe, composed in all of twelve very 
 small battalions, some cuirassiers, dragoons, and 
 hussars, and some guns ; and all promotions in this 
 force were in the Grand-Duke's hands. The uniforms 
 were very eccentric in cut, and were in striking 
 contrast to the uniforms of the Russian army in this 
 respect ; they were a caricature of the uniforms of the 
 troops of the Great Frederick. Many 'people of 
 society and of the Court had obtained permission to 
 wear these uniforms, and they were the only courtiers 
 whom Paul allowed to attend at his country-houses. 
 Among them was M. Rostopchin, who played an 
 important part after Paul became Emperor, and was 
 afterwards much talked about at the time of the fire 
 of Moscow. These courtiers took their uniforms with 
 them whenever they went to Pavlovsk or to Gatchina, 
 another country-house belonging to the Grand-Duke,
 
 THE GRAND-DUKE PAUL AND HIS 80 SS 121 
 
 or oven to his soirees in the Winter Palace, for Paul 
 never went to his mother's in the evening. People 
 only appeared in this costume, however, in Paul's 
 apartments; everywhere else it was tabooed so long 
 as Catherine lived, and people laughed at it with 
 impunity. 
 
 The two young Grand-Dukes had commands in 
 Paul's army. They gave themselves up to their 
 duties with the zeal of young men who are for the 
 first time given something to do, and the Court and 
 the public compared them to children playing at 
 soldiers. This, however, produced no impression 
 upon them ; all they thought of was to obey the 
 wishes and even the eccentricities of their father. 
 
 There occurred at the parades and manoeuvres of 
 this miniature army grave events, defeats, ups and 
 downs of favour, misfortunes or successes, which 
 sometimes caused the deepest consternation, at others 
 the greatest joy. I heard of them from the two 
 brothers, who took a pleasure in relating all the 
 vicissitudes of the Court of Pavlovsk. To these 
 young princes it was an active life which gave them 
 importance, in a restricted circle no doubt, but where 
 they played a part which, while it nattered their 
 \ 7 anit3% contented their juvenile activity without 
 much expenditure of thought. The regulated uni- 
 formity of their grandmother's Court, on the other 
 hand, where they had no serious occupation, was 
 often inexpressibly tedious to them. Their bodily- 
 fatigues, the necessity of keeping out of the way of 
 their grandmother when they returned tired from 
 their drill, in a dress which they had to take off at
 
 122 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 once even their father's scoldings, which they greatly 
 feared gave attractions to this mode of life, which 
 was very different from the one which the public 
 of St Petersburg and the views of Catherine had 
 marked out for them. 
 
 The Empress did not know how to appeal to the 
 imagination of her grand-children or how to give 
 them active and varied occupation. Their father was 
 more successful, and this was a great evil which had 
 unfortunate consequences. The young Grand-Dukes 
 thought themselves, and were in reality, more a part 
 of the army of Gatchina than of the Russian army. 
 Gatchina was Paul's favourite Palace and his resi- 
 dence during the autumn ; he was there at some 
 distance from St Petersburg, and could give himself 
 up without constraint to his hobbies. The Grand- 
 Dukes regretted not to be able to go there, but they 
 liked to imitate the manners of Paul's troopers, and, 
 in speaking of what was done in his little army, to 
 say, ' That is our way, after the fashion of Gatchina ' 
 (Po naszemu, po Gatcldnski). 
 
 I recollect that the Empress one day thought of 
 sending Alexander with General Kutuzoff, to inspect 
 the fortresses on the Swedish frontier. The young 
 Prince did not seem to like the idea, and it was 
 consequently abandoned. The minutiae of the mili- 
 tary service and the habit of attaching extreme 
 importance to it gave an unfortunate turn to Alex- 
 ander's mind ; he took a liking for it of which he 
 could not afterwards rid himself, even after he had 
 perceived its absurdity. During the whole of his 
 reign he had a mania for parade which made him
 
 THE GRAND-DUKE PAUL AND HIS SONS 123 
 
 lose much precious time while he was on the throne, 
 and prevented him during his youth from working 
 usefully and acquiring indispensable knowledge. This 
 was also the bond of union between Alexander and 
 Constantine, and it often gave the latter too great 
 
 7 O O 
 
 an influence over his brother, for Constantine was 
 well versed in military science so far as mere drill 
 is concerned, and his brother could not help having 
 a great idea of him in this respect. It was the 
 constant subject of their most animated conversa- 
 tions. 
 
 The Empress Catherine saw the understanding 
 between Paul and his sons with displeasure, though 
 she did not foresee all its consequences, for if she had, 
 she would probably have prohibited it. Alexander 
 said to me one day as he was returning from 
 Pavlovsk : ' They do us the honour of fearing us,' 
 meaning that Catherine was beginning to be anxious 
 at the maintenance of the troops at Pavlovsk, and 
 at the sort of concert which had been established 
 between Paul and his sons. Alexander was flattered 
 at the thought of having inspired some fear in the 
 Empress ; but I doubt whether she really felt any 
 such sentiment ; if she did so it was very occasionally 
 and to a very slight extent. Catherine knew too 
 well the cowardly spirit of her son, the ridiculous 
 appearance of his troops, and the disfavour with 
 which they were regarded by the public and the rest 
 of the army, to trouble herself by fearing them. She 
 remained in peace under the protection of a single 
 company of Grenadiers, while Paul was manoeuvring 
 with his little army half-a-league off.
 
 i2 4 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 The Empress Elizabeth had done the same at Peter- 
 hoft* with Peter III, who lived at Oranienbaum, sur- 
 rounded by a corps of devoted Holsteiners ; she also 
 knew the extreme pusillanimity of her successor, and 
 perhaps also his kind heart. Various rumours have 
 been current as to the legitimacy of Paul I ; but 
 those who saw the extreme resemblance of character 
 and conduct between him and Peter III, could have 
 no doubt that he was really Peter's son. 
 
 During this year an event occurred which had 
 vast consequences for Europe and terrible ones for 
 Poland. The Grand-Duchess Maria gave birth to 
 a son. The baptismal ceremony took place in the 
 chapel of Tsarskoe-Selo ; the whole Court attended 
 in full dress in the spacious hall which precedes the 
 chapel. The ceremony, as was to be expected, was 
 a most sumptuous one. The ambassadors were 
 present, and some of them held the child at the 
 baptismal font as the representatives of their respec- 
 tive sovereigns. He was named Nicholas ! Looking 
 at him then in his swaddling clothes as he moved 
 about impatiently while the long baptismal ceremony 
 of the Russian Church was being performed, I little 
 thought that this weak and pretty child would one 
 day become the scourge of my country. 
 
 Among the motives which attracted the young 
 Grand-Dukes to their father was one that was more 
 noble and sensible than those above mentioned. 
 They were painfully impressed by the cruelty of 
 Catherine in not allowing her sons and their wives 
 to enjoy the company of their children even in ex- 
 treme youth. As soon as the Grand-Duchess Maria
 
 BIRTH OF NICHOLAS 125 
 
 could leave her bed, her child was taken away from 
 her to be brought up with his brothers and sisters 
 under the eyes of their grandmother. Not one of 
 them was, so long as Catherine lived, left to the 
 care of its parents or remained with them. Such 
 injustice revolted the young princes and alienated 
 them from the Empress. Moreover, Alexander's 
 views as to his grandmother's policy did not make 
 him disposed to follow her wishes when he could do 
 otherwise. He always found some objection to raise, 
 and showed nothing but ennui and indifference when 
 he was called upon to take part, however little, in a 
 government which was not at that time at all in 
 accordance with his opinions. Constantine, who did 
 not share his brother's liberal views, yet agreed with 
 him in his disapproval of the manners and character 
 of Catherine. I have heard him more than once 
 speak about his grandmother, even after she was 
 dead, with outrageous rudeness and in the coarsest 
 terms. 
 
 The stay of the Court at Tsarskoe-Selo was draw- 
 ing to a close. This gave us a feeling of sadness : we 
 regretted our unceremonious meetings, our daily 
 conversations, our long walks in the gardens and in 
 the country. We had gathered the first flower of 
 youthful and confiding affection we had enjoyed the 
 dreams with which it is soothed. Whatever we may 
 do, we do not a^ain find sensations so strong and 
 
 7 O O 
 
 fresh ; as we advance in life they become more and 
 more rare. 
 
 The Court proceeded as usual to the Tauris Palace 
 for the season which precedes the winter. Alexander
 
 126 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 was not so often visible, and could not have us so 
 often with him at his meals. Yet our relations, the 
 partial interruption of which caused us much regret, 
 continued to be the object of our constant pre-occu- 
 pations.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 1796 
 
 THE FATE OF THE PRISONERS. REFLECTIONS ON ALEXANDER'S EDU- 
 CATION. -ARRIVAL OF THE KING OF SWEDEN. FAILURE OF THE 
 
 NEGOTIATIONS FOR HIS MARRIAGE WITH THE GRAND-DUCHESS 
 ALEXANDRA. DEATH OF CATHERINE. 
 
 OUR friendship with Alexander had not helped us to 
 improve the condition of our countrymen who were 
 imprisoned in the town or the casemates of the fortress. 
 We often talked of them and of Kosciuszko; Alexander 
 always spoke with enthusiasm of the devotion and 
 the great deeds of these martyrs of patriotism, and 
 was indignant at the unjust tyranny of which they 
 were the victims. But, bound by his position, and 
 timid from a consciousness of his youth and inex- 
 perience, he took no part in affairs of State, and did 
 not even think he ought to seek to interfere in them. 
 He accordingly had no influence or even contact with 
 those who had the management of affairs. 
 
 It is certainly astonishing that Catherine, who 
 took pleasure in the thought that Alexander would 
 continue her reign and her glory, did not think of 
 preparing him for this task by familiarising him in 
 his early youth with the various branches of govern-
 
 i 2 8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 merit. Nothing of the sort was attempted. Perhaps 
 he would not have acquired very correct information 
 on many things, but he would have been saved from 
 the want of occupation. Yet it would seem that either 
 the Empress and her council had no such idea, or that 
 the former did not at least insist upon its being carried 
 out. Alexander's education remained incomplete at the 
 time of his marriage, in consequence of the departure 
 of M. de la Harpe. He was then eighteen years old ; 
 he had no regular occupation, he was not even advised 
 to work, and in the absence of any more practical 
 task he was not given any plan of reading which 
 might have helped him in the difficult career for which 
 he was destined. I often spoke to him on this 
 subject, both then and later. I proposed that he 
 should read various books on history, legislation, and 
 politics. He saw that they would do him good, and 
 really wished to read them ; but a Court life makes 
 any continued occupation impossible. While he was 
 Grand-Duke, Alexander did not read to the end a 
 single serious book. I do not think he could have 
 done so when he became Emperor, and the whole 
 burthen of a despotic government was cast upon him. 
 The life of a Court is fatiguing and yet idle. It 
 furnishes a thousand excuses for indolence, and one 
 is constantly busy in doing nothing. When Alexander 
 came to his rooms it was to take rest and not to 
 work. He read by fits and starts, without ardour 
 or zeal. The passion of acquiring knowledge was not 
 sufficiently strong in him ; he was married too young, 
 and he did not perceive that he still knew very little. 
 Yet he felt the importance of useful study, and
 
 REFLECTIONS ON ALEXANDERS EDUCATION 129 
 
 wished to enter upon it ; but his will was not suffi- 
 ciently strong to overcome the daily obstacles presented 
 by the duties and unpleasantnesses of life. The few 
 years of his early youth thus passed away, and he 
 lost precious opportunities which he had in abundance 
 so long as Catherine was alive, and of which he 
 might have recovered a part even under the Emperor 
 Paul. 
 
 While he was Grand-Duke, and even during the 
 first years of his reign, Alexander remained what his 
 education had made him, and was very different from 
 what he became later on when he followed his natural 
 propensities. It must be concluded that nature had 
 endowed him with rare qualities, as notwithstanding 
 the education he had received he became the most 
 amiable sovereign of his age and the cause of 
 Napoleon's fall. After having reigned for some years, 
 and acquired the experience entailed by the necessity 
 of at once taking the management of important affairs 
 of State and by constant intercourse with men in 
 office, people were surprised to find him not only an 
 accomplished man of the world, but an able politician, 
 with a penetrating and subtle mind, writing without 
 assistance excellent letters on complicated and difficult 
 subjects, and always amiable, even in the most 
 serious conversations. What would he have become 
 had his education been less neglected and more 
 adapted to the duties which were to occupy his life ? 
 M. de la Harpe was the only man that can be 
 mentioned with praise among those to whom the 
 education of the two Grand-Dukes was entrusted. I 
 do not know exactly who were the persons directed 
 
 VOL. I. I
 
 130 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 by Catherine to select their tutors ; probably they 
 were some encyclopaedists of the clique of Grimm or 
 the Baron d'Holbach. 
 
 M. de la Harpe does not seem to have directed 
 Alexander into any serious course of study, though he 
 had acquired so much influence over the Grand-Duke's 
 mind and heart that I believe he could have made 
 him do anything. Alexander derived from his 
 teaching only some superficial knowledge ; his infor- 
 mation was neither positive nor complete. M. de la 
 Harpe inspired him with the love of humanity, of 
 justice, and even of equality and liberty for all ; he 
 prevented the prejudices and flatteries which sur- 
 rounded him from stifling his noble instincts. It was 
 a great merit in M. de la Harpe to have inspired arid 
 developed these generous sentiments in a Russian 
 Grand-Duke, but Alexander's mind was not penetrated 
 by them ; it was filled with vague phrases, and M. de 
 la Harpe did not sufficiently make him reflect on the 
 immense difficulty of realising these ideas on the 
 thorny task of finding means to obtain possible 
 results. He was, however, merely charged with 
 Alexander's literary education ; the choice which was 
 made of those who were to look after his moral 
 training was extraordinary. Count Nicholas SoltykofF, 
 who was a subaltern during the Seven Years' War 
 and had not since seen any active service (which did 
 not prevent him from attaining the highest rank in 
 the army), was the superintendent of the education of 
 the two Grand-Dukes. Short, with a large head, 
 affected, nervous, and of health so delicate that it 
 required constant attention (he could not wear braces,
 
 EFL EC TIONS ON AL EX A ND ER'S ED UCA TION 1 3 1 
 
 and constantly hitched up his breeches like a sailor) 
 he had the reputation of being the most astute 
 courtier in Russia. When Catherine discovered that 
 her favourite Momonoff had formed intimate relations 
 with one of her maids of honour, she ordered the 
 culprits to come before her, had them married, and 
 then expelled them from her Court; after which 
 Soltykoff at once introduced to her Plato Zuboff, who 
 speedily became Momonoft's successor. The elevation 
 of Zuboff so angered Prince Potemkin that he de- 
 clared he would go to St Petersburg to extract this 
 tooth (zul) means tooth in Russian) ; but he died 
 before he could carry out his intention, and Soltykoff 
 remained in high favour with the Empress. He was 
 not only the channel by which her messages and 
 
 / *J O 
 
 admonitions were conveyed to the young princes ; he 
 also acted as intermediary whenever Catherine had 
 anything to communicate to the Grand-Duke Paul. 
 Soltykoff used to omit or soften any words which 
 seemed too disagreeable or severe in the orders or the 
 reproaches of his Imperial mistress, and he did the 
 same with regard to the replies he had to convev to 
 her. This gave satisfaction to both sides ; he alone 
 knew the truth, and took good care not to tell it. 
 There w r as perhaps some merit in doing this success- 
 fully, but Count Soltykoff was certainly not the man to 
 direct the education of the young heir to the throne, 
 or to make a salutary impression on his character. 
 
 Besides Count Soltykoff, each of the two princes 
 had a special director of studies with assistants. The 
 selection of the two directors was even more extra- 
 ordinary than that of the chief superintendent. The
 
 i 3 2 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 one attached to Alexander was Count Protasoff, ] 
 whose only merit was to be the brother of the ' 
 demoiselle d portrait* an old favourite of the Empress 
 as to whose functions, though she was a good woman 
 at heart, there were all sorts of extraordinary 
 anecdotes. Constantino's special director was Count 
 Sacken, a weak-minded man who was the object of 
 incessant ridicule on the part of his pupil. Count 
 Protasoff may justly be said to have been a 
 complete imbecile ; Alexander did not laugh at him, 
 but he had never the smallest esteem for him. The 
 assistant directors were selected solely by favour, 
 with the exception of Mouravieff, whom Alexander 
 when he ascended the throne made his secretary for 
 petitions, and afterwards appointed curator of the 
 schools of the Moscow district. He was a worthy 
 man and was said to be well-informed, but he was so 
 timid as to be almost incapable of transacting business. 
 I should also not omit Baron Budberg, who some 
 years later succeeded me as Minister of Foreign 
 affairs. 
 
 Such surroundings could only produce a bad effect 
 on the young princes, and the qualities displayed by 
 Alexander are the more astonishing and praiseworthy, 
 as he developed them notwithstanding the education 
 he had received and the examples which were before 
 his eyes. 
 
 At the close of the stay in the Tauris Palace in 
 179G, the last year Catherine was there with her 
 Court, the chief topic was the approaching arrival of 
 
 * A decoration which gives the rank of Field Marshal. Three ladies under 
 Paul, and one under Nicholas, obtained this rank.
 
 ARRIVAL OF THE KING OF SWEDEN 133 
 
 the young King of Sweden, who came to marry the 
 eldest of the Grand-Duchesses. The Empress directed 
 the ladies of the Court to learn the French contre- 
 danse, which was then the favourite dance at the 
 Court of Stockholm, and this was the daily occupation 
 of all at Court who were dancers. The King of 
 Sweden was received with exquisite politeness. He 
 came with the Regent, his uncle, Duke of Suder- 
 mania, and with a numerous suite. The Swedish 
 costume, which resembled that formerly worn in 
 Spain, produced a fine effect at the receptions, balls, 
 and other fetes which were given to the young King 
 and his suite ; all the Court entertainments were 
 for them. The Grand-Duchesses only danced with 
 Swedes, and never did a Court show more courtesy 
 to strangers. 
 
 While the fetes were going on at the Winter 
 Palace, and balls, concerts, and montagnes Russes 
 were daily repeated at the Tauris Palace, the King of 
 Sweden was admitted to the presence of the Grand- 
 Duchess Alexandra as her future husband. She was 
 of rare beauty and sweetness of character ; to know 
 her was to admire her, and his daily interview with 
 her could only add to the motives which seemed to 
 prompt the King of Sweden to unite himself by 
 family ties with the House of Romanoff. The Duke 
 of Sudermania was strongly in favour of the match, 
 and had urged his nephew to go to St Petersburg so 
 as to leave no doubt as to his intentions. All that 
 remained was to agree as to forms and the treaty 
 to be drawn up between the two powers ; and this 
 did not seem of a nature to cause any difficulty.
 
 13-1 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 As both parties were said to be agreed, no negotiation 
 seemed requisite, and the task of framing the neces- 
 sary documents was entrusted to Count Markoft', 
 whom the Zuboffs were putting forward in order to 
 eclipse Count Bezborodko, who, though he had refused 
 to cringe to them, yet kept his place and his credit 
 with the Empress. 
 
 After some gay and brilliant weeks the day of the 
 betrothal was fixed ; the ceremony was to take place 
 in the evening. The Archbishops of St Petersburg 
 and Novgorod, with a numerous suite of clergy, went 
 to the chapel where the ceremony was to take place. 
 The whole of the Court, the Ministers, the Senate, 
 and many generals were assembled in the waiting- 
 room. We waited for several hours. It was getting 
 late, and people observed whisperings among those 
 who were likely to be well informed, and movements 
 to and fro of persons proceeding to the Empress's 
 apartments, all of whom came out at a quick pace. 
 At length, after four hours of suspense, we were 
 told that the ceremony would not take place. 
 The Empress sent to apologise to the Archbishops 
 who had come in their pontifical robes, to the ladies 
 in panniers, and to the rest of the Court, and 
 announced to them that the ceremony had been post- 
 poned owing to some unexpected difficulties. 
 
 Soon after it became known that the marriage was 
 broken off. Count Markoff, frivolous through self- 
 sufficiency, and inattentive through pride and disre- 
 gard of all but himself, was persuaded that all was 
 arranged without troubling himself to put the arrange- 
 ment in writing and get it signed. It was when the
 
 FAILURE OF MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS 135 
 
 signature was required that difficulties arose. King 
 Gustavus IV wished to limit the liberty which the 
 Russian princess who was to be his queen should 
 enjoy in following the rites of her religion. The 
 Swedes, who are staunch Protestants, had made 
 objections on this subject, but Count Markoff took no 
 notice, and proceeded to act as if the matter had 
 already been decided, thinking that the Swedes would 
 not dare to withdraw at the last moment, and that 
 the Grand-Duchess's beauty would succeed where the 
 ability of the Russian Ministers had failed. But he 
 was wrong in his calculations. The young King was 
 the most zealous Protestant in his kingdom, and he 
 would never consent to his wife having a public Russian 
 chapel at Stockholm. His Ministers, his Councillors, 
 and the Regent himself, fearing the consequences of 
 an affront to the Empress, pressed him to yield or to 
 seek a compromise, but in vain. Instead of inclining 
 to the Russian demands, Gustavus IV, in the pro- 
 longed conversations which he had with the Grand- 
 
 o 
 
 Duchess, strove to convert her, and almost made her 
 promise that she would adopt the religion of her 
 husband and of the country in which she was to 
 reside. 
 
 The King obstinately rejected all the proposals 
 which Count Markoff made to him with the view of 
 overcoming the difficulty ; he was told in vain that 
 he would expose himself to a war with Russia, if after 
 having gone so far, he broke off the marriage just 
 as it was about to be concluded. All was useless 
 even the fixing of the day, the presence of Catherine 
 in her Imperial robes, and the convocation of the
 
 136 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 clergy and the whole Court, failed to move the Swedish 
 King. 
 
 The young sovereign's obstinacy at first made 
 the Swedes anxious, then frightened them, but finally 
 pleased them ; they were proud at their King having 
 shown so much character. As for the Russians, all 
 the excitement produced by the appearance of the 
 King of Sweden in their capital was changed into 
 a sombre silence of disappointment and vexation. 
 The next day was the birthday of one of the little 
 Grand-Duchesses (afterwards the Queen of Holland), 
 and there was a Court ball in honour of the occasion. 
 The Empress appeared with her eternal smile, but 
 her eyes had a sombre expression of sadness and 
 anger ; people admired the impassive dignity with 
 which she received her guests. The King of Sweden 
 and his suite showed constraint, but not embarrass- 
 ment ; there was a stiffness of manner both on their 
 part and on that of the Euipress which communicated 
 itself to the whole company. The Grand-Duke Paul 
 expressed great irritation, though I suspect he was not 
 really displeased at the blunder made by the Cabinet. 
 As for Alexander, he was indignant at the insult 
 which had been offered to his sister, but cast the 
 blame of it on Count Markoff ; and the Empress was 
 very glad to see her grandson share her indignation. 
 
 The Swedish cloaks and plumes seemed no longer 
 to float in the air with the same grace as before and 
 shared in the general constraint ; they were no longer 
 the fashion. Some minuets were danced with even 
 more gravity than usual. My brother was one of 
 the dancers, and he acquitted himself very well.
 
 DEATH OF CATHERINE 137 
 
 Two days after the King left with his suite, and St 
 Petersburg remained gloomy and silent. People 
 were astounded at what had happened ; they could 
 not believe that a ' little kinglet ' should thus dare 
 to insult the Sovereign of all the Russias. What 
 would she do now ? It was impossible for Catherine 
 II to pocket the affront and not take her revenge. 
 So at least people said. As for the Court, the 
 Grand-Duke Paul was at Gatchina, while the Empress 
 remained in her apartments ; and it was thought that 
 she was preparing some resolute step which would 
 make the King of Sweden repent his obstinacy. But 
 it was Catherine herself that succumbed. 
 
 It was November ; the weather was cold and 
 foggy, and harmonised with the appearance of the 
 Court and the Winter Palace after the fetes which 
 had animated them. Alexander continued his walks 
 on the quays, and one day he met my brother. After 
 having walked for some time, they stopped at the 
 door of the lodgings where we lived. I had just come 
 down and we were talking together, when a footman 
 of the Court who was looking for Alexander came to 
 tell him that Count Soltykoff wished to see him as 
 soon as possible. Alexander immediately followed 
 the man, not guessing the cause of this urgent 
 message. 
 
 The Empress had had an apoplectic stroke. Her 
 feet had for sometime been much swollen, and she had 
 not done anything that her physicians had prescribed, 
 but had taken some quack remedies which her 
 chambermaids had recommended to her. The humi- 
 liation inflicted upon her by the King of Sweden
 
 138 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 was too hard a blow to her pride, and it may be said 
 that Gustavus IV shortened her life by several years. 
 She got up the same day, to all appearance in good 
 health, and remained in her dressing-room longer than 
 usual. The valet in waiting, not seeing her returning, 
 went to the door, and opening it softly saw the 
 Empress lying unconscious. When Zuboff came, she 
 opened her eyes, placed her hand on her heart with 
 an expression of extreme pain, and then shut them for 
 ever. This was the only and the last sign of life 
 and consciousness which she gave. The physicians 
 hastened to the room and for three days used all the 
 resources of their science, but in vain. 
 
 Next day the news of the Empress's fatal illness 
 spread in the town. Those who had the entry to the 
 Court went there with a feeling of terror, of anxiety, 
 and of doubt as to the future. Both the town and 
 the Court were in the greatest confusion. Most of 
 those who were present in the room expressed sincere 
 grief; the pale and distorted features of many be- 
 trayed a fear of losing the position they enjoyed and 
 perhaps of being obliged to render an account of their 
 administration. My brother and myself were among 
 the spectators of this scene of regret and of terror. 
 Zuboff, with his hair dishevelled and an air of conster- 
 nation on his face, attracted all eyes. Both himself 
 and all those whose fortunes he had made were 
 naturally in despair. At one time he was busy 
 burning papers which might have compromised him; at 
 others he came to see if the remedies tried by the 
 physicians gave any hope. All was disorder, and 
 etiquette was abandoned.
 
 DEATH OF CATHERINE 139 
 
 We entered the room where the Empress was 
 lying on the ground on mattresses, lifeless, like a 
 machine whose movement has ceased. 
 
 When Zuboff learnt from the physicians that 
 there was no longer any hope or possibility of her 
 reviving, he sent his brother, after destroying a 
 number of papers, to the Emperor Paul at Gatchina 
 to inform him of his mother's death. Although Paul 
 had for some time thought of the chances of this 
 event soon occurring, he was thunderstruck, and 
 arrived at St Petersburg much troubled with the 
 uncertainty of what was awaiting him, and doubting 
 whether his mother would not recover after all. So 
 long as her body moved, although she had completely 
 lost consciousness, Paul did not make use of the 
 power which had already accrued to him, and 
 remained concealed in his mother's room, or in his 
 own apartments. He came with the whole of his 
 family to see the lifeless body, and repeated this 
 lugubrious visit twice a day.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 1796-1798 
 
 ACCESSION OF PAUL I. HIS CHARACTER. ARRIVAL OF KING STANIS- 
 LAS AUGUSTUS. THE EMPEROR'S CORONATION AT MOSCOW. A 
 
 POLISH ENVOY TO ENGLAND. PRINCE ADAM'S RELATIONS WITH 
 
 ALEXANDER. COUNT STROGONOFF AND M. DE NOVOSILTZOFF. 
 
 PROPOSED ANNEXATION OF GALICIA TO HUNGARY. DEATH OF 
 
 STANISLAS AUGUSTUS. PRINCE VOLKONSKY. PRINCE GALITZIN. 
 
 AN IMPERIAL PROGRESS TO KAZAN. A PALACE PLOT. RUSSIA, 
 
 ENGLAND, AND MALTA. PITT AND ROSTOPCHIN. EUROPEAN 
 
 COALITION AGAINST FRANCE. 
 
 NEVER was there any change of scene at a theatre so 
 sudden and so complete as the change of affairs at 
 the accession of Paul I. In less than a day costumes, 
 manners, occupations, all were altered. Under 
 Catherine we had worn our collars so high as to cover 
 the lower part of the face ; we now had to wear them 
 narrow and turned down, showing thin necks and 
 prominent jaws which until then had remained unseen. 
 The hair was dressed en pigeon in the Parisian 
 fashion ; it was worn flat and long behind, with two 
 very stiff curls above the ears, and a pigtail, all well 
 pomatumed and powdered. Hitherto the dandies had 
 endeavoured to give a more graceful cut to their 
 uniforms, which they often wore unbuttoned, while 
 now the Prussian uniform of Frederick the Great,
 
 ACCESSION OF PAUL I 141 
 
 already used by the troops of Gatchina, was adopted 
 for the army generally. The military parade became 
 the chief occupation of each day ; it was then that 
 the most important events occurred, making the 
 Emperor either indulgent and lavish of his favours, 
 or severe and even terrible, for the rest of the 
 day. 
 
 Soon the little army of Gatchina made its solemn 
 entry into St Petersburg. It was to be a model for 
 the Guards and the whole Russian army. The Grand- 
 Dukes were much agitated, for they had been ordered 
 to place themselves at the head of these troops and 
 take them to the capital. They had to appear before 
 a public which had hitherto been ill-disposed, and, 
 which was more difficult, to give satisfaction to the 
 Emperor. But all went off well. The Gatchina 
 troops were placed in battle array on the great 
 square of the Winter Palace, in the midst of a timid 
 crowd astounded at the sight of soldiers entirely 
 different from those it had been accustomed to see. 
 The troops defiled in good order before the Emperor, 
 who expressed to his sons his satisfaction at the 
 manner in which they had carried out this first 
 manifestation of his rule. They were much pleased 
 at the Emperor's words, and the new comers were at 
 first quartered on the inhabitants, who hastened to 
 give them a friendly reception. In the evening 
 grenadiers with pointed hats like Prussians, whose 
 hosts had freely treated them with wine and brandy, 
 were to be seen staggering about dead drunk in the 
 streets. 
 
 During the long years of his retirement Paul had
 
 1 4 2 ^fE^fOIRS OF PRINCE ADA ^f CZA RTOR YSKI 
 
 planned out everything he proposed to do directly 
 he should come into power. Changes and novelties 
 accordingly succeeded each other with extraordinary 
 rapidity. The men of Gatchina were divided among 
 the three regiments of foot guards and the regiment 
 of horse guards. The regiment of cavalier guards 
 was supplied with silver helmets and cuirasses which 
 were manufactured for the occasion, as these articles 
 of uniform had ceased to be worn in the Russian 
 army. The officers of Gatchina were all promoted, 
 and one soon saw old soldiers and courtly officers of 
 the Guards obliged either to retire or to obey the 
 commands of ill-bred braggarts, whose names they 
 had never mentioned except to laugh at them. 
 
 In the midst of all that was eccentric and ridicu- 
 lous about the first acts of Paul's reign, there was an 
 element of seriousness and justice ; thus the Emperor 
 ordered the young courtiers to choose some career 
 and devote themselves to it. No one was allowed to 
 join the Guards as an amateur; and the service became 
 so severe that most young men preferred a civil 
 career. 
 
 Scarcely had Paul come into power when his 
 first thought was to render a striking act of homage 
 to the memory of his father, and at the same time a 
 sort of verdict upon those who were guilty of his 
 death. During the first few days after the death of 
 the Empress and the time necessary for embalming 
 her body, the whole of the Court, including ladies and 
 high functionaries of State, were ordered to watch 
 by the body day and night in the Imperial apart- 
 ments, and soon after the Emperor directed that his
 
 ACCESSION OF PAUL I 143 
 
 father's remains should be exhumed and carried in 
 ceremony from the Nevski convent to the Winter 
 Palace to be deposited by the side of Catherine. There 
 were still living three or four of those who had been 
 accused of complicity in the murder of Peter III. 
 They were at that time privates or sub-officers in the 
 Guards ; they were now great nobles with large 
 incomes. Among them was the Court-Marshal, 
 Prince Bariatynski, who was disliked because he was 
 rude, ill-bred, and ill-tempered, and Passeyk, Gover- 
 nor-General of White Russia, who was the Empress's 
 aide-de-camp. There were very few who possessed 
 this title, and it gave very high rank and great 
 privileges. When the Imperial aide-de-camp was 
 present he alone held a cane, commanded at the 
 palace, and watched over the safety of his sovereign. 
 Passeyk disappeared on the day of Catherine's death, 
 and Prince Bariatynski almost died of fear. He and 
 some of his accomplices were forced to watch at the 
 coffin of Peter III and follow his body in the funeral 
 procession. Count Alexis Orloff, one of the principal 
 assassins of the late Emperor, was the only one who 
 walked with a firm step and a countenance apparently 
 tranquil. 
 
 The Emperor Paul had the two coffins placed 
 together on a bier, where they were exposed (that of 
 Catherine was open) to the sight of the crowd. The 
 high functionaries and ladies of the Court continued 
 their service by the side of the bodies night and day 
 for six weeks ; this gave rise to singular meetings, 
 and created friendly relations among people who had 
 previously been almost strangers. Others, after pass-
 
 1.14 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 ing twenty-four hours together at a stretch, arid find- 
 ing each other amiable and pleasant companions, never 
 saw their fellow-watchers again. 
 
 The burial of Peter and Catherine took place six 
 weeks after ; they were interred in the same vault of 
 the Nevski convent. All the troops of the garrison of 
 St Petersburg and of its neighbourhood accompanied 
 the procession, and all who belonged to the Court or 
 Government went on foot to the convent, which is 
 at the other end of the town. Neither the men nor 
 the women were allowed to wear powder, and as they 
 had not altered their way of dressing the hair, this 
 was very unbecoming. Mourning was strictly pre- 
 scribed and observed ; and as the funeral procession 
 was extremely long, the ceremony lasted a whole 
 day. 
 
 The Emperor kept the apartments at the Winter 
 Palace which he had occupied when he was Grand- 
 Duke. The waiting-room was usually filled by those 
 who were admitted to his presence. People some- 
 times passed the whole day there, and went as if to a 
 diverting entertainment. There was incessant agita- 
 tion and excitement : footmen and aides-de-camp in 
 thick boots ran about knocking against each other, 
 some carrying the Emperor's orders, others looking 
 for some one they were sent to summon to his pre- 
 sence. Those who were called ran up breathless, not 
 knowing what was to be their fate ; many entered 
 the room and left it immediately after with radiant 
 faces and a red or blue sash across their chests. One 
 of those whom I saw coming out of the room was 
 Count Nicholas Zuboff, appointed Grand-Equerry
 
 ACCESSION OF PAUL I 145 
 
 and decorated with a blue ribbon for having been 
 
 o 
 
 the first to bring Paul the news of his accession. 
 Changes were occurring daily. Nearly all that 
 had been great and distinguished under Catherine 
 became neglected and insignificant under Paul. New 
 persons were constantly coming forward and being 
 advanced with extraordinary rapidity, and almost all 
 the Ministers were changed. 
 
 Plato Zuboff, who looked like a dethroned 
 sovereign, went to his estates in Lithuania, a vast 
 domain which Catherine had given him (arid the 
 desire to acquire which was one of the causes of the 
 two last partitions of Poland), sufficient to furnish 
 him with ample means to defray the expense of his 
 travels. He visited several towns in Germany. 
 Some women of ready wit and easy virtue made him 
 lose that air of languid dignity which he usually wore. 
 He recognised the advantages of an independent 
 existence, but soon his ambition and vanity, leading 
 him to believe that he was destined still to play a 
 great part, brought him back to St Petersburg, and 
 rendered him more guilty and unfortunate than he 
 had ever been before. 
 
 The only one of Catherine's Ministers whom Paul 
 adopted was Count Bezborodko ; this was because of 
 his remarkable talents, his high reputation, and per- 
 haps also because he had neglected Zuboff when he 
 was at the height of his favour with the Empress. 
 Paul felt that while he was still inexperienced in the 
 art of government he needed Bezborodko's services, 
 and he loaded him with distinctions of all kinds. He 
 made him a prince, consulted him when he wanted to 
 
 VOL. I. K
 
 146 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 carry out some of his hobbies, and doubled his 
 property by grants of land and of considerable sums 
 in cash. 
 
 The Emperor's choice of his Ministers was always 
 directed by one dominant idea that of surrounding 
 himself with servants on whom he could entirely 
 rely ; for from the moment of his accession he fore- 
 saw and dreaded a Palace revolution. He raised to 
 the highest positions persons who were quite insig- 
 nificant and often the least capable of performing 
 their new duties. They were chiefly taken from 
 among those (or their descendants or relations), whom 
 he had employed at Gatchina, and who had given 
 proofs of fidelity to his father. He persecuted and 
 dismissed those who had been in favour with his 
 mother ; this alone made him suspect them. The 
 fear of treason was continually present to his mind 
 during the whole of his reign. He erred in the 
 selection, and especially in the extent, of the means 
 which he employed to save his life and his "power ; 
 they only precipitated his deplorable end. Among 
 the men whom he suspected, he persecuted some 
 with implacable rigour, while he retained others at 
 their posts and endeavoured to secure their fidelity 
 by presents ; this, however, only made them ungrate- 
 ful. Never was there a sovereign more terrible in 
 his severity, or more liberal when he was in a gener- 
 ous mood. But there was no certainty in his favour. 
 A single word uttered intentionally or by accident 
 in a conversation, the shadow of a suspicion, sufficed 
 to make him persecute those whom he had protected. 
 The greatest favourites of to-day feared to be driven
 
 PAUL'S CHARACTER 147 
 
 from Court on the morrow, and banished to a distant 
 province. Yet the Emperor wished to be just. 
 Notwithstanding his capricious and disorderly im- 
 pulses, he had a profound feeling of equity, which 
 often caused him to perform praiseworthy actions. 
 It often happened that after he had dismissed some 
 one whom he had badly treated, he called him back, 
 embraced him, almost asked his pardon, confessed 
 that he was wrong, that he had unjustly suspected 
 him, and gave him presents to make up for his past 
 severities. He inspired all the officials of his empire 
 with the terrors which he often felt himself, and this 
 universal fear produced salutary effects. While at 
 St Petersburg and at the centre of Government the 
 uncertainty of the morrow tormented and agitated 
 people's minds, in the provinces, the civil governors, 
 the governors-general, and the troops, fearing lest the 
 abuses they committed should reach the Emperor's 
 ears, and they should some day be suddenly dismissed 
 without any form of trial and banished to Siberia, 
 paid more attention to their duties, treated their 
 subordinates with more humanity, and refrained from 
 abuses of a flagrant kind. In the Polish Provinces 
 especially the inhabitants felt the change, and the 
 reign of Paul is still mentioned there as a period 
 when there were less abuses and acts of oppression and 
 injustice than at any other time when Poland was 
 under foreign rule. 
 
 One of Paul's first and most generous thoughts 
 after his accession, was to liberate the Polish prisoners. 
 Like his father, when he visited Ivan VI in his prison, 
 Paul went himself to Kosciuszko and ordered him to be
 
 148 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 treated with the greatest consideration, telling him 
 that if he had been on the throne at the time, he 
 would not have consented to the partition of Poland, 
 and that he regretted that so unjust and impolitic a 
 deed had been committed ; but that it was not now 
 in his power to withdraw it. At Kosciuszko's request 
 he liberated all the other prisoners, only requiring 
 them to take the oath of allegiance. Whenever Paul 
 did not grant a request made by Kosciuszko on behalf 
 of his countrymen, he excused himself by alleging 
 that he was obliged to pay attention to the represen- 
 tations of his Ministers, who prevented him from 
 following his inclination in this respect. Kosciuszko, 
 oppressed by a feeling of sadness, covered with wounds 
 which were not yet healed, and bearing on his face an 
 expression of despair, of touching resignation, almost 
 of remorse at being still alive and having failed to 
 save his country, greatly interested the Emperor and 
 did not inspire him with the least fear or suspicion. 
 He often used to visit Kosciuszko, accompanied by 
 the whole of the Imperial family, which showed real 
 interest and almost affection for the unfortunate 
 patriot. Alexander no doubt felt these generous 
 sentiments more than anybody, but his duties at that 
 time entirely absorbed him, so that at first I could 
 hardly see him. Since Paul's accession our relations 
 had become more rare and more difficult, and his 
 extreme fear of his father prevented him from 
 expressing on his own account to Kosciuszko what he 
 had long felt with regard to him. 
 
 We were each called to the palace to sign an 
 assurance that Marshal Potocki would not enter on
 
 PAUL'S CHARACTER 149 
 
 any enterprise prejudicial to the State, and to be 
 guarantees for his conduct at our own risk. This 
 obligation had to be expressed clearly and precisely in 
 writing. The meeting was a numerous one. Prince 
 Kourakin, the new Vice -Chancellor, was present, and 
 was directed to see that each document clearly ex- 
 pressed the obligations undertaken by the signer of it. 
 My brother and I signed without hesitation ; we had 
 long felt too much esteem and family attachment for 
 the Marshal to hesitate to give this general assurance 
 which alone could restore him to liberty. Some 
 raised difficulties, others went away directly they 
 learnt the object of the meeting. Among the latter 
 was Count Irenoeus Chreptowicz, the son of the 
 Chancellor of that name who had done the most to 
 induce King Stanislas Augustus to join the Con- 
 federation of Targowitza,* and who soon became 
 entirely Russian. The number of signatures, how- 
 ever, was sufficiently large to induce the Emperor to 
 liberate Count Potocki. 
 
 One may imagine how happy the prisoners were 
 to see each other again after so long and painful a 
 confinement, though their happiness was mingled 
 with regret. The most illustrious members of the 
 Grand Diet of l788-92t were assembled there : Count 
 Potocki, Count Thaddeus Mostowski, Julian Niem- 
 cewicz ; Zakrzewski, mayor of Warsaw, known by 
 his integrity, his patriotism, and his great courage ; 
 General Sokolnicki, who voluntarily went to prison 
 with him, not wishing to leave him ; and Kilinski and 
 
 * See page 84. 
 
 t The Diet which passed the famous Constitution of the 3rd of May 1791 
 (see page 52).
 
 150 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Kapostasz, worthy citizens of Warsaw, the first a 
 master bootmaker, and the second a money-changer, 
 who exercised great influence over the population of 
 that city. We saw them every day. After having 
 had the happiness of being liberated from prison and 
 of seeing each other, they had to disperse in different 
 directions. The Emperor lavished presents of money 
 on Kosciuszko to make him independent, and the 
 latter was obliged to accept them. When he arrived 
 in America, however, he sent them back with a 
 letter expressing his gratitude and that of the other 
 prisoners. 
 
 On Twelfth-day, one of the most solemn festivals 
 of the Russian Church, there was a great military 
 parade in the Russian fashion, and the Emperor 
 wished the day to be celebrated with all possible 
 pomp. The Guards and all the regiments in the 
 neighbourhood were posted on the banks of the Neva, 
 between the Winter Palace and the Admiralty. The 
 Imperial family alighted there, and the Emperor took 
 the command of the troops in person ; he liked to 
 put himself forward on these occasions. He defiled 
 at the head of the army together with the Grand- 
 Dukes before the Empress and the Princesses. I 
 thought this inarch past would never end. The cold 
 was intense, and we were in Court dress, with silk 
 stockings ; although we wore warm coats, we were 
 almost frozen. My arms and legs were numbed, and 
 I and several others, feeling that our lives were in 
 danger, stamped our feet and moved our arms about 
 to keep up the circulation. I could not stand this 
 martyrdom, and went home, where it took me some
 
 ARRIVAL OF KING STANISLAS AUGUSTUS 151 
 
 hours to get warm. My fingers have since that day 
 lost all feeling whenever there was the slightest cold. 
 
 Our King, Stanislas Augustus, with whom we had 
 dined during our six months' stay at Grodno, was 
 invited by Paul immediately after his accession to 
 come to St Petersburg. During Paul's journey 
 abroad (in 1785 I think) with his wife, they had 
 passed through Southern Poland, and King Stanislas 
 Augustus had left Warsaw to meet them. The 
 principal reception took place in the Palace of 
 Wisznioviec, which belonged to Count Mniszek, 
 Grand Marshal of the Crown. This palace was a 
 princely abode that had belonged to the Wiszniowiecki 
 family, now extinct, whose last heir had married a 
 Mniszek, the descendant of the one whose daughter 
 was for some time seated on the throne of the Russian 
 Czars.* The apartments of the palace were full of 
 valuable historical portraits. Among them was that 
 of the famous Marina and of Dirnitri ; there were 
 also pictures representing their consecration at 
 Moscow. 
 
 It was in this beautiful palace that the King of 
 Poland welcomed the Grand-Duke of Russia to his 
 kingdom. Stanislas Augustus had the gift of 
 amiability, and Paul took a liking to him ; he also 
 made himself agreeable to the Grand-Duchess Maria. 
 They had several confidential interviews, at which 
 perhaps promises, or at least hopes, which were never 
 realised, were expressed that when Paul should come 
 into power, he would repay to his host a hundredfold 
 the splendid reception given him in Poland. It is 
 
 * Marina Mniszek, married to ' the false ' Dimitri 18 May 1603.
 
 i 5 2 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 said that Marshal Mniszek at that time hoped that 
 the goodwill of Catherine's successor might one day 
 bring them even to the throne, to which he might 
 perhaps have thought he had a claim as the heir of 
 Wiszniowiecki * and the descendant of the father of 
 the celebrated Czarina. The story goes that in the 
 course of a familiar conversation with him the Grand- 
 Duchess, showing her diamonds to make her hosts 
 remark the beauty of a diadem in precious stones 
 which was in her jewel-box, placed it on the head of 
 the King's niece, and then on that of the Grand 
 Marshal. ' I accept the augury,' said the latter, 
 carried away by an impulse of naivete or of empty 
 vanity which he probably regretted immediately 
 afterwards. 
 
 By inviting to his Court the prisoner-King from 
 his confinement at Grodno an invitation in which the 
 Empress Maria heartily concurred Paul made some 
 return for the hospitality he had received, and gladly 
 found an opportunity of showing himself more gener- 
 ous than his mother had been. The King was 
 received at St Petersburg with all the honours due to 
 a sovereign. On approaching the capital he was met 
 by chamberlains and other high dignitaries, who compli- 
 mented him on behalf of the Emperor and the mem- 
 bers of the Imperial family. Paul offered him one of 
 his palaces, furnished it magnificently, and did all he 
 could to make the King's stay at St Petersburg 
 agreeable. There were mutual receptions and ban- 
 quets, and at first no cloud obscured the friendly 
 relations which seemed to be a continuation of those 
 
 * Michael Wiszniowiecki, King of Poland from 1069 to 1C75.
 
 ARRIVAL OF KING STANISLAS AUGUSTUS 153 
 
 of Wiszniowiec ; but there was no talk of Stanislas 
 returning to his kingdom, except perhaps that the 
 Emperor told him, as he had done to Kosciuszko, 
 that it was impossible to undo what had been done, 
 however unjustly, by the Empress Catherine. 
 
 The first years of Paul's reign were marked by a 
 curious confusion ; they were a series of moving 
 incidents and of singular and ridiculous scenes, which 
 seemed to foreshadow the reversal of the existing 
 state of things arid the establishment of a new one, not 
 radically, but only in outward form. The civil officials 
 and generals were constantly changed, and promotion 
 was given without any enquiry as to the capacity of 
 those whom seniority placed in ranks to which they 
 had never hoped to attain. 
 
 The Emperor's only consideration in the decisions 
 he gave, was that his will, although the fruit of im- 
 pulse and not of reflection, should at once be executed. 
 The terror which he inspired ensured submission to 
 his most unexpected and most eccentric commands. 
 The parades daily gave rise to singular and provoking 
 incidents. Generals and other officers of rank received 
 for mere trifles, degradations or distinctions which 
 only unpardonable faults or great services to the State 
 could have justified. 
 
 Paul had forbidden round hats, which he regarded 
 as a sign of liberalism. If a poor man, with an old 
 round hat on his head, showed himself in the crowd 
 which witnessed the parades, an aide-de-camp imme- 
 diately pursued the culprit, who fled to avoid being 
 bastinadoed at the first guard-house. The chase was 
 often continued in the streets, to the great amuse-
 
 154 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 ment of the people, who hoped the unhappy man 
 would succeed in making his escape. 
 
 Lord Whitworth, the British Ambassador, was 
 obliged to have a hat of peculiar shape made for him, 
 so as to be able to walk about in the morning without 
 
 O 
 
 contravening the Emperor's orders. 
 
 Paul drove through the town daily in a sledge 
 or an open carriage, accompanied by one of his aides- 
 de-camp. When he met a carriage it stopped, the 
 coachman and footmen had to take off their caps, 
 and the persons in the carriage had to alight and 
 make a profound bow to the Emperor, who observed 
 whether it was sufficiently respectful. Sometimes 
 women, with their children trembling with fright, 
 were seen descending into the snow in a hard frost, 
 or into the mud during a thaw, to accomplish this 
 salutation. Paul always thought that people wished 
 to slight him as they did when he was Grand-Duke ; 
 he liked everywhere to meet with marks of fear and 
 submission. When people went out into the streets 
 in carriages or on foot, all took care to avoid meeting 
 their Imperial master ; they fled at his approach and 
 went down a side street or hid under a gateway. 
 Another dangerous person to meet was the terrible 
 Archaroff, Grand-Master of Police, who also drove 
 through the town to see that everything was being 
 done according to his orders. He prohibited rapid 
 driving in sledges, which is one of the greatest 
 pleasures of a Russian ; and when he perceived a 
 sledge which seemed to go at a forbidden pace he 
 at once ordered it to be seized, had the coachman 
 flogged, and then appropriated both sledge and coach-
 
 COURT ETIQUETTE 155 
 
 man to his own use for any period he pleased, while 
 the occupant of the sledge had to walk home. This 
 once happened to my brother. He had driven out 
 in a sledge and met the Emperor, upon which he 
 at once jumped to the ground. As he passed, Paul 
 cried out to him, 'You might have broken your neck.' 
 On his return, M. Archaroff sent by the Emperor's 
 orders for my brother's horses and his sledge, and 
 used them for a week, after which he returned them. 
 
 Both at Court and at parade the Emperor wished 
 to establish strict exactitude in the ceremonies, in 
 the way of approaching him and the Empress, and in 
 the number and kind of salutations to be made. The 
 Grand-Master of the Ceremonies, ISTatouyeff, treated 
 the courtiers like recruits who do not yet know their 
 drill and in what order they ought to march. When- 
 ever they met the Emperor they had first to make a 
 profound bow, and then, with one knee on the 
 ground, apply a sounding kiss to the Emperor's hand 
 while he kissed them on the cheek. The same genu- 
 flexion had to take place when they approached the 
 Empress, after which they had to withdraw without 
 turning their backs, which often caused confusion, as 
 they trod on the toes of the other courtiers who were 
 coming forward to perform the same ceremony. 
 Thanks to the efforts of the Grand-Master of the 
 Ceremonies, the courtiers at length learnt to go 
 through this manoeuvre without a hitch, and Paul, 
 satisfied at the look of fear and submission which he 
 saw on their faces, then made the etiquette less rigid. 
 My brother and I had to go through this ordeal, and 
 in doing so we nearly fell into disgrace. The
 
 i 5 6 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Emperor and Empress were once present at the 
 christening of a child in the Chapel of the Palace. 
 We were on duty together with two chamberlains, 
 and we had to be ready to precede their Majesties as 
 they left their apartments. We were late, and when 
 the time for the ceremony came we were not at our 
 posts. Paul, not seeing his escort as he came out of 
 his room, flew into a terrible rage. We arrived 
 breathless with haste, and found all the courtiers 
 assembled at the closed door of the chapel, anxious to 
 see what would happen. The door opened ; Paul came 
 out and passed before us with a threatening look, 
 making furious gestures and breathing hard as he 
 generally did when he was angry and wished to inspire 
 terror. Our punishment, however, was slight ; we 
 were simply ordered to remain in our apartments and 
 not leave them until further orders. Alexander 
 interfered on our behalf, explained that we had not 
 received our orders in time, and pleaded in our favour 
 so effectively, with the assistance of KoutayschofF,* 
 the Emperor's barber, that in a fortnight's time we 
 were free. Soon after we entered the army, in con- 
 formity with the rule that every officer of the Court 
 must take up an active career. 
 
 Our rank in the army was that of brigadier, the 
 one usually given to gentlemen of the chamber ; and 
 by a special favour due to the preference shown to us 
 by the Grand-Dukes, I was appointed aide-de-camp 
 to Alexander and my brother to Constantine. These 
 appointments greatly pleased us, as they attached us 
 more closely to the Grand-Dukes and relieved us of 
 
 See page 184.
 
 THE EMPEROR'S CORONATION AT MOSCOW 157 
 
 the functions of the Court, for which we had no 
 vocation. Our duties consisted in accompanying the 
 Grand-Dukes at military parades, and in standing 
 behind them when the Emperor passed the officers 
 in review. He used to address his sons by the title 
 of Mohseigneur, and then returned to place himself in 
 the midst of the officers and superintend the drill 
 which usually preceded the regular parade. 
 
 We constantly saw the Grand-Dukes in our 
 capacity of aides-de-camp. Both of them were ab- 
 sorbed by their Court, family, and military functions, 
 and by endless details connected with their command 
 of the two regiments of the Guards. The whole 
 morning was taken up by these occupations, which 
 involved more bodily fatigue than mental work, al- 
 though great attention was necessary not to omit any 
 of the minute details of the service. Alexander 
 almost always dined with the Emperor. The after- 
 noon was the only time when one could speak to him 
 more freely, but he was generally too tired by his 
 work of the morning, and he took some rest until 
 the evening, when he had to go to the Empress. 
 
 In the beginning of the spring of 1797 the Emperor 
 went to Moscow for his coronation. All the society 
 of St Petersburg followed him. It was still very 
 cold, and the habitues of the salons of St Petersburg 
 were to be seen passing each other on the roads, 
 wrapped up in furs and reclining in sledges, all 
 hastening to the ancient capital of the Empire. 
 Moscow had at that time a characteristic appearance, 
 which must have greatly changed since it was burnt 
 down and rebuilt. It was like a collection of towns
 
 i 5 8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 communicating with each other not only by gardens 
 and parks, but by vast fields. People often had to 
 drive for an hour to pay a visit in another part of the 
 city. Everywhere, by the side of ugly huts, were 
 sumptuous palaces, inhabited by the Galitzins, the 
 Dolgoroukis, and other families with historic names 
 great noblemen who consoled themselves by the 
 luxury in which they lived for the vexations and dis- 
 appointments they had experienced at Court. In the 
 midst of this vast city was the Kremlin, a sort of 
 fortress surrounded by a crenelated wall, outside 
 which the tradesmen had their principal shops in a 
 series of bazaars. The ancient residence of the 
 Muscovite Grand-Dukes, full of old associations, was 
 the place where the ceremony of coronation was to be 
 performed. It lasted several days. Paul had stopped 
 for the night outside the barriers of the town, and 
 made his solemn entry into the Kremlin on the follow- 
 ing day, with an immense suite. He first went to the 
 cathedral, where Plato, Archbishop of Moscow, who 
 was regarded as the ablest and most learned prelate of 
 the Russian Church, complimented the Emperor in 
 biblical language. Then took place the coronation, 
 the return to the palace with the same solemnity, and 
 finally the Imperial banquet, at which the sovereigns 
 and their families were served on a raised platform and 
 under a magnificent canopy by the high officers of the 
 Crown. Various minor ceremonies took place during 
 the following days. The Emperor appeared in them 
 all ; he was passionately fond of display, and was 
 proud of his figure and his grace. Whenever he 
 appeared in public he walked with a measured step,
 
 THE EMPEROR'S CORONATION AT MOSCOW 159 
 
 and tried to look tall and majestic, though he was really 
 short; it was only when he entered his apartments that 
 he showed the fatigue which his efforts had cost him. 
 Each ceremony was preceded by a dress rehearsal, in 
 order that everybody should know where to place 
 himself and what to do. My brother and myself of 
 course had to take part in the ceremonies as aides-de- 
 camp to the Grand-Dukes. The Emperor was as 
 active and busy as a stage manager, and looked after 
 the smallest details of costume and decoration. He 
 liked to appear to the best advantage before the 
 ladies, and once he stood at the head of his favourite 
 battalion of the Guard with a halbert, to do honour 
 to the Empress, whom he had crowned with his own 
 hand. 
 
 Paul ordered the King of Poland to follow him to 
 Moscow, and insisted on his being present at all the 
 solemnities of the coronation. He had to join the 
 brilliant suite which surrounded the Emperor and his 
 family a sad part for a King to play. During 
 divine service and the ceremonies which preceded the 
 coronation, and were very long and tedious, Stanislas 
 Augustus was so tired out that he sat down in the 
 tribune which had been assigned to him. Paul at 
 once remarked this, and sent a messenger to tell him 
 to stand up so long as they remained in the church ; 
 and the poor King had no alternative but to submit. 
 
 When the ceremonies were over, the Emperor and 
 his family left the Kremlin to go to a more spacious 
 residence, called the Petrovski Palace, in another 
 quarter of the town. He gave up the rest of his time 
 at Moscow to fetes, parades, and military exercises.
 
 1 60 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 There were fireworks and public banquets both at 
 Moscow and at St Petersburg, and the nobility gave 
 the Emperor a ball in a vast hall where they usually 
 met. These fetes were somewhat tedious, and did 
 not give satisfaction either to Paul or to his hosts. 
 Numerous deputations from all the provinces of the 
 empire were ordered to salute the Emperor and 
 present addresses of submission. The delegates from 
 the Polish provinces had an air of great constraint 
 and depression. All of them had been citizens of an 
 independent Poland ; all had distinguished themselves 
 either in their palatinates, at the last Diet, or in 
 appointments of State. They saw their King 
 relegated to a side gallery, and had to pass him to 
 kneel before a foreign prince and declare themselves 
 his subjects. I met several of my acquaintances, but 
 could not feel any pleasure at seeing them again under 
 such circumstances. I was struck by the change in 
 their appearance ; they looked confused and humili- 
 ated. Among the delegates from Lithuania was 
 Bukaty, who had for several years occupied the post of 
 Polish Minister in England. He was a man of simple 
 manners and great good sense, and had acquired the 
 esteem of the English people and their Government. 
 Several of his English friends gave as a token of their 
 friendship their names to his children at their 
 christening. I had often dined with him in London 
 with my mother. He was at that time stout, in good 
 health, and in excellent spirits. He was now thin, 
 his face was pale and haggard, his clothes, which in 
 England fitted tight to his body, now hung about him 
 in loose folds ; he walked with bent head and an
 
 PRINCE ADAM'S RELATIONS WITH ALEXANDER 161 
 
 uncertain step he was a picture of what Poland had 
 become. No satisfactory or consoling word came 
 from his mouth. Soon after his return to his home 
 at Minsk he died. 
 
 The death of Catherine and the accession of Paul, 
 which brought Alexander nearer to the throne, had so 
 far in no way changed the latter's political opinions ; 
 on the contrary, all that had happened since these 
 events seemed to confirm him in his views, and the 
 resolutions he thought he could execute. When he 
 had a few moments of leisure after his military 
 labours, to which he devoted himself with zeal and 
 with a desire to carry out the wishes of his father, he 
 always spoke of his plans and the future he wished to 
 prepare for Russia. The despotism of his father 
 sometimes eccentric, terrible, and even cruel and its 
 immediate and probable effects, produced a lively and 
 painful impression on Alexander's generous mind, 
 which was full of ideas of liberty and justice. He was 
 at the same time appalled at the extent of the diffi- 
 culties which awaited him and were rapidly advancing 
 upon him. The ceremonies of the coronation, which 
 he would have to undergo some day, and which were 
 totally opposed to his principles and his natural tastes, 
 contributed to strengthen him in his views. 
 
 My brother and myself having obtained three 
 months' leave to see our parents in Poland, Alexander 
 was uneasy at the prospect of remaining without any 
 one who could understand him or in whom he could 
 confide. His anxiety increased as the time for our 
 departure arrived. He asked me to. leave him a draft 
 proclamation expressing his resolutions, in case he 
 VOL. i. L
 
 62 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 should be called to the throne during our absence. 
 In spite of my objections he insisted upon my doing 
 this, arid I ultimately complied to quiet him. My 
 draft set forth the evils of the regime under which 
 Russia had up to that time existed, and the benefits of 
 the one which Alexander proposed to introduce ; the 
 blessings of liberty and justice which Russia would 
 enjoy after the obstacles to her prosperity had been 
 removed ; and his resolution to abdicate after having 
 accomplished this task, in order that some one more 
 worthy than himself to be in power should be called 
 upon to consolidate and perfect the great work which 
 he had inaugurated. 
 
 I need not say how little all these reasonings and 
 fine phrases, which I endeavoured to bring into con- 
 nection as much as possible, were applicable to the 
 true state of affairs. Alexander was delighted at my 
 work, which satisfied his fancy of the moment a very 
 noble, but at bottom a very selfish one, as while wish- 
 ing to secure his country's happiness as he then saw 
 it, he at the same time desired to be free to withdraw 
 from a position which he feared and disliked, and to 
 live quietly in retirement where he would enjoy at a 
 distance the good he had done. Alexander put the 
 paper in his pocket with great satisfaction and thanked 
 me effusively for my work. It reassured him as to his 
 future. He thought that with this paper in his desk 
 he would be prepared for the events which fate might 
 suddenly bring : a strange and almost incredible effect 
 of the dreams and illusions which youth cherishes 
 even in circumstances where experience soonest chills 
 the heart ! I do not know what became of the
 
 COUNT STROGONOFF AND M. DE NOVOSILTZOFF 163 
 
 paper. I believe Alexander did not show it to any- 
 body, and he never spoke to me about it again. I 
 hope he burnt it, seeing how unreasonable was what 
 he had asked me to write which indeed I never 
 doubted. 
 
 While we were talking about these chimeras a 
 new incident gave a more practical character to 
 Alexander's intentions. Since my arrival at St 
 Petersburg, one of the houses which I most visited 
 was that of Count Strogonoff. I had become, so to 
 say, part of his family. The friendship, indeed the 
 affection shown to me by the old Count has left nie 
 recollections which will be always dear to me, and 
 which fill me with gratitude. I was on intimate 
 terms with his son Paul and his friend M. de 
 Novosiltzoff, said to be a distant relation of the 
 family, both of whom were of about the same age as 
 myself. The young Countess was a lady of much 
 distinction, good, amiable and witty ; without being 
 exactly beautiful, she had more than beauty, the gift 
 of pleasing and charming all who came near her. 
 The old Count had long lived in Paris under Louis 
 XV ; like most Russian noblemen, he wished his son 
 to be brought up by a Frenchman. He even sent 
 him to France with his tutor, M. Rename, a man of 
 ability, and, as I was assured, of high principle, but 
 an enthusiastic admirer of Rousseau. He proposed 
 to make an Emile of his pupil, a plan which did not 
 displease the old Count, whose generous propensities 
 and loving heart had inclined him to some of the 
 doctrines of the philosopher of Geneva. Count Paul 
 was accordingly placed in M. Romrne's charge, and
 
 164 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 the latter made him go on walking tours and en- 
 deavoured to give him an education in which Rous- 
 seau's precepts were followed and perhaps too closely 
 imitated. When the French Revolution broke out, 
 and the revolutionists boasted that they were follow- 
 ing Rousseau's teaching, M. Ronime strongly sympa- 
 thised with it, and wished to combine what he regarded 
 as his duties as a citizen with those which he had 
 undertaken with his pupil. Frequent occasions pre- 
 sented themselves of showing him in practice the 
 principles M. Romme had inculcated in theory. Both 
 master and pupil eagerly took part in the revolutionary 
 scenes which were then succeeding each other in France 
 with alarming rapidity, and joined the Jacobin club, 
 whose meetings they regularly attended. Count 
 Strogonoff was informed of this by the Russian 
 embassy, which had not yet left Paris, and also, I 
 believe, by the letters of M. Romme himself, who 
 thought he could not complete the education of 
 Count Paul more effectively than by making him take 
 part in a practical course of his teacher's doctrines. 
 
 M. de Novosiltzoff was then sent to Paris to with- 
 draw his young friend from the charge of a tutor 
 whose zeal had become so dangerous, and he acquitted 
 himself of his commission with great skill. He 
 managed to overcome the resistance of M. Romme, 
 
 o 
 
 and his regret at the separation of, as he said, two 
 friends who understood each other so well. Notwith- 
 standing the attachment of the young Count for his 
 tutor, he was persuaded to return to St Petersburg, 
 where he was soon made to perceive the danger to 
 which he had been exposed. His opinions changed
 
 COUNT STROGOSOFF AND M, DE NOVOSILTZOFF 165 
 
 entirely, but he always retained in his character and 
 his principles of action some traits of his first educa- 
 tion. 
 
 The general tone of conversation in Count 
 StrogonofFs house had always been, so to say, liberal 
 and somewhat critical ; the doings of the Court were 
 a favourite topic. Yet the old Count was always on 
 good terms with the Empress Catherine. She liked 
 to see in him a man who had known her old friends 
 the encyclopaedists, and who was not a stranger to 
 any of the doctrines or sayings of that sect. This 
 permitted him sometimes to speak frankly even to 
 herself or in her presence. He has often told rne 
 that being admitted to the Empress's toilet, a privi- 
 lege granted only to the most distinguished noblemen 
 of the Court, he was once there when she was prepar- 
 ing to give an audience to a deputation from the 
 Confederation of Targowitza, which had come to thank 
 her for the ' signal benefits ' she had conferred upon 
 Poland (in depriving her of the constitution of the 
 3rd of May,* and soon after taking her finest pro- 
 vinces at the second partition). When it was 
 announced that the deputation had arrived, and that 
 the Empress was about to enter the throne-room to 
 listen to the false speeches which were to be addressed 
 to her, Count Strogonoff laughed and said : ' Your 
 Majesty will not have any difficulty in replying to 
 the eloquent thanks of these gentlemen ; all you can 
 say is that really they have nothing to thank you for.' 
 This remark did not please the Empress. She took 
 it in cold silence, and went out to receive homages 
 
 * See page 52.
 
 1 66 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSK1 
 
 the absurdity of which she probably felt. Despotic 
 sovereigns should spare those whom they oppress the 
 necessity of telling them falsehoods by which nobody 
 is deceived. 
 
 The service rendered by M. de Novosiltzoff to the 
 Strogonoif family, by bringing back the young Count 
 to Russia, had strengthened the friendship for him 
 both of the father and the son. He became the 
 adviser of the family in all circumstances, and took a 
 pride in having an independent character, in acting 
 according to fixed principles, and in not tolerating any 
 unjust constraint. He had been attached as aide-de- 
 camp to the Prince of Nassau when he was charged 
 with the command of the Russian fleet against the 
 Swedes, and he had also accompanied him at the siege 
 of Warsaw in 1794. He thought he had deserved 
 the military cross, and he indignantly refused the civil 
 cross of Vladimir with which the Empress wished 
 to decorate him. He insisted on sending it back, and 
 it was only with great difficulty that he was appeased 
 on being shown the risks he would run by taking such 
 a step. He finally consented to wear the cross, when 
 a knot of ribbon w T as added to it, signifying that it 
 was the reward of military prowess. 
 
 M. de Novosiltzoff had wit, penetration, and great 
 aptitude for work, but an extreme love of pleasure 
 and sensual enjoyments ; this had prevented him from 
 reading many books, and from acquiring any sound 
 knowledge of law, of legislation, or of political economy, 
 though he had studied all these subjects. He had a 
 facile philosophy which strove to be free from all pre- 
 judice, but which did not seem to impair the clear and
 
 COUNT STBOGONOFF AND M. DE NOVOSILTZOFF 167 
 
 decided qualities of his mind. These qualities were 
 reflected as in a glass in the young Count Strogonoff. 
 The opinions and feelings of these two young men had 
 a spirit of justice, of sincerity, of European enlighten- 
 ment which at that time was scarcely ever to be 
 found in Russia, and which was the foundation of the 
 intimate friendship and reciprocal confidence between 
 us of which I have spoken. They often asked me 
 questions about Alexander ; and I thought that while 
 maintaining a certain reserve, I could without indis- 
 cretion communicate to them some of the statements 
 he had made to me, and the generous projects which 
 he entertained. They fully appreciated the extreme 
 importance of what I told them. 
 
 I spoke of my two friends to Alexander ; he had 
 already remarked Count Paul, and I told him that 
 their convictions resembled his own, that he could 
 rely on their sentiments and their discretion, and that 
 they wished to see him in private, to offer him their 
 services, and to ascertain what would have to be done 
 to carry out his noble impulses. Alexander consented 
 to their being informed of his secret plans and 
 associated in his designs. I spoke to them on the 
 subject at St Petersburg, immediately after Paul's 
 accession, but the arrangement was not finally com- 
 pleted until after the coronation at Moscow. It was 
 agreed that we should meet on a certain day and 
 hour in a retired spot, and that Alexander should 
 join us. Novosiltzoff prepared himself for the con- 
 ference by translating into Russian a fragment of a 
 French work whose title I do not remember, which 
 related to advice given to a young prince about to
 
 1 68 ME MO IRS- OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 ascend the throne, and desirous of making his country 
 happy and of knowing how to set about it. The 
 portion which Novosiltzoff translated was only the 
 introduction, where the subject was treated generally, 
 each special branch of Government being dealt with 
 in detail in the body of the work. He was to trans- 
 late the rest of the book, but he never did so. The 
 succinct review, however, of the obligations of the 
 head of a State and the labours which should occupy 
 him was listened to by Alexander with much attention 
 and satisfaction. It contained well-chosen views and 
 general deductions as to the foundations of national 
 prosperity, with a scheme of the measures necessary 
 for promoting it. The author had introduced some 
 eloquent passages which went straight to the young 
 prince's generous and patriotic heart. Novosiltzoff 
 wrote .Russian with elegance ; his style was clear and 
 seemed to me harmonious. Alexander praised him 
 highly, and assured both him and Count Paul that 
 he adopted the principles expressed in the work, 
 which were indeed his own. He urged Novosiltzoff 
 to complete the translation and then forward it to 
 him, in order that he might be able more maturely 
 to consider its contents and some day put its theories 
 into practice. From that day the young Count 
 Strogonoffand Novosiltzoff shared in the confidence 
 which Alexander had bestowed upon me, and were 
 admitted to our understanding, so long kept a secret. 
 This afterwards produced serious results, and the 
 admission of two zealous Russian patriots to Alex- 
 ander's confidence, naturally began to dissipate the 
 illusions of our first dreams so attractive to me as
 
 COUNT STROGONOFF AND M. DE NOVOSILTZOFF 169 
 
 holding out the prospect of the independence of my 
 country, and to Alexander as leading him to believe 
 in the possibility of tranquil retirement from State 
 affairs. These dreams were not, however, at once 
 abandoned ; we adhered to them in spite of hard 
 facts which gradually destroyed them. Alexander con- 
 stantly reverted to his plans, seeking in them con- 
 solation for a near future whose approach and whose 
 burthens he already felt. He could not make up his 
 mind to lose the hope of another future, more distant 
 and more in conformity with his wishes ; his imagina- 
 tion presented it to him under such attractive colours, 
 that it was even after the conversation which I have 
 described that he insisted upon having the draft 
 proclamation which I mentioned above. 
 
 Alexander's new friends perceived his inclination 
 for a quiet life, relieved of the cares which the Crown 
 would impose upon him ; they said with justice that 
 this could neither promote his fame nor the happiness 
 of his country, which should be his sole object. They 
 took every occasion of opposing these egotistical 
 leanings, while pretending riot to know of them. I 
 understood Alexander's views, and I could not entirely 
 condemn them, though I did not conceal from him my 
 belief that they were impracticable. The consequence 
 was that his confidence in me grew stronger. It 
 continued, after many vicissitudes, for a considerable 
 time, and did not cease until after I had left St 
 Petersburg. 
 
 At the conference which took place during the 
 coronation it was decided that Novosiltzoff, who was 
 in bad odour on account of the opinions he was sup-
 
 170 
 
 posed to hold and his known independent spirit, 
 should leave Russia until it should be possible to 
 recall him, and that he should pass the interval in 
 England. Alexander obtained a passport for him 
 through Rostopchin, the Minister for War, who was 
 beginning to be in high favour with the Emperor. 
 This Minister had been one of his most assiduous 
 courtiers at Gatchina and Pavlovsk before his accession 
 to the throne. He was, I think, the only able man 
 who had attached himself to Paul's person before he 
 became Emperor. Alexander, who during Catherine's 
 reign was devoted to his father, had remarked 
 Rostopchin, and had felt great esteem and friendship 
 for him. These relations were afterwards converted 
 by Court intrigues into coldness and opposition ; but 
 at that time they still existed, and Rostopchin was 
 also on friendly terms with Novosiltzoff, for both had 
 found fault with the Government. Although, how- 
 ever, he had promised Novosiltzoff a passport, he did 
 not at once carry out his promise, and when I re- 
 minded him of it, he expressed impatience and sus- 
 picion at the political importance which he said 
 appeared to be attached to this journey. The pass- 
 port came at last, and Novosiltzoff proceeded to St 
 Petersburg and thence to England, where he remained 
 during the whole of the period of Paul's reign. He 
 completed his studies there, and entered into relations 
 with English statesmen which were afterwards very 
 useful to him. 
 
 Our leave having been granted, my brother and 
 myself, accompanied by Gorski, left for Pulawy, where 
 our parents were impatiently expecting us after an
 
 PROPOSED A U STRIA N A NNEXA TION OF GA LICIA \ 7 1 
 
 absence of two years which had given them much 
 anxiety and care. The time we passed with them, in 
 the place where we had lived in our happy youth, was 
 one of great joy to us, though it was somewhat 
 marred by the prospect of having soon to go back 
 again to St Petersburg, where we knew that fresh 
 trials and troubles were awaiting us. We talked of 
 nothing but Alexander's good qualities arid the hopes 
 we had of him. Our parents listened with astonish- 
 ment, anxiety, and doubt. I received at Pulawy 
 several letters from Alexander full of friendly 
 expressions ; they were brought by various persons, 
 among others by the Archduke Palatine, who had 
 just married the Grand-Duchess Alexandra. This 
 obtained for me a friendly reception from the Arch- 
 duko when I passed through Pesth in 1812. 
 
 My mother was anxious for our safety. She feared 
 lest we should be denounced and the object of our 
 relations with Alexander be betrayed. This was the 
 topic of all our conversations. 
 
 The Governor of Galicia, Count Erdody, came at 
 this time to pay my father a visit.* A Hungarian by 
 birth, he was preoccupied with an idea which he was 
 constantly talking about. He wished to prove to the 
 Poles that the best thing that could happen to them 
 would be to be united to Hungary ; for, he said, the 
 Emperor of Austria had only put forward his claims 
 to Galicia as King of Hungary. This language on 
 the part of a high Austrian functionary proved how 
 much strength the Magyar element still possessed. 
 
 * Pulawy then formed part of Austria, together with Lublin, Sandomir, and 
 Cracow.
 
 The annexation of Galicia to Hungary, if it had been 
 possible, would doubtless have brought great material 
 advantages to Galicia, would have conferred upon her 
 a free government, and would especially have pro- 
 tected her againsb the many evils which she suffered 
 during the fifty years which preceded the year 1848. 
 What would have been the immediate result of such 
 an annexation at that period it is difficult to guess. 
 In any case the Poles would have gladly fraternised 
 with the Hungarians ; yet public opinion and the 
 Polish national spirit would probably have been 
 opposed to such a measure, besides which I do not 
 think the Austrian Government of that time would 
 ever have agreed to it. 
 
 Pulawy was just then recovering from a two-fold 
 pillage to which it had been subjected during the 
 war of Kosciuszko. The first occurred under the 
 command of Count Bibikoff, and its results were long 
 felt by the inhabitants of the village ; the second, 
 which was chiefly directed against the Palace, was 
 carried out by the advanced guard of a corps under 
 the orders of Count Valerian Zuboff. The Palace 
 was completely sacked. All the ornaments were 
 broken and destroyed. Valuable pictures were cut 
 in pieces ; the books of the library were stolen and 
 dispersed in various parts of the Empire, and the 
 only room that was spared was one which, as it had 
 gilt wainscots and pictures by Boucher over the 
 doors, the Cossacks thought was a chapel. All 
 the provisions in the house oil, wine, sugar, coffee, 
 spirits, preserved meats, &c. were thrown pell-mell 
 into a basin in the middle of the courtyard, which
 
 PULAWT 173 
 
 was then used by the Cossacks as a bath. When we 
 arrived, people were still employed in cleaning the 
 ruins, rebuilding damaged walls or partitions, and 
 repairing the library. In the middle of the vast 
 courtyard before the Palace there was a little hill, 
 a sort of Monte Testacio, composed of debris covered 
 with earth. When our parents returned to their 
 home they had some difficulty in finding rooms fit to 
 live in, and the works of restoration were not com- 
 pleted when we left. 
 
 About this time we lost our friend Gorski, who 
 died of an apoplectic stroke. I found him one morn- 
 ing complaining of pains in the head and difficulty of 
 speech ; a surgeon was called to bleed him, and he 
 was put to bed. Dr Goltz, who was absent at the 
 time, came too late to save him. Gorski remained 
 unconscious, talked incoherently, and only complained 
 of the pain in his head. He recognised me and I 
 remember his smile with gratitude. I did not leave 
 him ; he died on the same day late in the evening, 
 without pain. I felt his loss deeply. He was a 
 true man, with nothing but justice and sincerity 
 in his heart. He had often expressed a desire 
 for a good and short life : his wish was accom- 
 plished. 
 
 Our three months' leave had now expired, and we 
 returned to St Petersburg. We were sorry to leave 
 our parents and our home, but we were anxious to see 
 Alexander again and resume our relations with him. 
 The letters I had received from him during our stay 
 at Pulawy proved to me, if I had had any doubt on 
 the subject, that he had not changed. We found him
 
 i 7 4 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 the same as before, both as regards his feelings and 
 his opinions. 
 
 Towards the end of the year 1797, the follies and 
 eccentricities which had agitated the Court of the 
 Emperor Paul were succeeded by a period of compara- 
 tive calm, which looked as if it were likely to last. 
 When he was Grand-Duke he had, during his stay at 
 Pavlovsk and Gatchina, conceived a passion for Mdlle. 
 Nelidoff, rnaid-of-honour to his wife. This sentiment, 
 which was entirely platonic, had continued to exist 
 since his accession. Mdlle. Nelidoff had remarkable 
 qualities of heart and mind, and had captivated the 
 affection and confidence of the Empress. The latter 
 thought she had nothing to fear from her rivalry, as 
 she was tall, fair and handsome, while Mdlle. Nelidoif s 
 figure, complexion, and features were in no way 
 attractive ; her only charms were her sparkling smile 
 and her animated conversation. The two women had 
 a perfect understanding with each other, and the result 
 was that the Emperor's conduct, his selection of high 
 officials, and even his policy, became less changeable and 
 confused, and more consequent, than they had been 
 before. Unfortunately this salutary influence did not 
 last long. On the return of the Court from the corona- 
 tion, it went to Gatchina, where Paul liked to pass the 
 autumn. His presence added to the naturally depress- 
 ing effect produced by this season of the year in Russia, 
 as it is foggy and rainy, and the cold, though less 
 intense, is more disagreeable than in winter. The 
 friendship and the extreme confidence shown to us by 
 Alexander, and the familiarity which he and his 
 brother allowed us to use in our relations with them,
 
 THE GRAND-DUKE CONSTANTINE 175 
 
 amply compensated, however, for the tediousness and 
 melancholy of the Court, and we did not complain. I 
 recollect having had some very warm disputes with 
 the Grand-Duke Constantine, in which I did not give 
 way to him either in words or in gestures, and one 
 day I had a struggle with him in which we both fell 
 to the ground. I think it was the recollection of 
 these familiarities of our youth that impelled 
 Constantino to treat me with consideration even at 
 times when he was all-powerful in Poland, and deeply 
 irritated at my opposition. He attempted to cultivate 
 similar relations with my brother to those which 
 existed between Alexander and myself; but his 
 intolerable temper made his company much less 
 agreeable than that of Alexander, though it had the 
 advantage of keeping my brother and myself together. 
 While we were at Gatchina we made the acquaintance 
 of Baron Wintzingerode, a young officer of much 
 nobility of character, a protege of the princes of Saxe- 
 Coburg, whom Constantine had made his aide-de-camp. 
 Our friendship with him never varied, and lasted 
 until his death. 
 
 At the end of the autumn, the Court returned to 
 St Petersburg for the winter. (I may mention here 
 that during the years I passed in Russia the only 
 interesting events that I witnessed happened in Court 
 circles, and I am therefore obliged to be always 
 speaking of the Court). Our King Stanislas Augustus 
 was, I believe, located with his suite at the house 
 known as the Marble Palace, and lived magnificently 
 at the expense of the Government. His niece, the 
 Countess Mniszek, was attached to his suite with her
 
 176 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 husband. He also had a certain number of chamber- 
 lains, among whom was Trembecki the poet. We 
 often went to present our respects to his Majesty, who 
 received us with pleasure at all times. I have often 
 seen him in the morning in his dressing grown, writing 
 what I was afterwards told were his memoirs. I 
 never could learn what had become of this work, which 
 must have been very voluminous. All I could 
 recover was the first volume, which only contained an 
 account of his embassy to Russia at the time of 
 Augustus III ; the other volumes, which must have 
 been much more interesting, were either destroyed or 
 so well concealed, that so far as I know no trace of 
 them has been found.* 
 
 This unfortunate prince seemed to me to accept 
 his position too patiently. He strove to make himself 
 agreeable to his masters who had dispossessed him, 
 and to indulge the capricious fancies of the Emperor, 
 who pretty frequently came with the Imperial family 
 to dine with him. His dinners were exquisite and 
 served to perfection, thanks to the skill of his famous 
 maitre d' hotel, Fremeau, who alone reminded him of 
 his past existence. The King and his suite, in order 
 to vary the entertainments he was able to offer to the 
 Emperor and Empress, were preparing a soiree with 
 private theatricals, when he was struck down by an 
 attack of apoplexy on the 2nd of February, 1793. 
 The news at once spread through the town, and we 
 hastened to the palace. Dr Bekler had bled the 
 patient and employed all the resources of "*is art, but 
 
 * They have since been published at Poseu (in 1862) under the title ' Memoires 
 de Stanislas Auguste Poniatowski et sa correspondance avec Catherine II.'
 
 DEATH OF STANISLAS AUGUSTUS 177 
 
 in vain. The King lay on his bed unconscious, the 
 persons of his suite stood round him in tears, and 
 Trembecki, who had come to have a last look at his 
 sovereign, fled into his room with a gesture of despair. 
 The Emperor also came with the Imperial family. 
 Baciarelli has painted this sad scene in a picture in 
 which he has represented with remarkable talent the 
 likenesses of all those who were present. The King 
 was buried with suitable pomp in the Roman Catholic 
 Church of the Dominicans at St Petersburg. 
 
 o 
 
 Stanislas Augustus was only mourned by those 
 whose existence depended on his own ; and he had 
 no cause to regret life so far as his happiness was 
 concerned. His conduct as a King had been such 
 that no one looked upon him as a representative of 
 Poland, and his end made no change either in her 
 
 ' O 
 
 destinies or her hopes.* There were some people 
 who, in view of the great expense which he had caused 
 to the Imperial Treasury, thought his death had been 
 accelerated for reasons of State. This no doubt is 
 possible, but none of the circumstances of his illness 
 seem to confirm such a suspicion, which, unhappily 
 for Russia, always arises at the death of any illustri- 
 ous personage in that country. 
 
 * Stanislas Augustus Poniatowski, the son of the famous statesman and soldier 
 who twice saved the life of Charles XII and with the two Czartoryskis governed 
 Poland during the reign of Augustus III, went with the English Minister Sir Hanbury 
 Williams to St Petersburg in 1755 and there became the favourite of the Empress 
 Catherine, then Grand-Duchess of Eussia. Through the influence of the Russian 
 Government, which had concluded a secret alliance with Prussia (21st April 1764) 
 pledging the two powers to prevent ' by force of arms, if necessary,' the establish- 
 ment of hereditary monarchy in Poland, Stanislas Augustus was, on the death of 
 Augustus III, ele< !M King (7th September 1764). Although at first be endeavoured 
 to act independently of Russia, he was easily outwitted by the superior abilities and 
 greater force of character of the Muscovite diplomatists, and after Poland had been 
 thrice partitioned, he was held in confinement by the Russians at Grodno, and after- 
 wards at St Petersburg, where he died as above described (see Chapter I.) 
 
 VOL. I, M
 
 178 MEMOIRS OF PRIXCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Things now seemed to be settling down : the 
 Emperor's manias had diminished under the com- 
 bined influence of the Empress and her friend, and 
 the public also had become accustomed to Paul's 
 way of acting by fits and starts. The life we led at 
 Gatchina or at St Petersburg would have been well 
 adapted for study, if we had known how to profit by 
 it. Our time was regulated, and there was only one 
 indispensable occupation during the day the mili- 
 tary parade ; after passing an hour or two in this 
 duty every morning, we had the whole day at our 
 disposal except Sundays and holidays, when certain 
 Court functions had to be performed. These 
 w r ere regarded as so important, that they liber- 
 ated us from all social conventions arid duties, 
 so that there was plenty of time for other occupa- 
 tions, but unfortunately I did riot avail myself of 
 the leisure thus afforded me. Being attached to 
 Alexander's person as aide-de-camp, my service 
 obliged me to attend him at military parades, and 
 I used to go to his apartments every afternoon to 
 take his orders ; this was our time for intimate con- 
 versation. It is also from that period that dates my 
 acquaintance with Prince Peter Volkonski, adjutant 
 of the Semenofsky regiment of the Guards, of which 
 Alexander was colonel. His position placed Prince 
 Peter on a footing of familiarity with Alexander, and 
 he afterwards became his aide-de-camp, then major- 
 general, and finally grand chamberlain, which post he 
 continued to occupy under the Emperor Nicholas. 
 Without possessing brilliant or very superior faculties, 
 Volkonski was very systematic and persistent in his
 
 PRINCE VOLKONSKI I79 
 
 duties, and fulfilled them to the Emperor's entire 
 satisfaction ; he also acquired information indispens- 
 able to an officer of high military rank. He was good- 
 tempered, his advice was always sensible, and he did 
 not hesitate to give it even when it caused dis- 
 pleasure ; moreover, he was always ready and willing 
 to do a service. We passed much time together, and 
 I constantly received from him proofs of good-will to 
 which I gladly bear testimony after an interval of 
 more than half-a-century, when our relations have 
 been interrupted by forty years of separation and by 
 revolutions and other events. 
 
 His wife, the Princess Sophia, who belonged to 
 another branch of the Volkonski family that had been 
 more favoured by fortune, had a quicker temper and 
 a more generous heart, and she often showed herself 
 a true friend to me, even since my total withdrawal 
 from the Russian service for which I am sincerely 
 grateful to her. She never pardoned the Emperor 
 Nicholas for having kept her brother for thirty 
 years in the mines of Siberia ; he became old there, 
 and was not restored to his sister and his family until 
 the coronation of Alexander II. Her sorrow had 
 separated the Princess Sophia from the Russian 
 Court during the whole of Nicholas's reign. 
 
 Among the young men of the Court there was 
 only one who was received into Alexander's intimacy : 
 this was Prince Alexander Galitzin, one of the 
 Gentlemen of the Chamber. He was called ' Little 
 Galitzin ' on account of his short stature, and pleased 
 Alexander by his amusing gossip and his wonderful 
 powers of mimicry, which enabled him closely to
 
 i8o MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 imitate the appearance and the voice of every member 
 of the Court. When we were alone without 
 Alexander, he used to imitate the Emperor Paul 
 with such accuracy that we feared lest he should be 
 arrested and punished. He had been a passionate 
 admirer of the Empress Catherine, and notwithstand- 
 ing her advanced age he would have gladly become 
 one of her favourites. When I knew him he was a 
 thorough epicurean, devoting much calculation and 
 reflection to all possible enjoyments of every kind ; 
 but after Alexander's accession he determined to 
 enter on a more serious mode of life, and, encouraged 
 by the Emperor, became Procurator to the Senate. 
 Afterwards, probably under the inspiration of Alex- 
 ander's piety, he became very devout, saw visions 
 with M. de Kocheleff, and was finally appointed 
 Minister of Public Instruction, a post which I should 
 never have thought him qualified to fill. His appoint- 
 ment did not take place, I think, until the year 1822, 
 when I was still Curator of the University of Wilna. 
 Remembering ' Little Galitzin ' as I had known him, 
 I could not picture him to myself as a Minister 
 directing the public instruction of the Empire, as he 
 did not seem to possess any talent but that of amusing 
 people and making them laugh. He was totally 
 without personal animosity which did not, however, 
 prevent crying abuses from occurring at Wilna while 
 he was Minister, the result of which was that I was 
 obliged to resign my post of Curator. 
 
 There were sometimes select balls at Court, at 
 which the etiquette was not so strict as usual. The 
 Emperor appeared at one of these balls in a dresscoat,
 
 AN IMPERIAL PROGRESS TO KAZAN 181 
 
 which he never wore on other occasions ; it was of dark 
 red velvet and of an old-fashioned shape. He danced 
 that evening with Mdlle. Nelidoff. It was a curious 
 sight, which stills dwells in my memory. The Emperor 
 Paul, short, with very large shoes, placed himself in 
 the third position, rounded his arms, and bent his body 
 in the manner then taught by dancing masters, while 
 opposite him was a lady of equally short stature, who 
 thought it her duty to respond to the would-be grace- 
 ful airs and harmonious movements of her partner. 
 
 In May, 1798, the Court proceeded to Pavlovsk, 
 the property and creation of the Empress Maria, 
 which, considering the general appearance of the 
 environs of St Petersburg, was a pleasant and gay 
 place. The buildings arid gardens had been enlarged 
 under the superintendence of the Empress. She 
 attempted to entertain her guests by assembling them 
 after dinner to listen to a reading of a French trans- 
 lation of Thomson's ' Seasons.' The Emperor did not 
 assist at these readings, and the idea was not a 
 success ; everyone tried to escape what was generally 
 voted to be a dull and somniferous entertainment. 
 
 The Emperor Paul wished this year to make a 
 progress through part of his Empire. The Grand- 
 Dukes took part in the journey, and my brother and 
 myself accompanied them. The Emperor visited the 
 Canal which joins the Volga to the Neva, thereby 
 establishing a communication between the Caspian 
 Sea and the Baltic. This work of Peter the Great, 
 which does great credit to his genius and activity, 
 passes in a diagonal line through the whole of the 
 interior of Russia. Paul went to see the fleet of boats
 
 T 82 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 on the canal, some of which started for St Petersburg 
 and others for Astrakhan. M. de Sivers, notorious for 
 the odious manner in which he carried out the second 
 partition of Poland, was charged with the Works De- 
 partment. Being on a so-called tour of inspection, he 
 went to meet the Emperor. He looked old, thin, pale, 
 and depressed, without any energy or distinction. The 
 very cold reception accorded to him by the Emperor 
 showed him that he would not long remain at his post. 
 We passed by Tver on our way out, and on our 
 return by Yaroslav and Vladimir. These provinces 
 are rich and populous, with an air of abundance and 
 prosperity which strikes all who travel through them. 
 It is in the interior of Russia that her true strength 
 lies ; if it were well administered by a government 
 concentrated within reasonable limits, this region 
 
 ' O 
 
 should by its resources and prosperity disgust the 
 Russians with the task of being the tormentors and 
 gaolers of neighbouring countries. 
 
 At Moscow, which was the first place to which 
 the Emperor went, there was a considerable assem- 
 blage of troops, which he reviewed and ordered to 
 perform some manoauvres. They were regiments of 
 the line which had not been trained like the Guards, 
 and had not had time to obtain instruction in the new 
 system. The infantry was divided into two lines 
 which marched in two columns, at the head of each of 
 which was placed one of the Grand-Dukes. They 
 were to deploy at a given signal, and I remember with 
 pleasure the activity with which we executed this 
 movement, which was successful beyond our hopes, 
 without any crowding or spreading out of the lines,
 
 AN IMPERIAL PROGRESS TO KAZAN 183 
 
 each of which was composed of from twelve to fifteen 
 battalions. The Emperor was highly satisfied at the 
 order in which the troops marched, and liberally 
 distributed rewards among the officers. 
 
 From Moscow we went by way of Nijni Novgorod 
 to Kazan. The country between these places is fine, 
 and might be rich through the fertility of its soil and 
 the navigable streams which cross it in all directions, 
 but it is little inhabited. Some of the inhabitants 
 are still half-savage tribes, apparently of the Finnish 
 race Tchouvasches and Tcheremisses who have pre- 
 served their odd national costumes. I made sketches 
 of them, which I gave to my old friend M. Wiesi- 
 olowski. At Kazan there are still many Tartars who 
 have also preserved their ancient dress arid customs, 
 but I do not think they have any strong national 
 spirit, any more than our Tartars of Lithuania. It is 
 only further east, among the Nogais and the popula- 
 tions adjoining the steppes of Great Tartary or the 
 slopes of the Caucasus, that this spirit shows itself 
 and is accompanied by a warlike disposition. 
 
 The journey was performed with a rapidity which 
 deprived it of the practical advantage that might have 
 been gained if the Emperor had seen with his own 
 eyes what was going on in the country. We returned 
 without passing through Moscow, and our last stage 
 was Schlusselburg, the fortress which was rendered 
 famous by the catastrophe of the unhappy Ivan.* 
 Paul embarked on the Lake of Ladoga, and while we 
 were on the boat he called my brother and myself 
 
 * Ivan VI, killed in 1764 in attempting to escape from the fortress of Schlussel- 
 burg, where he had been confined since 1741.
 
 184 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 and decorated us with the Order of St Anne of the 
 second class as a reward for our services during the 
 journey. This was the only honourable distinction 
 I ever received in Russia. 
 
 We passed the remainder of the summer at 
 Pavlovsk, and then moved to Gatchina for the 
 autumn. This palace, which had recently been en- 
 larged, looked like a prison ; it is built on a perfectly 
 level plain, without trees or fields. The park had a 
 sombre and melancholy air ; the sun seldom shines 
 there, and it was so cold and rainy that we had no 
 temptation to walk. Military parades or manoeuvres 
 in the morning, and the French or Italian theatre in 
 the evening, did but little to relieve the prevailing 
 dulness. This latter part of the year 1798, and the 
 beginning of 1799, brought much trouble and unex- 
 pected change into the situation of the persons who 
 composed the Russian Court. 
 
 At the time of the capture of Kutaysk and the 
 massacre of its inhabitants, a Turkish child, after- 
 wards named Kutayschoff, who had escaped with his 
 life, was adopted by Paul, who had him educated, 
 and then made hirn first his barber, and afterwards 
 his principal valet. At the beginning of Paul's reign 
 I saw Kutayschoff bring some broth to his master 
 at the training school, where the infantry and cavalry 
 drilled during the winter. He was in his barber's 
 dress, of middle size, a little stout, but alert and quick 
 in his movements, very dark, always smiling, with 
 Eastern eyes and a countenance displaying a sensual 
 joviality. In this costume he looked a sort of 
 Figaro ; but he was already the object of obsequious
 
 A PALACE PLOT 185 
 
 salutations and hand-shakings on the part of most of 
 the generals and other persons who took part in 
 the drill. Soon his influence with his master made 
 him a dignitary of the Empire and an all-powerful 
 favourite. This metamorphosis was accomplished by 
 the autocratic wand of Czarism. In less than a year 
 he rose from a barber and a valet to be Grand-Equerry, 
 and astonished the Russians by appearing successively 
 with the Orders of St Anne, St Alexander, and St 
 Andrew, accompanied by extensive grants of land 
 and money. He was not, however, promoted to 
 these honours all at once, and he would not have 
 got them so rapidly if the Empress and Mdlle. 
 de Nelidoff had continued to retain their influence 
 over the Emperor's mind. It was difficult, sometimes 
 impossible, for aspiring officials to get what they 
 wanted so long as the influence of the Empress 
 and her friend was preponderant, and this was the 
 principal cause of their defeat. Ambitious people 
 now made overtures to the favourite valet in order 
 to advise him and take advantage of the almost 
 magnetic power which he was able to exercise over 
 his master. The instigator and prime mover of this 
 plot was Count Rostopchin. He had been removed 
 from the post of Minister for War, succeeded by M. 
 Nelidoff, the nephew of the demoiselle d portrait,* 
 and even banished to Moscow, for Paul always acted 
 in extremes both with regard to people whom he liked 
 and those who no longer enjoyed his favour. Ros- 
 topchin was not the man to forgive such a slight, 
 and, determined to have his revenge upon those who 
 
 * See page 132.
 
 1 86 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 had caused his fall, allied himself with Kutayschoff. 
 In order to divert Paul from his attachment to 
 Mdlle. Nelidoff, and to make him quarrel with 
 his wife, it was insinuated that he was in leading- 
 strings, and that all Russia was convinced that the 
 two women reigned in his name. The plotters 
 brought him a younger and prettier woman than 
 Mdlle. Nelidoff, without her decided character. 
 She was the daughter of Lapoukin, who had been 
 Director of Police at Moscow under Catherine ; Paul 
 made her his mistress, and rewarded her father for 
 his complaisance by making him a Prince and giving 
 him the blue ribbon. Rostopchin was then appointed 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, and all the high function- 
 aries who belonged to the Empress's party the 
 Princes Kourakin and their relatives, the chief of 
 whom was the old Prince Repnin lost their places 
 and were banished to Moscow. The break-up of the 
 party was complete ; it was enough for any one to be 
 suspected by the Emperor of having been protected 
 or liked by the Empress to ensure his dismissal and 
 banishment from the Court. 
 
 Paul now became more suspicious than ever. He 
 thought his sons were not sufficiently devoted to his 
 interests, and that his wife wanted to reign in his 
 place. All who approached the Court were in constant 
 fear and uncertainty, being exposed at any moment to 
 be addressed in the presence of the whole Court by 
 the Court-Marshal with some insulting message from 
 the Emperor, and then to be sent into exile. It was 
 like the Reign of Terror. The balls and Court festivals 
 were arenas where each man risked his position and
 
 A PALACE PLOT 187 
 
 his liberty. The Emperor constantly fancied that 
 sufficient respect was not shown to some person who 
 was the object of his favour, or to the relations of 
 that person, and that this neglect was inspired by the 
 Empress, and in such cases he at once ordered the 
 supposed culprit to be dismissed from the Court. 
 His fancies and his decisions were equally sudden, and 
 were at once carried out. 
 
 Other sovereigns, after a fit of anger or extreme 
 rigour, sometimes become calm and strive to soften 
 the effects of their first decisions. This was not the 
 case with the Emperor Paul. Usually, after giving a 
 severe order with regard to a man who had displeased 
 him, the punishment did not, after reflection, seem to 
 him sufficient, and he often augmented it. All who 
 belonged to the Court or came before the Emperor 
 wei-o thus in a state of continual fear. No one was 
 sure that he would remain in his place at the end of 
 the day, and in going to bed it was quite uncertain 
 whether during the night or in the early morning some 
 policeman would not come with a kibitka to drive you 
 off at once to Siberia. This state of affairs began with 
 the disgrace of Mdlle. Nelidoff, and continued with 
 
 O 7 
 
 increasing aggravation during the remainder of Paul's 
 reign. Mdlle. Nelidoff behaved with much pride and 
 dignity. She left the Court, showed no desire to 
 remain there, and did not attempt to return. She 
 said with marked disdain to all who would listen to 
 her, that nothing was more tedious than a Court life, 
 and that she was glad at last to have left it. 
 
 Paul had a new hobby which sometimes diverted 
 him from his fanciful suspicions and the rigours which
 
 i88 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 followed them. He wanted to become Grand Master 
 of Malta.* Political considerations had probably con- 
 tributed to this wish, as of all the Powers that might 
 have protected or possessed Malta, England, who had 
 taken it, was the one that Europe liked least. Paul 
 was at that time in intimate relations with the British 
 Cabinet, which attached great importance to the 
 active co-operation of Russia against France, and he 
 may have thought that under these circumstances 
 England would perhaps not refuse to cede to him a 
 territory which she had only provisionally occupied 
 with the express promise to return it to the Order of 
 St John, to whom it belonged, and to place it under 
 the protection of a power which should be designated 
 by Europe. Paul was full of the idea of himself 
 becoming Grand Master of Malta, and of uniting in 
 his person both a title so famous in history and the 
 power necessary for the protection of the independence 
 of so important a station in the Mediterranean. Politi- 
 cal considerations were less concerned in this idea than 
 the vanity of posing as a hero of chivalry before the 
 Princess Lapoukin. Being the supreme chief and 
 defender of the Russian Church, he saw no difficulty in 
 placing himself at the head of the principal Order of 
 the Roman Catholic Church. The combined Cabinets, 
 with the exception of England, carefully abstained 
 
 * The Order of St John, which had obtained possession of Malta in 1530 from 
 the Emperor Charles V, was divided into eight 'languages,' each of which had its 
 prior. The first Russian Knight of Malta was Sheremetieff, who was sent to the 
 island in 16'JS by Peter the Great to learn naval warfare, and diplomatic relations 
 were then opened by the Order with the Court of St Petersburg. In 1774, a new 
 priory of the Order was established in Poland, with six commanderships, each of 
 which was to be held by a Pole. The property of the Order in Poland was trans- 
 ferred to Russia at the second partition, and this led to the selection by the Grand 
 Master, Rohan, of M. de Litta as plenipotentiary to arrange with the Russian 
 Government as to the disposal of this property.
 
 RUSSIA, ENGLAND, AND MALTA 189 
 
 from contradicting him. Count Litta and his brother, 
 the Papal Nuncio at St Petersburg, who afterwards 
 became a Cardinal, readily fell in with the Emperor's 
 plan and encouraged him in it. In Poland there 
 were still some commanderships of the Order, notwith- 
 standing the bad repute into which it had fallen among 
 us by Prince Poninski having trafficked in its property 
 and been condemned by the Diet after the first parti- 
 tion ; and Paul created other commanderships in 
 Russia without troubling himself about differences of 
 creed Count Litta framed, in accordance with the 
 ancient rite, the ceremonial of a Grand Chapter of the 
 Order, in which the new Grand Master was to enter 
 on his dignities. The Emperor appeared several 
 times on his throne in the costume of Grand Master, 
 with the cross of the Order, which had been sent him 
 from Rome. Paul was passionately fond of cere- 
 monies ; he wished that people taking part in them 
 should preserve an imperturbable gravity and should 
 attach great importance to them. My brother and 
 myself were appointed Commanders of the Order, and 
 had to put on the ancient costume, consisting of long 
 cloaks of black velvet, with belts and embroidered 
 crosses. There had been some rehearsals of the cere- 
 mony of offering the Grand Mastership to the Emperor, 
 and the whole business had an appearance of theatrical 
 masquerading which made the spectators and even the 
 performers smile, with the single exception of the 
 Emperor, who was thoroughly identified with his 
 part. The secretary to the Chapter was an old 
 acquaintance of ours, M. de Maisonneuve, a French- 
 man who when young had sought his fortune in
 
 1 9 o MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYXKI 
 
 Poland, had had some success with the ladies, and 
 had obtained through them rank in the army and the 
 Cross of Malta. He came to Russia in his old age to 
 restore his fortune, which he had squandered twice 
 over. Count Litta appointed him his secretary, and 
 in this capacity M. de Maisonrieuve gave entire satis- 
 faction, as he wrote fluently and was well acquainted 
 with legal and diplomatic phraseology. 
 
 This hobby of the Emperor's produced a quarrel 
 with England, who, without giving any definitive 
 reply, refused under various pretexts to give up 
 Malta. The only result of his assuming the rank of 
 Grand Master was the marriage of Count Litta, who 
 was relieved from his vow of chastity by the Pope, 
 and became the husband of the Countess Skovronsky, 
 the favourite niece of Prince Potemkin, still a hand- 
 some woman, though not in her first youth, who when 
 Alexander became Emperor procured for her husband 
 a large fortune and the important position of Grand 
 Chamberlain, which he held until his death. Her 
 daughter-in-law was the Princess Bagration, whose 
 estates Count Litta administered with much regularity 
 arid zeal. 
 
 During these continual changes shameful and petty 
 intrigues were as usual mixed up with the events of 
 the day. While the Emperor believed himself to 
 have broken the chains which he fancied had bound 
 him, Kutayschoff entered into relations with Madame 
 Chevalier, a handsome woman and a charming actress 
 engaged at the Court Theatre, who was the object of 
 the assiduous attentions of M. Bignon, the French 
 Minister at Cassel, but had abandoned him on receiving
 
 PITT AND ItOSTOPCinX 191 
 
 more sumptuous offers from Paul's valet. These amor- 
 ous intrigues led to mutual confidences which added 
 piquancy to the moments which the Emperor passed 
 with his servant, and augmented the latter's influence. 
 Paul's nervous excitement was increased by political 
 events. Austria obtained the alliance and help of 
 Russia, and Count Rostopchin, since his recall to the 
 Court, had infused a spirit of firmness into the Foreign 
 Office, which he directed with much activity and an 
 ability all his own. The whole credit of the new 
 coalition * and of its first successes was attributed to 
 him, and his friends used to say'with complacency that 
 the two great men of the age were Pitt and Rostopchin. 
 Marshal Souvaroff also was recalled; he had been since 
 Paul's accession in exile on his estates and under close 
 surveillance as a partisan of Catherine. Very cen- 
 sorious remarks of his were quoted about the Govern- 
 ment of the Emperor Paul, and he made some rather 
 unseemly jokes on the new organisation and uniforms 
 of the army. But as soon as the Emperor waiuoJ. 
 him he loaded him with honours and compliments. 
 Souvaroff took the command of the army, and had 
 some astonishing successes over the French, who 
 were no longer led by Buonaparte. During the year 
 1796 and the following years we had rejoiced at 
 Buonaparte's extraordinary victories, hoping that they 
 might lead to the reconstruction of Poland. We used 
 to call him 'the friend' in order not to compromise 
 ourselves by mentioning his name ; and now every 
 victory gained over the French seemed to us a stab 
 in the body of our country. 
 
 * Russia, Turkey, England, Austria, and Naples were then allied against France.
 
 1 92 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 When SouvarofFs first successes became known, the 
 Court was at Pavlovsk. The old Cossack General 
 Denisoff was also there ; he had been beaten by 
 Kosciuszko at Raclavice. He took a malicious 
 pleasure in examining our faces each time that the 
 news of a victory was brought from Italy. He used 
 to say to us : 'I told you the French would be beaten ; 
 it could not be otherwise. Russia will beat her 
 enemies always and everywhere. She is invincible.' 
 Te Dawns were continually sung in the churches, 
 while the Emperor still mingled thoughts of his 
 mistress with those of politics, war, and piety, and 
 placed at her feet the trophies of the victories gained 
 by his armies. One day she praised an undecided tint 
 known as chamois, and he at once ordered everything 
 to be coloured with this tint. He ordered chivalrous 
 plays to be performed in which he imagined himself 
 to be the hero ; sometimes he was a Bayard, at others 
 a Nemours. He also published in the papers a 
 challenge to any sovereign who differed from him to 
 settle the difference by single-handed combat. This 
 was addressed especially to the King of Prussia, who 
 had refused to join the coalition. Paul would have 
 been in a great difficulty if the challenge had been 
 accepted, as he had not much personal courage, and 
 was very timid on horseback, so much so that when 
 he was in front of cavalry he never would allow them 
 to charge. 
 
 My brother and I suffered with the rest from the 
 Emperor's abrupt changes of temper. The fact that 
 we were Poles, and the antecedents of our family 
 perhaps also charges made against us or casual
 
 PAUL'S ECCENTRICITIES 193 
 
 remarks uttered with or without intention had led 
 Paul to suppose that we were liberals, or even 
 Jacobins in disguise. Yet he had treated us with 
 some kindness on various occasions at Court assem- 
 blages where we were near him. He especially 
 seemed to like my brother, and he sometimes joked 
 with him. When he was in a good humour Paul was 
 continually saying and doing things which he thought 
 witty. Once he told my brother to make a coarse 
 and insulting remark to one of the persons present. 
 My brother objected, but the Emperor repeated his 
 order with such a menacing air that he had no alter- 
 native but to obey. On another occasion when 
 Paul met my brother he put out his tongue at him ; 
 and during our stay at Peterhoff, seeing my brother 
 in one of the alleys of the garden leading to the 
 rooms of the Countess Schouvaloff, who had a very 
 pretty chambermaid, Paul took him by the shoulders 
 and told him to go away, adding ' That bird is not 
 for you.' He also asked him to tell him his adven- 
 tures, and promised not to betray his secrets to any 
 one. The Grand-Duke Constantino was Governor of 
 Peterhoff, and was responsible for the military 
 service of the palace. One day the Bavarian Minister 
 passed out of the gates, and the officer in command 
 of the guard having omitted to report the circum- 
 stance, Paul sent him through my brother the usual 
 message that he was a fool. The Grand-Duke was 
 much disturbed at this incident, but the officer simply 
 replied that the message did not produce the slightest 
 effect upon him, as it came from a madman. This 
 shows the impression which was already generally 
 VOL. i. N
 
 1 9 4 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE A DA M CZA R TOR YSKI 
 
 produced by the Emperor's conduct ; and although 
 he had been kind to us, he gradually became irritated 
 at seeing us on such intimate terms with his sons. 
 Prince Bezborodko, who afterwards died suddenly 
 which perhaps saved him from a disgrace which he 
 would certainly have experienced sooner or later, as 
 Paul looked upon him as a censor and an inconvenient 
 obstacle to his caprices had advised Paul to send us 
 to the Austrian army with letters, but nothing came 
 of this proposal. The Emperor still suspected us, 
 and expressed his suspicions to General Levaschoff. 
 This old general had in his youth been a gambler and 
 a creature of Potemkin's, but he was very jovial and 
 good-natured, and liked to render people a service. 
 He hardly knew us, but he spoke in our favour. 
 Suddenly the Emperor turned upon him and said : 
 ' Will you answer for them ? ' ' Yes, Sire,' was the 
 reply. ' With your head ? Mind what you say.' 
 The General stopped for a moment ; but to hesitate 
 was to ruin us. He then said deliberately : ' Yes, I 
 will answer for them with my head.' This reassured 
 the Emperor for some time. I had the story from 
 Levaschoff himself. Our turn for promotion by 
 seniority to the rank of Lieutenant-General having 
 arrived, and this rank being incompatible with the 
 appointment of aide-de-camp to the Grand-Dukes, 
 the Emperor decided to make me Court-Marshal to 
 the Grand-Duchess Helena, who shortly after married 
 the Grand-Duke of Mecklenburg, and my brother 
 Equerry to the Grand-Duchess Maria, who was 
 betrothed to the hereditary Prince of Weimar. These 
 places gave us the effective rank of Lieutenant-
 
 HOSTILITY TO FRANCE I95 
 
 General, but I was sorry not to be officially attached 
 any longer to the Grand -Duke Alexander nor to be 
 able to accompany him in his military duties. The 
 change, however, did not in any way alter our 
 relations. 
 
 Soon after I had to separate from my brother. 
 Our parents had settled in Galicia, and wanted one of 
 us to go to them and become an Austrian subject. 
 The family decided that this should be my brother. 
 He addressed a very respectful letter to the Emperor, 
 in which he explained that in order to satisfy the 
 requirements of the Austrian Government and the 
 demand of his parents, he found it necessary to ask 
 permission to join them in Galicia. Paul was 
 indignant at this very natural step, which was amply 
 justified, and his irritation was perhaps the greater as 
 he had shown some special kindness to my brother. 
 He was so angry that his first impulse was to send 
 him to Siberia. Fortunately Kutayschoff, who liked 
 my brother, and who had been spoken to on the 
 subject by the Grand-Duke Alexander, succeeded in 
 calming the Emperor's anger. My brother not only 
 got permission to go, but was decorated with the 
 order of St Anne of the first class. After he had left 
 I felt very solitary, and gave myself up to sad reflec- 
 tions. About this time a messenger came from the 
 army who was asked how the French officers dressed. 
 He said among other, things that they wore large 
 whiskers. When the Emperor heard this, he at once 
 ordered every man at the Court to shave off his 
 whiskers, and the order was executed an hour after- 
 wards. At the ball in the evening there were a
 
 196 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 number of, so to say, new faces, with blank spaces on 
 their cheeks, showing where they had shaved. People 
 laughed as they met each other. The order was con- 
 veyed by the Court-Marshal, Naryshkin, who himself 
 saw that it was at once carried out. 
 
 After dinner there were cavalcades at Pavlovsk in 
 which the Grand-Duchesses managed their horses 
 with much grace and dexterity. The Empress, who 
 was ordered to ride by her physicians, sat astride on 
 her horse like a man, and only went at a foot pace. 
 The summer was finer than usual. I was quartered 
 in a solitary house at the entrance to a wood at the 
 end of the Park. Here I was more isolated, and 
 could fill up my day with some useful occupation. 
 One morning I suddenly received a letter from Count 
 Rostopchin, informing me that I had been appointed 
 Russian Minister to the Court of Sardinia, that I 
 must at once go to St Petersburg to get my instruc- 
 tions, and that then I should have to leave in eight 
 days for Italy. This was a disgrace in the guise of a 
 favour. ' The order saddened and displeased me ; it 
 was painful to me to leave the Grand-Duke Alex- 
 ander, to whom I was sincerely attached, and several 
 other friends who by their affection had mitigated the 
 disagreeables of my stay in Russia. I left Pavlovsk 
 next day, and Alexander expressed to me his sorrow 
 at my departure. On recalling his words to me on 
 that occasion, it seems to me that he was no longer 
 the same as when I left him after the coronation of 
 his father at Moscow. He had already looked more 
 closely into the realities of things, and they had 
 produced their effect. Some of his dreams those
 
 MISSION TO THE COURT OF SARDINIA 197 
 
 especially which related to himself personally, and of 
 which we had not again spoken for a long time had 
 vanished. Moreover, Alexander had not been able 
 to resist entirely the temptation to do as the people 
 round him did, arid he had sought to divert his 
 thoughts by paying court to the most celebrated 
 beauties of the capital. He heartily bade me farewell, 
 and promised to write to me as soon as he could. I 
 asked the Minister to allow me to stop a few days 
 with my parents on my road to Italy. He refused ; 
 but as my road passed in the vicinity of Pulawy, I 
 hoped to see them, if only for a few moments.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 1798-9 
 
 STAY AT VIENNA. THE GRAND-DUKE . CONSTANTINE. POZZO DI BORGO 
 
 AND THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. THE KING OP SARDINIA. 
 
 ALFIERI. QUARREL BETWEEN RUSSIA AND AUSTRIA. RAPPROCHE- 
 MENT WITH FRANCE. THE NEAPOLITAN COURT. A RUSSIAN 
 
 LOTHARIO. 
 
 I REGRETTED the more my forced departure as I had 
 made arrangements for employing my leisure in 
 literary work, for which purpose the solitary house I 
 occupied at the entrance to the forest of Pavlovsk was 
 eminently suited. This was a pleasant illusion. One 
 fancies that one can create something, but it is only 
 when one sets to work that one becomes convinced 
 that hard labour and more information are necessary 
 to give adequate expression to a favourite idea, and 
 that talent and perseverance are often wanting. On 
 arriving at St Petersburg I proceeded to the Foreign 
 Office as directed, but the documents I found in its 
 archives gave me only a general idea of the duties of 
 my post, and no instructions whatever were furnished 
 me as to the special mission with which I had been 
 entrusted. I passed eight days in preparing for my 
 journey, and then left St Petersburg. At Mien- 
 drzyrzec I found my eldest sister, who had come to 
 tell me news of our parents. We passed part of the
 
 STAY AT VIENNA I99 
 
 night and the following morning in relating our joys 
 and sorrows. Prudence did not allow me to stop any 
 longer or to go to see my parents. We parted in 
 the hope of meeting again at Vienna, where my 
 young sister Zamoyska was already staying, and 
 where the eldest also soon arrived. 
 
 Four years had elapsed since my brother and I 
 left Vienna. I was then proceeding to Russia to ask 
 as a favour that which was only justice the restitu- 
 tion of our property* ; while now I came to Vienna as 
 the representative of the Russian Government. This 
 change in my situation produced an immense impres- 
 sion on Viennese society, and especially on the 
 Government functionaries. The few months I passed 
 here with my sisters were among the happiest of my 
 life. My aunt, the Princess Lubomirska, also lived at 
 Vienna in the winter ; she had a house on the Bastei 
 (the old fortifications) and received all the most distin- 
 guished people in Viennese society, which was com- 
 posed of women celebrated for their beauty and wit, 
 and of foreign travellers, who came there in crowds, 
 as France and Paris, closed to Europe, were just now 
 detested by the wealthier classes in all countries. 
 
 Vienna was, so to say, the capital of the Con- 
 tinental States which were allied with England 
 against the horrors of the French revolution. In the 
 midst of this select society, which was less Austrian 
 than European, my two sisters had a most amiable 
 and flattering reception. My younger sister was 
 then at the climax of her beauty, and my elder sister, 
 who also was beautiful, was especially distinguished 
 by the qualities of her mind. An accidental circum-
 
 2 oo MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 stance doubled the prestige which they exercised at 
 Vienna. By the order of the Emperor Paul, the 
 Grand-Duke Constantine was to join the army of 
 Souvaroff, which was then pursuing its victories in 
 Italy, and was to stop at Vienna on his way. My 
 sister, the Princess of Wiirtemberg, who had just been 
 divorced from the Grand-Duke's uncle,* was under 
 these circumstances in a difficult position. She was 
 the intimate friend of the Countess Razumovska, 
 nee Thun, wife of the Russian Ambassador, and the 
 eldest of three sisters who by their beauty, their 
 grace, their wit, and their noble sentiments, were the 
 ornaments of Viennese society. The youngest, after- 
 wards Lady Guildford, was at one time engaged to 
 Prince Joseph Poniatowski, and always loved him as 
 a brother. The Countess Razumovska, though the 
 wife of the Russian Ambassador, detested the Russians 
 in general as much as her two sisters did. But the 
 Ambassador, not knowing how the Grand-Duke would 
 treat my sister, already began to avoid her company, 
 and though he had professed to be her friend, did not 
 dare to give her any advice. When Constantine 
 arrived, there was a meeting of Russians at the 
 embassy, and as my sister used to go there every day, 
 and she did not want to make any demonstration 
 which might be prejudicial to me, she also was 
 present ; but being received with evident embarrass- 
 ment by the rest of the company, she remained 
 alone in a corner of the room. When, however, 
 Razumovski began to present to Constantine the 
 ladies who had come to meet him, the Grand-Duke 
 
 * See page 40.
 
 POZZO Dl BORGO AND ENGLAND 201 
 
 asked for my sister, went to her, addressed her as his 
 aunt, and conversed with her for some time and with 
 much amiability about her two brothers whom he 
 used to see daily at St Petersburg. When he left, 
 all those who had held aloof from my sister were as 
 eager in their protestations of friendship as they had 
 been distant before. Next day Constantine came to 
 her house, having announced his visit beforehand. 
 Prince Esterhazy and several Austrian generals had 
 to wait in the ante-room, and my sister, who was 
 much vexed at this, begged him to allow them to 
 come in ; but he took a pleasure in tormenting them 
 for more than an hour, talking and laughing without 
 intermission. It amused him to keep them waiting ; 
 this, indeed, was his usual custom both in Austria 
 and elsewhere. He always treated in this way 
 strangers who wished to do him honour. 
 
 It was during my stay at Vienna this year that 
 I made the acquaintance of M. Pozzo di Borgo, and 
 he owed to our meeting the high position and im- 
 mense fortune which he afterwards obtained. Pozzo 
 was at that time a young man who rightly or wrongly 
 imagined himself a martyr to patriotism. General 
 Paoli, who had become celebrated in the seventeenth 
 century for having defended the independence of Corsica 
 against the armies of Louis XV, had been compelled 
 to take refuge in England, where I often met him in 
 1790 at the house of the beautiful Mrs Cosway, an 
 artist who used to receive the most distinguished 
 people in London. In that year the English seized 
 Corsica, and made Paoli the head of the Government ; 
 the latter appointed Pozzo his secretary of state,
 
 202 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 which shows that he was already known as a man of 
 ability ; and although he was at first a zealous advo- 
 cate of the French Revolution, in Corsica he belonged 
 to the opposite party. The influence of England in 
 Corsica did not, however, last long. After the 
 capture of Toulon, the French republican and revolu- 
 tionary party gained the upper hand, turned out the 
 English and their Government, and took possession 
 of the island. Pozzo thus became a refugee ; and, 
 passionate and vindictive like a true Corsican, he 
 vowed eternal hatred to France and Buonaparte. He 
 received a pension from England, though he had no 
 employment or mission, and strange to say he never 
 inspired the slightest confidence in the British 
 Government, which, after giving him a pension, took 
 no further notice of him. He now exerted himself to 
 the utmost in all directions to satisfy his ambition. 
 As the protege of Lord Minto, the British Ambassador, 
 father of the ex-Minister, and known for his diplo- 
 matic travels in Italy in 1848, Pozzo was received in 
 the salons of my sisters and of Madame Lanckoronska, 
 a lady who was universally respected, and thus formed 
 part of the Polish coterie, which at that time enjoyed a 
 high reputation in Vienna. This gave him the entree 
 to the best society and the protection of the ladies 
 who were its chiefs. Though still young and generally 
 liked, there was something so underhanded and 
 mysterious in his conduct that he had not a single 
 friend or person who could say he was intimate with 
 him. This at least was the impression he produced 
 upon me when I first made his acquaintance. He 
 had a cultivated mind, and sometimes he seemed
 
 POZZO DI BORGO AND ENGLAND 203 
 
 inclined to cast a tinge of poetr}^ over his life and to 
 work at history, moral philosophy, and politics ; but 
 his face belied his words, and his only thought was 
 how to obtain wealth and a high position. Although 
 circumstances sometimes forced him to enter the 
 sphere of sentiment, he never swerved from this 
 dominant idea. Yet he was regarded at Vienna as 
 an interesting man, as sincere, and as worthy of true 
 friendship. The praises which were generally lavished 
 upon him almost persuaded me that I had formed a 
 mistaken impression of his character. 
 
 When I was at Vienna in 1790 Kaunitz was still 
 living. His place was occupied by Thugut, whom I 
 had known at Brussels, and who was now all powerful. 
 He professed to be a friend of my father's, and when 
 he was Ambassador at Warsaw he held his own 
 against adverse pretensions so firmly, that he even 
 offended the King. He was of humble birth, and 
 that he should have been placed at the head of the 
 Government was astonishing in a country like Austria. 
 Thugut was an unshaken partisan of war, and gave up 
 his portfolio after the Battle of Hohenlinden, to the 
 Emperor Francis's great regret, as he possessed his 
 entire confidence. He had extraordinary firmness of 
 character, perseverance, and power of work. While 
 he was Minister he scarcely ever went out, ate no 
 meat, and lived entirely on fish and vegetables. 
 When I afterwards saw him in 1820, his sole occupa- 
 tion was to go every evening to the Kasperle theatre, 
 and his faithful friend, Count Ossolinski, was the only 
 one that did not abandon him. 
 
 On my journey to Sardinia I was particularly
 
 204 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 struck by the miserable appearance of the villages of 
 Northern Italy as far as Verona. I paid a hurried 
 visit to the principal buildings of Verona, Venice, and 
 Mantua, having but little time to give myself up to 
 the meditations to which those celebrated cities have 
 always given rise in my mind. It is impossible for 
 one who knows something of the arts and literature 
 of antiquity not to feel their influence. In passing by 
 these cities and their fields festooned by vines, my 
 thoughts were full of Virgil and Shakespeare, of 
 Othello and Romeo and Juliet. The country was in 
 a pitiable state ; it had been the theatre of war, and 
 had passed from one conqueror to another. Its in- 
 habitants, who were formerly citizens of the Cisalpine 
 Republic, were accustomed to French successes and 
 reckoned upon them ; now that the French had been 
 defeated, they were despondent and helpless. It was 
 a melancholy season of the year, and the roads were 
 almost impracticable. At the first stage beyond 
 Mantua my carriage stuck in the mud, and we had 
 to get oxen to extricate us. On arriving at Bene- 
 detto, an inhabitant of the place offered me supper, 
 saying that he had shot a bird which was unknown 
 in that country. He at the same time complained of 
 the hardness of the times, watching me, like the rest 
 of his countrymen, as he spoke, to find out what party 
 I belonged to, and what opinions it would be safe for 
 him to express. He gave me some excellent soup, 
 but the bird was thin, black, and with an enormous 
 head and beak ; I think it must have been a crow. I 
 passed twenty-four hours under his roof, and this 
 Lombard, who in his heart sympathised with the
 
 THE KING OF SARDINIA 205 
 
 French, but feared the Austrians. made a strong 
 impression upon me. The King of Sardinia, who, 
 expelled from the Italian Peninsula by the French, 
 had been forced to take refuge in the Island of 
 Sardinia, had taken advantage of Souvaroff s victories 
 to return and establish himself at Florence ; he was 
 encouraged to do this by the Court of St Petersburg, 
 
 / o " 
 
 which had taken him under its protection. He could 
 not yet venture as far as Piedmont, where the armies 
 were standing opposite each other. The Battle of 
 Novi had been fought, but Buonaparte was already 
 coming back from Egypt, and Massena had shut 
 himself up in Genoa. The Court of Vienna, too, was 
 doing its utmost to prevent the King of Sardinia 
 from returning to his dominions. At first it feared 
 that his presence might interfere with its military and 
 political plans, and the two Courts had long been 
 estranged. Austria did not care for anybody but 
 herself. Selfishness is no doubt common both among 
 States and individuals, but Austria was more passion- 
 ately and evidently selfish than any other Power, and 
 this exclusive sentiment prevented her from having 
 any generous impulse, or a friendly and sincere, or 
 even honest policy towards others. 
 
 I arrived at Florence in the winter of 1798-9. 
 On the night of my arrival there was a terrible storm, 
 accompanied by thunder arid lightning, which re- 
 minded me of other similar natural phenomena that 
 preceded some of the gravest events of my life. My 
 diplomatic occupations as the Russian Minister at the 
 Court of King Emmanuel, which consisted only of a 
 few faithful partisans, were not very arduous, My
 
 206 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 task was to restore courage to this unfortunate prince 
 by assuring him of the friendly sentiments and the 
 protection of the Emperor Paul, and to send to my 
 Cabinet at least once a month a report, which it was 
 difficult to make very interesting, as other Ministers 
 were posted nearer to the places where great events 
 were occurring than I was. I was limited to a certain 
 kind of news, and yet I was expected to invest it with 
 interest. The task was especially difficult to me, as 
 since my arrival in Russia, I had felt nothing but 
 indifference with regard to all I was required to do. 
 This indifference enabled me to bear numerous trials 
 with firmness and equanimity, and it was especially 
 necessary in my new appointment, as I had to regard 
 as a success what I could only consider a calamity. I 
 had to keep up a correspondence with Souvaroff and 
 forget the massacre of Praga,* and I had to write at 
 the end of each of my despatches to the Emperor : 
 'Your faithful subject and slave (rab),' according to 
 the formula then laid down by him. 
 
 The King of Sardinia reminded one a good deal 
 theological erudition apart of James I of England as 
 he has been described in history, and especially by 
 Scott. The branch of Savoy, descended from an 
 English princess, the daughter, if I am not mistaken, 
 of James I, was the oldest of the branches of the 
 Hanoverian line. The King did not like business, 
 and though very pious, was fond of telling good 
 stories, for, like his predecessor James, he had a 
 turn for buffoonery. His wife, Queen Clotilda, was 
 one of the sisters of Louis XVI ; she used to be 
 
 * See page 73.
 
 THE KING OF SARDINIA 207 
 
 called at Versailles le gros Madame, on account of 
 her enormous size, but when I was presented to her, 
 she was extremely thin. Her eyes were still very 
 beautiful, and her face and the sound of her voice 
 had an expression of sweetness and melancholy. 
 
 The diplomatic body of which I formed part was 
 composed of myself and Mr Wyndham, brother to 
 Lord Wyndham, a celebrated member of the House 
 of Lords ; he was a stout Englishman who looked 
 more like a brewer or butcher than a diplomatist. 
 We both used to go to the King's residence on every 
 Sunday and holiday. He occupied one of the palaces 
 of the Grand-Duke of Tuscany ; it was outside the 
 town, and afterwards became one of his most splendid 
 residences. We were always introduced by Count 
 Chalembert, who was the so-called Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs. The Count presented us to the King 
 and Queen, the conversation usually turned on insig- 
 nificant subjects, and it did not last longer than twenty 
 minutes. After some jocular remarks the King would 
 dismiss us, sometimes imitating the person of whom 
 he had been speaking, which he did in a very comic 
 way. The Queen used to bow to us with a melan- 
 choly smile. There was also a hungry subordinate 
 diplomatist who did not go to Court ; his name was 
 Winterhalter, and he was Charge d' Affaires of Prussia. 
 This poor wretch was so badly paid that he hardly 
 had enough for his living ; but though his clothes 
 were threadbare, he was constantly moving about and 
 insinuating himself everywhere. He chatted inces- 
 santly, and in order not to lose his wretched pay he 
 doubtless filled his daily report with endless gossip.
 
 208 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Though almost destitute, he had a big stomach and a 
 face like a full moon, and he was not devoid of 
 political ability. 
 
 Only a few Piedmontese families had followed 
 their sovereign ; they lived in complete isolation and 
 did not see or receive anybody. M. Bailly de Saint- 
 Germain, formerly tutor to the King, was supposed 
 to be the Court Chamberlain, but no one ever saw 
 him or did business with him. He once gave a dinner, 
 and this was the only official function he performed. 
 M. Dunoyer, Count Chalembert's right hand ; M. 
 de Lamarmora (uncle, I believe, of the General of 
 that name) ; M. de la Tour, Governor of Piedmont 
 at the time of the Austrian occupation ; and a noble- 
 man from Sardinia, completed the number of the re- 
 presentatives of Piedmont. Among the Florentines 
 only the Marquis Corsi used to visit the Piedmontese, 
 and he also called upon me. Another house which 
 was an exception to the general rule was that of 
 Madame d' Albany, who had been divorced from the 
 Pretender, and was now the wife of Alfieri. She 
 often gave dinners to which strangers were invited. 
 The painter Fabre was frequently at her house ; I 
 knew him long after at Montpellier, his native 
 town, where he had established a museum of 
 pictures and curiosities collected by Alfieri and left 
 by the latter to the Countess of Albany, who gave 
 them to Fabre and, if I am not mistaken, married 
 him. 
 
 While I was staying at Florence Alfieri enjoyed 
 robust health, and occupied the greater part of his 
 time in Ions: walks. While he was walking he used 
 
 o > o
 
 ALFIEKI 
 
 209 
 
 to declaim aloud verses from his tragedies without 
 paying the slightest attention to passers-by or to the 
 objects which surrounded him. In the evening he 
 looked tired and exhausted, and directly he returned 
 from his rambles he used to sit down to a game of 
 chess. His youth had been, as he himself says in his 
 memoirs, a very stormy one. It was Madame 
 d' Albany, to whom he was warmly attached, who had 
 advised him to write the tragedies and other works 
 which even during his lifetime had rained him a 
 
 c> o 
 
 great reputation. Some years before I had met him 
 in Paris. At first he was an ardent admirer of the 
 principles of the French Revolution, but afterwards, 
 disgusted by its excesses, he looked upon France with 
 horror, and devoted all his zeal to the cause of King 
 Emmanuel, strongly blaming himself for not having 
 been constantly faithful to it. When some years later 
 a sudden illness had deprived him of the means of con- 
 tinuing his usual walks, he concluded that he would 
 soon die, and he passed away in a few days. He was 
 a man of great merit, and looked upon events from a 
 truly elevated point of view ; but he was the slave of 
 an exalted imagination, and was subject to illusions. 
 
 The inertia into which the Sardinian Court and 
 the society of Florence were plunged, was too 
 monotonous to be interesting ; the days followed each 
 other without bringing anything new. Under these 
 circumstances I decided to go to Pisa to see M. 
 Francis Rzewuski, formerly Marshal of the Polish 
 Court. He was a friend of my parents, and I and 
 my mother had lived in his house during our stay in 
 Paris. He received me with great cordiality, though 
 VOL. i. o
 
 210 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 he was in pain ; he had already been attacked by the 
 malady which ended in his death. He was very 
 impatient as regards suffering, and always relieved it 
 by taking opium. He did this with the approval of 
 a physician who was a professor in the university of 
 Pisa ; but there is no doubt that by taking so much 
 opium he hastened his end, and that it did not prevent 
 him from suffering horribly. We had known and 
 loved M. Rzewuski since we were children. He 
 always had some sweets for us, and we used often to 
 go from Powonski to his house at Marimont, which 
 he had fitted up with much luxury and taste. He 
 was a man full of good qualities amiable, beneficent, 
 scrupulously honest, but too fond of ease ; he was 
 generous and a great nobleman in the true sense of 
 the word, of a race which is now extinct. Sometimes 
 he would not show himself to his guests, though he 
 treated them with munificent hospitality. When he 
 was in good health he liked to come down to his meals, 
 and was very fond of conversation, which he made very 
 interesting by relating a number of anecdotes. One 
 of these referred to his stay at St Petersburg. He 
 had been sent there by the King after his accession, 
 and was on very friendly terms with Count Pariin, 
 Chancellor of the Empire, and tutor to the Grand- 
 Duke Paul. Being one day at the Count's house he 
 took the young prince on his knees, when the latter 
 had a fit. 'I was never so frightened in my life,' he 
 said, ' and I took good care not to play again with 
 this sickly child, who might have died in my arms.' 
 He knew all the scandalous gossip of Warsaw and St 
 Petersburg by heart, and was much attached to the
 
 ROME 
 
 211 
 
 King, though after being for a long time his Minister 
 he at once abandoned the Court when he perceived 
 that the King was not faithful to his engagements. 
 
 I profited by my leisure at Florence in visiting the 
 masterpieces of art in the galleries, and in studying 
 the Italian language. I read Dante with a priest 
 who was remarkable for his extreme cowardice, and 
 was constantly repeating the expression ' ho paura/ 
 which at that time people were not ashamed to use. 
 The Italians have greatly changed since then. 
 
 This tranquil and monotonous existence lasted all 
 the winter ; in the spring people's faces began to 
 lengthen, they talked in whispers, and signs of great 
 anxiety followed the placid security of the previous 
 months. At length we all had the news of the cross- 
 ing of the Alps by Buonaparte and of the battle of 
 Marengo and its results. Sommariva disappeared 
 with his troops, and the King of Sardinia with all his 
 Court, myself included, hastily packed our things to 
 go to Rome. 
 
 o 
 
 The impression produced by the sight of Rome, 
 when one comes there for the first time, is indefinable. 
 One gathers together all one's recollections, one 
 
 O O ' 
 
 strives to remember all one has learnt, read, and 
 heard of this ancient capital of the world, and to com- 
 bine all these echoes of the soul to make them more 
 sonorous. It is difficult to realise the idea that you 
 are really at the spot where such great events have 
 occurred, that you tread the soil trodden by such 
 great men. At the age especially when one has just 
 completed the study of the classic writers who tell 
 you what has passed and give you the names of those
 
 212 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 who have lived at Rome, the very name of the Holy 
 City raises up a multitude of thoughts. You do not 
 see things as they really are, but by a magical effect 
 of imagination you see them as they were formerly ; 
 the present puts on the pomp and the colours of the 
 past. Directly I had alighted from my carriage I 
 hurried to the Capitol and the Palatine Hill. I could 
 not subdue my impatience I could not sufficiently 
 occupy my eyes and my imagination with the sight of 
 the places which had witnessed such great actions. 
 1 Is it possible,' I said to myself, ' that it was here 
 that lived the Scipios, the Catos, the Gracchi, the 
 CaBsars, that it was here that Cicero thundered and 
 that Horace sang ? ' and I recalled to my memory all 
 that had since my infancy been the object of my 
 admiration and my sympathies, all that history and 
 the poets had taught me. I regret much that at the 
 time of which I am speaking the Christian antiquities 
 of Rome did not interest me as greatly as they do now ; 
 all my dreams were only of heroic but pagan Rome. 
 
 Penetrated with these grandeurs of the past, I 
 thought of nothing else during my stay in the Holy 
 City. I determined to visit every trace of its antiquity, 
 and by examining the ruins and studying all that had 
 been written on the streets and buildings of ancient 
 Rome, to construct the plan of the city as it appeared 
 at different epochs. My idea was to make not only 
 general plans, but a series of drawings of portions of 
 Rome, such as the Tiber, the seven hills, arid the 
 edifices built upon them, so far as imagination can 
 picture them beginning with the first foundation of 
 Rome on the Palatine hill and the Capitol, then show-
 
 BO ME 213 
 
 ing her as she was under the Kings and in the various 
 phases of the Republic, when she was still built of 
 brick, and finally under Augustus, when she became a 
 city of marble. Each of these drawings was to repre- 
 sent something characteristic of the epoch. The above 
 plan, which to me was new, had been conceived by 
 others, but it has never been thoroughly executed. 
 The drawings representing the open spaces, the 
 temples, and the forts of the city divided into seventeen 
 districts (regioni) occupied me during the whole period 
 of my stay. I wished my work to be exact and con- 
 scientious, and to make it so required much time, 
 expense, and research. It was necessary to consult a 
 multitude of authors, to check their statements, to 
 employ antiquaries, architects and draughtsmen. I 
 did not finish the work ; all I could do was to begin 
 it. I had a very good plan and two water-colour 
 drawings made of the city. One represented the 
 Forum as it was at the time of the Republic, with a 
 crowd of people opposite the Palatine hill, as was 
 usual in stormy times ; an orator above the rostra ; 
 and the via sacra with the edifice where the voting 
 was to take place. The other drawing, which was of 
 large size, also represented the Forum, but on the side 
 opposite the Capitol. The subject was the triumph 
 of Germanicus. All the temples on the slope of the 
 Capitoline hill were there, and Tiberius, his face dis- 
 torted with hatred and rage, was represented as 
 coming out of one of them accompanied by the 
 members of the Senate. A third drawing, which I 
 ordered to be made during my absence, was to repre- 
 sent the grottoes on the Tiber near the Palatine hill
 
 214 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 during the first period after the foundation of Rome ; 
 but it did not in any way carry out my idea. 
 
 My enforced absence from my country, my family, 
 and my friends, and the fact that my position was un- 
 congenial and without aim, plunged me into a sort of 
 lethargy similar to that which had oppressed me on 
 my first arrival at St Petersburg, and the gravest and 
 most unexpected events could not rouse me. During 
 the whole of my life the sole motive of my actions 
 has always been one exclusive and dominating senti- 
 ment the love of my country. That which did not 
 in some way promote the welfare of my fatherland or 
 of my fellow-countrymen had no value in my eyes, 
 while the most futile matters relating to Poland 
 interested me. Thus at Warsaw there was a good 
 French theatre and a very indifferent Polish one ; yet 
 I went to the latter much oftener than to the former. 
 
 The period of my stay in Rome was, however, by 
 no means barren of events. Pius VI, who had been 
 elected Pope at Venice, entered the Holy City while 
 it was still suffering from the excesses committed by 
 the French troops. I recollect that at a reception of 
 Romans and foreigners at the house of Monsignor 
 Consalvi, who had just been promoted cardinal, the 
 Russian Consul, wishing to pay him a compliment, 
 awkwardly predicted that he would become Pope, and 
 that Consalvi very sincerely protested against the 
 idea. I may say in passing that in my official reports 
 I did not hesitate to censure the French for their 
 conduct. This seemed greatly to astonish M. 
 Karpoff, the first secretary of the legation, an old 
 Russian official who had probably been instructed to
 
 QUARREL BETWEEN RUSSIA AND AUSTRIA 215 
 
 watch my movements. Knowing the sympathy 
 generally felt by the Poles for France, he almost 
 reproached me for my severity ; but I replied that if 
 the French behaved badly I could not speak well of 
 them. All men, whether French or not, lose on a 
 nearer view much of the prestige and enthusiasm 
 which they inspire at a distance. 
 
 The friendly relations which had existed between 
 the Emperor Paul and Austria began about this time 
 to grow cool. There were various reasons for this ; 
 I will give some which are not generally known. 
 The Grand-Duchess Alexandra, the eldest of Paul's 
 daughters, who, as I stated in a previous chapter, was 
 intended by Catherine to marry the King of Sweden, 
 became the wife of the Archduke Joseph, Prince 
 Palatine of Hungary. This union was contracted at 
 a period when the Courts of St Petersburg and 
 Vienna were on the best terms with each other, 
 and at the time when Souvaroff had gained his vic- 
 tories in Italy. The Archduchess was of uncommon 
 beauty ; her features resembled those of her brother 
 Alexander, she was most graceful, and she possessed 
 all the moral qualities which are the highest orna- 
 ments of her sex. When she came to Vienna, she 
 inspired universal admiration, respect, and enthusiasm, 
 without in any way seeking it. Her popularity ex- 
 tended from the highest classes of the capital to the 
 most populous districts of Vienna. This displeased 
 the Neapolitan wife of the Emperor Francis II, a 
 woman of jealous and eccentric character and of ex- 
 traordinary habits. She loved monsters, and filled 
 her gardens with burlesque statues. There was
 
 something underhand and cunning in her manner, 
 and she never looked one straight in the face. The 
 only persons with whom she was intimate were her 
 servants, who never ventured to rival her in beauty 
 or wit ; she gave them bizarre banquets and private 
 theatricals in which she played herself, and her 
 husband, whose mind was also not very brilliant or 
 suited to a more distinguished society, used to take 
 part in these entertainments, of which singular stories 
 were related at Vienna. The Archduke Joseph's 
 beautiful and amiable wife was regarded by the 
 Austrian Empress as a rival, and she rendered the 
 Archduchess's life so intolerable that the latter 
 had to withdraw with her husband to Ofen. She 
 was Paul's favourite child, and when he learnt 
 how she had been treated he flew into a rage, 
 demanded that she should be sent back to St 
 Petersburg, and even threatened war. Her death, 
 which happened almost simultaneously with that of 
 her father, rendered any further action useless, but it 
 plunged the whole of St Petersburg in deep mourn- 
 ing, while Austria, having re-established herself 
 in Italy, had begun to treat the Russian Cabinet 
 with less deference. The Austrians had sent away 
 SouvarofF with little ceremony, and thinking them- 
 selves already masters of the country, they were 
 glad to rid themselves of an inconvenient and 
 haughty ally. Then came the defeats of the 
 Russians in Holland and Switzerland, which con- 
 tributed still further to estrange Paul from Austria. 
 Buonaparte, taking advantage of this change, hastened 
 to send back to Paul all the Russian prisoners, clothed
 
 RAPPROCHEMENT WITH FRANCE 217 
 
 in new uniforms and well provided in every respect. 
 This friendly step on the part of the First Consul gained 
 the Emperor's heart, and he declared to his Ministers 
 and the people with whom he was intimate that 
 Russia had been too lavish of her blood and money 
 for Austria, who only repaid her by ingratitude. 
 He enlarged on Buonaparte's ' noble conduct,' and 
 interpreted it as a sign that he sincerely wished for 
 the alliance of Russia ; he had, Paul said, suppressed 
 anarchy and the demagogues, and there was no good 
 reason why Russia should not come to an under- 
 standing with him. Paul accordingly sent General 
 Levaschoff to Naples to mediate between the French 
 Government and that of the two Sicilies. In passing 
 through Rome the General gave me a letter from 
 Count Rostopchin, the Foreign Minister the first I 
 had received from him introducing General Levas- 
 chofF to me and instructing me to give him my 
 services. I did this readily, for the General was not 
 only a good companion, but was very friendly. Soon 
 after I received a second missive from Count Rostop- 
 chin informing me that the Emperor, not being 
 satisfied with the conduct of the Sardinian Court, 
 wished me to leave it under the pretext of visiting 
 Naples. 
 
 I was delighted at this order, and left for Naples 
 at once. The Court was not there ; its only repre- 
 sentative was the Chevalier Acton, an all-powerful 
 Minister, who had left Sicily to govern the kingdom. 
 Though Naples, thanks to its brilliant sun and its 
 unequalled position, cannot be otherwise than beauti- 
 ful, it had at that time a very melancholy appearance.
 
 218 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 M. Italinsky, afterwards envoy at Constantinople 
 and then at Rome, a Ruthenian and formerly a 
 surgeon, had for some years been at Naples on a 
 diplomatic mission. He was, or at least he tried to 
 be, a learned man. He studied archaeology and 
 physics, and knowing how to do his own business 
 people concluded that he would also know how to do 
 that of others. In ordinary matters he certainly 
 acquitted himself very well, but he was never very 
 successful, either from want of capacity or of good 
 fortune, in dealing with affairs of greater importance. 
 He owed his favour with Catherine to some letters 
 on the eruptions of Mount Vesuvius, and he always 
 stated at the end of his despatches that he had blotted 
 them with some of the volcanic ash that had fallen 
 upon Pompeii eighteen centuries before. He was 
 also helped in his career by his ill-health. He suffered 
 from a sort of aneurism which obliged him to lead a 
 very regular life, but it lasted many years. 
 
 The Court of Naples sought to take advantage 
 of the friendly relations which had been established 
 between Paul and Buonaparte. It solicited the 
 Emperor's intervention against the advance of the 
 French, which people thought would, after Marengo, 
 be continued to the most southerly point of the 
 peninsula. Italinsky proceeded, at the instigation 
 of the Chevalier Acton, to Florence, where Murat 
 then was, to obtain some favourable conditions for 
 Naples ; but his efforts produced no result. He 
 started before my departure from Rome, and M. 
 Karpoff, my first secretary, being jealous of Italinsky, 
 and wishing to revenge himself for his sarcasms,
 
 THE NEAPOLITAN COURT 219 
 
 called this fruitless journey 'The Italinsky Pilgrim- 
 age.' 
 
 On my arrival at Naples I requested Italinsky 
 to present me to the Chevalier Acton. We found 
 him at a table covered with papers. He was a thin, 
 sickly-looking man, with a gaunt and sallow counten- 
 ance and black eyes. His demeanour showed at every 
 movement the ravages of time ; he walked with a 
 stoop, and constantly groaned under the weight of 
 his labours and misfortunes. Yet he was said to be 
 the favourite lover of the Queen Caroline, who was 
 the absolute mistress of her husband and the kingdom. 
 
 O 
 
 Nothing was done except by her will, and even official 
 letters bore her signature by the side of the King's, 
 to show that they governed together. She had all 
 the activity of her brother, the Emperor Joseph ; this 
 was sufficiently proved by her sparkling glance, her 
 quick movements, and her shrill voice. I saw her 
 at Leghorn when she was disembarking with her 
 daughters, one of whom, the Princess Amelie, after- 
 wards married Louis-Philippe. Maria Theresa had 
 fashioned her daughter's mind to. domination long 
 before she was married to King Ferdinand. This 
 habit of governing afterwards became her passion. 
 She also had a succession of favourites ; her tiery 
 temperament was stimulated by the Neapolitan 
 climate, and it would have been difficult to believe 
 her boast that she had never had a child of whom 
 Ferdinand was not the father, if there were not an 
 unfortunate likeness between them and Ferdinand 
 not only as regards personal appearance, which, in his 
 case, was anything but attractive, but also as to
 
 220 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 character and mind. Queen Amelie was the only 
 exception to this ; her rare moral qualities were in 
 strong contrast to the characteristics of Caroline's 
 other children. 
 
 The Russian army corps which then occupied 
 Naples was under the command of General Borozdin, 
 the eldest of three brothers. There was at one time 
 some idea of pushing on the combined forces as far as 
 Rome in order to check the French advance, and the 
 General had himself gone to Rome with this object. 
 But he could not come to an understanding with 
 General Roger de Damas, the commander of the 
 Neapolitan troops, as to who was to have the general 
 command, and the plan was dropped, fortunately for 
 the two generals, who would otherwise have inevitably 
 been defeated. General Borozdin was a dandy of the 
 time of Catherine ; he was very amiable in society, 
 but his military talents were doubtful. Being in the 
 most voluptuous of climates and furnished with ample 
 means, by the Neapolitan Government, which reckoned 
 on the Russian troops more than on its own, Borozdin 
 had all a Russian can desire display and enjoyment. 
 To complete his pleasures, fortune had also placed in 
 his hands a conquest which he valued more highly 
 than any other. A British Consul who had married a 
 young and charming lady had thought fit to escape 
 from Naples directly he heard of the defeat of the 
 Austrians at Marengo and the victorious march of 
 the French towards Florence and the south. In 
 order not to expose his young wife to the dangers of 
 a precipitous journey, he determined to place her in 
 the charge of General Borozdin, with whom he was
 
 A RUSSIAN LOTHARIO 221 
 
 on intimate terms. The worthy Englishman doubtless 
 thought he had deposited his treasure in safe hands, 
 but the temptation was too strong. The lady was 
 like a rosebud, and Borozdin had with the husband's 
 permission located her in the house where he himself 
 lived, on the plea that he would thereby be able to 
 take better care of her. The result may be imagined. 
 When the panic of a French invasion was over, the 
 Consul returned, took back his wife, and could not 
 sufficiently express his gratitude to his friend for the 
 service he had rendered him. Shortly after, when I 
 left Naples to go back to Rome, the General accom- 
 panied me. He was in very good spirits, and did not 
 speak any more about the Consul's wife, whom he had 
 doubtless soon forgotten.
 
 , CHAPTER XI 
 
 1801 
 
 ASSASSINATION OP THE EMPEROR PAUL. 
 
 THE news of the death of the Emperor Paul suddenly 
 fell upon us like a clap of thunder in a summer sky. 
 The first result of the unexpected news was astonish- 
 ment accompanied by a sort of fear, but these senti- 
 ments were soon followed by others of joy and relief. 
 Paul had never been loved even by those whom he 
 had benefited. He was too fantastic and capricious ; 
 no one could ever rely upon him. The messenger 
 who brought the news to the legation looked as if he 
 were deaf and dumb ; he did not answer any questions, 
 and merely uttered unintelligible sounds. He was 
 terrified, and had been ordered to keep silence. All 
 he did was to convey to me a few words from the 
 Emperor Alexander, who asked me to come to 
 St Petersburg at once. 
 
 [The following is a translation of Alexander's 
 
 letter : 
 
 March 17 tk 1801. 
 
 YQU have already heard, dear friend, that owing 
 to the death of my father, I am at the head of affairs.
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 223 
 
 I do not mention any details, as I wish to give them 
 to you by word of mouth. I write to ask you at once 
 to hand over all the affairs of your mission to the 
 next senior member of it, and to proceed to St 
 Petersburg. I need not tell you with what impatience 
 I am waiting for you. I hope heaven will watch 
 over you during your journey and bring you here 
 safe. Adieu, dear friend, I cannot say more. I 
 enclose a passport for you to show at the frontier. 
 
 ALEXANDER.] 
 
 This order gave me immense pleasure. Italy is 
 undoubtedly a delicious country, full of interest, 
 especially for those who have leisure to study it. The 
 wars which had ravaged it had at this period deprived 
 .it of some of its charms, though the ravages were in 
 themselves not without interest. But I was far from 
 my country, my family, and all I loved ; I was sad 
 and solitary ; I was never quick to make acquaint- 
 ances ; much time and peculiar circumstances were 
 necessary to break the ice which separated me even 
 from people whom I saw often. My old friendships, 
 though not numerous, are dear to me, and I do not 
 
 O ' ' 
 
 feel inclined to contract new ones. It was with 
 inexpressible pleasure, therefore, that I made my 
 preparations for departure ; but I could not leave 
 Naples without visiting Vesuvius, Herculaneum, 
 Pompeii and Portici. As I was ascending Mount 
 Vesuvius, I stumbled and began to slip down towards 
 the crater, when the guide ran up, gave me his hand, 
 plunged his iron-shod staff into the moving debris, 
 and thus saved my life. The idea of death was at
 
 224 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORY8KI 
 
 that moment very painful to me ; I was about to 
 return to my people, and to exchange a passive for an 
 active existence. I felt that I was more attached to 
 life than ever, as radiant visions of hope, not yet dis- 
 pelled by experience, were floating before my eyes. 
 
 On the day following that on which the news of 
 the death of the Emperor Paul was communicated to 
 us, the messenger sent from St Petersburg by the 
 Neapolitan Ambassador brought us a circumstantial 
 account of the catastrophe. It did not astonish me, 
 as I saw before my departure that the whole of the 
 Court was planning a conspiracy against the Emperor. 
 At Naples the general impression was one of joy 
 almost exceeding the bounds of decency. On the 
 second day after the messenger's arrival, General 
 Borozdin gave a ball to which he invited the best 
 society of the town. The dancing was kept up all 
 night, and the General encouraged by his example 
 public demonstrations of a gaiety which, to say the 
 least, was ill-timed. The wife of the British Consul 
 was conspicuous at this fete in a pink dress. 
 
 My companion on the journey from Rome to 
 Florence was General Levaschoff; he was very 
 amiable and full of anecdote. He had been sent to 
 Naples with the secret intention of negotiating an 
 armistice between the belligerents. The Emperor 
 Paul, who had withdrawn from the coalition, wished 
 by this means to avoid all reproach ; and General 
 Levaschoff had been despatched immediately after the 
 defeats in Holland and Switzerland on the pretext of 
 visiting Italy for his pleasure. His instructions were 
 drawn up by Count Rostopchin, then Foreign
 
 MURAT 
 
 225 
 
 Minister, who was shortly after deprived of his port- 
 folio and retired to Moscow, upon which Paul broke 
 off his relations with Austria, declared war against 
 England, and prepared to enter into a cordial alliance 
 with Buonaparte. All this happened during my 
 absence, and although I was on good terms with 
 
 O cj 
 
 Kutaysehoff,* I never could learn the exact details 
 either of Levaschoft's mission or of Rostopchin's 
 dismissal. LevaschofFs negotiations, which he was 
 authorised by the Cabinet to continue after Paul's 
 death, were not successful. The French negotiators 
 at once suspected that Alexander would not be so 
 easy to manage as Paul had been. This was doubtless 
 also Murat's opinion, for, without waiting for instruc- 
 tions from Paris, he occupied the whole of Tuscany, 
 and continued his advance. The more he suspected, 
 however, the more loudly he proclaimed his belief in 
 the maintenance of a friendly understanding between 
 France and Russia. He occupied the palace of the 
 Duke of Tuscany, where he gave me and General 
 Levaschoff a splendid dinner to which all the generals 
 and the principal people of Florence, comprising some 
 sixty persons, were invited. We sat on each side 
 of Madame Murat, who was very slim and pretty. 
 Murat, who sat opposite, paid us constant attention, 
 and was more amiable than his wife. He proposed 
 the health of the Emperor of Russia, and afterwards 
 drank the health of both of us. When the General 
 went to see him in his box at the play he observed 
 that above his head were the Russian and French 
 flags crossing each other. 
 
 * The Emperor's barber. See page 184. 
 VOL. I P
 
 226 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Before leaving Italy I went to Leghorn to bid 
 farewell to Marshal Rzewuski, whom I found very 
 ill. I met at his house several of my countrymen ; 
 among them was Sokolnicki, a very active officer of 
 engineers whom I had known in Lithuania during our 
 campaign of 1792,* and Rozniecki, who was with me 
 in the camp of Golomb and in the skirmish at Granno. 
 Both heartily shook me by the hand, recalling with 
 emotion the events we had witnessed together. 
 Rozniecki told me that he had introduced into the 
 Polish legions the system of drill practised at Golomb, 
 which made the Polish cavalry of the republican army 
 superior in rapidity of movement to the French 
 cavalry. I left Rzewuski with a heavy heart, and 
 this illustrious man, proved friend, and worthy citizen 
 passed away soon afterwards. He is buried in the 
 Campo Santo at Pisa. His family intended to erect 
 a monument to his memory, but I believe they did 
 not carry out their intention. 
 
 After staying two days at Vienna, I went on to 
 Pulawy, where I found the whole of my family ; but 
 much as they wished me to stay, they felt that it was 
 necessary I should go on at once. I travelled day 
 and night until I reached St Petersburg, where my 
 brother joined rne soon after. 
 
 I approached the Russian capital with mixed 
 feelings of joyful impatience to see the persons to 
 whom I was attached, and of uncertainty as to the 
 changes which time and new circumstances mio-ht 
 
 o o 
 
 have produced in them. A messenger met me at 
 Riga with a friendly note from the Emperor and a 
 
 * See page 53.
 
 RETURN TO ST PETERSBURG 22 j 
 
 written order for post-horses to accelerate my journey. 
 The note was addressed to me in the Emperor's own 
 hand, and gave me the title of Privy Councillor, 
 which gives the rank of General. I was surprised at 
 this rapid promotion, which I decided not to accept. 
 When I arrived at St Petersburg I showed Alex- 
 ander the envelope, and he admitted that he had 
 given me the title in a moment of forgetfulness, but I 
 could have taken advantage of the mistake had I 
 wished to do so. I never received any rank or 
 honorary distinction in Russia than that which had 
 been conferred upon me by the Emperor Paul. 
 
 The first impression produced upon me by the 
 Emperor Alexander confirmed my presentiments. 
 He had just come back from, parade, and was pale 
 and tired. He received me cordially, but with a sad 
 and depressed air, as if he were under a feeling of 
 constraint. Now he was the master, I thought I 
 observed in him perhaps wrongly a tinge of re- 
 serve and embarrassment which pained me. He took 
 me into his room. ' You have done well to come/ 
 he said ; ' our people expect you with impatience ' 
 alluding to some persons who he thought were more 
 enlightened and liberal than the rest, whom he re- 
 garded as his particular friends, and in whom he 
 placed entire confidence. ' If you had been here/ 
 he added, ' things would not have turned out as they 
 did ; I should never have been led away if I had 
 had you by my side.' Then he spoke to me of his 
 father's death with inexpressible grief and remorse. 
 We often returned to this subject, and Alexander 
 gave me full details of it which I shall repeat below,
 
 228 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 together with information communicated to me by 
 other actors in the tragedy. As regards the matters 
 which had formerly absorbed our attention, and as 
 to which I wished to ascertain how far his feelings 
 had been changed by his sudden elevation to the 
 throne, I found him much as I expected ; not quite 
 aroused from his past dreams, to which he still always 
 returned, but already in the iron hands of reality ; 
 yielding to force, and not yet knowing the extent of 
 his power or how to use it. 
 
 Alexander told me that the first man who spoke 
 
 to him about the plans of the conspirators was Count 
 
 Panin, and he never forgave him. This personage 
 
 seemed destined more than anyone else to play an 
 
 important part in the affairs of the Empire, and he 
 
 had all that was wanted for such an undertaking ; 
 
 a celebrated name, uncommon talents, and much 
 
 ambition. While still young he had made a brilliant 
 
 career. He was appointed Russian Minister at 
 
 Berlin, from which post he was recalled by the 
 
 Emperor Paul to be a member of the Council of 
 
 Foreign Affairs under the orders of Prince Alexander 
 
 Kourakin, his maternal uncle and Paul's faithful 
 
 friend, the companion of his infancy and youth, who 
 
 alone of the leading men at the Imperial Court had 
 
 escaped the Emperor's caprices and remained steadily 
 
 in favour. Besides his relationship to Prince 
 
 Kourakin, Count Panin was the son of the eminent 
 
 General of that name, and the nephew of the Minister 
 
 who had been the Grand-Duke Paul's tutor. These 
 
 antecedents gave Count Panin a certain assurance 
 
 and air of importance. He was a tall, reserved-looking
 
 COUNTS PANIN AND PAHLEN 229 
 
 'man, and wrote in excellent French; his despatches 
 were perfect in every respect both as regards matter 
 and style. He had the reputation of being a man of 
 great talent, energy, and good sense, but of dry and 
 imperious character. After remaining for some 
 months in the Foreign Office, he displeased the 
 Emperor, who deprived him of his appointment and 
 sent him back to Moscow. As will be seen further 
 on, Panin was one of the chief leaders of the con- 
 spiracy which brought about Paul's death, though he 
 did not actually take part in it. During my previous 
 stay in the Russian capital I had never met him, for 
 having entered the diplomatic career at an early age, 
 he scarcely ever came there. His wife, a Countess 
 Orloff, did not follow him abroad ; she was good and 
 amiable, and had been very kind to me. When I 
 returned to St Petersburg she insisted on bringing 
 me and her husband together, and did everything 
 in her power to make us friends, but without success. 
 Apart from other reasons, the Count's exterior would, 
 I think, almost have alone been sufficient to make 
 this impossible. I have often been struck by his 
 icy expression ; his impassive countenance, on a body 
 as straight as a spike, did not induce one to address 
 him. I saw him but little, however, and my judgment 
 of his character might have been erroneous and even 
 unjust. 
 
 The two Counts Panin and Pahlen were at that 
 time the strongest heads of the Empire. They saw 
 further and more clearly than the other members of 
 Paul's Council, to which both of them belonged ; and 
 they agreed to initiate Alexander into their plans.
 
 230 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 It would not have been prudent to attempt anything 
 without being: assured of the consent of the heir 'to 
 
 c5 
 
 the crown. Devoted fanatics or enthusiasts might no 
 doubt have acted otherwise. By not implicating the 
 son in the dethronement of his father, by exposing 
 themselves to a certain death, they would have better 
 served both Russia and the prince who was to be 
 called upon to govern her ; but such a course would 
 have been almost impracticable, and it would have 
 demanded an audacity and antique virtue which in 
 these days very few men possess. Pahlen, as 
 Governor of St Petersburg, had easy means of access 
 to the Grand-Duke, and obtained from him a secret 
 audience for Panin ; their first interview took place 
 in a bath. Panin represented to Alexander the evils 
 from which Russia was suffering and would continue 
 to suffer if Paul continued to reign. He said that 
 Alexander's most sacred duty was to his country, and 
 that he must not sacrifice millions of people to the 
 extravagant caprices and follies of a single man, even 
 if that man was his father ; that the life, or at least 
 the liberty, of his mother, of himself, and of the whole 
 of the Imperial family was threatened by Paul's 
 inconceivable aversion for his wife, from whom he was 
 entirely separated ; that this aversion increased from 
 day to day, and might prompt him to the most out- 
 rageous acts ; and that it was therefore necessary to 
 save Russia, whose fate was in Alexander's hands, by 
 deposing Paul, which would be the only means of 
 preventing him from inflicting greater calamities on. 
 his country and his family, and securing to him a 
 quieter and more happy life. This speech produced
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 231 
 
 a great impression on Alexander, but it did not con- 
 vince him. It required more than six months to 
 enable his tempters to obtain his consent to their 
 plans. Pahlen had at first left all the speaking to 
 Panin, who was an adept at specious arguments ; but 
 when the latter was sent to Moscow, Pahlen completed 
 the work of his colleague by hints and allusions, in- 
 telligible only to Alexander himself, which were so 
 skilfully introduced, with a military frankness which 
 he made almost as effective as eloquence, that Alex- 
 ander became more and more persuaded that the 
 aims of the conspiracy were just and good.* 
 
 It was a thousand pities that a prince so anxious 
 and so well qualified to be a benefactor to his country 
 did not hold entirely aloof from a conspiracy which 
 resulted almost inevitably in his father's assassination. 
 Russia certainly suffered much under the almost 
 maniacal Government of Paul, and there are no means 
 in that country of restraining or confining a mad 
 sovereign ; but Alexander felt and exaggerated in his 
 own mind all his life the sombre reflection of the 
 crime committed on his father, which had fallen on 
 himself, and which he thought he could never wipe 
 out. This ineffaceable stain, although it was brought 
 about solely by his inexperience and his total and 
 innocent ignorance of Russian affairs and the Russian 
 people, settled like a vulture on his conscience, 
 paralysed his best faculties at the commencement of 
 
 * Pahlen had the reputation of being one of the most astute men in Russia. 
 There was no one like him to get out of a difficulty, and to advance his interests in 
 spite of all obstacles. He fell, however, just at the moment when he seemed to have 
 nothing to fear. He came from Livonia, where they used to say of him : ' Er hat die 
 Fiffologie studiert ' (he was a student of Fiffology from the German word, fiffig 
 cunning).
 
 232 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 his reign, and plunged him into a mysticism some- 
 times degenerating into superstition at its close. 
 
 At the same time it must be admitted that the 
 Emperor Paul was precipitating his country into 
 incalculable disasters and into a complete disorganisa- 
 tion and deterioration of the Government machine. 
 Paul governed intermittently, without troubling him- 
 self about the consequences, like a man who acts 
 without reflection according to the impulse of the 
 moment. The higher classes, the principal officials, 
 the generals and other officers of rank all, in a 
 word, who thought and acted in Russia were more 
 
 ' O 
 
 or less convinced that the Emperor had fits of 
 mental alienation. His reign became a rule of terror. 
 He was hated even for his good qualities, for at 
 bottom he desired justice, and this impulse sometimes 
 led him to do a just thing in his outburst of rage ; 
 but his feeling of justice was blind, and struck 
 at all without discrimination of circumstances ; always 
 passionate, often capricious and cruel, his decrees 
 were constantly suspended over the heads of the 
 military and civil officers, and made them detest the 
 man who thus filled their lives with uncertainty and 
 terror. The conspiracy had the sympathy of all, for 
 it promised to put an end to a regime which had 
 become intolerable. A sovereign may commit grave 
 mistakes, bring evils on his country, cause its wealth 
 or its power to decline, without exposing himself to 
 death as a punishment for his misdeeds. But when 
 the sovereign authority weighs at every moment on 
 each individual in the State, and continually disturbs 
 like a fever the peace of families in the ordinary
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 233 
 
 relations of life, passions are excited which are much 
 more formidable than those produced by evils which, 
 though affecting the entire community, are little felt 
 by individuals. This was the real motive of Paul's 
 assassination. I utterly disbelieve the story that 
 English money contributed to this event. For even 
 supposing and I am sincerely convinced there is no 
 foundation for such a belief that the English 
 
 o 
 
 Government of that day was devoid of all feelings of 
 morality, such an expenditure would have been 
 totally unnecessary. The deposition, if not the 
 murder, of Paul had become inevitable in the natural 
 course of events. Even before my departure from St 
 Petersburg it was the fashion among the young men 
 of the Court to talk freely on this subject, to make 
 satirical epigrams on Paul's eccentricities, and to 
 suggest all kinds of absurd plans for getting rid of him. 
 The universal aversion to his rule was shown, often 
 without any attempt at concealment, on every possible 
 occasion ; it was a State secret which was confided to 
 all, and which no one betrayed, though the people 
 lived under the most redoubted and the most suspicious 
 of sovereigns, who encouraged espionage, and spared 
 no means of obtaining exact information not only 
 of the actions, but of the thoughts and intentions 
 of his subjects. The wish to get rid of the Emperor 
 Paul showed itself more strongly the nearer one 
 approached the Court and the capital, but it did not 
 really become active until almost at the moment of 
 its execution. Notwithstanding the extreme favour 
 with which the conspiracy was regarded in the most 
 distinguished society of the Empire, it could not have
 
 234 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 attained its objects, and would probably have been 
 discovered, if the appointment of Governor-General 
 of St Petersburg, which placed at his disposal the 
 garrison and the police, had not been in the hands of 
 the chief promoter of the enterprise. 
 
 One day the Emperor said, with a scrutinizing 
 glance at Pahlen : ' I hear a conspiracy is being 
 formed against me.' ' Such a thing is impossible, 
 Sire/ replied the General with his frank and good- 
 natured smile ; ' it cannot be formed unless I belong 
 to it.' This reassured Paul, though it is said that his 
 suspicions were aroused by anonymous letters, and 
 that on the eve of his death he had sent for General 
 Araktcheyeff to give him the place of Governor- 
 General of St Petersburg, after dismissing Pahlen. 
 If Araktcheyeff had come in time St Petersburg 
 would have been the scene of many tragic events ; he 
 was a man imbued with a strong sentiment of order 
 and with an energy which sometimes grew into 
 ferocity. His return would probably have been fol- 
 lowed by that of Count E-ostopchin, and Paul might 
 then have been saved. He had dismissed so many of 
 his Ministers that he was surrounded by incapable 
 men to whom he had given the highest offices of 
 State. Prince Kourakin continued to direct Foreign 
 Affairs with much kindness of heart and little wisdom, 
 while an insignificant man named Obalianinoff held 
 the important post of Procurator-General, involving 
 the direction of the police and the whole administra- 
 tion of the Empire, solely because he had formerly 
 been steward of the Gatchina estate. Kutayschoff 
 was still the man in whom Paul most trusted. When
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 235 
 
 he was arrested on the day after his master's death, 
 letters were found in his pocket revealing the objects 
 of the conspiracy, the time when it was to be executed, 
 and the names of the conspirators. But he never 
 opened his letters directly he received them. His 
 favourite saying was ' business to-morrow/ and he put 
 these important letters in his pocket in order not to 
 interrupt his pleasures that evening. 
 
 Paul had just finished the construction at immense 
 expense of the palace of St Michael.* This building 
 was erected after his own designs, and was a sort of 
 fortified castle where the Emperor thought his life 
 would be safe. 'I never felt happier or more at ease/ 
 he said when he took up his residence in this palace, 
 and he became more self-indulgent and -autocratic 
 than ever. 
 
 Although everybody sympathised with the con- 
 spiracy, nothing was done until Alexander had given 
 his consent to his father's deposition. The men who 
 undertook to carry out the plan were Pahlen arid the 
 two Zuboffs, whom Paul had recalled from exile and 
 loaded with favours, thinking he had nothing to fear 
 from them now he was in his new castle. Their first 
 step was to induce a number of Generals and other 
 officers of rank who were their friends to come under 
 various pretexts to St Petersburg ; and this was 
 rendered more easy by the fact that Paul himself had 
 invited many high functionaries and Generals to be 
 
 * The swindling which took place at the erection of this building is almost 
 incredible. The chief architect, B . . ., was an Italian foreman, whom Count 
 Stanislas Potocki had brought from Italy, and who passed from Warsaw to the 
 service of the Grand-Duke Paul at Gatchina. B . . . 's commissions on the work 
 he performed were enormous, and he left a large fortune to his daughter's husband 
 and their children, who became Russian diplomatists.
 
 236 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 present at the fetes he was about to give on the 
 marriage of one of his daughters. Pahlen and the 
 Zuboffs took steps to enlist the services of some of 
 the more eminent of the Generals, without stating 
 positively what they intended to do. But it was 
 necessary to act at once, for the slightest imprudence 
 or revelation might place the Emperor in possession 
 of their secret, and he was already so suspicious that 
 he might at any moment take some step which would 
 be their ruin. It was not known whether he had 
 already sent for Araktcheyeff and Rostopchin. The 
 former lived at twenty-four hours' journey from St 
 Petersburg and might come at any moment. Doubt- 
 less he and Rostopchin would endeavour to moderate 
 the Emperor's excesses, but their influence would 
 probably not be sufficient to put a stop to the severities 
 he wished to exercise with regard to several members 
 of the Imperial family. It was evident that any 
 further delay or vacillation would be most dangerous, 
 and' miff ht be the cause of incalculable calamities; 
 
 * O 
 
 and the conspirators accordingly decided to strike 
 the blow on the 3rd of March, 1801. 
 
 On that evening Plato Zuboff gave a grand 
 supper, to which were invited all the Generals and 
 other officers of rank who were supposed to approve of 
 the objects of the conspiracy. These were only now 
 clearly explained to them, as the only way to secure 
 the enterprise against accidents was for two or three 
 leaders to prepare it, and not to announce it to the 
 others who were to take part in it until the moment 
 for its execution should arrive. 
 
 Zuboff represented to his guests the deplor-
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 237 
 
 able condition in which Russia was placed by the 
 insanity of her sovereign, the dangers to which both 
 the State and each individual citizen were exposed, 
 and the probability that new and more outrageous 
 excesses might at any moment be expected. He 
 pointed out that the insane act of a rupture with 
 England was contrary to the essential interests of the 
 Russian nation, dried up the sources of its wealth, 
 and exposed the Baltic ports, and the capital itself, 
 to the gravest disasters; and that none of those whom 
 he addressed could be sure of their fate on the morrow. 
 He enlarged on the virtues of the Grand-Duke 
 Alexander, and on the brilliant destinies of Russia 
 under the sceptre of a young Prince of such promise, 
 whom the Empress Catherine, of glorious memory, 
 had regarded as her successor, and had intended, if 
 she had not been prevented by her death, to place 
 on the throne. He concluded by declaring that 
 Alexander, rendered desperate by the misfortunes of 
 his country, had decided to save it, and that all that 
 was now necessary was to depose the Emperor Paul, 
 to oblige him to sign a deed of abdication, and, by 
 proclaiming Alexander Emperor, to prevent his father 
 from ruining both himself and his Empire. Pahlen 
 and both the Zuboffs repeated to the assembled guests 
 the assurance that the Grand-Duke Alexander ap- 
 proved of their plan. They were careful not to say 
 how much time it took them to persuade him, and 
 with what extreme difficulty and with how many 
 restrictions and modifications his consent was finally 
 obtained. The last point was left vague, and every- 
 one probably explained it after his own fashion.
 
 238 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 When the company had been made to understand 
 that Alexander's consent had been given, there was 
 no further hesitation. Meanwhile champagne was 
 drunk freely and there was general excitement. 
 Pahlen, who had gone away for a short time on 1 
 business connected with his functions as Governor- 
 General, came back from the Court and announced 
 that the Emperor did not seem to suspect anything, 
 and had said good-night to the Empress and the 
 Grand-Dukes as usual. Those who had been at 
 supper in the palace afterwards said they recollected 
 that Alexander, when he took leave of his father, 
 did not change countenance or show that he was 
 conscious of the scene which was preparing. Pro^ 
 bably they did not look at him, for he has often told 
 me how agitated he was, and certainly the risks he 
 ran not only for himself, but for his mother, his 
 family, and many others were enough to make him 
 sad and anxious. The Grand-Dukes were always 
 obliged to maintain an attitude of strict reserve 
 before their father, and this constant habit of con- 
 cealing their emotions and thoughts may explain why 
 at this grave and supreme moment no one perceived 
 in Alexander's countenance what was passing in his 
 mind. 
 
 At the Zuboffs' house the guests had become so 
 convivial that time went fast. At midnight the con- 
 spirators set out for the Emperor's palace. The 
 leaders had drunk but moderately, wishing to keep 
 their heads clear, but the majority of those who fol- 
 lowed them were more or less intoxicated ; some 
 could even hardly keep their legs. They were divided
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 239 
 
 into two bands, each composed of some sixty Generals 
 and other officers. The two Zuboffs and General 
 Bennigsen were at the head of the first band, 
 which was to go to the palace direct ; the second 
 was to enter through the garden, and was under 
 the command of Pahlen. The aide-de-camp in waiting, 
 who knew all the doors and passages of the palace, 
 as he was daily on duty there, guided the first band 
 with a dark lantern to the entrance of the Emperor's 
 dressing-room, which adjoined his bedroom. A 
 young valet who was on duty stopped the con- 
 spirators and cried out that rebels were coming to 
 murder the Emperor. He was wounded in the 
 struggle which ensued, and rendered incapable of 
 further resistance. His cries waked the Emperor, 
 who ofot out of bed and ran to a door which communi- 
 
 O 
 
 cated with the Empress's apartments and was hidden 
 by a large curtain. Unfortunately, in one of his fits 
 of dislike for his wife, he had ordered the door to be 
 locked ; and the key was not in the lock, either because 
 Paul had ordered it to be taken away or because his 
 favourites, who were opposed to the Empress, had 
 done so, fearing lest he should some day have a fancy 
 to return to her. Meanwhile the conspirators were 
 confused and terrified at the cries of Paul's faithful 
 defender, the only one he had at a moment of supreme 
 danger when he believed in his omnipotence more 
 than ever and was surrounded by a triple line of walls 
 and guards. Zuboff, the chief of the band, lost heart 
 and proposed to retire at once, but General Bennigsen 
 (from whom I obtained some of these details) seized 
 him by the arm and protested against such a dangerous
 
 24 o MEMOIRS OF PRIXCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 step. ' What ? ' he said, ' You have brought us so 
 far, and now you want to withdraw ? We are too far 
 advanced to follow your advice, which would ruin us 
 all. The wine is drawn, it must be drunk. Let us 
 inarch on.' 
 
 It was this Hanoverian that decided the Emperor's 
 fate ; he was one of those who had only that evening 
 been informed of the conspiracy. He placed himself 
 at the head of the band, and those who had most 
 courage, or most hatred for Paul, were the first to 
 follow him. They entered the Emperor's bedroom, 
 went straight to his bed, and were much alarmed at 
 not finding him there. They searched the room with 
 a light, and at last discovered the unfortunate Paul 
 hiding behind the folds of the curtain. They dragged 
 him out in his shirt more dead than alive ; the terror 
 he had inspired was now repaid to him with usury. 
 Fear had paralysed his senses and had deprived him of 
 speech ; his whole body shivered. He was placed on 
 a chair before a desk. The long, thin, pale, and 
 angular form of General Bennigsen, with his hat on 
 his head and a drawn sword in his hand, must have 
 seemed to him a terrible spectre. * Sire,' said the 
 General, ' you are my prisoner, and have ceased to 
 reign ; you will now at once write and sign a deed of 
 abdication in favour of the Grand-Duke Alexander.' 
 Paul was still unable to speak, and a pen was 
 put in his hand. Trembling and almost unconscious, 
 he was about to obey, when more cries were heard. 
 General Bennigsen then left the room, as he has often 
 assured me, to ascertain what these cries meant, 
 and to take steps for securing the safety of the
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 241 
 
 palace and of the Imperial family. He had only just 
 gone out at the door when a terrible scene began. 
 The unfortunate Paul remained alone with men who 
 were maddened by a furious hatred of him, owing 
 to the numerous acts of persecution and injustice 
 they had suifered at his hands, and it appears that 
 several of them had decided to assassinate him, per- 
 haps without the knowledge of the leaders or at least 
 without their formal consent. The catastrophe, which 
 in such a case was, in a country like Russia, almost 
 inevitable, was doubtless hastened by the cries above 
 referred to, which alarmed the conspirators for their 
 own safety. Count Nicholas Zuboff, a man of her- 
 culean proportions, was said to be the first that placed 
 his hand on his sovereign, and thereby broke the spell 
 of imperial authority which still surrounded him. 
 The others now saw in Paul nothing but a monster, a 
 tyrant, an implacable enemy and his abject sub- 
 mission, instead of disarming them, rendered him 
 despicable and ridiculous as well as odious in their 
 eyes. 
 
 One of the conspirators took off his official scarf 
 and tied it round the Emperor's throat. Paul 
 struggled, the approach of death restoring him to 
 strength and speech. He set free one of his hands 
 and thrust it between the scarf and his throat, crying 
 out for air. Just then he perceived a red uniform, 
 which was at that time worn by the officers of the 
 cavalry guard, and thinking that one of the assassins 
 was his son Constantine, who was a colonel of that 
 regiment, he exclaimed : ' Mercy, your Highness, 
 mercy ! Some air, for God's sake ! ' But the con- 
 VOL. i. Q
 
 242 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 spirators seized the hand with which he was striving 
 to prolong his life, and furiously tugged at both ends 
 of the scarf. The unhappy Emperor had already 
 breathed his last, and yet they tightened the knot 
 and dragged along the dead body, striking it with 
 their hands and feet. The cowards who until then 
 had held aloof, surpassed in atrocity those who had 
 done the deed. Just at that time General Bennigsen 
 
 O 
 
 returned. I do not know whether he was sincerely 
 grieved at what had happened in his absence ; all 
 he did was to stop the further desecration of the 
 Emperor's body. 
 
 Meanwhile the cry ' Paul is dead ! ' was heard by 
 the other conspirators, and filled them with a joy 
 that deprived them of all sentiment of decency and 
 dignity. They wandered tumultuously about the 
 corridors and rooms of the palace, boasting to each 
 other of their prowess ; many of them found means 
 of adding to the intoxication of the supper by break- 
 ing into the wine cellars and drinking to the Emperor's 
 death. 
 
 Pahlen, who seems to have lost his way in the 
 garden, came to the palace with his band imme- 
 diately after the deed had been consummated. It is 
 said that he had delayed his arrival on purpose, so as 
 to be able to profess to have come to the Emperor's 
 assistance in case his colleagues should have failed. 
 Be this as it may, he was extremely active directly 
 he arrived, giving the necessary orders during the 
 rest of the night, and omitting nothing which could 
 give him a claim to reward as the prime mover and 
 commander of the enterprise.
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 2^3 
 
 It will be seen from the above narrative how easy 
 it would have been for the undertaking to have been 
 foiled by an accident, notwithstanding the precautions 
 \vhich had been taken to ensure its success. The 
 conspiracy had the sympathies of the higher classes 
 and most of the officers ; but not of the lower ranks 
 of the army. The persons who suffered from Paul's 
 insane fits of rage and severity were usually the 
 higher military and civil officials ; his caprices very 
 seldom affected men of the lower ranks, who, more- 
 over, were continually receiving extra pay and rations 
 of bread, wine, and brandy when they were on drill 
 or on a parade. The punishments to which the 
 officers were exposed did not therefore produce any 
 unpleasant impression on the common soldier ; on the 
 contrary, they were a sort of satisfaction to him for 
 the blows and ill-treatment he constantly had to 
 endure. Moreover, his pride was flattered by the 
 great importance attached to his calling, for to Paul 
 nothing could be more important than a foot raised 
 too soon on the march, or a coat badly buttoned on 
 parade. It amused and pleased the soldiers to see 
 their Emperor dispensing endless punishments and 
 severities among the officers, while he took every 
 opportunity to afford to the men ample compensation 
 for the work and trouble that was required of them. 
 The soldiers of the Guard, many of whom were 
 married, lived with their families almost in opulence, 
 and both they and those of the other regiments 
 were satisfied with and attached to their Emperor. 
 General Talyzin, one of the principal conspirators, 
 who was very popular among the soldiers, had under-
 
 244 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 taken to bring to the palace one of the battalions of 
 the first regiment of the Guard which was under his 
 command. He assembled the men after leaving 
 Zuboffs supper, and began to tell them that their 
 fatigues were about to cease, and that the}' would 
 now have an indulgent and kind sovereign who 
 would not impose upon them the rigorous duties 
 they had hitherto had to perform. He soon per- 
 ceived, however, that his words were not listened to 
 with favour ; the soldiers preserved a gloomy silence, 
 their faces had a sombre expression, and some mur- 
 murs were heard. The General cut short his speech, 
 uttered in a sharp tone of command the words ' Right 
 wheel march,' and the battalion, which had now 
 again become a machine, marched to the palace, all 
 the outlets from which it occupied. 
 
 Count Valerian Zuboff, having lost a leg in the 
 Polish War, could not belong to either of the bands 
 of the conspirators. He entered the palace soon 
 after the death of the Emperor became known, and 
 then went to the guard-room to sound the opinions 
 of the soldiers. He congratulated them on having a 
 new and a young Emperor ; but this compliment was 
 ill received, and he was obliged to leave the room 
 hastily to avoid disagreeable manifestations. All this 
 shows how easy it would have been for Paul to crush 
 the conspirators if he had been able to escape them 
 for a moment and to show himself to the guards in 
 the courtyard. It also shows how illusory and 
 impracticable was Alexander's plan of keeping his 
 father in confinement. If Paul's life had been saved, 
 blood would have flowed on the scaffold, Siberia
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 245 
 
 would have been crowded with exiles, and his venge- 
 ance would probably have extended to his sons. 
 
 I will now. describe what happened during this 
 terrible night in the part of the palace which was 
 inhabited by the Imperial family. The Grand-Duke 
 Alexander knew that his father would in a few hours 
 be called upon to abdicate, and without undressing he 
 threw himself on his bed full of anxiety and doubt. 
 About one o'clock he heard a knock at his door, and 
 saw Count Nicholas Zuboff, his dress in disorder, and 
 his face flushed with wine and the excitement of the 
 murder which had just been committed. He came up 
 to Alexander, who was sitting on his bed, and said 
 in a hoarse voice: ' All is over.' 'What is over?' 
 asked Alexander in consternation. He was some- 
 what deaf, and perhaps he feared to misunderstand 
 what was being said to him, while Zuboff on his side 
 feared to state exactly what had been done. This 
 somewhat prolonged the conversation; Alexander had 
 not the least idea that his father was dead, and did 
 not therefore admit the possibility of such a thing. 
 At length he perceived that Zuboff, without clearly 
 explaining himself, repeatedly addressed him as 
 ' Sire ' and ' Your Majesty,' while Alexander thought 
 he was merely Regent. This led to further question- 
 ing, and he then learnt the truth. Alexander was 
 prostrated with grief and despair. This was not 
 surprising, for even ambitious men cannot commit a 
 crime or believe themselves the cause of one without 
 repulsion, while Alexander was not at all ambitious. 
 The idea of having caused the death of his father 
 filled him with horror, and he felt that his reputation
 
 246 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 had received a stain which could never be effaced. 
 As for the Empress, directly the news reached her she 
 dressed hastily and rushed out of her apartments with 
 cries of despair and rage. Perceiving some grenadiers, 
 she said to them repeatedly : ' As your Emperor has 
 died a victim to treason, I am your Empress, I alone 
 am your legitimate sovereign ; follow me and protect 
 me.' General Bennigsen and Count Pahlen, who had 
 just brought a detachment of men whom they could 
 trust to the palace to restore order, strove to calm 
 her and forced her with difficulty to return to her 
 room. She had scarcely entered it, however, than 
 she wished to go out again, although guards had been 
 placed at her door. At first she seemed determined 
 at all risks to seize the reins of government and 
 avenge her husband's murder. But though she was 
 generally respected, she was not capable df inspiring 
 those feelings of enthusiastic devotion which cause men 
 to act impulsively and without weighing the conse- 
 quences. Her appeals to the soldiers (which were 
 perhaps rendered somewhat ridiculous by her German 
 accent) produced no effect, and she retired in con- 
 fusion, vexed at having uselessly disclosed her 
 ambitious views. 
 
 I never heard any details of the first interview 
 between the Empress and her son after Paul's 
 assassination. Subsequently they came to an under- 
 standing with each other ; but during the first 
 terrible moments Alexander was so absorbed by his 
 remorse that he seemed incapable of saying a word 
 or thinking of anybody. His mother, on the other 
 hand, was in a passion of grief and animosity ; the
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 247 
 
 only member of the Imperial family that retained her 
 presence of mind was the young Empress. She did 
 her utmost to console Alexander and give him courage 
 and self-reliance. She did not leave him during the 
 whole of the night, except when she went for a few 
 moments to calm her mother-in-law and persuade 
 her to stop in her room and not expose herself to the 
 fury of the conspirators. While in this night of 
 trouble and horror some were intoxicated with triumph 
 and others plunged in grief and despair, the Empress 
 Elizabeth alone exercised a mediatory influence 
 between her husband, her mother-in-law, and the 
 conspirators. 
 
 During the first years of his reign, Alexander's 
 position with regard to his father's murderers was an 
 extremely difficult and painful one. For a few 
 months he believed himself to be at their mercy, but 
 it was chiefly his conscience and a feeling of natural 
 equity which prevented him from giving up to justice 
 the most guilty of the conspirators. He knew that 
 there was a general sympathy for the objects of the 
 conspiracy, and that those who had personally taken 
 part in their realisation had only decided to do so 
 when they were assured of his consent. It would 
 have been difficult under these circumstances to dis- 
 tinguish between degrees of guilt ; every member of 
 the society of St Petersburg was more or less an 
 accomplice in the fatal deed, for those who wished 
 Paul to be deposed must have known that his de- 
 position, if resisted, might have involved his death. 
 If the assassins alone had been brought to trial, they 
 would certainly have accused the other conspirators
 
 248 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 and have referred to Alexander's consent in justifica- 
 tion of their action, though the crime had been com- 
 mitted against his express wish. Moreover, he did 
 not for many years know who they were, as all the 
 conspirators were interested in keeping the secret. 
 The assassins all perished miserably, including Count 
 Nicholas Zuboff, who, not daring to show himself at 
 Court, died in retirement, consumed by illness, by 
 remorse, and by disappointed ambition. 
 
 Although Alexander's mother continually urged 
 him to proceed against his father's murderers, it was 
 not possible for him to do so by the ordinary and 
 public legal means. He looked with horror upon 
 those who had led him to give his consent to the 
 conspiracy, and he used every other means in his power 
 to discover and punish the assassins. General 
 Bennigsen was removed from his post of Governor- 
 General of Lithuania, which was given to General 
 Kutuzoft', and it was not until the year 1806 that 
 Bennigsen's military reputation compelled Alex- 
 ander to place him at the head of the army which 
 fought at Eylau and Friedland. Prince Plato ZubofF, 
 the ostensible chief of the conspiracy, failed, notwith- 
 standing all his efforts, to obtain any appointment, 
 and feeling that his presence was disagreeable to the 
 Emperor, he retired to his estates, married a hand- 
 some Polish woman, and then went abroad. His 
 bad reputation, however, everywhere preceded him, 
 and he died obscure and unregretted. 
 
 As for General Pahlen, he at first thought himself 
 strong enough to maintain his position without 
 support. It was he who took the external and
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 249 
 
 internal measures which had become urgently 
 necessary by the probability of the British fleet 
 entering the waters of Riga, Revel, and Cronstadt, 
 after the battle of Copenhagen. Nelson had won 
 this battle shortly after the Emperor Paul was 
 assassinated.* The news did not become public for 
 some days, and in the trouble and confusion which 
 followed, Pahlen took into his own hands the reins 
 of State, wishing to add to his important functions 
 as Governor-General of St Petersburg the still more 
 important ones of Secretary of State for Foreign 
 Affairs. The proclamations issued at that time were 
 all signed by him ; nothing could be done except 
 through him and with his consent ; he affected to 
 protect the young Emperor, and scolded him when 
 he did not do what he wished, or rather ordered. 
 Alexander, overcome with sadness and despair, seemed 
 to be in the power of the conspirators ; he thought 
 it necessary to treat them with consideration and 
 bend his will to theirs. 
 
 Just at this time the important post of Procurator- 
 General, which combined the direction of all the 
 administrative departments of the Empire, became 
 vacant by the dismissal of one of Paul's favourites 
 who had occupied it. Alexander had the happy idea 
 of selecting for this place General Beklescheff, who 
 had been summoned by Paul to St Petersburg 
 perhaps with the same object. He was a Russian of 
 the old school, with coarse and abrupt manners, 
 ignorant of the French language or barely under- 
 
 * Paul was assassinated on the night of the 23rd of March 1801 ; the battle of 
 Copenhagen was fought on the 2nd of April, 1801.
 
 250 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 standing it, but firm, straightforward, and compassion- 
 ate for other people's misfortunes. His reputation as 
 a man of high character was generally established, 
 and he had even preserved it while he was Governor- 
 General of the Polish provinces of the South, where 
 he showed himself just to the people he governed and 
 severe to his subordinates. He had done his best to 
 prevent robbery and falsehood, and did not permit the 
 officials to sell justice by auction as other Russian 
 governors did. When he left he was followed by the 
 gratitude of the people whom he had ruled. No more 
 difficult task can be given to a high Russian official, 
 and not many have acquitted themselves so well. He 
 knew nothing of what was going on beyond the 
 frontier, but he was thoroughly acquainted with the 
 ukases and the routine of 'Russian administration ; he 
 executed them with rigour, but with all the justice of 
 which they were capable. He had been a complete 
 stranger to the conspiracy, and Alexander complained 
 to him of Pahlen's dictatorial w r ays. Beklescheff, 
 with his usual abruptness, expressed surprise at a 
 Russian autocrat complaining that he did not do as 
 he pleased. ' When flies annoy me,' he said, ' I 
 drive them away.' The Emperor took the hint, and 
 signed an order directing Pahlen at once to leave St 
 Petersburg and proceed to his country house. 
 Beklescheff, who was an old friend of Pahlen's, under- 
 took as Procurator-General to take this order to him 
 and make him leave within twenty-four hours. He 
 came to Pahlen early on the following morning, and 
 the latter at once obeyed the Emperor's decree. This 
 event made much noise at St Petersburg, and Alex-
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 251 
 
 ander was accused of duplicity because on the day 
 before Pahlen was banished he had behaved to him as 
 usual when he received his daily report. He could, 
 however, hardly have done otherwise, and the fact is 
 that this act of absolute sovereignty on the part of 
 the young Emperor displeased and alarmed the leaders 
 of the conspiracy. 
 
 The views of the Zuboffs as to the conspiracy were 
 communicated to me by Count Valerian Zuboff a few 
 days after my return to St Petersburg. He com- 
 plained that the Emperor did not declare himself for 
 his true friends, who had placed him on the throne 
 and had not feared any danger they had incurred in 
 his service. The Empress Catherine had acted other- 
 wise ; she had always supported those who had 
 helped her, and had not hesitated to maintain them 
 in power. By this wise and sagacious conduct, said 
 Zuboff, she had been able always to reckon on their 
 devotion. No one hesitated to make a sacrifice for 
 her, as such sacrifices were always rewarded ; but 
 Alexander was exposing himself by his vacillating 
 conduct to the most serious consequences, and was 
 discouraging his best friends. Zuboff added that the 
 Empress Catherine had expressly enjoined him and his 
 brother to look upon Alexander as their only legiti- 
 mate sovereign, and to serve him alone with unshaken 
 zeal and fidelity. This they had done, and what was 
 their reward ? He said this to exculpate his brother 
 and himself in the eyes of the young Emperor with 
 regard to the assassination of his father, and to prove 
 to him that their conduct was the .necessary result of 
 the engagements Catherine had demanded of them as
 
 252 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 to her grandson. But they did not know that 
 Alexander, and even his brother Constantine, by no 
 means regarded their grandmother's memory with 
 veneration or attachment. During this conversation, 
 which lasted more than an hour, I several times 
 interrupted the Count to explain the young Emperor's 
 conduct. It was evident that the Zuboffs wished me 
 to communicate their views to the Emperor, and 
 though I did not promise, I considered it my duty to 
 do so. Their statements produced but little impres- 
 sion on Alexander, but they showed that the con- 
 spirators were still very proud of their achievement, 
 and that they felt convinced they had done a great 
 service to Russia, had a right to Alexander's 
 gratitude and confidence, and were necessary to the 
 security and prosperity of the new reign. They even 
 hinted that their discontent might be dangerous to 
 him. Alexander, however, w T as deaf both to their 
 arguments and their threats. He could not look with 
 favour on his father's murderers, or give himself up 
 into their hands. Moreover, he had already dismissed 
 Pahlen, who was perhaps the only one of the con- 
 spirators who by his ability, his connections, his 
 boldness, and his ambition, could inspire serious fear 
 or become really dangerous. Alexander also dismissed 
 other leaders of the conspiracy who were not 
 dangerous, but the sight of whom was odious and 
 disagreeable to him. The only leader w r ho remained 
 at St Petersburg was Count Valerian ZubofF, who 
 was a member of the Imperial Council. His 
 amiability and frankness pleased Alexander and 
 inspired him with confidence ; and this feeling was
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 253 
 
 confirmed by the attachment which the Count pro- 
 fessed (I think sincerely) to have for the Emperor 
 personally, and also by his indolence, his unwillingness 
 to take appointments to which onerous duties were 
 attached, and especially by his amours, which occupied 
 nearly the whole of his time. 
 
 The punishment of Pahlen and .the other leaders 
 of the conspiracy was the most painful that could have 
 been inflicted on them, and Alexander punished him- 
 self with more severity than the others. His grief 
 and the remorse which he was continually reviving 
 in his heart were inexpressibly deep and touching. 
 In the midst of the pomp and the festivals of the 
 coronation, the young Emperor was reminded of the 
 similar ceremonies which had been passed through 
 by his father, and he saw in imagination Paul's 
 mutilated and blood-stained body on the steps 
 of the throne which he was now himself to ascend. 
 This brilliant display of supreme power, instead 
 of rousing his ambition or flattering his vanity, 
 increased his mental tortures, and he was never, 
 I think, more unhappy. He remained alone for 
 hours, sitting in silence with fixed and haggard 
 
 / O oo 
 
 looks. 
 
 With me, as the confidant of his secret thoughts 
 and troubles, he was most at his ease, and I sometimes 
 entered his room when he had been too long under 
 the painful influence of these fits of despair and 
 remorse. I tried to recall him to his duties ; he 
 acknowledged that a painful task was before him, 
 but the severity of his condemnation of his own 
 conduct deprived him of all energy. He replied to
 
 254 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 all my exhortations and words of encouragement and 
 hope : ' No, it is impossible, there is no remedy. I 
 must suffer. How can I cease to suffer ? This can- 
 not change.' 
 
 Those who approached him often feared that his 
 mind would be affected, and as I was then the only 
 person who could speak to him freely I was constantly 
 urged to do so. I think I was of some use in pre- 
 venting Alexander from succumbing under the weight 
 of the terrible thought that pursued him. Some 
 years later, the great events in which he took a 
 leading and glorious part gave him some consolation 
 and for a time, perhaps, absorbed all his faculties ; but 
 I am certain that towards the end of his life it was 
 the same terrible thought that so depressed him, 
 filling him with a disgust of life and a piety which 
 was perhaps exaggerated, but which is the sole 
 possible and real support in the most poignant grief. 
 When we returned to this sad topic, Alexander often 
 repeated to me the details of the plan he had formed 
 to establish his father in the Palace of St Michael and 
 afterwards to enable him as much as possible to reside 
 in the Imperial Palaces in the country. ' The Palace 
 of St Michael,' he said, ' was his favourite residence, 
 and he would have been happy there. He would 
 have had the whole of the winter garden to walk and 
 ride in.' Alexander intended to attach a riding- 
 school and a theatre to the palace, so as to bring 
 together within its precincts everything that could 
 have amused the Emperor Paul and made his life 
 happy. He judged of his father by himself. There 
 was always in his noble character a feminine ele-
 
 ASSASSINATION OF THE EMPEROR PAUL 255 
 
 merit, with its strength and weakness. He often 
 used to make plans which could not be realised, and 
 on this idealistic foundation he raised complete struc- 
 tures which he made as perfect as possible. Nothing 
 was more impracticable especially in Russia than 
 the romantic means which Alexander had devised of 
 rendering his father happy, while depriving him of 
 his crown and of the possibility of tormenting and 
 ruining the country. Alexander was not only young 
 and inexperienced ; he had almost the blind and con- 
 fiding inexperience of childhood, and this characteristic 
 remained with him for some years until it was de- 
 stroyed by the realities of life. 
 
 I have not concealed anything in regard to the 
 catastrophe which inaugurated his reign, for this 
 was the best way of doing him justice. The complete 
 truth, without any restriction, exculpates him up to 
 a certain point from an odious accusation, and explains 
 how he was led into an action which he abhorred and 
 why he seemed not to have punished the assassins 
 with sufficient rigour. I have shown how inexperi- 
 enced and unambitious he was, and what were the 
 plausible and even honourable motives by which he 
 was actuated. We may pity Alexander, but we 
 must hesitate to condemn him.* 
 
 * M. de Langeron's account of the assassination of the Emperor Paul is true, 
 but it does not give the whole truth, as it does not explain how Alexander was 
 induced to give his consent to his father's deposition and why he did not bring the 
 conspirators to trial. (Note by Prince Adam Czartoryski,)
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 1801-2 
 
 MY RELATIONS WITH ALEXANDER. THE SECRET COUNCIL. EUROPEAN 
 
 COALITION AGAINST ENGLAND. THE DON COSSACKS MARCH UPON 
 
 INDIA. NELSON'S BOMBARDMENT OF COPENHAGEN. ARRANGE- 
 MENT BETWEEN RUSSIA AND ENGLAND. MISSION FROM NAPOLEON 
 
 TO ALEXANDER. ALEXANDER'S CORONATION. INTERVIEW BE- 
 TWEEN ALEXANDER AND FREDERICK WILLIAM III AT MEMEL. THE 
 
 STROGONOFFS. THE VORONTZOFFS. PLANS OF REFORM. MY 
 
 APPOINTMENT AS ASSISTANT FOREIGN MINISTER OF RUSSIA. STATE 
 
 OF EDUCATION IN RUSSIA. 
 
 THE opinions and sentiments which had seemed to 
 me so admirable in Alexander when he was Grand - 
 Duke did not change when he became Emperor ; 
 they were somewhat modified by the possession of 
 absolute power, but they remained the foundation 
 of all his principles and thoughts. They were for 
 many years like a secret passion which one dares not 
 acknowledge before a world incapable of compre- 
 hending it, but which constantly dominates us and 
 colours our actions whenever its influence can make 
 itself felt. I shall often have occasion to return to 
 this important subject in explanation of Alexander's 
 character, for at other times the Emperor, being 
 thoroughly aware of his power and the obligations it 
 imposed upon him, might have been compared to a
 
 THE SECRET COUNCIL 257 
 
 man who still likes to amuse himself with the toys 
 of his childhood, and leaves his favourite recreation 
 with regret in order to return to the occupations and 
 duties of real life. 
 
 There was no longer any question of the old 
 reveries of extreme liberalism ; the Emperor ceased 
 to speak to me of his plan of giving up the 
 throne, or of the document he had made me write. 
 But he was constantly thinking of more practical 
 matters, such as the administration of justice, the 
 emancipation of the masses, equitable reforms, 
 and liberal institutions ; this was his diversion when 
 he was alone with me. He understood the often 
 insurmountable obstacles which the most elemen- 
 tary reforms would meet with in Russia ; but 
 he wished to prove to those with whom he was 
 intimate that the sentiments he had expressed to 
 them were still the same, notwithstanding the 
 change in his position. It was necessary, however, 
 not to disclose them, and still less to take a pride in 
 them, in the presence of a public which was at that 
 time so little prepared to appreciate them, and 
 would have regarded them with surprise and horror. 
 Meanwhile the government machine continued to 
 work according to the old routine, and the Emperor 
 was obliged to take part in its management. In 
 order to remedy the discrepancy between Alexander's 
 opinions and his acts, he established a Secret Council 
 composed of persons whom he regarded as his friends 
 and believed to be animated by sentiments and 
 opinions in conformity with his own. The first 
 nucleus of this Council was formed by the young 
 
 VOL. I. K
 
 258 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Count Paul Strogonoff, M. de Novosiltzoff, and myself. 
 We had long been in near relations with each other, 
 and these now became more serious. The necessity 
 of rallying round the Emperor and not leaving him 
 alone in his desire of reform drew us more closely 
 together. We were regarded for some years as models 
 of intimate and unshakeable friendship. To be 
 superior to every personal interest, and not to accept 
 either presents or distinctions, was the principle of 
 our alliance. Such a principle could not take root in 
 Russia, but it was in accordance with the ideas of 
 Alexander's youth and inspired him with special 
 esteem for his friends. I was the sole author of the 
 principle, which indeed was specially suited to my 
 peculiar position. It was not always liked by my 
 companions, and the Emperor himself afterwards 
 grew tired of servants who wished to distinguish 
 themselves by refusing to accept rewards which were 
 so eagerly sought by everyone else. 
 
 The understanding between us had, as I have 
 shown, begun at the coronation of the Emperor Paul 
 at Moscow, and we had for a long time been on 
 intimate terms, as we met daily at Count Strogonoff s. 
 The fourth member admitted by the Emperor to the 
 Secret Council was Count Kotchoubey. Being the 
 nephew of Count Bezborodko, a Minister who had 
 been held in high esteem by the Empress Catherine, 
 he was sent when still very young to the embassy at 
 Constantinople, and was recalled under the Emperor 
 Paul to give place to M. Tarnara. While at Constanti- 
 nople he conducted himself to the satisfaction of his 
 Government, and was perhaps the only Russian who
 
 THE SECRET COUNCIL 259 
 
 was well treated in the capital. This was at the 
 time of our grand Diet,* and during the reign of 
 Leopold, when Russians used to be received by ladies 
 in drawing-rooms in a manner anything but flattering. 
 I remember the Countess Caroline, afterwards Lady 
 Guildford, being asked by Count Tchernitcheff to insult 
 him in order to enable him to gain a wager, upon 
 which she said : ' You are a Russian.' But to return 
 to Count Kotchoubey. He had acquired a certain 
 European varnish and grand manners which made 
 him a favourite in society. Vanity, a general defect 
 among men, and especially among Russians and Slavs 
 of all kinds, exposed Kotchoubey to sarcasms from 
 other vain people, but he was too good-natured to 
 resent them. He was also accustomed to business, 
 but he had not much knowledge ; his intelligence was 
 clear, but not deep, and he had more good-nature and 
 sincerity than are usually found in Russians. This 
 did not save him from certain weaknesses characteris- 
 tic of his nation a great wish for place, for dis- 
 tinction, and especially for a fortune to cover his 
 expenses and those of his family, which had become 
 very numerous. He showed an extreme readiness 
 to adopt any opinion that might be in fashion and to 
 follow any lead imposed upon him by a superior will 
 or by the conventions of society. When he was with 
 us he professed liberalism, though with a certain 
 reserve, as it was not to be reconciled with his real 
 opinions. His vanity was such that it betrayed it- 
 self when he strove most to conceal it, which ex- 
 
 * The Diet which passed the Constitution of the 3rd of May, 1791. It sat for 
 four years, from 1788 to 1792. (See page 52).
 
 260 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 posed him to the satire of iny two colleagues. I did 
 not join in their jokes, as he had estimable qualities 
 and showed me much friendly feeling, of which I had 
 strong evidence some years later. 
 
 We were privileged to dine with the Emperor 
 without a previous invitation, and we used to meet 
 two or three times a week. After coffee and a little 
 conversation, the Emperor used to retire, and while 
 the other guests left the palace, the four members of 
 the Secret Council entered through a corridor into a 
 little dressing-room, which was in direct communica- 
 tion with the private rooms of their Majesties, and 
 there met the Emperor. Various plans of reform 
 were debated ; each member brought his ideas, and 
 sometimes his work, and information which he had 
 obtained as to what was passing in the existing 
 administration and the abuses which he had ob- 
 served. The Emperor freely expressed his thoughts 
 and sentiments, and although the discussions at these 
 meetings for a long time had no practical result, no 
 useful reform was tried or carried out during Alex- 
 ander's reign which did not originate in them. Mean- 
 while the Official Council, namely, the Senate and the 
 Ministers, governed the country in the old way. 
 Directly the Emperor left his dressing-room he came 
 under the influence of the old Ministers, and could 
 do nothing of what had been decided upon in the 
 Secret Council ; it was like a masonic lodge from 
 which one entered the practical world. 
 
 This mysterious Council, which was not long con- 
 cealed from the suspicions, or ultimately from the 
 knowledge, of the Court, and was designated ' the
 
 26l 
 
 young men's party,' grew impatient at not obtaining 
 any result whatever from its deliberations ; it pressed 
 the Emperor to carry out the views he had expressed 
 to us and the proposals he considered desirable and 
 necessary. Once or twice an attempt was made to 
 induce him to adopt energetic resolutions, to give 
 orders and make himself obeyed, to dismiss certain 
 superannuated officials who were a constant obstacle 
 to every reform and to put young men in their place. 
 But the Emperor's character inclined him to attain 
 his end by compromises and concessions, and more- 
 over he did not yet feel sufficiently master of the 
 position to risk measures which he thought too 
 violent. In our Council Strogonoff was the most 
 ardent, Novosiltzoff the most prudent, Kotchoubey 
 the most time-serving, and I the most disinterested, 
 always striving to curb undue impatience. Those 
 who urged the Emperor to take immediate and 
 severe measures did not know him. Such a pro- 
 posal always made him draw back, and was of a 
 nature to diminish his confidence. But as he com- 
 plained of his Ministers and did not like any 
 of them, an attempt was made in the Council, 
 before inducing him to change them, to discuss 
 the matter in a practical spirit, apart from the 
 abstract considerations of reform which had pre- 
 viously occupied us. Strogonoff accepted the post of 
 Procurator of the First Department of the Senate ; 
 and Novosiltzoff was appointed one of the Emperor's 
 secretaries, a place which gave him many advantages, 
 as every letter addressed to the Emperor passed 
 through his hands, and he had a right to publish the
 
 262 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Emperor's ukases. His special department, however, 
 was at first to deal with promoters of public under- 
 takings, who are sometimes men of talent, but more 
 often adventurers of very doubtful honesty who flock 
 to Russia from abroad at the beginning of each 
 new reign. This was a duty for which he was 
 qualified by his varied knowledge in matters of 
 finance and industry, and it was at the same time 
 a school which did much to form his character. 
 I must not here forget the fifth member of the 
 Secret Council, M. de la Harpe, Alexander's tutor, 
 who had come on a visit to his former pupil. He did 
 not take part in the after dinner meetings, but he 
 used to have private conversations with the Emperor, 
 and frequently handed to him memoranda reviewing 
 all the branches of the administration. These memo- 
 randa were first read at the secret sittings, and 
 afterwards passed on from one member of the Council 
 to the other to be considered at leisure, as they were 
 interminably long. M. de la Harpe was at that 
 time about forty-four years of age ; he had been a 
 member of the Swiss Director} 7 , and always wore the 
 uniform of that appointment, with a large sword fastened 
 to an embroidered belt outside his coat. We were 
 all of opinion that he did not merit his high reputation 
 and the esteem in which Alexander held him. He 
 belonged to the generation of men nourished with the 
 illusions of the last part of the eighteenth century, 
 who thought their doctrine a sort of philosopher's 
 stone, or universal remedy which removed all 
 difficulties to the regeneration of society. M. de la 
 Harpe had his own particular panacea for Russia, and
 
 THE SECRET COUNCIL 263 
 
 he explained it in such diffuse papers that Alexander 
 himself had not the courage to read them. One of 
 his favourite phrases was organisation reglementaire 
 an important idea no doubt, but he used to repeat it 
 so often and with such emphasis that it was at last 
 attached to him as a sort of nickname. 
 
 The Emperor, perhaps without admitting it to 
 himself, began to think less of the capacity of his 
 former tutor, though he was always seeking reasons 
 for raising him in our esteem ; his character he always 
 continued to value highly. He did not like us to cast 
 ridicule on the inanity of M. de la Harpe's papers, 
 and he was always much pleased when we praised 
 any of his former tutor's suggestions. But in truth 
 M. de la Harpe had little or no influence on the 
 reforms which Alexander afterwards introduced. He 
 had the good sense to hold aloof from our meetings, 
 and the Emperor himself preferred this, in order, I 
 suppose, to avoid the scandal which might have been 
 produced by an ex-director of the Swiss Republic 
 and a recognised revolutionist preparing reforms for 
 the Russian Empire. He was, however, recognised 
 as one of our colleagues ; there was always a chair 
 ready for him at our meetings, and when he left St 
 Petersburg he assured us that he would still in spirit 
 take part in our deliberations. 
 
 Immediately after the Emperor's accession the 
 Margravine of Baden, mother of the Empress 
 Elizabeth, hastened to St Petersburg, being happy 
 and impatient to see again a beloved daughter from 
 whom she had been separated for seven years. She 
 was accompanied by the Margrave of Baden, her
 
 264 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 husband, son of the reigning Grand-Duke, arid the 
 Princess Amelia, the eldest of their children. These 
 visitors represented an influence totally opposed to 
 the principles which were at that moment being 
 advocated by M. de la Harpe at St Petersburg. The 
 Margravine was the sister of the first wife of the 
 Emperor Paul,* who died in Russia while still young 
 and beautiful, and was more regretted by the 
 Empress Catherine, her family, and the whole Court 
 than by her husband, who discovered after her death 
 from some letters which she had imprudently kept 
 that he was not the sole possessor of her heart.! 
 
 The Margravine was tall, with a grand air and 
 much dignity in her movements, and it was evident that 
 in her youth she must have been beautiful. She had 
 justly obtained a high reputation for wisdom, pru- 
 dence, and wit, which placed her far above the 
 generality of German princesses of similar rank. The 
 Empress Dowager, instead of rejoicing at the prospect 
 of the Margravine's influence counteracting that of 
 M. de la Harpe, took umbrage at it ; the two 
 princesses were too unlike each other to agree. 
 Moreover, the Margravine had brought about the 
 marriage of her youngest daughter with the King of 
 Sweden, who had refused the Grand-Duchess Alex- 
 andra.! This marriage, which at that time was 
 
 * A third sister was married to the Grand-Duke of Saxe-Weimar ; she had a 
 daughter who was married to the Duke of Mecklenburg, and became the mother of 
 the Duchess of Orleans. I recollect that when the Duchess of Orleans arrived in 
 Paris I was struck by her likeness to the members of her family whom I had known 
 in Russia. (Note by Prince Adam Czartoryski.) 
 
 t The gentleman who had attracted the Grand-Duchess's attention was Count 
 Andrew Razumovski, then young and strikingly handsome. He made so many 
 conquests among the ladies of St Petersburg that he was sent as ambassador to Stock- 
 holm, and afterwards to Naples, where he gained the favour of the Queen. (Note by 
 Prince Adam Czartoryski.) t See page 135.
 
 THE MARGRAVINE OF BADEN 265 
 
 regarded as the most brilliant in Europe, was a 
 triumph of which the Margravine was very proud, 
 and did not contribute to reconcile her with the 
 Empress Dowager, especially as the eldest of the 
 daughters of the House of Baden, the twin sister of 
 the Princess Amelia, had married the Elector, who 
 afterwards became King of Bavaria, while none of the 
 Russian Grand-Duchesses had attained so elevated 
 a position. On the other hand, the Margravine was 
 disappointed to see that the Empress Dowager re- 
 tained all the advantages of a reigning sovereign 
 and had not given up any of them to her daughter- 
 in-law. When Alexander ascended the throne, being 
 desirous above all to appease the continual regrets 
 of his mother since the catastrophe which had made 
 him Emperor, he left her the dower of a million 
 roubles which Paul had assigned to her at the begin- 
 ning of his reign, and added nothing to the moderate 
 allowance of which his wife was in receipt as a Grand- 
 Duchess. The latter readily and graciously accepted 
 this arrangement, which afterwards placed her in a 
 painful position, and deprived her of the means of 
 responding to the numerous applications for assistance 
 which were addressed to her. The Empress Dowager 
 continued to have the sole direction of various char- 
 itable, educational, and even manufacturing, establish- 
 ments with which she had been charged during the 
 preceding reign, while the Margravine would have 
 liked her daughter to take a more active part in 
 affairs and to be in a position to distribute the 
 largesses and benefits which one has a right to ex- 
 pect from the wife of the sovereign.
 
 266 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 I was very amiably received by the Margravine, 
 and afterwards she honoured rne for many years with 
 marks of her kindness. She often spoke to me about 
 the Emperor with the most lively interest. She 
 feared that the reforms he was contemplating would 
 prove ill-timed, hurtful, and dangerous, and wished 
 him to be dissuaded from introducing them ; she 
 did not approve his tendency to diminish the 
 ceremonial and the splendour of the Court, and 
 she especially objected to his assumed simplicity of 
 manner, which, she said, made those who approached 
 him and whose duty was to obey him too familiar, 
 thereby giving his Court an appearance ill-suited to 
 the greatness of the Empire. She pointed to the 
 example of Buonaparte, who, she said, was better 
 acquainted with mankind and with what was neces- 
 sary to obtain its respect, its obedience, and its 
 admiration ; who surrounded himself by pomp and 
 magnificence, and neglected nothing that could aug- 
 ment the prestige without which supreme authority 
 cannot be maintained. She wished to rouse Alex- 
 ander's ambition, to make him profit by the lessons 
 which so great a genius was then giving to the world, 
 and to induce him to become Napoleon's rival without 
 being his enemy, so that the acts of his Government, 
 like those of the First Consul, should be continual 
 proofs of greatness, of strength, and of decided will. 
 The Russians, she said, want such a Government quite 
 as much as the French. I communicated these conver- 
 sations to the Emperor ; I thought some of the things 
 said by the Margravine were just and true, and that 
 they might strike him and be of use to him. But they
 
 THE SECRET COUNCIL 267 
 
 made no impression whatever. He admired Napoleon, 
 but did not think himself capable of imitating him. 
 They were two opposite natures, and their lines of action 
 were different. It was not till many years after that 
 a supreme danger, the boundless ambition of the ruler 
 of France, and his incredible blunders, gave Alex- 
 ander an opportunity of showing great though always 
 defensive qualities, which enabled him to conquer his 
 rival. After some months' stay, the Baden family left 
 St Petersburg to visit the Queen of Sweden, the 
 youngest sister of the Empress Elizabeth, at Stock- 
 holm. During this journey a great misfortune hap- 
 pened: the Margrave died in consequence of a carriage 
 accident. This made it impossible for the Margravine 
 to reign over the Grand-Duchy, and had fatal con- 
 sequences for her family. 
 
 During the summer of 1801 the Secret Council 
 continued to meet. The only measure it decided upon 
 before the coronation was the dismissal of Count 
 Panin, whose participation in the conspiracy which 
 brought about the death of Paul filled Alexander 
 with dislike and suspicion. After much discussion it 
 was resolved that Panin should be succeeded as 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs by Count Kotchoubey, 
 but should be allowed to remain at St Petersburg. 
 The Emperor, wishing to avoid disagreeable scenes, 
 treated Panin as a Minister up to the last moment, 
 and this again was interpreted as a sign of duplicity. 
 The Emperor's will was notified to Panin by letter, 
 and Kotchoubey entered upon his duties to the great 
 satisfaction of Alexander and of our council. 
 
 So long as Panin remained at St Petersburg he
 
 268 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 was surrounded by spies, and the Emperor every day 
 received reports from the secret police stating in detail 
 all that Panin had done from the morning till the 
 evening, where he had been, whom he had spoken to 
 in the street, how many hours he had passed out of 
 doors, who had visited him, and as far as possible 
 what he had said. These reports were read in the 
 Secret Council, and were drawn up in the mysterious 
 style affected by police agents to give a certain 
 interest to the most insignificant circumstances. 
 They did not really contain anything remarkable, 
 but the Emperor was extremely anxious, and was 
 always suspecting Panin of new plots. He had no 
 peace till Panin had left St Petersburg, which he did 
 soon after, knowing that he was everywhere pursued 
 by spies, and that his presence was disagreeable to 
 the Emperor. He subsequently received orders 
 never to show himself in any town where the 
 Emperor might be staying, and passed the rest of his 
 life in retirement at Moscow or in the country. 
 
 In this way three of ' ours,' as the members of the 
 Secret Council were called by the Emperor, were 
 placed in the sphere of practical affairs, and obtained 
 experience of the difficulties and obstacles which are 
 met with directly one becomes a wheel in the govern- 
 ment machine. As for me, I had no ambition to 
 serve Russia ; I was there merely by accident, like an 
 exotic plant in a foreign land, with sentiments which 
 could not, as regards their full scope, be brought into 
 entire accord even with the intimate opinions of the 
 friends whom accidental and quite ordinary circum- 
 stances had given me ; and I remained the only
 
 THE SECRET COUNCIL 269 
 
 member of the Secret Council that had held aloof 
 from practical life, and was glad not to enter it. I 
 was often tired of my position, and yearned after 
 my country and my parents ; I wished for nothing 
 so much as to go back to them, and the only thing 
 that retained me was my personal attachment to the 
 Emperor and the wish to be able to serve my country 
 through my influence with him. But this hope often 
 seemed entirely to disappear. The dreams of my 
 early youth had vanished like the morning mists 
 before the sun's rays, and whose was the blame ? 
 Could I expect of men more than they can or know 
 how to give ? Those whose pretensions and hopes are 
 in advance of realities and possibilities in this short 
 life of ours are doomed to cruel disappointment ; but 
 when one's illusions have gone, one hopes at least not 
 to be deprived of some prospect of happiness, and this 
 was in many respects denied me. I accordingly often 
 thought of leaving St Petersburg. The Emperor 
 spoke to me of Poland at more and more prolonged 
 intervals ; when he found me anxious and discouraged, 
 he returned to the subject, but no longer in the same 
 way. He used to console me vaguely or keep silence 
 on a matter with which he found it more and more 
 difficult to deal, though it was the only real bond of 
 connection between us. At the same time, while 
 avoiding precise explanations, he wished me always 
 to believe that on this point as on many others he 
 had not changed his opinions or his intentions. But 
 in his position what could he do and what could I 
 reasonably ask for ? 
 
 On my return to St Petersburg, I had no longer
 
 270 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 found there Buonaparte's aide-de-camp, Duroc, who 
 had come with another officer to compliment Alex- 
 ander on his accession. Paul's death was a severe 
 blow to the First Consul ; he had hoped much from a 
 sovereign who would never admit that what he ordered 
 was impossible. Fortune had favoured Buonaparte in 
 his efforts to gain the good-will of the Emperor Paul. 
 The news of the Russian prisoners who had been clothed 
 and sent back to their country by France, and that 
 of other advances skilfully made to Russia, had 
 arrived at St Petersburg at the moment when Paul 
 was in a violent rage with Austria and England, 
 partly on account of the defeat of the Russian armies 
 in Switzerland and Holland, which Paul attributed to 
 the lukewarm ness of the allies, and partly because of 
 the capture of Malta, which Buonaparte had offered 
 Paul, and which the English, now masters of the 
 island, had refused to give up to him, although he 
 had already been appointed Grand-Master of the 
 Order. Under these circumstances, Paul, always 
 passionate and impulsive, took a violent fancy to 
 Napoleon and the French Government, whom he had 
 detested, and an equally violent dislike for the allies, 
 who had been the particular objects of his affection 
 and zealous support. As usual with him, his likes and 
 dislikes became stronger as time went on. After the 
 chivalrous challenge which I have already mentioned,* 
 he concluded a maritime alliance with Denmark and 
 Sweden with trie object of closing the Baltic to the 
 English, and maintaining the inviolability of neutral 
 flags. France, Spain, and Holland were to join their 
 
 * See page 192.
 
 EUROPEAN COALITION AGAINST ENGLAND 271 
 
 fleets to those of the Northern powers in order to 
 destroy the maritime supremacy of England. Paul 
 had ordered the whole of the Don Cossacks to march 
 at once to India under the command of their attaman 
 Platoff; and although this order had spread consterna- 
 tion among the Cossacks, and their chief did not know 
 how to execute it, he was preparing to obey it. 
 
 What would have happened if Paul had continued 
 to reign it is not easy to say. Nelson's expedition to 
 Copenhagen had certainly foiled the plan of a naval 
 combination against England, but its success had been 
 almost entirely due to Nelson's boldness and good 
 fortune. If the Danes had had the courage to persevere, 
 this rash enterprise might have ended very differently. 
 So great, however, was the terror inspired by Paul 
 that the Danes adhered to his alliance in spite of 
 their defeat. He had ordered his coasts and his 
 harbours to be placed in a state of defence, and I 
 doubt whether the British fleet could without con- 
 siderable reinforcements have attempted an attack 
 upon Cronstadt or Revel ; if not, time would have 
 been given for reforming and strengthening the 
 alliance of the naval powers. 
 
 Paul's sudden death at once dissipated all the 
 difficulties of the coalition, and created new ones for 
 Napoleon, as it lost him a powerful friend. In his 
 infatuation for the First Consul, Paul had persuaded 
 himself that it did not matter whether the ruler of 
 France were legitimate or not, so long as he could 
 make himself obeyed. He had accordingly expelled 
 Louis XVIII from his dominions,* and encouraged 
 
 * Louis returned to Russia after Paul's death.
 
 272 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Napoleon in his ambition to become Emperor of 
 France. His death changed everything. The naval 
 alliance lost its strength and value, there was no 
 further necessity for fortifying the coasts and 
 harbours, and trade, which had been suspended in 
 Russia to the great detriment of the proprietors of 
 mines and land, resumed its ordinary course, while 
 the Don Cossacks, who had already proceeded on a 
 day's march towards the Caucasus, turned their 
 horses' heads homewards and crossed themselves in 
 gratitude for the abandonment of Paul's insane enter- 
 prise. 
 
 The immediate result of Paul's death, so far as 
 European politics were concerned, was an arrange- 
 ment between Russia and England. The state of 
 war which Paul had maintained against that power 
 which had long been Russia's best customer for iron, 
 corn, wood for building, sulphur, and hemp was one 
 of the principal grievances of the Russian people 
 against their Emperor, and immediately after his 
 death the Government hastened to effect an arrange- 
 ment with England which showed how eager Russia 
 was to effect a reconciliation at any price. The 
 interests of her maritime allies were not sufficiently 
 considered, and essential points on the question of 
 the neutral flag were either passed over in silence or 
 left in doubt. The cessation of hostilities was the 
 great object aimed at. Alexander had in reality 
 no great sympathy for England. His education had 
 given him ideas and inclinations totally different 
 from those of the policy of Pitt ; and Napoleon's aide- 
 de-camp Duroc was accordingly received by him with
 
 MISSION FROM NAPOLEON TO ALEXANDER 273 
 
 a sincere cordiality which was hardly to be expected 
 in a moment of reaction against Paul's infatuation for 
 the First Consul. Duroc's reception was, indeed, the 
 result of Alexander's secret and personal sympathy 
 for the principles of 1789, which had been inspired in 
 him by M. de la Harpe. Alexander was glad to see 
 at last Frenchmen of the famous Revolution, who he 
 supposed were still Republicans ; he regarded them 
 with curiosity and interest, having talked and thought 
 so much about them. Both he and the Grand- 
 Duke Constantine took great pleasure in addressing 
 them as ' citizens,' thinking that the title was one they 
 were proud of. This was a great mistake, and 
 Napoleon's envoys had repeatedly to point out that 
 the term had gone out of fashion in France before 
 Alexander and his brother ceased to use it. Napoleon's 
 chief motive in sending his confidential aide-de-camp 
 to St Petersburg was to sound the young Emperor as 
 to his feelings with regard to a French alliance. I 
 was told that Duroc wrote to Napoleon that there 
 was no cause for either hope or fear ; this statement 
 was at the time perfectly accurate, and was founded 
 on an exact knowledge of Alexander's character at 
 the beginning of his reign ; but later on it was belied 
 by events. 
 
 Count Panin, who was then Foreign Minister, had 
 concluded a convention with Duroc which did not 
 mention any of the difficulties that had long sown 
 discord between the two countries, and had prevented 
 them from being at peace with each other. In this 
 convention there was only one remarkable article, 
 and it was directed against Poland and the Poles. 
 VOL. i. s
 
 274 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Russia and France engaged reciprocally not to protect 
 political refugees, and not to help them in their efforts 
 against the order of things established in their 
 respective countries. This article was aimed by 
 France against the Legitimists, and by Russia against 
 the Poles. Thus Alexander's first public act was an 
 abandonment of the sentiments which had united us. 
 He did not tell me anything of it, and it was doubt- 
 less a very natural arrangement to make between two 
 countries that wished to be on good terms with each 
 other ; it was the necessary consequence of an agree- 
 ment between Russia and France, which must be 
 always fatal to the Poles. I made this remark with 
 some sadness to the Emperor, who answered with 
 embarrassment that the article had no real signifi- 
 cance, that he could not avoid accepting it, as it had 
 been proposed by France and agreed to by Count 
 Panin, that it was a mere formality which ought not 
 to cause me any anxiety, and that the destinies of 
 Poland were as dear to him as ever. The best and 
 most powerful man can do nothing if circumstances 
 do not permit him to act and to keep his promises ; 
 and it may safely be asserted that Alexander was the 
 only sovereign of that time who, without publicly 
 admitting it, still remembered and busied himself 
 about the future of Poland. She had for the moment 
 been forgotten by all Europe, with France at its head. 
 Since the treaty of Luneville there had not been any 
 Polish troops in France ; the legions were either 
 broken up or sent to St Domingo never to return.* 
 
 * The Polish legions were formed in Italy by Dombrovski in 1797, with the 
 object of restoring Poland to her former independence. They rendered great services 
 to France in her Italian campaigns, but were afterwards abandoned by Napoleon, 
 who did not wish to offend the partitioning powers.
 
 MISSION FROM NAPOLEON TO ALEXANDER 275 
 
 Our patriots, having lost all hope for their country, 
 had retired from the French service, and the glorious 
 fall of Kosciuszko and the massacre of Praga had 
 been effaced by the misfortunes we had suffered in 
 other countries. No one thought of us, and it is not 
 surprising that this general oblivion should have had 
 some influence on Alexander's disposition in our 
 behalf. 
 
 Not having any wish to take a prominent part in 
 Russian affairs, and often losing the hope which had 
 sustained me of being able to serve my country, I 
 continually had fits of depression and did not conceal 
 my wish to go back to my parents. The Emperor, 
 to fulfil his old promises and prove to me that he had 
 not changed, generously determined of his own initia- 
 tive to give the inhabitants of the Polish provinces he 
 governed proofs of his good-will. This sometimes 
 raised my spirits and consoled me for the impossibility 
 of realising brighter hopes whose disappointment 
 became the regret and torment of my life. In the 
 two first years of Alexander's reign I had the 
 happiness of rendering services to many of my 
 countrymen who had been sent to Siberia either by 
 Catherine or by Paul, and had been forgotten in their 
 banishment ; these were restored by Alexander to 
 their liberty and their families. Their sentences 
 were cancelled, their confiscated estates were given 
 back to them, either in land or in money, and the 
 refugees who had served in France or in the legions 
 were allowed to come back without any difficulty. 
 The Emperor also interfered on behalf of the Poles 
 confined in the fortress of Spielberg and other foreign
 
 276 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 prisons, and his wishes were zealously carried out by 
 Kotchoubey, Panin's successor at the Russian Foreign 
 Office. The abbe Kollontay, who was regarded as 
 the most revolutionary of the Poles, was set free 
 and came to live and die in the part of Poland which 
 was under Alexander's rule. Count Oginski and 
 several others were also invited to return ; they were 
 received with distinction and were given back their 
 fortunes, which were in several cases considerable. 
 The days of persecution, of political trials and en- 
 quiries, of suspicious precautions, had gone by, and 
 for some time the Poles were trusted and left at 
 peace by their Russian rulers. 
 
 The Emperor also wished to improve the admin- 
 istration and regularise the course of justice in the 
 Polish provinces. He looked for Poles capable of 
 filling the principal posts, which had previously 
 been occupied by Russians. Trials were expedited 
 and made more equitable, both on the spot and in 
 the third department of the Senate of St Petersburg, 
 which was the final Court of Appeal charged 
 with cases arising in the Polish provinces. These 
 acts deserved our gratitude, but could not com- 
 pensate us for the loss of our national existence, and 
 they were far from realising the hopes expressed in 
 the conversations of our youth. While consoled from 
 time to time by the advantages which were granted 
 to my countrymen, I could not see what more I could 
 obtain for my country. My life was one continuous 
 struggle between the consolation of having done some 
 good and the regret not to say the self-reproach of 
 never being able to reach the object of my wishes and
 
 ALEXANDERS CORONATION 277 
 
 hopes. When I felt that the realisation of the noble 
 sentiments Alexander had expressed for my country 
 was indefinitely postponed, I was utterly discouraged, 
 and felt invincible disgust for the Court and all its 
 members. Although on intimate terms with my 
 colleagues of the Secret Council, I could not entirely 
 confide in them ; their Russian thoughts and feelings, 
 which they often expressed, were too incompatible 
 with my hopes. It was to Alexander only that I 
 could freely disclose my sadness and its cause. Our 
 old intimacy, though it was more restricted, had not 
 ceased, and while my position with regard to current 
 affairs was insignificant, I still possessed the Emperor's 
 confidence more than any one else ; when he was with 
 me he was more confiding and more at his ease than 
 with the others ; I understood him better, and could 
 more freely tell him the truth about men and things, 
 and even about himself. 
 
 Our secret interviews were interrupted by the 
 coronation at Moscow. The recollection of this 
 ceremony, to which I have already alluded, left me a 
 painful impression. I know nothing more disagree- 
 able than these occasions, when everything is thrust 
 out of its accustomed order. Festivals generally give 
 me a feeling of emptiness and melancholy ; there is an 
 inflated and exaggerated spirit about them which 
 causes fatigue and is typical of the vanity of human 
 things. The gaiety which u would be naturally; elicited 
 by the occasion disappears directly it becomes obliga- 
 tory. One gets tired of the long periods of waiting, 
 during which one has ample time to think of the 
 nullity of such pleasures ; and while surfeited with
 
 278 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 inaction, one is incapable of action. In Russia these 
 festivals are very sumptuous, and comprise innumer- 
 able masked balls, banquets, illuminations, fireworks, 
 and popular amusements of all sorts. I have seen so 
 many of them that I look upon them with aversion, 
 and I am truly glad whenever I can avoid them. 
 
 The melancholy shed over the beginning of 
 Alexander's reign was in strong contrast to the 
 brilliancy with which it was endeavoured to invest his 
 coronation. The father's tragical death and the sou's 
 remorse deprived these fetes of the vivacity and fresh- 
 ness they should have had, and the joy which was at 
 first felt by the people at their deliverance from the 
 fantastic tyranny of the Emperor Paul was followed 
 by the exhaustion produced by deceived expectations, 
 as often happens at the beginning of a new reign, 
 when all classes imagine their hopes will be realised, 
 and are always disappointed. The young and hand- 
 some couple who were to be crowned did not look 
 happy, and could not inspire a joy or satisfaction 
 which they did not appear to feel themselves. 
 Alexander had not the art of influencing and con- 
 tenting those whom he wished to please ; this faculty, 
 so necessary to a sovereign, was absent in him, 
 especially at the beginning of his reign. 
 
 The ceremony of the coronation increased his 
 sadness ; he had never more strongly felt remorse at 
 having contributed, though against his will, to his 
 father's death. I again strove to pacify him by 
 reminding him of the great task he was called upon 
 to perform ; these exhortations were only partially 
 effectual, but they contributed to r give him sufficient
 
 ALEXANDER AND FREDERICK WILLIAM III 279 
 
 self-command not to betray his despair in public. 
 The recollection of that time is one of the saddest of 
 my life, and I cannot recall it without painful 
 emotion. 
 
 The Court returned to St Petersburg: for the 
 
 O 
 
 winter, and our after-dinner meetings were resumed. 
 They were soon interrupted, however, by the meeting 
 of Alexander and the King of Prussia * at Memel in 
 the spring of 1802. 
 
 The Emperor was at that time beginning to pay 
 special attention to foreign affairs. Kotchoubey, the 
 Foreign Minister, had adopted a system which he 
 believed to be in entire conformity with the Emperor's 
 opinions and views, and at the same time with his 
 own. This was to hold Russia aloof from European 
 affairs, and to keep on good terms with all foreign 
 Powers, so as to devote all her time and attention to 
 internal reforms. Such was indeed the Emperor's 
 wish and that of his intimate advisers, but none of 
 them had adopted it with more conviction, or main- 
 tained it with more persistence, than Kotchoubey. 
 Russia, he used to say, is great and powerful 
 enough both as regards population and extent of 
 territory, and geographical position ; she has nothing 
 to fear from any one so long as she leaves other 
 Powers in peace ; and she has too often mixed herself 
 Up with matters which did not directly affect her. 
 Nothing had happened in Europe but she claimed to 
 have a part in it ; she had made costly and useless 
 wars. The Emperor Alexander was now in such a 
 fortunate position that he could remain at peace with 
 
 * Frederick William III.
 
 8 o MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 all the world and devote himself to internal reforms. 
 It was at home, not abroad, that Russia could make 
 immense conquests, by establishing order, economy, 
 and justice in all parts of her vast empire, and by 
 making agriculture, commerce, and industry flourish. 
 European affairs and European wars were of no 
 advantage whatever to the numerous inhabitants of 
 the Russian Empire ; they only lost their lives through 
 them or had to furnish new recruits and taxes. What 
 was necessary to their prosperity was a long peace 
 and the incessant care of a wise and pacific adminis- 
 tration a task eminently suited to the Emperor, 
 with his ideas of reform and liberal government. 
 
 This system was somewhat similar to that advo- 
 cated by the English radicals. The idea is plausible 
 and not without a basis of truth, but it has the 
 disadvantage of reducing to insignificance and humi- 
 liation the State which follows it too literally, as by 
 so doing it incurs the risk of becoming the vassal and 
 tool of more enterprising and active States. More- 
 over, a consistent adherence to such a system would 
 require much tact and firmness to avoid damaging com- 
 promises, which, in the then existing state of European 
 relations, would have become almost inevitable. This 
 is what happened to the Emperor Alexander in the 
 case of the Memel interview. 
 
 The Prussian and Russian sovereigns had both 
 expressed a wish to meet each other. The former 
 thought this would be a means of facilitating to his 
 advantage the question of indemnities in Germany, 
 which at that time was being dealt with under the 
 influence of France, while Alexander's sole object was
 
 ALEXANDER AND FREDERICK WILLIAM III 281 
 
 to become personally acquainted with his neighbour 
 and relative. He had a liking for the Prussians and 
 their King which arose from his military education at 
 Gatchina, and he looked forward to seeing the 
 Prussian troops, of whom he had a great idea ; he 
 would, moreover, get an opportunity- of augmenting 
 his knowledge of drill, uniform, and parades, to which 
 he attached great importance. He also wished to 
 make the acquaintance of the beautiful Queen of 
 Prussia, and to appear before her and her Court as 
 the Emperor of Russia. For all these reasons he 
 started on his journey with much anticipation of 
 pleasure, and he was accompanied by Kotchoubey as 
 Foreign Minister, Novosiltzoff as Secretary, and 
 Count Tolstoi, who had administered the affairs of his 
 house when he was Grand-Duke, as Marshal. Tolstoi 
 was sincerely attached to the Emperor, and was very 
 zealous in his service ; but he possessed little intelligence 
 or instruction, and was often laughed at by Alexander, 
 though he placed implicit trust in his fidelity. 
 
 At Memel, where the same sovereigns had after- 
 wards to meet in very different circumstances, there 
 were many parades, reviews, and balls. The Emperor 
 contracted a personal friendship for the King of 
 Prussia to which the latter afterwards owed the pre- 
 servation of his monarchy, and the King hastened to 
 take advantage of the good impression he had made 
 on Alexander to secure his consent and support for 
 the arrangements which were then preparing between 
 Prussia and France with the object of withdrawing 
 Germany from the influence of the Church. Kotch- 
 oubey had been opposed to the interview, whose
 
 282 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 consequences he foresaw ; he endeavoured to dissuade 
 the Emperor from going to Memel, and went there 
 himself very unwillingly. To interfere in the affair 
 of the indemnities would be contrary to the principle 
 of non-intervention adopted in the Secret Council, 
 and would be playing into Prussia's hands. What 
 especially displeased Kotchoubey in the proposed 
 arrangements, and made him wish not to take part 
 in them, was that the disposal of the indemnities 
 was left entirely to Napoleon's good pleasure, and 
 that the latter might consequently be regarded as the 
 prime mover in the whole business. But the two 
 sovereigns settled the matter personally, without con- 
 sulting their Ministers a bad way of dealing with 
 political affairs, as it necessarily makes dupes of those 
 who are straightforward, disinterested, and generous. 
 
 It was also at this first interview at Memel that 
 began the Platonic coquetry between the Emperor of 
 Russia and the Queen of Prussia a sort of connection 
 which was especially pleasing to Alexander and to 
 which he was always ready to sacrifice much time. 
 It very seldom happened that the virtue of the ladies 
 to whom Alexander paid his attentions was really in 
 danger. The Queen was always accompanied by her 
 favourite sister, the Princess of Sal in, now Duchess 
 of Cumberland,* about whom there was much scandal- 
 ous gossip. She relaxed the Court etiquette, made 
 conversation more merry, and introduced more 
 familiarity into intimate society. She was thoroughly 
 informed of her sister's secret thoughts, and would 
 have been of her secret actions if there had been any. 
 
 * Afterwards Queen of Hanover.
 
 ALEXANDER AND FREDERICK WILLIAM III 283 
 
 After one of his interviews the Emperor, who then 
 had transferred his affections to some one else, told me 
 he was seriously alarmed at the distribution of the 
 rooms which communicated with his, and that at 
 night he used carefully to lock his bedroom door to 
 prevent his being surprised arid led into dangerous 
 temptations which he wished to avoid. He even said 
 this plainly, with more frankness than gallantry, to 
 the Queen of Prussia and her sister. 
 
 On returning from Memel, the Emperor made a 
 tour in Lithuania, and showed that he took an in- 
 terest in the Poles by distributing some favours and 
 repairing some acts of injustice, and at the same time 
 holding out the prospect of further benefits. All this 
 was very hurriedly done, as is usually the case during 
 the tour of a sovereign in his dominions. When he 
 arrived at St Petersburg, the treaty relative to the 
 indemnities was made public, and it turned out to be 
 a general distribution of ecclesiastical property in 
 which Prussia had the largest share. In Paris the 
 property was sold by auction : the First Consul took 
 the leading part in the arrangements, but Talleyrand 
 was entrusted with the details of the distribution, 
 and as a] rule the highest bidder got the property. 
 Right had little chance unless it had money to back 
 it. Germany was parcelled out for the advantage of 
 Prussia whose favour the First Consul wished to 
 gain and of the distributors in Paris. The import- 
 ance of France was sensibly increased, while that of 
 Russia was greatly diminished ; she played a second- 
 ary part and was led into giving her assent to an 
 arrangement which was far from honourable in its
 
 284 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 origin and the results of which she could hardly ap- 
 prove. Kotchoubey was much distressed, and in the 
 salons people talked of the insignificant part Russia 
 had been made to play. France, on the other hand, 
 boasted of her triumph, and the Prussian Ministers 
 were delighted. In order to gild the pill for Russia, 
 Napoleon offered sonic advantages to the houses of 
 Wiirteinberg and Baden, which were allied with her ; 
 but these States felt that their fate must ultimately 
 depend on the good-will of France, and not on the 
 power of Russia. " As for the Duke of Oldenburg, 
 the Empress Dowager's son-in-law, he complained of 
 the prejudicial effect of the treaty upon his estates, 
 but he could not obtain any redress : Napoleon had 
 been offended by his strong German feeling and his 
 stiff manners. 
 
 The meetings of the Secret Council were now 
 resumed, and they had become the more important as 
 three of its members Kotchoubey, Novosiltzoff, and 
 Strogonoff were now in the service of the State. 
 Novosiltzoff's ante-chamber began to fill ; men with 
 new ideas sought and obtained employment. Many 
 matters passed through his hands and were influenced 
 by his liberal leanings. The Emperor found him 
 useful for giving Russian forms to his European 
 aspirations. We were also supported by some of the 
 older and more distinguished functionaries of the 
 
 O 
 
 Empire. One of these was the father of Count Paul 
 Strogonoff, who had passed the greater part of his 
 life in Paris at the time of Louis XV. He had been 
 in the society of Grimm, d'Holbach, and d'Alembert ; 
 he had been a frequent visitor in the salons of
 
 THE STROGONOFFS 285 
 
 celebrated women, where the greatest noblemen used 
 to meet men of letters ; his conversation was full of 
 the anecdotes and good sayings of that day, and he 
 had in many things adopted its opinions. He was 
 very impulsive and enthusiastic, but the slightest 
 obstacle sufficed to cool his enthusiasm. He was a 
 singular mixture of the encyclopaedist and the old 
 Russian boyard. His mind and his language were 
 French, his manners and customs Russian ; he had a 
 great fortune and many debts, a large elegantly 
 furnished house, a good picture gallery, of which he 
 had himself drawn up a catalogue, and an immense 
 number of servants (including some French valets) 
 whom he treated as slaves, though with great kind- 
 ness. He was surrounded by disorder, and his 
 servants robbed him ; but he did not care. He kept 
 open house, and anybody could come to meals on 
 certain days in the week. The society was less mixed, 
 and included more learned men and artists, than at 
 the house of the Grand Equerry Narishkin, and the 
 complete absence of etiquette, together with the 
 Count's extreme amiability, made his house very 
 pleasant. He had taken a great liking to me, and 
 was angry when I did not come to his dinners ; he 
 treated me as one of the family. 
 
 By natural inclination and by his French training 
 the Count was liberal so far as his words and desires 
 were concerned. He wished to give happiness and 
 liberty to everybody ; but at the same time he was a 
 thorough courtier, and the favour and consideration of 
 his sovereign was to him a necessity. He was not 
 ambitious or desirous of place ; but a cold reception or
 
 286 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 a frown from the Emperor made him unhappy and 
 deprived him of all energy and rest. He had been 
 liked by Catherine, by Paul, and by the Empress 
 Maria, and he was especially so by Alexander. The 
 latter was his son's friend, and was very fond of the 
 young Countess, who by her amiable character had 
 obtained a great influence over him. At the old 
 Count's he felt in his element, for he used to meet 
 people who understood and appreciated those modern 
 and liberal ideas which were at that time Alexander's 
 secret passion. 
 
 The special favour enjoyed by the Strogonoff 
 family at the beginning of Alexander's reign gave the 
 old Count more weight than he had ever had before, 
 and as he was a senator, and his Russian manners had 
 gained him much popularity among the nobility of the 
 district of which he was Marshal, his enthusiastic 
 approval of the new ideas which were supposed to be 
 entertained by Alexander and the members of the 
 Secret Council was very valuable to the latter. An 
 even more important supporter was Count Alexander 
 Vorontzoff, who was regarded in Russia as one of her 
 ablest statesmen. He and Count Zavadovsky had 
 been Count Bezborodko's friends ; they used to come 
 to see him to talk about public affairs, and it is said 
 that when they left Bezborodko used to have the 
 doors and windows opened, and to wander about the 
 rooms panting, fanning himself, and saying, ' Thank 
 God, the pedagogues have gone,' as they were con- 
 stantly reproaching him for his indolence and his 
 yielding temper. They were, however, true friends. 
 I do not know what induced Count Vorontzoff to
 
 THE VORONTZOFFS 287 
 
 withdraw from public affairs during the reign of 
 Catherine. He used to have fits of bad temper, and 
 his ambition was riot easily satisfied. While Paul 
 was on the throne the Count had the good sense 
 to remain in retirement, although Paul was very well 
 disposed towards the Vorontzoff family on account of 
 the liaison of Peter III with one of their sisters. It 
 was only at the time of the new Emperor's accession 
 that Vorontzoff reappeared at St Petersburg, with 
 the reputation he had enjoyed during the reign of 
 Catherine still further increased by his having so 
 long and so wisely remained in retirement. He did 
 not join the old Ministers, most of whom were in- 
 ferior to him in knowledge and judgment, and whom 
 it would have been necessary to dismiss in order to find 
 a place for him. The position he assumed was a more 
 elevated one ; he undertook the task of reconciling 
 the Emperor's ideas with those of the old Russian 
 routine, of moderating the changes which he foresaw 
 might arise from Alexander's inclinations. It was 
 easy to adopt and at the same time to guide them, 
 and thereby to gain favour and power. Vorontzoff 
 accordingly entered the ' young men's party,' feel- 
 ing that in order to rise it was necessary to free one's 
 self from the old traditions, and that in any new 
 arrangement the first place would be secured to 
 him. 
 
 VorontzofFs brother Simon had also arrived at St 
 Petersburg after a long absence. He had very fixed 
 opinions and sentiments, and was always a blind and 
 passionate partisan of any idea he adopted, or any 
 man he chose as his idol. During the revolution
 
 288 MEMOIRS OF PRIXCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 which placed Catherine II on the throne he was a 
 subaltern officer in the grenadiers, and loudly declared 
 himself in favour of the unfortunate Peter III, which 
 did not prevent him from being afterwards employed 
 by Catherine and appointed Ambassador in London. 
 It is known that one of VorontzofFs sisters was Peter 
 Ill's mistress, while another was a confidante of the 
 Empress Catherine. The zeal he had shown in his 
 youth for Peter III, induced the Emperor Paul to 
 recall him from London to St Petersburg, and offer 
 him the first posts in the Empire, but he refused 
 them all and asked to be left in London. He had 
 acquired friends in England by his noble, frank, and 
 determined character, and had, so to say, taken root 
 in the country. England had quite fascinated him ; 
 he loved her more than the most bigoted of Tories, 
 and he adored Pitt to such an extent that he looked 
 upon the slightest criticism or even doubt as to his 
 policy and doctrines as simple nonsense, and as show- 
 ing an inexcusable perversion of mind or heart. Be- 
 sides his worship of England and Pitt, he cultivated 
 another which was more natural and of older date- 
 that of his elder brother. He considered him the 
 ablest and most virtuous man in Russia, and his 
 decisions were to him oracles. His devotion to his 
 brother was indeed touching, for it was quite spon- 
 taneous and sincere. The two brothers were so 
 united that they did not even divide the property left 
 them by their father. Alexander, who managed the 
 property, gave his brother his share, and there was 
 never the slightest altercation between them on the 
 subject.
 
 THE VORONTZOFFS 289 
 
 Novosiltzoff, during the years he had passed in 
 England while Paul was on the throne, had been a 
 frequent visitor to Simon Vorontzoff s house, to which 
 he had been introduced by Count Strogonoff; he had 
 gained his intimacy and confidence, and thus became a 
 sort of bond between Alexander Vorontzoff and the 
 'young men's party.' Simon's arrival at St Peters- 
 burg 1 made these relations more intimate and effec- 
 
 o 
 
 tive. His Tory opinions were regarded in Russia as 
 extremely Liberal, and they had considerable influence 
 on his brother, through whom they were transmitted 
 to the Emperor, who was already elaborating a plan 
 of reform. Alexander Vorontzoff was in no way 
 opposed to certain Liberal ideas ; on the contrary, he 
 was inclined to adopt and support them, and this 
 inclination was fostered by the traditions of the old 
 Russian aristocracy which had wished to limit the 
 power of the Empress Anne when she was called to 
 the throne. He once told me that in passing through 
 Warsaw in his youth, during the reign of Augustus 
 III, to make a tour in Europe, he had thought that 
 nothing could have been better or more fortunate for 
 
 o 
 
 himself and his country than that he should be a great 
 nobleman like those of Poland, with the same rights 
 and privileges. The Russian aristocratic spirit of 
 one of the brothers and the pure Toryism of the other 
 both looked to the Senate for a solution of the problem. 
 The basis and the source of all reforms should, they 
 thought, be found in the Senate ; by that body alone 
 could they be carried out without danger. Yet, though 
 various plans were discussed in the Secret Council, 
 nothing was done. This discontented the Vorontzoffs, 
 VOL. i. T
 
 2 9 o MEMOIRS OF PR1SCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 and they agreed with the ' young men's party ' to take 
 a decided step to draw the Emperor out of the timid 
 inertia in which he had entrenched himself. 
 
 The country house of Kamienny Ostrog, where 
 the Emperor then lived, was separated from that 
 of Count Strogonoff by the river Neva, over which 
 there was a bridge. The Emperor and Empress went 
 to dine at Count StrogonofFs, and the Vorontzofts 
 were also there. After we had got up from table, 
 the Emperor walked in the garden and went into 
 one of the pavilions, where he found Novosiltzoff ; 
 we all followed him, and entered into conversation. 
 Simon Vorontzoif had been chosen as the speaker on 
 this occasion, as, having only just come from England, 
 and being a stranger to what had passed at St 
 Petersburg, he had a right to be regarded as impartial 
 and to state his views freely. His speech was not as 
 eloquent as we had expected ; the Emperor, who was 
 very clever in raising objections and difficulties, re- 
 peatedly disconcerted both Simon and his brother. 
 They tried to prove to him that it was necessary to 
 do something, that improvements were expected of a 
 new reign, and that both Russia and Europe generally 
 expected them, especially of him. These were only 
 vague phrases ; and when the Emperor asked what 
 line the improvements should take and how he was to 
 proceed, the Vorontzoffs could only answer that if the 
 authority of the Senate were re-established all diffi- 
 culties would be removed. They held that this body, 
 if restored to its power and dignity, would possess all 
 the safeguards and the means necessary for bringing 
 about the projected improvements. Each sentence in
 
 PLANS OF REFORM 291 
 
 Simon VorontzofFs speech began and ended with the 
 Senate, and when he did not know what to say or 
 answer he simply repeated the word. This affectation 
 was somewhat awkward and ridiculous, and was more 
 likely to chill the Emperor than to rouse him. The 
 Senate had certainly much changed since its establish- 
 ment by Peter I, and it could no longer be said even 
 to have the power it enjoyed in the reigns which 
 immediately succeeded that of the founder of modern 
 Russia. In all difficult questions the Senate was 
 al ways referred to, but it was nothing but a name ; it 
 was composed of men who were for the most part 
 incapable and without energy, selected for their insig- 
 nificance, and it could not therefore act as a mediator 
 between parties or be of any weight either on one 
 side or the other. 
 
 At length the Emperor's vague and floating ideas 
 were consolidated into a practical shape. All the 
 eccentric views which were mere fireworks were 
 abandoned, and Alexander had to restrict his wishes 
 to the realities and possibilities of the moment. He 
 consoled himself by indulging in his hours of 
 leisure, which were daily becoming more rare, in 
 hopes of progress which enabled him not to give up 
 entirely the dreams of his youth. These dreams 
 seemed to me like a tree transplanted into a dry and 
 arid soil and deprived of its exuberant vegetation, whose 
 despoiled trunk puts forth a few weak branches and 
 then perishes. The Emperor's first step was to issue 
 an ukase or manifesto to restore the authority and 
 dignity of the Senate ; this was a prudent course, cal- 
 culated to predispose the public for the changes which
 
 292 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 were to follow. In speaking of the Senate he spoke 
 a language which the Russians understood and which 
 flattered the nobility ; it was already the Supreme 
 Court of Justice and Administration, for although every 
 order of the Emperor, whether written or spoken, 
 had the force of law, they had (especially those relat- 
 ing to general administration and the civil and 
 criminal law) all to be addressed to the Senate, which 
 was entrusted with the task of publishing them and 
 seeing to their due execution. The various depart- 
 ments of the Senate were charged not only with 
 trying on final appeal the civil and criminal cases of 
 the empire, but also with punishing contraventions 
 of the administrative regulations. It had the right 
 of issuing ukases of its own founded on those of the 
 Emperor, and, when necessary, explaining and develop- 
 ing them ; and it presented him with reports for his 
 approval. The governors and financial authorities of 
 the provinces were under its direct supervision, and it 
 was their duty to send to the Senate regular and 
 formal reports upon which the sovereign gave such 
 orders as he pleased. It was accordingly called ' The 
 Senate administering the Empire.' Its vague func- 
 tions, partly judicial and partly executive, were not 
 in accordance with modern ideas, being so cumbrous 
 in form that they retarded and might even em- 
 barrass the course of government ; but there was no 
 way of touching this ancient organisation without 
 exposing internal affairs to even greater confusion, as 
 the institution of the Senate had become part of the 
 routine and the habits of the government machine. 
 The Senate was consequently allowed to retain its
 
 PLANS OF REFORM 293 
 
 administrative functions, though it was intended to 
 let them fall by degrees into desuetude. All its 
 powers were confirmed in pompous terms of which the 
 author was Vorontzoff, and to them was added the 
 right of making representations on the Emperor's 
 ukases. It was at the same time laid down that all 
 the Ministers should make detailed reports of their 
 functions, which the Emperor would send to the 
 Senate for its opinion. 
 
 This, it was hoped, would be a first step in the 
 direction of national and representative government. 
 The idea was to deprive the Senate of its executive 
 powers, to leave it those of a Supreme Court of 
 Justice, and gradually to convert it into a sort of 
 upper chamber to which would afterwards be attached 
 deputies of the nobility who, either as part of the 
 chamber or as a separate body, would, for the 
 Emperor's information, state their views on the 
 management of affairs by the Ministers and on the 
 laws which were in existence or in preparation. This 
 plan was never carried out, and what really happened 
 was very different. 
 
 Those who think that the Senate of St Petersburg 
 can ever be of any importance for the destinies of 
 Russia are entirely mistaken, and only show that they 
 do not know Russia. The Russian Senate in its 
 present form is less able than any political body in 
 the world to make itself respected or to act on its own 
 initiative. It can neither give an impulse nor even 
 receive one ; it is a marionette which one can move 
 about as one pleases, but which has no motive power 
 of its own .
 
 294 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Those who are tired of official life and wish to 
 retire and live quietly in idleness are the sort of 
 people who seek the appointment of Senator. The 
 Senate thus becomes a receptacle for the indolent and 
 the superannuated ; all its work is done by the pro- 
 curators and the secretaries, who decide questions at 
 their pleasure and then take the decisions to the 
 Senators, who as a rule sign them without reading 
 them. These decrees are drawn up in a more diffuse 
 and tedious style even than the official documents of 
 other countries ; the minutes in each case fill an 
 immense volume, and it would require some courage 
 to read them. One or two Senators who do read the 
 decrees that are submitted to them for signature are 
 spoken of with admiration as heroes. It is evident 
 that such a political body is incapable of undertaking 
 or following up any reform. 
 
 After laying the first stone of the edifice of a regu- 
 lated legislative power, and devising a limit to the 
 autocratic power, the Emperor turned his attention to 
 the organisation of his government, so as to make its 
 action more enlightened, more just, and more methodi- 
 cal. The government machine was irregular and 
 intermittent in its action, and the administration was 
 a chaos in which nothing was regulated or clearly 
 defined. The only administrative authorities that 
 were recognised were the Senate and the Committees 
 of War, of the Navy, and of Foreign Affairs. These 
 were not deliberative or consultative bodies ; one of 
 the members of each committee, usually the president, 
 brought the reports of the committee to the sovereign 
 and then informed it of his decisions. The Procu-
 
 PLANS OF REFORM 295 
 
 rator-General united in his person the offices of 
 Minister of the Interior, of Police, of Finance, and of 
 Justice ; but sometimes the sovereign created separate 
 departments, and the Empress Catherine placed the 
 conquered provinces under the direction of one of her 
 favourites, such as Potemkin or Zuboff, who were 
 independent of the Senate and reported direct to the 
 sovereign. Moreover, when the reports of the Senate 
 and the various committees were handed to the 
 sovereign by the Ministers or other high function- 
 aries of State, they were often put away in a drawer, 
 and after some time had elapsed a decision totally 
 opposed to the one suggested was issued. Thus there 
 was practically no bar to the caprices of the sovereign. 
 Paul, who thought he was a great general, and was 
 especially jealous of any control over the army apart 
 from his own, appointed one of his aides-de-camp in 
 whom he had confidence to examine and submit to 
 him all the proposals of the War Committee, and all 
 promotions and appointments. The direction of 
 Foreign Affairs was nominally entrusted to a com- 
 mittee of three members, each of whom worked with 
 the sovereign separately, and had the management of 
 some particular question which was kept a secret from 
 his colleagues. This post was much sought after, 
 and Catherine's favourites obtained some magnificent 
 presents from foreign powers in employing for a 
 negotiation with which they had been charged by the 
 Empress one of the members of the Foreign Affairs 
 Committee on whose complaisance they could rely. 
 This was the case with Prince Zuboff and Count
 
 296 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Markoff, who were handsomely rewarded for advoca- 
 ting the two last partitions of Poland. 
 
 In the time of the Emperor Paul foreign affairs 
 were often directed by his favourite aides-de-camp. 
 The Vice-Chancellor or the eldest of the members of 
 the committee only had the direction of the admin- 
 istrative and financial branch, and of the current 
 correspondence. This system suited an able sovereign 
 like the Empress Catherine, who, notwithstanding its 
 disadvantages and a complete absence of unity, still 
 ultimately carried out a consistent policy. Paul, with 
 his incessant caprices and changes of mind, yet had a 
 most decided, almost furious, will which all the 
 wheels of the government machine had at once to 
 obey. But with a sovereign of vacillating character 
 it is evident that the system of administration above 
 described must lead to serious evils. The Emperor 
 was continually exposed to making mistakes, to 
 seeing only one side of a question ; he w r as liable to 
 be confused by a mass of opinions from persons many 
 of whom had an interest in not letting him know the 
 whole truth ; and he could never advance towards a 
 definite object. Russia therefore had reason to be 
 grateful to the Emperor Alexander and those whose 
 advice he then followed for having sought to introduce 
 more order and method in the Imperial administration. 
 
 The object of the reform was to establish a system 
 somewhat similar to those adopted in most other 
 European States by separating the departments, defin- 
 ing their limits, assembling in each department matters 
 of the same kind, centralising their management, and 
 thereby augmenting the responsibility of the principal
 
 PLANS OF REFORM 297 
 
 functionaries of State. It was hoped among' other 
 things that this would be an efficacious means of 
 checking the numberless abuses and frauds which are 
 the curse of Russia. The Emperor accordingly 
 created for the first time Ministries of the Interior 
 and of Police, of Finance, of Justice, of Public In- 
 struction, of Commerce, of Foreign Affairs, of War, 
 and of the Navy. As to the War Department, 
 Alexander continued the system adopted by his father, 
 insisting that everything relating to the army, down 
 to the smallest appointment, should emanate direct 
 from the sovereign, and that the army should know 
 it. The post of aide-de-camp charged with the man- 
 agement of the personnel of the army became gradually 
 converted, in imitation of Napoleon, into that of 
 Major-General, so as to show that Russia always 
 considers herself in a state of war, and wishes to be 
 in a position to make war at any moment. In the 
 manifesto establishing the changes above referred to, 
 it was stated that all the Emperor's ukases were in 
 future to be countersigned by one of the Ministers 
 an attempt to introduce the principle of responsibility 
 and the Ministers were directed to meet in a 
 council, in which they were to discuss the most 
 important questions of State. This was a new 
 administrative machine superior to the Senate, which 
 retained all its functions and was invested with new 
 ones ; but those which related to administration 
 properly so called, became in its case almost purely 
 formal. By the creation of the new Ministers the 
 administrative authority of the Government was 
 concentrated, while hitherto it had not had any legal
 
 298 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 or definite status except in the person of the sovereign. 
 The Council of State also was not changed, although 
 some of its most eminent members became Ministers. 
 The Emperor continued occasionally to refer to this 
 Council various disagreeable or complicated questions, 
 in order to give it something to do, and not let it die 
 too soon ; but it speedily perished through its insigni- 
 ficance, and Alexander afterwards created another 
 Imperial Council on quite a different and much more 
 extensive plan. 
 
 These changes, which elsewhere would seem the 
 very A B C of politics, seemed at that time to the 
 Russians novel and immense. The manifesto made 
 much noise in the whole Empire and especially in the 
 salons of St Petersburg and Moscow ; each man had 
 his own opinion of it, and the majority judged it not 
 by its intrinsic merits or the benefits it might confer 
 on the State, but by the effect it would be likely to 
 have on their own advancement. Those who obtained 
 places approved it, while those who remained in the 
 cold criticised the juvenile infatuation that wished to 
 change the old and venerable institutions under which 
 Russia had become great. The personages high in 
 office who had not been consulted, and did riot expect 
 so considerable a change, were taken by surprise, 
 finding themselves eclipsed by those who during the 
 reign of Paul and the beginning of that of Alexander 
 had held aloof. They strove to vent their disappoint- 
 ment by smiling with pity at the young men who 
 were trying to reform the Empire, and at the foolish- 
 ness of some older men who consented to be the 
 instruments of a servile and awkward imitation of
 
 PLANS OF REFORM 299 
 
 foreign institutions. The easy good-nature of the 
 Emperor encouraged these criticisms, so far as they 
 were possible in Kussia, and they found a certain 
 amount of support in the Empress Dowager, who was 
 annoyed, without admitting it, at not having been 
 more consulted by her son and at not being able to 
 influence his decisions. She perceived in all these 
 novelties a germ of liberalism whose development 
 she feared, and her salon became a centre of opposi- 
 tion where people came to express their discon- 
 tent. 
 
 The head of the new administration was Count 
 Alexander Vorontzoff, who was made Foreign Min- 
 
 o 
 
 ister, and also Chancellor a title of which he had 
 long been ambitious, and which had not been given 
 to any one for many years. Kotchoubey left the 
 Foreign Office without regret, even with pleasure, as 
 he thought nothing could be done in it under that 
 system of impassiveness which he considered most 
 suitable to Russia and most in conformity with the 
 Emperor's character and his views and wishes ; he 
 threw himself with extreme ardour into the new 
 sphere of action opened to him by his appointment 
 as Minister of the Interior. The important branches 
 of police and general administration of which this 
 department was composed had until then been buried 
 in the mass of the functions attributed to the Senate, 
 to the Procurator-General, and occasionally to some 
 of the sovereign's secretaries. Kotchoubey had 
 entirely to reorganise an administration which had 
 been long neglected, and which in the more distant 
 provinces was without any direction or supervision,
 
 3 oo MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 and given up to all the abuses arising from the ig- 
 norance and cupidity of subordinate officials. It was 
 a noble and arduous task, and if he did not succeed 
 as well as he had wished, it was not for want of 
 zeal or good-will. He began by organising his office, 
 dividing it into several sections, each of which 
 had to deal with a distinct branch of the vast de- 
 partment. He invited the assistance of all the able 
 and experienced officials he could find, and en- 
 deavoured to raise in general estimation the post of 
 Governor of a province by appointing in that capacity 
 men whose character and position afforded guarantees 
 of integrity, and who, though inexperienced in official 
 work, were likely soon to obtain the necessary 
 knowledge. It seemed as if order was going to break 
 through the chaos, and the immediate effects of the 
 change were soon felt by the people. One of the 
 reforms he introduced was in the supply of salt, which 
 in Russia is a matter of great importance. This was 
 not nominally a Government monopoly, but the 
 Government alone was able to supply salt to all parts 
 of the Empire by obtaining it from the salt marshes 
 or distilling it from sea-water. Kotchoubey took 
 steps to reduce the cost of production and of convey- 
 ance to the lowest possible point, so as to enable the 
 people to buy salt more cheaply, and the Government 
 to be repaid its expenses. 
 
 The new Finance Minister was Count Vasilieff, a 
 capable and honest official who had in financial 
 matters been the right hand of Prince Viaziemskoy, 
 the only Procurator-General who had been mentioned 
 with praise at the time of the Empress Catherine.
 
 PLANS OF REFORM 301 
 
 In the various changes which had taken place since 
 the Prince's death in 1794, M. Vasilieff, as treasurer 
 of the Empire, had been indispensable ; he was a 
 steady worker, appreciated new ideas, and adopted 
 them when he thought they were opportune. All 
 the branches of the public revenue, the brandy traffic, 
 the Imperial Bank, etc., were comprised in this depart- 
 ment, to which was added the mines department, 
 which had been reorganised on a larger scale. 
 
 The functions of Minister of Justice were united 
 to those of Procurator-General of the Senate. 
 General Beklescheff did not wish to stop in this 
 department, as it had been deprived of the greater 
 part of its functions by the creation of the Ministers 
 of the Interior and of Finance ; and he was succeeded 
 by the Senator Dzierzanin. He was the personal 
 choice of the Emperor, without communication with 
 the Secret Council. A worthy man, and the writer of 
 some much admired lyrics which were full of swing 
 and passion, he was imperfectly educated and knew 
 no language but Russian. The Emperor had been 
 attracted to him by his ardent sentiments and poetic 
 dreams, not being able to resist fine phrases ; the 
 vaguer they were the better they pleased him, as he 
 could then easily assimilate them to his hopes, which 
 also were not very clear. He liked expressions of 
 energetic liberalism, and was especially attracted by 
 admiration of himself when it was couched in the 
 language of devotion to the cause of humanity. 
 
 The Emperor had direct and special relations with 
 certain persons whom he himself introduced at our 
 meetings ; he liked to patronise them and defend
 
 3 o2 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 them against objections raised sometimes by people 
 who knew them more intimately. It gave him 
 pleasure to have these relations without the know- 
 ledge of his friends, who already at that time had 
 begun to displease him because they were so united 
 among themselves. Yet it was absolutely necessary 
 to introduce members of ' the young men's party ' 
 into the administration, for all Alexander's hopes 
 rested upon them for the zealous continuation and 
 accomplishment of the reforms he had at heart. 
 Kotchoubey was provided for, but what was to be 
 done with the others ? It would be too much to 
 make them Ministers, and it was accordingly decided 
 that assistants to the Ministers should be appointed ; 
 in this way the. Emperor's friends would be able 
 to direct their chiefs in accordance with the Emperor's 
 views, and to keep him fully acquainted with what 
 was going on. 
 
 Count Paul Strogonoff was at his request ap- 
 pointed assistant to the Minister of the Interior, and 
 Novosiltzoff obtained the post of assistant to the 
 Minister of Justice, retaining his former appointment 
 of Secretary to the Emperor. This gave Novosiltzoff 
 the most important place in the administration, as it 
 was through him that the Emperor was to begin the 
 work of reforming jurisprudence and the existing 
 laws. He was well qualified for the task, as he had 
 studied jurisprudence and political economy in Eng- 
 land, arid had made good use of the opportunities 
 thereby afforded him of becoming conversant with 
 those subjects. No one in Russia was at that time 
 his superior in that administrative knowledge which
 
 PLANS OF ME FORM 303 
 
 was then only to be obtained by reading French and 
 English works. His practical mind rejected all vain 
 theories ; he possessed skill and tact in dealing not 
 only with individuals, but with the Russian public, 
 which he knew thoroughly. He had bad qualities 
 also ; but these had not yet developed themselves. 
 One of his greatest merits was that he seconded 
 Alexander's wishes as to the improvement of the 
 condition of the peasants, and he drew up the 
 first ukase on this subject. He also reconstituted 
 the commission for the revision of the law. This com- 
 mission had been formed by the Empress Catherine, 
 who thereby gained the flattering appreciation of 
 Voltaire and the Diderots ; but the only result was 
 the publication of the philanthropic and philosophical 
 instructions addressed by Catherine to the commission. 
 It was dissolved soon after, and its proceedings were 
 never made public. The new commission was organ- 
 ised by Novosiltzoff with the assistance of a German 
 jurist, Baron Rosenkampf, on a vast and well-con- 
 ceived plan. It was directed to codify all the exist- 
 ing Russian laws, which were very numerous and 
 often contradicted each other, classifying them accord- 
 ing to subjects, omitting such as were obsolete, and 
 adding new ones when necessary, but taking care to re- 
 tain in the new codes all that had entered for many 
 years into the life of the Russian people, even if not 
 quite reconcilable with the ideas of modern jurisprud- 
 ence. The system adopted was somewhat similar to 
 that of Justinian ; but the task of the Russian codifiers 
 was far more difficult than that of the Roman ones. 
 The latter merely had to select and classify out of a
 
 304 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 somewhat confused mass of laws, most of which were 
 admirable examples of wisdom and legislative science, 
 while in Russia the laws were not only confused, but 
 in many respects defective and insufficient. For such 
 a work not only jurists, but real legislators were 
 wanted. A similar code was to be prepared for the 
 outlying provinces of the Empire, such as Livonia, 
 Esthonia, Courland, and the Polish provinces of 
 Little Russia, each of which had its own particular 
 language, laws, and customs. 
 
 This great undertaking was begun methodically 
 and pursued for some time with activity ; Novosiltzoff 
 was allowed by the Minister of Justice to make it his 
 exclusive occupation. The classifications were pre- 
 pared by Baron Rosenkampf, and so long as they 
 were adhered to the work progressed ; but it did not 
 produce the results which were expected of it. This, 
 is usually the case in Russia ; if there is no immediate 
 result, the persons entrusted with the execution of 
 the work are changed, and it has to be begun over 
 again. 
 
 I was the only member of the Secret Council who 
 remained without employment. Alexander offered 
 me, with Count VorontzofFs concurrence, the post of 
 assistant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and all 
 my friends, the Emperor especially, pressed me to 
 accept the offer. I hesitated for a long time, feeling 
 how much surprise and dissatisfaction such an appoint- 
 ment would cause in Russia. The Emperor observed 
 that during my mission to the King of Sardinia I 
 had made myself favourably known by my despatches, 
 and that iny nomination to the Foreign Office ought
 
 APPOINTED ASSISTANT FOREIGN MINISTER 305 
 
 not therefore to be a matter of astonishment, 
 besides which Count VorontzofF, who alone had 
 a right to be consulted on the subject, had consented 
 to my becoming his assistant. I replied that he 
 (the Emperor) knew more than anyone my feeling-s 
 with regard to my country ; that they could never 
 change, and that I had some reason to fear that they 
 might be incompatible with the duties of the appoint- 
 ment he wished to give me ; the safest and most 
 proper course, therefore, would be for me not to accept 
 it. To this Alexander rejoined that he did not at 
 present anticipate any such contradiction as that 
 which I feared ; that I should always be at liberty to 
 give up my post if such a contradiction were to arise ; 
 and that, on the contrary, he thought that events 
 would occur which would be favourable to my views. 
 He added some very flattering expressions with regard 
 to my qualifications for the post. It is every man's 
 duty, he said, to pay his debt to humanity ; when one 
 has talents one must not refuse to employ them in the 
 most useful way. I still declined, but Alexander was 
 bent on my taking the appointment ; this was one of 
 his irresistible fancies which nothing could induce him 
 to abandon until they were satisfied. His persistence 
 and kindness to me were such that at length I 
 yielded, on the express condition that I should 
 be allowed to resign the appointment directly 
 its functions should become incompatible with my 
 feelings as a Pole. My chief object in this was, by 
 spending some years in the Emperor's service, to 
 prove to him my sincere attachment and my grati- 
 tude for his friendship and confidence. I accepted 
 VOL. i. u
 
 306 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSK1 
 
 with some sadness, as by so doing I was entering on 
 a new career full of pitfalls which would retain me at 
 St Petersburg, where I was always like an exotic 
 plant which could not take root ; I felt I could not 
 enjoy life unless I were with my own people. 
 
 I will not pretend that I had more foresight and 
 prudence than was really the case. In accepting the 
 post which was offered me, I was determined not to 
 do anything which might exercise an injurious in- 
 fluence on the destinies of my country ; but I had 
 no clear or decided idea as to the nature of the ser- 
 vices I might be called upon to render to Poland in 
 my new position. In this respect, a substantial bait 
 was offered me as a reward for having at length yielded 
 to the Emperor's wishes. He entrusted to me the 
 direction of the schools in the eight Polish pro- 
 vinces, which at that time constituted the whole 
 of that portion of Poland which belonged to his 
 dominions. 
 
 The creation of a Ministry of Public Instruction 
 was a remarkable innovation in Russia which was 
 fruitful of great and salutary results, and posterity 
 will owe gratitude both to Alexander and to the 
 young men, then so much criticised, who supported 
 him in his plans and gave them practical shape by 
 dividing into special branches the confused organisa- 
 tion which was then in existence. Nothing could be 
 more wretched or insufficient than public instruction 
 in Russia up to the reign of Alexander. There was 
 an Academy of Sciences at St Petersburg which 
 owed its only celebrity to the presence of some 
 learned men whom the Government had brought to
 
 STATE OF EDUCATION IN RUSSIA 307 
 
 the Russian capital from abroad. Euler came when 
 he was already an old man, and died there soon after. 
 The transactions of this Academy were for the most 
 part written in the French and German languages ; 
 it had no relations whatever with the country, and 
 exercised no influence on its progress. At Moscow 
 there was a university which was equally isolated, and 
 was attended by not more than a hundred students 
 maintained at the expense of the Government. The 
 only other educational establishments in Russia proper 
 were the so-called ' National Schools.' The teaching 
 in these schools was bad and extremely meagre ; the 
 teachers were poor wretches whom idleness and ennui 
 had rendered drunkards, and no respectable person 
 sent his children to them. The establishment of 
 the Ministry of Public Instruction completely changed 
 all this. The existing universities of Moscow, Wilna, 
 and Dorpat were better endowed, and three new 
 ones were created those of St Petersburg, Kharkoff, 
 and Kazan, each forming an educational centre for a 
 prescribed district, in which it directed all the educa- 
 tional arrangements. The University of Wilna was 
 exclusively Polish, and during the next few years the 
 whole of Russian Poland was covered with schools in 
 which Polish feeling freely developed itself. This 
 University, to which I appointed the njost distin- 
 guished literary and scientific men of the country, and 
 some eminent professors from abroad, directed the 
 movement with admirable zeal and intelligence, and 
 its consequences, which the Russians afterwards 
 deeply regretted, seemed at that time to flow 
 naturally from the Emperor's generous intentions with
 
 3 o8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 regard to the Poles. The University of Kazan was 
 to look after the instruction of the Tartars and of 
 Siberia generally. Each university had its curator, 
 and the curators formed a council of public instruction, 
 the President of which was the Minister. The 
 persons appointed to these posts by the Emperor were 
 such as to give a hope that the work of public instruc- 
 tion would be pushed forward with zeal and success. 
 General Klinger, commandant of one of the cadet 
 corps, was appointed curator of Dorpat. He was a 
 distinguished German author, with liberal opinions 
 which might almost be called Utopian, although he 
 had been in the service of the greatest despots ; his 
 intentions, however, were good, and he was full of 
 zeal for the advancement of science and instruction. 
 His eccentric and dreamy views were expressed with 
 a German bluntness which gave him an appearance of 
 frankness and energy, and all this had gained him 
 Alexander's favour. Count Severin Potocki was 
 appointed Curator of the University of Kharkoff, 
 which was the centre of a district the inhabitants of 
 which were strongly desirous of obtaining the means 
 of instruction. Count Severin, as a Pole, had been 
 treated with great consideration by Alexander when 
 he was Grand-Duke ; he had been admitted, like my 
 brother and myself, into his familiar circle, and was 
 one of his most enthusiastic admirers. The Emperor 
 appointed him not only curator of Kharkoff, but also 
 senator of the third department of the Senate, which 
 issued decisions on appeals against measures taken by 
 the administrations of the Polish provinces. Count 
 Severin obtained some celebrity in Russia as a senator,
 
 STATE OF EDUCATION IN RUSSIA 309 
 
 and in his capacity of curator he showed zeal and 
 perseverance. 
 
 The universities which were most progressive 
 were Wilna, Dorpat, and Kharkoff. The nobility of 
 Livonia, Esthonia, and Courland did not look with 
 favour upon the University of Dorpat, which had 
 declared itself the protector of the peasants and the 
 bourgeoisie. One of the professors of this univer- 
 sity was named Parot ; he was a worthy man who 
 expressed boundless attachment to the Emperor 
 Alexander, and was very anxious about his health. 
 Once Madame Parot sent a waistcoat, woven 
 by herself, which she said would preserve the 
 Emperor's life. Parot begged him to wear it, and 
 by such manifestations of affection he gained Alex- 
 ander's favour, and had private conferences with him 
 during his frequent journeys to St Petersburg. The 
 Curator of Moscow was M. de MouraviefF, one of the 
 gentlemen formerly attached to Alexander's service 
 when he was Grand-Duke, and also his former secre- 
 tary. He was a worthy man, but excessively timid 
 and quite devoid of energy. The Emperor appointed 
 him assistant to the Minister of Instruction in order 
 that it should not be said that young men only per- 
 formed the duties of assistant, and that these posts were 
 created only for the members of the Secret Council. 
 NovosiltzofF was appointed Curator of St Petersburg. 
 As there was already in that capital a faculty of 
 medicine dependent on the Ministry of the Interior, 
 and a faculty of law could not be established before 
 the commission for the revision of the laws had ter- 
 minated its labours, Novosiltzoff for the present
 
 3 io MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 confined himself to establishing a faculty of philo- 
 sophy, with the special object of training professors of 
 the exact sciences, of administration, and of literature, 
 This faculty began brilliantly by turning out some 
 distinguished pupils, but they did not afterwards 
 realise the hopes that had been formed of them, and 
 the institution perished without leaving any durable 
 results. A university with privileges and endow- 
 ments would have better maintained itself, as was 
 shown by the universities of Moscow and Kharkoff, 
 which, though they declined, were still active in the 
 midst of the indifference and oblivion by which they 
 were long surrounded. 
 
 Count Zavadovsky was appointed Minister of 
 Public Instruction. He had been secretary to Count 
 Romantzoff at the same time as Prince Bezborodko, 
 and they had remained friends ever since. Count 
 Romantzoff had presented them both as secretaries 
 to the Empress Catherine, and this was the origin of 
 their brilliant fortunes. Bezborodko, to whom I have 
 already referred, soon rose by his great capacity for 
 work ; he enjoyed the confidence of his sovereign and 
 attained to the highest dignities. Zavadovsky's 
 success was obtained by other means. The Empress 
 made him her favourite ; he became attached to her 
 and was very unhappy when after six months had 
 elapsed he was dismissed. His friends Bezborodko 
 and Vorontzoff endeavoured to console him, and the 
 presents which Catherine always lavished on a dis- 
 missed favourite were in his case richer than usual, 
 as she recognised in him other merits than those 
 which had merely attracted her fancy. He after-
 
 STATE OF EDUCATION IN RUSSIA 311 
 
 wards married, and continued to be well received 
 at Court. His friendship with Vorontzoff, and the 
 reputation for writing pure Russian which he had 
 gained by certain manifestoes that he had written for 
 the Empress Catherine, obtained him the post of 
 Minister of Instruction. He was a man of just and 
 benevolent character, but of somewhat stolid mind. 
 He was not quick of intelligence, and did not perceive 
 shades of meaning, while at the same time he wished 
 to understand new ideas, and not to be reckoned 
 among those who could neither learn nor forget any- 
 thing. Yet he possessed in a high degree one of 
 the most marked traits of a Russian administrator 
 profound submission to everything that comes 
 from superior authority. He was enthusiastic in 
 his admiration of classic writers and was fond of 
 quoting the passages he remembered. The literature 
 of his own country also greatly interested him. By a 
 singular accident he had learnt Latin in one of the 
 Polish schools managed by the Jesuits ; he had not 
 forgotten his Polish, and he prided himself on his 
 knowledge of that language, speaking with much 
 admiration of our ancient poet John Kochanowski,* 
 some fragments of whose poems he knew by heart. 
 All this gave him a certain predilection for Poland and 
 the Poles ; as was shown even at his dinners, which 
 always consisted of Polish dishes. 
 
 While the other curators were often overruled in 
 their projects by the Minister, who was not always 
 disposed to yield to ideas of reform and progress, I 
 never had to complain on this score. Vorontzoff 
 
 * Born 1530. Died 1584.
 
 3 i2 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 always trusted me implicitly, and he was always most 
 kind in supporting every proposal I made. I owe 
 him much gratitude for the condescension, the frank- 
 ness, and the friendly feeling with which he always 
 treated me.
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 1803-4 
 
 DIFFERENCES WITH SWEDEN. THE CHANCELLOR VORONTZOFF's POLICY. 
 
 THE FOREIGN AMBASSADORS AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, ENGLAND, 
 
 FRANCE, AND SWEDEN. ALEXANDER'S PROFESSED LIBERALISM 
 
 PUT TO THE TEST. HIS FOREIGN POLICY AND THAT OF NAPO- 
 LEON. PRINCE CZARTORYSKI BECOMES UNPOPULAR AT COURT. 
 
 A DUEL. THE CHANCELLOR'S ILLNESS. NAPOLEON AND THE 
 
 RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR. 
 
 DIRECTLY after my appointment I was admitted to all 
 the Chancellor's Conferences with the Foreign Min- 
 
 O 
 
 isters, and I drew up the protocols which he took to 
 the Emperor. I did this work with much care, and 
 to his satisfaction. A well- written protocol often 
 gives precision and clearness to a desultory conversa- 
 tion. Vorontzoff was satisfied with what I made him 
 say, as it expressed what he thought, though in a more 
 complete manner than he had himself done ; I had 
 guessed his intentions, and this greatly pleased him. 
 The practice I thus gained was very useful to me, and 
 the conferences at which I was present enabled me to 
 be fully informed of the relations of Russia with 
 Foreign Governments. It was also my duty to draw 
 up the despatches which resulted from these confer- 
 ences, and the Emperor's rescripts to his Ministers
 
 3 i4 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 abroad. Having accepted these functions, I threw 
 myself heartily into the work. I sometimes wrote 
 incessantly for eight or nine hours at a time. This 
 produced a sort of nervous disorder which Dr Roger- 
 son said might have serious consequences ; but I was 
 young, and did not pay any attention to his counsels. 
 Later on I had reason to regret that I did not do so. 
 
 The policy of Russia was in essence the same 
 under VorontzofF as it had been under Kotchoubey ; 
 but it became stronger and more dignified in form. 
 Its leading principle, which was well adapted to 
 Alexander's character and projects, was to be on 
 good terms with all the world, and not to interfere in 
 European affairs, in order to avoid being carried too 
 far ; in a word, carefully to avoid difficulties without 
 appearing to fear them. The principle was not 
 changed ; it was only the way of carrying it out 
 that was different. The Russian Cabinet assumed a 
 tone of hauteur which deceived people as to its 
 true policy, and somewhat reminded one of the 
 spirit of Catherine's diplomacy. The Chancellor was 
 very careful to avoid any quarrel, or even slight 
 estrangement, with any of the great Powers ; but he 
 was not sorry when an opportunity presented itself to 
 frighten the weak ones and crush them under the 
 weight of Russian power. This is what happened 
 with Sweden. The two Governments had a difference 
 as to the possession of a wretched little island in a 
 river which at that time separated Finland proper 
 from the Russian province of that name. The point 
 at issue was on which branch of the river was to be 
 the bridge constituting the frontier. This question
 
 THE CHANCELLOR VORONTZOFFS POLICY 315 
 
 had been pending for some time, and the Chancellor 
 resolved to cut the knot. He addressed Sweden in a 
 dry and imperious tone, and I was very glad that I 
 was not asked to write the despatches on this matter, 
 which were in Russian ; my abstinence afterwards 
 obtained for me proofs of confidence on the part of the 
 King of Sweden and his Government. At the same 
 time Russia seemed to prepare for a rupture, and 
 Russian generals were sent to inspect the Swedish 
 frontier. The Emperor himself went there, and I 
 accompanied him with Strogonoff and Novosiltzoff. 
 
 We passed along the greater part of the frontier 
 on horseback. The soil mostly consists of a slight 
 layer of earth on a substratum of granite, and there 
 is some extraordinary scenery, with magnificent 
 water-falls, but the country was not populous, and we 
 often had to sleep in thinly scattered villages, at the 
 houses of the clergy, some of whom knew no other 
 language than the Finnish. The villages and parson- 
 ages were surrounded by meadows, but the general 
 appearance of the country was melancholy and arid. 
 I refer here only to the portion of Finland which at 
 that time belonged to Russia, as other portions are 
 rich and abound in corn. Beyond the town of Abo 
 the country looked more cultivated, and the people 
 seemed more prosperous. We visited the disputed 
 island, and the fortress and harbour in its vicinity, 
 which in case of war were to form the basis of our 
 operations. General Suchtelen, then commander of 
 the engineers, and afterwards Russian Minister in 
 Sweden, was having some works constructed in this 
 fortress according to a new system of his own inven-
 
 3 i6 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 tion ; it was more simple, he said, than those of 
 Vauban and Coehorn, which it combined and made 
 more effective. 
 
 The King of Sweden was very obstinate in his 
 resistance to the demands we had made in so imperious 
 a tone. Count Stedingk, the Swedish Ambassador 
 at St Petersburg, often expressed to me his astonish- 
 ment on this subject, and shrugged his shoulders in 
 speaking of the offensive way in which Russia dealt 
 with a matter which in reality was quite unimportant. 
 Sweden resisted for a long time, and we continued 
 preparations for war. She had to give way at last, 
 but the conditions imposed upon her were insignificant, 
 and Sweden could not be mad enough to make war on 
 account of them. The Chancellor was very proud 
 of his victory, but it might easily have been obtained 
 without humiliating Sweden which I think would 
 have been preferable. The conduct of Russia left a 
 bitter feeling in the mind of a neighbour which had 
 already been often ill-treated, and which, notwith- 
 standing its relative weakness, might on occasion do 
 much harm. But Vorontzoff knew Russia, or at least 
 those who spoke in her name. He knew that every 
 demonstration of power, even if unjust, pleases the 
 Russians ; that to domineer, to command, to crush is 
 a necessity of their national pride. Not being able 
 to overcome the strong, the Chancellor attacked the 
 weak, hoping thereby to bring into prominence 
 the } 7 oung Emperor's government. I am con- 
 vinced that this was one of the motives which 
 induced him loudly to proclaim his pretended victory 
 over Sweden ; but the Russian public was not de-
 
 THE CHANCELLOR VORONTZOFFS POLICY 317 
 
 ceived. There was at that time in the two capitals 
 among the civil officials and in the army the class 
 which afterwards formed the elements of public 
 opinion a vague desire of improvement, or rather of 
 events which should be more interesting, more profit- 
 able, and especially more flattering to their vanity. 
 It must be admitted that the Emperor Alexander did 
 not at that time have public opinion on his side, and 
 this was indeed but seldom the case during the whole 
 of his reign. At that period especially his conduct 
 was too natural, his views too pure and too much in 
 conformity with the welfare of the great majority of 
 his subjects, to be appreciated by a country whose 
 upper classes had tasted of a corrupt civilisation and 
 had been excessively indulged in their avidity and 
 vanity. The goodness, the kindness, and the pure 
 intentions of Alexander as he then was did not suffice 
 to make him popular. Notwithstanding all the 
 Chancellor's efforts, no great satisfaction was expressed 
 at the advantage gained by him over an adversary of 
 such little importance as Sweden ; on the contrary, 
 the old Minister was reproached for attempting to 
 throw dust in the eyes of the public and take advan- 
 tage of its vanity. 
 
 Count Sauvan was then the Austrian Ambassador ; 
 he used always to come to the Chancellor in full dress, 
 and conferred with him in a very solemn manner. 
 The policy of Austria was at that time lachrymose 
 and sentimental. The peace of Luneville had only 
 lately been signed,* and the Vienna Cabinet sought 
 for consolation. Russia did not reject its mournful 
 
 * On the 29th of February, 1801.
 
 3 i8 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 representations, but only replied by assurances of 
 interest and good-will which meant nothing. Prussia 
 was represented by Count Goltz ; the only qualities 
 which had obtained him advancement were a good 
 memory, a knowledge of routine, and a kind heart, 
 and he was completely under the domination of his 
 wife, remarkable for a somewhat noisy and brusque 
 vivacity. When Prussia, perfidiously violating the 
 treaties of the past ten years, took her share of the 
 plunder of Poland, he succeeded M. Lucchesini as 
 Ambassador at Vienna. He treated me with a defer- 
 ence which betrayed a feeling of regret, almost of shame, 
 at the conduct of his Government towards my country. 
 His predecessor at St Petersburg was M. Tauentzien, 
 afterwards known as one of the ablest of the Prussian 
 generals. While my mother was at Berlin on the 
 occasion of my sister's marriage with the Prince of 
 Wiirtemberg, he was an officer of the Guards, and 
 often came to her house, w r here he was deeply smitten 
 by Mdlle. Constance Narbutt (afterwards Madame 
 Denbowska). She refused his offer of marriage, but 
 the only result was that during his stay at St Peters- 
 burg he often asked me and my brother to dinner. 
 The relations of Russia with Prussia were purely 
 personal between the two sovereigns, as there was no 
 sympathy between the Cabinets, the armies, or the 
 people of the two States. Prussia's equivocal conduct, 
 her base submission to France, and the acquisitions 
 which she obtained by it, were much disapproved by the 
 Russians, who did not spare their sarcasms on the sub- 
 ject. The Emperor, however, remained faithful to his 
 friendship with the King, and to the high opinion he
 
 FOREIGN AMBASSADORS 319 
 
 had formed of the Prussian army. This perseverance, 
 which was often blamed at St Petersburg 1 , was never- 
 
 O ' 
 
 theless of great advantage to Russia, as she managed 
 thereby to attract Prussia to her side and make her 
 a sort of satellite. 
 
 England had just concluded the peace of Amiens. 
 Her ambassador at St Petersburg was Sir John Warren, 
 an excellent admiral, but an indifferent diplomatist. 
 He was a perfect representative of the nullity and 
 incapacity of the Addington Ministry which had 
 appointed him. In those days the English Government 
 was seldom happy in its choice of ambassadors. The 
 diplomatic service, though much sought after, contained 
 few able men ; the most important posts were given 
 by favour or through party arrangements, either to 
 satisfy some supporter of the Ministry or to obtain 
 a few more votes in the House of Commons. Other 
 promotions were entirely by seniority ; want of know- 
 ledge or of intelligence was no disqualification. It 
 was generally remarked at that time that there was 
 neither ability nor zeal among the great majority of 
 English diplomatists. All this is entirely changed ; 
 the English diplomatists are now among the ablest 
 in Europe. 
 
 General Hedouville represented France. He had 
 obtained a reputation as a General by his pacification 
 of La Vendee, but he did not seem very likely to 
 sustain the reputation of French diplomacy, whose 
 cleverness and general ability seemed even to increase 
 under the Consulate and the Ministry of Talleyrand. 
 In selecting a Minister so benevolent and quiet, not 
 to say tedious, in manner and conversation, the French
 
 320 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Government probably intended to reassure and tran- 
 quillise those whose friendship it wished to gain. He 
 represented one of those dead calms which in 
 diplomacy follow or precede a storm. 
 
 There was nothing important or even interesting 
 in the relations of Russia with the other great 
 Powers ; they reduced themselves, so far as I re- 
 member, to an exchange of rounded phrases the drift 
 of which was : ' Let us be quiet and avoid all embar- 
 rassments and conflicts.' This feeling was shared 
 even by the Governments which had suffered from the 
 peace ; they would have been glad to strike another 
 blow in the hope of regaining what they had lost, but 
 they did not dare to confess it. Even England did 
 not expect a speedy rupture. Austria groaned only 
 in secret, and when she thought she could complain 
 without compromising herself; while Prussia congratu- 
 lated herself on her constant neutrality and looked 
 upon it as a source of prosperity and progress. 
 France, too, seemed to have turned all her attention 
 to internal affairs. The First Consul was organising 
 the administration and the laws of the country ; but 
 all eyes were still turned to this vigorous sap which 
 could not long be satisfied with the immense terri- 
 tories it had already fertilised. All continental 
 Europe feared France, while Russia, although she 
 was both pacific and inoffensive, assumed a tone which 
 denoted a consciousness of equal power and a feeling 
 of independence. The relations of the Chancellor with 
 General Hedouville showed a friendliness based on 
 mutual consideration. A convention of no great 
 significance was concluded, and the Chancellor took
 
 THE FOREIGN AMBASSADORS 321 
 
 the opportunity of offering to the French Minister 
 the usual present of 4000 ducats and a gold 
 snuff box adorned with diamonds and the Emperor's 
 portrait. The Chancellor was ill, and received 
 the Ambassador in bed while the ratifications were 
 being exchanged. The presents were laid out on 
 the bed, and I never saw a face so beam with pleasure 
 as did the General's when he saw the bags of ducats. 
 Forgetting all decorum and the little speech he should 
 have delivered on the Emperor's portrait, his eyes 
 were fixed on the money-bags, and he carried them 
 away with an expression of delight which was quite 
 comic. He was a very worthy man, however, and 
 everyone would have been glad to see him so happy 
 if he had been a little more dignified in showing his 
 
 Among the members of the diplomatic body the 
 most remarkable was Baron Stedingk, the Swedish 
 Ambassador. He was distinguished both by his 
 wisdom and by his noble sentiments ; with a simple 
 exterior, his conduct also was marked by simplicity, 
 by tact, and by perfect loyalty, and was strictly 
 honourable in the highest sense of the word. He had 
 that rare perspicacity which always appreciates both 
 men and events at their true value. In his youth he 
 had served with distinction against the English in the 
 American war, and had been decorated with the cross 
 of St Louis, which, being a Protestant, he wore with 
 a blue ribbon. Afterwards, being honoured with the 
 confidence of Gustavus III, he distinguished himself 
 at the head of the army corps which fought the 
 Russians in 1789 and 1790. When peace was signed 
 
 VOL. i. x
 
 322 
 
 he was appointed Ambassador at the Court of St 
 Petersburg, where he was already known by his 
 military successes. He remained at this post during 
 three consecutive reigns, serving his country in the 
 most difficult emergencies, without ever losing any of 
 the high consideration he had acquired. Of all the 
 men I ever met he seemed to me one of the best and 
 the most worthy of confidence ; he was a man whom 
 one could not help liking, and whom one would wish 
 always to have for a friend. I think he was mine, so 
 far as he could be in view of our different positions, 
 which afterwards entirely separated us. As second in 
 the Ministry, I was not obliged to take an active part 
 in the difficulty which had arisen between Russia and 
 Sweden, and the Chancellor wished to conduct the 
 matter himself in order to gain the merit of having 
 brought it to a triumphant conclusion. His insulting 
 affectation of superiority, and the way in which he 
 deprived a weaker power of a worthless island which 
 was only taken to humiliate her, inspired me with pro- 
 found repugnance, and, as I have already remarked, 
 this gained for me marks of gratitude and confidence 
 from the Swedes. 
 
 The progress of internal reform in Russia was 
 abruptly stopped by an unexpected incident. Count 
 Severin Potocki, who, as I said above, was a great 
 admirer of the Emperor, often addressed memoranda 
 to him on various subjects. The Senate had received 
 from the Emperor, among other important preroga- 
 tives, the right of making representations to him, but 
 it had hitherto not made any use of this right. Count 
 Severin naturally thought the Emperor was sincere
 
 ALEXANDERS LIBERALISM PUT TO THE TEST 323 
 
 in his liberal opinions ; the Emperor himself thought 
 so ; and the Count therefore imagined it would be a 
 good thing, and would please his Imperial master, if 
 the Seriate were prompted to exercise its preroga- 
 tives. For this an opportunity soon presented itself. 
 Although almost every noble in Russia entered the 
 army, he was not obliged to do so, and could leave 
 it when he thought proper. This double privilege 
 was granted by Peter III in an ukase for which 
 many blessed his memory. Alexander, however, 
 restricted the privilege to nobles who held the rank of 
 officer ; those below that rank were obliged to serve 
 for twelve years. This was looked upon as an attack 
 on the guaranteed rights of the nobility, and pro- 
 duced a deep and painful sensation. The Minister of 
 War, an old military bureaucrat of low origin, was said 
 to be the author of the new ukase, and Count Severin 
 Potocki proposed to the Senate that it should address 
 representations to the Emperor on this violation of 
 the nobles' charter. His proposal was read to the 
 general assembly of all the departments, and the 
 senators, seeing that one of the confidential advisers 
 of the Court was taking the initiative in the matter, 
 and that his opinion was warmly supported by Count 
 Strogonoff, thought they could safely vote in its favour. 
 They gladly did this, under the impression that by so 
 doing they could without danger assume an air of 
 independence in a matter to which it was believed the 
 Emperor did not attach any serious importance. 
 Count Severin's proposal was adopted, notwithstand- 
 ing the opposition of the Procurator-General (Minister 
 of Justice), which was supposed to be feigned in order
 
 324 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 to give more appearance of reality to the little scene 
 which it was believed had been got up for the occasion. 
 Count Strogonoff, who was deputed with two other 
 senators to take the representations of the Senate to 
 the Emperor, readily set out on his mission ; but the 
 deputation was received by Alexander very coldly, 
 and Strogonoff, disconcerted and not knowing what 
 to say, withdrew. The Emperor sharply reprimanded 
 the Senate, ordered it not to meddle with things 
 which did not concern it, and directed it by a new 
 decree to carry out the very ukase against which it 
 had appealed. To my great astonishment it was 
 Novosiltzoff who was the agent of the Emperor's 
 unjust anger in this matter. This failure of the first 
 move of the Senate in the direction of liberalism 
 sufficed to discourage people whose generous aspira- 
 tions were not, it must be admitted, very strong. 
 The Senate did not again attempt any independent 
 action, and its rights became a dead letter. At my 
 first interview with the Emperor after this incident, I 
 could not help smiling at his extreme alarm in 
 presence of the new attitude of the Senate. My 
 jocular remarks on this point were ill received by 
 Alexander, and I believe they left in his mind a 
 certain anxiety as to my liberal tendencies which 
 afterwards came back to him. This was an indication 
 of Alexander's true character, which then appeared to 
 ine in a novel and unfortunately too real light. Grand 
 ideas of the general good, generous sentiments, and 
 the desire to sacrifice to them part of the Imperial 
 authority, and resign an immense and arbitrary power 
 in order the better to secure the future happiness of
 
 ALEXANDERS LIBERALISM PUT TO THE TEST 325 
 
 the people, had really occupied the Emperor's rnind 
 and did so still, but they were rather a young man's 
 fancies than a grown man's decided will. The 
 Emperor liked forms of liberty as he liked the 
 theatre ; it gave him pleasure and flattered his vanity 
 to see the appearances of free government in his 
 Empire ; but all he wanted in this respect was forms 
 and appearances ; he did not expect them to become 
 realities. In a word, he would willingly have agreed 
 that every man should be free, on the condition that 
 he should voluntarily do only what the Emperor 
 wished. 
 
 Alexander never forgot Count Severin's indiscre- 
 tion ; he was still received at Court on the same 
 footing as heretofore, but he no longer shared the 
 confidence and favour of his sovereign. The incident 
 gained him great credit at Moscow and in the ancient 
 provinces of the Empire, where he was regarded as a 
 true Russian patriot and a generous defender of the 
 immunities of the nobility. This wave of popularity 
 had so much charm for the Count that it made him 
 forget his old Polish sentiments. In his youth, at 
 the diet of the 3rd of May, he had been an ardent 
 Polish patriot ; in his old age he forgot his country, 
 thought only of augmenting his fortune and living 
 pleasantly, and amused himself by opposing the 
 Russian Government. He got into the habit of travel- 
 ling continually between his estates and the Senate, 
 reading much on the journey, and preparing the 
 speeches which he made every year either at Moscow 
 or at St Petersburg. His mind tended rather towards 
 doubt than action ; he seldom expressed any positive
 
 326 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 opinion, and sentiment did not in any way affect his 
 decisions, which were invariably prompted by con- 
 siderations of personal interest. His self-love was 
 greater than his fear, which could not indeed be very 
 great, as Alexander, at that time especially, never 
 persecuted anybody, and his displeasure could be in- 
 curred without danger. Count Severin retained as 
 long as he liked his appointments of senator and 
 curator, which gave him a circle of activity that 
 pleased him. He was able and well informed, but 
 made light of everything except what touched his 
 material interests, and had no religious sentiments 
 whatever. Such a man was destined to end his days 
 without friends or sympathy. I did not see him 
 again. Alexander had given him the use of a con- 
 siderable estate for fifty years ; I had done my best 
 to arrange the matter, and later on I did some service 
 to his son Leo. All this established a reciprocity of 
 good feeling between us which lasteM as long as I was 
 in Russia, and afterwards gradually died out. 
 
 If it had been in the nature of man to be satisfied 
 with what is practicable, Alexander ought to have 
 satisfied the Russians, for he gave them a tranquillity, 
 a prosperity, and even a degree of liberty which were 
 unknown before his reign. But the Russians wanted 
 something else. Like the gambler who seeks violent 
 emotions, they were tired of the monotony of their 
 prosperity. They did not like their } T oung Emperor : 
 he was too simple in his manners, too averse to pomp, 
 too disdainful of etiquette. The Russians regretted 
 the brilliant Court of Catherine and its abuses, the 
 opening which it gave to so many passions, struggles^
 
 ALEXANDER'S POLICY AND THAT OF NAPOLEON 327 
 
 intrigues and successes. They regretted the days of 
 the Imperial favourites, and the possibility of gaining 
 colossal positions and fortunes like those of Orloff and 
 Potemkin. The courtiers had no ante-chambers to go 
 to, and sought in vain for an idol before which they could 
 burn their incense ; their platitude was condemned 
 to inaction, and there was no one to whom they could 
 cringe and bow. The grumblers at Moscow, too, did 
 not like the Court because it no longer afforded food 
 for their censure, while it did not offer them any of 
 the advantages which they valued. Their liberalism, 
 moreover, was very different from that of the Emperor 
 Alexander ; he inclined rather to the democratic and 
 levelling ideas of the Emperor Joseph of Austria, 
 though in a milder form. 
 
 Only the Empress Dowager attempted to main- 
 tain the customs and the brilliancy of the old Court. 
 Alexander's Court was of an exaggerated simplicity, 
 totally devoid of etiquette, and he met his courtiers only 
 on intimate and familiar terms. The Emperor and his 
 family only appeared in full dress on Sundays and 
 holidays, when they went to church. Dinners and 
 soirees were mostly given in the private apartments, 
 and were quite different from what they had been in the 
 preceding reigns. Later on, Alexander became more 
 sumptuous in his receptions, but at the beginning of 
 his reign he was not sufficiently so. While Napoleon 
 surrounded himself with a pomp and ceremonial re- 
 vived from the times of the monarchy, Alexander 
 liked to eclipse himself and to behave like an ordinary 
 citizen. His friends found fault with him for this 
 especially the Margravine of Baden, his mother-in-
 
 328 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 law, who wanted to give the young Emperor every 
 possible quality and success. She endeavoured to 
 stimulate him by the example of Napoleon, but in 
 vain. The two Emperors went in opposite directions 
 in everything ; one demolished, while the other re- 
 stored, old ideas ; and the comparison made between 
 them was not to Alexander's advantage in the eyes 
 of the very Russians for whom he was working. He 
 was, in fact, not at all popular during the first few 
 years of his reign, although he was never more devoted 
 than he was then to the good of his country. But 
 men want to be dominated and fooled, and this neces- 
 sity is nowhere so much felt as in Russia. At the 
 beginning of his reign, Alexander did not know how 
 to do this ; he learnt it later, but even then, and 
 notwithstanding his great success, he never attained 
 the popularity and the moral power of his grand- 
 mother, who could have said of the Russians, as 
 Buonaparte said of the French, that they were in her 
 pocket. 
 
 The Emperor had made it a maxim to respect 
 other people's opinions, and not to punish anybody for 
 expressing them, so that no great courage was required 
 to criticise the sovereign and tell him unpleasant 
 truths. Full advantage was taken of this privilege, 
 especially in the salons of the two capitals. Every- 
 thing that the Government did was found fault with, 
 and these criticisms, growing like the waves of a 
 heavy sea, used in the same way to subside and grow 
 again at the least breath of wind. Such was the 
 constant state of opinion in Russia during the first 
 year of Alexander's reign. The old courtiers used to
 
 THE PRINCE BECOMES UNPOPULAR AT COURT 329 
 
 say, in order to calm the anxiety of the young ones, 
 that all new reigns began in the same way, and that 
 the first years of the reign of Catherine were marked 
 by the same pre-occupations. What people most ob- 
 jected to, however, in the case of Alexander, was 
 my presence at his Court, and my appointment as 
 assistant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. ^A 
 
 o 
 
 merely honorary title would not have shocked the 
 Russians, but they could not accustom themselves to 
 see me at the head of the department : a Pole enjoying 
 the confidence of the Emperor, and initiated into all the 
 secrets of State, was to them an intolerable innovation.* 
 This was a fertile subject of suspicion and calumny 
 in the Russian salons. My parents had always been 
 averse to Russian influence, and their fortune had 
 been confiscated on account of their participation in 
 Polish revolutions. That their son, who had never 
 concealed his enthusiastic devotion to his country's 
 cause, who had often loudly proclaimed it, and proved 
 it by the national spirit in which he promoted public 
 instruction in the Polish provinces, should be the 
 intimate and confidential adviser of the sovereign, was 
 naturally the subject of much comment. It was easy 
 to imagine that I betrayed the interests of Russia, 
 and that I would at any moment prove false to my 
 duties as a Minister and a friend in order to advance 
 the cause of Poland. All the ambitious men who 
 thought themselves more worthy of the Emperor's 
 confidence than a stranger all the young men of 
 
 * ' Prince Czartoryski, ' says Lord Whitworth in a despatch to Lord Hawkesbury 
 (in the Record Office), dated January 4, 1803, 'for some years past the intimate and 
 most confidential friend of the present Emperor of Russia, ... is now second in 
 point of precedency, but perhaps first in point of influence, in the Foreign Depart- 
 ment.'
 
 330 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 Alexander's Court were agreed on this point. But 
 their suspicions were unfounded. I do not think I 
 have ever been more zealous and devoted than I was 
 in the Emperor's service. He knew better than any- 
 one my attachment to my country, and it was this 
 knowledge which was the first basis of our intimate 
 relations and the source of the esteem and friendship 
 with which he honoured me. He did not at that 
 time think that the welfare of Russia was really 
 incompatible with that of Poland. Perhaps he did 
 not have a very clear idea of that grave question, and 
 as its solution appeared distant, he did not think it 
 necessary to go very deeply into it. Meanwhile he 
 accepted the services which I cordially rendered him, 
 and he thought it just and proper to reward them by 
 giving me a certain liberty of action in regard to the 
 Polish provinces under his rule. I of course availed 
 myself of this concession ; I reorganised public in- 
 struction in Poland on a larger and more national 
 basis, and made it more conformable with modern 
 ideas. The Russians could not understand my rela- 
 tions with Alexander, and indeed they were only to 
 be explained by the fact that we were both very young 
 and had become friends at an age when generous 
 impulses are stronger than reflection. The Russians, 
 however, attributed our connection to personal ambi- 
 tion and dissimulation on my part and silly good- 
 nature on that of Alexander. They imagined that I 
 secretly favoured France, and that I wished to bring 
 Alexander under the fascination of Buonaparte's genius. 
 It was to my influence that they ascribed the some- 
 what colourless policy adopted by the Emperor in
 
 THE PRINCE BECOMES UNPOPULAR AT COURT 331 
 
 European politics, which they thought arose from my 
 connivance with France. This was also the Empress 
 Dowager's opinion, and she propagated it among the 
 young officers of the army. 
 
 My position was not an easy one. The part 
 played by Russia was certainly not so brilliant or 
 preponderant as might have been desirable, and was 
 not at all in accordance with Russian vanity or 
 Russian pretensions. Alexander was eclipsed by 
 Napoleon, who, at the pinnacle of military glory, 
 introduced into diplomacy, hitherto so discreet, that 
 bluntness and rapidity of decision which were the 
 secrets of his success on the battlefield. He took the 
 initiative in every European question, and daily gained 
 ground, increased his preponderance, and showed that 
 he intended to become the arbiter of Europe. I 
 constantly heard Russians complain of the weakness 
 and want of dignity of their Cabinet ; and if I had 
 ascribed these faults to Alexander's character and 
 opinions, I would have cast the whole blame upon him. 
 Among the most active and ambitious of the malcon- 
 tents was the young Prince Dolgorouky. He was the 
 prime mover of the Russian party, and his passionate 
 vexation at seeing a stranger occupy a post which he 
 considered should have been given to him made him 
 witty, much to the surprise of his friends. Being 
 one of the Emperor's aides-de-camp, he was con- 
 tinually at Court, and I often met him, on which 
 occasions he used to pursue me with reproaches and 
 sarcasms on the indolence of the Russian Foreign 
 Office. He provoked me so far that I once told 
 him he should address his remarks to the Chancellor,
 
 332 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 who was the head of the department. He replied 
 that he knew well there was an understanding 
 between the Chancellor and myself to refer matters 
 from one to the other in order to avoid the diffi- 
 culty of a precise answer. The discussion almost 
 became a quarrel, and the Emperor had to interfere 
 to put a stop to Dolgorouky's remarks. We no 
 longer spoke to each other, but he continued his in- 
 trigues with more animosity than ever. Under the 
 reign of Paul we had been on very good terms, and 
 he had shown me much confidence in an affair of 
 honour which he had with M. de Wintzingerode, a 
 worthy German, very stiff and punctilious. Having 
 quarrelled with Dolgorouky, he challenged him, and 
 both agreed to take me as the only witness of the 
 duel. The scene of the encounter was a garden, and 
 I loaded the pistols and placed the adversaries in 
 such a way as to make it exceedingly difficult for 
 them to hit each other. The result was that both 
 missed, and the incident was closed by a complete 
 reconciliation. 
 
 The Chancellor's health now began to break down. 
 He was several times seriously ill, and he often 
 thought of temporarily retiring to his estates near 
 Moscow, though he had no wish to withdraw from 
 political life altogether. One day when he was ill 
 I was seated by his bed ; he was in a high fever, and 
 speaking with much animation, though somewhat 
 delirious, he said several times : ' These young men 
 wish to govern everything, but I will not allow it ; I 
 alone will remain at the head of affairs.' I thought it 
 probable that some one had led him to suspect those
 
 THE CHANCELLORS ILLNESS 333 
 
 who were called the Emperor's friends ; perhaps these 
 suspicions had spontaneously arisen in his mind. I 
 am convinced, however, that he never distrusted me, 
 or listened to the insinuations which people made 
 against me. The extreme and entire confidence which 
 he showed me lasted to the end of his life, which is 
 surprising, as so many people had an interest in 
 making us quarrel. He gave his confidence and 
 friendship to very few people ; his sentiments were 
 delicate and noble, and although they were not based 
 on strict principle, they showed that he was kind- 
 hearted and sensitive. Always inclined to render a 
 service, he judged others with great indulgence, and 
 even at times when he spoke his mind most freely, I 
 have never detected in him any feeling of hatred or 
 desire for revenge. The Emperor, however, had an 
 invincible dislike for him, which increased every day. 
 His somewhat old-fashioned manners, his voice, his 
 deliberate way of speaking, even his gestures, were 
 antipathetic to him. During his frequent attacks of 
 illness, the Chancellor used to send me with his papers 
 to the Emperor, and the latter expressed his joy at 
 not being obliged to see him. In spite of all I said in 
 his behalf, he used to ridicule the old Minister, and 
 often told me he would like to be rid of him. I was 
 at this time in high favour with the Emperor, and he 
 spoke with marked approval of my drafts of despatches 
 and rescripts. He in no way opposed the Chancellor's 
 wish for rest ; on the contrary, he encouraged it in 
 every way. 
 
 The friendly relations which had hitherto existed 
 between Russia and France began about this time to
 
 334 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 be disturbed. Count Markoff, supposed to be the 
 ablest man in Russia, and the prototype and almost 
 the last living representative of the diplomacy of 
 Catherine, had been sent as Ambassador to Paris. 
 When Paul became Emperor Markoff fell into 
 disgrace, and was banished to Podolia, on one of my 
 father's confiscated estates. After Alexander's acces- 
 sion he hastened back to the capital, and Count 
 Panin, who was then Foreign Minister, fearing in 
 him a dangerous rival, decided to send him on a 
 mission abroad. The most important task in foreign 
 affairs was at that time the renewal of friendly 
 relations with France, and for this it \vas necessary 
 to send Napoleon an Ambassador capable of controlling 
 and restraining his policy, and sustaining the dignity 
 of Russia. Markoff, who was selected for this post, 
 accepted it with eagerness, for he knew Alexander 
 did not like him, and he was pleased at the idea of 
 playing an important part in a capital where Napoleon 
 and other personages already celebrated were influenc- 
 ing the destinies of the world. He did not, however, 
 justify his reputation,* which had already been impaired 
 by his extraordinary want of tact in the affair of the 
 proposed marriage of the King of Sweden with the 
 Grand Duchess Alexandra, which was the cause of 
 Catherine's death. Notwithstanding his aversion for 
 Napoleon and his Ministers, Markoff did not succeed 
 in preventing the dismemberment of Germany to 
 compensate the princes who had lost part of their 
 
 * Lord Whitworth, then English Ambassador in Paris, says of him : ' He has 
 not the talent of inspiring confidence, and indeed his conduct here is such as to 
 render any confidential intercourse with him extremely dangerous. ' (Despatch to 
 Lord Hawkesbury of November 1C, 1802, in the Record office).
 
 NAPOLEON AND THE RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR 335 
 
 dominions, and to indulge the avidity of Prussia. The 
 Convention was sent to the Emperor for his approval 
 after it had been concluded, and when it was too late 
 to make any change in it. A more favourable result 
 would no doubt have been difficult to obtain, but 
 Markoff did not even attempt to do so ; he did not 
 give the Cabinet of St Petersburg the necessary 
 time to state and defend its opinions, and compelled 
 it to accept the Convention like a child forced to obey 
 orders. He was a creature of the Zuboffs, and he 
 had voted with them for the partition of Poland ; he 
 was the incarnation of an unscrupulous State policy 
 and a diplomacy without justice or pity ; very extra- 
 vagant, he was inflexible in money affairs, and though 
 fond of presents, he would not take them if by so 
 doing his pride w^ould suffer. His face, seamed with 
 the smallpox, constantly expressed irony and scorn ; 
 his round eyes and his mouth, depressed at the corners, 
 resembled those of a tiger. Though he had adopted 
 the language and the grand airs of the Court of 
 Versailles, his manners were haughty and rude. He 
 spoke, excellent French, but what he said was gener- 
 ally harsh, trenchant, disagreeable, and totally devoid 
 of feeling. 
 
 Such w r as the pearl of Russian diplomatists sent 
 to Napoleon by Russia in evidence of her desire 
 to be on good terms with him. He was at first 
 received with much distinction, and he satisfied the 
 First Consul by his complaisance in the matter of the 
 indemnities ; but after a time his scornful manner and 
 his sarcasms irritated Napoleon and gave rise to 
 violent scenes. One evening the latter looked about
 
 336 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE ADAM CZARTORYSKI 
 
 for a Pole to give him an opportunity of venting 
 his bile on the Russian Ambassador, thinking thia 
 would be the best way of mortally offending him. 
 Seeing M. Z. . ., a stupid and insignificant person- 
 age who happened to be present, he took him by the 
 button of his coat, moved him forward into the middle 
 of the room, and after asking him whether he was a 
 Pole, violently condemned the partition of Poland anc, 
 the Powers which had committed and allowed it, aftei 
 which he left without taking any notice of Markoff 
 Shortly after, the French Government sent a despatcl, 
 to St Petersburg complaining of MarkofFs conduct , 
 but the Chancellor, feeling the necessity of demonstra 
 tively asserting the dignity of Russia, proposed 
 the Emperor that Markoff should be invested wii 
 the ribbon of St Andrew, which he had long desire 
 The Emperor entirely approved of this proposal, an 
 Markoff appeared at his next audience of Napoleo 
 decorated with the order, and looking more proud an 
 satisfied than ever. This time the First Consul IK 
 not the laugh on his side ; but Markoff did not thir 
 it right to remain in Paris after his triumph, and r. 
 was recalled at his own request. 
 
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