Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES THE CABINET CYCLOPAEDIA. Printed by A. Spottiswoode, New-Street- Square. (^ (^^ Ilunuij jl)iv ) ^ roi.. J. J^-^aXh a/' Rosamund. ^IfiUfnich.. p.fi. iCq-rtd-OU : lED l-'OK LONGMAN. JtEES. ORkU-:. aROWN. f^RKKN *• LONGJltAW, PATF.WOSTER ROW A.fD .loil.v' i ,\\ l.oii T-I>vi:i' '•■'■v\vi-:i-; STRKET. KXU CABINET CYCLOPAEDIA. CONDUCTED BY THE REV. DIONYSIUS LARDNER, LL.D. F.R.S. L.&E. M.R.I.A. F.RA.S. F.L.S. F.Z.S. Hon.F.C.P.S. &c. &c. ASSISTED BY EMINENT LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN. EUROPE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. VOL. I. LONDON PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, & LONGMATSI, PATERNOSTER.ROW; AND JOHN TAYLOR, UPPER GOWER STREET. 1833. TABLE OF KINGS. P MO TABLE I. I/w'-'n-/ KINGS OF THE OSTROGOTHS. ' ' Names. Theodoric Began to rei A. D. - 489 gn. Names. Began to Ildebald - reign. A. D. 540 Athalaric Theodatus - - 529 - 534 Eraric \ Totila J ' ' " 541 Witiges - 536 TABI KINGS OF TH Teja .E II. E LOMBARDS. 552 Alboin . - 569 Grimoald 662 Clef - 573 Pertarit (restored) 671 Authar - - 544 Cunibert 678 Agilulf - 591 Lieutbert 700 Adalvald Arivald - 615 - 625 Ragimbert \ Aribert II. J 701 Rothar Radoald - 636 - 652 Aliprand \ Lieutprand J 712 Aribert I. - 653 Ildeprand 736 Pertarit Godebert } - 661 Rachis Astolf 744 749 Desiderius, or Didier, 759, with u'hom, in 774, ended the dynasti/. TABLE ITL CARLOVINGIAN KINGS OF ITALY. Charlemagne, the Conqueror of Didier, 774 — 781. Pepin (under Charle- Louis II. - 849 magne) ..- - 781 Charles IL - 875 Bernard - - - 812 Carloman - 877 Louis le D^bonnaire - 814 Charles - 879 Lothaire - - 820 In 888, this last jmnce was dethroned, to make way for the folloiving : — 3011 J OA^KJ VI TABLE OF KINGS. TABLE IV. FUGITIVE KINGS OF ITALY, FKOM THE HOUSE OF CHARLE- MAGNE TO THAT OF SAXE. Name. Began to reign. Began to reign. A. D. A. c. Berenger I., duke of Friuli 888, elected emperor - 915 Guido, duke of Spoleto - 889, - 891 I>;imbert, son of Guido - 892, - 892 Arnulf, king of Germany - 892, - 896 Louis III., king of Provence 900, - 901 The following were ununually Jieeting : — Rodolf, king of Burgundy _ _ _ . 921 H ugo, count of Provence _ ■ - . 926 Lothaire - - - - - -931 Berenger IL, marquis of Ivrea _ - . 950 Adalbert - - - - - - 950 The emperors of Germany, who were also kings of Italy, will be found in the tables prefixed to the Second Volume. So also will the catalogue of the popes, from the irruption of the Lombards to the reign of the emperor Charles V.* TABLE V. KINGS OF NAPLES AND SICILY. 1. Norman Line. COUNTS. Roger I. - 1072—1101 1 Roger I L - 1106—1129 Simon - - 1101—1106 j In 1129, Roger II. assumed the regal title. Roger IL - 1129—1154 William I.f (the Bad) - 1154—1166 William II. (the Good) - 1166—1189 Tancred - 1189—1194 William III. - 1194—1194 * To draw up an accurate list of the popes, will require great learning and criticism : we have not authorities enough to prepare it for the present volume. + Reigned two years with his father. Henry I. Frederic I. TABLE OF KINGS. 2. Line of Hohenstauffen. Began to reign. Name. A. D. - 1194 — 1197 I Conrad _ 1197 — 1250 Manfred Began to reign. A. D. 1250—1254 1255—1266 3. Line of Aiijou. Charles I. - - - - - 1266—1282 In 1282 happened the massacre of the French in Sicily, the inhabitants of which called Pedro of Aragon to their throne, while that of Naples continued to be filled by the princes of Anjou- Pedro I.* Jayme I.-f- Frederic II. Pedro II. Louis Frederic III. Maria TABLE VL KINGS OF SICILY ONLY. Line of Aragon. 1283—1285 1285 — 1295 1295—1337 1337—1342 1342—1355 1355—1377 1377—1402 Martin I. Martin II. Fernando I. Alfonso I. Juan I. 1402 — 1409 1409—1411 1412—1416 1416—1458 1458—1479 Fernando \\.\ - 1479—1516 Charles I. Robert - Joanna I. Charles III. TABLE VIL KINGS OF NAPLES ONLY. 1. Line of Anjou. 1266—1285 I Charles II. 1285—1309 2. Line of Anjou and of Hungary. - 1309 — 1343 Ladislas - 1386 — 1414 - 1343 — 1381 Joanna II. - 1414 — 1435 _ 1381 — 1386 R^n^d'Anjou- 1435 — 1443 f The second of Aragon. * The third Pedro of Aragon. X This prince became king of Naples in 1503. Name. Alfonso I. Fernando I. Alfonso II. Fernando II. TABLE OF KINGS. 3. Line of Aragon. Name. Began to reign. A. D. 1443—1458 1458—1494 1494 — 1495 1495—1496 Frederic II. Fernando III., king of Sicily and of Spain Began to reign. A. D. 1496—1503 1503—1516 From this period, with the slight interruption occasioned by the wars of the succession in Spain, the crowns of Naples and Sicily have remained in the house of Spain. TABLI : VIII. SOVEREIGNS OF MOHAMMEDAN SPAIN. 1 . Ancient Dynasty. Abderahman I. - - 155 Hixem II. - 976 Hixem I. - 787 Suleyman - 1012 Alhakem I. - 796 Ali - 1015 Abderahman II. - - 821 Abderahman IV. - 1017 Mohammed I. - - 852 Alcassim - 1018 Almondhir - 886 Abderahman V. - 1023 Abdalla - 888 Mohammed II. Abderahman III. - 912 Hixem III. - - 1026 Alhakem II. - - 961 2. Dynasty of the Almoravides. Yussef ben Taxfin - 1094 I Taxfin ben Ali Ali ben Yussef 1107 3. Dynasty of the Almohades. Abdelmumen - - 1147 Yussef Abu Yacub - 1163 Yacub ben Yussef - 1178 Mohammed Abu Ab- dalla - - 1199 - 1144 Yussef Abu Yacub - 1213 Abul Melic Abdelwahid 1223 Abdalla Abu Moham- med - - 1224 Almamun Abu Ali - 1225 4. Kings of Granada. Mohammed I. - 1038 I Mohammed III. - 1302 Mohammed II. - 1273 Nassir - - 1309 TABLE OF KINGS. Name. Began to reign. Name. Began to reign. Ismail I. - 1315 Mohammed VIII. 1427 Mohammed IV. - 1325 Mohammed VII. (re- Yussef I. - 1333 stored) 1429 Mohammed V. - 1354 Yussef IV. 1432 Ismail II. - 1359 Mohammed VII. (again Abu Said - 1360 restored) Mohammed V. (restored) 1362 Mohammed IX. 1445 Yussef II. - 1391 Mohammed X. - - 1454 Mohammed VI. - 1396 Muley Ali 1463 Yussef III. - - 1408 Abu Abdalla 1483 Mohammed VII. - 1423 Abdalla - 1484 TABL E IX. SOVEREIGNS OF THE ASTURIAS, LEON, AND CASTILE. 1. The Asturias and Leon. Pelayo - 718 Garcia - 910 Favila - 737 Ordono II. - 914 Alfonso I. - 739 Fruela II. - 923 Fruela I. - 757 Alfonso IV. - 925 Aurelio - 768 Ramiro II. - 930 Silo - 774 Ordono III. - 950 Mauregato - 783 Sancho I. - 955 Bermudo I. - 788 Ramiro III. - 967 Alfonso II. - 791 Bermudo II. - 982 Ramiro I. - 842 Alfonso V. - 999 Ordono I. - 850 Bermudo III. 1027 Alfonso III. - 866 2. Contemporary Sovereigns of Castile and Leon. CASTILE. LEON. Sancho I. - - 1026 Bermudo III. - 1027 Fernando I. (^also King Fernando I. (^aiso of of Leon) - - 1035 Castile) - - 1037 Sancho II. - - 1065 Alfonso VI. (also I. of Castile) - - 1065 Alfonso I. (r/.o/'ieow) 1072 TABLE OF KINGS. CASTILE. Name. Began to reign. A. D. Urraca {also sovereign of Leon) - - 1109 Alfonso II. - - 1126 Sancho III. - - 1157 Alfonso III. - - 1158 LEON. Name. Began to reign. A. D. Urraca {also sovereign of Castile) - - 1109 Alfonso VIII.* - 1126 Fernando II. - - 1157 Alfonso IX. 1188 Enrique I. - 1214 Fernando III. (also Fernando III. {also ki?ig of Leon) - 1217 ki7ig of Castile) 1230 3. Sovereigns of Castile and Leon united. Fernando III. - 1230 Juan I.- 1379 Alfonso X. - 1252 Enrique III. 1390 Sancho IV. - 1284 Juan II. 1407 Fernando IV. - 1295 Enrique IV. 1454 Alfonso XI. - Pedro - 1312 - 1350 Isabel 1 Fernando J 1474 Enrique II. - 1369 Juana 1504 TABI .E X. SOVEREIGNS ( )F NAVARRE. Garcia I. - 885 Thibault II. 1253 Sancho I. - 905 Heriry 1270 Garcia II. - 925 Jeanne I. - - 1274 Sancho II. - 970 Louis Hutin "j aiso f 1305 Garcia III. - 1035 Philip - {.kings of-j 1316 Sancho III. - 1054 Charles I. J France. [ 1322 Sancho IV. -j 3,,„ r 1076 Jeanne II. 1328 Pedro I. |- kings of i 1094 Charles II. 1349 Alfonso I. J Aragon. l 1104 Charles III. 1337 Garcia IV. - 1134 Blanche 1425 Sancho V. - 1150 Juan (of Aragon) 1441 Sancho VI. - 1194 Francis 1479 Thibault I. - 1236 Catherine 1403 In 1512, during the reign of Catherine, this kingdom was con- quered by Fernando the Catholic. * Alfonso VII. was the husband of Urraca, and king of Navarre: he ought not to be included among the sovereigns of Leon and Castile. TABLE OF KINGS. TABLE XI. SOVEREIGN COUNTS OF BARCELONA. Name. Began to reign. Name. Began to reign A D. A. D. Bera - 801 Borello - 967 Bernardo - 826 Raymundo I. - 993 Aledran - 845 Berengario I. - 1017 Wifredo I. - 858 Raymundo II. - 1035 Salomon - 872 Raymundo III. - 1070 Wifredo II. - 884 Raymundo IV. - 1082 Miro - 912 Raymundo V. - 1131 Seniofredo - 928 In 1137, this county was united vMh Aragon. TABLE XIL KINGS OF ARAGON. Ramiro I. - 1035 Alfonso IIL - - 1285 Sancho I. - 1063 Jayme II. - 1291 Pedro I. - 1094 Alfonso IV. - 1327 Alfonso I. - 1104 Pedro IV. - 1336 Ramiro II. - 1134 Juan I. - 1387 Petronilla - 1157 Martin - 1395 Alfonso II. - 1163 Fernando I. - 1412 Pedro II. - 1196 Alfonso V. - 1416 Jayme I. - 1213 Juan II. - 1458 Pedro III. - 1276 Fernando II. - 1479 TABLE XIIL SOVEREIGNS OF PORTUGAL. Henry - 1085 Pedro I. - 1357 Alfonso I. - 1112 Fernando I. - 1367 Sancho I. - 1186 Joam I. - 1385 Alfonso II. - 1211 Duarte - 1433 Sancho II. - 1223 Alfonso V. - 1438 Alfonso III. - 1248 Joam II. - 1481 Dinis - 1279 Manuel - 1495 Alfonso IV. - 1325 EUROPE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. SECTION I. SOUTHERN EUROPE. BOOK I. ITALY. CHAP. I.* < POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY OF ITALY. 476—1500. THE HERULI, OSTROGOTHS, AND LOMBARDS. LAWS OF THE LOMBARDS. THE FRANKS. THE GERMANS. FORMATION OF ITALIAN REPUBLICS, OF WHICH MOST ARE SUCCEEDED BY FEUDAL TYRANNIES. ~ RISE AND PROGRESS OF MILAN, GENEVA, PISA, FLORENCE, AND VENICE. THE LOMBARDS, GREEKS, SARACENS, AND NORMANS IN SOUTHERN ITALY. ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF THE TWO SICILIES. No country in Europe has been subject to so many re- volutions as Italy. In its early state, consisting of many independent populations, descended from the original colonies ; their successive reduction by one of * This chapter we have extended at least fifty pages beyond its pro- portionate limits, in order to include that portion of the history of Germany which relates to Italy. VOL. I. B 2 KUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. their number ; now forming a'powerful, next a splendid empire, its capital the metropole of half the world ; soon, through the natural influence of prosperity, de- clining from its glorious pinnacle to a level with the most effeminate nations; protected, insulted, ravaged by the martial barbarians of the north ; the successive prey of Heruli, Ostrogoths, Lombards, Greeks, Franks, Hungarians, Germans, Saracens, Normans, and Spa- niards ; a perpetual theatre for the contentions both of its own turbulent children and of distant nations, — its history has striking claims on the attention of mankind. But history, as a mere record of martial exploits, or of the struggles of ambition, which are every where uni- form in their nature and operation, has little to interest us. To affect the understanding, it must assume a higher tone ; it must exhibit, in a manner too evident to be mistaken, the inevitable relation between causes and results ; it must teach lessons of wisdom to man by showing how certain institutions, or habits, must necessarily generate a certain state of society ; it must expose the everlasting struggle for preeminence among the elements of which that society is composed ; and show how the influence of each may be balanced so as to preserve harmony and strength, — peace at home and respect abroad. To the observing mind the history of no people, however obscure or barbarous, can be un- folded in vain. From the origin of government, and of our social relations, certain causes or principles, which, as they have their foundation in human nature, will be co-existent with society itself, have been in active operation. Truth is eternal : the experience of two thousand years ago may guide us, and it may guide our descendants to the end of time. Forms may change ; monarchy may be subverted by aristocracy, or both may be swept away by the flood of democracy ; social habits, and manners, and opinions may take their hue from surrounding objects : these are perishable acci- dents ; but, amidst the wreck of thrones, and the dis- ruption of the ties which bind together all human com- ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. J snunities, the calm majestic image of truth may be seen, pointing with awful finger to the lessons which have been disregarded^ and stamping the characters with indelibility. The reign of Odoacer the Mercenary, whom the 476 Heruli raised to the throne of Augustulus, was too to short to produce much effect on the character or con- ^'^ stitution of the natives. That of the Ostrogoths, by whom the usurpers w^ere displaced, was somewhat more remarkable. Entering the country with the forced per- mission, rather than the approbation, of the emperor Zeno, the titular sovereign, while professing to restore his fallen power, they were intent only on securing for themselves permanent possessions in the fertile valleys of the peninsula. As portions of the territory were won by their swords, they divided the spoil, reserving to their kings, Theodoric and his successors, a moderate domain, and a mere nominal superiority over themselves. They were the first people who mixed with the Roman inhabitants. But, above all other northern warriors, the Goths degenerated in any country peculiarly favoured by nature : in Italy, as in Spain, they exchanged their own virtues for the vices of the conquered. But in one respect the two countries exhibit a widely different aspect : in the latter the character of the natives re- mained on the same dead level of servitude ; in the former it was certainly elevated It is doubtless to the closer intercourse between the Ostrogoths and the Ita- lians, that we must attribute the signs of renovation which, even in the sixth century, began to distinguish the latter, and which, in the following centuries, became so strongly marked. The sentiment of individual in- dependence, of personal dignity, is the first and dearest to a barbarian.* He regards a community as consist- * 11 y a un sentiment, un fait, qu'il faut avant tout bien comprendre pour se representer avec vtrite ce qu'^tait un barbare : c'est le plaisir de i'independance in.ividuelle, le plaisir de se jouer, avec sa force et sa iiberte, au milieu des chances du monde et de la vie, &c. Cruizot, Histoire Geiiiirali de la Civilization en Europe, Sec. 2. This work contains some grand thoughts, but its general character is French. B 2 4 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. ing of SO many vigorous arms, united for the acquisition of a common object, and entitled, by mutual compact, to a share in every advantage : he appoints and obeys his own chief; but he does so, not for that chief's sake, nor for the sake of his fellows, but for his own : in society he sees only the individual. On the other hand, the slave of despotism, — the subject of the emperors believed that " the world was made for Casar ; " and, in a subordinate ciegree, for the various grades of the imperial hierarchy ; that the great mass of mankind were doomed by fate to supply the wants and swell the pomp of power. The erect figure of the bold stranger, who felt conscious of The might that slumbers in a single arm — * who regarded his chiefs with a manly confidence, as his equals everywhere but on the battle field, could not fail to make a deep impression on the Italian. But as the northman, through the enervating influence of a new climate, a prolific soil, and soft habits, became unnerved, the wily successors of Constantine were anxious to regain their lost provinces, especially as some of the maritime places had saved themselves from the barbarian yoke. Eighteen years of a desultory warfare annihilated the empire of the Ostrogoths, after a stormy existence of sixty-four, under the sceptre of eight successive princes. But the imperial general, Narses, who had thus recovered a kingdom, and who governed it during many years with equal moderation and pros- perity, fell under the suspicions of his sovereign, and was recalled to Constantinople. Consulting at once his safety and revenge, he secretly allured the Lombards of Pannonia into the rich plains of northern Italy. t * " Tlie mipht that slumbers in a peasant's arm." f Historia Miscella. lib. xv. xvi. Joniandes, de Rebus Geticis, cap. 57 — 60. Procopius de Bello Gotliico, lib. i. — iv. (in multis capitulis.) Paulus Warnei'riiius, de Gestis Longobardorum, lib. ii. cap. 5. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 5 1. LoMBARDY. The kingdom of the Lombards*, 568 stretching from the AJps to the vicinity of Rome, sub- *** sisted above two centuries, under twenty-one princes, from Alboin, the ally of Narses, to Adelchis. That it was not extended from the Alps to the extremity of Calabria, and from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic, was owing to various causes. The popes were under the protection of Greeks and Franks ; several of the maritime fortresses still obeyed the emperor ; amidst their almost inaccessible marshes the Venetians Avere laying the foundation of their sovereignty ; and the provinces comprising most of the present kingdom of Naples, were under the sceptre of a prince who, though a Lombard by descent, and professedly a vassal of the iron crown, in reality scorned control, t Another, and no doubt a stronger reason, was the internal troubles of the state. Few dynasties have been so unfortunate as that of the Lombards. Alboin, its founder, had not wielded the sceptre four years, when he became the victim of domestic treason : the manner is worth re- lating, as characteristic of the people. During his residence in Pannonia, this valiant chief had overcome and slain Cunimond, king of the Gepidje, whose skull, in conformity with a barbarous custom of his nation, he had fashioned into a drinking cup.;|: Though he had married Rosamund, daughter of Cunimond, in his festive entertainments he was by no means disposed to * Longobardi, longbeards. The deacon of Foro-Juliensis (lib. i. cap. 8.) has a delectable fable concerning the origin of the appellation, which he very fitly ascribes to Odin and Freya. Bernardino Corio (Historia di Milano, fol. 5.), alludes to it as a fact. f See Naples and Sicily, the last division in the present chapter. j This custom originally came from Asiatic Scythia, and was widelv diffused in northern Europe : no where was it more religiously observed than in Scandinavia, the cradle of the Lombards. Their historian avers that he had seen the cup with his own eyes : — Hoc ne cui videretur im- possibile, — veritatem in Christo loquor — ego hoc poculum vidi in quodam die festo, &c. Pauliis Diacomis, lib. ii. cap. '28. A modern Italian historian (Botta), totally unacquainted with the man- ners of the north, expresses great surprise at this act of Alboin: — La natitrale ferocia pel vino c per la vittoria a oltraggio fatta insolente, lo menava a tal atto di cui non e menioria nelle storic delle piu barbare nazi- oni. Sic. The thing was common enough, as abundantly appears from the Scandinavian records. B 3 b EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. forego the triumph of displaying the trophy. In one held at Verona^ he had the inhumanity to invite his consort to drink to her father^ while he displayed the cup, and, for the first time, revealed its history in her presence. His vanity cost him dear : if she concealed her abhorrence, it settled into a deadly feeling. By the counsel of Helmich, a confidential oflScer of the court, she opened her heart to Peredeo, one of the bravest captains of the Lombards; and when she could not persuade him to assassinate his prince, she had recourse to an expedient, which proves, that in hatred as in love^ woman knows no measure. Personating a mistress of Peredeo, she silently and in darkness stole to his bed ; and when her purpose was gained, she threatened him with the vengeance of an injured husband, unless he con- sented to become a regicide. The option was soon made : accompanied by Helmich, Peredeo was led to the couch of the sleeping king, whose arms had been previously removed ; and, after a short struggle, the deed of blood was consummated. The justice of hea- ven never slumbers : if Alboin was thus severely pun- ished for his inhumanity, fate avenged him of his murderers. To escape the suspicious enmity of the Lombards, the queen and Helmich fled to Ravenna, which at this period depended on the Greek empire. There the exarch, coveting the treasures which she had brought from Verona, offered her his hand, on condition she removed her companion. Such a woman was not likely to hesitate. To gratify one passion she had plan- ned a deed of blood — to gratify another, her ambition, she presented a poisoned cup to her lover, in the bath. After drinking a portion, his suspicions were kindled, and he forced her, under the raised sword, to drink the rest. The same hour ended their guilt and lives. Pe- redeo, the third culprit, fled to Constantinople, where a fate no less tragical awaited him.* * Paulus Warnefridus, tie Gestis Longobardorum, lib. ii. cap. 28. &c. Compare with Corio, Historia di Milano, fol. 9. 774. ITALY POHTICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 7 Most of Alboin's successors were no less unfortunate 568 either in their lives or their end. Clef, the next ^° monarch, was stabbed by a page ; Anthar was poisoned ; Adaloald was expelled from the kingdom ; Rodoald fell by the hands of a husband, whom he w^as in the act of dishonouring ; Godebert was the victim of a base trea- son ; the death of Grimoald was suspicious ; Pertaris was long in exile ; Cunibert was dethroned by an ambitious subject ; Lieuthbert also usurped the crown, but was at length stifled in the bath; the murderer, Aripert II., perished in a river, while attempting to flee fi'om a prince whom he had banished ; the caves of royalty forced Rachis into the cloister ; Astolf was killed by a wild boar ; and Desiderius, or Didier, the last prince of the Lombard line, witnessed the capture of his realm, and was himself consigned to perpetual imprisonment by Charlemagne. And of the few monarchs who re- tained the sceptre to the close of their natural lives, most found it an intolerable load : the wars with the Greeks or the Franks, and, still more, domestic rebellion, allowed them little respite. These melancholy facts prove that there was something extremely vicious in the state of Lombardean society, no less than in its political con- stitution. The power of the crown was inadequate to curb a ferocious nobility, who set all law, all justice, all humanity at defiance. In fact, they themselves were the natural lords of the country ; they exercised all the powers of royalty ; in the placita regni, or general as- semblies of the nation, they carried whatever decrees they pleased ; they were the civil and criminal judges even in the last resort ; hence, as they both made and admi- nistered the laws, Ave need not wonder that they tyran- nised over king and people.* Yet, notwithstanding these evils, the domination of the Lombards was not without glory. From the Greeks they wrested the Pentapolis, the Exarchate, and. * Paulus Warnefridus, lib. ii. — vi. (in multis capitulis). Fragmentum JLongobardicae Historiae Paulo Diacuno attributum, p. 183. Codex Le- gis Longobardorum, passim, B 4 S EUROPE IN THE 3IIDDLE AGES. the greater part of the modern kingdom of Naples ; and but for the interference of the Carlovingian princes, whom the popes, despairing of succour from Constan- tinople, constituted the protectors of the holy see, their banner would have floated on the remotest promontories of Otranto and Calabria Ulterior. By Pepin, Astolf was compelled to surrender both the Pentapolis and the Exarchate, not to the Greek emperors, but to the suc- cessors of St. Peter ; and, though the sovereignty of these regions was never held by them, the utile do- minium, or usufruct, was theirs. In return, the in- dulgence of these fathers was not withheld from the obedient sons of the church. They sanctioned the transfer of the French crown from Childeric to Pepin, — in other words, an odious usurpation, — they created their benefactors Roman patricians ; and when, in TT^, Charlemagne, at the instance of Adrian I., reduced Pavia, the capital of the Lombardean kingdom, con- signing Desiderius, as before observed, to perpetual imprisonment, that pope was the first to hail him, as the sovereign of the new conquest, as the legitimate suc- cessor to the iron crown.* It is in their domestic policy, in their institutions, character, and manners, that the Lombards have the best claim to our notice. We have already alluded to the new spirit which an intercourse with the northern conquerors infused into the slavish minds of the Italians.t To none were they more indebted for a sense of social rights than to the Lombards. Fighting, not for their prince, whom they regarded as their equal, nor for their nation, the abstract duties towards which they were incapable of compre- hending, but for themselves individually, — for certain * Paulus Warnefridus, de Gestis Long. lib. vi. Continuatio ejusdem, p. 183. Anastasius Bibliothecarius, Historia de Vitis Rovnanorum Ponti. ficum (in Vita S. Hadriani, p. 180. &c.). Eginbardus, Vita Caroli Magni, cap 6. ; necnon Annales Francorum, an. 774. Muratori, Annali d' Italia, an. 77+. Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici (ejiisdem anni). f I Langobardi superavano di lorza 1' Italia ; 1' Italia conquisto Longo- bardi per la influenza dei costumi e del clima. — Botta, Storia del PopuH Italiani, 1.— 202. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 9 objects, which hope placed at the end of every vista, — they were always eager for the field, undaunted when on it, and ready to derive the greatest possible advantages from success. As the cities, towns, and villages of Lom- bardy, each with a fair territory, were Avon by their swords, they eagerly divided the spoil. Each of the thirty captains who fought under Alboin and his im- mediate successors, seized for himself an ample fief, which, Avith the title of dux, he governed with a juris- diction both military and civil. To every one of his most valiant followers he assigned a certain district, as a sub- infeudation, to be held by the same tenure, military service, to be cultivated by a suitable number of serfs or villeins, and accompanied by a local jurisdiction. Unfortunately for the conquered, these serfs, excepting the captives made in foreign wars, were always Italians^ over whom the sceptre of the Lombards was, like their crown, one of iron * ; whom they despised for cowardice and detested for dissimulation. Though the former is the more venial quality, it is seldom associated with honesty, or indeed any other virtue : where slavish fear once seizes the mind, adieu to all morality. That the Italians, for some time after the irruption of the northmen, exhibited the inevitable vices of slavery, is evident from the supreme contempt with which they are mentioned by their victors, and in a degree still more striking, from several provisions of the Lex Lon- gobardorum, wherein the most insulting distinction is made between them and other offenders. But if the progress of regeneration was slow, it was not the less sure ; the coldest bodies will in time be warmed by contiguous heat ; the natives began to perceive what even tradition could not have communicated to thein, — that social freedom, and a portion even of social dig- nity, is inseparable from happiness. To escape the yoke Avhich conquest had imposed on them, many left the rich plains of Lombardy, to settle amidst the marshes * This is figurative : the crown of the ancient Lombards was chiefly of gold. 10 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. of Venice, in the maritime cities of the Greeks^ or the duchy of Beneventum.* In the social scale of the Lombards, the highest grade was naturally assigned to the king ; yet it was an ele- vation rather of honour than of power. His dignity was elective ; his prerogatives were circumscribed ; he could not enact new laws ; he could not make war or peace without the concurrence of his barons ; nor with- out that concurrence does he appear to have possessed the regal right, usual in other countries, of conferring the great fiefs. Every thing of moment was decided in the Placita Regni, in general assemblies of his kingdom, which he was compelled to convoke at least once a year; therehis own right to thecrown was originally recognised; there he swore to maintain the privileges of his people ; there all great decrees were passed. These assemblies consisted not only of the duces, comites, and (as temporal barons) episcopi, but of the landed gentry, who, as mi- lites, were obliged to accompany their feudal superior to the field, and to be present at the national deliberations. It does not appear that the great body of the milites had themselves a deliberative voice, but merely the right of suffrage, of approving or rejecting what had been deliber- ated, and was now proposed by the barons. Within their respective districts the dukes, in virtue of their fiefs, and the counts, as their coadjutors, in virtue of the royal delegation, also held assemblies, where local affairs were transacted, and tribunals where justice, both civil and criminal, was administered. t These were attended first by the milites of the district, who, on these occasions, had certainly a deliberative voice; next by the Ari~ nianni ^, who held no sub-infeudations, but who might have, and indeed often had, hereditary or allodial pro- * Leges Rotharis, necnon Liutprandi, in Codice Legum Longobardo- rum, passim. Paulus Warnefridus, de Gestis, lib. ii. cap. 32. Sismondi, Histoire des Republiques Ita'.iennes du Moyen Age, torn. i. chap. 2. f Principe.s qui jura per pagos vicosque reddebant. — Tacitus. X Arimanni qui bona hereditaria possident, domini minores (Eccard, cit. by Ducange, v. Herimaniii). But many had no patrimonial property, and were stipendiary ministers of the counts. Hence their frequent desig- nation as pauperes. Grotius, voc. Got. ^ ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 1 1 perty, and who were the immediate military servants of the comites ; and, lastly, by the homines' de Masnada, a sort of free domestics, who depended on the milites as the Arimanni depended on the comites, and whose ser- vices were generally requited by small grants of land. But though these sub-feudatories were the companions in arms of their immechate chiefs, they had not, like the military servants of the counts, a voice in the provincial courts. Subordinate to the homines de Masnada, in a condition partly free and partly servile, were the Aldii, or Aldeani* ; men, who though they had been enfran- chised, still owed certain services to their patrons : in some cases these services were personal ; in others they were commuted for a fixed annual payment, whether in produce or in money depended on the nature of the em- ployment which the freedman exercised by his patron's permission. The servi, the lowest grade in the social scale, were not uniformly in the same condition. In most parts of Lombardy, the superior or owner was con- tented with exacting one third of the produce raised by their labour ; but in some they were strictly adscripti, sometimes to the glebe, sometimes to the person ; and in return for the SAveat of their brows, were allowed, from the proprietor's store, from the heap which they them- selves had collected, no more than what was absolutely necessary for the support of life. "While on the subject of fiefs we may observe, that though on the death of the holder they generally passed to the next heir, or at least to some other male member of the family, they were not considered hereditary. They were generally conferred during life, nor in such case could they be revoked, unless the conditions on which they were granted were violated by the feoffee. But there is in- cidental evidence enough to prove that some infeu- dations were made for a definite period only, some even revocable ad libitum. So little uniformity was there in the modes of feudal tenure, that even in the same * Aldius est libertus cum inipositione operarum factus. Lindenbrog, ad Vocem. 12 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. country, and by the same superior, fiefs were granted under each of these three forms. Whether the benefices were not distinct from fiefs, has been the subject of much contention among the learned. One party insists that heneficia were lands placed at the disposal of the crown for the reward of meritorious services^ and re- vertible to it on the death of the holder ; while another makes them synonimous with the ordinary /ewrfa. Great as is the uncertainty in which the whole system of in- feudation is wrapt, the latter is the true hypothesis. From the express declaration of several ancient charters, we find that one term was used for the other ; and that the grants made by the crown for such an object were distinguished by a peculiar epithet, — as heneficia ve. galia, or pr8edia^*c«/m.* But the state of Longobardean society will be best understood by a reference to such of the national laws as stamp it with a character of its own. It cannot be expected, nor even wished, that we should enter into an elaborate analysis of the code, especially as in a future volume we shall dwell at more length on the subject of Germanic jurisprudence. + During seventy years after their irruption into Italy, the Lombards were governed by their ancient unwritten usages. X Rothar, the eighth sovereign from Alboin, was the first who commanded these usages to be col- lected into a code ; but with such additions, alterations, and omissions as were required by a new state of things. When we consider that these laws, thus amplified and amended, are brief, and do not exceed 390 in number. * Ducange et Carpentarius, Glossarium Manuale ad Scriptores Mfidi« et Infiitiffi Latinitatis; necnon Lindenbrogius," Glossarium in Codicem Legum Antiquarum (sub propriis vocibus). Muratori, Dissertazioni sopra le Antichite Italiane, dis. xiv. & xv. Heineeeius, Eleraenta Juris Ger- wanici, lib, i. tit. i. et lib. ii. tit. 3. Alonso el Sabio, Las Siete Partidas. Masdeu, Historia Critica de Espana (Espaila Arabe, torn. xii. Sismondi, Histoire des Rtpubliques, vol. i. chap. i. Hallam, State of Europe, vol. i. (Feudal Sy.stem). The rnyal Alonso is by far the most agreeable, the most enlightened, and the roost chivalrous of feudal legislators. •f- See the History of Germany. X Rotharis rex Longobardorum leges, quas sola memorid et usu retine- bant, scriptorura serie coraposuit. — Paul. Wain. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. lo we may form some notion of the simplicity of ancient manners, even in Lombardy, — how much greater that simplicity in a more primitive state of society ! In fact, manners are more powerful than laws, which derive their origin and vigour from the former. But, however adequate the usages on which these provisions, — this paucity of pains and penalties, — were founded, to the wants of an early state of society, they could not meet those of one more advanced. Amidst the thinly inhabited hills of Scandinavia, where the employments, the habits, the relations of life, were so few and simple, they might easily suffice ; but in a new sphere, in the populous plains of Lombardy, and in contact with a different people, they were lamentably deficient. Their paucity, however, was not the only evil. The rich, the powerful, the military judges of the nation, oppressed the humbler classes ; and they did so with impunity, in the absence of any recognised code obligatory on the tribunals. To remedy this evil; to do away with the forced interpretation which power might ascribe to usages never, perhaps, very clearly defined, Rothar, in, concurrence with his baronial judges, promulgated the edict which bears his name. But society is in ever- lasting movement : the laws of this first legislator were, in the sequel, found as inadequate to new wants as the unwritten customs had been. Hence Grimoald added nine; Liutprand, no less than 157 ; Rachis, nine; and Astolfus, fourteen.* Small as were the powers invested in the crown, it was treated with great profession of respect. If any freeman raised a quarrel, or struck another, in the royal presence, he incurred the last penalty ; if in the same city, he was fined. But the most singular proof of the reverence in which royalty was held, is to be found in * Paulus Warnefridus, de Gestis, lib. iv. cap. 44. Muratori, Praefatio ad Leges Longnbardicas, p. 1. Pro)ogus in Edictum Rotharis, p. 17. Leges Grimoaldi, p. 49. ; Leges Liutprandi, p. 51 — S4 ; Leges Ftachis, p. b5 — 88.; Leges Aistulphi, 89. — 9.'3. (Omiies apud Muratoriuni, Re- rum Italicarum Scriptores, torn. i. pars. 2.). Lindenbrog. Prolegomena in Codicem Legum Antiquarum. 14 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. the fact, that if any man, with- the connivance or by the command of the king, killed another, both he and his descendants were to be held guiltless ; "■ because," says the law, " as the hearts of kings are in the hand of God, it is impossible that he can be innocent whom the king commands to be slain."* The minuteness with which compositions for crimes, — the prominent feature of all the barbaric codes, — are specified, proves the anxiety of the royal legislators to stay the bloody hand of revenge. Among all the northern nations, the deadly feud was but too well known, — a feud which extended from individuals to families, and from families to tribes ; which sometimes continued for a generation, threw the state into convul- sions, and weakened it by bloodshed. To make the acceptance of a pecuniary fine obligatory on the party aggrieved, was a wise, a humane, and beneficent mea- sure. The minute graduation of these compositions to the reputed dignity of the parties, or the nature of the offence, may seem absurd enough to raise a smile in the reader ; but let us consider that this extraordinary anxi- ety to fix a scale of compensation for every possible crime effectually prevented the infliction of all arbi- trary or oppressive penalties. Thus, if one freeman (ingenuus, or liber homo), struck another in the head, so as to break the skin only, he paid six solsf for each wound under fou7- ; for all above three passed for no- thing : so that when the offender had inflicted three wounds, knowing that eighteen sols only would be re- quired as compensation, he was at liberty to add as many as he pleased. If a bone of the head were broken, the fine was double ; viz. twelve sols for each wound, as far as the third ; for thirty-six Avas the highest penalty that could be exacted. For the sUtting of a nose, six • Codex Lpgis Longobardofum, lib. i. tit. 2. 1. 3. and 4. ; tit. 3. I. 1. (apud Lindenbrogium, p. 516.). Wepieferthe codex of Lindenbrog, as in that of Muratori the laws follow each other without order; but the text of the latter is much more accurate. + The solidus aureus consisted of 40, the arf^enteus of 12 denarii (Uucange ad Vocem). But the rule was not uniform, even in the same country. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 15 sols ; for that of a lip, sixteen ; and, if the teeth were laid bare, twenty. For the loss of a front tooth, six- teen ; of a jaw tooth, eight. The hand was estimated at half the amount of a homicide ; the thumb at one- sixth ; the fore-finger at sixteen sols ; the long finger at six ; the next at eight ; the little finger at thirteen. The foot was reckoned of the same value as the hand ; but the toes were not so precious as the fingers : the large one, indeed, was thought to be worth ten sols ; but the second was fixed at six, the third and fourth at three, the last at two only. The loss of an eye, as may be easily supposed, was a more serious affair, being estimated at half an homicide ; ^nd, if the poor sufferer had only one eye to lose, at two- thirds. These penal- ties relate to freemen only : the wounds of freedmen and slaves (aldii et servi) were moreeasily compensated, — ge- rally, in the former case, at one-half or one-third, in the latter at one-fourth or even one-sixth the rates above spe- cified. Thus, for the loss of a fore-tooth, the aldius received four sols; the servus rusticus, two. In some cases, however, as where the slave was maimed in some important member, and the value of his services thereby lessened to his owner, a very high compensation was exacted. Thus, for the loss of the great toe, the owner received as much as if the sufferer were free ; while, for the aldius, less than half that sum was deemed an equi- valent. That the feet of the slave were held in greater estimation than his hands, is apparent from the fact that, for the loss of his thumb, four sols only was ex- acted ; while, for that of the aldius, eight ; and for that of the freeman, a still greater sum in proportion. * For homicide the composition varied from 1200 to 16 sols, according to the station alike of the murderer * Codex Legis Langobardorum, lib. i. tit. vi. vii. and viii. (in multis legibus). To the class of penalties respecting freemen, Charlemagne, on his ac. cession to the crown of Lombarriy, made a strange, but no doubt neces- sary addition : — Si quis alium presumptive sua sponte castraverit, et ei ambos testiculos amputaverit, integrum ividrigililum suum (the same as for a homicide,) juxta conditionem personse componat. Si virgam ab- sciderit, similiter. Si unum testiculum, medietatem persolvat. Lib. i. tit. vi. 1. 18. 16 EUnOPE IN THE IMIDBLE AGES. and the murdered. But this punishment was at length found insufficient ; the crime increased ; and the con- fiscation of all his worldly substance was denounced against the assassin of a freeman. In some cases death only could satisfy justice. Thus, when the wife slew her husband, the last penalty was exacted ; and this was the more arbitrary, as a pecuniary fine paid by the hus- band who slew his wife was enough to appease the offended law. For him who slew his own slave no punishment was provided ; but no composition would atone for the life of the slave who assassinated a free- man.* For thefts a pecuniary composition was always re- ceived, unless the offender were a slave, and his owner unwilling to pay the fine : if the offender were free, and had not the means to satisfy justice, he might be im- prisoned, beaten, and branded, or reduced to slavery. Highway robbers were treated with more severity ; for the first offence the culprit lost one eye, for the second his nose, for the third his life, t Crimes against chastity were visited, sometimes too mildly, at others too severely. He who forced his own female slave, provided she were single, escaped without punishment ; but if she were married, both she and her husband were enfranchised. If he forced the bond- woman of another, he was subject to the penalty of twelve, twenty, or forty sols, according to her compara- tive state. The ravisher of a free woman was mulcted at a much heavier sum — at 900 sols ; but, if she con- sented to the crime, he paid 1 00 only, while her parents or brothers, whom she had dishonoured by it, could put her to death ; and if they refused to do so, the royal magistrates were bound to take cognisance of the affair. If a slave presumed to marry a free woman, the doom of both was death ; but the freeman might marry his maiden, provided he previously enfranchised her. Such unions, however, Avere regarded as disgraceful. Adul- * Codes Leg. Longob. lib. i. tit. 9. and 11. f Ibid. lib. i. tit. 25. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 17 tery was more rigorously visited, always with the last penalty. From the same class of offences we incident- ally learn, that no woman was mistress of her own actions ; she was under the mutidinm, the legal protec- tion or control of her father, her brother, her husband, or, in their default, of the nearest male of her family, or even of the king: if she were injured, the pecuniary com- position went not to her, but to the person who exercised this mundium over her ; in other words, to her owner.* From the preceding and other provisions of this code we may infer that it was less favourable to social happi- ness than almost any other, the Visigothic, perhaps, alone excepted. The slave would have little hope of escape from his degradation ; enfranchisement was far from frequent, and the libertus was as dependent on his patron as the slave on his owner : neither could marry beyond his own caste without incurring the penalty of death ; yet marriage was all but obligatory, that servi- tude might be perpetuated. Concubinage appears to have been very common among the laity, and marriage among the clergy, until the councils by degrees banished it from the church ; the offspring of such connections, however, could not be knighted, nor fill any public office, nor even depose as witnesses in a court of justice. The patria potestas was as despotic as the authority of the lord over his slave. In certain cases the father could sell, or even kill his child, and that with perfect impunity. But this code had some advantages, which almost atone for its barbarity. Of these, the greatest was the absence of all advocates in prosecutions ; in other words, of all lawyers, of men who have an interest alike in the mvd- tiphcation of suits, and in the delays of process; who Uve by the errors and vices of society. Rude as the Lombard legislators might be, they were yet reasonable enough to require that every plaintiff should conduct his * Codex Leg. Lango. lib. i. tit. 32., necnon in ed. Muratorii, leg. 189., &c. Apud Longobardos quavis foemiriEe in mundio erant, ac piiellae quidem in mundio ac tutela parentum, vel si deessent, co?natorum, fceminie vero nuptiali jugo devinctae, in mundio erant maritorum. — Ducangc, ad verb. Vide Instilutiones de Tutelis. 18 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. case, and every defendant be permitted to answer in per- son ; they believed that every man was eloquent enough to speak the truth, and that the judge would more easily arrive at it from the simple statement of the actors, and their witnesses, than from the cumbrous, absurd, and unintelligible jargon of professional men. Hence the forms of process were natural and simple, the judgments equitable and prompt. Actions were not likely to be instituted without good foundation, when the plaintiff who could not establish his case was liable to a heavy pecuniary fine.* To the laws of the ancient kings of Lombardy con- siderable additions were made by Charlemagne and his successors, but as these new provisions were for the most part identical with the Capitularies, or national code of the Franks, they need not be noticed here.t 774 The Carlovingian dynasty, as far as Lombardy is to concerned, has little to distinguish it : it relates to the 888. history of France, or that of Europe, rather than that of Italy. After some disputes with the Greek empe- rors, Charlemagne was acknowledged emperor of the West by that court, and a treaty of limits was con- cluded between themonarchs, by which nearly all Italy, was adjudged to the hero of the Franks. The popes, who had been rescued from the Greek and saved from the Lombard yoke by his arms, readily owned his supremacy ; they even recognised his assumed pre- rogative of interfering with and confirming their own elections. By men who even then were willing that the spiritual should be held superior to the temporal power, the exercise of this imperial pretension was felt to be galling, and on several occasions the election of a new pope was precipitated, before his successors could have time to interfere. The empire which this great prince established, was subverted by their imbecility and crimes. In fact, it had no foundation in the hearts of the conquered people ; it had been the work of » Codex Legis Longobardoruin, passim, f See the laws of the Franks. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HI&iwHY. 19 violence, and, consequently, odious to every nation ■which sighed for independence ; nor was it likely to be regarded with much reverence, amidst the unnatural and shameful wars that followed. In times of com- motion the royal authority was sure to suffer. The martial nobles, whose aid was constantly solicited by the con- tending parties, felt their own importance, and as the con- dition of that aid exacted concessions, which made a tyrant wherever there was a fief. The number of the great tyrants', indeed, was not so considerable as under the native kings. There were no longer thirty great feuda- tories, over as many provinces ; but if, by royal conces- sion or usurpation, half a dozen dukes or marquises, who had extended their domains to the prejudice of the rest, only remained, there was an army of inferior feudato- ries, with equal power and greater disposition, to do mischief.* Of the three foreign dominations at which we have hitherto glanced — Gothic, Lombard, and Frank — the first was most favourable to individual liberty. The feudal system was not yet formed ; the military chiefs were not yet invested with a civil jurisdiction; the power of the crown was not annihilated by them, nor could they trample at pleasure on the inferior classes of society. The cities preserved their municipal institu- tions, as guaranteed by the charters of the emperors, and by the Roman law ; they had no tyrannical supe- rior ; so long as they supplied the head of the state with their contingent of men and money, they were freely left to their own internal government. The Lombards destroyed these municipal institutions, by subjecting the cities to the jurisdiction of the great military feudatories, the true and only tyrants of the country. At first there were dukes only, but in process of time, especially after • Hermannus Contractus, Chronic'on, p. 219., &c. : necnon Reginonis Chronicon, lib. ii. (apud Struvium, Sorij)!. Rer. German, t. i.). Eginbar- dus, Regura Annales Francorum, an. 77+. — 8.)5. p. 23:3. ; necnon Vita Caroli Magni, passim, (apud Duchesne, Rerum Francorum Scriptores CoEetanei, torn, ii.) Ermoldus Nigellus, de Rebus Gestis Luduvici Pii, Imper. p. 883., &c. Annales Francorum Bertiniani, sub propriis annis. 1 quote indiff'er. eiUly the editions of Muratori and Duchesne. c 2 20 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. the conquests of Charlemagne^ counts and marquises were introduced, to grind, within their respective jurisdic- tions, all who were subjected to their authority. It is indeed true, that the royal legislators, both of the Lom- bards and of the Franks, permitted the people to choose by what code of laws they would be judged ; that the ancient inhabitants could still invoke the Theodosian, perhaps also the Justinian code ; that the Roman juris- prudence was in force long before the alleged discovery of the Pandects at Amalfi ; that, in fact, it never ceased to be in force in some towns of the country. In the same manner the Franks could invoke the capitularies of their kings. But the interpretation of these law^s lay with the feudal judges, who, no doubt, forced them at their pleasure, especially as appeals were not allowed to be carried from the tribunal of the dukes to that of the kings. The barons, indeed, and all who were allowed to attend the annual diet, could lay their griev- ance before the princes of the nation, but the numer- ous inferior classes, the urban and rural population, comprehending not merely slaves and liherti, but wealthy ingenui, had no remedy for the oppression of their immediate superiors. In reality, they were scarcely considered worthy of legislation. The Carlovingians were even more anxious than the native kings to aug- ment the authority of the barons, especially of the bishops. To these ecclesiastical feudatories Charlemagne hastened to grant the jus carceris over the inferior mem- bers of the hierarchy; and these members — priests and monks — were wholly withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the temporal tribunals. In process of time, priors and abbots, no less than bishops, succeeded, in their respective districts, to all the functions of temporal go- vernment ; and not unfrequently the same dignitary was at once count and bishop, or count and abbot. Turn our eyes on whatever side we may, we find on the one part tyrannical oppression, on the other suffering and complaint. Such a system could not continue ; it could not resist external assaults ; instead of uniting to defend it, the people regarded every new foreign invader as ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 21 likely to break their fetters ; they were sure, at least, that their condition could not be worse ; and they beheld with secret satisfaction the extirpation of their tyrants. This fact alone will account for the facility with which one domination was subverted by another. If patriotism be inseparable from social freedom, from an unrestricted en- joyment of the comforts of life, it is no less certain that grindingdisabili ties and misgovernmentmust generateha- tred to existing institutions, and an abhorrence of one's country. That man is not naturally inclined to revo- lution, that, if his ills are tolerable, he will bear them, is proved by the history of the world. Here, then, expe- rience teaches a lesson which rulers, however, seldom re- gard — that the country which secures to the people their rights will never want defenders, while the one which withholds them may become a prey to the first enemy.* The deposition of Charles the Fat by the Ger- 888 mans, Franks, and Itahans, left the great chiefs of Italy *° a theatre for intrigue. As the domination of the Carlo- vingians was for ever ended, and the country was divided respecting the choice of a successor, if not of a new dy- nasty, some of the great feudatories began to assert their respective claims. Those of Beneventum — a country to which the reader's attention will hereafter be drawn — were too much occupied with internal dissensions to enter the arena with any prospect of success : Ansgar, marquis of Ivria, and Adalbert, count of Lucca and marquis of Tuscany, were either without ambitionj or too conscious of their weakness. The contest lay be- tween Berenger, marquis of Friuli, whose estates ex- tended from the Julian Alps to the Adige, and whose march of Treviso was intended as a frontier against the incursions of the Germans : and Guido, marquis of Spoletto, who had dispossessed the feudatories of Fermo and Camerino, and who held a considerable portion of the duchy of Beneventum. Both princes were equally powerful, both related to the imperial family of Char- lemagne, and both in the same degree ambitious. Amidst • Authorities : — The Lombard and Frank historians. c 3 22 EUROPE IN THE BllDDLE AGES. the contentions for the wrecks of the empire^ while Ar- nulf seized on Germany, Louis on Aries, Rottolf on Upper Burgundy, and Eudes on western France, both might aspire to the brilhant prize. Each allured par- tisans ; the sword was drawn, and sixty years of blood- shed and of anarchy followed. The success was various ; now Berenger reigned ; now he was expelled by his rival, and forced to seek a refuge in Germany ; now, returning at the head of some imperial troops, he again estabhshed himself in Lombardy. The death of Guido produced no change in the character of the warfare. His son Lambert was not without partisans, but, on the demise of this latter prince, circumstances seemed to secure the fortune of king Berenger. But if the Italians submitted to his sceptre, it was disputed by another competitor, Louis, king of Provence, who led considerable armies against him. After a struggle, however, he triumphed, chiefly through the aid of the marquis of Tuscany, and in a subsequent action he captured and blinded his rival. But if this restored outward tranquillity to his kingdom, he could not be secure against treachery. Five princes, of whom all are said to have experienced his bounty, conspired against him. Having entered into an alliance with Rodolf, king of Burgundy, to whom they offered the crown, they took up arms against him, were conquered and pardoned ; but these acts of clemency, which in such an age were wonderful, had no effect on them. They followed him to Verona, and prevailed on one Flambert, a noble of that city, who had been laden with favours by the king, and whose son Berenger had held over the bajitismal font, to enter into their views. On this, as on the preceding occasions, the intended victim was warned of his fate ; and now, as before, he hoped to disarm enmity by generosity. He summoned Flambert into his presence, reminded him of past favours, expa- tiated on the enormity of the meditated crime, and ended by presenting him with a golden cup ; at the same time observing, " Let this cup be a pledge between us, of ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 23 your pardon and your return to virtue : remember that your sovereign is the godfather of your son ! " But on a soul which is once familiarised with the project of murder^ magnanimity must be lost. Flambert feigned repentance, and the next morning, accompanied by a determined band, surrounded and stabbed his benefactor in a public street. It is some consolation to find that the murderers were immediately cut to pieces by the governor of Verona.* The wars to which allusion has been made were not 900 the only ones in which Berenger was engaged. The to Huns or Scythians, a people still unreclaimed from ^^'^' idolatry, after spreading their devastations from Con- stantinople into the heart of Germany, in 9OO poured themselves into the march of Treviso, and committed excesses, such as the country had not experienced for some centuries. Cities and towns laid in ashes — mountains of dead bodies — signalised their progress, not in Lombardy only, but from the Alps to Calabria. They were not the only scourge of the period. The Saracens, %vho had already wrested Sicily from the Greeks, and established themselves in the maritime coast of Naples, made destructive inroads into the country. As both made war in the same manner, viz. with light cavalry, they had a surprising advantage over the heavy horse of the nobles, and the undisciplined infantry of the cities. At first, Berenger manfully resisted, but finding his efforts to stem the tide of invasion vain, he suffered it to pursue its natural course. Fortunately for Italy, neither of these barbarian powers aimed at domination ; plunder was their only object : when this was secured, the Huns re- tired into the forests of Pannonia, while the missionaries of the prophet betook themselves to their fortifications in the south. But from evil good is often deduced. These savage invasions laid the foundation of the future greatness of Italy ; they called into existence the muni- • Liiitprandi Historia, lib. i. cap. 7.— 12. ; et lib. ii. cap. 1.— 20. The tragic late of Berenger is well told by this author. Muratori, Annali A' Italia, an. 888 — ^924-. Annales Bertiniani, Annates Meteiises ; necnon Annales Fuldenses (apud Duchesne, Rer. Franc. Script, t. ii. et iii.). C 4 24 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. cipal corporations, which not only preserved the country from subjugation, but in a great degree rescued it from the feudal yoke. Prior to these invasions the towns of Italy were without defence, and an easy prey to the first hostile attacks ; they had no walls, no troops, and could only look for protection to their counts, whose forces were lamentably inadequate to the occasion. Perceiving that their Hves and properties could be defended only by themselves, they began to build walls, to enrol troops, to learn the martial exercise, and soon to elect magistrates. From this humble foundation arose the majestic republics of Italy.* goj^ The fall of Berenger I. was not likely to restore peace to to a country so long distracted by foreign and domestic 961. war. The worst of its evils was the insubordination of the nobility, whose aid had been purchased by conces- sions that annihilated the regal power, and who looked forward to strife and anarchy as the only tenure of their impunity. That aid they had sold to the besi bidder : sometimes they had fought with Berenger, sometimes in the ranks of his enemies ; but whenever they found that one of the hostile parties was about to sink, they never failed to support him, and thus perpetuated the war. Another reason for their conduct is, doubtless, to be found in the apprehension, that if the sovereign tri- umphed over his personal competitors, he might soon so consolidate the royal power as to annihilate their own. The last rival of Berenger, Rudolf of Burgundy, they permitted to reign about two years, when they trans- ferred the crown to Hugo count of Provence, probably from a fear lest the former should become too powerful. But they had little reason to congratulate themselves on the change. The new sovereign, disregarding the laws which limited his authority, resolved to humble them to the very dust. The more powerful he divided by his money or his intrigues, and reduced them one by one to the most abject dependence on him : not a few, among * The same authorities, to which must be added, Sisinondi, Hist, des R^pub. 1.— 28. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 25 whom were his own immediate relations^ he dispossessed of their fiefs ; others he put to death. The bishops' were not more fortunate than the barons : some he ex- pelled from their seats, and replaced them by creatures of his own, who were, usually, his own bastards ; others he persuaded to resign their sees, which he sold to the highest bidder. The case was the same in regard to the temporal fiefs, the holders of which had long re- garded them as hereditary. At the head of a numerous body of Burgundian or Provencj-al troops, whom he had allured to his service, and whose fidelity he secured by liberal gratuities, Hugo had little difficulty in proving that they were revocable at the pleasure of the crown, or, at least, that they were reversible to it on the demise of the feoffees. Whether the people were treated with equal rigour, or whether, in the manner of usurpers, they were courted while their chiefs were humbled, can- not be determined. One thing only is certain, that the empire of brute force in the hands of one man, was more odious to the clergy, the nobility, and the gentry, than it had ever been while wielded by the aristocracy. Where- ever the tyrant or his satellites were not present, mur- murs arose : in their hopes of relief they cast their eyes on Berenger, marquis of Ivria, grandson of the monarch of that name, who, both by his birth and his promising qualities, had a claim to their affection. This disposi- tion of the popular mind was soon penetrated by Hugo, who, convinced that in sparing the marquis, — the only one of the great feudatories whom he had not displaced — he had paid Uttle regard to his own security, hastened to sacrifice another victim at the same unhallowed shrine. Orders were secretly given to arrest both Berenger and his consort, then far advanced in pregnancy ; but both being warned of their peril, precipitately fled into Ger- many through the tremendous defiles of Mount St. Ber- nard, which, during a rigorous winter, were thought impassable.* The exile was well received by the emperor * Luitprand (lib. v. caj). 4.) curses the mountains which opened a pass- age to the fugitives. He had reason, considering the future atrocities of Berenger II. 26 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Otho the Great, who suppHed him with money, and permitted him to rally round his standard such of the exiled or discontented Italians as chose to join him. At the head of a small but adventurous army, Berenger passed the frontier, traversed the march of Treviso, and on his way to Milan had the satisfaction to perceive the number of his followers swelled by so many defections from the cause of the tyrant. In that ancient city he convoked the states of Lombardy, who invested him, indeed, with the administration of the realm, but ac- knowledged Lothaire, son of Hugo, as their king, — Hu- go himself escaping into Provence, where he soon ended his days.* The result showed that Berenger was no less unscrupulous than the tyrant he had supplanted. He exercised a despotism no less frightful, and there is reason to suspect his implication in the death of the youthful Lothaire.f Adelaide, the widow of the latter, he attempted to force into a marriage with his son, and when she turned a deaf ear alike to his entreaties and threats, he treated her with barbarity. He was soon held in no less detestation than Hugo, and an applica- tion was made to the emperor Otho to rid Italy of this second tyrant. That sovereign obeyed the call ; he entered Italy, released Adelaide from a rigorous im- prisonment, married her, and on his arrival at Pavia was crowned king of the Lombards. To appease him, Berenger ceded to him the march of Treviso, which at all times commanded an entrance into the kingdom, and did homage to him as his vassal. But this harmony was of short continuance : so numerous were the complaints that reached the court of Otho, that he, a second time, visited Italy, took Berenger and the queen prisoners, * He left his immense wealth to his niece Bertha, who was forced to marry Kaymund, prince of Aquitaine, impudentissirafe gentis princeps impurior, and one who seems to have been no great beauty : — and for that reason not very acceptable to the lady ; cujus non solum concubitu, verum etiara osculi, indignum, elegantes formarum inspectores eum esse confir- mant Lnitpr.v. 14. t This tragedv, indeed, is only given as hearsay by the abbot Frodoard (Chronicoii, toni. vi. Ho., in the collection of Guizot), but Frodoard had been in Italy, and the relation besides is consonant enough with the cha- racter of Berenger II. 1002. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 27 whom he consigned to close retirement in the castle of Bamberg, again assumed the iron crown, and soon af- terwards the imperial, from the hands of pope John XI I.* To the period of the domination of the liouse of Saxe, 9G 1 Otho I. (961—973), Otho II. (973—983), and Otho III. (98 J — 1002), is referred the origin of the muni- cipal corporations, and the virtual independence of the cities. Though no charters are extant to jjrove this im- portant revolution in the state of Italian society, since, as generally alleged, they have perished in the subse- quent troubles, it may be inferred from the tone of the contemporary chronicles, which no longer speak of kings, or dukes, or counts, as directing the affairs of a city, but of the people, as controlling every thing. Such a state, indeed^ naturally, almost necessarily, arose from the circumstances of the times. Left to themselves, the cities could not defend themselves against foreign ag- gression ; their counts were too weak, the emperors were too thstant, to aid them. By the Hungarians many of them had been laid in ashes; a similar scourge might at any time revisit them. j\Iany had been rebuilt; in others, fortifications had been raised long before the reign of Otho the Great; but their government was defective. The magistrates, who formed the council of their counts, were more subservient to his will than regardful of their interests : they were oppressed by frequent contributions, which, in the absence of that protection due by every government to the citizens who support it, were not likely to be borne without repining. The dukes, the barons, the feudal gentry, were more intent on defend- ing their own possesions, — their rural homes, — than a population which they regarded as vile. Hence, while the citizens were a prey to every open enemy, and were glad to redeem their liberties and lives by enormous contributions, the country, especially the hilly parts, was covered with fortresses, — the massy walls of which, being defended by their natural position, were * Luitprandus Historia, lib. r. et vi. Hermannus Contractus, Clironicon, p. '2t)I. — 'J<)+. Chronicon Reginonis, lib. ii. p. 108. Lambcrtus Schafnabur- gensis, do Kebus Gestis rJermanorum, p.3H. Sigebertus Gemblacensis, Chronographia, p. B15, 816. Siffridus Misnensis, Epitome, lib. 1. p. 1033. 28 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. often sufficient to defy the fiercest efforts of barbarian valour. It was in this state of abandonment, that they applied to their sovereign for permission to defend them- selves, and, as a consequence, to remodel their institu- tions for that end. It was the monarch's interest to secure the protection of his people ; it was his delight to with- draw them from the yoke of an aristocracy, too powerful for even him to withstand. By the concessions solicited, he might reasonably hope to secure the support of a grateful and numerous class of subjects ; and he might be pardoned for not foreseeing the results of this new policy, — that the armed communities would eventu- ally be too strong for both kings and barons. But municipal, like national prosperity, is of slow growth. During a long period the new institutions answered the purpose of their formation, and the charters were pro- bably conferred with caution. The two consuls at the head of each city, who, as in ancient Rome, were an- nually elected by the inhabitants, who were the judges during peace and the generals in war, and Avho thus succeeded to the authority of the counts, were long de- voted to their sovereigns. At the summons of their superior, they were as ready to take the field, with their municipal force, as any feudatory of the empire. In each city were generally three councils: — 1. The council of Credenza, which was secret and confidential, con- sisting of few members, whose duty it was alike to advise, to assist, and to control the two chief magistrates, and whose functions were purely executive. 2. The grand, or senatorial council, much more numerous than the former, in which new laws, or the decrees for their observance, were drawn up, previous to being laid before the general assembly of the people. 3. These general assemblies, which appear to have been formed of all the male citizens indiscriminately, — as well of those who were able to bear arms as of the aged, — were, unlike the two preceding, that were always permanent, con- voked on extraordinary occasions only, by the tolling of a great bell. Each community was divided into four ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 29 or six districts, the number and names generally corres- ponding to those of the gates which it was the duty of each division to defend. Though every citizen between the age of eighteen and sixty, or even seventy, years of age, was bound to appear in arms whenever there was a summons to that effect, that defence did not wholly rest on this general levy. Each district had its com- panies of horse and foot, under its own banner, both completely armed and maintained, not at their own, but at its expense ; unless, indeed, as was sometimes, perhaps often, the case, the troops were rich enough to maintain themselves. Commerce and increasing industry added to the general wealtli ; and as wealth, or, at least, the comforts of life, were diffused, the sentiment of municipal independence was fostered and strengthened. This sentiment, as we shall soon per- ceive, through the inevitable tendency of human na- ture, degenerated into ambition. * Great as were the obligations which the new mu- 1002 nicipalities owed to the emperors, the authors and to protectors of their political existence, most of them 1^-4. considered, or wished them to be considered, dissolved on the extinction in the male branch of the house of Saxe. On the demise of Otho III., the troubles with which the choice of a successor distracted Ger- many, emboldened the Lombard states, assembled at Pavia, to elect a native sovereign. The choice fell on Ardoin, marquis of Ivria. But it was not unani- mous : it was condemned by Milan, — probably for no other reason than that it had orginated with a city so peculiarly obnoxious as Pavia, — which, under the auspices of its archbishop, Arnulf, declared Henry II., the newly elected emperor, king of Lombardy. As the Germans regarded that country purely in the light of a dependent fief, war was inevitable. Henry poured his troops over the frontiers, and without opposition marched • Hermannus Contractus, Chronicon, p. 264. — 270. Chronicon Reginonis, p. 109., &c. Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, de Rebus German, p. 315. Sige- bertus Gerablacensis, Chronographia, p. 819., &c. Sismondi, Histoire des Rcpubliques, torn. ]. chap, xxviii. 6. 1152. 30 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. to Pavia, where he assumed the iron crown. In an affray^ indeed, between the citizens and his followers, who appear to have behaved with equal insolence and insubordination, that splendid capital of ancient Lom- bardy was burned to the ground ; and, though it was speedily rebuilt by the inhabitants, they vowed inex- tinguishable hatred to the strangers, and adhered with renewed ardour to their own prince. But Ardoin was unable to conterd with so powerful an antagonist, especially as the country was divided against itself. Confined within the limits of his marquisate, he at length resigned a vain crown, and assumed the cowl. On the death of Henry, the Italians again endeavoured to shake off the German yoke ; but perceiving the hope- lessness of the attempt, they were glad to make their peace with the new emperor, Conrad II.* 1025 The reign of Conrad the Salic is celebrated for its *2^ internal disturbances, — for the complete disorganisation of society. The origin of these disorders was a dispute about feudal tenures ; many nobles, the archbishop of Milan among the rest, revoking the fiefs of such as were obnoxious, either personally or politically, and that too in opposition both to long prescription and to an express law of Conrad, which declared that all military bene- fices were hereditary in the male line, revocable only in the case of judicial delinquency. As not only the pre- lates and barons, but the rural gentry had their vassals, this pretension roused the whole body of the rural po- pulation, which flew to arms in defence of their rights. For some years a horrible warfare raged, knight and gentleman being opposed to baron and prelate, the laws every where despised, private revenge gratified with im- punity, no safety for person or substance but in suc- cessful resistance. All who held of the great see of Milan fell on the bishop, who being defended by the armed citizens, the natural enemies of the seignorial system, succeeded in expelling them from the capital. * The Fame authorities, and, in addition, Arnulphus, Historia Mediola- nensis, lib. i. cap. IS. & 16. ; and Muratori, Annali, A. D. 10S5. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 31 But as their numbers increased Lodi declared for them, and on the plain of Campo-IMalo they triumphed over the haughty Heribert. To appease these angry con- tentions, Conrad passed the Alps, and arrested the arch- bishop, with other prelates, who had disregarded the imperial constitution ; but, as they were guarded with little care, his aim being rather to soothe than to irritate, to prevail by persuasion rather than by force, they escaped, and stirred up the population of their respective sees to open resistance. A third and novel enemy now appeared, — the vaimssins, who held of the knights and vavassors, or smaller gentry, and the serfs subordinate to all three, both asserting their claims to entire inde- pendence of their immediate superiors. Thus, while the different classes of society were hostilely arrayed against each other, the barons and prelates against the king, the knights and vavassors against the barons, and the serfs against all, and while the emperor was so continually occupied by his German affairs, as to be unable to finish the contest which he had commenced, the demon of evil reigned uncontrolled. Probably, the very excess of anarchy led to a pacification ; for, on the death of Con- rad in 1039, we find the various parties at peace. But if these wars themselves were temporary, their results were lasting and important. The knights and vavassors, and even many of the barons, were so disgusted with the pretensions of their feudal superiors, their minds were so exasperated by the recent struggles, that they placed themselves and their fiefs under the protection of the municipal communities, and attained in return both the rights of citizenship, and admission to the magistracy. By this novel compact other advantages were mutually gained. The nobles acquired real protectors, which their old feudal superiors had never been ; they were invested with a distinction which, as vassals of the barons, they could never have enjoyed ; and the civil offices of the magistracy were not gratuitously filled. On the other hand, the municipalities gained a body of defenders hereditarily brave and fully disciplined, — 32 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. a force beyond comparison superior to the hasty and often cowardly levies of the burghers : and they were consequently enabled to resist their natural enemies, the feudal barons, who, issuing from impregnable holds, often plundered their merchants, ravaged their fields, and spread devastation to their very walls. These ad- vantages, indeed, were sometimes counterbalanced by divisions between the two orders. The nobles never forgot their birth and calling ; they despised the citi- zens whom they were called to rule or to defend ; and the resentment of the latter often brought the two par- ties into collision. Thus, when a knight at Milan was imprudent enough to strike a plebeian in the open street, the citizens, agitated by the remembrance of numerous wrongs, rose as one man to vindicate them- selves, deposed their noble magistrates, whom they ex- pelled, and whose strong habitations they ultimately levelled with the ground. In return, the latter sum- moned their vassals, and blockaded the city during se- veral succeeding years, when a compromise was effected between the two orders, — the nobles, as the condition of their readmission, consenting to share the municipal functions with the people. But with all these draw- backs, the communities advanced in the career of pro- sperity. During the reigns of the third (1039 — 1056, the fourth (1056—1106) and the fifth Henry (1106— 1125), princes who were too much occupied by their disputes with the popes respecting investiture, and by the rebellion of their vassals, to bestow much atten- tion on Lombardy, the cities not only consolidated their power, but began to show that democracies are no less subject to the demon of ambition than kings and nobles. Under Lothaire II. (1125 — 1138), who was at once distracted by the schism in the popedom, and by rival candidates to the empire ; and under Conrad III. (1138 — 1152), whose absence in the Holy Land pre- vented him from visiting Italy, to receive, like his pre- decessors, the imperial crown from the hands of the successors of Peter the fisherman, that power became ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY 33 too formidable either for their own peace or for the security of their secular neighbours.* In this career of guilty ambition, the two hostile ^^°^ cities, Milan and Pavia, had already led the way. j j^^. Though only twenty miles asunder, their hatred was deadly. Each wished to be regarded as the head of Lombardy ; — the former, in v^rtue of its extent, its wealth, and its ancient cathedral ; the latter, of its an- cient dignity as a capital. At first they did not directly turn their arms against each other ; but, preparatory to the great struggle which both saw to be inevitable, each endeavoured to procure allies in the neighbouring re- publics, — for so might be termed all the municipal towns, since, though they acknowledged the emperor as their superior, they all possessed their own magistrates, their own institutions and government. The same spirit of aggrandisement pervaded the smaller states : thus, in 1100, Cremona laid siege to Crema ; in 1107, I'avia assailed Tortona, while Milan advanced against Lodi and Novaro. The places thus menaced besought aid from one of the two great rival cities : thus, Crema and Tortona placed themselves under the protection of Milan, while Cremona, Lodi, and Novara formed a contrary league. Brescia, through jealousy of Cremona, sided with INIilan ; Asti, through a similar hatred of Tortona, joined the league of Pavia. In regard to the more distant republics, Parma and Modena were gene- rally the allies of Milan, while Placenza and Reggio be- longed to the opposite league. The situation of Milan exposed her, much more than that of Pavia, to the hos- tilities of her republican neighbours ; if Como, Novara, Lodi, Cremona, and Bergamo were too feeble to oppose her singly, united they could inflict considerable in- * Wippo, de Vita Chunradi Salici Imperatoris, p. 463, &c. Landulphus senior, Historia Mediolancnsis, lib. ii. cap. 20 — 3i Ariiulphus Medio. Janensis, lib. ii. cap. ISO. Hermannus Contractus, Chronicon, p. ^'75 — 300. Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, de Rebus Gestis Germanorum, p. 317 — 12+. Miriamis Scotus, Chronicon, p. C-IS — 656. Dodechinus Abbas, Appendix ad Mariani Scoti Chronicon, p. 657 — 676. Sigcbertus Gem- blacensis, Chrnnographia, p. 831 — 833. Siffridus Misnensis, Epitomata, p. 1036 — 1039. ?Iuratori, Annali d'ltalia (sub propriisannis). Sismondi, Hist, des Repub. Ital. torn. I passim. VOL. I. D 34 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. jur/ on her territory, by cutting down the corn, de- stroying the fruitSj and laying waste the abodes of the peasantry : in fact, no harvest could be secured without a multitude of armed men. To divide these little states, and, above all, to prevent them from receiving aid from Pavia, was the constant aim of this great city ; and when that aim was ensured, her ambition seldom knew any bounds. In 1107, she laid siege to Lodi, which during four successive seasons made a brave resistance, and did not fall until provisions and men were alike exhausted : the victors, with true republican rigour, levelled the walls to the ground, and reduced the people to the most abject condition. The war against Como was more memorable : in 1118, the Milanese moved forward with their heavy caroccio, or war-chariot, which carried their banner, and was defended by the bravest of their number, against that devoted place. This war has been sung by a contemporary native of Como, who compares it to that of Troy. There were, indeed, points of resemblance : it lasted ten years ; several states were, it is said, in confederacy with Milan to hasten its destruction ; and the utmost valour was exhibited by the besieged. The points of dissimilarity, however, were more numerous ; among which the most striking is the difference between our bard and Homer.* But his countrymen were heroes ; they defended the place unto the last extremity, and then silently abandoned it by night, to entrench themselves in a neighbouring fortress: their valour procured them an honourable capitulation.-j- 1152 It was not against her immediate neighbours only ^° that Milan waged war : as her success, and consequently her ambition, increased, she had the courage to main- tain a contest with the empire itself. On the elevation of Lothaire II., the head of the Guelphs, to the im- * This poem, which is as long as two books of the Iliad, is in the fifth volume of Muratori. Though it abounds with strange barbarisms, it is not without imagination. The author was well acquainted with Virgil, of whose spirit he has sometimes a transient spark. Tiraboschi (Storia della Letter, iii. 502.) had evidently not read him. f Landulphus junior, Historia Mediolanensis, cap. Si. Anonymus Cumenus, de Bello Mediolanensium adversus Cumenses, p. 413, &c. Corio, Historia di Milano, fol 34. Muratori, Annali, A. D. HIS— 1127. 1158. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 35 perial throne, she had espoused the interests of Conrad, duke of Franconia, one of the GhibeHn chiefs, and placed on his head the iron crown.* And though on the accession of Frederic Barbarossa, who was related aUke to the princes of the factions, there was a cessation of the dreadful civil broils that had so long distracted the empire, Italy was doomed to become the theatre of events no less signal. In the second year of his reign, while that celebrated monarch presided over a diet at Constance, two citizens of Lodi, who had survived the cruel conflict with the Milanese, made a way, each with a cross in his hand, through the crowd of princes and nobles, and kneeUng before the imperial throne, patheti- cally prayed for the restoration of their republic. Their tears affected both the emperor and the diet, and an order was despatched to the authorities of Milan to repair the injustice of which that state had been guilty. The mandate was trodden under foot by the exasperated po- pulace, and the messenger himself with difficulty escaped with his life. Like the other corporations of Lombardy, they had acknowledged Frederic, and sent him the gra- tuity usual on every accession ; but they resolved to support their right to make war or peace, or to extend their conquests, against all his force. At the head of his vassals, he soon arrived on the plain of Roncaglia, where, according to ancient custom, he opened the Lombard states. On this occasion, the complaints of the marquis of IMontserrat, and other feudatories, suf- ficiently indisposed the emperor against the new re- publics. Those of Lodi and Como incensed him greatly against Milan, the deputies of which were also present in obedience to his summons, and not slow to vindicate their cause. In the dispute which followed, Crema, Brescia, Placenza, Asti, and Tortona espoused the side of Milan, while Pavia, with Cremona and Novara, na- turally opposed her. The ill-will of the emperor was deepened by the failure of the Milanese to furnish his * See the Chapter on Germany, in vol il D 2 36 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. army with provisions in his march ; in wrath he ordered their consuls to leave his camp^ levelled with the earth the castle of Rosato^ one of their dependencies^ and abandoned to his soldiers the richest productions of their plains. He did more ; he inflicted a signal chas- tisement on the cities which were in alhance with Milan, — not, probably, so much on account of that alli- ance, as that they had shown the same disposition to tlisturb the tranquillity of the province. In revenge, the Milanese, who were now resolved to shake off even the semblance of obedience, despatched a select force to the aid of Tortona, which the emperor was besieging, and which stood out two months ; and when the place was reduced, the expelled inhabitants found a refuge in Milan. On the departure of Frederic, the Milanese rebuilt Tortona, notwithstanding the opposition of the Pavians ; they commenced aggressions on the cities and feudal barons who had continued faithful to the imperial cause ; and they renewed their alliance with Brescia and Placenza, with the avowed purpose of rescuing Lom_ bardy from the German yoke — with the real one of sub- jugating it for themselves. Again did the emperor enter the province to chastise them. Though Brescia forsook them, they resolved to withstand the terrific contest ; but they had not long sustained the horrors of a siege, when they submitted on conditions more favour- able than they could have expected. By restoring liberty to the inhabitants of Como and Lodi, by swear- ing fidehty to the emperor, by consenting to pay a con- siderable sum by way of indemnification, and renounc- ing some of their more obnoxious pretensions, they obtained the confirmation of their privileges, especially the important one of electing their own consuls.* I * Robertus de Monte, Appendix ad Chronicon Sigeberti, p. S84-. Anselmus Gemblacensis, Chronicon, p. 967, &-c. Siffridus, Epitomata, lib. i. p. 1039. Gothofridus Viterbiensis, Chronicon, parsxvii. Otto Frisingensis, de Gestis Frederic! I., lib. ii. cap. 14, &c. Radevicus Frisingensis, Appendix ad Ottonem, lib. i. cap. 34, &c. et lib. ii. cap. 1, &c. Otto Morena, His- toria Kerum Laudensium, p. 958, &c. Sire Raul, sive Radulphus Mcdiola- iiensis, de Rebus Gestis Frederici I. in Italia, p. 11S4, &c. Mutius Chronicon Germanicum, lib. xvii. p. 774, &c. ITALY — POMTICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 37 After this signal success, Frederic held another diet at Roncaglia, where he revoked many of the concessions which his predecessors had made, especially of the jura regaUa, the right of peace and war, of coining money, &c., so long alienated from the Lombard crown. Yet he left some important privileges to the municipalities, — the election of their own government, the choice of their local laws, the profits of their own industry, — reserving to himself a capitation tax from each individual, and a slight annual contribution from each of the corporations. But this diet is still more memorable for an innovation which the emperor introduced into the administration of justice. As with him, in virtue of his suzerainty, rested aU appeals in the last resort, and as he justly ob- served that the hearing of so many cases would occupy the whole of his life, he introduced a new dignitary, the podesta*, one over each diocese, and the choice of whom he reserved to himself and his successors. The new magistrates, as the creatures of the sovereign, and the advocates of absolute power, were soon brought into collision with the local consuls, the assevters of popular rights, whose authority the imperial magistrates were eager to diminish. In the wars which followed, the emperor destroyed the consular office, which he every where replaced by the podesta's. It might have been expected, that wherever the people were triumphant, they would remove this obnoxious innovation ; but though they restored their favourite magistrates, they retained the podestas ; the election of whom, however, they took into their own hands. f The Milanese, the proudest, bravest, and most tur- 1159 bulent of republicans, were not likely to remain satisfied to with the resolutions of this diet, especially when they^^^^* found that Frederic, in the wantonness of power, was encroaching on their remaining privileges ; that he was even circumscribing their territory. They recom- * Fodcstas, idem qui Pofes/iis. — Ducangc. The dignity was well known in Spain (vide Usatici Barcionensiuin, necnon Codicem Aldefonsi Sapientis) and in France. (.Ducange, ad voceni.) i Chiefly the same authorities. D 3 So EUnOPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. menced hostilities; seized one of his garrisons, which he had placed to overawe them ; and unsuccessfully assailed Lodi, which had heen rebuilt on a new site. Frederic soon hastened into Italy, placed Milan under the h^i of the empire, and laid waste its territory. In this contest, all the republics of Lombardy, Crema, and Brescia ex- cepted, ranged themselves on his side : hence, though the fate of that rash city might be protracted, it was certain. Crema was first invested, and was defended not only by the inhabitants, but by select bands from the two republic allies. In this siege, the emperor exhibited a barbarity little worthy of his name. Some children of the chief houses in that place he held as hos- tages: these he placed in a tower, which he moved towards the walls, thus exposing them to the weapons of their parents and kindred ; but the diabolical expedient failed ; the ties of nature were less powerful than patriotism ; and after a few of these innocent victims had perished, the tower was drawn back, and the survivors released.* After a noble defence of ten months, the place surren- dered ; the inhabitants being permitted by the emperor, who was generally clement towards the vanquished, to carry away their most precious effects, and to retire wherever they pleased : at the same time the fortress was utterly destroyed; none showing so much alacrity in the work of destruction as the Cremonese, the here- ditary enemies of the Cremascans. And here it may be observed, that none of the Lombardian republics were so hostile to the empire as to each other : on the contrary, they often professed vassalage to it, while they were in arms against both its acknowledged head and their obnoxious neighbours. The fall of Crema only urged the Milanese to renewed vigour in their defence. As Frederic espoused the part of a schismatic pope (Vic- tor III.), and was in consequence excommunicated by the one (Alexander III.) whom the church subse- * Neque eos sanguinis et naturalis vinculi communio, neque EEtatis movebat miseratio. — (Radevicus Frising. 11 — 47.) One of the parents, with spirit far above that which animated the Spartans of old, is said to have exhorted the children to die manfully for their country. ITALY POLITICAIj AND CIVIIi HISTORY. 39 quently recognised, they were elated by the reflection that they were fighting no less for religion than for liberty. Their ardour was raised by the departure, from the camp of their enemy, of his best and most numerous warriors : a feudal army could not be kept together after the expiration of its limited term of ser- vice. But Frederic, assisted by his chief Italian feud- atories, in whom the hope of vengeance was more powerful than the love of ease, remained in Lombardy. During the campaign of II60, he sustained a defeat; but in the following, being rejoined by his German vassals, he had the advantage in every case : the proud republic was closely invested ; its provisions inter- cepted ; and it was compelled to surrender at discre- tion. In vain did the citizens implore pardon ; they had offended beyond the possibility of obtaining it; after some suspense, they were ordered to forsake the city, w^hich was soon levelled with the ground. This destruction, — so utter that scarcely one stone rested on another, — was effected by the Italians alone — by six neighbouring repubUcs, one to each of the six gates.* The fall of Milan seemed for ever to rivet the chains 1162 with which Frederic had bound the formerly free cities to of Lombardy; but liberty, alloyed as it had been by ^^^^* democratic Ucence, was too sweet not to be remem- bered with regret. The tyranny of the podestas added to the existing discontent. To their heavy exactions the emperor was no party ; but he was frequently ab- sent ; and even when he was present his moderate views were unknown to himself, thwarted by his ministers. Ve- rona, Vicenza, Padua, and Treviso, — cities which had previously been tranquil, — exasperated by perpetual wrongs, and probably instigated by promises of support from Manuel Comnenus, who then filled the throne of * Anselmus Gemblacensis, Chronicon, p. 273. SifFridus Misiiensis, Epitomata, p. 1039, &c. Mutius, Chronicon Germanicum, lib. xvii. Otto Morena, Historia Rerum Laudensium, p. 1021, &c. Ottode Sancto Blasio, Chronicon, cap. 13 — 15, Kadevicus Frisingensis, de Rebus Frederic! I. cap. 36, &c. Robertus de Monte, Appendix ad Sigeberti Gemb. Chron. p. 890. Epistola Burchardi Notarii Imperatoris ad Nicolaum Abbatem, p. 915—918. D 4 40 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Constantinople, entered into a league to circumscribe the imperial prerogatives. They were immediately joined by the Venetians, who appear to have had no grounds of complaint against the emperor, and whose interference in this case was owing to their dread of imperial preponderance. To crush the incipient insur- rection, Frederic, who was then in the western parts of the kingdom, assembled troops from Pavia, Novara, Cremona, and other places, and marched on Verona ; but he had soon reason to distrust their fidelity : he found that the spirit of freedom had seized even on them; and, instead of hazarding a battle, he passed into Germany to collect an army on which he could rely. Affairs of greater moment than the fate of a province detained him beyond the Alps long enough to enable the Lombards to strengthen themselves, both by for- tifying their towns, and by drawing closer the bonds of their alliance with his enemies. In 11 67, a diet, held in a monastery between Milan and Bergamo, and attended by deputies from Cremona, Bergamo, Brescia, Mantua, Ferrara, and the dispersed Milan- ese, laid the foundation of the famous Lombard league, the object of which was the conservation of their pri- vileges, against all enemies, foreign or domestic. The regulations framed for their confraternity were ap- proved by oath ; and it was then agreed, that, in return for the devotion of the Milanese to the cause of liberty, their city should be rebuilt. The resolution was car- ried into effect, and the emperor had soon the morti- fication to learn that his old enemy was again in a condition to oppose him. Lodi, after an obstinate re- sistance, was forced into the league ; Venice, Verona, Vicenza, Padua, Treviso, Placenza, Bologna, Parma, and Modena, sent in their adhesion to it. While these for- midable preparations were hastening, the emperor was in Central Italy, occupied in a useless war with Alex- ander III.: a pestilence appeared among his troops; he retreated to Pavia, whither, in obedience to his sum- mons, four cities only sent deputies. Having placed the revolted places under the ban of the empire,, and laid ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 41 waste the INIilanese, he passed into Germany in search of reinforcements. During his absence, three of the four cities which had hitherto been faithful to him^ joined the league ; so that Pavia and the marquis of Montferrat were now his only adherents. To cut off the communication between these powers^ the leaguers built a new city, Alexandria, which they fortified with great care. Probably the emperor was unable to pre- vail on the German diet to send immediately a new army into a country which had hitherto been the grave of their nation : during some years, the archbishop of Mayence, whom he appointed his vicar in Italy, tried what intrigues could effect among the Genoese, the Pisans, and the Tuscan states. This prelate had the address to raise some forces, and to secure the neutrality of Venice while he besieged Ancona, — a city which, by entering into alliance with Manuel Comnenus, had excited the wrath of his master ; but, after a vigorous defence, he was compelled to raise the siege. In 11 74^ Frederic himself returned with an army numerous as the preceding. He invested Alexandria, and pressed the siege amidst the rigours of a severe winter ; but, at the end of four months, the place was relieved by the con- federates, and he was compelled to retreat on Pavia, the only city which remained steadfast to his cause. After an ineffectual attempt at negotiation, he again tried the fortune of arms, and sustained a signal defeat at Lig- nano ; nor was it Avithout extreme difficulty that he could reach Pavia in disguise. Humbled by his re- peated disasters, he now sincerely turned his thoughts towards peace. A truce of six years was signed at Venice, through the personal exertions of the pope ; and, at the conclusion of this period, the peace of Con- stance defined the claims of the two parties, and restored tranquillity to both Germany and Italy.* * Anselmus GemMacensis, Clironicon, p. 974 — 990. Romualdus Archie- piscopus Salernitanus, Chronicon, passim. Sire Raul, de Rebus Frederic! I. p. 190, &c. Kadevicus Frisingensis, lib. ii. (in ultiniis capitulis). Otto de Sancto Blasio, Chronicon, cap. 17 — 26. Magister Bonocampagnus, de Obsidione Anconae, p. 926, &c. Caffari, et Ottobonus Scriba, Annales 42 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 1183. By this celebrated treaty, the confederated cities acquired not only the regalian rights which had for- merly belonged to the crown, but the confirmation of such as they had usurped during their long-continued struggle with Frederic:- they could henceforward raise armies, construct or repair fortifications, and exercise both civil and criminal jurisdiction within their re- spective walls ; their possessions confiscated during the war were restored ; and all infeudations made to their prejudice were revoked. On the other hand, though the election of their consular and other magistrates was confirmed, the former were bound to receive their in- vestiture from an imperial legate ; and in each city a judge of appeal was appointed, to decide in civil suits where the amount exceeded a certain sum : from its entrance into Lombardy, the imperial household was always to receive the accustomed /bf/erM?n, or provisions, forage, and lodging ; the roads and bridges were to be kept in repair ; and the oath of fidelity to be taken by each city every ten years. Not the least important of the imperial concessions was the confirmation of the right of confederation whenever the Lombardian repub- lics might judge its exercise necessary for the security of their common privileges.* 476 In running over the seven centuries from the irrup- to tion of the Heruli to this treaty with Frederic Bar- 1 1 83. barossa, one fact must have powerfully struck the reader, — the remarkable difference in the national cha- racter at each of these periods ; the Italian of the fifth and sixth is no more like the Italian of the twelfth century, than the Hindoo is like the Briton. Human Genuenses, lib. ii. et iii. Corio, Historia de Milano, parte i. passim. Sis" mondi, Histoire des Rtpub. Ital. tom. i. cum multis aliis. * The members of the confederation were I'ercclU. Nuvara, Milan, Lodi, Sergamo, Brescia, Mantua, 1'erona, J'icenxa, Padua, Treviso, Bologna, Faenxa, Moilena, Reggio, Parma, and Placenxa. The following formed no part of the league, though they obtained the same privileges, and were designated as allies of the empire : Pavia, Cremona, Como, Tortona, Asti, Alexandria, Genoa, and Albi. Ferrara was to be allowed two months to signify its adhesion to the treaty, from which Imola, Castro San Cassiano, Bobbio, Grabeduna, Feltro, Belluno, and Ceneda were excluded. Venice, as independent of the empire, was not present. — Sis7iiondi, L 429. ITALY POLITICAIi AND CIVIL HISTORY. 43 character, whether national or individual, is the creation of circumstances ; that of the Italians, as we have before observed, received its impress from an intercourse with the northern conquerors. Under their emperors, they had been taught to regard individual security as inse- parable from social union ; — that, alone, men could do nothing either to avert evil or to procure good ; and that the happiness, no less than the strength of states, consisted in the aggregation and adhesion of its mem- bers. Hence they were willing to sacrifice the independ- ence which nature gives, — the right of self-guidance, — to submit their wills to the impulsion of one common mind ; to forsake intlividual liberty, and become an integral part of a system. If they were thus taught to regard as their first duty the good of the whole, they were yet sensible that, in that whole — in that close com- bination of social elements — lay the welfare of each. There was, indeed, a time when their forefathers relied as much on individual vigour, and as much prized in- dividual freedom, as any people in Europe ; but that was in a primitive state, too far removed into the depths of antiquity to leave any remembrance behind it. The despotism of the emperors had annihilated this feeling ; and by exacting on all occasions the sacrifice of each man's wishes to the control of a common head, had transformed them into slaves. But the Scandinavian or the German was a widely different animal. From time immemorial, his own arm had pierced the wild beast of the forest ; his own dexterity had ensnared the bird or the fish ; his own sword had won him captives to cul- tivate the ground : hence, as his subsistence, his hap- piness, his importance among his fellows, were his own work ; he had learned self-confidence, self-respect, self- cUgnity. In the ordinary course of life, he needed not the help, he would not therefore obey the will, of an- other. It was only when a foreign expedition was to be undertaken, or when the country which he inhabited was threatened by powerful enemies, that he under- stood the utility of a social compact, — the necessity of 44 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. many submitting themselves to the guidance of some brave or experienced leader. But that compact was voluntary ; that leader he himself had chosen ; nor Vf&s his obedience, his self-abnegation, required elsewhere than on the field of battle, or for a longer period than was necessary to gain some covenanted end, — that end being individual advantage. When established on the plains of Lombardy, on the ground which his own valour had won, he still maintained his native inde- pendence. If he was subject to military service, it was only to defend or to augment his present possessions. He delighted not in towns, because the7-e must be a government, and all civil government he regarded as an encroachment on natural right, as an insult on natural dignity : hence he dwelt in his rural domain, where no superior could thwart him, and where he could exercise an authority almost boundless over his serfs. The contempt with which he beheld the natives who every where bent to the yoke, who had always been slaves, and had consequently no self-abnegation to make, is evident from the laws with which he coerced them, and which every where insultingly distinguish the two people. But though his dignity was thus gratified by isolation from the world, circumstances at length de- manded the sacrifice of a portion. After the dissolution of the empire which he had assisted to form, the suc- cessive irruptions of Arabs, Hungarians, and Saracens (the last were many years in Piedmont, Modena, and the neighbourhood of Genoa), convinced him, that strong as might be the fortress he inhabited, it could hardly fail to become the prey of the barbarians. Hence, the erection of towns, with strong and lofty walls, as a place of refuge at least, whenever an overpowering enemy should approach. At first, indeed, these forti- fied places were almost wholly peopled by the freedmen, the mechanics and tradesmen, and the smaller landed proprietors. The baron, who had reared his castle amidst the fastnesses of the mountains, would often escape attack, or smile at its failure against the massive ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 45 bulwarks around him. But if he and his men at arms, his military dependents, escaped, his rural vassals, with their harvests, would perish, and consequently his own means of support. He could not, therefore, be sorry, when the towns offered to the latter a shelter both for themselves and the produce of his fields ; nor could he disapprove their incorporation in the new municipalities formed by Otho the Great.' For a time, these very towns, fortified as they were, and comparatively dis- ciplined as were their inhabitants, required the aid of the neighbouring nobles, whenever they were assailed. So long as they acknowledged their dependence on the barons, the ancient governors of the district ; so long as they chose them for their counts, or consented to pay their accustomed contributions ; that aid was will- ingly bestowed. The humbler class of nobles — the smaller gentry and knights — had an immediate interest in the new corporations ; to them alone could they look for security : hence, they began to regard the towns in the place of their former superiors, the feudal barons, and to transfer their service from one to the other : often, too, as the benefit lay chiefly on the side of the corporation, that service was purchased by an annual sum. We read of some cities, especially when rival jealousies began to distract them, which maintained several thousand nobles, and all conferred on their defenders the most important civic posts. It was not to be expected that the great barons, who regarded themselves as the hereditary lords of their respective districts, could behold with complacency this abstraction of so many dependents, this loss of so many vigorous arms, this rising consequence of the communities which they had at first protected, and which showed httle disposition any longer to recognise their jurisdiction : still greater was their indignation, when, as the strength of the social municipalities increased, their own authority was not merely disowned, but derided. Though the pri- mary object of such associations was, doubtless, defence against foreign aggression, the members were not less 46 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. actuated by the hope of escaping the onerous jurisdiction of their ancient lords. The latter object appears to have been thoroughly understood by the emperors, who had long had reason to complain of the conduct of their great vassals, — men become too proud to obey, and too powerful to be punished. To counterbalance their dan- gerous authority, and at the same time to fill his coffers by the grateful contributions of the new communities, was long the care of each imperial protector. In return for ample donatives, or stated tributes, the old feudal laws, which were wholly inapplicable to the new societies, were replaced by the provisions of the Germanic burger code. These provisions authorised a new organisation^ new magistrates, new tribunals, — the election of those magistrates resting with the citizens, — and were designed to encourage their chief branches of industry. In silence the communities laid the foundation of their future greatness, by encouraging population, by attracting new settlers, by extending their industry and commerce. So long as they had reason to dread the destruction of their harvests outside their walls, or the capture of their merchandise as it was conveyed from mart to mart, they were ready enough to acknowledge their dependence on the barons ; but the moment they found themselves strong by their position, by their numbers, by the aid of their new allies and fellow-citizens the knights, they threw off the mask, and scorned to yield either tribute or homage. In the first transports of their fury, the dukes and counts, and the greater barons, revoked the fiefs which they had granted to the gentry and knights; the latter, aided by the corporations, flew to arms ; a warfare followed, which, during many years, deluged Lombardy Avith blood, until, as before related, the emperor Conrad the Salic secured the independence of the vassals, by decreeing the perpetuity of fiefs, ex- cept in cases of felony. Of the knights, indeed, many still depended on feudal superiors ; but the greater portion, in the twelfth century at least, were connected with the municipal corporations, which they rather ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 47 directed than served. — Thus, from the foregoing ob- servations, it is clear that the new societies partook of the character of both their victorious and their van- quished ancestors; that the example of the former had elevated the latter to self-confidence and dignity; these, in their turn, had taught the others to look for safety in social union ; that a new race had sprung up, deeply imbued with both sentiments. But the characteristic distinction was not wholly obliterated ; no doubt, it was rendered still more visible by the dif- ferent condition of the inhabitants. We have before alluded to the contempt with which the nobles re- garded the industrious classes, and to the spirit with which the latter not only vindicated themselves, but often expelled their insulting allies. They had no less pride than the knights ; they, too, were inured to arms ; and, though their discipline was less complete, they were more numerous than the others, and were every where triumphant. Though partly from private affection, and probably from policy, they permitted the exiles to return, they reserved to themselves a consider- able share in the municipal government ; in some places they usurped it entirely. If this was only in the prosperous days of their republics; if, subsequently, as we shall soon perceive, the nobles more than regained their ancient influence ; let it be remembered, that of the prosperous days only, — of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, — are we now speaking. The revenge of men and nations increased with success. It was not enough for the municipalities that they triumphed, first over their ancient feudal lords next over their noble allies : they ventured, as we have already seen, to measure their arms with the most powerful sovereigns of Europe, — with the princes of the house of Hohenstauffen ; nor was their success in this bold warfare inferior to that which had previously attended them.* The constitution of these communities was not always 1185. uniform : indeed, the same community often changed * Authorities : — Tiie historians of Lombardy, in places too numerous to be cited ; with the two general historians, Muratori and Sismondi. 48 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. in form, both as regarded the magistracy and the laws. Thus, soon after the peace of Constance, Milan greatly circumscribed the authority of its twelve consuls, and am- plified that of its podesta. To this latter functionary was confided the execution of every public criminal, and the command of the army. The consuls, however, continued to be the judges and ministers of the state ; they formed the council of Credenza ; they nominated to offices, presided over the finances, and had the initiative in all councils and assemblies of the people : hence their oflSce was one of ambition, and generally held by the nobles, who were raised to it by the suffrage of the citizens. Then there was the archbishop, who from time imme- morial had exercised a species of jurisdiction, originally extensive, but subsequently little more than nominal. In his name all sentences were pronounced ; he alone could coin, and fix the value of, money ; and he was entitled to an entrance duty on all merchandise. In the other towns of Lombardy, the government was similar, if we except the archbishop, and reduce the number of consuls. Thus, in Bologna, the sovereign authority was divided between the councils, the consuls, and the pa- desta, of whom none probably were elected immediately by the people : the councils and podesta were certainly not ; and though a deep gloom covers the manner in which the consuls were chosen, there is no reason to suppose that it materially differed from that of the two other branches of government. The city was partitioned among four tribes, of which each selected ten indivi- duals ; and the party thus chosen formed a sort of elec- toral college, since they had the undivided nomination of the members composing the special and confidential councils.* When the podesta was to be elected (annually in September), forty members from both councils were chosen, and confined to one apartment until they returned a candidate for that high office. But if the great body of the citizens were thus removed from an immediate elec- tion of their public officers, they had at least the conso- * See page 28. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 49 lation of learning that they were the primary source of all power ; and in their general assemblies, they exer- cised a resistless control over their legislative and execu- tive servants. But it is almost useless to dwell on in- stitutions which changed with the changing humours of the populace, or at the pleasure of some ambitious adven- turer, Avho often crushed the power to which he owed his elevation.* During the remaining part of Frederic's reign, viz. ngg from the peace of Constance to his death in Armenia, to while absent on a crusade, A. D. 1189, there appears to 1200. have prevailed great harmony between him and the cities whose independence he had been forced to ac- knowledge. His son and successor, Henry VI., had little intercourse with Italy. We read of his inter- ference in ending a war between two republics, Brescia and Cremona, each of which strengthened itself by allies, and, in gratification of its turbulent passions, sought to wrap the whole kingdom in flames. But no sooner was a pacifi- cation effected in one place, than the strife was renewed in another; and when these mutual jealousies were suspended — never for more than a moment — each city again be- came the theatre of hostility between the nobles and the plebeians. We have before related how the former were deprived of a portion at least of their conventional rights by the latter. It was not to be supposed that they would quietly suffer this humiliating reverse ; many endeavoured to gain by intrigue what force had at- tempted in vain ; and many more hastened into the march of Treviso, where the power of their order had not only remained untouched, but had actually in- creased. Why in that particular district their condition was so much more enviable, was owing to various causes. 1. It contained greater and more numerous fiefs, all immediately dependent on the emperors, some very recently conferred, than any other part of Lom- bardy. 2. It abounds with natural positions, excellent * Bernardino Corio, Historia di Milano, Parte II. Muratori, Annali d'ltalia (sub propriis annis). Sismondi, Histoire des R^publiques, torn, ii chap. 12. 50 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. sites for domestic fortresses, where the nobles could easily withstand the tumultuous assaults of the neigh- bouring population. 3. Many were chosen as podestas, who in consequence exercised no less power in the towns than amidst their own rural vassals. But these nobles themselves were no less split into factions than the licentious populace of Bologna, or Lodi, or Milan. Thus Vicenza had two, under one or other of which were ranged all the nobles of the city; the counts of Vicenza, who were Guelfs, and the lords of Vivario, who were Ghibelins : Verona had the Guelf, Montec- chios and the Ghibelin San Bonifazios ; and Ferrara the parties of Salinguerra and Adelard, the former Ghibelin, the latter Guelf. As each fiercely contended for the direction of the executive government, the citizens, to avert future commotions, persuaded both to accept a compromise, to consent that the podesta should be alter- nately taken from each of the rival families or factions : but though this expedient sometimes disarmed rebellion, it could not allay animosity. Of these ferocious chiefs, none are more fatally known in Lombardean history than the lords of Romano, who possessed extensive fiefs north of Vicenza and Verona, and who were citizens of the former republic. In 1194, a podesta was appointed personally hostile to the faction of Vivario and the family of Eccelino, the third lord of Romano, who adhered to the Vivarios : all were banished from Vicenza, but from fear of their power were soon recalled. Three years hav- ing elapsed, however, Eccelino was again expelled from a similar cause. Having received a body of troops from his allies, the Paduans, he defeated the Vicenzans ; the latter called in the Veronese, who were, however, soon gained by Eccelino, and who prevailed on their allies to make peace with a baron, powerful enough to measure arms with republics. Of still greater influence was the mar- quis of Este, who had fiefs no less extensive in the same province, and who, as the acknowledged head of the Guelfs, was hostile to the Vivarios, and the whole fac- tion of the Ghibelins. By the marriage of Obrizzo ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 51 d'Este with an heiress of the Guelfs;, resident at Fer- rara, the family acquired immense influence in that city which was chiefly devoted to the papal cause : thither they removed, and from that period the name of Este became inseparable from that of Ferrara. At Brescia the nobles were still more powerful, since they engrossed the whole administration. At Bologna, Reggio, Mo- dena, Parma, and Placenza, however, they were no more than the military servants of the municipalities. The civil dissensions which agitated the empire after 1197 the death of Henry VI. naturally weakened its influence to over the Italian cities, and in the same degree strength- 1250. ened that of the nobles, who now began to struggle for the supreme authority throughout a considerable portion of Lombardy. In the same degree the Ghibelin or impe- rial party declined ; for though many of the barons continued to adhere to it, they fought rather for them- selves than for the rights of the emperors. On their side the popes were not idle : all the Tuscan cities, ex- cept Pisa, through the persuasion of Innocent III., entered into a Guelf league, binding themselves to ac- knowledge no prince as emperor, without the express sanction of the holy see, and to defend it whenever its prerogatives should be assailed: nay, they even agreed to aid the church in a career of spoliation, under the pre- text of recovering the places to which, in virtue of a grant from Charlemagne, and of a will by a Roman lady, the countess Matilda, the popes had advanced a claim. To re- store his declining supremacy, Otho IV., in 1209, passed into Italy. He found Eccelino and the marquis d'Este at war, and the whole country divided by their factions, each anxious rather to wreak its vengeance on the oppo- site party, and arrive at the summit of power, than to have either emperor or pope. The two powerful chiefs obeyed his summons, and after some hesitation agreed to forget their mutual animosities. By the inhabitants of Ferrara the marquis had been declared lord of that city, a novel and dangerous precedent among republi- E 2 52 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. cans, and by the pope he had been invested with the march of Ancona. Otho confirmed both dignities, on the condition of homage from the vassal; and to gratify EcceUno, he declared against Vicenza, imposing on it a heavy fine, and subjecting it to that baron as his lieu- tenant, and as perpetual podesta. But the house of Este, owing, as it did, both its grandeur and its sup- port to the Guelfs, abandoned the imperial cause, and entered into a s*ill closer alliance with the pope. The disputes of Otho with Frederic, whom Innocent raised up to oppose him both in Germany and Italy, and who^ in triumphing, ascended the imperial throne as Fre- deric II., added to the venom of faction all the horrors of anarchy throughout Lombardy. Many of the repub- lics, Milan among the rest, had remained faithful to Otho, not from attachment to that emperor, but from hatred of the house of HohenstaufFen, of which Fre- deric II,, as the grandson of Frederic Barbarossa, was the head. Though excommunicated by the holy see, which had long been the protector of the Lombard republics, the Milanese persisted in their fidelity ; for in Italy, where the worldly policy of the popes was so well understood, their thunders were indeed bruta fulmina. Opposed to Milan, and her numerous allies were Pavia, Cremona, Parma, Reggio. A bloody warfare followed, of city against city, the horrors of which were height- ened by commotions in the same city, between the plebeians and the nobles : in some the former, in others the latter triumphed ; but that triumph was generally of short duration. After a pacification the struggle was renewed, often with a similar result, though the ge- neral advantage certainly lay with the nobles, whose power, from the opening of the thirteenth century, maintained a perceptible increase in other places, no less than in the march of Treviso. After the death of Otho, Frederic II. remained the undisputed so- vereign ; but for this very reason he became the enemy of the papal see, the aim of which was always to humble the emperors. This change in the relations of ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 53 the two chiefs of the Christian world produced a corre- sponding one in those of the Lombardean cities, the Guelfs, who had recently supported him against Otho, re- verting to their old principles. While Frederic Avas absent in the Holy Land, a new league of the Lombard cities hostile to the Ghibelins was formed under the auspices of Gregory IX. The reasons for such a confederacy have never been adduced by the most zealous advocates of republican institutions. These republics were virtually independent of the empire ; they had no further con- cessions to hope from it ; and their interference on this occasion must be explained, partly by the insidious policy of the popes, partly by that restless, turbulent, in- constant spirit so characteristic of democratic associa- tions, and still more by the concealed views of the nobles, who, as podestas, were resolved to establish a permanent, even an hereditary authority, within their respective jurisdictions. In the short struggle of Fre- deric's son, Henry, king of the Romans, who endeavoured to dethrone him, the Milanese with their allies espoused the part of the rebel — an additional ground of ill-will. Not only did Frederic triumph over that undutiful prince ; he formed a counter league of the cities which adhered to the Ghibelin interest, and placed at its head Eccelino III., the son and successor of Eccelino II., and destined to be much more famous. The war which fol- lowed was more favourable than any of the preceding, both to the pretensions of the nobles, and to the authority of the emperor. Verona was subjected to a senate of eighty nobles, with Eccelino at their head ; Padua, like Verona and Vicenza, subjected itself to Eccelino, who governed it through a podesta ; the Milanese being signally de- feated by the emperor in person, would have lost the whole army, had not Pagano della Torre, lord of Valus- sina, opened for their escape the defiles of his fief ; and the chief towns were detached from the league, until Milan, Brescia, Placenza, and Bologna alone remained. These advantages, indeed, were soon partially B 3 54 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. counterbalanced by a check to the arms of the emperor, and by his excommunication, on pretexts too frivolous to be recorded. The Guelf party, under its implacable papal head, again rallied, but not so as to regain its for- mer ascendancy. But whatever might be the fluctuations of the imperial fortunes, the aristocratic influence gradu- ally extended : Treviso was under Alberic, a brother of Eccelino, while the latter held undisputed sway over Verona, Vicenza, and Padua ; Mantua obeyed the count de San Bonifazio ; Ravenna, Paoli Traversari ; Ferrara, the marchese d'Este. Even Milan, which had formerly been the bulwark of democracy, in order to curb the in- creasing poAver of the nobles, placed itself under the authority of one man, Pagano della Torre, whom it named tribune of the people, in return for the service which that baron had rendered the retreating army of the republic* 1251 After the death of Frederic II., and his son Conrad, to and during the commotions consequent on the double 1-59. election of Richard earl of Cornwall, and Alfonso X., of Castile, to the imperial crown, Germany was occupied by interests too near to have leisure for attending to the affairs of Italy. During that period the Ghibelin in- terest naturally declined ; it was supported only by Eccelino ; but that baron had risen to sovereign power; he governed not only the three cities before mentioned, but Feltro, Belluno, Trent, and a vast number of rural districts ; and if he had been as moderate as he was able, valiant, and fortunate, he would, like other princes of the time, have laid the foundation of an hereditary power. But his atrocities were unequalled, even in a period of lawless violence ; they would exceed belief, were they not so well attested by contemporary histo- rians. Not only did he cause torrents of blood to flow even on mere suspicion ; not only did he construct dun- geons so dark, so damp, and so loathsome, as to be com- * The same authorities, with the addition of the various historians of Lnmbardy, Tuscany, and the Trevisan March, in the great collection of Muratori, in places too numerous to be cited. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 55 pared with the infernal regions ; and fill them, not merely with men, but with women and children, who died either through the pestilential vapours, or in con- sequence of incredible tortures, but he accompanied his monstrous acts by an ingenuity which made him appear like an incarnation of some evil principle. Thus he en- closed four lords during some time in one of these dun- geons, which he at length, in imitation of the tremendous monastic punishment, the Vade-in-pace, turned inlo their sepulchre by walling up the entrance : their awful cries were heard from their living tombs, until nature, in mercy, sunk under the trial. A lady belonging to the family of a steailfast supporter, married into the family of a Guelf : her Avhole kindred were publicly executed. Amidst the silence of night, the towns which he governed re- sounded with the groans of the tortured, many in the last agonies ; and in the day, the inhabitants were re- galed with the view of whole bands of nobles cut to pieces in the public squares, and their bodies consumed by fire. His ministers, whom his penetration had chosen, were no less sanguinary : he had spies every where, and his victims were often executed without form of trial. No wonder that his name was one of terror. In short, he attained a degree of celebrity so eminently dia- bolical, that in 1255, a crusade against him was pro- claimed by Alexander IV., and the same indulgences held out to those who joined it as to those who pro- ceeded to war with the infidels of Asia. It was headed by the papal legate, the archbishop of Ravenna, and Padua was soon taken by assault, — the inhabitants joy- fully receiving their liberators, even though they were plundered of their whole substance, under the pretext of their being the allies of the tyrant. From the horrid dungeons of San Sofia, and of the CittadeUa, six hun- dred captives were drawn ; and a proportionate number from six other prisons. Of these victims some were venerable from age ; some helpless from infancy ; in many cases, both deprived of their eyes, or maimed in E 4 56 EUROPE IN THE BIIDDLE AGES. a manner that cannot be related ; and others were young ladies, once beautiful, but their loveliness succeeded by the hue of lingering death. When Eccelino heard of the loss of Padua, his fury knew no bounds, and he in- dulged it in a degree, perhaps, unexampled in the annals of tyranny. He had with him about 11,000 troops, furnished by Padua and its dependent villages, and these constituted about one third his actual force. He knew that they secretly rejoiced at the release of their fellow-citizens, and he justly feared that they would seize the first opportunity of deserting. He artfully enveigled them, in separate bodies, into his power, and consigned them to the dungeons of Verona, where, or subsequently on the scaffold, all perished except 200. The crusade was conducted with great imbecility, and no less cowardice. In 1258, the legate himself, with 4000 men, fell into the hands of the tyrant, and Brescia surrendered to him. But here his good fortune aban- doned him. Two of his noble allies, whom he aUenated by his perfidy, joined his constant enemy, the marchese d'Este, and a new league was formed among the towns subject to that prince, to pursue him unto death. After some indecisive operations, he was enveloped at the bridge of Cassiano, which passed the Adda, by a supe- rior force. For the first time in his life he was ob- served to shudder ; though he believed not in God, he placed a reliance in starry influences ; and as his astro- logers are said to have told him that this place would be fatal to him, he felt that his last hour was at hand ; but the prediction, doubtless, arose from the event.* There he was defeated, wounded, and made prisoner ; but, true to his character, he scorned to converse with his new * Troviamo presso d'alcuni autori che Ezzelino un giorno esistente in un castello nominato Bassano, diocesi Vicentina, da un pessimo nigromante, quale uno spirito havea in sue t'orze, dimando in qual luogo dovea morire, il spirito con nome imperfctto rispose, in Assati : ilclie Ezzelino interpreto Bassimo. It turned out, however, to be Cassiano. When the tyrant was wounded at the passage of the Adda, he asked the name of the place, and hearing that it was Cassiano, exclaimed, Questo e il mio fatale termine. Corio, fol. 117 A Shakspeare or a Walter Scott might have rejoiced at meeting with such a legend. ITALY POLITICAIi AND CIVIL HISTORY. 57 masters ; he preserved a haughty silence to the last ; and instead of allowing the leeches to cure him, he tore open his wounds, and died on the eleventh day of his captivity. On his death, the cities over which he had so long ty- rannised abandoned themselves to immoderate rejoicing; but none appeared to have profited by the lessons of ex- perience, since they again submitted to the sway of one man. Verona took for its podesta Mastino della Scala, while Vicenza and Bassano received one from Padua.* From the preceding glance at the revolutions of the 126O. Lombard republics, it is evident that they possess no great claims to our admiration : they were unable to se- cure internal peace ; they offered no guai-antees for individual security ; they were perpetually affected by the temporary ebullitions of popular feeling, or by the daring schemes of the nobles ; they had no fixed plan of policy, but were Uke vessels without pilot, exposed to destruction by every wind that blew ; they plunged into war with their neighbours, often without even the shadow of pretext ; they abused the Mberty which they had wrung from the emperors, formed themselves into se- ditious factions, and were at last forced to seek a refuge in despotism from the tyranny of one another. Their glory was of short continuance ; it did not much sur- vive the death of Frederic Barbarossa. Wherever the laws are not administered by a vigorous undivided ex- ecutive, they will soon be despised ; factions are formed, the heads of which become too powerful for obedience ; when one is expelled or destroyed, the only effect is to increase the power of the other ; the social tie is dis- solved ; individuals usurp the place of magistrates ; se- curity for life or substance is at an end. Where the passions luxuriate, and in their gratification have no external restraint to dread ; where private wars are permitted, every man who has received an Injury being * Rolandinus Patavinus, de Factis in Marchia TrevisanS, lib. viii. — xii. Laurentius de Monacis, Ezelinus, iii. p. 135—152. Richardi Comitis S. Bonifacii, Rerum inter ipsum et Eccelinos, p. 117., &c. Chronica Ferrarieiisis, p. 469— 4S8. Parisius de Cereta, Chronicon Veronense, p. 617— 640. Chronicon Parmense, p. 790., &c. Bernardino Corio, Historia di Milano, parte ii. fol. 115., &c. Sismondi, Histoire des R^p. torn. ii. ch. 19. 58 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. expected to take the law into his own hands ; where murders are of perpetual recurrence, and where, to re- venge them, one family is in arms against another ; where the nobles and the citizens are in a state of undis- guised hostility, the former compensating for their numerical inferiority by a more compact organisation ; where the privileged class are expelled to-day, and to- morrow return with a strong rural force to wreak their vengeance on tlie populace ; where the very magistrates, as chosen from the nobles, are regarded with suspicion, and where deputies of illegal societies watch their pro- ceedings ; where brute force only is triumphant, the leaders of a faction may gratify their ambition, but the great body of the people will sigh for any change that promises to restore the supremacy of the laws — that will level a hundred local tyrants, whom crimes have elevated above their fellows, with the rest of the community. The people at length found by painful experience that their magistrates were useless; — were unable to calm the fury of civil tempests ; and they did not hesitate to call in a power strong enough to assuage it, — a power to which they confided both the execution of domestic criminals, and the command of the municipal troops. The office of podesta was, for some time, annual only ; but that high functionary discovered that the force which could thus quell a hundred factions, which could secure tranquillity in a whole turbulent population, might, if cautiously employed, be made to serve his personal ambition, — that it might be held for life, nay, transmitted to his descendants. Himself a noble, the podesta naturally leaned to his order ; and by that order he was as naturally supported, since whatever elevated them above the populace, whatever held out induce- ments to their ambition, — and they soon learned to en- gross all the offices of the magistracy, — was sure to secure their adherence. From the opening of the thir- teenth century, we find the aristocratic influence rapidly increase throughout Lombardy, no less than in the march of Treviso. For this increase, indeed, one rea- ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 59 son alone would satisfactorily account, — the change in the military discipline, and the consequent transfer of the art of defence from the citizens to the nobles. The heavy armour Mhich now began to distinguish the ca- valry, — the solid helmet, with its closed vizor, the im- penetrable cuirass, or mail, the cuishes, greaves, and buckler, all which so completely protected the body, — demanded not only a strong rider but a strong horse, and were in consequence inapplicable to mechanics or tradesmen, Avhose habits of life were so enervating, and who were generally too poor to maintain the costly paraphernalia of a knight, or man.at-arms. Against such warriors, whose long lances could extend far beyond the range of a sword, and whose armour was impene- trable to arrow or dart, the infantry of the municipal- ities was useless. The cities were obliged to hire mercenaries, to enter into alliance with the nobles, to abandon their defence to other arms than those of the inhabitants ; nor were the inhabitants themselves sorry to forego the fatigues and dangers of the field. In human affairs the protector soon becomes the master ; the nobles accordingly became the predominant party, the tyrants of every state.* The progress of a state from the licence of liberty to ]256 the despotism of one or more magistrates, is well ex- to emplified in the case of Milan. We have before related 1277. how the populace, in order to be revenged on the nobles, had subjected themselves to the sway of a perpetual podesta, Pagano della Torre, who, on his demise, had influence enough to procure the election of his brother or his nephew, Martino della Torre, to the same chgnity. Martino succeeded to more than his kinsman's authority: a flatterer of the populace, brave, artful, and enter- prising, he more than counterbalanced the influence of Soresina, whom the nobles, in the view of opposing him, had appointed tlie.ir podesta. In a conflict between the two parties, headed by their respective podestas, the * Muratori, Dissertazioni sopra le Antichite Italiane, passim. Sismondi, Histoire des K^p. torn. ii. cliap. 20. 60 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. nobles were expelled from the city ; and, as usual, soon returned victorious, both parties agreeing to a compro- mise. Subsequently, a new treaty was drawn up by sixty-four commissioners, thirty-two from each class, which minutely defined the rights of each, and which promised to produce permanent concord : in three months it was broken by the populace^ and the nobles expelled. In the open campaign they were again vic- torious ; again were the citizens forced to make peace ; and again did they break it. In these perpetually re- curring struggles, both parties had need of chiefs : the mob of the Credensa proposed to invest Martino, their podesta, with ampler powers ; the more respectable ci- tizens, who constituted the assembly denominated the Mota, from a just dread of his ambition, endeavoured to throw the election on another ; hence the two classes of the democracy began to dispute with each other ; they proceeded to an open contest, and the citizens of the Mota testified their disgust by joining the party of nobles. To allay this furious storm, the podesta of the city, — a legal functionary, who was of necessity a stranger, and whose office in Milan yet continued an- nual, — collected a force sufficiently strong to expel both Martino and Soresina, and to decree against them per- petual banishment. The former, however, soon ventured to return, and was enabled, by the adhesion of the mob, to set both magistrates and nobles at defiance. The power of this anziano, or lord of the people, now rapidly augmented ; all other authority bent before his. Again were the nobles exiled ; as usual, they triumphed over the infantry of Milan, with Martino at its head ; and as usual, too, they would have regained their lost in- fluence by the sword, had not Martino adopted a new expedient. To oppose the nobles by other nobles, he entered into an alliance with the marquis Pelavicini, a feudal baron, the podesta of Cremona, Novara, Brescia, and other places, who, in consideration of an annual sum of money, and of being nominated captain-general of the Milanese, agreed, with a numerous body of cavalry. ITALY POLITICAIi AND CIVIL HISTORY. 6l to serve the republic five years. To his other fiefs and commands, the marquis soon added the mihtary govern- ment of Placenza, while Martino was nominated in that city, in Lodi, and other places, the anziano or tribune of the people. Thus these two ambitious men, the one as civil, the other as military governor, ruled most of Lombardy. Still further to strengthen his power, Mar- tino, on the death of the archbishop of Milan, proposed to elevate a kinsman to that dignity. But many nobles remained in the city ; above half the dignitaries of the chapter were of the same order ; and a second candidate was nominated. The decision in this double election ca- nonically lay with the pope, who rejected both candidates, and consecrated Otho Visconti, canon of the cathedral, then accidentally at Rome, as archbishop. As Otho be- longed to the order of nobles, the choice was obnoxious to the mob, and still more so to Martino, who issued a decree of exile against the archbishop elect : subse- quently he attained the perpetual lordship of Novara. So great was his ascendancy over the minds of the people, that on his death, in 1263, he obtained the elec- tion of his kinsman, Filippo della Torre, to the post he had so successfully held. Though the government of Filippo was very brief, he extended his sAvay over Como ; and he dismissed the marquis Pelavicini, whose five years of command were expired. From this fact we may infer that the anziano no longer found enemies in the nobles, whom doubtless he had attached to the existing order of things, by admitting them to more than a participation in municipal benefits. But to con- firm his authority, he did not depend so much on the communal troops, as on 1500 men-at-arms, whom he maintained at his own expense, and who were conse- quently his creatures. The successors of Filippo, Fran- cisco and Napoleon della Torre, improved on the system of their predecessors, and every year appeared to con- firm the domination of that aspiring family. But the sceptre was about to depart from it. The continued wars of the anziani against the exiled nobles, and 62 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. especially against Otho Visconti, the archbishop elect, who manfully fought for his see, and who was ever the acknowledged head of the discontented ; the waste of blood and treasure ; the heavy impositions which those wars rendered necessary, at length cooled the ardour of the Milanese. Otho was more merciful than might have been expected from a churchman : he seized on Como, Lecco, advanced towards Milan, and, amidst the silence of night, surprised the princes della Torre: one of them was killed in the struggle which ensued ; Napoleon, with five others, was taken prisoner, and all were confined in six iron cages. This event was fatal to the family ; for though two other nobles remained, who endeavoured to rouse the inhabitants of the capital in its behalf, they were driven ignominiously from the city, and a depu- tation was sent to Otho, with the welcome intelligence that he had just been created the perpetual anziano, or sovereign of the state. The house of Visconti, with one short interruption, retained its sovereignty over Milan, which it gradually extended over most of Lombardy, until the extinction of the male branch in the following century.* jcj-g From this time forward the revolutions of Lombardy to continued to be equally numerous, and equally eventful. 1318. The archbishop Otho Visconti, no less resolved than the Turriani, to make the dignity hereditary in his family, had address enough to procure, during his own life, the recognition of Matteo Visconti as his successor. In some places, indeed, the ambitious nobles were less successful : thus two princes of Savoy were dethroned by their subjects, and the marquis of Montferrat, the greatest of the Italian feudatories, was not only de- throned, but closely confined in an iron cage, and dis- played to the populace, like a wild beast. Nor was the house of Visconti without its alternations of disaster. Though Matteo seized on the domains of the dethroned • Giovanni Villani, Historie Florentine, lib. vii. Corio, Historie Milanese, parte ii. fol. 120, &c. Annales Mediolanenses, cap. 39 — 49. Ferretus Vicen- tinus, Historia Rerum in Italia Gestarum, p. S35., &c. Sismondi, Hist, des Rep. torn. ii. et iii. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 63 marquis, though he had endeavoured to fortify himself by aUiances, his daughter being married to Albuino della Scala, son of the lord of Verona, and a son having as wife a princess of the powerful house of Este, he was soon enveloped by a league formed amongst the lords of Lodi, Como, Crema, Cremona, Novara, and the young marquis of ]\Iontferrat, and was compelled to resign his dignity. By a joyful decree the Turriani were recalled, the repubhc Avas restored, the chief au- thority intrusted to Alberto Scotto,lordof Placenza, who, though not a Guelf, formed a league among many of the neighbouring states, to protect religion and freedom. But his power was short ; he was abandoned by the league ; and replaced by other tyrants. Revolutions equally remarkable, and equally fleeting, afflicted all the other cities of Lombardy. Amidst the distractions which had so long torn the empire, the imperial sove- reignty ceased to be recognised. But when Henry of Luxemburg, the first prince who during half a century had leisure to assert his rights, passed the Alps, he was welcomed by all parties, by aristocrats and democrats, by Guelf and Ghibelin, — doubtless because all were tired of their long-continued anarchy. As his object was their common reconciliation preparatory to uniting them more closely under his sceptre, all were equally well received. Feeble as was the body of cavalry by which he was accompanied, — it was a mere escort, — he had no difficulty in displacing all the tyrants of the towns, except the lords of Verona, and ajipointing vicars imperial in their stead. At first Guido della Torre, lord of Milan, was disposed to resist; but observing how strongly the current ran in favour of the emperor, he wisely submitted. This was the first period of tran- quillity which, during a full century, Lombardy had experienced : the mild sway of the imperial officers, based alike on justice and recognised law, appeared in its full light when contrasted with the dark, vindictive, despotic, and irresponsible authority of the local tyrants. During his stay at Milan, he was invested, amidst un- 64> EUROPE IN THE MIDBLE AGES. bounded acclamations^ with the iron crown of Lom- bardy. But it was his misfortune to be poor : he demanded the usual gratuities ; a demand which, how- ever reasonable, cooled the loyalty of the Milanese, who, equally regardless of hospitality^ rose against him, under the guidance of the Turriani. Happily the commotion was quelled ; the Turriani, chiefly through the aid of the Visconti, were expelled ; the towns which, in imi- tation of the example, and at the instigation of the same rebels, had thrown off their allegiance, were again forced to resume it. Having received the submission of Genoa and Pisa, and endeavoured, though in vain, to establish his supremacy over Tuscany, Henry died near Sienna, which he was about to invest. This event again enabled the powerful barons, — so fickle is the popular mind, — to seize, by force or intrigue, the lordship of the towns. Padua submitted to the Curraras, Vicenza and Mantua to the Delia Scalas of Verona ; Milan obeyed Matteo Visconti, who added Cremona, Lodi, Como, Tortona, and other places to his domination ; Pavia was governed by Filippone and Beccaria, and every other city was persuaded or forced to accept a lord.* 2318 During the civil wars which, after the death of to Henry VII., agitated the empire, the Italian Guelfs, 1367. with pope John XXII. at their head, endeavoured to expel the Ghibelins, headed by the Visconti, the Delia Scalas, and other chiefs. Though under the curse of excommunication, Matteo nobly supported the interests of his party, and of his own ambition ; but his son Galeazzo, who had equal bravery, had not equal talents. In 1322, the latter was expelled from Milan, — not by an indignant populace so much as by the efforts of a powerful faction, — but, as usual with the barons of * Chronicon Citizense, p. 1201. Mutius, Chronicon Germanorum, lib. xxiii. Pfeffel, Histoire d'AIlemagne, 1 — 464., &c. Ferretiis Vicentinus, His- toria Rerum in Italia Gestarum, lib. vii. Albertinus Mussatus, tie Gestis Henrici VII. Imperatoris, lib. i. — xvi. Galvaneus Flamma, Manipulus Florum, p. 650., &c. Giovanni Villani, Historia Florentine, lib. viii. et ix. Andrea de Gataro, Chronicon Patavinum, p. 9., &c. Cortusioruin Historia de Novitatibus Paduse et Lombardi», p. 798., &c. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 05 Lombardy, he soon returned triumphant at the head of his troops, and was strong enough to defeat a formid- able army of Guelfs, who invested his capital. The same ecclesiastical thunderbolt was hurled by the same pope, at the head of the new emperor, Louis of Bava- ria, but it had as little effect on that monarch as on Visconti. To support the Ghibelins, Louis passed the Alps, was joined by the Delia Scalao, the Esti of Ferrara, and other great feudatories, and with their aid he pro- cured the recognition of his authority from Asti to Pisa, and the frontiers of the church. But he disgusted the Ghibelins by his insensibility to their services ; he wit- nessed Avithout anger the expulsion of the Bonacossis, his faithful adherents, from Mantua, which they had governed during forty years, and the election of the Gon- zagas, who generally sided with the Guelfs. By his imprudence, his rashness, his ingratitude, he even indis- posed the Viscontis, who entered into the same league, and in the following year the troubles of the empire, — troubles inseparable from an elective dignity, — encou- raged the lords who had hitherto been remarked as most faithful to the Germanic head, to aim at inde- pendence. In fact, no principle, no government, no power, enjoyed a duration more than momentary; they were immediately succeeded by others, doomed like them to disappear, after the display of a few months or years. But, in the perpetual revolution of events the same princes, the same governments, the same system was almost sure to be restored. Generally, however, the same family retained the sovereignty in each of the states : at Milan the Viscontis were most formidable. In 1350, when the archbishop Giovanni "S'isconti succeeded to his brother, he found himself in posses- sion of sixteen cities, the chief in the whole pro- vince * ; and by purchase he added Bologna, — a city, however, which did not long remain submitted to JNIi- * They were Milan, Lodi, Placenza, Borgo San Donino, Parma, Crema, Brescia, Bergamo, Novara, Como, Vercelli, Alba, Alexandria, Tortona, Pontremoli, Asti. 66 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Ian. At this time the archbishop, who showed as little deference to the pope as to any other prince, threat- ened the subjugation of all Italy to the very confines of Naples ; with difficulty the Florentines escaped it ; Genoa did not. His death, in 1354, relieved central Italy from just apprehension. His three nephews, who succeeded him, and who divided his ample possessions, showed more zeal in ruining each other, than in extend- ing his ambitious plans. On the other hand, they had little to fear from the imperial pretensions. So long as the emperor remained in Italy, he was acknowledged by the Lombardean cities ; but his attempts to reduce Tuscany, a country which, however split into separate governments, was never disposed to the German cause, occupied too much of his force to render him for- midable to the local tyrants he had left behind ; and the moment he repassed the Alps, he and the empire were forgotten. The disasters of Italy were increased by an army of robbers, chiefly German mercenaries, called the Great Company, who were always ready to sell their swords to any prince, and who, in times of peace, tra- versed and ravaged the whole country, from the Alps to Calabria. These formidable bands were often in the pay of the Viscontis, who, conscious that they held a power equal to that of sovereigns, began to contract sovereign alliances. In 136l, the eldest of the Vis- contis procured for his son, Giovanni Galeazzo, the hand of Isabelle de Valois, daughter of Jean, king of France, and one of his daughters he married to Lionel, duke of Clarence. — Other companies of disbanded soldiers, or freebooters, followed the Germans into the fertile plains of Lombardy, One of these, consisting almost wholly of English, who had served under Edward III. and the Black Prince in the wars with France, introduced the plague, which proved a greater scourge than even the sword : in a few months it carried away half the popu- lation of the chief towns.* * The same authorities, with the addition of Filippo Villani, Historia, passim. Aniiales Mediolaiieiises, p. 750, &c. Chronicon Estense, p. il9, &C. aiid many others. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 67 In ISGS, the emperor Charles IV. visited Italy a 1368 second time, with the avowed purpose of humbling the to Viscontis ; but whether he was deterred from it by the '402. formidable front of Sir John Hawkwood, captain of the English company, then in the pay of the lord of JNIilan, or by the offer of money, he proceeded to Tuscany, where, like his predecessors, he vainly endeavoured to establish the imperial supremacy. His retreat again redoubled the ambition of the Visconti, who made war with various success, according as they were supported or opposed by the mercenary chief, Hawkwood : their own dissensions, owing to the partition of Lombardy, sometimes threatened their ruin. In 1387, Giovanni Galeazzo, who resided at Pavia, inveigled into his power his uncle Barnabas, lord of INIilan, and in taking posses- sion of that capital, became lord of all Lombardy. With his increased power, the perfidious noble soon expelled Antonio della Scala from Verona, reduced Vicenza, belonging to the same house, and thus ended the domi- nation of a family which, during one hundred and twenty-eight years, had reigned over the greater portion of the Trevisan march. "VVith a perfidy equal to that which he had exhibited in regard to his uncle, whom he had subsequently poisoned in prison, he despoiled the Carraras of the lordship of Padua. But Francesco de Carrara, whom he had doomed to destruction, escaped from his power, and with the assistance of the Floren- tines regained his sovereignty. However, Giovanni preserved his other conquests ; he defeated the Floren- tines, whom he constrained to make peace, and even forced the restored lord of Padua to pay an annual tribute of 10,000 florins. Having vainly attempted to diminish his power, by raising up enemies against him, in 1395 the emperor, Wenceslas, the most venal of sovereigns, treated with the chief whom he was unable to destroy. For 100,000 florins he erected the states of Milan into a duchy, the investiture of which, as an imperial fief, was for ever to remain hereditary in the family of Visconti. This dignity, indeed, was contested F 2 68 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. by the successor of Winceslas, the emperor Robert^ who invaded Italy with the design of humbUng so aspiring a vassal, but who signally failed. There seemed, indeed, no bounds either to the ambition or to the success of the duke : he caused his domination to be acknowledged by Perusa, Sienna, Pisa, Bologna, and Lucca ; to escape his yoke, Genoa was compelled to place itself under the protection of the French king ; Venice and the pope were glad to remain at peace with him ; Florence was the only power which openly resisted him. The last named republic must have sunk like the rest, had not the plague carried off its great enemy, at the very moment its inde- pendence was most menaced.* 1 402 With Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti, the first duke of Mi- to Ian, dissolved the sovereignty which he had formed. In 1446. fact, his own testamentary declaration divided his estates among his sons. To the eldest, Giovanni Maria, he left the duchy of Milan, extending from the Ticino to the Mincio ; to the second, Filippo Maria, the lordship of Pavia, with nine considerable towns ; to an illegiti- mate son the lordships of Parma and Pisa. As these princes were too young to govern by themselves, a council of regency undertook the management of aflPairs. The death of the duke was the signal for defection and hostility. Florence, which had been uniform in its resistance, prepared for the offensive ; the pope, who had submitted to every insult from the father, was not slow to join the league for the ruin of the sons ; the divisions which distracted the council, some of the mem- bers in tUsgust passing over to the side of Florence and the pope, aided the success of the confederates ; several towns revolted, .instigated by the descendants of those who had once possessed the seigniory ; from one end of Lombardy to another, nothing was to be seen but the * Poggio Bracciolini, Historia Fiorentina, lib. i. — iii. Leonardo Aretino, Hist. Fior. lib. viii. — xii. Scipione Ammiraio, Hist. Fior. lib. xiii. — xvii. Chronicon Estense, p. 4PC, &c. Piero Minerbetti, Chronica, A. D. 1380, &c. Andrea Gataro, Storia Padovana, p. 498 , &c. Annates Mediolanenses, cap. 147, &c. Stella, Annaies Genuenses, lib. iii. p. 1170., Ac. Cherubino Ghir- ardacci, Storia di Bologna, lib. xxvii. Bernardino Corio, Istoria di Milano, I'ol. 240 — 223. Sismondi, Hist, des R^i>. torn. v. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 69 strife of factions — but anarchy and bloodshed ; an army of Florentines and of papal troops marched on Milan, which would probably have fallen, had not the widowed duchess sought a reconciliation with Boniface IX., and attained it in exchange for the surrender of Bologna and Perusa. The Florentines, however, though deserted by their spiritual ally, kept the field ; Sienna was restored to freedom ; in a popular sedition at Milan the duchess was arrested, imprisoned, and poisoned. Feltre, Belluno, and Verona were seized by Francesco de Carrara, lord of Padua ; Vicenza was invested, but, as the Venetians laid claim to it, Carrara was involved in a war with that republic, by which he was conquered, made prisoner, and put to death ; but not until he had seen Verona and Padua his capital in the power of his formidable enemy. The flag of St. Mark was soon waved on the towers of all the towns in the march of Treviso, where the domination of the Delia Scalas, the Viscontis, and the Carraras was ended for ever. The subsequent dis- asters of the ducal house of Milan were scarcely less signal ; four independent lordships were formed in the very heart of the state, and Pisa was seized by the Florentines. But in the case of this house, as in every other where Italian affairs were concerned, there seemed to be a fatality which, while it effected the most astonishing changes, was preparing to undo its own work, to abase those whom it had exalted, and exalt those whom it had abased. When the young duke Filippo Maria (his bro- ther Giovanni had been massacred by the populace) arrived at a proper age, he contracted a matrimonial alliance, by which he recovered four of the cities, Tor- tona, Vercelli, Novara, and Alexandria, that since the death of his father had obeyed local seigniors. To recover the rest was now his aim ; and either by perfidy or the valour of his general he subdued the whole coun- try between the Adda, the Ticino, and the Alps ; Genoa was made to depend on him, and in several successive en- gagements the Florentines were signally humbled. But in p 3 70 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. the insolence of success he was imprudent enough to dis- grace his general^ Carmagnola^ to whom he was indebted for it. Carmagnola fled to Venice, the government of which he persuaded to enter into an aUiance with Florence, and commence active hostilities against his late master ; and the walls of Brescia were soon over- looked by the banner of St. Mark. But fortune did not always, nor indeed often attend the general. In 1432 he sustained a disastrous defeat ; he was summoned to Venice, which could never pardon misfortune, on pre- text of consulting him concerning propositions of peace. He was received in the ducal palace both by doge and senate with extreme honour ; was arrested, tortured, and executed. When in the same year Sigismund appeared at Milan to receive the iron crown, he could not obtain an interview with Filippo Maria. In fact, that emperor soon found that none of the Italian nobles, — not the duke of Milan, nor the marquis of Montferrat, nor the mar- quis d'Este, nor Giovanni de Gonzaga, whom he created marquis of Mantua, were disposed to yield more than a nominal respect to the imperial crown. Visconti, above all, fortified his power, until he was every where recog- nised as the most imposing sovereign in Italy. But he owed his success rather to his perfidious intrigues, and to the internal dissensions of his enemies, than to his own merit. He never appeared at the head of his ar- mies ; he continually changed his allies, so that he never persevered in any given line of policy ; even his son-in- law, Francesco Sforza, lord of the march of Ancona^ he wished to be rather his enemy than his ally.* 1447 On the death of Filippo Maria, who left no issue to male, the Milanese, actuated by a sense of their former 1450. liberty, were resolved to restore their republic, though * Piero Minerberti, necnon Poggio Bracciolini (sub propriis annisl. Macchiavelli, Istoria Fiorentina, lib. iv. — vi. Mariiii Sanuto, Vitfe Ducum Venetorum, p. 970, &c. Stella, Annales Genuenses, p. l.jC)(), &c. Leonardo Aretino, Commenlarius, p. 930, &c. Petrus Candidus, Vita Philippi Mariie, p. 981 — 1020. Idem, Vita Francisci SCortiiE, Quarti Meriiolanensium Ducis, p. 1021, &c. Giovanni Sinioneta, Historia Francisci Sfortiae, lib. iv. — vi. Scipione Ammirato, Hist. Fior. lib. xxii. Bernardino Corio, Istorie MilanesJj parte iv. et v. Sismondi, Hist, des Ri?p. torn. v. et vi. passim. ITALY POLITICAL AXD CIVIL niSTORlC. 71 the ducal dignity was sought by Sforza^ in right of his wife ; by the duke d'Orleans in right of his mother, a princess of the house of Visconti ; by Alfonso V., king of Naples, in virtue of an alleged will of the deceased duke ; and by the emperor of Germany. The confusion occasioned by these jarring pretensions, — all the can- didates, the emperor excepted, appearing in arms, — was increased by the hostilities of the Venetians, with whom Filippo jMaria had been so often at war, and by the efforts of the cities to regain their independence, — or rather of a few ambitious men who hoped to restore, within their respective districts, a tyranny more oppres- sive and odious than had ever prevailed at Milan. Pa- via, also, restored its republican institutions, and the example was followed by other towns ; but most of them were repubUcs in name only ; one man, or one family, exercising under the name of liberty power the most boundless. In consternation at these menacing circum- stances, Milan resolved to disarm one at least of its ene- mies, Sforza, by engaging him as its general. This was just what he wanted ; he agreed to obey, but with the resolution, at no distant day, of commanding. His subsequent conduct showed how well he was fitted for these turbulent times. He gained several allies among the revolted cities ; Pavia, unable amidst contending factions to support its republic, chose him as its count : he obtained the most brilliant success over the Venetians; but when, instead of the most signal rewards, he re- ceived nothing but distrust, contradiction and ingrati- tude from the senate of Milan, he suddenly deserted to the Venetians, who, in return for the restoration of the places they had lost, agreed to assist him with money and troops to gain possession of the Milanese. The tide of success now turned against the republic, the posses- sions of which the count reduced with rapidity ; and though Venice, with the characteristic policy of a re- public, after compromising him with the Milanese, made peace with the latter, he no less persevered in his hostilities. He soon found that Milan could no more F 4- 1500. 72 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. maintain institutions which were become ahen to it than Pavia ; the moderate party was displaced by a furious democracy ; the respectable citizens who were expelled, hastened to his camp ; and though this advantage was counterbalanced by the hostility of the Venetians, who did not hesitate to side with the Milanese, he proved that he was equal to any situation, however arduous or perplexing : he invested Milan so closely that famine at length began to be felt ; when the populace, to whom bread was dearer than hberty, arose, and assailed their magistrates, but without any preconcerted design, and without knowing in what manner the insurrection would terminate. After some deliberation, the only hope of escape from famine and death lay in the recal of Sforza, who was immediately introduced into the city.* 1450 Sforza continued to triumph over the states of nor- to thern Italy, by his intrigues to preserve the neutrality of France in regard to the claims of the duke d'Orleans, and by his forces to impose on the German emperor, who had shown a strong disposition to seize a fief re- versible by the extinction of the male line of Visconti. His son and successor Galeazzo Sforza was distin- guished for pomp, profligacy and corruption in his public character ; if he caused the laws to be ri- gidly administered, and military discipline to be ob- served, he did so from a principle of selfishness. His cruelty and lust were frightful : he incurred the hatred of the people by his frequent and savage executions ; of the nobles and wealthy citizens by his extortions, and still more, by the dishonour which he carried into their families. This monster fell the victim of his vices ; he was stabbed in the church of St. Ambrose by three conspirators, of whom two had to revenge a violated re- lative. Giovanni Galeazzo, eldest son of the murdered duke, succeeded ; but, as he was a minor, the regency was entrusted to a council. His uncles endeavoured to seize the supreme authority ; they failed, and were * The same authorities, with the exception of Stella and Petrus Candidus. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 73 driven into exile ; but one of them^ Ludovico, surnamed the Moor, returned with some aUies, deposed the re- gency, expelled the duchess-mother, and, after govern- ing some years in the name of his nephew, he removed him by poison, and usurped the dignity. The justice of Heaven was not blind to the crime of Ludovico, When his competitior for the duchy, the duke d'Orleans, ascended the throne of France, under the name of Louis XIL, a formidable French army passed into Lombardy; and Ludovico, unable to resist, fled into Germany. But the rapacity, the insolence, the vices of the conquerors soon disgusted a people whom not even the best of governments would long have satisfied : Lu- dovico ventured to return, was received with acclama- tions ; but was betrayed to the French by the Swiss_, who formed the vanguard of his army, and whose con- duct on this, as on many similar occasions, has covered the whole nation with infamy. The duke, with several princes of his family, was conducted into France, and consigned to a gloomy prison, where he ended his days.* The subsequent fate of the Milanese is known to 1500, most readers. In 1512, Maximilian, a son of Ludo- &c. vico, was placed on the ducal throne by the Swiss ; but in 1515, a French army, under Francis L, compelled him to abdicate. A few years afterwards, the country was wrested from the French by the emperor Charles V., and Francesco Sforza was raised to a precarious dignity, from which he was soon deposed by the Spaniards ; and though for a heavy sum of money he was subsequently permitted to exercise a nominal sovereignty, his last years were spent in slavery and disease. On his death without issue (1535) the duchy escheated to the em- pire, which, to the victories of Charles, had again restored its long-lost superiority. From this period to the war of the succession in Spain it remained subject to * Authorities, Guicciardini, Storia d'ltalia, lib. i.— iv. p. 1—252. Corio, Historia di Milano, lib. vi. et vii. To these must be added, Philippe de Comrniiies, Memoires, the Memoire of the Chev. du Bayard; the histories of all the Italian states, in fact those of all Europe. 74 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. the kings of that country ; but during that struggle it was conquered by the archduke Charles : it remained in the house of Austria until the victories of Buonaparte annexed it to France : and_, on the dissolution of the kingdom of Italy, it reverted to Austria.* 936 II. Pisa, Genoa, Lucca, &c. — South of Lombardy to lay the maritime republics of Pisa and Genoa, which, 1050. ^g ^g have seen, were often brought into contact with that country. The antiquity of the former, even as a flourishing sea-port, must be great, since in 980, when Otho II. was preparing to carry the war into Southern Italy, it was powerful enough to promise him a fleet for the transport of his troops. Of Genoa we hear some- what earlier. In 936 it was pillaged by the Saracens, who then infested every coast of the Mediterranean ; but long prior to that period it had been in possession of the Greeks. That the two republics would some- times be in alliance, might be inferred from their prox- imity ; that they would more frequently be at war, from their commercial rivalry. The first occasion that history mentions both of their union and rupture, took place early in the eleventh century, when the Pisans fitted out a naval armament against the infidels of Ca- labria. During their absence, Musa, a Mohammedan corsair, who had seized on Sardinia, hearing that their city was left without defence, entered one night the mouth of the Arno, and set fire to the place : the as- sailants, however, were repulsed, — whether through the courage of a lady who caused the tocsin to be sounded, and the magistrates to be apprised of their danger, may be doubted. What is certain is, that when, on their re- turn, the Pisans were acquainted with the attempt, they swore to be revenged. They invoked the assistance of the Genoese ; a powerful armament disembarked in Sar- dinia, and the misbelievers were expelled. One of the conditions of this alliance was, that Genoa should have the booty, Pisa the territory that might be won ; but though that booty was immense, the former was not * The general histories of Europe. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 75 willing to see so considerable an island pass under the yoke of a rival. A rupture followed, which ended in the expulsion of the Genoese. But during the life of Musa, this conquest was never secure. With reinforce- ments obtained from Africa and Spain^ he often insulted the garrisons, and in 1050 he again obtained possession of the island. A more formidable expedition was now equipped ; after a struggle the aged chief was defeated, made prisoner, and consigned to a dungeon in Pisa, where he ended his days. On this occasion Genoa was permitted to have a settlement on the island ; but the rest was either divided into fiefs, to be held by the principal nobles of Pisa, or was subjected to the imme- diate control of that republic. The oldest historian of Genoa, CafFaro, whose annals 1100 embrace the first sixty-four years of the twelfth century, to acquaints us with the simple constitution of his country, ^^^o. Its chief magistrates were sometimes four, sometimes six ; they were called consuls, and the original duration of their office was three or even four years. Their powers, however, being found or suspected to be dan- gerous to liberty, in 1122 their oflSce was rendered an- nual ; but that this expedient was effectual may be doubted from the fact, that in a few years they were deprived of the judicial functions, were confined to the executive government, and to the command of the re- publican forces. At the same time an equal number at least of magistrates were chosen to preside in the tri- bunals of justice, and their jurisdiction also was annual. — During the same century we find that Pisa was divided into seven sections, each section having its company, and the election as well of its own judge, as of a consul to fill the executive. At the conclusion of his yearly term, each of these high functionaries was compelled to account, before the assembled people, for the manner in which he had discharged his trust. Of the early con- stitution of Pisa we have no account : we read only, and that incidentally, of consuls and of the popular as- sembhes ; but from these expressions we may certainly 76 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. infer that it differed little from that of other republican governments. But if the origin of Pisa be more ob- scure, the only cause is the want of native historians : that she was more powerful than Genoa may be ga- thered from the fact, that in the second crusade she equipped 120 vessels to Syria, while her rival furnished thirty-four only. It may, perhaps, be doubted whether reUgious zeal, or even martial glory, had so much con- cern in these expeditions, as the view of extending com- merce. What we know with certainty is, that after these expeditions both republics had factories in every port on the eastern shores of the MecUterranean. The Pisans, too, apparently without aid from Genoa, were powerful enough to undertake an expedition against the Mohammedan king of Majorca, who had long inter- rupted their commerce, and who retained many thou- sands of Italian captives in his dungeons. The expe- dition was successful, owing, no doubt, as the Catalan writers assure us, to the valour of their count Ray- mundo of Barcelona, at whose instigation the Pisan vessels were prepared.* A war with Genoa, which ap- pears to have been very indecisive, followed this triumph ; and from this result we may gather that the rival republic must have greatly increased in strength. Whe- ther the territories of each were amplified in proportion to their maritime greatness, is unknown. That of Pisa is beheved to have extended along the coast from Lerici to Piombino ; but whether Lerici, Viareggio, Massa, Grosseto, and Piombino acknowledged her su- periority, may reasonably be doubted. She appears to have been originally the mere protector of a confeder- ation formed for mutual defence ; but protection and independence are inconsistent with each other ; the au- thority which was at first conventional, and voluntarily received, would at length be regarded as legitimate. Genoa had also its league, the towns of which occupied a coast less extensive and fertile than that of Pisa, but * See History of Spain and Portugal, vol. 'iii. p. 76. Cab. Cvc. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 77 in a neighbourhood less exposed to rival jealousy: while she had not one city immediately contiguous^ that aspired to domination^ the ambition of I'isa was held in check on the north-east by Lucca, farther to the east by Florence. As early as 11 -iC) Lucca was strong enough to sustain a war of six years with Pisa ; but the latter, if we may believe the native authorities, had the advantage.* In the disputes between the emperors and the popes, w^q the Pisans followed the Ghibelin, the Genoese theOuelf to party. Both republics, too, late in the twelfth century, 1262. often replaced their consuls by podestas, and both were the frequent theatre of strife between the nobles and the populace. These podestas were of the privileged class, the councils which assisted them were long chosen from the aristocracy ; but by what gradations a government purely democratic gave place to the ascendancy of birth, can never be explained. There is reason to believe that most of the ancient consuls were of noble birth, since a knight or baron was better fitted to conduct an army than a peaceful merchant ; and the magistrates would be anxious to fill every subordinate place, where there was no popular election, with persons of their own or- until the better qualified class would endeavour to usurp all offices in the commonwealth. In Genoa, from 11 90 to 1216, there appears to have been a struggle whether consuls or the podesta should govern the state, for dur- ing that period we find both, and, from 12l6 to 1252, podestas alone. But, as the popular assemblies were still convoked whenever any important decision was to be made, and as the podesta, like the consul, was elected, the citizens still retained some of their ancient privileges. These, however, were not the only changes in the form of the executive : the podesta was sometimes replaced by the rapitaneus, sometimes by the abbas, and at other times by the ancianiis, — dignities of which we find frequent * Caffaro, Annales Genuenses. p. 248., S:c. Breviarium Pisanje Historic, p. IfiH — 170. Jacobus de Varagine, Chronicon Genuense, p. lOS. This prelate (he was archbi.shop of Genoa) assigns the glory of every conflict to liis countrymen. Obertus Cancellarius, Annales Genuenses, lib. ii. p. 292, &c. 78 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. instances in the thirteenth century. But none appear to have enjoyed a long lease of power: often, the very next election, according, as faction, or prejudice, or love of novelty prevailed, ended their name with their admi- nistration ; they could, however, hope, that in the per- petually revolving wheel of change, their dignity might again attain the summit, — a hope v^hich was almost sure to be realised. " At present," says the archbishop of Genoa, who wrote towards the close of the same cen- tury, " we have an abbot and elders ; whether we must soon change them or not, no one can tell ; but at least let us pray God that we may change for the better : so that we are governed well, no matter whether we obey consuls, or podestas, or captains, or abbots." The good prelate proceeds to illustrate this truth by quaintly com- paring the different forms of government to three keys, one of gold, one of silver, the third of wood : though the material of these, he observes, is very differently estimated, one is in reality as good as another, provided it does its office, that of opening. " There are three men : one is powerful — he is the golden key; another is rich or learned — he is the silver key ; the third is poor, of low condition in life — and he is the wooden key. Now, although in the opinion of the world, the powerful and the rich are more to be esteemed than the poor, yet if these poor can govern a commonwealth better than the others, in so far they ought to be more valued than them. Little matters it by whom our state is governed. If it be governed better by consuls than podestas, let us have consuls ; if better by podestas, let us have them ; if better by a captain, or abbots, why, let us have cap- tains and abbots." The first capitaneus, surnamed Boccanegro, owed his election to the mob, whom he had gained by flattery, and whom he persuaded to be no longer governed by tyrannical podestas ; his election was for ten years ; a council of thirty-two elders was elected to aid, or, rather, to obey him ; a judge, two secretaries, and twelve hctors, were constantly to await his orders ; and a knight, with fifty archers, were appointed his body ; ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORT. 79 guard. A man with powers so ample was sure to become a tyrant; and we accordingly find that in the second year of his administration a conspiracy was formed to depose him. This time he triumphed ; but when half his term was expired, a confederacy of the nobles, aided by the populace, compelled him to retire into private life.* Into the endless domestic quarrels of the Guelfs and 1262 Ghibehns at Genoa and Pisa, and the consequent alii- to ances — alliances of momentary duration — contracted in 1370. both cities with the emperor, the pope, or the king of Naples, we cannot enter ; and if we could, nobody would thank us for the wearisome detail. As in Lom- bardy, the nobles were often banished, and as often recalled. The year 1282 is more famous in the annals of both republics, as the origin of a ruinous war between them. Pisa, with her sovereignty over Corsica, Elba, and the greater part of Sardinia ; with her immense com- merce, her establishments in Spain, Asia, and Greece, her revenues and stores, had little to gain, and much to lose, by contending with a poor, and perhaps braver power. If Genoa had less wealth, she had equal enter- prize, an equal thirst for gain, and equal ambition. Where so much rivalry existed, it would easily degene- rate into discord ; and petty acts of offence were followed by general hostilities. In one of their expeditions the fleet of the Pisans was almost destroyed by a tempest ; a second by the enemy ; a third, after a bloody conflict oflP the isle of Meloria, was all but annihilated, and the loss in killed was 5000, in prisoners 11,000. These prisoners the victors refused to ransom, and for a reason truly Italian — that the retention of so many husbands in captivity would prevent their wives from renewing the population, and that Pisa must in consequence de- cline. This infernal policy succeeded ; when, after sixteen years' warfare, peace was made, scarcely a thou- * Jacobus de Varagine, Annales Genuenses, p 19. Obertus Cancellariiif, Annal. Genu. lib. ii. Ottobonus Scriba, Aimal. Genu. lib. iii. Ogerius Panes, Anna]. Genu. lib. iv. Marchirius et BartholonijEUS Scribe, Annal, Genu, lib. V. etvi. Ubertus Folieta, Annal. Genu. lib. iv. et v. p. 360 — 371. Sis- SBondi, Hist des Kep. torn. ii. chap. 20. 80 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. sand remained to be restored to their country. But Pisa had other enemies : all the cities of Tuscany, with Florence at their head, entered into an alliance with Genoa to crush the falling republic, which had rendered itself so obnoxious by its Ghibelin spirit. In this emer- gency, convinced how feeble must be the divided efforts of its municipal magistrates, Pisa subjected itself to the authority of an able and valiant noble, Ugolino della Gheradesca, who dissipated the formidable confederacy, and, by some sacrifice of territory, procured peace. Not less distracted was the internal state of the republic, now the Ghibelins, now the Guelfs, being called by the popu- lace to usurp the chief authority. Though the Genoese had less domestic liberty, since they were more fre- quently under the control of some one tyrant, they were in general much more tranquil. In 1312 they sub- mitted to the emperor, Henry of Luxemburg, but evidently with the resolution of throwing off the yoke the moment he repassed the Alps ; while the submission of the Pisans was sincere. Two years afterwards the capitaneo or dictator of the latter reduced Lucca, and humbled the Florentines ; but such was his own tyranny that the people expelled him. His fate is that of all the petty rulers of Italy ; yet, though after this expulsion the forms of a republic were frequently restored, the spirit was gone ; there was no patriotism, no enhght- ened notions of social duties; violence and anarchy triumphed, until the citizens, preferring the tyranny of one to that of many, again created or recalled a dictator. The war of the Pisans with Aragon, for the recovery of Sardinia, was even more disastrous than that with the Genoese. It ended in the loss of that important island, which had formed a considerable source of their re- sources. The evils, indeed, were partly counterbalanced by the conquest of Lucca, which had sometimes proved a troublesome neighbour ; but nothing could restore them to their ancient wealth or power, so long as they were menaced by so many rival states, especially those of Tuscany, and so long as they were distracted by ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 81 never-ceasing (lomestic broils. In fact, at one time, tlieir existence depended only on the imperial support ; at another, on the dissensions or misfortunes of their enemies. The state of Genoa, which, in imitation of \'^enice, had forsaken its podestas, abbots, elders, and captains, for a doge and senate, but a senate much less aristocratic than that of the ocean queen, was scarcely more enviable, though doubtless more secure. This repubUc, too, had its pretensions to Sardinia, and con- sequently a perpetual enemy in the Aragonese kings. Often vanquished, it implored the protection of the king of Naples or the duke of Milan, according as policy or inclination dictated. It had, however, a better defence in its natural position, in the barren rocks which skirted it to the north and east, and in the valour of its sailors: and when, as was sometimes the case, its protectors became its masters, the foreign garrison, being cut ofF from supplies both by sea and land, was soon compelled to surrender. But Pisa had no such defence; and in 1369 she had the mortification to see the republic of Lucca restored to independence by the emperor C'harles IV. On this occasion the Lucchese remodelled their constitution : they retained their anziani, or elders, with a gonfalonier at their head ; both, however, in the fear of absolute sway, they renewed every two months. Ten anziani, with the gonfalonier, formed the signiory, or executive government, and were assisted by a council of thirty-six, called honi homines, and elected every six months. Over these was the college of 180 members, who were annually elected.* The last great effort which Genoa made was the war 1370 of Chiozza with the rival republic of Venice. For some ^'^ time that war was entirely to the advantage of the ^^'^'^• former ; the two Dorias triumphed over the Venetians, took one of the outworks of the capital, and made the * Caffaro, AnnalesGenuenses, lib. viii. — x. Jacobus de Varagine, Annal. Gen. p. l!' — ,").). Dino Compagiii, Cronaca, p. 468 — 536. Ferretus Vicentinus, Histuiia Ucrum in Italia Gestarum, p. P i.") — 1190. Giovanni Villani, Istorie Florentine, lib. \i. — xii. (multis c.ipitulis). Matteo Villani, Historia, lib. i. et ii. p. y.>2 — Ui9j. Anonvmus, Ivionumeuta Pisana (Chronica di Pisal, p. 978— 1LS8. VOL. I. G 82 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. terrified enemy sue for peace. But the two admirals, blinded by victory, meditated the destruction of the city ; the enemy made a desperate resistance ; success enabled it to become the aggressor, and the Genoese had soon to lament the loss of two fleets and a fine army. From this blow the latter republic never recovered. Its remaining strength was entirely exhausted by internal dissensions, by the open hostility of rival families and factions, by the expulsion of doge after doge, just as either party triumphed. In fact, in none of the republics, Venice excepted, where the popular voice was never heard, was any government secure for a single day. In these revolutions, so ordinary, that where we do not find them at every page, we are filled with surprise, it would be difBcult to say whether the mortal hatred of faction, or the inconstancy of the mob, had greater part. Fortunately for the very existence of the state where such lamentable scenes necessarily passed, the people were di- vided into two classes : the respectable citizens naturally adhered to the principle of conservation ; and the mob, with characteristic brutality, rose to destroy every thing: the union of the former with the government often preserved the community. But these very efforts pro- duced the weakness of the state ; factions only were strong ; the laws were utterly disregarded. From 1 390 to ISO^', Genoa witnessed no less than ten changes in the person of her doge: both before and after this period there was enough of civil war, of open assassin- ation ; but the rapidity of these revolutions had never before been exhibited on any stage of society. The citizens acknowledged that their only hope of safety lay in the protection of a foreign master. One party de- clared for the duke of Milan ; a second, from pure opposition, for the king of France. The latter was chosen. In a convention signed with the republic in 1396, Charles VI. renounced all right to levy imposts, to interfere with the laws, to control the forces of the republic ; all that he obtained was to govern by a vicar, who should have the authority of doge, and an ally who ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 83 might probably aid him whenever he made war on the enemies of Genoa. The vicar was assisted by a council, composed impartially enough of Guelfs and Ghibelins, of nobles and citizens ; and all aiFairs were decided by a majority of votes. But that this new functionary had an authority little more than nominal, is evident from the civil wars which broke out in the following year, in which five pitched battles were fought, in which thirty of the noblest palaces, and an incredible number of pri- vate and public edifices, were consumed by fire. — If the internal condition of Pisa was not quite so insecure, its poUtical, owing to the contiguity of its enemies, was much more so. In 1405 it was besieged ; the follow- ing year it was taken by the Florentines. Its existence was now at an end, after five centuries' duration. Un- able to witness its downfall, or the sway of a Tuscan vicar, many of the inhabitants bade a last adieu to their homes, and sought establishments in other cities. In about a century, indeed, it made great efforts to recover its independence, and Avas declared independent of the Ploren tines ; but those efforts, however heroic, and, for some years, obstinate, were in vain : it was again forced to resume the yoke. — Genoa continued to exist, notwithstanding its horrid anarchy. To repress that anarchy, the French monarch invested his vicar with greater powers than the compact between him and the republic warranted. Other complaints, some still more bitter, were raised against the domination — for such it had become — of the French ; the vicar with his foreign garrison was expelled, and the marquis of Mont- ferrat declared captain of the republic. Vengeance led the Genoese to join the enemies of France in the wars for the possession of Naples. But they were soon as dissatisfied with the marquis, whom, in two years, they expelled, to make way for a native doge. That they were unworthy of liberty, and incapable of enjoying it, was proved by their immediate relapse into the most dread- ful anarchy : as a necessary consequence, agriculture, commerce, and patriotism declined, and the republic G 2 84 EUROrE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. betrayed by its own children^ was unable to defend it- self against the duke of Milan, whose general, in 1421, took possession of the place. By a treaty with the victor, the duke was thenceforward to exercise the same right of protection as the king of France. This new regime lasted fourteen years — a wonderful period ! — when the same inquiet disposition expelled the Milanese garrison, and proclaimed the old republic. Twenty years of re- volution, of anarchy, of civil war, of domestic murder, followed; in reality, any of their doges who presumed to require obedience from the people were soon deposed. All restraint, political, civil, or moral, was become too odious to be borne. From the same love of change which has characterised their whole political existence, the Genoese, at the close of the twenty years' anarchy, again submitted to the supremacy of the French king. In somewhat less than three years (in 14Gl) the same restless disposition demolished their recent work, though the French lieutenant, Rene d'Anjou, could not be accused of violating the compact. The new doge, in a few short months, was deposed by the intrigues of his cousin, Paolo Fregoso, who, though archbishop of Genoa, was an acknowledged captain of banditti, and a corsair-chief. The government of this mitred wretch was terrific : houses were entered by force, by night or day ; the plate, the money, the merchandise, the wives or daughters of the owners, were unceremoniously car- ried away ; and blood never ceased to stream from the scaffold. The oppressed people invoked the succour of the duke of Milan, who despatched a considerable array to expel this most reverend bandit. Paolo laid aside his pontifical mitre and ducal crown, and betook him- self to his congenial element, the deep, with a resolution to resume both as soon as piracy should have strength- ened him to enforce his views. As usual, the authority of Milan was soon thrown off, and a native independent doge proclaimed. The exiled prelate made himself so useful to the pope in the war against the Turks, that in 1480 he was invested with the dignity of cardinal, and ITALT POLITICAI. AND CIVIL HISTORY. 85 placed at the head of the papal fleet. His elevation occasioned little surprise in those who soon afterwai-ds saw the same pope (Sixtus IV.) raise his youthful valet to the same dignity. The same year^ this extraordinary carcUnal-covsair returned to Genoa, and found his nephew, Baptisto Fregoso, in possession of the chief dignity. In three years, his intrigues were mature enough to enable him to arrest the doge, and to procure his own recognition. One of his natural sons, Frego- sino, assumed, under his sanction, the same honourable career of robber chief, and, accompanied by his band, frequently appeared in the streets of Genoa to exercise his vocation. Yet, whatever were the crimes of the cardinal-doge, he might have died in peace, as far as the populace were concerned : two factions combined, surprised his guards, and forced him to seek refuge in the citadel. But he was in no disposition to surrender : he repulsed the assailants with vigour, and often carried destruction along the streets, or into the houses where enemies, or plunder, or women, were to be found. As the contest appeared likely to continue until the whole city was in ruins, the senate applied for aid to the French king, the cardinal to the duke of Milan. The ambassadors of the latter power at length prevailed on the archbishop, by the offer of a considerable annual pension, to renounce tlie ducal dignity ; but disdaining to remain a mere prelate, where he had exercised abso- lute power, he retired to Rome, where, in 1498, he ended his extraordinary Hfe. His retreat left the lieu- tenant of the duke of Milan doge of Genoa.* The subsequent fortunes of Genoa it does not fall 1498, within our scope to detail. We may summarily ob- ^^^ serve, that Lewis XII. of France, disgusted with its perfidy, took the place by force, abolished its privileges, and reduced it to the state of a French province ; that during the league of Italy against the French, they were * Authorities ; — the numerous writers in the collections of Muratori and Grffivius, with the annals of Muratori and the history of Sismondi, in placet too numerous to be cited. G 3 86 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. expelled from Genoa, and the ducal dignity restored ; that during the wars between France and the emperor Charles V., the republic sometimes obeyed one, some- times the other ; that the constitution of Genoa was gradually changed from a democracy to an aristocracy, — the latter only being eligible to sit in the great coun- cil, or in the senate, or to fill the public offices ; that from this period tranquillity generally reigned in this state, and that its prosperity was commensurate with this novel internal harmony ; that it was conquered, formed into a new republic (that of Liguria), and was annexed to France, by Buonaparte ; and that, at the general peace, the whole territory of Genoa was ceded by the allied sovereigns to the king of Sardinia. * 1073 III. Florence, Sienna, &c. — After the destruction to of the western empire, Tuscany, with other provinces, 1513. ^as governed by courts dependent on the Lombards, next on theCarlovingian kings, and subsequently on the em- perors, but it was virtually independent. Matilda, the last sovereign of this province, dying without issue, ceded it, together with other ample domains, to the see of Rome. But the republican spirit, and from the same causes, was as rife here as in Lombardy: several towns, with Florence at their head, refused to be transferred to pope or emperor, and agreed, by solemn compact, to defend themselves against all assailants of their inde- pendence. But Tuscany had to undergo the same ordeal as the other states. The cities first exchanged their consuls for podestas ; the office was usurped by certain noble families ; an aristocracy was gradually es- tablished ; Guelf and Ghibelin contended for the chief authority ; city warred against city, and, in the same city, faction against faction ; and when peace was made between the contending parties, its short duration had no other effect than that of enabling them to collect their forces for another struggle. In 1250, Frederic II. expelled the Guelfs from Florence ; on his death they were recalled. But the citizens, disgusted alike with • Authorities, — the general histories of Europe. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 87 both factions, at the same time deposed their podesta, and created a democratic constitution, — a captain and twelve anziani, — the latter elective every two months. With that love of proselytism, so characteristic of demo- cracies, the Florentines sought either to force their new institutions on the other towns of Tuscany, or to sub- jugate them : Sienna, Pistoia, Volterra, Pisa, &c. were forced to adopt popular modes of government, to expel the Ghibelins, and to make an alliance with the Guelfs, who, from this time, may be regarded as the chief supports of the church and the people. In ten short years, however, Florence itself yielded to the ascend- ancy of the Ghibelins, who, assisted by Manfred, king of Sicily, restored the aristocratic regime, and expelled aU the Guelfs, In 1267 the latter were restored, and with them the spirit of proselytism, which again raged throughout all Tuscany. Such was the general character of Tuscan events. The popes and the Frank kings of Naples were the acknowledged heads of the Guelfs — the emperors, of the Ghibelins ; but though the fortune of the struggle was often varied, as the latter were so distant, success more frequently lay with the former : it would, in fact, have always attended them, had not Pisa, the rival of Genoa and Florence, always furnished a retreat for the expelled Ghibelins, and with new sinews for resuming the war. But even when the ob- noxious Ghibelins were thus absent, the city was gene- rally as disordered as if they had been suffered to remain. The noble families were at open war with each other : each committed murder without scruple ; and each had often a number of alUes sufficient to divert the admi- nistration of justice. In revenge, the people declared thirty-seven families not only inehgible to civic digni- ties, but deprived of the ordinary rights of citizens. They did more: they decreed that whenever any noble was accused, there should be no need of witnesses; pubhc report should be sufficient to condemn him. And that these tyrannical enactments might not prove 3 dead letter, a new officer was appointed, — the gonfalo- a 4 88 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. nier, or standard-bearer of justice, — to whose authority were subjected twenty civic companies, of 200 men each. No sooner was that standard seen to wave from the windows of the public building where the gonfalo- nier and the members of the signiory resided, than each company, headed by its captain, was compelled to join him. A formidable force was thus ready to parade the streets, to inflict punishment on the refractory noble, and often to level his house with the ground. The proscribed class, however, were so cunning as to unite with one of the popular parties, — there were always two, at least, — and thereby to regain, rather by tacit permission than by compact, some of their privileges. The factions of the Whiles and the Blacks (the Bianchi and Neri), into which the Guelfs were divided, added to the horrors of licentiousness. The origin of this new division was simple enough : two knights, belonging to two different branches of the same family, quarrelled; their immediate kinsmen on both sides joined in it; it soon embraced all the nobles of Pistoia ; it extended to Lucca and Florence, where each of the two parties as- sumed one or the other name as a nom de guerre, and where each, losing sight of the original distinction be- tween Guelfs and Ghibelins, contracted alliances with the great families of either. Hence the parties became of a mixed and complicated character ; but the enmity of both was always proportioned to the immediate cause of offence. Early in the fourteenth century, the Blacks joined with Charles de Valois, king of Naples, and by that means succeeded in oppressing the rival party, which, in consequence, as naturally leaned towards the emperor and the Ghibehns. In such a state of things, no form of government could be of long continuance: republican, indeed, it remained, but its character was aristocratic or democratic, was anarchical or dictatorial, with every wind of passion. The policy of the Flo- rentine republic varied with every change. In general, it continued faithful to the Guelf cause, because that party was the acknowledged head of the democratic ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTOBV. 89 institutions ; but in its alliance with the neighbouring powers, especially the petty lords of Lombardy, it often lost sight of this distinction. Rivalship in commerce, proximity of situation, intrigues of deputies and of native families, everlastingly modified its relations with the Italian states. The numerous wars into which its ambition led it, — and history proves that pure demo- cracies are quite as sensible of ambition as monarchies, — had, in conjunction with its intestine disturbances, the inevitable effect of exhausting its strength, and of prepar- ing it to receive any form of government which violence might be ready to impose on it. Thus the wars with Pisa, with Lucca, with the dukes of Milan, produced a state of languor which enabled certain daring leaders to seize the chief authority, and to retain it until some other revolution wrested it from their hands. Thus the Ci- ompi, the Albizzi, and, above all, the IMedici, whose name became so famous in the annals of Tuscany, by turns directed the republic. The Medici were not of noble extraction ; they owed their ascendancy partly to their wealth, procured by commerce, and partly to their specious defence of popular rights. About the middle of the fifteenth century, Cosmo de' Medicis laid the foundation of the future greatness of his fa- mily. Enlightened in mind, and liberal in his wealth; a scholar himself, and the patron of scholars; an inde- fatigable collector of manuscripts, which, when wealth could not purchase, he caused to be transcribed ; the founder of palaces, monasteries, and churches, — this celebrated man soon acquired wonderful influence over the Florentine government. The successive steps by which that government was transformed from a demo- cracy to an oligarchy, and ultimately to a dictatorship, would be tedious to detail. It may be sufficient to ob- serve, that whereas the great magistrates were ori- ginally and long elected by the people, the people were at length persuaded or forced to delegate the pri- vilege to a very limited number of electors. In 1482 that number was still further reduced to five, — an 90 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. innovation of which the consequences did not wholly escape the citizens^ but which few were bold or pa- triotic enough to oppose. The substitution, indeed, of the ballot for direct suffrage, the appointment of the members of government by lottery rather than by vote, seemed to secure the triumph of democracy ; but, then, the persons thus eligible to the jjublic offices were few, and intrigues or corruption took care that as many as possible should be the creatures of the Medici. For a few years, indeed, this ballot was replaced by the universal election of the gonfalonier of justice, the chief magistrate ; but, as if tired with their own liberty, the citizens beheld the resubstitution of the ballot, and the consequent augmentation of party influence, without complaint. They were, in fact, tired of anarchy, — of being governed rather by chance than by policy ; and they felt that, though by strengthening the executive they were enabling it to become tyrannical, yet tyranny produced internal tranquillity, and that tranquillity was far more valuable than the incessant disorders of hcen- tiousness. The Medici, indeed, were not without ri- vals as able and ambitious as themselves ; nor could they always escape the doom which tbey inflicted on others. Thus, under a hostile gonfalonier, Cosmo was banished ; and against Pietro, his son, a conspiracy was formed by a hostile faction, to ruin, perhaps to extir- pate, his family. But the Medici had more clients than any family, however royal, in Europe. By their immense wealth, they had been able to place the most eloquent and considerable citizens under legal no less than friendly obligations to them ; they had devoted partisans in every rank of the community. Pietro triumphed over his adversaries by the election of a gonfalonier, and of the subordinate members of the signiory, en- tirely devoted to him. Thus, even when the Medici were not in office, they swayed the repubhc. The result was soon what any wise man must have foreseen. The family, from being the chief of a powerful faction, was soon regarded as the virtual protector of the state. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. Ql — as the only one worthy, by its riches and liberality, of holding or of directing the reins of government. The gonfalonier was but its creature. If this novel influence had always been patriotically exercised, some palliation would have attended the ambition ; but the sons of Pietro, Lorenzo and Giuliano, who continued the commercial establishments of their ancestors, are charged, apparently on the best grounds, with embez- zling the money of the state to repair their losses. Unable to shake their power, a desperate faction under- took to remove them by assassination ; not in the streets or in their houses, where they were always at- tended by armed men, but in the cathedral of Florence. Giuliano fell ; but Lorenzo, though wounded, had time to draw his sword, and, with two attendants, to parry the blows until his creatures advanced to his assistance. The ill success of this conspiracy naturally augmented the influence of the Medici, who began to be styled, what they really were, princes of Florence. In 1494, however, on the invasion of Charles VIII. their enemy, they were expelled by an inconstant populace; and their exile, owing to the troubles of the times, was protracted for years. But during this interval the govern- ment became more and more oligarchical ; since the gonfalonier of justice was named for life. In 1512, the Medici were recalled, — chiefly through foreign means, — to the head of the government ; and their influence was crowned by the election of Giovanni, their chief, to the pontifical throne, under the name of Leo X. * The subsequent fate of Florence and Tuscany must 1530, be despatched in a few words. Under Clement VI I. ^'C- (Giulio de' Medicis), the Florentines, at the instigation of France, threw off their allegiance to that family, * Dino Compagni, Chronica Florentinum, p. 4fi') — '^36. Giovanni Villain, Istorie Fiorentine, p. 1 — lUUO. Matteoet Filippo Villani, Istorie, p. 1 — 760. Gino Cai)poni, Monumenta Historica de Rebus >lorentinorum, )>. 1097, &c. Leonardo Aretino, C'omentarios, p. !)(I9, &c. Poggio, Historia Florentina, p. l.JT, iK:c. Scipione Ammirato, necnon Machiaveili, Istor. Fior. (in a multitude of places). Guicciardini, Istoriad'Italia (sub propriis annis). Sis. mondi, Hist, des Rep. torn. ii. — xi. 92 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. and entered into the alliance against Charles V. ; but they were reduced by the pope and the emperor^ and the authority of the Medici was restored. In 1532, another important change was effected in the constitution, — the office of gonfalonier of justice was abolished, and Alex- ander de' Medicis was proclaimed hereditary duke of Florence ; at the same time two councils were created, the two hundred and the senate, the members of which sat for life, and were the creatures of the duke. The new dignity was strengthened by the marriage of Alex- ander with a daughter of the emperor ; and though he was soon assassinated, Cosmo, one of his kinsmen (he died without issue), succeeded him. In 156"9, Cosmo I., who successfully extended his sway over the neighbour- ing towns, was created by Pius V. grand duke of Tus- cany ; and, in 1575, the dignity was confirmed to his son and successor Francesco, by the emperor Maximi- lian. In 1737, on the death of Giovanni Gaston, the male line of the grand-ducal family became extinct, and the duchy passed into the house of Austria. The house of Lorraine, a younger branch of the imperial family, has ever since possessed the government, with one short interruption occasioned by Buonaparte. * Before we take our leave of the provinces which formed the ancient kingdom of the Lombards, we may take a brief glance at their more recent condition. The frag- ments of that kingdom, as we have seen, constituted a great number of republics, all professedly independent, yet that independence depending only on the chances of war, or on the good pleasure of more powerful neighbours. Too weak to sustain it, — weak alike from internal dis- sension and want of resources, — many fell a successive prey to the dukes of Milan, while the houses of Delia Scala, Carrara, Este, Gonzaga, and Medici, seized on a great jiortionof the rest, — some of them to be dispossessed by the republic of Venice, while Bologna and Ferrara were merged in the domain of St. Peter. In the reign of * Authorities, — the general histories of Europe. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. [)3 the emperor Charles V. two republics only in all Italy were found to remain, — Genoa and Venice, — and the former preserved its independence only during the pleasure of France. From the same reign may be dated the esta- blishment of the petty sovereignties into which the country was divided. The ^Milanese, as we have before observed, were soon lost in the empire ; the marches of Verona and Treviso in the republic of St. Mark ; but most of the other sovereignties have subsisted to our own times. 1 . Farina and Placenza, now comprehend- ing the duchy of Parma, after following the uncertain fortunes of the Lombards, of independent republics, and of the duchy of Milan, were seized by pope Julius II. in virtue of ancient pretensions : he, how- ever, acknowledged himself a feudatory of the em- perors. In 15'l-7, they were made over by pope Paul III. to his son Ludovico Farnese, whose descendants con- tinued to enjoy them until the marriage of Isabella Farnese with Philip V. of Spain : they were subse- quently seized by Buonaparte; and at the peace of Vienna w^ere transferred to Maria Louisa, the consort of that extraordinary man : on her death, however, they revert to an Italian branch of the house of Bourbon. 2. Man- tua, though now, as formerly, merged in the kingdom of Lombardy, could at one period boast not merely of independence, but of strength. From the decline of its repubhc, it became, like the other cities of northern Italy, a prey to feudal tyranny, until the government was seized by the house of Gonzaga early in the fourteenth century. About a century afterwards it was created a marquisate by the emperor Sigismund, and a duchy by Charles V. But in the war of the succession to the crown of Spain, the last duke of Mantua, Carlo IV., declared for the Bourbons, and, in consequence, lost his sovereignty, which was annexed to the empire. 3. Like Parma, Modena was anciently claimed by the church, in virtue of imperial concessions ; like that city, too, it passed through the successive dangers imposed on it 94- EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. by Lombard, imperial, and republican rule, until it ac- quired podestas, ultimately tyrants, of its own. In the thirteenth century it was made dependent on the Esti of Ferrara ; in the fifteenth it was created a dukedom, but both it and Reggio were subject to Ferrara until the extinction of the legitimate male line of Este in 1597. By the emperor RodoK II. the fiefs of Modena and Reggio were conferred on an illegitimate prince of the family, whose descendants retained it unto the latter half of the eighteenth century, when the male line be- came extinct, and the fief was conferred by an imperial diet on a prince of the house of Austria.* 4. Ferrara, after flourishing as a republic, fell under the dominion of the house of Este in the thirteenth century. But the whole of Romagna, with all that now forms the states of the church, was ceded about the same time to the holy see by the emperor Rodolf I. : the dukes of Fer- rara were vassals, often kinsmen, of the popes. On the failure of issue male in that family, the fief reverted to the chair of St. Peter, which has since immediately exercised tlie temporal jurisdiction. It forms an integral portion of the Ecclesiastical States, while Mo- dena and Parma obey sovereigns dependent on the empire. 5. Bologna, which was also an imperial city, next a republic, passed, in the thirteenth century, in virtue of Rodolf 's cession, under the dominion of the holy see.t Of its celebrated university, mention will be made in the ensuing chapter. 6". Of Savoy, and the other Italian possessions of the king of Sardinia, we have nothing to say in the present book, since the his- tory of those regions is connected rather with the history of France than that of Italy. The kingdom of Sardinia, which has been amplified at the expense of the Milanese and of the Genoese territoiies, is little more * Massa has now a separate sovereign ; but on the death of the present duchess, it reverts to JModena, on which it formerly depended. In the same manner Lucca, which is now subject to Parma, will soon pass to the grand duchy of Tuscany. f See the next chapter, which will treat more at length of the origin and progress of papal sovereignty. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 9^ than a century old ; but we cannot enter into the his- tory of changes which have been effected within a com- paratively modern period.* IV. Venice. — The islands at the mouths of the nu- jig merous rivers which flow into the north-western part to of the Adriatic offered the inhabitants of Aquileja, 99"' Padua^ Concordia^ and other towns, a refuge from the fury of Attila. They founded the city of Rialto, to which they gave the same municipal government that had distinguished the free cities of the empire. Their numbers were swelled by the fugitives whom other bar- barian victors forced from their native homes. There, secure in their almost inaccessible situation, they silently cemented the foundations of their state. A proof that they knew how to defend their new liberty, was ex- hibited as'early as the commencement of the sixth cen- tury, when the Slavi, who had just settled on the opposite coast of Illyria, began by their piracies to disturb the trade of Rialto : the pirates were subdued, and Dalmatia subjected to the republic. The invasion of the Lombards, by forcing the prelates of Aquileja, Oderso, Altino, &c. to seek refuge in the isles, gave dignity to the state : the exiled churchmen founded cathedrals, and were the more pleased with their new flocks when they perceived that the sees they had left were filled by Arians. But the people soon found that tlie institutions of Rome were no longer adapted to their situation : to end the quarrels of the consular tribunes, each island regarding itself as independent of the rest, in 6'97 the inhabitants of all met in a general assembly at Heraclea ; and there, in conformity with the advice of their patriarch (that of Grado), they placed them- selves under the authority of a duke or doge, whose chief duty was to restrain the turbulent, to punish the rebellious, and defend the state against its foreign ene- mies. The new governor, whose powers were almost * The authorities on which the above paragraph is founded, are too numerous to be cited : they comprise the histories of Italy, of Venice, of Germany, and in fact of all Europe. 96 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. monarchical, amply fulfilled the expectation of the people ; domestic faction was quelled ; the pirates were driven from their neighbouring haunts ; but the sway of his successors was felt to be onerous, and more than one forfeited his life to the offended justice of the people. At this period, too, Pepin invaded Italy, and, with the view of weakening the Eastern emperors, ad- vanced pretensions to Dalmatia and Istria ; which ap^rear to have Lsen conceded to the Greeks : this aggres- sion forced the A^enetians into the arms of that empire ; in revenge, two of their islands Avere taken by the French, and they were compelled to concentrate alike their government and resources at Rialto, where they well knew the heavy vessels of the enemy could not pursue them. Those vessels made the attempt, but they were soon fast in shallows which the light barks of tlie republicans could traverse without difficulty ; and they became an easy prey. From this period the Ri- alto became the seat of government, and received the name of Venice, which was that of the whole republic. To secure an unbroken communication with the sixty surrounding islets, bridges were thrown over the straits, and all became one great 'metropolis, which required little art to fortify against the assaults of new swarms of pirates. The body of St. Mark was removed with great pomp from Alexandria to the cathedral prepared for it, and the republic was thenceforth placed under his protection, and called after his name. But the dis- putes of angry parties again disturbed its peace ; the Adriatic was again exposed to pirates, — to those of Narenta, and the Mohammedans of Sicily and Africa. As Narenta was nearly opposite to Ancona, some idea may be formed of the imminency of the danger. But the dissension of the patrician families continued, and enabled the pirates to form settlements in the ports of Istria. The power of the new comers might probably have been consolidated, had they not exasperated the Venetians by a daring and insulting act. They knew that the marriages of the Venetian nobles and of the ITALV POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 97 richest citizens were celebrated annually_, in the same church and at the same hour ; that the bridal parties were always unarmed ; and, with a spirit character- istic of their profession, they resolved to carry away the brides, adorned with jewels and gold. This bold enterprise was successfully executed ; a formidable band of armed men, who had lain hid in a desert island^ rushed into the church, dragged the maidens from the foot of the altar, and re-embarked in triumph before any force could be collected to oppose them. But the affront was too deadly not to rouse the citizens, who collected in great numbers, embarked, pursued, and ex- terminated the ravishers. The vengeance must have been sudden, since the same day witnessed the resto- ration of the brides. In the subsequent wars, the city of Narenta, the stronghold of piracy, was taken and de- stroyed ; and the small repubUcan towns, which, during the misfortunes of the Greek empire, had sprung up in lllyria, were persuaded, or forced, not only to do homage to that of St. Mark, but to receive their magistrates from it.* Omitting the conquests of the Venetians over a people 1032 whom they had long regarded as enemies, the Greeks of to Constantinople — conquests which properly belong to 1230. the history of the Crusades, — the most striking object exhibited by the republic, during the middle ages, is its peculiar constitution. The other republics commenced with democratic institutions, this with one nearly mon- archical, since the powers with which the duke or doge was invested, were those of royalty. He was the su- preme judge; he was the general of the army; he was the head of the executive ; he was elected for life, and he often transferred the dignity to his heir ; his court was pompous, formed after the model of that of Con- stantinople. The government would soon have dege- nerated into a despotism, had not a check been exercised * Andrea Dandolo, Chronica Venetum a Pontificatu S. Marci, &c. lib. i.— . ix. (in multis capitulis). Marino Sanuto, Istoria ossia Vite tie Duclii de Venezia, p. 599, &c. Andrea Navagicro, Storia Veneziana, p. 919 — 957. Sis- mondi. Hist des Rep. torn. i. chap. 5. VOL. I. H 98 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. over it by the frequent assemblies of the people. About the commencement of the eleventh century, all classes perceived that the power of the doge was inconsistent ■with liberty ; nobles and citizens joined in placing restrictions to it. The first of these limitations appears to have been an association with him of a council of two individuals noted for wisdom, without whose con- currence he should undertake nothing ; and, when deci- sions of more than ordinary importance were to be taken, that he should be compelled to deliberate with such of the principal citizens as he might consider able to advise him. These counsellors were called pregadi, or the in- vited. But these limitations time proved to be insuf- ficient. The popular assemblies, to which all were indiscriminately admitted, and with which alone lay the decision of affairs that were truly national, were too tumultuous, and too seldom convoked, to exercise much influence over the executive. It was resolved to make these assemblies representative, by delegating to a certain number, called the grand council, the duty of watching over the government, and of defending the rights of all. The new members were 480, or eighty from each of the six great divisions of the city, whose election was annual. As this council was invested with such ample powers, since its sittings would be permanent, and it would not only exercise a conjoint authority with the doge, but control him, this limitation of time was ex- ceedingly judicious ; had the council been perpetual, it "would soon have reduced prince and people to slavery. But — and to this oversight was owing the peculiarly aristocratic nature of the Venetian government — these members were always the most important and noble of the citizens, and were elected not by the people, but by twelve tribunes, two chosen from each quarter of the city. Another innovation, and one still more fatal, was subsequently introduced — that even these twelve electors should cease to be returned by the inhabitants ; that they should be nominated by the grand council. By this extraordinary measure, the people ceased to have I ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 99 a virtual share in the representation. Even this did not satisfy the council, which, under the pretext of limiting the possible abuse of their trust by the electors, soon contended that the nominations of the 480 members Avere only designations ; and that the confirm- ation or rejection of the future members should rest with the council prior to its dissolution. As the twelve tri- bunes would inevitably be the creatures of the council, a considerable number of the former members would be re-elected ; and this number would be still augmented by the privilege of exception, and of substituting them- selves for the members thus excepted. The result was such as might have been infallibly predicted : in a century the grand council was hereditary in the chief families of the republic. But it was far from satisfied with these monstrous usurpations ; and its next step was to change the constitution of the ducal council of the pregadi. Instead of leaving the choice and convocation of the members to the doge, the grand council in 1229 decreed that they should be sixty in number, that they should be ncininated by itself and from its own body, and that theiv \,<. .vers should be subordinate to its own. Even now the grand council professed to dread the pos- sible ambition of the doge, the nomination of whom it had usurped from the assembly of the people. To avert this improbable, perhaps impossible, result, two new tribunals were constituted. The first, which consisted of five members, always assembled before the election of a new doge, to make such alterations in, or additions to, the oaths to be taken by the next chief of the republic, as might be framed by the grand council. But authority will sometimes disregard even the solemn obligation of an oath, and, in the complicated course of public affairs, cases would sometimes occur, the decision of which, though virtually, could not be specifically, involved in the terms of the obligation. Hence, the second tribu- nal, which consisted of three members, was held on the death of each doge, to compare his conduct with his oaths, to receive the complaints of the people, to ap- H 2 100 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. prove or to censure his administration, to declare his memory glorious or infamous, and in the latter case to fine his heirs more or less heavily, according to the na- ture of the charges substantiated against him.* 1230 From the course of Venetian history we learn that to both tribunals exercised their functions with jealous 1249. i-igour. How the former, that of the five correctors of the ducal oath, proceeded, may be seen in the famous collection of Ducal Obligations, which consists of above one hundred chapters, and which appears to derive its origin from the middle of the thirteenth century. At his inauguration the doge promised to execute the laws of the state, and the decrees of the councils ; not to correspond with foreign powers, nor to receive their ambassadors, nor to open their letters, except in presence of a certain number of counsellors; nay, he was even pro- hibited from opening the letter of any subject of the state, unless one member at least were present. He could not possess property beyond the confines of the republic ; he could not administer criminal justice, which was confided to another council, that of Forty, the members being nominated by the grand council, from its own body. He swore not to seek directly or indirectly the aug- mentation of his authority ; not to allow any relative to exercise any part of his duty ; and never to allow any citizen to bend to him, or to kiss his hand. Though these and other restrictions virtually rendered him the sub-> missive servant of the grand council, the nobles were yet afraid lest the office should be usurped by some leading, perhaps some rival family. This jealousy of one another was the cause of a system of election more complicated than that of any other country under hea- ven. At first this election was confided to twenty-four, afterwards to forty members of the grand council, all chosen by lot, and by the same process the number was reduced to eleven, who exercised the suffrage. But * Sandi, Storia Civile di Venezia (as quoted by Sismondi), p. I. torn. ii. lib. 3. et4. Sismondi, Histoiredes Rtpubliques Ital. torn. ii. chap. 20. p. 344 — 351. Botta, Storia dci Popoli Italiani, torn. ii. chap. 25. The authorities on the ancient constitution and history of Venice are very few. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 101 lest factions should succeed in placing a creature in the ducal chair, the process was rendered elaborate enough to defy the chance of calculation. Thirty members were chosen by lot ; by the same process the number was reduced to nine : these nine, of whom seven must always agree, elected forty other members to fiU their place, Avhom the last reduced to twelve. In the same manner these twelve were forced to change, and to va- cate their functions in favour of twenty-five other mem- bers, whom the lot reduced to nine ; and these nine nominated forty-five others, whom the same process reduced to eleven. Nor were these eleven suffered to elect the doge : they nominated forty-one, with whom the election verily rested, provided their choice were supported by a majority of about eight to five. In any other country, where any degree of responsibility rested in the chief thus elected, where talents or virtue were required, where victory was to be gained or justice to be impartially administered, such a mode must have been hazardous. But Venice did not depend on the govern- ment of the doge ; he was the slave of other powers ; and his personal qualities had little influence on the weal or woe of the community.* It must not be supposed that the monstrous usurp- 1249 ations of the grand council were regarded with indif- ° ference by the people. For some time the tendency of most, of those especially which virtually involved the hereditary succession of certain families, was unper- ceived. AVhen it was seen that none were returned to the grand council except such as had previously sat in it, or such as descended from ancestors who had, the murmurs were not perhaps very loud, but they were general and deep, especially among those who were thus unjustly excluded from all the paths leading to ambi- tion. On the death of Giovanni Dandolo, in 1289, the great body of citizens resolved to wrest the election from the hands of- the forty-one. With this view, and * The three authorities last quoted. H 3 102 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. in the hope that the new doge would assist them in opening the grand council to popular suffrage, they as- sembled in the place of St. Mark, and tumultuously proclaimed Giacomo Tiepolo, whose father had filled the same dignity. Tiepolo, too wise or too timid to accept the dangerous post at such a crisis, after vainly attempt- ing to restore order, fled to Treviso, while the grand council, emboldened by his flight, conferred it on Pietro Gradenigo, a resolute advocate of aristocracy, and in the same degree hostile to the people. By his firmness, by the forces placed at his disposal, by the rigour of his punishments — the chiefs of the recent insurrection being driven into exile, or imprisoned, — Gradenigo re- ' stored tranquillity. But he was far from satisfied with the triumph : he had resolved to destroy the very forms of popular government. The caution with which he proceeded in his object ensured its success. With an understanding that none of the past members should be excluded from the grand council except for civil crimes, he persuaded them to transfer the privilege of election from the twelve tribunes to the chief council of Forty. Hitherto, though the people had possessed no voice in the return of the members, yet as the elections were an- nual, and as eighty were returned from each of the six districts, the form of representation subsisted. The council of Forty would naturally be more devoted to the aristocracy than the tribunes. Successive improvements on this innovation were made by the doge and grand council, until 1319, when, by a decree of that body, seats were declared to be strictly hereditary — every noble can- didate being allowed, on attaining his twenty-fifth year, to inscribe his name in the golden volume, and to take his seat in the assembly as a matter of right. During these extraordinary usurpations, the middle class of citizens, — the flower of every community, — were far from tranquil spectators ; but their efforts only served to confirm the authority of the nobles. The first in- surrection of 1299 was speedily extinguished in the blood of the actors; the second, of 1310, was much ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 103 more formidable ; but after a violent struggle it ended in the expulsion of the leaders.* The difficulty with which the last insurrection had 1310. been quelled, — an insurrection in which some of the noblest families had participated, — struck terror into the government. It might again break out ; it might be now organising; with greater precautions, greater means, and more probability of success. It was at this precise period that another and most tremendous inno- vation was made in the constitution of Venice, — the formation of the Council of Ten. This council was charged with the discovery and punishment of felony and high treason among the nobles ; its spies were to be numerous; its proceedings wrapped in mystery, so as to strike the greater terror into the citizens ; it was in- vested with powers amenable neither to the other au- thorities, nor to the laws ; it was absolute even over the dreaded grand council ; it disposed of the troops and money of the republic at its pleasure. How the grand council could thus create for itself a despotic master may seem strange ; but, as the members of this supreme tribunal were invariably taken from the other, some re- newable every four, some every eight, the rest every twelve months, each noble might hope to enjoy a short period, at least, of unbounded power, might pass from the situation of a slave to that of a despot. The num- ber, however, consisted not merely of ten, but of seven- teen members ; there were ten black counsellors, (so called from the colour of their robes,) chosen annually ; six red ones, — of whom three were renewed every four months, — with the president and doge, who sat for life. This tribunal probably received its designation of ten, from a regulation that in every decision there should be at least that number of votes. Though its proceedings spread dismay throughout the state ; though secret accusations were of perpetual occurrence, the * Andrea Dandolo, Venetorum Chronicon (in ultimis paginis}. Marino Sanuto, Vite di Duchi de Venezia, p. 580 — 588. Andrea Navagiero, Storia Veneziana, p. 1006 — 1116. Sandi, Storia di Venezia (as cited by Sismondi), p. ii. liv. 5. Muratori, Annali d'Ualia (sub propriis annis). Sismondi, Histoire, torn. iii. ch. 28. Botta, Storia, ii. 25. H 4 104 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. accused being suddenly arrested^ hurried off to prison, tried without being confronted with the witnesses against him, without so much as knowing their names ; though he was usually condemned, and executed with- out delay, and in profound secrecy, his fate being con- jectured only from his disappearance among men ; no effort was ever seriously made to abolish it. Yet such abolition would have been easy ; for the grand council had only to withhold its renewal by refusing to elect its members, and it would have been constitutionally dis- solved. In times comparatively recent, indeed, the intention was sometimes manifested ; but, when the period of renewal arrived, the numbers continued to be filled up as before. There seems indeed to have existed a general impression that its labours were necessary, if not to the existence, at least to the greatness, of the country. That greatness appears to have been its un- divided object. It watched with jealousy over the con- duct of all the servants of the state, from the doge, general, and admiral, from the heads of the different departments, and the governors of the various islands in the German Archipelago, in the Adriatic, and in the eastern ports of the Mediterranean, down to the ordinary ministers of justice, to the subordinate officers by sea and land. Concentrating into one point the scattered powers of government, directing the national resources with unity of purpose, vigilant, unchangeable, unfor- giving, it made the republic respected abroad, and dreaded at home.* 1310 The tranquillity which reigned at Venice, — that of *° despotism, — when contrasted with the wild hcence 1355. • ■ which perpetually agitated the republics of Tuscany and Lombardy, made the great body of Venetian citizens almost satisfied with their lot. They always felt, in- deed, some degree of mortification at their exclusion from the privilege of election, but that of the nobles who were excluded from the grand council was of a far more bitter kind. Yet, from the hopelessness of suc- * The same authorities. ITALY — -POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 105 cesSj scarcely any attempt was made to change the exist- ing order of things. That of the doge^ Marino FaUeri, in 1355, originated not so much in patriotism, as in individual jealousy and revenge. Falieri, who had passed his fifteenth lustre, had been foolish enough to marry a young lady of great beauty and elegance, and the union was naturally, perhaps inevitably, accom- panied by suspicions on the part of the doting husband. They chiefly fell on the president of the Old or Criminal Forty, (so called to distinguish that tribunal from two others of less dignity, which took cognizance of minor matters,) whom he somewhat rudely expelled from his house at an entertaiinnent he had given to the nobility. The president felt the insult the more deeply, as his attentions had not been devoted to the wife of the doge, but to one of her women. In the impulse of the mo- ment he wrote on the throne of the doge a verse which, whether founded in truth or not, he knew must sorely wound him, as reflecting on his honour and the fidelity of his consort.* Falieri discovered the vv'riter, and de- nounced him to the public advocates ; but, contrary to his expectation, those men, considering the offence a venial one, carried the cause, not before the tremendous council of Ten, but the Criminal Forty, — the very tri- bunal of which the accused was president. The cul- prit met with favour ; he was condemned only to one month's imprisonment. From this moment the doge indulged uncontrolled animosity against the tribunal, and even the whole order of nobles, whom he regarded as the betrayers of his honour. It was followed by the hope of revenge. He knew the dissatisfaction entertained by both the plebeians and the less pri- vileged nobles towards the government, and he art- fully endeavoured to foment it. His reply to a citizen who one day complained before him that a wife or daughter had been dishonoured or insulted by a member of the grand council, produced great impres- sion : " You will never obtain justice. Have not I * " Marin Falieri dalla bella moglie, Altri la gode ed egli mantiene." 106' EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. myself been insulted, without the hope of adequate redress ? " In a short time he organised a conspiracy, the object of which was to open the grand council to the nobility and the election of the members of all the public functionaries, of the doge himself, to the citizens at large. The evening before the day fixed for its exe- cution, it was denounced by one of the conspirators ; others were arrested and tortured ; Falieri was soon implicated in their confessions, was arrested, tried, and beheaded by the Council of Ten.* 1355 Until the period at which we are arrived, Venice, to satisfied with her numerous colonies (chiefiy insular), 1503. and her lucrative traffic, — a traffic, howevei-, in which the nobles were not allowed personally to appear, — had not sought to extend her territories on the continent of Italy. From the Greek empire she had made some important conquests, consisting chiefly of islands bound- ing on Greece, and of some fortresses on the south- eastern shores of the Adriatic. In 1204, while in alliance with the French, she had assisted in the capture of Constantinople, and the conquest of Romania, and had shared in the fortunes of the Latin empire. Her share of the spoil had been three eighths : hence the singular title of her chief magistrate, Duke of Three eighths of the Roman Empire. Even after the expul- sion of the Latins, her territories were of respectable extent : mistress of Dalmatia, of several fortresses in Albania and the Morea, of the Ionian islands, of most of those in the Grecian Archipelago and the Levant, especially of Candia, and eventually of Cyprus ;t holding, conjointly with Genoa, the exclusive com- merce of the coast, she might have remained contented with her lot ; but when Mastino della Scala, lord of Verona, threatened her immediate vicinity, she joined ■with the Florentines against him, and took possession * Matteo Villani, Istoria, liv. t. cap. 13. Marin Sanuto, Storia, p. 629— 634. Andrea Navagiero, Stori?. di Venezia, p. lOW, &c. Sandi, Storia, as cited by Sismondi, liv. v. Muratori, Annali, an. 1355. Sismondi, Histoire, torn. iv. ch. 41. t This island did not come into the possession of the republic until 1473. ITALY POLITICAL AND SIVIL HISTORY. 107 of Treviso with its territory. In her unfortunate war with Genoa, when her very existence was menaced by a formidable invasion of the enemy — an invasion which she at length repelled, — she lost that conquest, but only to regain it in 1389- Early in the fifteenth century, during the waning grandeur of the dukes of Milan, she conquered Padua, Verona, and Vicenza, — a considerable increase of territory, which had never before owned any village a dozen miles from the coast. The subsequent reduction of Friuli and most of Istria, territories which she had possessed in the infancy of her existence, and lost during her disputes with Greece and Hungary, — with the Hungarian princes of Naples she had often been at war, — only inflamed her ambition to profit by the errors or dissen- sions of her neighbours. In 1426, in the war with Filippo Maria, duke of Milan, she conquered Brescia and Bergamo, and removed her boundary to the Adda, which she was never destined to pass. We may here observe, that all those conquests were achieved by foreign generals, — for the republic never trusted her own subjects with the command of armies, — and that some of them, when success once forsook them, were cruelly and perfidiously put to death by the suspicious Councilof Ten. Mostof these successes were obtained un- der the doge Francesco Foscari, and they naturally sur- rounded his administration with considerable splendour. This was enough to awaken the jealousy of the aristo- cracy : he had the mortification to witness the torture and banishment of a son unjustly suspected, and immedi- ately afterwards his own deposition, under the pretext of old age. — The republic had soon a terrific enemy to oppose, the Turks, who wrested from her most of her insular possessions, as well as of her fortresses on the coasts of lUyria and Greece. * The future transactions of Venicp> do not fall within 1500 the scope of this work. We may observe, that during &c. * Authorities, in addition to three before cited, the general historians of Italy. 108 EUROPE IN THE BIIDDLE AGES. the interminable wars of the Germans, French, and Spaniards, in Italy, her continental territories, — al- most the only ones left to her, — were often over-run, and that they were only partially restored on the con- clusion of peace ; that in her subsequent wars with the Turks, which continued until 1718, she lost the remainder of her insular possessions, and all her Greek fortresses ; that her internal prosperity fled, her com- merce and riches declined, her tribunals were polluted by venality, her nobles were poor men, yet cruel in the support of their privileges ; that the government grew Machiavelian and corrupt, and the encourager of cor- ruption in others ; that it consequently became detest- able to the people, and was braved with impunity by open banditti ; that, in the wars of Buonaparte, she preserved a supine position, until she herself was in- vaded by the men who had cajoled her; that she sub- sequently formed a part of the kingdom of Italy, under the viceroy Eugene Beauharnoisj and that, on the down- fall of the emperor and king, she was ceded to the house of Austria, whose domination she is likely to support until all Italy shall be wise enough to combine for its freedom and independence. * 589 V. Naples and Sicily. The conquests of the Lom- to bards were not confined to the kingdom which bears their name. In somewhat less than thirty years from their first irruption into Italy, under their third king, Anthar, they subdued Beneventum, a country compre- hending the central portion of the modern kingdom of Naples, and established in the city of that name, a duke, Zoto, who was to hold it as a fief of the iron crown. At this time the new duchy was encompassed by ene- mies. To the north was the pope, the duke of Rome and the Greek exarch of Ravenna, to whom were subject the Pentapolis and the march of Ancona, and who had the nomination of the governors of Naples, Calabria, and Lucania. On the western coast were Gaeta, Amalfi, * See the general histories of Europe. 1000. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 109 Naples, and other flourishing ports subject to the Greeks ; there were also a few, though of less import- ance, to the east anil south, such as Otranto, Gallipoli, Rossano, Reggio, Santa Severina, Crotona, Sec, which, with Apulia and Calabria, Avere obedient to the suc- cessors of Constantine. In this direction the Lombards did not extend their conquests : they even lost Bari and the Capitanate, two important provinces which were re-conquered by the maritime inhabitants ; and their efforts against the three western ports were unsuccess- ful. With the most powerful of them, Naples, Arichis, duke of Beneventum, was glad to enter into an alliance against Pepin, after the subversion of the Lombard kingdom. Though he and his two successors did homage to the Carlovingian emperors, they virtually preserved their independence until those princes became too weakened by unnatural contentions to be feared. When the famous schism of the iconoclasts began to tUstract the church, the inhabitants of the western parts, Avho adhered to the idolatry of Rome, lost their attachment to the empire, especially when they found that assistance was no longer to be expected from it. Sicard, the Lombard duke, thinking that Naples could no longer resist, invested it, but without effect : how- ever, he subdued Amalfi, an ally of Naples. To op- pose him, the governor, or master of the soldiers, of that city, had recourse to a most dangerous expedient. He called in the assistance of the Saracens, who, in 822, had obtained a footing in Sicily, who possessed Palermo, Messina, and the greater part of the island, and were anxious to establish themselves in the mari- time towns of southern Italy. In a few years they effected their purpose, and became formidable enough to fill their neighbours with apprehension. On the assassination of Sicard in 839^ by his own subjects, whom his tyranny had exasperated, the inhabitants of Amalfi, who had been forcibly located with those of Salerno, hastily returned to their native city, which they rebuilt, and which they constituted into a republic 110 EUROPE IN THE 3IIDDLE AGES. independent alike of Beneventum and Naples. The people of Salerno themselves refused to acknowledge Sicard's successor, to Avhom they opposed a rival prince, and a war inevitably followed, which ended by a treaty as ruinous as the war itself. By it the duchy was divided into two principalities ; the one, Salerno, com- prising the western or Mediterranean side of the penin- sula, except Ulterior Calabria, which still belonged to the Greeks, and the republics of Gaeta, Naples, and Amalfi ; the other, Beneventum, the eastern or Adriatic side, from the march of Ancona to the extremity of Otranto, except the towns in possession of the infidels, ■whom both princes had engaged as auxiliaries, and whom both united were afterwards unable to expel. This division of the Lombard sovereignty was fatal to it : hostilities were the inevitable consequence. The local towns, one by one, asserted their independence, until the territory of both princes was confined to little more than their capitals. There was now no power sufficient to overcome the Saracens, who spread along both coasts, and menaced Rome itself. The three republics were safe; an advantage which they owed to their spirit of enterprise, their maritime superiority, and, above aU, to that love which men always feel for their country, when that country furnishes them with the means of comfort. But the incursions of the Sa- racens, who possessed the mountainous defiles, and the efforts of the Greeks to regain the empire which they had lost, made southern Italy a constant theatre of horrors. Its numerous princes acknowledged them- selves the vassals, now of Greece, now of the western empire. After the accession of the house of Saxony, which was resolved to free the country from both Christian and Mohammedan adventurers, the war was conducted with renewed vigour. Otho I. at length made peace with the Greek court, reserving to himself the greater portion of the country ; Otho II. was sig- nally defeated in Calabria Ulterior by a combined army of Greeks and Saracens. After this disaster the former ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. Ill extended their conquests to the very centre of the duchy, and the latter their ravages as far as the Tiber.* But the fate of these regions was now about to be 1000 changed, and by a class of men whom we should not to have expected to find amidst the sultry valleys of ^^•'•^' southern Italy. The Northmen, or Normans, had founded a dynasty in Neustria, a province thenceforth called Normandy ; they had embraced Christianity; and in their attachment to pilgrimage, which now be- came so common, to the Holy Land, they surpassed all the European people. This was consistent enough with the habits of men, the most enterprising, courageous, and valiant on earth. Tv/o motives appear to have directed their route to Naples : Mounts Cassino and Gargano were illustrious for miracles ; and from Naples, Gaeta, Amalfi, or Bari, parts which maintained a con- stant intercourse with the East, a passage to Syria might easily be obtained. Early in the eleventh century, while forty of these adventurers were at Salerno, on their return from the Holy Land, a Saracen fleet an- chored off the coast, and demanded heavy contributions as a reward for sparing the city. The Normans in- stantly asked Guiomar IIL, prince of the place, for arms. To the astonishment of the inhabitants, they mounted their steeds, caused the gates to be opened, and plunged into the midst of the misbelievers, many of whom they slew, the rest they forced precipitately to embark. Guiomar, with the hope of retaining them at his court, offered them riches and honours as the con- dition ; and when he found them resolved to revisit their homes, he brought them to proclaim his offers among their kindred and friends. It appears, however, that the Normans had no great reason to be dissatisfied with their own country : one knight only, Drengot by name, who, from a deadly feud with a noble of his * Camillus Peregrinus, Disscrtationes de Ducatu Beneventano, p. 165, &c. Erchempertus Monachus, Historia Longobardorum Benevent. cap. 1 — 17. p. 2.35 — 2i2. Anonymus Salernitaniis, Paralipomena, p. 159 — 232. Lupus Protospata, Chronicon Barense, p. 39, &c. Leo Ostiensis, Chronica Sacri Monasterii Cassinensis, lib. i. et ii. p. 159 — 360. Anonymus, Chronicon Casainense, p. 135, &c. Sismondi, Hist, des R^p. torn. i. ch. i. 112 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. nation^ was not averse to foreign adventure, resolved to collect his kindred and dependants, and sail for Italy. On his arrival there with about one hundred followers, he found the yoke of the Greeks no less detested than the depredations of the Saracens ; that the pope, em- peror, and feudatory were alike prepared to reduce the maritime places and the mountain forts. For some time their success was thwarted by obstacles which valour could not surmount. On one occasion they were defeated by a greatly superior force, and their leader slain; and the emperor, Henry II., whose army they had joined, was compelled by a pestilence to abandon the north of Italy. But under Rainolf, the brother of Drengot, they resolved to establish a sovereignty for themselves ; and in this view they reduced Aversa, a fortress belonging to the duchy of Naples, which they fortified in opposition to the wish of that republic. That city, however, they had soon an opportunity of conciliating. When Pandolf IV'., prince of Capua, took Naples by surprise, where open force would have failed, Sergius, master of the soldiers, and head of the commonwealth, fled to Aversa, implored the succours of the strangers, and with their aid expelled the garrison of Capua. The grateful chief erected Aversa into a fief, with which he invested the Norman leader as count Rainulf. But this leader was not destined to lay the foundation of Norman sovereignty. About this time and allured by the same hope of distinction, there ar- rived three sons of Tancred of Hauteville, an illustri- ous house of Neustria. In the war which ensued, both Greeks and Saracens were worsted, until all Apulia was wrested from the former, when the new conquests were partitioned among twelve counts, each with a town and territory. At the head of these adventurers was Guillaume Bras de Fer, eldest son of Tancred. But they acknowledged no subordination ; they com- mitted on churches and monasteries, Christians and in- fidels, friends and foes, excesses which neither Greek nor Saracen could have exceeded, until the pope, justly ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 113 regarding them as the greatest curse of the country, formed a league to expel them. At the head of a motley army of Romans, Germans, Greeks, Campa- nians, and Apulians, Leo IX. himself took the field. Guillaume Avas dead, but his brother Humbert filled his place : Humbert was assisted by Robert Guiscard, another son of Tancred, and by the count of Aversa. But if the Normans were robbers, according to the notions of the times, they were still Christians. One feeling they had characteristic of their profession, — an unwillingness to fight the pope, whom they vainly endeavoured to turn from hostilities. In the battle which ensued, Leo was signally defeated, and made pri- soner ; but he was treated with so much reverence* that he soon forgot his anger, and consented to become the friend of the people whom he had resolved to exterminate. The result could not have been foreseen by any human sagacity. Without even the shadow of a claim to those regions, he granted to the Normans the investiture of what they had conquered, or might in future conquer, in Apulia t, Calabria, and Sicily, to be held as a fief of tlie holy see. He thus, amidst the mortification of defeat, and the conviction of his own helplessness, secured an advantage which great victories could not have won : he laid the foundation of future sovereignty over the most important provinces of Italy : he prepared for the holy see a kingdom extensive and powerful enough to raise the successors of Peter the Fisherman to a level with the great sovereigns of Europe.:}: From this moment the most ambitious expectations * " Hunc, genibus flexis Normannica gens veneratur, Deposcens veniam ; curvatos Papa bcnifine Suscipit; osnila dant pedibus coniinuiiiter omiies." — Gvl. Apul. t The Apulians, liowcvcr, are said to have admitted the right of the holy tee. Apulienses vero Leonem Apostolicum, ut in Apulia cum exercitu veniat, invitent, dicentes Apuliam sibi jure competere, et prardecessorum suorum temporibus juris Ecclesia; Romana; fuisse. — Gavf. Mai. 1 — 14. t Leo Ostiensis, Chronica Sacri Monasterii Casinensis, lib. ii. cap. 37 — 87, p. Stl'2 — 402. Gulielmus Apuliensis, Rerum in Apulia, Campania, Calabria ct Sicilia, lib. i. et ii. Gaufredus Malaterra, Rerum Roberti fiuiscardi Cabrije Duels, et Rogerii Fratris ejus, lib. i. cap. 1 — 15. Anonymus, Chro. nicon Northmannicum, p. 27U0. Summonte, Hi.>^toria di Napoli, lib. i. cap. \o. Alexander Abbas Telesinus, De Rebus Gestis Rogerii, liLi. i. VOL. I. I 114 EUROI^ IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 105S of the Normans could scarcely be deemed unreasonable, to Humbert subdued the rest of Apulia, while Robert 1138. Guiscard warred in Calabria. On the death of the former, the latter succeeded to the lordship of Apulia, and confided to the youngest of his brothers, Roger, the conduct of the war in Calabria. But as this young knight was often left without supplies either of men or money, and as he in consequence felt some resentment at what he conceived to be the jealousy of Guiscard, he effected little. Indeed his irruption into his brother's territories were as frequent as into those of Saracen or Greek. Sometimes the brothers were in harmony, and then the reduction of the Greek fortresses was rapid. In IO6O the emperor had only five remaining ; so that Robert, in the pride of success, assumed the higher title of duke. But Roger soon abandoned this arduous, and, as his conquests benefited only the duke, barren field, to labour in one for himself. At this time Sicily, which was wholly subject to Saracen emirs, in little harmony among themselves, offered splendid induce- ments to his ambition. In the hope of crushing a rival, one of them opened him a passage into the island. But as he could scarcely ever muster more than 300 knights, often not 200, as the Greek inhabitants were generally treacherous, he was often compelled to revisit the conti- nent. His followers, too, whenever they had secured considerable booty, were eager to dissipate it in loose pleasures : they were in no disposition to rejoin his standard until they bordered on destitution. Hence it will create no surprise, that however great the valour of the assailants, thirty years should elapse before the island was subdvied : our surprise will rather be that with forces so contemptible it was subdued at all. The last days of Roger, grand count of Sicily, which he go- verned as an hereditary fief dependent on the duchy of Apuha, appear to have been past in peace, if we except a dispute with his brother, who endeavoured to expel him from the continent. But he vindicated his claim to Apulia, defeated, and even captured duke Robert. A ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 115 reconciliation, however, was soon effected between tliem; they divided Ajiulia ; Robert assisted in the first con- quest of Sicily, and consented that it should be governed by Roger. Not so the days of Guiscard, whose ambition was even more restless, and who was always engaged in war. Little less time than had been necessary to his brother for the conquest of Sicily, sufficed to subdue the rest of Calabria, especially the ports held by the Greeks. But if his success was slow, it was gradual. In 1062 his ally, or rather vassal, Richard count of Aversa, conquered the principality of Capua; in 1077 that of Benevento, on the death of Landolf VI., was dis- membered by himself; about the same time, aided by a fleet from Amalfi, he reduced Salerno, which he united with his other states ; and he received the submission of his republican allies, to whom, however, he guaranteed their existing institutions. Thus perished the last of the Lombard dynasties, after a duration of five centuries. But Robert the Norman was not yet satisfied ; with a handful of men he had founded a great state, and now, when he could wield its ample resources, he thought nothing impossible. It is certain that he aspired to no less a height than the subversion of the eastern empire ; with this view he commenced an active course of hostili- ties, in which he not only reduced Corfu and Botronto, but had the glory to defeat Alexis Comnenus, in Greece, who advanced to the relief of Durazzo. His conquests would now have been doubtless considerable, had he not been recalled by the rebellion of his Italian states ; and, after this was quelled, by the summons of his liege superior, Gregory VII., then besieged by Henry IV. in the castle of St. Angelo. Henry, like Alexis, retired before so renowned a warrior. But after his death his son and grandson successively had enough to do to maintain the integrity of his conquests. On the decease of the latter without issue, in 1127, Roger II., count of Sicily, inherited the continental possessions. This prince, who thus succeeded to such extensive states was dis- satisfied with the title ol" duke : to obtain a higher one, I 2 Il6 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. he lent his aid to the antipope, Anacletus II., who crowned him king of the Two Sicihes. This new dig- nity caused him to regard the republican institutions of Amalfi and Naples with dislike, perhaps with dread. He took the former, abolished its privileges, and subjected it to a feudal governor. His next step was to humble his proud barons, of whom some had too much power always to remain peaceful. It was attended with equal success ; one after another all were subdued ; but the chief, Robert, prince of Capua and A versa, the descend- ant of Drengot, was destined to give him some trouble. Naples, though nominally subject to the Norman princes, still preserved its own government, laws, and institutions, and was preparetl to defend them to the last extremity. It opened its gates to Robert, and thereby afforded another stimulus to the vengeance of Roger. The republicans obtained the aid of a fleet from Pisa ; Amalfi was forced to equip another to oppose them; the Pisans plundered Amalfi, their chief prize being a copy of the famous Pandects, an accident which is said to have changed the jurisprudence of half Europe ; they were de- feated, and forced to re-embark by the king, who invested Naples more closely than before. The besieged applied for relief to the emperor and the true pope. Innocent II. Lothaire marched in person to their aid, while a Pisan fleet advanced by sea. The siege was raised ; Robert of Capua was restored to his principality, and the whole country as far as Bari threw off its allegiance to the Normans. But discord soon appeared between the pope, the emperor, and the Pisans ; their combined forces retired, and Roger had little difficulty in regain- ing possession of his territories. The fate of Leo IV., a century before, did not deter Innocent II. from taking the field against the excommunicated Normans ; the result was the same ; Innoeent was defeated and made prisoner, and was glad to procure his liberation by con- firming the regal title of Roger. He did more • he granted to the king the investiture not only of Capua, but of Naples, which had hitherto maintained some- ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTOBY. 11? thing like independence, and over which he had assuredly no control. The republic^ abandoned by its allies, was constrained to submit ; the ducal crown was conferred on the king ; the kingdom of the Two Sicilies was admitted into the great family of nations.* The reign oi Roger II. was one of vigour, of success, 1138 and of internal tranquillity. He humbled the Greek to emperor, rendered tributary the Mohammedan tyrants of Tripoli and Tunis, built fortresses, churches, and monasteries, and administered justice with unparalleled severity, in regard not only to the poor, but to his haughty barons. The feudal system which had long before been introduced into Naples, he perfected ; and extended its observance to Sicily, which had hitherto followed the policy of the Greeks and Saracens. By tliis revolution, the free colonists were at once trans- formed into vassals ; new laws were introduced, which were calcvdated to confirm the ascendancy of the nobles and prelates ; and new fiscal impositions followed, more oppressive, we are told, than any which had been invented by preceding conquerors. But here, as every where else, the same system also brought its advan- tages. In their native hills and forests, the Normans, like the Lombards, and, we may add, like all other people of Scandinavian or of Germanic descent, had been accustomed to meet twice a year, not merely to advise their chief, but to form a sort of diet or parlia- ment, where their more weighty affairs were discussed and decided. At first these assemblies consisted of the conquerors only ; but in time the more influential inha- bitants were permitted to attend them. During a long •» * Anonymus, Historia Sicula, p. 829, &c. Petrus Diaconus, Chronicon Casinense, lib. i>'. cap. 49. 96, 97. & 104. Gulielmus Gemmeticensis, Historia Normannorum, lib. vii, cap. 30. Odericus.Vitalis, Hist. Ecclesiastica, lib. vii. Gulielmus Apuliensis, Rerum in Apulia, &-c., lib. iii. — v. Ganfredus Mala. terra, Historia Robci ti Guiscardi, &c. lib. i. cap. 16—40. lib. ii. cap. 1—46. lib. iii. cap. 1 — 42., lib. iv. cap. 1—29. Appendix ad Historiam Gaufrcdi MalaterriE, p. 249, 2 lO. Alexander Telesin us, Rogerii Siciliee Regis, lib. t et ii. Falco Benevcnlanus, Chronicon, p. 302 — 372. Camillus Percgrinus, Castigationes in Falccnem Benevcntanum,p. 383 — 397. Romualdus .^aler- nitanus, Chronicon, p.-issim. Anionic Summonte, Historia di Napoli, tom.L lib. 1., torn. ii. 111.2. 1 3 lis EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. period, however — probably unto the reign of Fre- deric II. — they consisted of two estates only_, the nobles and the ecclesiastics : the great body of the people had no rights, and consequently no representation. But as the towns purchased their independence of the feudal tribunals, and constituted themselves into municipal corporations ; as the number of these corporations was multiplied by charters from the crown, the new com- munities were permitted to send deputies to their general meetings. The kings, who so often suffered from the powers of a haughty aristocracy, were here, as elsewhere, sufficiently disposed to encourage the formation and in- fluence of this third chamber, or arm of the legislature. Besides, the burgesses were generally more able to sup- ply the wants of the state ; they were attached to the crown which had called them into existence ; and among them justice was administered, at least in the last resort, by the royal judges. This triple power of the legislature was established contemporaneously both in the island and on the continent ; but in the former, which had less intercourse with the world, it has sub- sisted in greater vigour down to our own times. But if Roger thus established his sovereignty, he had the mortification to lose his two eldest sons, and to see the succession depend on a third, who was at once vicious and imbecile. Soon after his death, which happened in 1154, troubles began to distract the realm. William, surnamed il Malo, or the Bad, could not at first obtain his recognition by the pope : in revenge he made an irruption into the papal possessions. In conformity with the custom of the age, he was excommunicated, and his vassals absolved from their allegiance ; his own qualities inclined some of his barons to raise the standard of revolt, and a civil war ensued, which ended in his reconciliation with the pope, and his triumph over the rebels. At a subsequent period, however, a conspiracy to dethrone him was organized by one Mayo whom he had elected from an obscure station to the high post of chancellor and admiral. He was arrested ITALY POLITICAIi AND CIVIL HISTORY. 119 in his palace, and consigned to prison in his capital of Palermo, while his eunuchs (for he kept a seraglio), his confidential advisers, and the abettors of his tyranny, were cut to pieces, and his youthful son, Roger, duke of Apulia, was proclaimed in his stead. But the people of Palermo began to pity their captive monarch, insti- gated by the archbishop of Salerno and other chiefs, they hastened to the fortress, in a dungeon of which he was fettered, and loutUy demanded his liberation. The terrified conspirators were constrained to obey, but not until they had wrung an oath from the king that he would bury the past in obhvion. During these com- motions, duke Roger w^as wounded by an arrow ; but the consequences would not have been serious, had not the incensed father, immediately after his enlargement, kicked the prince with so much force, that he fell to the ground ; the wound w^as re-opened, and the termi- nation fatal. Notwithstanding the oath he had taken, some of the conspirators were blinded, some imprisoned, while others effected their escape to Constantinople, the usual retreat of the disaffected. In his foreign policy, William I. adhered to his liege superior the pope, and was consequently in hostility to the emperors, who aimed at the subjugation of Italy. The same policy was pursued by the son and successor, William II., (1166") who, from qualities opposite to those of his father, obtained the surname of The Good. As his cares and treasures, however, were applied to the con- struction of churches and monasteries, history has little to record concerning him. He is said to have been the first who wholly subdued the Saracens of the interior. It is certain that they continued to form no inconsider- able portion of the population ; and that, though they had stood in dread of Roger the first king, they had seized on the mountain passes during the reign of Wil- liam I., whose power they had defied. But, as in the sequel they more than once issued from their mountains, and spread devastation throughout the island, it may be reasonably doubted whether he did more than deter I 4 1520 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGE8. them from their usual depredations. As by his queen, a princess of England, he had neither issue, nor the hope of any, the succession rested in Constanza, a posthumous daughter of Roger I.* In the view of uniting the crowns of Lombardy and the Two Sici- lies, her hand was demanded and obtained by Henry, son of Frederic Barbarossa, afterwards the emperor Henry VI. But after the death of William in 1189, the people, who disliked a foreign domination, and dreaded the fierce character of the Germanic princes, raised to the throne Tancred, count of Lecce, whose father, Roger, was the eldest son of king Roger.t Henry, who in the interim had succeeded to the imperial crown, armed for the rights of his consort. But Tan- cred defended his new dignity with success ; he took the empress prisoner, whom he generously or politically dismissed ; the formidable German army which in- vaded Apuha, was forced, by a contagious disease, to retire ; and the country was recovered by the king. But the grief of Tancred for the loss of his eldest son having brought him to the grave, and his second son William, his recognised successor, being an infant, Henry re- asserted his claims, ravaged the continent, invaded Sicily, and soon seized on the supreme authority. He abused his success in a merciless manner : though con- strained at first to respect the widowed queen and her children, and to confer on William the principality of Tarento, he soon blinded that unfortunate prince, con- signed him, his sisters, and mother to everlasting cap- tivity, and executed or exiled all who had shown any * This princess has been made a nun of fifty or sixty years of age, and the pope made to grant a dispensation for her marriage with Henry of Swabia. She was, however, no nun, though she lived in a convent,and that she was much younger than is represented, may be inferred from her giving birth to a son. With their usual unscrupulous spirit, wherever the Germans are concerned, more recent native writers have contended that the offspring was supposititious. The truth, however, is, that Constanza, at the time of her marriage, was only thirty-ojie ; and, lest the national malignity should deny her maternity, she was delivered in the presence of competent witnesses. f In the same spirit this prince had been rendered the legitimate son of duke Roger. Contemporary writers, however, uniformly represent him as the son of Roger's mistress, whom that prince neither mariied nor ever in- tended to marry. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 121 attachment to the royal family. Thus ended the male line of the Normans, and thus the sceptre passed into the house of Hohenstauffen.* The short reign of Henry was doubtless signalised by 1194 much severity, by many acts of cruelty ; but we must ^ not forget that such representations come from his ene- " ' mies, from a people who detested a foreign yoke, and who had too great cause of complaint against his am- bition. On his death in 1197, the regency, during the minority of his infant son, devolved on the empress Constanza; but in twelve months she too paid the debt of nature, and the wardship of the infant Frederic was left to the holy see.f Innocent III. appears to have ex- ecuted the trust with great fidelity ; a cardinal vicar resided at Palermo ; and the young prince was de- fended from all enemies foreign or domestic. In his fourteenth year, the pope procured for him the hand of Constanza, infanta of Ai-agon, and even afterwards ex- hibited greater zeal in his favour by espousing his pre- tensions to the imperial throne, to which, as the last heir of the HohenstaufFens, and the hope of the Ghi- belins, he was called by a party in opposition to the Guelfs and Otho IV. But neither Innocent nor his successor Honorius III. was blind to the danger which menaced the holy see from the surrounding possessions of the emperor, and both exacted a promise that the crown of Naples and Sicily should be resigned to Henry, the infant son of Frederic. Such a promise Frederic had no intention of fulfilling. His evasion, coupled with his reluctance to depart on the crusade, the obligation to which he had assumed, and his opposition to the • Alexander Telesinus, Rogerii Regis Hist. lib. iii et iv. Falco Beneven. tanus, Clironicon, p. 37. — SHO. Hugo Falcandus, Historia de Rebus Gestis in Sicilia, p. 40.j — I8fi. Anonymus, Chrnnicon Casinense, p. 509 — 518. Ki- chardus de Sancto Germane, i'lironicon Siculum, p. 54.1 — 552. Johannes de Ceccano, Chronicon Fossie Noveb, p. (i? — 74. Komualdus Saiernitanus, p. 865 — 90t. Anonymus, Historia Sicula, passim. Sunimonte, Storia di Napoli, torn. ii. lib. ii. p. 1 — 79. Paternio Catinensis, Sicanii Rcges, cum Castigationibus Abbatis Casinensis, p 17 — 51. f The German as well as the Italian authorities of this period have been consulted by Raumer, Geschichte der HohenstaufJisn und ihrer Zeit, bde. 1 und 2. 122 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Guelf party, drew forth an excommunication from the pope. Though with the view of appeasing the angry pontiff he soon visited the Holy Land, as he still lay under the ban of the church, the crusaders refused to aid him: he made peace with the Egyptian sultan, and returned. The rest of his life was passed in contention with the popes; his OAvn son Henry, whom he had caused to be elected king of the Romans, was incited to rebel against him, and to aspire to the imperial crown; but, though the wretched youth was supported by the Guelfs of Germany and Italy, the righteous cause pre- vailed ; the rebel was compelled to submit, and was con- fined for life in a Calabrian fortress. In 1 245 he was de- clared deposed from the imperial dignity by Innocent IV., but that dignity he knew how to preserve until his death in 1250. By his last will the regency of Naples and Sicily was confided to his natural son, Manfred, as the lieutenant of Conrad IV., his second legitimate son, who succeeded to the imperial crown. But the pope, dreading the ascendancy of the house of HohenstaufFen, which he probably believed to be inconsistent with the security of his seat, now formed the bold resolution of annexing Naples to the holy see. He called on the great barons and prelates to take up arms against the sons of Frederic ; and, until they should obey, he placed the kingdom under an interdict. In two years Conrad hastened to defend his Italian possessions ; he found that several cities had rebelled, but that all, except Naples and Capua, had been reduced to obedience by the valiant Manfred. The abilities of this prince, whom Frederic is believed to have rendered legitimate, and the attachment borne to him by the people, roused the jea- lousy of Conrad, who deprived him of his principal fiefs, and of his command. But the prince no less as- sisted in the reduction of Capua and Naples, and after the premature death of Conrad in 1254, the regency of the kingdom and the wardship of Conradin, his infant nephew, and heir to the throne, were confided to him by the barons. His situation was one of extreme difficulty ; ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 123 the people were inclined to a change ; the church took part with the pope, and led the populace into dis- affection ; he was threatened, too, hy those who should have assisted him ; so that, in the want of money and troops, he preferred the part of submission. At the head of a considerable force, Innocent invaded the kingdom, received the keys of the fortresses, and exacted from most of the feudatories an oath of homage to the chair of St. Peter. From his steps at this time, he ap- pears to have devised the death of Manfred, whose talents and reputation he dreaded, and who refused to appear before his tribunal. Manfred fled to the Sara- cens of Luceria, who had always shown themselves the devoted adherents of the Hohenstauffen family, and who, to their everlasting honour be it recorded, received their prince with enthusiasm, when the Christians universally forsook him. Secure amidst the strong works of Lu- ceria, and furnished with an ample treasure which enabled him to collect troops, he could watch the pro- gress of events. Some successes obtained over the neighbouring towns, the defeat of the papal general, the death of Innocent IV., and above all, the experience that a change of masters was not necessarily a change for the better, increased the number of his partisans both on the continent and in Sicily, who speedily armed in his cause. Apulia and Calabria were soon recovered, Naples and Capua voluntarily opened their gates ; and in two years more the whole kingdom acknowledged Conradin. On the report that the young prince, then in Germany, was dead, Manfred, who in case of that event had been declared by his father's will king of Naples, did not hesitate to assume the crown. The re- port was soon discovered to be unfounded, but the new monarch refused to resign his dignity : he promised, however, that Conradin should be his heir, the recog- nition of whose title he even proposed to procure from the states of the kingdom. With the vigour of his cha- racter, he withstood the opposition of Alexander IV,, and of the Guelfs ; and was the acknowledged head of 124 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. the Ghibelin league ; but on the accession of Urban IV. in 1261, his prosperity forsook him. The excesses of his Saracen followers strengthened the indignation of the pontiff, who cited him to appear at Rome to justify himself from serious charges^ contempt for the holy see not the least insignificant^ which were urged against him. Of course the citation was disregarded, and Manfred prepared for the approaching storm by con- ferring the hand of his daughter Constanza on the in- fante of Aragon. As Urban was unable to dethrone the prince by temporal arms, and as spiritual thunders^ even in these ages, had generally been found ineffectual, he offered the crown of Naples and Sicily, except the city of Benevento, to Charles of Anjou, brother of St. Louis, on condition that the prince would conquer them from the present usurper, and hold them as a fief of the holy see, that he would pay an annnal tribute of SOOO ounces of gold, and furnish 300 knights to the papal army. A crusade was proclaimed against Man- fred, as if he were an enemy of Christendom ; the con- clave, through the care of the popes, was composed chiefly of French cardinals, all favourable to Charles ; and a formidable army of French, Tuscans, and Ro- mans, met in the eternal city, under the eye of a leader who had acquired a high reputation in the Holy Land. With their characteristic cowardice the Neapolitans were more eager to flee than to resist ; and Manfred, who saw how little dependence was to be placed on them, endeavoured to arrest the march of his enemy by nego- tiation. " Tell the sultan of Luceria," replied the firm Gaul, " that I will have nothing but fighting ; the day is come when I must despatch him to hell, or he me to paradise ! " The Saracens, indeed, who obeyed Man- fred, were his bravest subjects ; a body of German allies still further repaired the defection of the natives j and though his forces were scarcely half so numerous as those of his rival, on the banks of the Calora, near the Avails of Benevento, he made a noble stand. Great as was the disproportion, alike in the number and quality ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 125 of the troops — for the finest chivalry in Europe fought lander the banners of the count d'Anjou, — ]\Ianfred would probably have remained victor, had he not been abandoned in the heat of the action by his chief barons and most of his cavalry. Resolved not to survive the loss of empire, he plunged into the midst of the enemy and fell ; and Charles was ungenerous enough to deny his corpse the rites of sepulture. This victory decided the fate of the kingdom ; it ended the domina- tion of the house of Suabia or HohenstaufFen, after an existence of about seventy-two years.* Of the princes of that house, — all men of abilities 1197 and great vigour of character, — posterity must consi- to der Frederic II. as the most celebrated. Though l--'^" Roger I. must be regarded as the father of Neapolitan jurisprudence, it was so greatly improved by Frederic^ who at least quadrupled the number, that he is gene- rally hailed as, par excellence, the legislator of tlie king- dom. The code, as may readily be inferred from its framers, was feudal in its character, and pervaded by the Germanic spirit. It established an ascending series of judges, from the magistrate of a village to the pre- sident of the council of assessors, all paid by the crown, aU forbidden to receive presents, to purchase land, or * Ricardus de S. Germano, Chronicon Siculura, p. 552 — 625. Anonymus, Chronicon Cassinense, p. alS, &c. Anonymus Foxensis, Gesta Innocentii II L P. M. p. G29 — 959. Frederic! IL Iniperatoris Epistolas Octo, necnoii Testamentum ejus, \l 660, &c. Anonymus, et Sabas Malaspina, Historia de Rebus Frederic! Imperatoris, Conrad! et Manfred! Regumejus Filiorum, p. 677 — 779. Anonymus, Historia Sicula, p. 857 — 859. Varii Soriptores, Monumentorum Siculorum amplissima CoUectio, passim. Anonymus, Chronicon Fosss Novae, p. 74, usque ad finem. Matthaeus Spinelli, Ephe- merides Neapolitans, p. 1055, &c. Nicolas de Jenasilla, Historia de Rebus Gestis Frederic! II. et Filiorum, cum Supplemento, p. 489, &c. Giovanni Villani, Istorie Fiorentine, passim. Bartliolomaeus de Neocastro, Historia Sicula a Morte Frederic! II., &c. p. 1005, &c. Antonio Summonte, Historia di Napoli, torn. ii. p. 83 — 190. Paternio Catinensis, Sicani Reges, p 49—82. We do not think it worth while to notice, much less to refute, the mon- strous calumnies of the Italian Guelfs against the two Frederics and Manfred. That the last murdered both his fatlierand his brother is gene, rally affirmed by that un.scrupulous party. Our only surprise is, that modern historians should be found to detail them, without expressing a doubt of their truth. But the Guelf spirit was never more rife in Italy tlian in our days : Sismonrii even has enough of it; but Sismondi is too well versed in the history of his country to admit an unsustained charge, and too honest to perpetuate one. 126 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. even to marry within their respective jurisdictions. They were doubtless intended to operate as a check on the baronial tribunals, from which, in cases of moment, appeals always lay to the royal judges, or even to the king himself. The government of jjrovincial assem- blies, comprising nobles, prelates, and burghers, in cer- tain districts ; the convocation of a third estate, as observed in the reign of Roger, to the provincial and national parliaments, was a privilege which Frederic was dispflsed to improve and to extend so far as was con- sistent with the subjection of the burghers. When the right of appeal, when the syndicat, a new tribunal to take cognizance of official misjudgment, was thus sanc- tioned, great abuses could not well exist in the admin- istration of justice. The laws were generally severe, sometimes capricious. Thus the adulteress lost her nose, the adulterer his substance ; and the same member no longer adorned the face of the mother who prostituted her daughter. Whoever blasphemed God or St. Mary lost his tongue ; and perjury was visited with the loss of the hand. Homicide and rape were properly visited with the last penalty ; and whoever did not hasten to the assistance of a woman in danger of violation was heavily fined. What the nobles felt to be most galling was, that they could not contract marriages among each other without the royal permission ; and that marriages between natives and foreigners were forbidden without a sort of dispensation from the crown : the penalty of disobedience was confiscation of substance. The privi- leges of the clergy were wisely curtailed : lands could no longer be bequeathed to them without being subject to the burdens of the state ; for, if the ecclesiastic could not serve in person, he was bound to furnish a substi- tute. The same exemption was artfully granted to nobles, so that a new description of troops, independ- ent of any feudal superior, and consequently at the pleasure of the crown, was insensibly raised. This measure inevitably weakened the power of the aristo- cracy, just as the former circumscribed the exemptions ITALY CIVIL AND POLITICAL HISTORY. 127 of the church. Private wars were prohibited; and chal- lenges were not admitted as judicial proof, except in cases of murder or treason, where the ])resuniption was strong and the evidence defective; and, in the same cases only, was torture allowed. The value of evidence was whimsi- cally determined by the rank of the witness ; the oath of one count being made equivalent to that of two barons, of four knights, and of eight burgesses. Ordeals were abo- lished. To preserve the purity of the atmosphere, no nox- ious smells were permitted to be raised in the immediate vicinity of the towns ; and a great depth was fixed for the graves of the dead. Physicians were not allowed to practise until they had passed a considerable time in the study, not only of surgery, but of logic and of natural philosophy ; they were compelled to a gratuitous at- tendance on the poor ; their visits and fees were mi- nutely regulated. But Frederic was not merely a legislator : he was an enlightened statesman, a man of letters, and a great encourager of learning in others. Commerce he relieved, often to the serious diminution of the royal treasury, by removing oppressive restric- tions ; he wished his subjects to be not merely com- fortable but wealthy. He collected books from all parts of Christendom ; many he caused to be translated, and presented copies as well to foreign universities as to learned individuals ; he founded the university at Na- ples ; and was the consistent patron of the fine, no less than of the useful, arts. To him Naples and Sicily are indebted for not a few of their most magnificent structures. Yet with all his great qualities, he was undoubtedly a man not only of inflexible severity, but sometimes of sternness.* If the sway of the Germans had been felt to be ri-i266 gorous, it had yet been accompanied by signal benefits : to that of the French was one of immitigable ferocity, 1268. of cool-blooded cruelty, without a single redeeming * To most of the Neapolitan authorities before cited, add Constitutiones Neapolitanje sive Siculse, lib. i. et ii. passim, et lib. iii. tit. 13. 19. 21. 3?, 43. 48. 58, 59, &c. ; and Raumer, Geschichte der HohenstaufTen, bd. iv. passim. 128 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. trait. To these qualities were added a rapacity which laughed at justice, perfidy which despised the most solemn engagements, a contempt which regarded the natives as below the dignity of thought or feeling, a lust which spared neither high nor low , neither nun nor lay-woman, neither the married nor the maiden. In short, the new king is allowed, by the most ardent Guelfs themselves, to have spread utter desolation over this fine kingdom. Hence both he and his countrymen were soon regarded with detestation ; and the people bitterly condemned their own fickleness in banishing their natural princes for the most ruthless of foreign tyrants.* There is, in fact, no other example in Christian his- tory of a despotism so savage and bloody. In vain did Clement IV. expostulate with his new feudatory : the royal brute was deaf to the voice of remonstrance as he had already been to that of pity. No wonder that the eyes of the people, no less than the hopes of the Ghibelins, should rest on the young Conradin, son of Conrad, and nephew of Manfred, the true heir to the throne, whom his mother had educated at the court of Bavaria, and who now entered into his sixteenth year. The young prince inherited the spirit of his father : he longed to recover his undoubted rights ; and the desire was strengthened by hope when he heard of the detestation in which the foreigner was held, still more when he received the most flattering offers of assistance from the Italian Ghibelins, especially from the Pisans. He proclaimed his intention of drawing the sword ; the chivalry of Germany, headed by Frederic, duke of Austria, hastened to join him ; and he penetrated into Lombardy. As he advanced, the Ghibelins sent him small bodies of troops, and the chief Neapolitan towns revolted : it was, indeed, evident that if he effected a junction with the disaffected, the reign of Charles was • " O Rex Manfrede," exclaimed the sufferers, " tcmel non cognovimus, <]uem nunc et ter etiam deploramus ! Te lu|)um credebamus rapacem inter oves pascuje hiijus regni — agnum manusuetum te fuisse cog- novimus." — Anonymus ct Sabr's Malaspina, p. 180. Yet this anonymous writer was a Gueltj an adlierent of Charles. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 129 at an end. With new succours from the Florentines, he reached the plain of Tagliacozzo, where he was met by his French rival. As the army of Conradin was more numerous, and animated by the best spirit, the result of the battle could not have been doubtful, had not Charles resorted to a cruel stratagem. Two divi- sions of his troops, under a captain invested with the ensigns of royalty, he despatched to oppose the invader, in other words to be butchered ; while with a third he lay in ambush, ready to surprise his enemy in the flush of victory. The result justified the design : the two bodies of Frenchmen were cut to pieces ; when the soldiers of Conradin, considering that the king was slain, and the contest ended, dispersed to pillage. At this moment Charles rushed on them with eight hun- dred chosen men. Resistance was hopeless ; and, after a short struggle, Conradin, with his noble allies, con- sulted their safety by flight. He was pursued, be- trayed by two men whose loyalty he had invoked, and delivered into the hands of his enemy. By no law, either of nations or of equity, had Charles any autho- rity over the prince, other than that of a victor over his captive ; but he resolved to shed the blood of so dan- gerous a rival. He instituted an extraordinary tri- bunal, chiefly of Guelfs, and himself performed the functions of accuser. But even this tribunal was loth to condemn the last scion of an imperial house : one judge npbly vindicated his cause ; the rest were silent, except one, a Provencal, and subject of Charles, who pronounced sentence of death. This was, however, enough for the victor ; a scaffold was erected in the market place of Naples ; the prisoner and his noble companions in arms, who were doomed to the same fate, were brought out. But, even here, Charles, who over- looked the execution, had cause of humiliation. As his base Provenc^al judge read the sentence, Robert of Flanders, son-in-law of the victor, struck a mortal blow at the reader : " Vile wretch, thou hast no right to condemn so noble a man ! " nor durst Charles avenge VOL. I. K 130 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGEf5. the insult. The victim drew off his mantle^ and after a few moments passed in prayer, and a natural expres- sion of the sorrow which his fate would cause his mother, he cast his glove among the assembled spectators, most of them bathed in tears, with a wish that it might be taken to some one who would avenge him : one account says that he expressly named the king of Aragon, hus- band of Constanza, the daughter of Manfred. As his youthful head fell^ the noble Frederic wept ; the arch- duke's followed ; and the blood of four other chiefs stained the same scaffold. In Sicily, as on the conti- nent, the barons who had shown any attachment to the cause of Conradin were mercilessly executed by order of Charles ; while his ministers visited with death and confiscation them of inferior degree.* 1268 Like his predecessors, Charles of Anjou constantly to interfered with Italian politics, but, unlike them, he lent 1303. g^ j^jg influence to the Guelfs, whom he had taken un- der his protection. At this time he was virtually the lord of Italy, for the Ghibelins were too feeble to op- pose him, and the republic of Venice was too much occupied with its commercial pursuits to dream, if even it had the power, to thwart his projects. His influence gave umbrage to his feudal superior, the pope, who justly dreaded his growing ambition. For a time he was taught moderation by the commanding talents of Nicolas III., and by the measures of the emperor Rodolph, who was sufficiently disposed to take offence at the evident tendency of his feeling ; but, on the death of Nicolas, he was resolved that no pope hostile to his views should fill the chair of St. Peter, and he procured, rather by his threats than his intrigue, the election of * Matthseus Spinellus, Epliemcridas Ncapolitanas (ad finem). Anonymiis et Sabas Malaspina, Histoiia Sicula, p. 77^ — SIM). Anonymus, Historia Sicula, p. S59. Cnnradini Epistola ad Clementem IV, p. S24'. Bartholomfeus de Neocastro, Historia i>icula, cap. 9. & 10. Ricobaldus Fcrrariensis. Chronicon Romanorum Imperatorum, p. 1.36, 137. Giovanni Villani, Istorie Fiorentine, cap. 9 — 29. p. 233 — tloS. Anonymus, Siippleraentum ad Nicolaum di Jamsilla, ubi suprk. Summonte, Historia di Napoli, torn. ii. p. 2U1 — 259. Patcrnio Catinensis, Sicani Roges, cum Castigationibus Abbatis Catinensis, p. 8i— 8.5. Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstauff'en, bd. iv. See also History of Spain and Portugal (Cab Cyc), vol. iii. p. 109. ITALY — POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 131 Martin IV., a Frenchman, and his hhnd instrument. He now resumed his project of exciting one Italian power against another, with the view of profiting by the conse- quent weakness of both : but his ambition was checked by an unexpected insurrection of his Sicihan subjects. Nei- ther that insurrection, nor the massacre which followed, generally known as the Sicilian Vespers, was premedi- tated : the lustful insolence of a Frenchman, who, in a religious procession at Easter, rudely handled a young lady, under the pretence of ascertaining whether she carried concealed arms, the use of which had been for- bidden, acting like a spark of gunpowder on the inflam- mable spirit of the populace, caused a sudden explosion of rage, that proved fatal to all the odious strangers at Palermo.* That the massacre was not preconcerted, is abundantly proved by the positive testimony of contem- porary native writers, and by the fact that, during nearly a month, the rest of the island showed considerable reluctance to follow the example of the capital. Mes- sina, which was filled with French soldiers, was the last to join the popular cause ; but Avhen it was known that Pedro of Aragon, the son-in-law of INIanfred, was seriously advancing to the aid of the islanders, the gar- rison were assailed by the populace, and besieged in the fortress. With no less spirit did they resist Charles himself, who passed the straits, rather to annihilate than to punish them. Pedro now hastened his move- ments ; he landed, was enthusiastically welcomed ; he assumed the crown, and on his arrival at Messina had the satisfaction to expel the French, who never after- wards regained possession of the island. In the wars which followed the advantage was on the side of the Ara- gonese, who made the prince of Salerno, son of Charles, prisoner. The death of Charles in 1285, and that of Pedro in the same year, made no difference in the cha- racter of the war. Charles de Valois, who, through the mediation of the English Edward I., escaped from cap- * For a fuller account of these transactions, see History of Spain and Portugal (Cab. Cyc), vol. iii. p. 111. K 2 132 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. tivity, was declared by the pope heir to the Two Sicilies; while don Jay me, the second son of Pedro^ succeeded by his father's will to the throne of Sicily, and, on his brother's death (Alfonso III.), to that of Aragon. To preserve his continental dominions in quiet, Jayme had the baseness to make peace with Charles de Valois and the pope, and to desert the Sicilians, nay, to promise that he would bear arms against them, if they did not voluntarily submit to the king of Naples. In this emer- gency the brave islanders did not despair : they chose for their king the infante don Frederic, a brother of Jayme, who resisted all the force of his enemy, and finally compelled both the pope and Charles to acknow- ledge him king of Trinacria, on the condition, however, that at his death the kingdom should revert to the house of Aragon.* 1283 I. Kings of Sicily. — The history of Sicily under the to princes of Aragon, offers little to strike the attention, in I.'^IG. addition to Avhat has been already related in the history of Aragon. t Pedro reigned only two years (1583 — 1285). His second son, to whom he left Sicily, and Jayme, who in 1291 succeeded to the throne of Aragon, and who so basely betrayed the Sicilians, was succeeded by Frederic (1295 — 1337). This prince rendered himself dear to the Sicilians, not only by compelling the king of Naples to acknowledge their independence, but by his spirit of moderation and of justice. " Fuit, hercle, rex ille," says a judicious native writer, " inter omnes quos habuimus principes facile primus, eosque omnes exsu- peravit qui deinde secuti sunt." This praise, high as it * Nicolas Specialis, Rerum Sicularuin, lib. i. ii. iii. iv. v. vi. Chronicon Barcioiiense, necnon Chronicon Vlianense, col. V-^, &c. Monachus Rivi- pullensis, Gesta Comitum Barcionenslum, cap. ^fi — i.'9. Sabas Malaspina, Historia Sicula, lib. iv. v. vi. p. 8^0 — 818 Bartholnrnjeus de Neocastro, Historia Sicula, cap ii. — cxii p. 1025 — 1153. Giovanni Villani, Historia, lib. vii. & viii. Anonymus, Breviarium Italic HistoriEe, passim. Ferrttus Vicentinus, Historia Rerum in Italia Gestarum, p. 935, &c. Anonymus, Diaria Neapolitana, p. 1027, &c., necnon Ludovicus de Kaimo, Aniiales de Raimo, p. 221, &c. Summonte, Historia, tom. ii. lib. 3. Paternio Cati- nensis, Sicani Regcs, p. 87 — 105. ' For the events of this period we must again refer the reader to the History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iii. ch. 4. .'',t See History of Spain and Portugal (Cab. Cyc), vol. iii. ch. 4. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 133 is, does not appear to exceed the mere truth. Pedro II. (1 j37 — 1342) wielded the sceptre in peace, but his son Louis (1342 — 1355), who died in his eighteenth year, beheld the nation a prey to factions, which he had neither the vigour nor the inclination to repress. Frederic III., brother of Louis (1355 — 1377), left no male issue; but as he had married Constanza, a princess of Aragon, and as there was a law, though of no great antiquity, which excluded females, the crown was claimed by Pedro of Aragon, and by the pope, under the pretext that the fief had devolved to the holy see. Both claims were rejected by the Sicilians, who raised Maria, daughter of their late king, to the throne. But, if Pedro of Aragon was disappointed in this expectation, his fertile genius discovered another expedient, by which the connection between his royal house and that of Sicily was perpetu- ated. ^V'ith a boldness of which there is, perhaps, no parallel in history, he caused the princess to be seized, brought to Aragon, and married to one of his nephews, the infante don Martin. Though Maria died in 1402, without issue, Martin claimed, and the Sicilians readily granted him, the crown ; nor did they disapprove of his subsequent marriage wath the princess Blanche of Navarre. But this union, also, was barren ; yet, on his death in 1409, his father, Martin, king of Aragon, seized the crown, and confirmed Blanche in the regency. One party, however, and that a numerous one, refused to obey her, so that during Martin's life the island was torn by two great factions. It is certain that Martin could not claim in right of his queen, Maria ; still less could his father, Martin II., in his right: both, how- ever, had a legitimate title in the approbation of the Sicilians. With equal readiness did they obey Fer- nando I. (1412 — 141(i), whose son, Alfonso V., as we shall soon see, united the crown with that of Naples.* * Authorities, besides most of the Italian frequently quoted : — Lucius Marineus Siculus, de Kebus Hispanic, lib xi. Zurita,' Anales de Aragon, torn. i. lib. 4, &c. torn. ii. lib. 1 — 1'2. Blancas, Reriim Aragonensium Com- mentarii, passim ; with the other historians of Spain. But see the corre- sponding period in the history of Aragon, Cab. Cyc. • K 3 134 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 1285 II- Kings op Naples.- — The reign of Charles II., to who, for the perpetuation of peace, had married his l'i43. daughter to his rival, Frederic of Sicily, closed in ISOQ. This prince, by marrying a sister of Ladislas, king of Hungary, laid the foundation of a closer connexion be- tween the royal houses of the two countries, and that connexion was rendered still closer by the marriage of his eldest son with a princess of Hungary. That son preceded him to the tomb; but the issue of the latter marriage, Charles Hubert, or Caribert, who succeeded to the throne of Hungary, was also heir to that of Naples. The king of Naples, however, had a second son, Robert, who, in the absence of his nephew, seized the crown, and procured the approbation of the pope, Clement V. The pontiff was unwilling that both crowns should adorn the same brow ; he declared that uncle and nephew must be satisfied with their respective kingdoms. By favour of the popes, and still more through the Guelfs, of whom he was the acknowledged head, he maintained his seat with great vigour, and that too in opposition to the emperors and the king of Sicily. As his eldest son, the duke of Calabria, preceded him to the tomb, the succession, on his death in 1 343, de- volved on that son's daughter, the princess Joanna (Giovanna), who had been married to her cousin, Andrew of Hungary, brother of Louis the reigning sovereign. It is, indeed, true, that Andrew himself, as the son of Charles Robert, the grandson of Charles Martel, and great-grandson of Charles II., had equal claims to the crown ; nor could he behold, without mortification, the coronation of Joanna alone. In this baneful sentiment he was encouraged by his Hungarian attendants, especially by his confessor. Other circum- stances added to the disagreeableness of his situation : he was rude and unpolished; the Neapolitans, on the con- trary, were the most polite people in Europe ; nor could he conceal from himself that he was the ridicule of the court. He had other motives of discontent : his queen was. suspected of an intrigue with Louis of Tarento, a ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 135 prince of the royal family ; and to him^ personally^ she evidently bore an aversion. That he threatened one day to be revenged, is certain ; that his threats inspired several, not even excepting Joanna, with fear, is equally undoubted : a plot was formed for his destruction, — whether Avith her privity, has been disputed by one or two modern writers ; but, from her conduct before and after the tragical event, there is circumstantial evi- dence enough to implicate her in the guilt. One night (Sept. 18. 1345), the court having removed to a solitary place in the vicinity of Aversa, Andrew was called by the conspirators from the queen's bed^ under pretence of urgent business of state, and murdered in the corridor. That she was aware of the plot may be inferred ,• first, from her momentary reluctance to allow him to depart ; secondly, from her endeavours to screen the assassins from the pursuit of justice; thirdly, from her marriage with Louis of Tarento ; and fourthly, from the extreme care taken by the functionaries whom the pope ordered to enquire into the murder, to prevent the confessions of the tortured from being heard, — in other words, the implication of the queen. Some of the conspirators w^ere executed ; but, as the queen her- self and her paramour escaped, this show of justice did not satisfy Louis, king of Hungary, who invaded Naples, expelled Joanna, punished some of the suspected nobles, and received the submission of the kingdom. Thence, however, he was soon driven by the fearful plague which devastated all Europe in its course, and which appears to have been more severely felt in Italy than any where else. The sAvay of the Hungarians was already disagreeable to the fickle Neapolitans ; Joanna was recalled, and a desultory war followed : Louis re- turned to the scene ; but as his troops, after fulfilling their usual feudal service, murmured to return, he was compelled to enter into a truce with Joanna, on the con- dition that her guilt or innocence should be left to the decision of the pope at Avignon ; that if she were de- clared guilty, she would resign the crown ; but that, if K 4 136 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. she were absolved, she should be allowed to retain it on paying a heavy sum as an indemnification for the ex- pense of the war. The decision of one so devoted as Clement VII.* to the interests of France, could not be doubted. Her complicity in the plot was not denied ; but it was gravely contended that witchcraft had been employed to seduce her ; in the end she was absolved, and the indemnity to king Louis approved. Her sub- sequent reign continued to be one of guilt and disgrace. The great barons were too proud to obey her husband, whose imbecility she herself despised, and whose bed she dishonoured ; the grand company of mercenaries ravaged the kingdom to the very gates of the capital ; as both he and the people were too cowardly to oppose them, their retreat was purchased by money. After his death, she married a third husband, a prince of the house of Aragon ; and, on his death, a fourth, Otho of Brunswick ; but, as she had issue by none of the four, the heir to the crown was Charles, duke of Durazzo, the last male of the Neapolitan branch of Anjpu, who was also heir to the throne of Hungary. At the court of the latter country, Charles had imbibed a feeling of hatred against the queen, whom he resolved to dethrone, — a resolution to which he was impelled by Urban VI.^ who could never pardon her devotion to the antipope Clement. Her attempt to exclude him from the suc- cession, by the adoption of the count d'Anjou, and the step of pope Urban, who, in 1380, declared her deposed from the Neapolitan throne, and preached a crusade against her, sealed her fate. The prince advanced to Rome, received the crown from the pope, marched on Naples, which, like the rest of that cowardly kingdom, submitted to him, as it had done to every other invader from the downfall of the western empire. Otho, indeed, made a show of resistance ; but his men aban- doned him the moment the engagement commenced; and he fell, like Joanna, into the hands of the victor. Her death was sudden and violent; probably it was * See the next chapter. — Origin of the schism. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 137 caused by suffocation with a feather bolster. He had little reason to rejoice in this barbarity. He had soon to sustain an invasion of Naples, by Louis of Anjou, who, as usual, was joined by a considerable number of adherents ; and, though death rid him of a formidable rival, he had to support a quarrel with an arrogant pope, who excommunicated him and his army. During these transactions, Louis of Hungary died, and the nobles, preferring the rights of his daughter Maria to those of a distant relation, proclaimed her their sove- reign. But Charles had partizans, who invited him to resume the crown ; he hastened to Buda, forced the queen to abdicate, and was proclaimed in her stead; but, in the height of his success, he was assassinated by the creatures of the queen and her mother. This tra- gical event left Naples under the regency of his widow, Margarita, during the minority of his son Ladislas, then only ten years of age ; and her government was perpe- tually exposed to the intrigues of the French faction, which esjjoused the interests of a son, equally young, of Louis d'Anjou, who was named after his father. As Ladislas increased in years, he exhibited considerable bravery, and still greater dissimulation ; qualities which, in such a country, were almost indispensable, and of which the latter was even in greater esteem than the former. He forced his rival, Louis of Anjou, to evacuate his kingdom ; and he was near obtaining the crown of Hungary. That he had cast a longing eye on the states of the church, is evident from the art with which he fomented the dissatisfaction of the Romans ; and from the eagerness with which he availed himself of the smallest opening to his ambition. In 1405, In- nocent VII. was constrained to flee from Rome, into which the king endeavoured to enter ; but the Neapo- litans were odious, and were repelled. Two years afterwards, however, he took Ostia, Perusa, and the eternal city ; a success for which he was indebted to the jealousy of the two rival popes, Benedict VIII. and Gregory XII. In a few years more, the greater part 138 EUROPE IN THK MIDDLE AGES. of the ecclesiastical territories lay at his mercy. How far he might have proceeded — for he appears to have been as insensible of religion as he was of moral re- straints — can scarcely be conjectured ; but death, the result of his debaucheries, surprised him in 1414. As he died without issue, he was succeeded by his sister Joanna II., a princess of the most depraved manners, of feeble understanding, perfidious, fickle, and cruel. As she too had no offspring, she announced her inten- tion of bequeathing the kingdom by will, sometimes to the king of Aragon*, sometimes to a prince of France. The house of Anjou had on its side the in- fluence of the popes, as well as ancient pretensions ; the house of Aragon, the valour of its prince, its descent from the royal race of Naples, and its long connection with Sicily. From 1411, the period when that island became almost inseparably joined with the Spanish kingdom, its princes began to cast a more wishful look on the fair territory of Naples. The offer of Joanna to constitute as her heir Alfonso V., who, in 1416", ascended the throne of Aragon and Sicily, was eagerly grasped by that monarch : the condition was, the de- fence of Naples against the menaced invasion of Louis d'Anjou. That invasion was repelled ; but, with her characteristic feebleness, the queen, when all danger was past, revoked the adoption, which she afterwards confirmed to revoke again. It was evident, that when- ever Joanna paid the debt of nature, the disputes be- tween the two princes could be settled only by arms. Both were anxious to settle it, even during her life ; and she had the mortification to behold a portion of her kingdom occupied by one or both of the hostile parties. But, in general, success declared for Alfonso, who more than once expelled the parti zans of the French, and forced the queen to confirm her testament in his favour. In 14o4, the death of his competitor Louis seemed to secure his triumph ; but shortly afterwards Joanna, whose last disposition was in favour of a French prince^ * See History of Spain and Portugal (Cab. Cyc), vol. iii. p. 159, &c. ITALY POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 139 called in Rene d'Anjou, brother of Louis, to be her suc- cessor. She did not long survive this testament : she died early in 1435, leaving her kingdom a prey to in- tenial faction, and to two foreign enemies rather than friends. Naples immediately declared for Rene ; but the capital was not the kingdom, several of the great barons adhered to Alfonso, whose resources were more easily drawn from Sicily than his rival's from Provence. Though, in the war Avhich followed, the latter had at first the duke of Milan for an enemy, whose prisoner he became, he had address enough not only .to procure his liberation, but to convert a foe into an ally.* The whole kingdom, except the capital, was soon his ; that he vigorously invested, and, in 1442, it was taken by storm. The following year Eugenius IV., who had need of his aid for the recovery of Ancona, acknow- ledged him as king of the Two Sicilies, and his illegi- timate son Ferdinand as his heir in the throne of Naples, t From this period the history of Naples and Sicily is 1453 that of all Europe. By way of summary we may *** observe, that Sicily did not follow the fortunes of Na- ples, but continued annexed to the crown of Aragon until both were merged in that of Spain ; that the two succeeding kings of Naples, Ferdinand and Alfonso, were so unpopular that the people invoked a deliverance from the arms of the French ; that the kingdom was conquered, as usual, almost without a blow, by Charles VIII.; that the French were expelled by the troops of Fernando the Catholic, king of Spain, who placed * History of Spain and Portugal (Cab. Cyc), vol. iii. p. IfiS. t Authorities: — Giovanni and Matteo Villain, Historia ; Ferret us Vicen. tinus. Rerum in Italia Gest. ; Anonymus, Chrcnicon Sicili^ ; Nicolas .Specialis, Historia Sicula ; Stella, Annales Genuensps ; Leonardo Aretino, Kerum suo tempore Gest. Comment. ; Pietro Candido, Vita Francisci Sfortiae ; Giovanni Simoneta, Vita ejusdem; Anonymus, Diaria Nea- polifana ; Ludovicus de Raimo, Annales ; Summonte, Historia rii Napoli ; Lucius Marineus Siculus, de Rebus Hispania; ; Zurita, Anales de Aragon ; Blancas, Rerum Aragonensium Commentarii ; Paternio Cati- ncnsis, Sicani Reges ; — all in ch.apters and pages too numerous to be cited. See also Hist, of Spain (Cab. Cvc), vol. iii. chap. 4. ; where, as we do not wish to repeat ourselves, much information will be found which we here omit. 140 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Frederic, uncle of Alfonso, on the throne ; that this phantom of royalty was soon deposed, the kings of France and Spain having agreed to divide Naples be- tween them ; that the royal robbers soon disputed about their respective possessions, when the French were again expelled ; that Fernando retained possession of the whole, the investiture of which, in 1510, he obtained from the pope, nearly on the same conditions as had been anciently granted to the Normans and the princes of Anjou. From this period Naples and Sicily were mere provinces of Spain, governed by viceroys, whose rapacity has been exposed by Italian writers. In the celebrated war of the succession, Naples was invaded by the imperial troops, and, at the peace of 1713, it was ceded to that power, while Sicily, with the regal title, passed to the crown of Savoy. In a few years, however, Carlos, a son of Philip V., seized the throne of the Two Sicilies, and in 1735' procured the con- firmation of his title from the reigning emperor. In 1759, Don Carlos succeeded to the throne of Spain; and, as by the treaty of Vienna the crown of Spain and the Two Sicilies could not be worn by the same brow, he resigned the latter to his son Fernando, by whose grand- son it is now held.* * Authorities : — the historians of Italy and Spain, and the general his- tories of Europe. See above all, History of Spain and Portugal, book v. reigns of the Austrian and Bourbon princes. 141 CHAP. II. RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF ITALY.* THE POPES, OR THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND DECLINE OF THE TEMPORAL AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH. THE CHURCH, ITS CONDITION, ORDERS, SAINTS, AND DOCTORS. ST. BENEDICT. ST. GREGORY THE GREAT. ST. NILUS. ST. DOMINIC THE MAILED. ST. ROMUALD. ST. FRANCIS. ST. CLAIR. SANTA CATHERINE DE SIENA, AND OTHERS. INTELLECTUAL STATE OF ITALY UNDER THE OSTROGOTHS, UNDER THE LOMBARDS, UNDER THE EMPERORS, UNDER THE REPUB- LICS. LITERARY NAMES. I. The Popes. — We have before related that Rome 550 was not subdued by the Lombards. Why Alboin to and his immediate successors spared a city which 936. still depended on the emperor of Constantinople, and which could not easily receive supplies from that power, has never been explained. Whatever might have been the cause^ the fact is certain, that, though it was some- times blockaded, and the neighbouring territory de- vastated by them, a full century elapsed before the Lombard princes seriously and in earnest turned their arms against it, and that, when they did so, the season in which success was to be hoped was past. Obedience to the emperor was inculcated by the popes, who still continued to be elected by the clergy, senate, and peo- ple, and who could not be consecrated until the election were approved by that distant potentate. f At this * As the former chapter was expanded beyoiul its proportionate limits, for the purpose of exhibiting the connected policy of the German emperors towards Italy, so is the present for that of tracing the condition of the church universal. The same matter must have been given in some part of the work ; we prefer its condensation in the present book ; both because we are thereby enabled to treat the subject with more attention to unity, and because the two chapters will serve for continued reference in future portions of this history. t There is only one exception to this, in the case of Pelagius II. who wa3 conscciated " absque jussione principis, eo quod Longobardi obshlrrent Ho- manam civitatem, et multa vastatio ab eis in Italia tieret." {Aiias'asius, in Vita Pelagii II.) All communication with Greece was consequently cut off'. 142 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. period, indeed, the successors of St. Peter were distin- guished for virtues worthy of their station : they had hitherto formed no designs of a temporal sovereignty ; and their animosity towards the Arian Lombards always made them eager to defend the eternal city against those ferocious heretics. But after Leo the Bavarian ascended the throne of the eastern empire, and hurled his penal edicts at the heads of the idolatrous image worshippers, papal ambition began to rise. A heretic was not to be obeyed ; duke Marino, the imperial governor of Rome, was deposed ; something resembling a republic, under the protection of Gregory IL, was formed; and the walls were fortified. As the Lombard kings, however, extended their conquests, the menacing danger forced the new government to show a nominal submission to the empire, in return for the aid they required ; and, when that aid was no longer effectual, Gregory IIL applied to Charles Martel for defence against Lieutprand. The example was followed by succeeding pojJes. For some time the mere threats of France appear to have deterred the successors of Alboin from hostilities against Rome itself ; and, when threats no longer availed, a French army, as we have before seen, penetrated into Italy, and put an end to the kingdom of the Lombards. The Carlovingian princes enriched the holy see by granting to it the utile dominium of a part of the Pentapolis and the Exarchate, — countries which the popes aimed at possessing as vicars of their protectors. But, though Charlemagne and Louis-le-Debonnaire recognised the cession which Pepin had made of those important pro- vinces, they took no measures to carry it into effect. Still by this utile dominium the popes were become powerful temporal barons, the feudatories of the new western empire. From this period, donations to the church, by the dying who hoped to obtain an entrance into heaven, by criminals who looked to the divine for- giveness, were frequent. But, though the bishops of Rome, who were even at this period acknowledged as Italy' — political axd civil history. 143 heads of the church universal*, were thus rendered rich and powerful ; though they were thus independent of of Greece; they were not consecrated without the ap- probation of the western emperors. This approbation was expressly recognised by the pope in 71^, in a treaty with the son of Pepin. ^\'e may add, that the numer- ous epistles of the popes to the Carlovingian princes breathe submission to these sovereigns. Leo IV., in- deed, was consecrated without the sanction of Louis, the son of Charlemagne ; but then the Saracens were investing the city, and, in such a situation, it could neither dispense with a head nor wait for the usual im- perial permission. It is worthy of particular remark, that the two exceptions which we have mentioned, Pelagius II. and Leo IV. t, were steadily kept in view by the successors of the latter, who could truly assert that the imperial sanction was not necessary, and who soon tUscovered that it was unholy, — a shameful subjection of things spiritual to things temporal, a degradation of Christ in the person of his vicar. The troubles attending the quarrels of the Carlovingian princes, and the consequent indifference with which, for a time, the affairs of Italy were regarded, en- abled the Romans to evade the imperial sanction ; but when the imperial power was again restored to its unity, they again submitted until the popes were be- come the rivals of the emperors themselves. Another strange precedent is no less worthy of notice. Under the idea that coronation by the hands of the bishop of Rome, the primate of the church universal, was more effectual, as it was certainly more imposing, than by any inferior prelate, Charlemagne, even before the death of his father, was crowned by Stephen III. The example was followed by his sons, who, in 781, were * This fact cannot be controverted. It has been acknowledged from the time of Irena?us and Cyprian, whose works contain abundant evidence of the si>iritiial supremacy of the popes. f We would not insinuate that these were the otily exceptions during the decline of the Eastern empire and the ravages of the northern people, several such might, and probably did occur, but these above are specified. The early history of the popes is wrapt in much obscurity. 144 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. crowned kings of Aquitaine and Italy by Adrian I.; and in 800, he himself received, at Rome, a second crown from the hands of the pope,' — that of the em- pire. In 8 16, Louis-le-Debonnaire was similarly crowned at Rheims by Stephen V. ; and Charles the Bold in 876, by John VIII. The example was not confined to the Carlovingian princes : Otho I. left it for imitation to the house of Saxony. It is, indeed, true that the German monarchs were previously crowned by the archbishops of Mayence ; but this was as kings of Germany merely, not as emperors. How dangerous a thing precedent may become was soon proved by these so- vereigns. The popes arrogated the necessity of crowning the emperors before they could be styled as such ; and they laboured to prove that the right of conferring the empire itself was involved in the same prerogative ; that Germany was virtually a fief of the holy see. Thus the history of Europe, during the middle ages, presents us with the quarrels of two potentates, whose pretences were too monstrous and too opposite ever to harmonise : the emperors insisting that no papal elec- tion could be valid without their sanction as lords pa- ramount over Italy ; the popes, that so far from being vassals, they were, in fact, the superiors of the em- pire.* 900 But the influence which the Roman pontiffs gained to by the favour of princes, they lost for a time by their 1047. own vices. Human prosperity was as little favourable to their character, as to that of the great body of man- kind. No sooner did the papacy hold out attractions to ambition, than the worthless became candidates for it, often with success. Rome with its consuls and magis- trates, now popular, now aristocratic, had its factions as well as other cities, and these contended for their * Anastasius Bibliothecarius, de Vitis Romanorum Pontificum, p. \oZ. to the end. Liutpranuus Ticinensis, Historia ejusque Legatio ad Nicephorum Phocam, p. 417, &c. Vitae Komanorum Pontificum, Auctoribus Amalrico Augerio, Frodoardo, &c. p S — 320. Baronius, Annates Ecclesiastic! (sub propriis annis). Fleury, Histoire Eccl^siastique, torn. ix. et x. Pfeff'el, Histoire d'AUemagne, tom. i. Sismondi, Hist, des R^p. torn. i. ch. 3. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 145 public offices, and a still higher degree for the chair of St. Peter. As each of the factions succeeded^ the acts of a hostile predecessor were abrogated, until intrigue and passion and violence were the only visible movers of the spiritual machine. It may readily be inferred, that in such elections neither intellect nor moral worth was much regarded : youths almost beardless, and open de- bauchees, were sometimes chosen. Two famous patrician ladies, mother and daughter, of morals the most in- famous, raised, during half a century, their lovers or immediate connections to that dignity. The former, Theodora, procured the tiara for her lover, John X., whom she had placed in the metropolitan see of Ra- venna ; the latter, Marozia, at the head of the opposite faction, caused him to be imprisoned, and successively conferred the papacy on two of her creatures. Though married, first to Alberic, marquis of Camerino, next to Guido, duke of Tuscany, she had never forsaken her criminal connections. She had been the mistress of Sergius III. *, and the son, whom she next raised to the popedom, John XI., was reasonably believed to be the offspring of that connection. f Another of her sons, Alberic, expelled both her and her third husband, Hugh of Provence, and succeeded to her influence. During twenty-two years he filled the papal chair with dependent creatures. Octavian, the son and successor of Alberic, the acknowledged head of the Roman re- public, took holy orders, and placed the spiritual crown on his own head as John XII. This pontiff, however, resigned his temporal authority into the hands of a pre- fect, two consuls, and twelve tribunes. By Otho I., whom he had invited into Italy, but whose enemy he soon declared himself, he was deposed in a council held at Rome ; but that deposition was manifestly illegal, as effected by the influence of the emperor. The same il- * " Sergius est le premier pape que je trouve charg^ d'un tel reproche.' — Fk'ury, xi. 571. t This is admitted by Baronius, Pagi, and Fleury, doubted only by Muratori. VOL. I. L 146 EUROPE IN THE BIIDDLE AGES. legality must brand the election of Leo VIII., the suc- cessful rival of Benedict V. Leo was no model of virtue; his successor Benedict VI. was no better: the latter was imprisoned by a son of Theodora and of John X., and was soon afterwards either strangled or suffered to die of hunger. Boniface VII. is said to have been expelled for his crimes ; he certainly fled to Constantinople, and was succeeded by Benedict VII, on whose death he returned to dispute the tiara with John XIV. He triumphed ; John was imprisoned and murdered, — whether by his order, is uncertain, though by no means improbable, since his subsequent life was so irregular as to bring on his corpse the indignation of the rabble. His successor, John XV., is represented as a wholesale dealer in simony. Gregory V. was cruel. We must not, however, forget that most of these pontiffs were continually harassed by the insurrections of the Roman people, who, under the pretext of liberty, aimed at subverting all authority except that of a faction, and whose historians have doubtless somewhat exaggerated their vices. Where, however, the confirmation, the virtual nomination — for such at this period it was, — depended on the emperors, less regard would be paid to the qualifications of the candidate than to his favour at court, and to the degree in which he was likely to sacrifice the rights of the church to those of his imperial protector. Ecclesiastical patronage has seldom been well exercised by princes, — a truth con- firmed by the whole tenor of history. This was the iron age of the church, when power, grown insolent by impunity, trampled on its freedom, and on public decency. Some immediate successors in the pope- dom were equally exceptionable. Benedict VIII.*, * Benedict VIII. appeared after death to a certain bishop, " eqiiitans," as a noble ecclesiastic of those days was expected to do, " supra unum equum nigrum," — only the black horse in this case was a very tiend. The pope complained of the torments he endured, "propter peccatamea juste torqueor et affligor ; " and confessed that even his almsgivings had availed him not, since they were part of his wicked acquisitions, — "nam eieemosynEe meae ex bonis malfe acquiaitis exstiterunt facta." However, his soul, he said. ITALY — RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 147 John XIX. and Benedict IX. were all kinsmen, of the family of the Tusculum lords, and all arrived at this dignity by corruption. The last is represented by his successor, Victor III., as a monster, who was expelled by the indignant people ; and at the same time Sil- vester III. was proclaimed ; but he soon returned at the head of an armed force, and Silvester was glad to flee to his bishopric. One of his last acts was to sell the papacy to a rude, uncouth, stupid old priest, who took the name of Gregory VI., but whose ignorance was so incorrigible, that the people were compelled to give him a partner. These latter changes were made without the knowledge of the emperor, — a proof that the people, when left to themselves, were no better judges of papal qualifications than the imperial court. Indeed, of the two evils, imperial confirmation was by far preferable to election by a stupid factious mob, under knavish leaders. To end these scandals, Henry III. hastened to Rome, which exhibited the novel sight of three popes in open opposition to each other ; Benedict IX. at San Giovanni de Latran, Gregory VI. at Santa ]\Iaria Maggiore, and Silvester at San Pietro del Vaticano. To decide on their respective claims the emperor called a council, — by what authority we are not informed, — at Sutri, which deposed all three, and raised Henry's friend, the bishop of Bamberg, under the name of Clement II., to the vacant dignity. This council is celebrated for an im- portant concession to the temporal head of Christ-endom. The agents of the Greek and Carlovingian emperors had assisted at the election of the pope ; but this privilege had not often been exercised by the potentates of Ger- many, whose confirmation only was admitted, after the candidate had been duly elected by the clergy and people of Rome. Instead of being satisfied with less, Henry insisted on more than the most favoured emperors had would find mercy, if his successors would distribute a certain sum, which would be found in a certain place, to the pool. — Amalricus Augerius. L 2 148 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. ever possessed : he wrung from the assembled fathers the extraordinary concession that thenceforward the im- perial throne should have the entire nomination of the popes^ without the intervention of clergy or people. But the time was at hand when the church was to be delivered alike from imperial oppression and from po- pular violence.* 1047 Henry Avas pious, and the three next popes whom he to appointed — Clement II., Damasus II., and Leo IX., 1073. -vyi^o were followed by A^ictor II., a personal friend of the emperor — were excellent men: they laboured with success at the reformation of the church, deposed simoniacal or married dignitaries with unflinching rigour, and enforced in other respects the observance of the canons. In the existence of numerous revolting abuses, abundant testimony is afforded by St. Peter Damian, a contemporary writer, who represents the igno- rance and vices of the clergy as very general, and who ventured to write admonitory letters to Gregory VI. and other popes on the subject. These abuses were evi- dently owing to the laxity of discipline ; that laxity was the consequence of vicious or incapable popes ; nor could suitable ones be always expected, so long as courtly favour or popular turbulence returned them to the chair of St. Peter. The successors of Victor II. — Stephen IX., Benedict XL, and Alexander II. — groaned over the state of religion ; but, excellent as were their intentions, they wanted the necessary vigour of character — a vi- gour, it must be confessed, almost superhuman — to overturn the imperial incubus which pressed on the prostrate church. This work was reserved for an Italian of low birth ; of no influence except what his talents * Amalricus Augerius, de Vitis Pontificum, p. 322. 344. Frodoardus, de Poiitificibus Romanis, p. 324. Pandulfus Pisanus, Catalogus Pontilicum, passim. Baroiiius, 'Annales Ecclesiastic!, et Muratori, Annali d'ltalia (sub annis). Fleury, Histoire Ecclfsiastique, torn. xii. lib. 55 — 59. Her. mannus Contractus, Chronicon, p. 262, See. Sancti Petri Damiani Opuscula, in Annali di'Muratori, an. 1047. See alsoan account of this saint's zeal in the BoUandists, Acta Sanctorum, Feb. 27. Pfeffel, Histoire d'Allemagne, torn. i. p. 196, 197. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 149 gave hinij but perhaps the most remarkable man of the middle ages. Hildebrand was a native of Tuscany, but he appears to have been educated in the celebrated monastery of Clugni, and we know that in his youth he embraced the monastic profession. By Leo IX. he was ordained subdeacon, and placed over the monastery of St. Paul, wdiere, if, as we are told, the few monks who remained were so far removed from their institute as to be accompanied by female servants instead of lay- brothers, he must have had enough to do. He effected a thorough reformation ; the lands which had been seized by feudal violence he i-estored to the house ; the number of inmates was augmented, and the observance of the rule enforced. The sacrifice of the human af- fections naturally increased the intensity of his devotional feelings ; he lived only for his religion and his church, to the interests of which he readily sacrificed every other object ; nay, he appears, with an asceticism not very common in that age and country, to have considered every gratification sinful which did not tend to the glory of God's service. Of a commanding genius, spar- ing in his rebukes neither spiritual nor temporal princes, bold in his preaching, vehement in his denunciation of ex- isting abuses, stern in his manners, irreproachable in his conduct, he was fitted to acquire power; and power he cer- tainly sought, not assuredly as a means of self-gratifi- cation, but of promoting the glory of the church. While yet subdeacon his talents were so conspicuous, that he was sent by Victor 1 1 1 . as legate into France, where he presided in two councils, and where, with inflexible rigour, he deposed every bishop accused of simony or concubinage, and inflicted a heavy penance on infei^ior ecclesiastics. By Nicolas II. he was made archdeacon of the Roman church : he would doubtless have attained a much higher dignity, had not his unsparing manner of rebuke made him many enemies : probably, too, the sternness of his manners procured him the disHke of all. But his talents could not be spared ; he was evidently bent L 3 150 EUROPE IN THE 3IIDDLE AGES. on effecting the complete Independence of the church ; in freeing it at once from imperial and popular influ- ence ; and^ in all cases of difficulty or danger, he was consulted as an oracle. In fact, three successive popes, Stephen IX., Nicolas IT., and Alexander II. were but the ministers of his will ; the two latter had been ap- pointed by his interest. In 1058 he made Stephen proclaim that marriage was inconsistent with the priestly character, that the wives of priests were mere concu- bines, from whom they must separate, or submit to excommvmication. The clergy of Milan opposed the resci-ipt, on the pretext that it was contrary to the peculiar privilege of their church, to the priests of which St. Ambrose himself had granted the extension of the Greek law — that any of them might marry once, with a virgin. In the end most of them submitted ; such as were refractory were punished as Nicolaitan heretics. The next blow was aimed at the laymen, who, in virtue of the feudal system, exercised the patronage of the church. During the first three centuries the clergy of each church were elected by the people, and the bishops by both ; for, as all ecclesiastics were maintained by the voluntary contributions of the faithful, it was consi- dered merely just that they should have a voice in their election. But specious as this system may appear, it was reprobated by experience : faction, intrigue, cabal, violence, on the one part; abase condescension, a shame- ful degradation, on the other; prevailed to such an ex- tent, that a good choice was seldom made. So little discernment had been exhibited by the people — how, in fact, could illiterate men be judges of clerical qualifica- tion ? — that the bishops were compelled to interfere, to declare that no election should be valid, unless the suc- cessful candidate were approved by themselves. But from the canons of councils and from the fragments of fathers, we learn that the voluntary oblations were not long suf- ficient to the support of the altar : the fervour of early Christianity had evaporated ; self had resumed its natural ITALY — RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 151 dominion over the heart ; offerings were made sparingly and grudgingly ; and it was found absolutely necessary to the very existence of a church, that some more certain means of support should be devised. Hence the institu- tion of tithes, the use of which had been consecrated by the command of God himself^ under the Jewish law, which experience long proved to be the most judicious support of the Christian church. As the maintenance of the clergy was thus transferred from the tenants to the owners of land, from the people to the nobles, the influence of the former in all elections began rapidly to decline. That decline was accelerated by the conditions exacted by the landowners in the endowment of new, or the repair of old churches. The maintenance of the clergy had changed hands : it had passed exclusively to the rich ; the rich therefore claimed the privilege which had been annexed to that maintenance. The people, said they, formerly supported the clergy, and in return were allowed to choose them : we are ready to incur the same obli- gation in return for the same privilege. The proposal was accepted, nor did the people generally lament the change : in fact, they rejoiced to escape from an onerous charge. Thenceforward the presentation of the pastor descended with the domain, according to the laws of succession ; that presentation being made to the bishop, who was bound to see that the candidate had the requi- site qualifications, or to reject him. But impartial wisdom must condemn both forms of choice ; if the one was often the result of blind violence, the other was accompanied by almost equal evil. Experience soon proved, in cases where the endowment was considerable, that patrons would generally present relatives, or friends, or dependents, without much regard to the primary qualifications ; and that bishops could often be comply- ing. In regard to bishops and the abbots themselves, the course of things was equally favourable to the nobles. Though appointed by the church, none of them could enter ^on the exercise of his functions, until he had L 4; 152 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. received the investiture from the hands of the lay-owner or governor of the domain, in which the benefice was situated. Both these conaitions, viz. presentation and investiture, were a necessary consequence of the feudal system ; the former was ever regarded as a right inse- parable from property, the latter from dominion. If the laws of that system forbade the fief to be sold, the dis- posal of the iitUe domimum, or the revenues and rights attached to it, could often be alienated for a period : hence that of presentation became venal, and j-ich bene- fices could be bought for money. Here was simony, indeed, at once wicked and dangerous, which soon became common enough to provoke the execration of every honest mind.* Yet all this abuse might easily have been prevented. The election of ecclesiastics should not have been confined exclusively to one of the parties ; it should have been shared by all. The people might have been allowed to elect one candidate, the patron to nominate another, the diocesan with his clergy a third. AU these might subsequently have under- gone a public examination before a provincial synod, consisting partly of bishops, and partly of other church dignitaries, and a plurality of suffrages might have de- termined which of the three candidates possessed in a superior degree the qualifications for the office.f But, obvious as such a remedy must have proved to all classes, we do not learn that any thing resembling it was ever imagined. Had it been adopted, what scandal to the church, what injm-y to religion, and consequently to society, would have been averted ! Well might Hildebrand devote his whole soul to the correction of * England is the only country in Christendom where simony is now openly practised and vindicated. We do not hear it ivhispered, as in Roman Catholic countries : it is proclaimed in every newspaper. f Without some such mode of preferment as the one above suggested, no church can long stand. That of Rome has fallen, that of England is falling, through want of it : the former, however, has mended, and is returning towards prosperity ; the latter seems incorrigible, and will probably be utterly destroyed. The same suggestion would clearly not apply to the election of bishops; but let that election rest any where rather tlian with the crown or the people. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 153 such an abuse ; Avell might he vow never to desist until he had destroyed what he truly called a shameful traffic in the gifts of the Holy Ghost. In the Lateran council of 1059^ all ecclesiastics who had obtained their places through simony were deposed. * But the most re- markable acts of this council regarded the election of the popes, — the greatest of all the abuses which had hitherto prevailed, the cause of such frequent schisms. It was decreed, that, immediately on the death of a pope, the cardinals should first assemble, and agree as to the individual most worthy to fill the vacant dignity ; that the clergy of Rome and a few of the laity should then be called in, not to vote or deh- berate, but to approve the choice which had been made. By this politic innovation, the ri*ht of suffrage was at once taken from the laity, who, however, were consoled with a specious adherence to ancient forms ; the car- dinals were constituted into an electoral college, in which alone was invested the undivided power of appointing the head of Christendom. Some dark allusion was, indeed, made to the honour due to the reigning em- peror, Henry ; but that honour was defined as personal; as conferred by good pleasure of the pope ; as one that might lawfully be withheld : in short, the mere pre- sence of an imperial commissary was represented as an act of peculiar favour to the emperor ; and, from the terms of the canon, he would, if present, have no more influence in the election than any other of the laity, — in other words, none whatever. Two years afterAvards, Alexander II., by the counsel of Hildebrand, was elected without the approbation of the empress regent t, * Sismondi (i. 120.) certainly commits an error in saying, that "priests were inhibited from receiving any benefice from the hands of a layman ;" that " kings and nobles were deprived of the right which their ancestors had left them, — that of bestowing benefices." In looking over the acts of the council, we perceive no such sweeping inhibition : we see only a prohibitioa against receiving preferment in a simoniacal way, or from a simoniacal person. f Sismondi (i. 122.) says, that the approbation of the court was not so much as demanded : it appears, however, that, for form's sake, cardinal 154 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES, (Henry IV. was then in his minority) ; a proceeding •which so incensed the imperial courts that it ordered tlie election of another pope, Cadalus, bishop of Parma, who assumed the name of Honorius II. The crimes of this Cadalus were perhaps aggravated by the pen of St. Peter Damian ; but certainly we have evidence enough to believe that he did little honour to the choice of Agnes. He armed in defence of his fancied rights, assailed Rome, and defeated a body of Romans ; but he was compelled to retreat by the duke of Tuscany. He was soon afterwards deposed from his see ; but unto his death, though reduced to poverty, and com- pelled to wander from place to place in search of an asylum, he persisted in retaining his papal title.* 1073 ^Vhen Hildebrand, as Gregory VII., ascended the ^^ pontifical throne, Henry IV. had just reached his ma- jority. As the latter was a prince of uncontrolled passions, and resolved to vindicate the direct authority of his predecessors over the holy see ; as the former considered that all the kingdoms of the earth should be subject to Christ's vicar, and was determined, at all risks, to rescue the bishops from the necessity of sub- mitting to imperial investiture, — of doing homage for their temporaUties to the head of the state, — a col- lision was perceived to be inevitable. A new subject of dispute hastened the catastrophe. The countess Matilda, a lady of great talents, of great piety, and of still greater attachment to the holy see, inherited, by Stephen was sent into Germany ; but that he could not procure access to the emperor, who pretended that the choice of the successor should have been left to him ; but the impatient conclave did not wait his return, and Alexander was elected. This bold step would, perhaps, not have been taken, had Henry III. been alive. * Amalricus Augerius, necnon Pandolphus Pisanus, Vitse Romanorum Pontificuni, p. 355. Petrus Cardinalis Arragonice, necnon Episcopus Lici- bertus. Vita? Pontificum, p. 282, &c. S. Damiani Opuscula, ^ 20—37. Lan- dulfus Senior, Historia Mediolanensis, lib. iii. et iv. Corio, Historia di Milano, passim. Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici, an. 1047 — 1063. Pagi, Critica in Bar»nii Annales (ad eosdem annos). Muratori, Annali d'ltalia (sub iisdem ainiis). Sismondi, Histoire des Rep. torn. i. chap. .3. Fleury, Histoire Ecclesiastique, torn. xiii. lib. 60. Pfeffel, Histoire d'AUemagne, torn. i. p. lytJ— 208. ITALY BELIGIOUS AKD INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 155 tlie death of her parents, the most extensive fief which any Italian subject had yet possessed, compre- hending Tuscany, with the modern duchies of Parma, Reggio, Massa, Spoleto, and Modena. She deroted her money and troops to the exaltation of the holy see ; yet, as a vassal of the Lombard crown for a portion of Iter inheritance, she was surely not justified in making war on her liege sovereign, the emperor. As she had no issue by her two successive husbands, from both of ■whom she separated on finding that they were not dis- posed to aid her meditated schemes, she signed, during her friend Gregory's pontificate, an instrument by which she bequeathed to the holy see the whole of her pos- sessions. By this important act she greatly aggrandised tJie power of the popes ; but, at the same time, she embittered the animosity between the heads of the temporal and spiritual worlds. At her death, the fiefs which she held of the Lombard crown, should have reverted to the empire ; she had no power to transmit them ; she could bequeath only the territories which, in the language of the feudal law, she possessed en franc aleu, or allodially*, or by full hereditary sove- reignty. Gregory, however, laid claim to all. Nor was he without just subject of complaint against Henry. For some ages, especially during the last two, simony had unblushingly prevailed : scarcely had a single ec- clesiastical dignity been conferred by the imperial crown gratuitously. No sooner was one vacant, or expected to be so, than a swarm of ambitious churchmen en- deavoured by offers of money, of tribute, or of unusual military services, to obtain it ; in fact, a consideration was almost always given for it. t This abuse loudly * Allodium, Gallice Aleu, Aleu franc, vel franc Aleu : et dicitur alio, dium hEereditas quern vendere et donare possum. — Ducange, ad vocem. f Even Pfeffel, the advocate of the regalities, calls the never-ceasing arts of simony at this period, des abus afFreux et intolerables. Les I'veches etles abbes furentvendus ^ I'enchfere; souvent ilsdeviennent la recompense ilu crime et des plus horribles tgaremens ; et les titulaires, qui avoient payi? tres cher quelque benefice majeur, cherchant a se dedommager, re- vendoient en detail, avec une impuaitc scaudaleuse, les egliscs qui leur 156 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. demanded a remedy : Gregory thought the only effectual one would be to deprive the emperors altogether of the right of investiture. That right, howevei*, they had exercised without dispute since the time of Charle- magne. In some places, indeed, the chapters, con- jointly with the chief laymen, had elected their own bishops and abbots ; sometimes the emperor, of his own authority, had nominated to the vacant dignities ; more frequently he had been contented with recommending a candidate to the suffrages of the electors. But the most ordinary mode, that which could alone be truly called canonical, was for the chapter and people to elect their bishop, at the time appointed by the sove- reign ; if the candidate were approved, he received, as signs of investiture, the crosier and ring ; if disap- proved, they were commanded to proceed to a new elec- tion. Yet Gregory might justly contend that the right was but of modern origin; that it was the growth of the feudal system ; that it was forfeited by its abuse ; and that he, as the conservator of discipline, was bound to interfere. But arguments would have satisfied neither party ; the contest must evidently be decided by the physical force of the one, and the moral influence of the other. Before proceeding to extremities, Gregory sent several affectionate letters to the emperor, whom he exhorted to the extirpation of simony, and at the same time to a renunciation of the privilege of investiture. When he found, however, that Henry persisted in re- taining the obnoxious privilege, he cited him to appear before a synod at Rome, not so much to answer for his conduct, as to join in the solemn approbation of the measures which were in progress for the extirpation of simony and priestly fornication — for such all clerical marriages were declared to be. Henry, who had been oc- cupied in quelling domestic rebellion, had hitherto tem- ^toient subordonnees. {Histobe, i. 227.) All this is abundantly confirmed by Che acts of councils, and by the epistles of contemporary churchmen. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 157 porised, and even promised submission ; but now, the Saxons being humbled, he disdained to obey the citation. He knew that all the married ecclesiastics — and the num- ber at this time appears to have been prodigious — would take his part. In fact, the terrific thunders of recent councils against such connections had been received with curses by many churches of Germany and Italy, and by a few of France and England. Some of the clergy openly testified their intention of forsaking the altar rather than their wives. They contended that a priest was still a man ; that the gratification of a natural propensity was not forbidden by the law of God ; that, if the indulgence sanctioned by marriage were removed, a loose rein would be given to secret impu- rity ; that, when they were deprived of their cures, they should be glad to see where the pope would find angels to replace them. Confiding in this wide-spread feeling, Henry, in a synod held at Worms, prevailed on twenty- four bishops and other dignitaries to declare "the monk Hildebrand " deposed from the chair of St. Peter. The crimes of which the pope was accused merit no attention, since they were the sole invention of cardinal Ugo Candido, himself excommunicated, and since the private life of Gregory is above reproach. In fact, no one present believed them: all knew that they had no authority to depose a pope, since they did not form an oecumenical council, and Avere not canonically convoked; nor could they be ignorant that no council could depose a bishop, much less the pope, while absent and un- heard ; but passion urged the adoption of violence. Letters were written by the council to the bishops of Lombardy, calling on them to throw off their allegiance to " the monk ; " and the bishops of that province, assembled at Pavia, swore on the holy gospels never to acknowledge him as pope. This strange proceeding, joined to Gregory's escape from imminent death in a conspiracy at Rome, left him no alternative but to vindi- cate his authority. Had he contented himself with de- 158 EUROPE IX THE MIDDLE ACES. posing the rebellious prelates, he would have been justi- fied by his own times and by posterity ; but, full of the monstrous notion that the kingdoms of the world ought to be subject to the jurisdiction of Christ's vicar, and hurried away by the natural impetuosity of his charac- ter, he not only excommunicated the emperor, but de- posed him, absolving the Germans and Italians from their oaths of allegiance. * 1076 Here commences the far-famed struggle of the in- to vestitures, which, during two centuries, distracted the L278. Christian world, and deluged a great portion of Italy with blood. Into its details we cannot enter, the more especially as we have already shown how, in self-de- fence, the popes placed themselves at the head of the Guelfs ; and how, with the same feeling, they sought protection in the Norman dukes, whom they elevated into kings of Naples. We shall merely glance at the chief results. Henry, with all his power, could not resist that of opinion ; especially when his allies, the married clergy, were forced into submission to the holy see. Deserted by his bishops and councillors, and in danger of deposition by his own subjects, he had no alternative but to seek a reconciliation with his enemy. In the midst of winter he traversed the Alps, and hastened to Canossa, where Gregory awaited him ; but, before he could be admitted to the pope's presence, he was enjoined, and, to his shame be it said, he under- went, a most humiliating penance. Divested of his royal garb, with naked feet and bare-headed, he stood three whole days, from sunrise to sunset, in the court- yard of the castle ; and when, on the fourth, he was admitted to the presence of Gregory, and relieved from the excommunication, he was not restored to his empire, but commanded to submit to a new trial before the princes of Germany. Indignant at his baseness, were the barons, both of Lombardy and of Germany ; some talked • Chiefly the same authorities, I9 which must be added Lambertus Schaffnaburgensis, and the other historians of Germany. ITALV RELIGIONS AXD INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 159 of proclaiming his son Conrad, while others, who were joined by the papal creatures, actually proclaimed his brother Rudolf, duke of Suabia. This anti-C»sar, as he is called by the German historians, was openly ac- knowledged by Gregory ; but Henry, after some years of harassing warfare, triumphed for a time, invaded the papal states, took Rome by assault, besieged Gre- gory in the castle of St. Angelo, and opposed to him an anti-pope. But he also had his competitors to empire: his own son Conrad entered the lists against him. Though Gregory died in 1085, Victor III., Urban II., Pascal II., succeeded, as well to his spirit as to his dignity. Though the emperor triumphed over Conrad, towards the close of his life he had a more formidable enemy in his second son, Henry, whom he had the mor- tification to see crowned in his stead. His last days were passed in indigence ; nor could he obtain for his support a lay-prebend in a country which he had go- verned so many years. Henry V. was not long in harmony with Pascal, at whose instigation he had de- throned his father; the subject of investiture was the everlasting bone of contention. In his first irruption into Italy, he took the pope prisoner, and forced hira, under fear of death, to renounce the new pretensions of the holy see. But this renunciation was unavailing: the cardinals refused to confirm it ; a general council released him from the obligation, and excommunicated the emperor. The latter returned ; seized the domains of the deceased Matilda, which he asserted could not be alienated from the crown ; and expelled Pascal, who soon died. But the two succeeding popes, Gelasius II. and Calixtus II., continued the opposition, until Henry himself, perceiving the hopelessness of his pretensions, ceded, in 1122, the investiture by cross and ring to the church, and engaged to restore the possessions which he and his father had seized. On the other hand, the pope granted to the emperor the sterile privilege of being present at elections, as a sort of president; and the 160 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. more substantial one of investing the dignitary elect with the temporalities, by the delivery of a sceptre, — a form much less obnoxious to the church (for what reasqns would be difficult to assign) than the investi- ture by cross and ring. By this compromise, if the emperor lost all power over the choice of his ecclesiastical subjects, he had the consolation of knowing, that from an obnoxious one he could withhold the temporalities, that which constituted the most desirable adjunct of the dignity. From this period, during near half a century, if there was no open hostility between the two poten- tates, there was jealousy enough. That the haughti- ness of the pontiffs had not diminished, was apparent from Adrian IV., on receiving a visit from Frederic Barbarossa, insisting that the latter should hold the stirrup of his horse : besides, he secretly favoured the efforts of the Lombard cities in the war of independ- ence, while the emperor was not slow to favour the rebellions of the Romans, who often endeavoured to throw off the yoke of their theocratic government. With equal zeal did he espouse the cause of the anti- pope, Victor III. : the consequence was his excommu- nication by the lawful pontiff, Alexander III. In 1167, he assailed Rome, and expelled Alexander; but a contagion spreading among his troops forced him to retreat. During this interval the pope was not blind to the interests of the church. In the third Lateran council of 1179j the election of popes was declared to be vested exclusively in the cardinals, and that the candi- date who should obtain two-thirds of their suffrages, shovdd be regarded as the legitimate hep.d of the faith- ful. The death of Alexander and peace of Constance, in 1183, seemed to promise a considerable period of tranquillity ; but it was soon discovered that even when the subject of investiture was laid aside, as if by mutual consent, there were other matters of dispute. Lu- cius III. and Urban III. demanded an absolute re- nunciation by the emperor of aU feudal rights over the ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. l6l clergy, and by lay impropriators, — and no demand could be more just, — of the tithes which, in many places, they had usurped ; and that the allodial rights possessed by the countess Matilda should be surrendered to the holy see.* The conquests of Saladin suspended the thunder of the pontiff. Frederic departed for the Holy Land, and perished in a river near Seleucia. His son and successor, Henry VI., did not hesitate to con- fer the fiefs of Tuscany, Ancona, Romagna, and Spo- leto, — possessions comprised partly in the alleged gift of Charlemagne, and partly in the domains of the countess Matilda, — on three of his princes, who re- tained them during his life. On his death, in 1197, Innocent III., incensed at this violation of his rights, ordered that the march of Ancona and the duchy of Spoleto should be seized by open force. But there was no occasion for bloodshed : both territories were dissa- tisfied with the oppressive government of the German feudatories. In the one, Ancona, Osimo, Camerino, Fani, Jesi, Sinigaglia, and Pesaro ; in the other, Rieti, Spoleto, Assibi, Foligno, Nocera, Perugia, Agobbio and Citta di Castello, opened their gates to the papa- agents, and were guaranteed in their municipal in- stitutions. As to the cities of Tuscany, some of which were already beginning to be flourishing republics, they were no more willing to receive the yoke of the pope than of the emperor ; they cared not for the bequest of ]\Iatilda ; and as they were too powerful to be re- duced, all that Innocent could do was to convert them into his allies, by sanctioning their new-born freedom, and by declaring them the protectors of the church. In fact, all joined the Guelf or Tuscan league, except Pisa, which, as we have before observed, was always distinguished for its fidelity to the empire. Innocent was not satisfied with these advantages : dreading the • There is nothing unjust in the two latter demands; but the first, that which would exempt ecclesiastical iiefs from the service of the state, was as unreasonable as it was common. 162 EUROPE IN THE JIIDDLE AGES. power and genius of the house of HohenstaufFen, which possessed the crown of the Two Sicilies, he laboured to deprive it of the imperial : hence he supported Eer- thold, in opposition to Philip, son of Frederic I. ; and when Philip persuaded Berthold to desist from his claims, Otho was next raised up as an enemy by his Intrigues. Though Philip triumphed, and even dis- armed Innocent by the proposal of a matrimonial alli- ance between onf^ cf his daughters and a nephew of the pontiff, his assassination again arrested the negotiations. The accession of Otho IV., a Guelf, the member of a family which had always espoused the part of the church, was considered as a bond of harmony between the two princes. He was solemnly crowned by Inno- cent, after engaging to revoke all pretensions over the march of Ancona and the duchy of Spoleto. But the pretensions, we may add the duties of both, prevented their permanent reconciliation. Otho was blamed for dismembering the states of the empire ; he revoked his engagement, and expelled the papal troops from the two provinces. To perfidy he added insult, by command- ing the pope to annul the concordat of 1122, — to restore to the emperors their ancient right of nominating to dignities and benefices. This presumption ruined him ; even the German prelates took part against him. Excommunicated, opposed by Frederic II., son of Henry VI., deserted by his adherents, he retired to his hereditary states of Brunswick. One of Fre- deric's first acts in favour of his protector was to re- new the cession of ]\Iatilda's domains, and to sanction the right of appeal from Ids ecclesiastics to the court of Rome : in a subsequent diet, at Frankfort, he re- nounced the right of imperial jurisiliction in the epis- copal cities, except during the actual session of a diet. He did more : at the request of Honorius III., the suc- cessor of Innocent, he ceded the kingdom of the Two Sicilies to his son, and promised that it should never be incorporated witli the empire. But no emperor, still ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLKCTUAL HISTORY. 1 63 less an emperor and a king, least of all a IIohenstaufFen, could long remain in harmony with the holy see. Gre- gory IX. assisted by his cardinals, excommunicated Frederic, who had certainly evaded some of his engage- ments : in revenge, Matilda's domains — that everlasting apple of discord, — were invaded, and Rome insulted.* Innocent IV., the successor of Gregory, though, prior to his elevation, a personal friend of the emperor, refused to remove the excommunication, unless former conven- tions were fulfilled ; but Frederic was obstinate, and remained under the ban of the church until his death in 1250. The same dissensions continued during the reign of Conrad IV., who, in a similar manner, eluded the engagements of his predecessors, and to whom Inno- cent raised up a rival in William count of Holland. The reign of AV^dliam, a Ciuelf, was too short to permit the restoration of peace between the temporal and spi- ritual chiefs. The troubles which agitated the empire during the rival pretensions of Richard earl of Corn- wall, and Alfonso X. of Castile, prevented Alexan- der IV., Urban, and Clement IV., the successors of Innocent, from effecting the same object. To banish the HohenstaufFen dynasty from the throne of the Two Sicilies, the two latter pontiffs called in the aid of Charles d'Anjou ; the result was, a separation, as we have before related t, of the two crowns. But the suc- cessors of Clement found that they had only exchanged one dangerous neighbour for another ; that they were absolutely at the mercy of Charles, who seized their very capital. Gregory X., indeed, preserved Italy from this new danger : to counterbalance the rising power of the French prince, he gave peace to the empire, by per- suading the diet to elect another sovereign, Rudolf of Hapsburg. His immediate successors, however, (of whom there were three in one year,) were weak and pusil- lanimous, until Nicolas III. escaped from thraldom by • Frederic's acts as king of Lombardy and of Sirily, will be found in the histories of those kingdoms. f See the corresponding period in the history of Naples and Sicily. M 2 164 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. entering into alliance with Rudolf. And now we are arrived at the termination of the long dispute hetween the empire and the church. Omitting all mention of investitures, during a full century the emperors, on re- ceiving the crown from the hands of the pope, had con- firmed the pretensions of the holy see over Romagna, the march of Ancona, the Pentapolis, the exarchate of Ravenna, the duchy of Spoleto, &c. — of nearly all the territories comprised in the gift of Charlemagne and the bequest of Matilda, — but this engagement they had al- ways evaded. It was reserved for Rudolf to act with sincerity, and consequently to secure peace. By his letters-patent he solemnly renounced all claim over those fertile regions, which he recognised as possessions law- fully appertaining to the holy see. Tuscany, as may be readily supposed, was not included in this cession ; and the countries to the north, Parma, Reggio, Modena, Bologna, Ferrara, &c. belonged properly to the lords of Milan and Verona, and partly to native usurpers, who were too powerful to be disturbed- But Rome, if she agreed to temporise, kept an eye on these territories. Bologna and Ferrara were recovered in the following century ; some other places, as the duchy of Urbino, not until the seventeenth ; the fate of Parma, Modena, Reggio, &c. has already been related. The concordat as to the investiture was also sanctioned by Rodolf ; so that no cause of dissension remained between him and Nicolas.* ]278 From this time forward the two potentates were not *t> of necessity hostile, though jealousy or fear, policy or ambition, often made them so. The emperors at- * We have not room for the authorities on which the above long para, graph is founded ; they comprehend all the contemporary writers of Italy and (Germany, with most of the French ; most of them have been cited in the corresponding periods of the history of Lombardy, of Genoa, Pisa, Florence, and of Naples. The chief are i5aronius and Raynaldus, Annates Ecclesiastici ; Muratori, Annah d'ltalia : Fleury, Histoire Ecclesiastique; Giovanni Villani, Historia Univ. di suoi Temp ; Corio, Historia di Milano; Summonte, Hi>toria di Napoli ; Anselmus Gemblacensis, C'hronicon ; Sire Raoul, de Rclius Frcderici I. ; Otto de S. Blasio, Chroniconi Raumer, Ge. itchichte der Hohenstauffen ; Sismondi, Hist, des Rep. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 1 65 tempted to extend their sovereignty over Tuscany ; the popes were resolved to prevent it : hence, in the inter- minable contests between the Ghibelins and Guelf s, each either openly assisted or secretly favoured his party. The policy of the popes in regard to the affairs of Naples and Sicily we have already shown ; their re- maining career, as governors of the church, we shall hastily despatch. Some of the immediate successors of Nicolas were the creatures of France ; intrigues or vio- lence created a majority of cardinals in that interest ; Benedict XL, who endeavoured to shake off the influ- ence of Philip le Bel, suddenly and suspiciously died ; Clement V., a Frenchman, carried his baseness so far as to sacrifice the rights of the see and his own con- science to gratify Philip; John XXII. of the same nation, like Clement, i-emained in France, and in all things took part with Philip against the emperor ; on his death at Avignon, in 133-i, another Frenchman, Benedict XII., was elected, and the seat of the church remained at Avignon; so also were Clement VI., In- nocent VI. and Urban V. Urban was the sixth pope who sat at Avignon. The reign of these pontiffs is drawn in revolting colours by contemporary Italian writers, and the portrait is confirmed by those of France. With one exception, that of Clement VI., they are re- presented as imbued with almost every vice, so that Avignon was called the Western Babylon. In these descriptions there is doubtless much exaggeration ; but it cannot be denied that these French popes had lost their sense of dignity, that they were the mere slaves of France, that they were dissolute in their manners, neg- ligent of their duties, worldly in their views, generally feeble in talent. All Christendom began to exclaim against this subservience of the spiritual to the temporal power. If the successors of St. Peter, said the world, must have a temporal master, far better would be the yoke of the emperors than that of the French. Pene- trated with this feeling. Urban declared his resolution of M 3 166' EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. removing the court to its ancient seat, — a declaration which filled his cardinals (mostly Gallic) with regret : five refused to follow him ; the rest accompanied him with reluctance. But he persisted, and in 1367 he en- tered Rome, from which the popes had been absent full sixty years. Urban, however, though a virtuous man, sighed for the repose of Avignon, which appeared doubly sweet when contrasted with the agitated scenes around him ; in three years he yielded to the entreaties of his cardinals, and returned. But he scarcely sur- vived the journey, and was succeeded by another Frenchman, Gregory XI. Gregory, indeed, died at Rome, which he visited a few months before his death; and as the conclave for the election of his successor must necessarily be held where he died, the Italians re- solved that a cardinal of their country should replace him. The election of an Italian was the only way to preserve Rome as the seat of the church, and the church itself from a shameful dependence. But when the conclave was opened (April 7th, 1378), it was evident that the Italian party had no chance of success. Of the twenty- three cardinals who formed the council of the universal church, no less than eighteen were Frenchmen. Seven were absent (six had refused to leave Provence ; one was on a legation), yet eleven of the same nation re- mained to frustrate the efforts of the four Italian and one Spanish cardinal. The French cardinals hated Rome ; they were resolved to elect a pope who would again transfer the seat to Avignon ; the resolution be- came public ; the furious Romans flew to the palace of the Vatican, exclaiming that they would have a pope either of their own city or of Italy ; a deputation of the more influential citizens waited on the sacred college with the same demand ; a division among the French interests, one party calling for a Proven(^al, the other for some other Frenchman, aided the cries of the people, and in the end a compromise was effected, the suffrages of the college falling on the archbishop of Bari, who, though a Neapolitan, was almost naturalised in France. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. l67 But the cardinals, dreading the wrath of the populace, who had begun to clamour for a Roman alone, hastily fled before the election was proclaimed ; at length the tumult was assuaged, and the archbishop was enthroned as Urban VI., and was soon acknowledged by the cardinals at Avignon. Urban was at this time an enlightened, sincere, and humble Christian, an enemy to simony and luxury, and above all zealous for the good report no less than for the discipline of the church. But his very virtues, or rather let us say the corruption of the times, caused the schism which followed. In several of his discourses he inveighed with justice against the vices of his cardinals, called them ravenous wolves which de- voured Christ's flock, upbraided them for so frequently forsaking their charges, threatened to excommuni- cate any one who should receive a present from any secular prince, and enjoined them to be satisfied with one frugal dish at their meals. The manner of these reproaches was more offensive than the matter ; his determination never to leave Rome, and to create a num- ber of Italian cardinals, sufficient to destroy foreign influence, added to their discontent ; his calling some of them by opprobrious epithets — liars and fools — raised it to perfect detestation. Thirteen of them departed for Anagni, in Campania, where they encouraged each other to resistance. Their first intention was to give him a coadjutor, but on reflection they preferred his deposition, on the ground that the election had been made from fear of violence, and was therefore nuU. All this, however, was mere pretence ; the election had been strictly ceremonial in its forms, and it had not pleased the populace, who had clamoured for a Roman. In little more than three months from his elevation they declared the holy see vacant, proceeded to give their suffrages in favour of the cardinal of Geneva, a Frenchman, who assumed the name of Clement VII. In his own defence he created twenty-six Italian car- dinals, and hence the celebrated schism which during so long a period divided the Christian world. France, M 4 l68 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. and of course Naples, declared for Clement; Spain fol- lowed the example ; while Italy, Germany, Hungary, England, and Portugal acknowledged Urban. The latter naturally fixed his seat at Rome, while the former proceeded first to Naples, whence, on finding his situa- tion insecure, he hastened to Avignon, Into the history of this schism we cannot enter. We may observe, by way of summary, that as Urban grew older, he grew more imprudent, until he was distinguished for little beyond violence ; that he assisted Charles duke of Durazzo to dethrone Joanna of Naples * ; that he quarrelled with Charles, by whom he was besieged in Nocera ; that with much difficulty he escaped to Genoa; that before his departure he discovered a conspiracy among his cardinals, who had resolved either to depose him, or to give him a coadjutor ; that he seized six of the most guilty, put them to the torture, extorted a confession, and soon after his arrival at Genoa drowned them in the sea ; that his increasing cruelties caused most of his former adherents to forsake him ; that after a hfe of imprudence and of passion, he died at Rome in 1389, and was succeeded by Boniface IX. ; that in the same manner Clement was succeeded by Benedict XIII,; that several national councils of France and Germany called on both to abdicate, but both refused ; that, in 1404, Boniface was succeeded by Innocent VII., who in four years afterwards gave way to Gregory XII, ; that, notwithstanding the outcry of the whole Christian world, neither Benedict nor Gregory, however disinter- ested their professions, showed any disposition to abandon their dignities ; that in 1 409 a general council was con- voked at Pisa, which was attended by twenty -two cardi- nals, four patriarchs, twelve archbishops, eighty bishops, forty-one priors, and eighty-seven abbots, together with the ambassadors of all the Christian princes ; that the council declared itself oecumenic, and invested with autho- rity both over the church universal and the two popes ; • See the corresponding period in the history of Naples, in the last chapter. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 169 that they declared both guilty of schism, excommunicate, and deposed ; that the assembled cardinals elected the archbishop of jNIilan, under the name of Alexander V., on the condition that he would convoke a new council for the reformation of the church ; that the new pontiff" was immediately obeyed by all Europe^ except Spain, which adhered to Benedict, and Naples and Bavaria, which in the same manner refused to forsake Gregory ; that Christian Europe had thus three popes, Gregory at Rome, Alexander at Pistoia, and Benedict in Aragon ; that the council of Pisa therefore failed in the extinction of the schism, which, on the death of Alexander, was confirmed by the election at Florence of John XXIII. ; that by this last-named pope a general council was convoked, and as- sembled at Constance, to which all the princes of Europe sent ambassadors ; that in it all the three popes were de- clared usurpers ; that John was deposed, and Gregory persuaded to abdicate the papacy ; that Benedict, on re- fusing to abdicate, was also deposed ; and that in 1417 the schism was ended by the elevation of Martin V. — During this long period several cities of the ecclesiastical states had freed themselves from the authority of Rome, and either erected themselves into republics, or unwill- ingly submitted to some local tyrant. Martin recovered all except Bologna, which was recovered by Eugenius IV. But this new pontiff had to sustain numerous, sometimes disastrous, wars against his turbulent vassals, and against Francesco Sforza, afterwards duke of Milan, in which Romagna and the march of Ancona were lost to him for a season. Nor was his reign in other respects tranquil. The council of Bale, which had been convoked by his predecessor, which met in the first year of his pontifi- cate, and which sat during many years, exhibited a de- mocratic spirit, and insisted on all but an annihilation of the papal prerogatives. His resistance to its demands brought on him the sentence of deposition, and Felix V. ■was proclaimed in his stead. But this violent proceed- ing was disapproved by many of the fathers, and Eugenius was able to convoke another council at Ferrara, 170 EUROPE IS THE MIDDLE AGES. which he afterwards transferred to Florence. Thus was the schism renewed; hut, fortunately, it was of short duration ; for after the death of Eugenius, and the election of Nicolas V., Felix, who had few adherents left, was persuaded to abdicate. Of the immediate successors of Nicolas, little good can be spoken. That they should be intent on the entire recovery of the possessions of the church, is natural, but that their pretensions should extend over 1 uscany, IVIodena, Parma, and all the territories formerly possessed by Matilda — territories which had never yet obeyed them — was certainly in- discreet, and even criminal, since there could be no well-founded hope that the blood expended in pursuit of this object would not be shed in vain. Still more detestable Avas the manner in which the popes attempted that object ; they showed that they were amply imbue with the worst vices of Italian politicians. To complet the portrait, we might glance at their still more zealous efforts to aggrandise their kinsmen, sometimes their ille- gitimate offspring, generally their nephews ; but cur limits will not allow, and assuredly we have no dispo- sition to exhibit the revolting sight. 'W'e will merely observe, that during a full century many of the popes appeared no better than personifications of the v.orst principles. That their vices, more than l EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. decline of learning, from the corruption of the sacer- dotal order, we have already described in the first chapter. It is true, indeed, that when the secular clergy lived in community, there was more propriety of conduct, since their eyes were continually on each other, and every deviation, not merely from morals, but from external decorum, was sure to be punished. The exact period when they, in imitation of the monks, adopted the ccenobial life, cannot be ascertained; but St. Eusebius of Vercelli is the first whom ecclesiastical history men- tions as subjecting his clergy to such a life. That they followed a written rule is manifest from their name, canons ; but probably it consisted only of a few gene- ral directions. In the seventh century, however, St. Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, reduced the observances to a more elaborate system, which was soon received by the canons of all cathedrals. That prelate enjoined not merely the exercises of piety, but self-instruction, the instruction of the ignorant and poor, and the education of youths intended for the priesthood. So superior were these canons, both in learning and religion, to the rest of the clergy, that many national councils called on the bishops to ordain them only, — wherever they could be procured, — for the rural churches. It is, however, mani- fest, that this rule of St. Chrodegang could not apply to the great bulk of the clergy, since in the rural districts, which could scarcely maintain a single priest, the com- munal life was impossible. To the causes of clerical decline before noticed, we might add many more ; a few must suffice. The change in discipline occasioned by the false decretals attributed to the early popes in the collection of Isidore, and by succeeding constitutions, had a lamentable effect. By them an important case could be decided, no bishop sentenced, no provincial council held, without the sanction of the pope ; though, in the earliest ages of the church, the bishops, in virtue of their jurisdiction, were the judges of every thing that con- cerned their own dioceses ; in council^ of all the dioceses ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 227 in the kingdom, as well as of one another. Instances of this are so common in the ecclesiastical history of every country, that we may be excused for omitting them. On the same fictitious authority rested most other abuses of discipline, such as the translation of bishops — the curse of any church which adopts it ; the creation of new sees ; the subjection of many bishops to one metropolitan, though in the ancient church the prelates were all equal in dignity ; and the interminable decision of appeals from every see through- out Christendom. In extraordinary cases, indeed, where local prejudice or partiality existed, there would be less harm in such appeals ; but even in these cases they were unnecessary, as a national council would have been above suspicion, and more likely to be acquainted with the facts than a distant tribunal. The same de- cretals, by teaching the immunity of the clergy in regard to the secular tribunals, by so degrading the royal prerogative of justice as to render the clergy the domi- nant order in the state, was still more mischievous ; since it led to the laxity of clerical morals, and to the terrible disputes which, in every European country, have agitated the mind of the people. Another galling con- sequence of these absurd pretensions, — of the despotic power which the pope arrogated over the church univer- sal, — was the imposition of new and oppressive taxes, to support at Rome an unbecoming splendour. A worse was the persecution of all who ventured to hold opinions in faith differing from those of the infallible head. The wisest and best bishops in the primitive church were hostile to persecution ; the penance for heresy was sim- ply excommunication, — a penance which was found amply sufficient from the apostolic times to the worst period of the middle ages. Isolated instances, indeed, of bloody intolerance were to be found under the later emperors ; but we read that these instances were con- demned, and their authors shunned. Thus, neither St. Ambrose nor St. Martin would communicate with Q 2 228 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Ithacius, or with the other bishops joined with him in procuring the condemnation of the Priscilhanists. From the twelfth century, the fires of persecution began to burn ; in the thirteenth they blazed in all their fury, fed as they were by intolerant popes, and by hellish friars, — by the Alexanders and the Domingos of the time.* III. The state of literature and of mental KNOWLEDGE will uot require so much exposition as that of the church ; partly because, during the dark ages, books worthy of notice were exceedingly rare ; and partly because, in the lives of some saints, we have al- ready touched on the subject. We can only give a hurried glance at the general intellectual state of Italy during the periods least known — omitting the vernacu- lar authors who have an European reputation — occa- sionally mentioning the most distinguished works. In the division of these periods we follow that most learned, most elaborate, but seldom most judicious of guides, the abbate Tiraboschi.t 5G8 The intellectual state of Italy under the Lombards ^^^ is not of the most brilliant order. It was not, indeed, to be expected, that during the interminable wars be- tween them and the Greeks, the devastations which they committed, and their utter contempt for every thing except brute force, much regard would be paid either to letters or their cultivators. If some writers are to be credited, the whole end of these barbarians was to ex- terminate every thing liberal ; while, on the contrary, others have as zealously vindicated them from the charge : both appeal to antiquity in support of their re- * The above long paragraph is founded on Baronius and Raynaldus, Annnles Ecclesiastici ; on Fleury, Histoire Eccl^siastique; on the Acts of the National and Ecumenical Councils ; on the histories of the Religious Orders ; and on the Lives of Saints in the collections of Bollandus and Ma- billon, in volumes too numerous to be cited. f Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Italians, ed. Milano, 1823, in 16 thick vols. 8vo. For the vernacular popular literature of Italy, — for such names, especially, as are known to every reader (such as Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Ariosto, &c.) — see Sismondi's History of the Literature of Southern Europe. 774. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 229 spective opinions. Thus the testimony of Paul the Deacon is adduced by Muratori and Denina, to prove their moderation ; that of St. Gregory the Great, by Tiraboschi and others, to expose the ferocity of the Lombards. There can be no doubt, that though the prejudiced declamations of St. Gregory must be received with considerable abatement. Lis character of that people is more just than that of their countryman the Deacon. That " cities were sacked, fortresses levelled, churches burned, monasteries of both sexes destroyed, the fields wasted, and the country abandoned, so that wild beasts supplied the place of men," are facts which no sophistry can invalidate. It is equally true, that many thousands of the conquered inhabitants were led, as the same pope informs us, with ropes round their necks, into France^ to be there sold as slaves ; but it is not true that they were wounded or maimed, — for that would have been senseless policy. The ferocity of the Lombards, joined to an ignorance so barbarous as to have no respect for the noblest arts of life, and to the misery of the popu- lation ruined by wars so savage and long-continued, were more than sufficient to banish the spirit of letters. Yet there are some men, who, in the most adverse cir- cumstances, will cling to a favourite study with a tenacity not inferior to that with which we cling to life itself. All books were not destroyed ; some whole libraries escaped ; some men were courageous enough to teach ; and youths intended for the ecclesiastic state were anxious enough to learn, even in the places which had most fully experienced the ravages of the barbarians : in fact, they themselves were Christians ; their priests had, consequently, need of some instruction, and were bound to impart it to others. In sacred literature, the most honourable, and indeed the only, place must doubt- less be assigned to pope St. Gregory, to whose life and works we have already sufficiently adverted. Other writers on the subject there doubtless were ; but such of their works as have survived are not worth perusal ; e 3 230 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. nor shall we draw them from the oblivion which they so justly merit. In polite literature we have scarcely more names. That Venantius Fortunatus, the only poet we shall mention, was an Itahan, and educated at Ravenna, has been established beyond dispute : he left Italy on the eve of the Lombard invasion, and hastened to Poitiers, where he was ordained, first, priest, and sub- sequently bishop of that church ; and we may infer the degree of respect in which he was held from his inti- macy with St. Radegonde, St. Gregory of Tours, and other distinguished individuals of that period. Of his works, contained in fifteen books, by far the greater por- tion consists of i^oetry, distinguished rather for piety than for elegance. His Vita S. Martini, the versifica- tion of which appears exceedingly uncouth even for that age, was written, he informs us, from gratitude to that saint, whose intercession had restored to him the use of his eyes, when human art laboured in vain. The Lom- bards, too, could boast of one historian of some note, Paulus Warnefredus*, whose work, De Gestis Longo- bardorum, is one of the most valuable in the whole range of historic literature relating to the middle ages. That he was the friend and chancellor of the last Lom- bard king, and that, after the destruction of that king- dom by the Franks, he took holy orders as deacon of Forojuliensis, have been abundantly proved by his countrymen. He appears, however, subsequently to have opened a school of grammar, rhetoric, and Greek ; to have visited France by order of Charlemagne ; and to have assumed the monastic habit at Monte-Casino. Besides the history just mentioned, he composed many poetical pieces, some letters, and some opuscula, which, however brief, obtained the highest praise from his contemporaries, — not from Italians only, but from such judges as Alcuin and Charlemagne ; but surely such * As Paul lived to the close of the eighth century, he is classed by Tira- boschi among the writers of the succeeding period ; but as a Lombard, living under several native kings, he may surely be included in the present paragraph. _ , ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 231 encomiums as the following (that of Petrus Pisanus) we should not have expected : — GrjEca cerneris Homerus, Latina Viigilius ; In Hebrjea quoque Philo, TertuUus in artibus ; Flaccus crederis in metris, TibuUus eloquio. In reply to this bombast, he himself has doubtless given us a juster measure of his learning : — GrKcam nescio loquelam. Ignore Hebraicam : Tres aut quatuor in scholis Quas didici sjllabas, Ex his mihi est ferendus, Manipulus adorea. From this precious specimen of his poetical powers, few readers will regret to hear that most of his Greek effu- sions are lost. In the sciences and the liberal arts there is not one name preserved by time. In short, the period of the Lombard domination is so barren, that, except the two or three writers we have mentioned, and two or three obscure monastic chroniclers, it produced not one literary name. Of course we do not, like Tiraboschi, reckon foreigners who resided in Italy among the cele- brated men of the country. If St. Columbanus of Ire- land, and the monk Ambrosio Antpertus of Gaul, are received by him, why not St. Benedict Biscop.'' why not Alcuin ? why not St. Boniface .'' why not a score be- sides of every nation who visited, and for some time abode in Italy.''* During the next period, viz. from Charlemagne to 774 the death of the emperor Otho III. in 1002, the to field of literature is somewhat less barren. This ^(^02. greatest of the Carlovingian princes was a constant patron of letters, not in France only, but in every part of his extended dominions. That he founded the uni- • S. Gregorius Magnus, Dial. lib. iii. cap. 3S. Paulus Diaconus, De Gestis Longobardorum, lib. ii. cap. 13. et 32. Miiratori, Annali ri'Italia, an. .568, &r. Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastic!, an. 590 — 604 Vcnantil Fortunati Carmina etOpuscula, passim. Tiraboschi, Storia della Lettera- tura Ital. lib. IL et iii. (variis capitulis). Q 4 232 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. versity of Pavia, is admitted by the general consent of Italian historians ; that he rewarded with a munifi- cent hand all who exhibited any considerable portion of intellectual merit^ is manifest from the numerous writers of his time. But the edifice of which he thus laid the foundation, was left unfinished through the quarrels of his worthless descendants, who filled most of Eu- rope with bloodshed, and so unsettled the minds of men, that literai*y studies were, of necessity, neg- lected. The evil, indeed, is not attributable to them alone : the Greeks in one part of Italy, the Sara- cens in another, the Hungarians in a third, and the ambitious native lords in all parts, added their share to the existing mass of agitation. Still some schools continued to be frequented, some libraries escaped de- struction, and some writers forgot their country's sorrows in the cultivation of the mind. In sacred literature we have, first, PauUniis, patriarch of Aqui- leia, Avho died in 804, and whom recent criticism has shown to be an Italian. Considerable confidence must have been placed in his theological acquire- ments, no less than in his orthodoxy, or he would not have been appointed to draw up a symbol of faith and the canons of the council of Forojuliensis, nor em- ployed to combat the heresy of Felix bishop of Urgel, and Elipando bishop of Toledo.* That he was one of the most learned men of his age is indubitable, both from his works, a collection of which was published at Venice in 1437, and from the testimony, however pompous, and possibly exaggerated, of jUcuin: — Tuum est, O pastor electe gregis, et custos portarum civitatis Dei, qui clavem scientise potente dextera tenes — Phi- listaeos — uno veritatis ictu conterere. Ad te omnium aspiciunt oculi, ah quid de tuo affluentissimo eloquio cceleste desiderantes audire, et ferventissimo sapientiae sole, &c. Omitting Theodulfo bishop of Orleans, who, notwithstanding the assertions ' of Tiraboschi, was certainly a Spaniard, or at least an inhabitant of * See the History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iv. p 305. Cab. Cvc. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 233 Septimania*, we have next Andreo Agnello, author of the Liber PontificaUs, or History of the Bishops of Ravenna ; a7id Anastasius Bih/iothecariiis, author, or perhaps editor, of the Vitae Romanorum Pontificum, from St. Peter to Nicolas I. — both of the ninth cen- tury. The former work is but a meagre catalogue ; the latter is also meagre enough, but of exceeding va- lue, as containing the earliest and most authentic account we have of the ancient popes, compiled from sources no longer extant. Of Anastasius we only know, that he was Ubrarian to the holy see, and abbot of a monastery dedicated to Our Lady ; that he was employed on an honourable embassy to Constantinople ; and that he composed some minor pieces, as well as translated several from the Greek into the language of Rome. The same century produced two other writers, both named i/o/ui, both bearing the title of Deacon; the one, author of a life of pope St. Gregory, the other of a succession of Neapolitan bishops ; but neither they, nor three Sicilian writers of the same period, deserve even a passing notice. If Atto bishop of Vercelli was, as he certainly appears to have been, an Italian, he may be ranked among the most learned men of the country, — a fact sufficiently apparent from such of his works as have yet been published by Dachery and Mazzucchelli ; especially from his comment on St. Paul's Epistles, and from two sermons. — In poetry there are some names, but certainly not one deserving of remembrance ; and those in history are little better. Such meagre chroni- clers as Andrew of Bergamo, Erchempert of Monte- Casino, and some anonymous ones of the duchy of Benevento, however useful their works may be in throwing some degree of light on a dark period, may be left in obscurity. Liutprand, who flourished in the tenth century, deserves a more honourable place : his history of his own times, and of his embassy to Con- stantinople, is superior in point of style to any histori- cal work of the period, and is still more valuable for * Masdeu, Historia Critica de EspaSa (EspaSa Arabe, lib. ii.). 234 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. its matter. He is^ however, exceedingly severe against Berengarius, in whose service he had been, but who exiled him into Germany. He returned with Otho the Great, and died bishop of Cremona. — Astronomy, the mathematics, and painting were also cultivated in this dark age ; but with so little success, that none of its cultivators was able to obtain notice even from his contemporaries. * 1002 The third period of Italian literature, comprised to between the death of Otho III. and the peace of Con- 1183. gtance, in 1183, cannot be expected to exhibit much intellectual brilliancy, when we remember that this was the period in which the northern cities of Italy made their famous stand against the emperors ; when in the centre the popes quarrelled with the temporal chiefs of Christendom, respecting the too famous investitures ; when the south was a prey to Greeks, Saracens, and Normans. Through the efforts, however, of the em- perors and the popes, these disasters were not wholly fatal to learning. According to Landulphus senior, that noble structure, the church of St. Ambrose at Milan, could, in the eleventh century, boast of two philosophical schools, which were well frequented, and the professors of which were supported, as in former times, by the liberality of the archbishops. Other cities, too, had similar establishments. Thus we read that St. Peter Damian, after studying at Faenza, re- paired to Parma, which, according to the metrical bio- grapher of the countess Matilda, was called, on account of its literary celebrity, Chrysopolis, or the Golden City. And though no university was yet, perhaps, established in Italy t, libraries appear to have become more com- mon : that of the Vatican was guarded with care, as appears from the succession of its keepers. To com- mence, as before, with sacred literature, we have some * Authorities: — The biographers of Charlemagne ; the Dissertations of Muratori ; and vol. iii. liv. 3. of Tiraboschi. f The foundation of the university of Bologna was laid as early as the close of the eleventh, or the commencement of the twelfth century ; but the era of its establishment should be that of the concessions made to it by the emperor and tlie pope. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 235 doubts whether Fulbert, bishop of Chartres^ was an ItaUan. That he was, is not only asserted by the great champion of his country's glory, Tiraboschi, but seems to be admitted by Mabillon and Fleury ; yet, though the inferences drawn from certain detached passages of his own writings do not justify a confident assertion, Italy has at least as many apparent claims to the honour as France. His epistles, sermons, and other minor works, are evidence, that whatever might be the revo- lutions of the period, a brighter day was dawning. — A greater man was Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, who was born at Pavia early in the eleventh century. "W^here he passed his youthful years, and, consequently, to what place he was chiefly indebted for his knowledge, is wrapt in much uncertainty : it is probable, however, that the honour must be assigned to some city of Italy, — most likely to Pavia or Bologna, — since, on his arrival in Normandy, he opened a school at Avranches. Subsequently he assumed the habit in the monastery of Bee, of which he became prior ; but so far was he from burying his acquirements, that he instructed not only the monks, but strangers whom his fame led to that retirement. It is certain that he was one of the restorers of learning, and that his example had a consi- derable influence over both France and England. His first and not least useful employment was, by the col- lection of ]\ISS., to correct the text not only of the fathers, but of the Holy Scriptures. Both before and after his elevation to the see of Canterbury (IO7O), — an elevation owing to his merit alone, — he distin- guished himself in the service of the universal church. His treatise against Berengarius, his defence of the real presence in the eucharist, and his epistles, are admitted to be methodical, clear, and, for the period, elegant ; and his statutes for the regulation of the English mon- asteries show that he was no less attached to discipline. But his influence was in one sense baneful : by main- taining the spiritual despotism of the pope, he did all he coidd to destroy the few remaining hberties of the 236 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Anglican church. — Of still greater celebrity was St. Anselm, who was born in Lombardy in 1034 ; who, like the former, was first a monk, next prior of Bee, then head of the school there, and eventually arch- bishop of Canterbury (1093*), in the possession of which see he died in 1 1 OQ. Like his predecessor, too, he laboured with success in correcting biblical MSS., in defence of the Catholic faith ; and, like Lanfranc, in upholding the power of the pope at the expense of the crown, the immunities of the clergy at the expense of society in general. His perpetual disputes with William Rufus and Henry I. argue certainly for his disinterestedness ; for his courage in defence of what he believed, however erroneously, to be just; and for his religious zeal ; but they prove little in favour of his moderation. Not that he had no reason for complaint: that these rapacious kings should so long continue the vacancies in the rich sees and abbacies, for the sake of the revenues, was surely enough to excite the indig- nation of any churchman ; and his opposition to such an abomination must be related to his everlasting honour ; but the case was different in regard to the obnoxious immunities. It must, however, be urged in extenuation, that he contended for what he conscien- tiously believed to be binding on him, while his sovereigns acted against both conscience and reason. For an account of these long quarrels, we refer to the histo- rians of the time, especially to the monk Eadmer, and William of Malmsbury. t His works, which are nu- merous, and chiefly relating to dogmatic theology, are distinguished for great acuteness, for a logical method, and for unusual clearness. He often, however, dege- nerates into mysticism, — the natural tendency of a mind so devoted to metaphysics ; and he is fonder of scho- lastic subtleties than any author who preceded him. — About the middle of the twelfth century, we have the * Four years after Lanfranc's death, during which period the see was vacant, through the rapacity of William Rufus, who enjoyed the revenue. f A very reasonable account may be found in Mr. Turner's History of England during the Middle Ages, vol. i. ITALY KELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 237 famous Peter the Lombard, whose origin was low enough^ since his mother was a washerwoman. But in Roman CathoHc countries, not even the lowest are de- barred from the most liberal education. * Peter studied at Novara, until the bishop of Lucca sent him with a letter of introduction to St. Bernard t, in France. He prosecuted his studies at Rheims, and finished them at Paris, then by far the most celebrated place of edu- cation in Europe. Here his progress was so rapid, that he was soon appointed to a school in theology, to considerable church preferment, and, ere long, to the see of Paris. He died in 11 60, before his mother, to whose comfort he dutifully administered.:); Of his works, by far the most noted is his Book of Sentences, a complete system of theology, the numerous propo- sitions of which are supported, not by his own rea- soning, but by apt quotations from the Scriptures, the fathers, and the great doctors of the church. In this undertaking he exhibited great learning ; nor does he want logical acuteness when he deduces one truth from another, making the consequence of one propo- sition the basis or predicate of another. But in his days criticism was little understood : his citations are not always from genuine sources ; and he is often too speculative to be useful. But he has the glory, in con- junction with the famous Abailard, of having opened a new and intei'esting field of study, and of having ex- cited others to labour in it more successfully than himself. Like Abailard, too, he fell into some heretical opinions, which were condemned by the holy see. Yet his Book of Sentences had the good fortune to be used as a text book in the schools of theology, and to be commented on by above two hundred writers, some the greatest doctors in the church. — Contemporary with * Reflect on this, ye Protestant trustees of grammar schools, ye Pro- testant heads of our universities, ye bishops of the church of England ! f St. Bernard's life will be given in the history of France. t The old woman, hearing of his elevation to the see of Paris, ventured to visit him, and, to do him honour, presented herself in a splendid h.ibit ; but he would not speak to her until she had divested her.self of her unbe- coming trappings, and resumed her former humble garments. 238 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Peter were two other theologians, Lodolf of Novara and Bernard of Pisa, who, like him and their learned countrymen of the age, finished their studies at the university of Paris, where they afterwards became pro- fessors. The former distinguished himself in opposing the errors of Abailard ; and in this respect he is said to have shown more acuteness than St. Peter Damian, whose life and works we have noticed in a preceding paragraph. In dogmatic divinity, and among the sub- tle writers of this period, must also be included the monk Alberic, the opponent of Berengarius ; and St. Bruno, first bishop of Segni, next monk, and soon abbot of Monte-Casino, who wrote comments on several books of Scripture. This, indeed, may be termed the golden age of scholastic learning. St. Anselm, bishop of Lucca, a native probably of Milan ; Peter Grossolano, arch- bishop of Milan, probably a Lombard ; and Bonisone, bishop of Placenza, whose birth-place is unknown ; contributed by their pens to the glory of their country. Of these, the first, who excelled in sanctity of man- ners, applied his whole attention to the exaltation of the holy see, to the inculcation of ascetic observances, and to the collection of such canons and decretals as favoured the new views entertained by the papal court. Of the second, nothing is known until 1100, when he is intro- duced on the stage of life in a wood, between Acqui and Savona, where he lived as a hermit, and where he was discovered by some messengers of Anselm arch- bishop of Milan. The messengers were so well pleased with the man, squalid as was his garb, that they took him with them to Savona, whither they were sent to open a chapter for the election of a bishop. Fortu- nately for him, he pleased the electors, who raised him to the dignity; and, in two years more, on the death of Anselm, he obtained — probably by simony — the archiepiscopal throne of Milan. But scarcely had he taken his seat, when he was expelled by his clergy and the people on a charge of simony ; nor could the pope, nor even his own efforts at the head of a considerable ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 239 armed forces procure his restoration. During a visit to the Holy Land and Constantinople, from 1109 to 1114, he appears to have cultivated Greek literature with some success : in the Greek capital itself he wrote against the heresy of the Eastern church, relating to the pro- cession of the Holy Ghost. He was answered by some learned Greeks, — even by Alexius Comnenus, the em- peror ; but on which side lay the honours of victory we shall not enquire. Of Bonizone we know little, except that he was killed by the schismatics of Placenza, and that most of his works are in MS. It is, how- ever, asserted that these works, which chiefly relate to ecclesiastical discipline, are distinguished by learn- ing and judgment. To this list of writers on sa- cred or ecclesiastical Uterature, we may add the monastic chroniclers, or biographers, of Farfa, Monte- Casino, and other religious communities, whose works, however meagre, are valuable, as affording us materials for ecclesiastical history, and as throwing incidental light on the manners and transactions of the times. Of these, the most celebrated is the Chronicon Sacri Monas- terii Casinensis, by Leo, cardinal bishop of Ostia, and continued by Peter the Deacon : we may add, that it is a most useful auxiliary to Italian history. This con- tinuator, who was much inferior to Leo, alike in learn- ing, style, and manner, has left some other works, chiefly of an ascetic character, which are not likely to be disturbed. One exception there is — his biography of the illustrious men of Monte-Casino — which, from the light it casts on the literary history of Italy, has been drawn from its obscurity, and enriched with valu- able notes. We might also add the biographers of the popes ; but their productions, during the period under consideration, possess no degree whatever of literary merit. — In other branches of literature, the catalogue is much less considerable. That Greek began to be partially cul- tivated by some individuals with success, is indisputable : Aristotle, and some of the fathers, were translated into Latin. — In poetry, there are some names deserving of 240 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. notice. The exploits of the Normans^ from their arrival to the death of Robert Guiscard, in five books, were sung by Gulielmus ApuUensis, — a work superior to the times : he undertook it at the command of pope Urban II., and of his superior, friend, and patron, Roger, the son of Robert, to whom it is inscribed. Donizone, a monk of Canossa, sung the praises of his sovereign, the celebrated countess Matilda; but his work is as inferior to the poetical relation of the war between the Milanese and the Comaschi, as adulation is to truth. In the history of that war, we have alluded to and quoted this latter poem, which may be regarded as one of the most curious monuments of the middle ages.* His name is unknown ; but he was evidently a native of Como, and a contemporary. Not less patriotic, though certainly less poetical, than the Cumanus, was the Carmen de Laudibus Beryami, written by Moses of Bergamo, who appears to have flourished in the twelfth century, and who is represented as a man of great eru- dition ; but he scarcely deserves more notice than the deacon of Pisa, who about the same time wrote a poem on the conquest of the Balearic isles by the united forces of Pisa and Catalonia.t — Of historians, there is a greater number. Thus, IVIilan had Arnulphus, the two Lan- dolphus, surnamed for distinction the elder and younger, and sire Raoul, whose works we have quoted in the history of Lombardy ; thus also Lodi had Otho and Acerbo Morena ; Genoa had Caffaro ; Naples had Gau- fredus Malaterre, and Alexander, abbot of Telese ; Benevento and Sicily had each several, whose works have been cited in the proper place. Of these writers, truth will award no higher praise than that of sincerity ; their rudeneSs is excessive ; they are confused for want of dates ; yet, with all their defects, but for them we should be in absolute ignorance of Italian history in those dark ages. — In philosophy, we meet with other names than those of Lanfranc, St. Anselm, and the * See page 34. of the present volume. f See History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iii. (Counts of Barcelona.) ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 241 tlieologians before mentioned. Of an Italian philo- sopher named Joint, who disputed with great applause at Constantinople, we have some account by the prin- cess Anna Comnena. That he was learned in Aristotle and Plato, iS' admitted by her ; but where his argu- ments failed to convince, he had recourse to blows, and, as he was an athletic man, so effectually, that he was almost sure to conquer : in recompence, however, he always besought the pardon of those whom he thus belaboured. He taught some heresies; and the em- peror Alexius, who had some regard for him, enjoined the patriarch to reclaim him : but the subtlety of the Italian exceeded even that of the Greek; the prelate was not only vanquished, but led into heresy too, to the great scandal of the people, who would have murdered him except for the interference of Alexius. Subsequently he recanted his errors, relapsed, and again recanted ; and after various extraordinary freaks, he peaceably ended his days in his adopted country. Of his works, som.e are still extant in the Bibliotheque du Roi at Paris ; in the library of St. Mark at Venice ; and in the imperial collection at Vienna. Whether another philosopher, named Gerrard, who resided at Toledo, was a Spaniard or an ItaUan, has given rise to much controversy ; but the evidence, such as it is, is certainly in favour of the latter conjecture. That he translated several works from Arabic into Latin, and was one of the most learned as well as most laborious writers of his time, is apparent from his MSS. still extant. — During the eleventh century, astronomy and medi- cine began to be cultivated in Italy ; but to no great extent : music, architecture, and painting, were some- what more so : but our most interesting enquiry re- gards jurisprudence.* * BoUandista;, Acta Sanctorum ; Mabillon, Aiinales Belied., nccnon Acta SS. Bened., cum Annal. Ecclesiast. Baronii, et Fleury, Histoire Ecclc- siastique (in vols, too numerous to be cited). Milo Crispinus, VitaLanfraiici (in Mab. Acta SS. Ben. torn. ix. et Boll. torn. vi. Mali). Eadmer, Vita S. Anselmi, passim. Riccobaldus Ferrariensis, Pomarium Revennatis Ecclesije, p. 124. Gallia Sacra, torn. vii. p. G7. Leo Ostiensis, &c. Chronicoii Mon. Casin. (in vita S. Brunonisl. Petrus Diaconus, De Viris lUustribus VOL. I. U 24;2 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 1002 That jurisprudence, both civil and canonical, flou- t'J rished earlier, and has always been more successfully '^**'^' cultivated, in Italy than in any other country, — not excepting Salamanca, rendered so illustrious by the labours and talents of Alonso el Sabio^ — is known to every scholar : that it should be so studied, may be ex- plained by the state of Italian society. On the one side, the emperors were contending for sovereignty ; on the other, the great rities for independence ; and it was natural that during such a contest the minds of men should be drawn towards the pretensions of both. In fact, from a much earlier period, there had been a moral struggle between the spirits of two different codes. The Lombards and Franks had, indeed, permitted the con- quered inhabitants to choose the code under which they would Uve ; and while in Lombardy generally they in- clined to that of the victors, in the exarchate, the Pen- tapolis, Tuscany, &c., they adhered, like the Romans, to that of Justinian ; but yet there were many thou- sands in Lombardy who adopted the Roman, just as in the other provinces there were many who lived under the northern laws ; and the same permission was ex- tended to the Salic and the German. Down to the twelfth, and even the thirteenth century, we meet with signatures to contracts and diplomas, specifying the par- ticular code to which the parties were subject: thus, "Ego N. N. qui professus sum ex natione mea lege vivere Longobardorum," &c. — " Ego N. N. qui professus sum ex natione mea vivere lege Romana," &c. We even find that husband and wife were sometimes sub- ject to different laws ; as in regard to WilMam, mar- quis, and Julita, marchioness of Monferrat : — " Nos itaque praedicti jugales qui professi sumus ex natione nostra lege vivere Sahca, sed ego Julita ex natione mea lege vivere Alemannorum," &c. Here we find four distinct codes, all obligatory^ and the knowledge of all Casin. cap 34. Carusius, Preef. in Bibliothecam Siculam, torn. i. & ii. Mu- ratori, Prsef. et Dissert, in Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, torn. iv. v. vi. ix. ; aud above all Tiraboschi, Storia deUa Letter. ItaL torn. iii. lib. +. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 24" essential to the public advocate ; or how could he conduct any case where the parties could invoke pro- visions so various ? It is, indeed, true, that by far the greater portion of the people were subject either to the Justinian or the Lombard code ; and this fact at once disproves the random assertion of some writers, — that after the irruption of the northern barbarians, the Roman jurisprudence was buried in the same grave with Roman independence. In support of their opinion, they adduce the well-known relation, how, in 1135, a copy of the Pandects being discovered at Amalfi, that jurisprudence was restored by the emperor Lothaire II., and its knowledge soon spread throughout Europe. That such a MS. was then found is probable enough, though no writer mentions it until two centuries after the event ; but the inference attempted to be drawn from the circum- stance, — that no vestige of the Roman laws was pre- viously to be recognised, — is at variance with the whole tenor of ItaUan history. On the contrary, it has been clearly proved that the civil law, as contained in the Codex and Novelise especially, were studied in Italy from the seventh century to the tenth: in one writer, too, we find allusion to the Institutes; and one of the eighth distinctly mentions the Pandects. We may add, that the lives of many saints, — sources of information too often neglected by the general historian, — confirm the statement. Nor is there more accuracy in the assertion, that though these studies might be prosecuted in the eighth and ninth centuries, they were unknown in the tenth and eleventh, — until 1137, the period of the alleged dis- covery at Amalfi. That, among other names which might be added, St. Peter Damian, St. Bruno, Lan- franc, and St. Anselm — all prior to that period — were more than moderately versed in the ancient jurispru- dence, is indisputable : two of them taught it with ap- plause. However conflicting the statements of writers actuated more by prejudice than knowledge, the truth is evident enough : the civil law never ceased to be studied, but it was much more studied from the twelfth century K ^ 244 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. downwards than at any prior period. The reason, doubtless, was the tempting encouragement afforded by the emperors to all who should attain eminence in this thorny path, and to all the corporations which received the civil in preference to the Lombard code : the former, as favourable not merely to the imperial supremacy, but to despotism, could not fail to secure the good-will of men who styled themselves successors of the Caesars ; and as offering abundant exercise to the intellect, it captivated the learned and the acute. It could not, indeed, meet all the wants of a society so different from that of ancient Rome as was the society of Lombardy, where new relations had given rise to new duties and obligations ; accordingly the authenticce or imperial laws respecting fiefs were first added to the Codex, and thenceforward formed a part of the civil law ; and they were followed by the Decima Collatio, or an addition to the Novem CoUationes, comprising wholly the laws respecting fiefs. In times still more subsequent, viz. from the thirteenth century, the whole body of laws thus sanctioned, began to be disfigured by elaborate commentaries. — But, reverting to the pro- per subject of this paragraph, Bologna was the first ■place where schools were opened for the civil law, and it was also the place where the science most flou- rished. Such schools it undoubtedly had from the middle, probably from the commencement, of the eleventh century ; but its glory began with Irner, one much more learned and celebrated than any of his predecessors *, who were no more than private tutors in these schools ; none before him lectured publicly on such a subject, not from the Pandects only, but from the Institutes, the Codex, and the Digest. We learn. * What fault liad poor Pepo, the predecessor of Irner, done, to be so severely lashed by modern critics? Odofred, the first writer who mentions him, merely says of him, " Quidem Dominus Pepo coepit auctoritate sua legere in legibus : tamen quidquid fuerit de scientid sua, nullius nominis fuit." The scarcely condemnatory expression, "whatever might be his knowledge, he had no reputation," has given occasion to Brenckmann to say, "Hie Pepo, quem meiito peponem dixeris, aut fungum," &c. — Hist. Pand. 1—9. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 245 too, that he was in the height of his fame from HIS to 1118, — that is, above twenty years before the alleged discovery of the Pandects. Even in his days, such was the celebrity of the place, that by the anony- mous monk of Como it is denominated docta Bononia ; it was frequented by students — not solitary ones, but in multitudes — from all parts of Europe. When, in 1158, — many years, probably, after Irner's death, — Frederic Barbarossa prepared to make war on the Milanese, by tlie advice of four eminent civilians whom he sum- moned to his camp, he commenced by legal citations ; and after the submission of the Milanese, in the diet of Roncaglia, the same doctors had httle difficulty in prov- ing the feudal rights attached to his sovereignty over the country. In return, the emperor conceded some important privileges both to the scholars and professors of Bologna : he was followed by Alexander III. and other Roman pontiffs, who added to the honours of the university. In imitation of "■ La dotta Bologna," other cities — Modena, Mantua, Padua, Placenza, and Milan especially — applied themselves to the civil juris- prudence, not indeed with equal celebrity, but certainly with considerable success ; and from these places pro- fessors went forth into other parts of Europe, to spread no less the fame of their country than the benefits of science. That the canon law was not neglected, is also apparent from the compilation of Gratian. Of that celebrated man, little certain is known. That he was a Tuscan, and a monk in the convent of St. Fehx at Bo- logna, appears indisputable ; and there he commenced his laborious task of arranging the canons and decretals under distinct heads. Previous to him, indeed, other collections of ecclesiastical laws had been formed : thus there was one of Dionysius the Little, and a much more celebrated one, attributed to St. Isidore, to Isi- dore Mercator (Peccator, says a punning churchman), which, however, were so filled with false decretals, as to be worse than useless : the collections of Regino, Burchard of Worms^ and Ivo of Chartres, were equally R 3 246 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE ^GES. deformed through want of criticism ; nor could they any more boast of method in the arrangement than of judgment in the selection. On contemplating the cha- otic character of preceding compilations, Gratian formed the design of reducing ecclesiastical jurisprudence to a system no less methodical than the civil. In this la- bour he exhibited great erudition ; but, unfortunately, he, too, cited the false decretals as canonical authority ; he could not separate the supposititious from the authentic works of the fathers, and he committed errors without number. But with all these heavy defects, — perhaps it was the more esteemed for them, since they tended to exalt the papal power, — it was eagerly re- ceived by the churchmen of all Europe, and it became as much the code of ecclesiastical law as the Justinian Codex of the civil. We may add, that of both, sum- tncB, or condensations, were speedily formed by the professors, who in the sequel added glosses, calculated rather to darken than to elucidate.* lip<5 The fourth period of Italian literature, extending to from the peace of Constance to the year 1300, is much 1300. more prolific than all the preceding. At first view, in- deed, considering the wars between the Guelfs and the Ghibelins, between the popes and the emperors, between the Normans and Aragonese of Sicily and the French princes of Naples, this period would appear too agitated to permit the possibility of literary merit ; but, for- tunately, of the sovereigns who thus contended for em- pire, some were men of education, and all anxious to encourage it in others. The two Frederics, Manfred and Conrad, the two Charleses of Anjou, Azzo of Este, pope Innocent III. and his immediate succes- sors, were, though not in equal degrees, the con- ♦ Muratori, Dissertazione sopra 1' Antichite Italiane, torn. iii. diss. 44., torn. iv. diss. 45., torn. ii. p. 2/9. ; necnon Annali d'ltalia, an. 1135 — 1167. ; cum Scriptor. Reriim Italic, torn, xxiii. p. 341 Baronius, Annales Ec. clesiastici, torn, xviii. & six , sub iisdem annis, et ad an. 1198, passim. Sigonius, De Kegno Italico, lib. xi. an. 1137. Anonymus, De Bello Me- diol. adv. Cumenos, v. "iW. & 1848. Kodericus Frisingcnsis, De Kcbus Gestis Fred. I. lib. i. cap. 27., et lib. ii. cap. 5. Heineccius, Historia Juris rivilis, lib. i. c. 6. f. ccccxii — ccccxvii. And, above all, my old friend Tiraboschi, Storia della Lett. torn. ii. lib. 4. cap. 7. ITALY RELIGIOrS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTOIIV. 247 stant friends of letters. The university of Bologna was found insufficient for the wants of so many stu- dents ; first that of Padua, next that of Naples, then that of Vercelli, subsequently those of Ferrara and Placenza, — omitting the public schools estabhshed in other great cities, — bear the most honourable evi- dence to the spirit of the age and the patronage of the great. For the multiplication of books each of these abodes of science maintained a competent number of scribes, assiduously occupied in their labour : even wo- men were hired ; or they voluntarily undertook it, in consideration of the reward for the transcription of any MS.; and they learned, not merely to copy, but to illus- trate the MSS. in a style of splendour. — In sacred li- terature, the abbot Joachim of Calabria wrote largely on the Scriptures ; but he is more celebrated for his pre- tended gift of prophecy. In his commentaries on the prophets and the Apocalypse, he is allowed to have pre- dicted things which really happened relating to Naples and Sicily, but which any one might have foreseen : he made no pretensions to the prophetic character, nor was he regarded as possessing it by his contemporaries : in fact, he was a shrewd observer ; but shrewdness is not prophecy, and the abbot is as often wrong as right in his vaticinations. Nor was he orthodox in his belief: his notions on the Trinity were condemned in the La- teran council of 1215. — A much greater man — in fact, the most wonderful man since the days of Aristotle — was St. Thomas Aquinas, born in 1225, on the family estates of Aquino, in the Campania of Naples. By his father, count Landolf, he was placed at an early age in the monastery of INIonte-Casino, where, at the instance of the abbot, who foresaw his future eminence, he was transferred to the university of Naples, already flourish- ing through the enlightened patronage of Frederic II. The ardour with which he pursued his studies, and his devout temper of mind, made his parents expect, that if he entered the church he would speedily arrive at its highest dignities ; and it was not without mortification R 4 248 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. that they learned, in 1243, the fact of his having as- sumed the habit in the poor and despised order of St. Dominic. His mother hastened to Naples, in the hope of reclaiming him : but the friars, proud of a convert so illustrious by his birth, despatched him towards Rome. Cn his way, however, he was overtaken by his brothers, whom the countess sent in pursuit of him, and confined to close imprisonment in the castle of Rocco Secca. Here every means were taken to detach him from the cloister, and to draw him into the world. One day, we are told, a beautiful girl was sent into his chamber ; and such were her efforts to inflame him with concupiscence, that he would certainly have yielded, had he not desperately seized a flaming brand from the hearth, and expelled her. With the same brand he made a cross on the wall, and kneeling before it, vowed virginity to God. Threats and ill-usage were tried to as litt'e purpose : in fact, his family had little reason to rejoice at his seclusion, for he prevailed on one of his sisters, like him, to renounce the world ; (she became abbess in the convent of Santa Maria di Capua ;) and he would probably have persuaded others, had not the threats of the pope, and the remonstrances of his order, procured his liberation after a confinement of about twelve months. From Rome he proceeded, with the fourth general of his order, John the Teutonic, to Paris and Cologne : in the latter place, he had the advantage of studying theology under the famous Albert, better known as Albertus Magnus, who could easily divine his future glory. In 1253, he began, as bachelor, to ex- plain the Book of Sentences of Peter the Lombard, under another friar as doctor. In 1256, he received the necessary licence to lecture as doctor himself, but not his degree, — a slight offered not to his talents, which were known to be splendid, but to a dispute which then existed between the university of Paris and his order : the dispute being settled by the authority of the pope, the following year he was admitted .to his grade. His first treatise was a defence of his order. ITALY RELIGIOrS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 249 and its fundamental points of discipline, against the at- tacks of the university and other enemies, — enemies so numerous as to threaten its destruction : this treatise was distinguished for great ability, and no little sophistry ; but it served its purpose, by disposing the learned to re- gard the friars preachers with more respect. In 12()(), he was removed to Rome, where he opened a school of theology, and where he taught many years ; but the universities of Paris and Naples urging him to take a professor's chair, he preferred the latter, and in Naples he passed the few remaining years of his life. That he conscientiously assumed the spirit with the vows of his order, is evident from his refusing all ecclesiastical dig- nities, especially the archbishopric of Naples. In fact, his life was one continued abstraction ; absorbed alike by study and devotion ; regardless of the congregation to which he preached, probably insensible of its pre- sence, — he seemed a personification of pure intellect unembarrassed with the properties of matter. In 1274, being summoned by Urban IV. to aid with his vast erudition the council of Lyons, he fell sick on the way^ and died as a Christian philosopher ought to die, in the monastery of Fossa Nova, in the forty-ninth year of his age, in the full vigour of his faculties. How this great man could compose so many and so extensive works in so short a life, is wonderful. He is said to have done more than Julius Caesar, — to have dictated to three or even four scribes at the same time. He slept little, and ate less ; his prayers and fasts were in- cessant, — austerities which doubtless shortened his life. Wherever he met with a scriptural passage which he could not comprehend, he refrained from food, betook himself to prayer, and afterwards patiently meditated until the light of truth dawned on his mind. Of his frequent abstraction we have an amusing anecdote. — Dining one day with the king of France, — an honour which he had vainly sought to decline, — he suddenly started from his reverie, and striking the table with ve- hemence, exclaimed, — " This is fatal to thine heresy. 250 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Manes !" His prior, who sat next him, pulled his habit, saying, '' Doctor, thou art in the king's presence ! " but several pulls were necessary to make him sensible where he was, and demand pardon of the monarch. St. Louis good-naturedly called for his secretary, lest the idea should be lost. His simplicity was equal to his vast capacity : his discourses from the pulpit were exceed- ingly plain ; he saw no use in a sermon unless it tended to edification, a.id how could it edify unless it were un- derstood ? His heart was no less estimable than his head : lest his continual abstraction of mind should prove injurious to the affections of his nature or to de- votional feeling, he at stated intervals occupied himself in works of charity, and in the perusal of books of prac- tical religion. Of his numerous works, consisting of scriptural expositions, dogmatical and philosophical treatises, his " Summa Theologiae," and his " Quses- tiones," are probably the most splendid monuments of his powers. He has always been the admiration of Europcj — we mean of learned Europe, — for by none except the learned can he be appreciated. Well might Erasmus say, that he was not only the most erudite man of his age, but that nobody since could equal him in erudition, diligence, or genius ; and well, in our own days, might a man even more learned than Erasmus pass on him an eulogium equally high.* — Of »S'^ Buonaven- tura, who flourished at the same time with this Doctor Angelicus, we have before spoken. t If to these we add Orlando of Cremona, Giovanni of Parma, Egidio of Rome, Agostino of Ancona, and Jacopo of Viterbo, we shall have mentioned all in this branch of literature who are deserv- ing of notice. ^Fhether Giovanni (Johannes Parmensis), general of the Friars Minors, who, on the charge of favour- ing the heretic Joachim, was deposed from his dignity and confined to a monastery, was author of an impious book called Evangelium JEternum, has given rise to much controversy : from the guilt, however, of such a production, he has been satisfactorily vindicated by re- * Southey, in his Vindicia Ecclesise Anglicans, f See [lage Sil8. ITALY RELIGIOUS ANO INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 2,51 cent ecclesiastical writers, whose arguments are fairly exposed by Tiraboschi.* In respect to phUosophy, the period under consider- 1183 ation has little to strike us beyond what is exhibited in the *? works of the Doctor Angelicus. The schools were now beginning to study the dialectics of Aristotle, of which translations appear to have existed half a century before his time ; other of the Stagyrite's wonderful produc- tions were translated by himself at the express instance of Urban IV. ; and more were commented by him, Campero of Novaro studied physics, the mathematics, and astronomy, with success : by Leonardo Fibonnacci, die Arabic numbers, which had long been used in Spain, were introduced into Italy : astrology and optics were also cultivated. In medicine, we meet with some good names ; in jurisprudenci', many more. In history, we have Godfrey of Viterbo, Sicard of Cremona, Giovanni of Messina, Riccardo de St. Germano, Matteo Spinelli, Nicolo de Jamsilla, Sabas Malaspina, Bartolomeo de Neocastro, Ricordano ]\Ialaspini, and some inferior chro- niclers. — In this period, the vernacular poetry of con- tinental Italy had its rise; — in Sicily, it existed before, and had probably been derived as much from the Sara- cens of that island as from the troubadours of Pro- vence. But the origin and progress of Italian poetry liave been so ably treated by a well-known author, Sismondi, in his " Histoire de la Litte'rature du Midi de I'Europe," that we will not dwell on it in this place. Our present object is to direct the reader's attention to such authors and works as are less known, and of which the knowledge is less accessible. t The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were as supe- rior to the thirteenth, as the thirteenth to those which * RaynaUius, Annales Ecclesiastic!, an. 1199 — 1270, passim. BoUan- diste, Acta Sanctorum, Die Martis vii. in Vita S. Thomae Aquinatis, Auctore Gulielmo de Thoceo, cap. 1 — 7. The " Processus " and " Mira. cula " of this saint occupy near 100 pages of the Acta SS. Fleury, Histoire Ecclesiastique, torn xvii. & xviii. Du Boulay, Historia Univer- sitatis Parisiensis, torn. iii. ivariis locis). Erasmus, Comment, in Epi.st. ad Romanes, p. 244. Tiraboschi, Storia della Lett, torn. iv. lib. 2. cap. 1. f Chiefly the same authorities. The admirable work of Sismondi has 2-32 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 1300 had preceded it. The princes of Italy^ great and small, to were unanimous in the encouragement of literature and science ; hence new universities were founded, the former ones enlarged ; libraries multiplied ; and, with them, men of learning, to so great an extent, that, in a work of this kind, the bare enumeration becomes im- possible. In sacred literature, however, if the number of writers was so greatly increased, none could be com- pared with St. Thomas Aquinas. In the other sciences was more exactness, a better taste, and more learning. Of this fact, let Cardan be an illustration. The pecu- liar character of the age was classical ; the remnants of heathen antiquity were brought to light, and studied with unequalled ardour. Heathen lore is to be found in every writer and on every subject, from Dante to Ariosto. It is fortunate alike for our limits and dispo- sition, that the period under consideration has been analysed by the philosophic and eloquent Sismondi, to whose work every reader must have recourse, that de- sires to be fully acquainted with the vernacular litera- ture of Italy : a subject which we never proposed to discuss. It is no less fortunate that the immortal pro- ductions of the Italian muse, — the most glorious boast of the country, — have been translated into our lan- guage, and read by all who have any admiration for genius. The sublime and terrific Dante, the greatest poet since the days of Homer ; the imaginative Ariosto, who in that power leaves all modern poets far behind him ; to say nothing of Tasso, who does not fall within the sphere of the present compendium ; or of Petrarch and others, who have little more than their versification to recommend them; would alone be sufficient to stamp Italy with the impress of poetical genius, more deeply — why should not the truth be acknowledged.'' — than been translateii into our language, — admirable, we mean, as regards the literature of France a)id Italy ; for the Spanish part is unworthy of his f.ime. We do not say this in the way of condemnation ; and, if we did, so great a man could not be hurt by it ; but because he wanted, what he him- self confesses he wanted, materials. With the few guides he had, it is wonderful he has done so well. — Author. ITALY RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY. 253 any country in Europe. That in Latin classical poetry, no less than the romantic, Italy is unrivalled, may be proved by Petrarch, by Politian, by Sannazzaro, and Poggio BraccioUni ; that in history she had no superior, by Villani, Macchiavelli, and Guicciardini ; and for in- vention, no less than for dry humour, she may proudly produce her Boccaccio. In works intended for theatrical representation, she is lamentably deficient : in this re- spect the glory must be assigned to Spain, England, and (in comedy) France.* From the preceding imperfect glance at the intellec- tual state of Italy, it is evident that she has contributed her share to the general stock of European literature. The ItaUan equals the German in erudition, the French- man in liveliness, the Spaniard in genius. If we ex- cept the poets, the most glorious period of Italian intellect is the sixteenth century, — a period with which the present undertaking has no concern. * Tirabosclii, Storia della Lett. torn. v. vi. &• vii. passim. Sismondi, Histoire de la Litterature, torn. i. et ii. passim. » 254 BOOK II. SPAIN.* CHAP. I. POLITICAL AND CIVIL HITOBY OF SPAIN. 711—1516. I. HISTORY OF MOHAMMEDAN SPAIN. KINGS OF CORDOVA. THE AI.MORAVIDES. THE ALMOHADES. GRANADA. 11. OF CHRISTIAN SPAIN. LEON AND CASTILE. NAVARRE. CATA- LONIA. ARAGON. PORTUGAL. I. Mohammedan Spain. 711 The kingdom of the Wisigoths had subsisted three to centuries^ under thirty-four sovereigns from Ataulphus 1516. to Roderic, when, in 71 1, it was destroyed by the Arabs under Tarik and Musa, and the country made to own the domination of Walid Abul Abbas, the caliph of Damas- cus. Great as was the carnage committed among the inhabitants, to exterminate them was beyond the power of man. By far the more numerous portion of the survivors quietly received the yoke ; another portion were allowed to settle in Murcia, under their native prince Theodomir, guaranteed in the enjoyment of their own religion, judges, and laws, and subjected only to a moderate tribute ; a third, consisting of the most reso- lute, the most patriotic, and the bravest members of • We have in a former work (History of Spain and Portugal, 5 vols., Cab. Cvclo.) been so full on the history and constitution of Spain, that, if we would preserve novelty in the present book, or at least in the present chapter, little is left us to say. We wish not to repeat our- selves; and we have no doubt that, besides introducing into the second chapter wholly new matter, we shall enable the reader to take a new view of the subject Every object has two iides at least ; if we regard one oniy, the fault is our own. SPAIN — POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 255 the Wisigothic community, fled to the almost inacces- sible fastnesses of the Asturias, where, as their numbers increased^ they were able not only to defend themselves, but to make harassing irruptions into the neighbouring provinces of Old Castile and Leon.* During somewhat more than forty years, Spain was 711 governed by emirs, who were themselves dependent on to those of Western Africa. Their distance from Da- l'*^^- mascus, the ambition of the other Mohammedan chiefs, the dissensions of the various Mohammedan tribes, who, coming from so many diiferent parts of Asia and Africa, preserved their local predilections, gave rise to per- petual changes in the government, and, what was much worse, to perpetual civil Avars among themselves. These dissensions were imbittered by a great revolution in the ^lohammedan world, — the sceptre of the vicar of the prophet of God having, by an odious usurpation, been transferred from the house of Omeya to that of Abbas ; as each house had its partisans in the penin- sula, there was little prospect of tranquilUty, yet every one was complaining of the unsettled state of things, when the scheiks secretly assembled at Cordova, to devise means for the union of the people, and for the consolidation of the executive power. It was high time; divisions every where distracted the vast empire of the caliph ; the arms of the Mohammedans had signally failed in Gaul ; and the Christians of the Asturias were already too strong to be expelled from their positions. By unanimous consent, it was resolved to elect a sove- reign entirely independent of the East : the choice fell on Abderahman, a prince of the Omeyas, who, with difficulty, had fled from the massacre of his family, and was then living with one of the desert tribes of Mauritania. The young prince accepted the dignity; landed in 755 in Andalusia, was joined by a multitude of followers, and enabled to subdue all whom attach- ment to the Abbassides, or their own ambition, ren- dered averse to his recognition. Lord of about nine tenths of the peninsula, he fixed the seat of his empire • See History of Siiam and Portugal, vol. L page 226, &c. 256 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. at Cordova, where his successors continued to reign the recognised sovereigns of all Mohammedan Spain, and soon of VV^estern Africa, until the year 1030. Of this long period a considerable portion was glorious : Hixem I., indeed, the successor of Ablerahman I., who reigned from 787 to 796, Alhahem (796—821), and Abderah- man II. (821 — 850), had the mortification to see the Christians of the Asturias extend their conquests far into Portugal, and those of Catalonia escape from the yoke ; and their immediate successors had the still greater one of seeing rebellion triumph for a season ; but under Abderahman III. (912—961), Alhakem II. (961 — 976), and part of the reign of Hixem II., the glory of the Moslem arms was restored. Almanzor, the general and minister of Hixem, rescued from the Christians of Leon all their conquests, and reduced Bar- celona ; but being defeated in 1001, between Soria and Medina Cell, despair brought him to his end. His death opened the way for the successes of the Christians, and for the triumph of internal faction. Hixem was a feeble prince, and soon removed : other scheiks and princes contended for the empire ; and the walls or governors of the great cities openly proclaimed their independence of Cordova, and established so many petty sovereignties in Seville, Carmona, Malaga, Algeziras, Granada, Valencia, Almeria, Denia, Huesca, Saragoza, Badajoz, and Toledo. Most of these states soon disap- peared through the ambition of two kings — those of To- ledo and Seville, especially of the latter ; and after the conquest of Toledo (1085) by Alfonso VI. of Leon, there remained only Badajoz, Saragoza, Seville, Almeria, and Granada. As the independence of these five was menaced by the victorious Christians, they agreed, in an hour fatal for themselves, to invoke the aid of Yussef ben Taxfin, the founder of the dynasty of the Almoravides, in North-western Africa. In 1086, Yussef landed in Andalusia, and on the plains of Zalaca, between Badajoz and Merida, overthrew the forces of Alfonso, and was in consequence hailed as the saviour of his religion. But if he thus protected the country from the Christians, SPAIX POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 257 he also snatched it from his allies, whom he openly reduced or basely betrayed, and seized (10.94') the whole of jNIohammedan Spain, Saragossa excepted, for himself. Thus, after a stormy existence of about sixty years, the petty kingdoms disappeared, and the country was again under the authority of a single master. During the reign of the Alniorarides {lOQi — 1148), Cordova continued to be the capital, but it was seldom visited by the em- perors, who preferred residing in their African posses- sions ; it was accordingly the residence of an emir or viceroy — generally a prince of the imperial family ; — while the other cities were under the ancient govern- ment of the walls. This absence was unfavourable to the prosperity of INIohammedanism in Spain : on the Portuguese side, the count of that province almost anni- hilated a vast army of the Almoravides, and on the field of victory was proclaimed king ; on the south, encroach- ments were continually made by the kings of Castile and Leon ; and by the kings of Aragon the misbelievers ■ivere expelled from Saragossa. Nor was the govern- ment of the Africans agreeable to the Andalusians themselves, who had reason to complain of oppression, who detested the savage measures of their masters, and sometimes rose against them. Both in Africa and Spain their odious domination was ended by another multitude of religious enthusiasts, the Almohades, whose founder, Abdelmumen, succeeded to their empire. The dynasty of the Almohades (1148 — 1231), who also go- verned Mohammedan Spain through their walis, was no less hateful than that which they had subverted : by the splendid victory gained over their emperor Mo- hammed Abu Abdalla on the plains of Tolosa (1212) by the allied Christians, their power received a deadly blow. The victors pursued their success, while the local walis, partly by aUiances with the enemy, partly by their own courage, aimed at independent sove- reignty. But the Avalis had a resistless enemy in king San Fernando, who, uniting on his brow the crowns of Leon and Castile, resolved to pour his undivided VOL. I. s 258 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. strength on the weakened possessions of the misbe- Hevers. In a few campaigns he subdued most of An- dalusia ; while his brother king of Aragon subdued Valencia, and Murcia was soon atlded to the dominions of Castile, But one Mohammedan chief escaped the yoke, Mohammed ben Alhamar, who collected the remnant of the Mohammedan forces, and was powerful enough to preserve the country from Murcia to Gibraltar, and from the Guadalquivir to the Mediterranean. This space of country became a new kingdom, called, after its capital, Granada, which subsisted with much glory from 1238 to 1492, under twenty-two sovereigns, — notwith- standing all the assaults of Christian Spain, — with little diminution of its territory. For much of this security it was, doubtless, indebted to the incessant divisions in the Christian kingdom ; similar divisions hastened its own destruction, which was at length effected by Fer- nando v., with the united forces of Aragon and Castile. After this important conquest, all the Mohammedans^ except those who consented to receive Christianity, were expelled from Spain, nearly eight centuries after their descent under Tarik ben Zeyad.* The condition of the Mohammedan community is not very clear, but it was probably superior to that of the Christian in other parts of Spain. If the king was absolute; if, from the accession of Abderahman III., he wished to be considered, and was actually proclaimed caliph — the spiritual, no less than the temporal, head of the true believers — yet his authority was restricted by the koran, the interpretation of which lay with the ministers of religion, who were at the same time mi- nisters of justice. Next to him was the hagib, or prime minister; the real head, during the sovereign's pleasure. * The authorities on which the above paragraph is founded are, the Arabian Fragments in the Hihliotbeca of Casiri, torn. ii. ; Conde, by Marias; Histoire de la T'omination dcs Arabes et des Maures en Espagne; torn. i. ii. iii. ; the contemporary chroniclers of Spain, from Isidorus Pa- censis to Hernando del Pulgar; the annalist Zurita ; the general histo- rians. Morales, Ferreras, and Masdeu. The names of the authors alone would occupy some pages : they may be seen in the History of Spain and Portugal, vois. i. and ii., to which the reader is referred. SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 259 of the state. The wall, or governor of a great city of a province, was the next in dignity : dependent on him were wasirs, or Heutenants, who governed, under him, the minor towns comprised in his jurisdiction. The alcaid was the governor of a fortress, or fortified town ; and he had his wasir, or deputy. In a majority of cases, — in all except where the rights of the crown, or certain peculiar offences, were concerned, — criminalswere taken before the tribunal of the cadi, or ordinary judge ; but from his decision an appeal lay, first to the tribunal of the wali, and next to that of the king, who, on stated days, sat on the judgment seat, accompanied by the other judges. In doubtful cases the inium, or chief of religion, and i\\e faquis, or doctors of the law, were consulted. The supreme tribunal of appeal appears to have been the royal council, consisting of the great sheiks, walis, a few of the chief wasirs, and others, who, either officially, or by royal command, had a seat in it. The laws themselves were founded on the koran, with such additions from the Sonna, or book of traditions, as the altered state of society rendered necessary : they deserve little praise. Polygamy was allowed : a man could have four wives, and as many concubines as he pleased ; yet whoredom was severely punished : j\Ioham_ med enjoined the death of both parties ; but the Sonna, more lenient to the passions of men, decreed that the woman only should perish ; and that, if a .•single w^oman sinned with a man, she only should suffer the penalty — stripes and twelve months' banishment. Fortunately, however, for the woman, such evidence of her guilt was required — four eye-witnesses — that there was little fear of her conviction. The children of concubines and of female slaves — the latter were as much at his disposal as the former — were legitimate, and could inherit with the children of the wives : the portion of the daughters was only half that of the sons. Murder was not ne- cessarily punished with death ; the next of kin might either insist on the execution of the culprit, or accept a pecuniary compensation according to the quality of the 2,60 EUROPE IN THK 3HDDLE AGKS. parties : but, in this case, the culprit or his friends were obliged to redeem a Moslem slave. Manslaughter was visited with a heavy fine, and the redemption of a cap- tive : other offences were punishable by a fine, by the lex talionis, or by the cudgel, an instrument held in high veneration by the Mohammedan faquis. In theft there was more severity — the loss of the right hand. The useful arts of life, agriculture and commerce, were cultivated with wonderful success by the Spanish Moors. They tui-ned deserts into gardens ; they had all the productions of the earth in exceeding abundance ; and their ports were filled with vessels from all parts of the Mediterranean. Yet their contributions to the state were not heavy : hence there existed a degree of comfort among them not to be found in Christian Spain, or, per- haps, in Europe. But this state of things must often have been disturbed by intestine Avars, a curse from which the people were seldom exempt many years to- gether. There seems reason to beUeve that the ground was cultivated by slaves only — captives taken in war, who refused to change their religion, with their offspring — while the followers of the prophet either superintended the labour, or were occupied in mechanical and com- mercial employments.* II. Christian Spain. 718 I. The Astukias, Leon and Castile. — When the to Wisigoths fled into the Astuiian mountains, they elected 1516. foj. their chief Pelayo, a noble of their nation, probably of the royal blood of Chindaswind. Soon after his ac- cession, this brave prince proved that he was deserving the confidence reposed in him : he inflicted so severe a defeat on the Arabs who ventured to assail him in his fastnesses, that they were glad to leave him in tran- * Authorities: — the Koran, in various places, with the Preliminary Dissertations of Sale, vol. i. ; D'Herbelot ; Bibliothferjue Orientale, art. Imcim, Fnrjui, iS.c. ; above all, History of Spain and Portugal, vol iv. ch. i., and Casiri, Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana Escurialensis, turn. i. et iu SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 26l quillity during the rest of his reign. He established his little court at Cangas, which continued to be the seat of his four immediate successors, until Silo (TT-i — 783) removed it to Pravia. At this period the Asturian king- dom, which originally consisted only of the rocky moun- tains in the vicinity of Cangas, was extended, through the conquests of Alfonso, into Galicia, Portugal, Leon, and Castile. But even Pravia was not either sufficiently large or central for the increased kingdom; by Alfonso II., surnamed the Chaste (791 — 842), the seat of govern- ment was transferred to Oviedo, where it remained to the death of iUfonso III., in 9 10. This last-named monarch removed the national boundary to the Duero, in Estremadura and Portugal, and to the Sierra de Cuenza, in the territory of Toledo : hence his successor, Garcia, transferred the court to Leon, a much more central and convenient station. But, in the reign of Bermudo II. (982 — 999)? the victorious Almanzor laid Leon, and all the cities as far as Tuy and Compostella, in ashes ; forcing the court to seek its former capital, Oviedo. In the reign of Alfonso V. (999—1010), Leon was rebuilt, and was again the seat of royalty ; but this advantage was counterbalanced by the dismember- ment of the kingdom. The counts of Castile, profiting by the heritability of fiefs, were become too ambitious for obedience, and too powerful to be reduced ; they assumed, and forced the kings of Leon to recognise, the regal title : the foundation of the new kingdom may be referred to 1026. Such an event could not fail to prove most disastrous to the Christian cause, and to the welfare of both states ; since, from the passions inherent in human nature, they must inevitably be often at war with each other. From 1026 to 1230 there was always jealousy, and seldom peace, between them ; — none except when, through family alliances, the two crowns happened to adorn the same brow. This union enabled Fernando I. (1037 — 1055) to recover the conquests of Almanzor ; but at his death he had the impolicy to di- vide the crowns, leaving Leon to his eldest son, Al- s 3 262 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. fonso VI., Castile to his second son, Sancho II., and Galicia to the third, Don Garcia. The two eldest princes went to war : Sancho was victorious, and Alfonso com- pelled to seek refuge (1071) in the Mohammedan court of Toledo. It even appears that, not content with this acquisition, Sancho reduced Garcia to the condition of a tributary, or perhaps a count ; but in 1072 his career of ambition was ended by his assassination before Zamira, a fortress belonginp: to his sister, Donna Urraca, whom he also wished to deprive of her paternal inheritance. As he left no issue, Alfonso was now the heir to the crown : he hastened from Toledo, seized his inheritance, con- signed his brother Don Garcia to perpetual confinement, and made great conquests both to the south and west. He it was who in 1085 took Toledo (his Mohammedan host had ceased to live) and all the neighbouring fortresses. The two kingdoms of Castile and Leon now comprised the whole country from the bay of Biscay to the Tagus, and from Mondego Bay to the confines of Aragon. His Portuguese possessions, extending from Oj)orto on the Duero to the confines of the Moham- medan kingdom of Badajos, he conferred, in 1095, as a fief, on one of his sons-in-law, Henry of Besan^on, who was thus the first count of Portugal. He had pre- viously created Raymund of Burgundy, the husband of his eldest daughter, count of Galicia ; but the count soon dying, Urraca, his widow, married the king of Aragon and Navarre, their son, Alfonso Raymund, suc- ceeding to the hereditary fief of Galicia. This was fatal policy in Alfonso VI. : he must have known little of human nature to expect that Henry of Besan^on would continue a vassal of Castile and Leon. On his death, in 1109, he left both crowns to his daughter Urraca, whose troubled reign afforded count Henry the opportunity he wished to consolidate his rising power: at war first with her husband, from whom she had separated, next with her own son, her career was as unprincipled as it was stormy. In 1126 she ceased to do mischief, and her son Alfonso VIII. (1126-1157) SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 263 became king of Castile and Leon, In his reign, Alfonso Henriquez (son of Henry) both openly proclaimed and gallantly maintained the independence of Portugal : nay, more ; on its plains of Ourique, where he defeated a vast host of Moorish enemies, he assumed the regal crown. But Alfonso VIII. made some amends for the loss of Portugal by his successes over the Moors : he re- moved the boundary of his kingdom from the Tagus to the Sierra Morena. On his death he had, like his pre- decessor, the folly to separate the two kingdoms of Castile and Leon : to his eldest son, Sancho III., he left the former, of which the capital was Burgos ; to the second, Fernando, the more ancient kingdom of Leon. From this period to the union of the two crowns, viz. from 1157 to 1230, we meet with nothing but obscure broils between the two sovereigns and their subjects : that union was occasioned by the marriage of Alfonso IX. king of Leon, with the infanta Berengaria of Castile. In 1217, Berengaria became sovereign, and she lost no time in resigning the dignity to her son St. Fernando, who on the death of his father in 1230, succeeded also to the throne of Leon. This union was the sole work of that excellent princess : so far was Alfonso IX., her husband, from wishing it, that, in his last will, he actually left the joint sovereignty of Leon to two daugh- ters ; but she persuaded them to renounce their claims. In the historical sketch of Mohammedan Spain the splendid successes of St. Fernando (1230 — 1252) over the Moors, have been noticed. He pushed the boundary of his kingdom to the Guadalquivir, annihilated the petty principalities which suddenly arose on the decline of the Almohades, and confined that of the INIoors to the small mountainous district of Granada. The perpetual dissensions of his successors and their subjects, and their wars with the Christian princes, saved the kingdom of Granada, until Fernando, heir of Aragon, by marrying the heiress of Castile, Isabel, daughter of Juan II- (14-69), prepared its utter destruction. In 1474 he and his consort assumed the government of Castile and Leon ; s 4 264 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. in 1479 he succeeded by his father's death to that of Aragon, Catalonia^ and Valencia ; during the following years he waged a desultory but successful warfare against Granada, until 14.92, when he annihilated that kingdom. In 1512 he conquered Navarre, thus re- ducing all Spain, Portugal excepted, under one head. He died in 15l6, leaving his grandson Carlos (the em- peror Charles V.) lord of that fine and extensive in- heritance.* The kings of Castile and Leon were much more ab- 1188 solute than their Wisigothic predecessors. The seeds of '•o the feudal system were, doubtless, sown by those ancient - ' conquerors of Spain, who parcelled out to their follow- ers the country which their sword had won ; but the improvement of the system was reserved for Pelayo and his successors. The lands recovered from the Arabs were considered as the monarch's ; he was the seiior proprietario, the sovereign and owner of the whole; which he granted to his great captains or condes (co- mites), to be held by the tenure of militai-y service. The custom of granting a fief on the death of the holder, to his heir, insensibly led to the heritability of their possessions ; hence the holders became comites in virtue not of their office as companions in arms of the king, but of their feudal jurisdictions. Within their juris- dictions they were the natural judges, as well as military and civil governors : they exercised the merum et mix- tum imperium, the high and low administration ; and though at a subsequent period, from the time of Al- fonso el Sabio downwards, appeals from their tribunals to those of the royal judges, or of the king himself, were * The authorities on which the above paragraph is fouriclecl are Isidonis Pacensis ; Sebastiaiius Salamanticeusis ; Sanipiriis Astoricensis; Pelagius Oveteusis ; Monachus Silensis ; Rodericus Toletanus ; Lucas Tudensis ; the Chronicon Burgeiise; Annales C'onipostcllani ; Annales Complutenses j Analcs Toledanos ; Chronicon Conimbricense ; Chronicfn Lusitanum ; Chronicon de Cardeila ; Alonso el Sabio ; Cronica de Espaiia; Ayala, Cronicas de las Reyes de Castilla ; Rodericus Santius, Histona Hispanica ; Hernando del Piilpar, Cronica ; Zurita, Anales de Aragon ; Mariana, Historia General de Kspaiia ; Ferreras, Histoire Gencrale d'Espagne, par Hermilly; Masdeu, Historia Critica de Espafia, and many besides, in places too numerous to be cited. See History of Spain and Portugal, vol. ii. SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 265 common, originally they were allowed only in a few cases. With no superior at hand to check their conduct, they must, of necessity, have been above the law ; and even their relations who had no hereditary jurisdiction, — the milites or cavalleros, so called from their maintain- ing a horse, — who held sub-infeudations under them, were scarcely less privileged, l^heir power over the rural population was as galling as it was boundless. To break it, or at least to curtail it, San Fernando suppressed the counts-governors of the provinces, and replaced them by the adclantados mai/ores, whose jurisdiction was not half so extensive, who were immediately dependent on the crown, who could be removed for slight reasons, perhaps even at the pleasure of the sovereign. But the feudal power was more effectually curbed by the institu- tion of communidades , or of rural populations, which were withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the counts, and allowed to be governed by such laws as the charter which incorporated them provided. Instead of granting the waste lands recovered from the enemy to the great barons, the kings offered them to the people, on the con- ditions 1st, of cultivation, 2dly, of defence, and 3dly, of tribute. They were empowered to elect their own ma- gistrates, to make their own local laws, to surround their community with walls, to maintain always armed a cer- tain number of troops, and, on extraordinary occasions, to take the field themselves, against not only the com- mon enemy, but the nobles, who beheld them with little complacency. These charters Avere in Spain, as else- where, the origin not only of civil freedom, but of re- presentation. For many ages after the restoration of the monarchy, its affairs were transacted by the king in conjunction with the barons, chief nobles, and prelates, who were at least annually assembled, and who, on oc- casions of importance, could at any time be convoked by him. As the publaciones, or incorporated populations, increased in strength, they demanded a voice in the national council : they felt that they contributed more than the other orders to the support of the state ; that 266 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. they were no less interested in its preservation, and that they ought in justice to have a voice in the disposal of money, of which so great a portion was raised by themselves. Fortunately for their claim, their royal protectors were willing to balance their new-born in- fluence against that of the nobles, who had always aimed at controlling the crown. Their prayer was granted, a summons was issued to the communities to return one or more deputies; and in the charters, or fueros, which were subsequently granted, the right of representation was often distinctly recognised in the community about to be formed. It is impossible to fix the precise period when the third estate was sum- moned to the cortes, but it could not be later than the middle of the twelfth century. In the cortes of Leon, held in 11 88, we hear of deputies of towns " chosen by lot," and we have reason to infer that it was not the first time of their assembling. The expression " chosen by lot" is a dark one. Were the towns which were to be represented selected by lot ? or were the deputies so chosen? oi-, finally — and this is the most rational hy- pothesis, — were the elections made not by open suf- frage, but by ballot? — In the same year (1188) were held the cortes of Burgos for the kingdom of Castile; and on this occasion we have the names of the places so represented. Among them we find many obscure villages, while considerable towns, and even cities, are omitted. This fact favours the hypothesis that none returned deputies except such as received the royal sum- mons ; and that such were selected as were likely to prove most obsequious to the royal will. There can be no doubt, that the great communities would soon manifest a spirit of independence not very agreeable to an absolute king ; and we may reasonably infer that places of less importance, and consequently of less spirit, would often be preferred to them. But it is by no means improbable that a much smaller number of de- puties than would have been returned by aU the com- munities alone was suffered to attend during the same SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. QGJ session of the cortes ; and that, as a certain number only were to be present, something like rotation was adopted in each succeeding session. This hypothesis would sufficiently account for a fact which has so often struck historians with surprise ; — that iluring no two consecutive sessions were the representative places the same, nor the number of deputies returned by them equal. But the subject is beset with difficulties which, in our present ignorance respecting the ancient local charters of Spain, can never be removed. A\'hatever may have been the case, the representative towns were important enough to be courted by the crown, whenever any great object was to be gained. When Sancho the Brave, son of Alfonso the Learned, prepared to snatch the sceptre from his father's hands, he gained over the municipalities by promising to preserve their privileges. But that the same Sancho cared little for popular rights is apparent from the fact that he increased the power of the nobles, the constant enemies of the communities, by sanctioning the heritability of local governments, which were from henceforth to descend ^tn-e hcereditario, like the family estates, from one baron to another. The communities expostulated, and Sancho, to pacify them, allowed them the right to form confraternities for the defence of their privileges against the royal feudatories or judges, who were ever ready to assail them. In fact, the state of society was exceedingly insecure ; the nobles treated the municipalities as open enemies, and wherever the exe- cutive was too weak, or too much occupied, to repress domestic excesses, nothing was more common than for a body of nobles to assail and plunder one of the smaller communities, or to intercept the merchandise and pro- visions of the greater. The same right had previ- ously been obtained by the nobles. Hence the two parties, naturally hostile to each other, procured a royal sanction to that hostility. After his father's death, Sancho, finding that he had no longer need of municipal support, revoked, or by violence rendered ineffectual, many of the privileges which he had sworn to maintain ; 268 EUROPE IN THE SIIDDLE AGES. nor durst the people remonstrate. But during the troubles which attended the minority of Fernando IV. (1295 — 1312) the municipalities, as the nobles had fre- quently done, confederated, to procure for each singly what the arms of the whole only could procure, not merely the preservation of existing privileges, but the acquisition of new ones. So long as the usurper Enrique I. had need of assistance against Pedro the Cruel, he was lavish of concessions to every order of the state ; he even promised to admit twelve deputies into the royal council. Though this promise was never in- tended to be fulfilled, it served as a basis for future de- mands ; in 1385, Juan I. formed a new council of twelve members, four prelates, four knights, and four deputies, and of the twelve co-regents appointed by his will during the minority of Enrique II. (1390 — 1406.) This, in fact, was the brightest period of municipal glory : to have a voice in the cortes, to advise the so- vereign, to participate even in the government of the nation, rendered the corporation enviable to the seignorial towns, — to those which were still subject to feudal ju- risdiction. That the latter were oppressed by their local tyrants is indisputable ; that they should seek to obtain the same privileges as the others, was natural ; but such was the influence of the aristocracy, that few succeeded in their application to the crown. A much more effectual and expeditious mode of enfranchisement was to offer to their hereditary masters either a heavy sum of money or an annual tribute. Sometimes, too, the feudal su- perior consented to abandon his rights, as weU judicial as seignorial, for a participation in the profits of the local industry. But the communities thus favoured did not always deserve these exemptions ; the troops which they maintained were often employed, not only in despoiling their hereditary enemies, but some rival towns ; they made war on each other with little ceremony ; and never failed to plunder passengers who had not an escort sufficiently strong to protect them. They had the mis- fortune, too, to oflPend the king, by frequently refusing SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 269 him the money he demanded for the pubHc service. Incensed at their parsimony, no less than tlieir want of obsequiousness towards the crown, Enrique II. excluded them both from the royal council, and from the council of regency during the minority of his son Juan II. (1405' — 14'54), nor would Juan ever consent to admit them into his deliberations : from that time they never once sat in the royal council. But this was not all': some of them having complained of the expense to which the maintenance of their deputies subjected thevn, and expressed a wish to be relieved from it, the same Juan proposed that it should be defrayed by the royal treasury, and, strange to say, the proposition was eagerly accepted by the cortes of Ocaiia (1422). This con- summate act of policy transformed the deputies into the creatures of the crown. As so great a number was no longer necessary, twelve places only were thenceforward summoned to send their representatives, and six only allowed to entrust their procurations to one of the twelve. The cities thus permanently entitled to return members were, in Leon three, viz. Leon the capital, Salamanca, and Zamora ; in Castile five, viz. Burgos, Toledo, Se- govia, Avila, and Cuenza ; in Andalusia three, viz. Cordova, Seville, and Jaen ; in Murcia, but one. The right of procuration was restricted to Toro, Valladolid, Soria, Madrid, Guadalaxara, and (after its recovery) Granada. This was widely different from the former state of things, when ninety places on one occasion at least (Burgos, 1315), returned deputies to the same cortes. So much for the ancient system of represent- ation in Castile : for a full history of the Castilian con- stitution, especially of its legislature, we must refer to the fourth volume of the History of Spain and Por- tugal.* II. Navarre. — Few things are wrapped in so much gg5 mystery, and, consequently, few have given rise to so to * The authorities on which the above is founded are, in addition to the '512. numerous chronicles of Spain, Marina, Tearia de las Cortes ; Sempere, Histoire des Cortfes d'Espagne ; Considt'rations sur Ics Causes de la Gran, deur et de )a Decadence de le Monarchie Espagnole ; and the Acts of the Cortes, from those of Leon, in 1 lSS,to those held under rcrnando and Isabel. 270 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. much controversy, as the origin and early history of Navarre. Rejecting the numerous and useless hypotheses of writers, the first work in which we find any authentic mention — there are apocryphal documents in abund- ance — of that country as a kingdom, is in the continu- ation of the chronicle of Albelda, written by the monk Vigila in the tenth century. He tells us that Sancho, the son of Garcia, began to reign in 905 ; and if we admit — as by indirect testimony we may — that Garcia the father was the first sovereign of Navarre, the origin of the kingdom cannot well be assigned to a period more ancient than the latter half of the ninth century. Isidorus Pacensis, who wrote in 753, the monk of Albelda, and Sebastian, bishop of Salamanca, whose histories descend far into the ninth century, say not one syllable of the Navarrese kingdom. That the country was anciently dependent on the Asturias, appears from two passages in the same episcopal chronicler. In one, he tells us that it was never possessed by the Arabs, but by its native inhabitants; in another, that Alfonso III. marched against the revolted Alavese, — and Alava was then a part of Navarre. But that the inhabitants were cer- tainly in dread of the Mohammedan yoke, ajjpears from their application to the emperor Charlemagne, and from the immediate presence of a Frank army among them : perhaps, too, they wished to become independent of the Asturian kings; a supposition which acquires strength from the subsequent disputes between the two courts respecting their feudal superiority. They soon resolved, however, to have a king of their own ; and they chose Garcia, who, in 891, was killed in battle against the Arabs. He left an infant son, Sancho, who, in 905, assumed the reins of government, and whose name must ever be glorious from his defeat of the Arabs before his capital of Pampluna in 908, and from the conquests he wrested from that enemy. In 920 he entered the cloister ; but, hearing of his son's defeat at Val de Junquera (921), he hastened to the field, and almost annihilated the army of Abderahman III. One of his J SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 271 immediate successors, Sancho el Mayor (970 — 1035), was one of the most powerful princes of his age. Be- sides Navarre, which was then more extensive than now, he ruled over Sobrarve, a part of Aragon, and, in right of his wife, Castile, which had just been erected into a kingdom : his son, too, had married the heiress of Leon, a connection which gave him considerable in- fluence over that country. Along the southern skirts of the Pyrenees, he considerably extended his sway : he added, among other conquests, the lordship of Ribagorza to his crown. Had he left his ample possessions to one son, he would have laid the foundation of one great monarchy. Aragon would not have been called into being; Castile soon would have been united with Leon ; and Portugal might not have been dismembered. By leaving to his eldest son, Garcia, Navarre and Biscay ; to his second, Fernando, Castile ; Ribagorza to Gonsalo ; and Aragon (then a small lordship) to Ramiro, he not only afforded a bad example to his successors, but was the indirect cause of aU the disasters which followed — of the endless wars among the Christian princes of the Peninsula. Garcia IIL (1035 — 1054) gained Cala- horra from the Moors : in his wars with Castile he fell at Atapuerca, in an unnatural conflict with his own brother. The son, Sancho III. (1054 — IO76), being assassinated by his own kindred, and leaving children too young to govern, Alfonso of Castile, and Sancho Ramirez, second king of Aragon, contended for the crown : the result was, a dismemberment of the state ; Rioja and Biscay declaring for the former, Navarre Proper for the latter. From this period both these provinces were dependent on Castile. During sixty years Navarre and Aragon were under the same sceptre ; but, on the death of Alfonso 1. (1134) without issue, the two states quarrelled about the choice of a successor, and ended by each electing one ; the choice of the former falling on Garcia IV. (1134 — 1150), a scion of their royal house. This prince, Uke his successors, Sancho V. (1150 — 1194) and Sancho VI. (1194—1234), was much more 272 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. frequently at war with his Christian neighbours of Cas- tile and Aragon, than with the common enemy. As the last-named prince had no issue, and as with him ended the male line of that ancient house, his last act, which was well meant, was to nominate king Jayme I. of Aragon, his successor : but tlie Navarrese, refusing to sanction the union of the crowns, and detesting the Aragonese, elected Thibault, count of Champagne, son of the infanta Sancha, sister of the late king. Thibault I. (1234 — 1253) was many years absent in the crusades, and on a pilgrimage to Rome, in penance for his murder of a bishop. Thibault II. (1253 — 1270), also, as a vassal of the French monarch for his lordship of Cham- pagne, attended St. Louis in the crusade, and died, im- mediately after his liege superior, on a foreign shore. On the death of Henri (brother of Thibault II.), the crown devolved to his daughter Jeanne, who, by mar- rying a French prince, carried the sceptre into the royal house of that kingdom. Four succeeding sovereigns of France (12S4 — 1328) ruled Navarre by their viceroys ; but, in 1329, the country regained its independence by proclaiming Jeanne, a daughter of Louis Hutin, who though the Salic law removed her from the throne of France, could succeed to that of Navarre. On the death of Blanche (1441), daughter of Charles the Noble, the crown should have passed to her grandson Charles (the son of her eldest daughter), but it was retained by her husband, Juan of Aragon. To recover his right, the prince went to war with his father, and died in the prime of life. The crown, according to the laws of succession, should now have fallen to Blanche, the sister of Charles ; but she was as hateful to her father as that prince had ever been, and was doomed to be more un- fortunate. The affection of Juan, now become (1458) king of Aragon, was absorbed by the offspring of his second marriage, — Leonora, married to the count de Foix, and the infante P'ernando, who succeeded him in the crown of Aragon, and married the heiress of Castile. To make way for the second daughter, Leonora and her SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 273 issue Blanche was hurried across the Pyrenees, and confined in the castle of Orthes, in Bearne, where she died — probably violently — in 1464. That a damning deed was perpetrated within these solitary walls, was the opinion of all contemporary, and has been that of all succeeding, writers ; nor was the opinion weakened by the curse which was perceived to rest on the house of Foix. The male heirs of that house perished pre- maturely. Catherine, a grand-daughter of Leonora, suc- ceeded that ambitious princess, and married Jean d'Al- bret, lord of Bearne, who assumed the title of king of Navarre. This marriage was exceedingly galling to Fernando of Castile and Aragon, who had long cast an eye on the crown, and who had proposed to bring it into his family by the marriage of Catherine with his son Juan. So long as Navarre was leagued with France, his natural enemy, — and the alliance was become per- petual, — he must always have a troublesome, often a dangerous, neighbour. Actuated by this conviction, and still more by ambition, in 1512 he invaded the kingdom, expelled Jean, and annexed his conquest to his crown ; nor from that day could all the forces of France replace the fugitive family on the throne.* As the constitution of Navarre was nearly the same as that of Aragon, we defer our observations on the subject until we have concluded the history of the latter kingdom. III. Catalonia. The early history of Catalonia §01 has been the subject of nearly as much dispute as that to of Navarre, and from the same cause, — the desire of 1 ^ 62. the natives to exhibit an antiquity equal at least to that of the Asturias. As little will their pretension stand the test of criticism. We hear not of the province until about the year 776, when one of the Mohammedan * Authorities : in addition to the endless historians of Castile, Zurita, Anales de Aragon; Favyn, Histoire de Navarre; Oihenart, Notitia Utriusque Vasconije ; Moret, Investigaciones Historicas, necnon Anales del Keyno de Navarra ; Yepcs, Cronica General de la Orden de San Benito ; Masdeu, Historia critica de Espaiia ; Traggia, art. Navarra, in the Diccionario Historico Critica dc Espaiia, with many oth>-. .. VOL. I. T 274 EUROPK IN THE MIDDLE AGES. governors, anxious to escape the yoke of Cordova, sent messengers to Charlemagne, whose supremacy he offered to acknowledge as the condition of assistance against Abderahman, or, perhaps, of restoration to his government, from which he appears to have been dis- placed. The glory of subduing the misbelievers, of ex- tending his empire into Spain, and of promoting the interests of religion, induced that emperor to march (773) his legions across the Pyrenees : one division passed through Navarre and reduced the Christian city of Pamplona ; another through Roussillon. We are assured that Gerona, Huesca, Saragoza, and even Barcelona, submitted to the invader, — the Mohammedan governors agreeing to do homage for their respective places. Scarcely, however, had he retired (he was recalled by an insurrection of Saxons) when Abderahman again subjected the province to the crown of Cordova. In 785 Gerona submitted to Louis king of Aquitaine, who placed in it a Christian count; and some years after- wards other Mohammedan governors were reduced, and Barcelona taken after an obstinate siege. In 801, Louis made a triumphant entry, and nominated as count, Bera, a native of Gothic Gaul, with whom he left a strong Christian garrison. That Bera was the vassal of the French crown is indisputable ; that he had some authority, or at least a jurisdiction of honour over the other counts of Catalonia — and every city had one — is exceedingly probable. It was not to be expected that the Arabs would quietly suffer the loss of so fine a pro- vince : they commenced a desultory war ; and that it was for a while successful appears from the fact that in 830 they were in possession of Barcelona, Man- resa, Cardona, Salsona, and the whole country to the very foot of the Pyrenees. But these possessions were subsequently recovered ; for in 836 we find there was a count of Barcelona named Bernardo, who in 840 was also duke of Septimania (in Languedoc). He was succeeded by other feudatories of the Frank emperors, — Barcelona, however, being twice gained by the mis- SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 275 believers and recovered, — until WifFredo II. (884 — 912), who, having to sustain a new war against these restless neighbours, without any assistance from the French king, is said to have obtained the promise, that if he cleared, by his own efforts, the province from the enemy, he and his successors should possess it, entirely independent of France, — in full sovereignty. However this be, it is certain that WifFredo expelled the Mohammedans, and that henceforth neither he nor his successors were much disposed to acknowledge the supremacy of France. The counts of Barcelona con- ferred the government of the other cities, Gerona, Urgel, Besalu, Cardona, &c. as fiefs, on their imme- diate relatives, and in all things acted as sovereigns. By marriage and purchase, Raymundo II. acquired considerable possessions beyond the Pyrenees, — Con- flans, Comminges, Carcassonne, Narbonne, and Thou- louse ] but on his death he divided these states among his three sons, the youngest being count of Thou- louse. This policy was as fatal here as . elsewhere. In 1081 the second brother, Raymundo III., was assassinated by order of the eldest, Berengario, who was expelled by the indignant inhabitants, and the government conferred on the infant, Raymundo IV., son of the murdered count. Raymundo IV. had much trouble from his vassal, the viscount de Carcassonne, who openly rebelled, and from the Mohammedans, who laid waste his territories : with the former he was com- pelled to temporise, from the latter he took the island of Majorca. In 1112 he married the heiress of Gilbert count of Provence, to whose states he soon succeeded. He, too, had the impolicy to dismember his states : to his eldest son, Raymundo, he left Catalonia and Gothic Gaul ; to his second, Berengario, Provence. Raymundo V. (1131 — 113?) was still more fortunate in his matrimonial speculation: by marrying, in 1137, Petronilla, heiress of Ramiro the monk, king of Aragon, he became, on the resignation of Ramiro, joint sovereign of that kingdom. From this period Catalonia followed T 2 276 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. the fortunes of Aragon^ with which it was inseparably united.* Even after its union with Aragon, Catalonia con- tinued to have its distinct legislature and laws. It had its own cortes, consisting of prelates, nobles, and de- puties ; and its code, or usages of Catalonia (Usatici Barcionensium), which were added in the eleventh century to supply the defects of the Wisigothic. The provisions of this code require no detail : they were not numerous, and they were mostly a mixture of Roman and Gothic jurisprudence, — " Roman as to the civil, Gothic as to the criminal portion ; Gothic also with respect to the tenure of fiefs, the conditions of union, and the jurisdiction of the tribunals." t 1035 IV. Abagon. — When Sancho el Mayor, in 1035, to divided his states among his sons, Aragon, which feU 1516. jQ Ramiro, comprised only the north-west angle of the present kingdom of that name, and the southern bound- ary of the Pyrenees : its humblt capital was Jaca, or San Juan de la Pefia. Ramiro (1035 — 106"3) added So- brarbe, Ribagorza, and a great part of Pallas ; Sancho I. (1063 — lOP'i), most of the Mohammedan fortresses from the Pyrenees to the Ebro ; Huesca was subdued by Pedro I. (1094—1104); Tudela, Saragoza, Daroca, Calatayud, Mequinencia, &c. by Alfonso I. (1104 — 1134) surnamed from his numerous battles el Ba~ tallador. This Httle lordship being extended into a considerable kingdom, the court in 1119 was removed by the same Alfonso to Saragoza, which ever afterwards held the honours of a capital. Raymundo, the husband of Petronilla, the count of Barcelona, and prince of Aragon (1137 — 1162), added Tortosa, Lerida, and Fraga to the kingdom: his son Alfonso II. (Il63 — * Authorities : Annales Francoriim Fuklenses ; Annales Bertiniani ; Eginhaidus, Annales Kerum Francorum ; Monachus Rivipullensis, Gesta Comitum Barcionensium ; Zurita, Anales ue Aragon ; Marca, Limes His- panicus; Diago, Historia de los victoriosissimos antiguos Condes de Bar- celona ; Bouges, Histoire Eccl&iastique et Civile de la VjUp de Carcassonne ; Baluzius Tutelensis, Capitularia Regum Francorum ; with many others, as cited in the History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iii. pp.57 — 78. f Usatici Barcionensium, passim. History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iv. p. 176. SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 277 119^) made some conquests on the frontier of the Moorish kingdom of Valencia. This prince also fell into the fatal policy of his age : Provence, which, as de- pendent on Catalonia, his father had brought into the royal house of Aragon, he left to his second son Alfonso. His son and successor Pedro II. (11 9^^ — li213) acted still more culpably : in return for his coronation at Rome by the hands of pope Innocent III., he agreed to hold Aragon as a fief of the holy see, obliging both himself and his heirs to an annual tribute ! The in- censed states of his kingdom remonstrated against the act as below his dignity, as inconsistent with their independence ; nor did they hesitate to declare it null. Yet Pedro was no bigot to the doctrines of the Romish church ; we may even suspect his bias to those of the Albigenses, of whom he was the protector, and in whose cause he fell in a battle on the Garonne, about two leagues from Thoulouse, while opposing the ruthless Simon de Montfort and the detestable papal legate. His son, Jayme I., surnamed from his conquests el Con- quistador (1213 — 1276), subdued the kingdom of Va- lencia and the Balearic Isles, which had long been the strong-holds of piracy, and which had long forgotten the- expedition of the Catalan count.* His son, Pedro III. (1276 — 1285), by marrying Constanza, daughter of Manfred, king of Sicily f, succeeded to the crown of that island ; but he left it to his second son, Don Jayme. Alfonso III., brother of Pedro (1285—1291), as the price of peace with the pope and the French, deserted the islanders and his brother ; and that brother, being called by Alfonso's death to the throne of Aragon, also forsook his brave subjects. From this period (1291) to the close of the fourteenth century, Sicily was separ- ated from Aragon, when, by the marriage of the prin- cess Maria with an infante of Aragon, it reverted to the same crown. In 1410, on the death of Martin, king of Aragon and Sicily, the male line of the royal house was extinct ; and several princes connected with it on * See page 275. t See the History of Sicilv. T 3 278 'EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. the female side became competitors for the vacant dig- nity. By the three states, Catalonia, Aragon, and Va- lencia, Fernando I. (1412 — 14l6), infante of Castile, whose mother was Leonora, eldest daughter of Pedro IV., was elected to succeed. Alfonso V. (I4l6 — 1458) con- quered Naples; his brother and successor Juan II. (1458 — 1479) hy marrying his son, the infante Fer- nando, to Isabel, heiress of Castile, laid the foundation of the Spanish monarchy. FernandoII. (1479 — 15l6), the fifth of that name in the sovereignty of Castile, imited Aragon, Navarre, Catalonia, Valencia, to Castile, and, by expelling the Mohammedans from Granada, ef- fected the union so much desired by Europe, and still more by the interests of humanity.* 1076 The power of the Aragonese kings, like those of to Navarre, was certainly more restricted than that of the '^* Castilian or Portuguese sovereigns. This restriction was commenced by the Fuero de Sobrarbe, a code of laws common to both Aragon and Navarre, and as an- cient at least as the time of Don Sancho I. On the conquest of Valencia, the same code, with the additions made to it by various kings from Sancho to Jayme I., served as the basis of jurisprudence in that kingdom. Valencia, however, had its own legislature, — its nobles, prelates, and deputies in cortes assembled, — who, with the sanction of the crown, made, from time to time, such alterations in, or additions to, the laws as were required by circumstances. In both kingdoms new charters, intended to supply the deficiencies of the existing laws, were granted by succeeding monarchs, down to the union of Aragon and Castile, under Fernando II. in 1479- Much exaggerated praise has been passed on the ancient constitution of Aragon — by no one so ab- surdly as by Robertson, the most inaccurate of all mo- dern historians, Avith, perhaps, the single exception of Hume. It little deserves such encomia : it was made by * Authorities : Monachius Rivipullensis ; Zurita ; Lucius Marineus Siculus; Laurentius Valla, De Rebus Gestis Ferdinand! Primi ; Blancas, Rerum Aragonensium Commcntarii , with the historians of ticily, Naples, and Spain, in a multitude of places. SPAIN POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY. 279 the aristocracy for their own interests; if it circumscribed the power of the crown, it no less annihilated that of the peasantry, whose condition was more wretched in Aragon than in any other province of Spain. It is indeed true, that the municipalities, which owed their existence to royal charters, and which, as in Castile, had their own laws (fueros y privilegios), were long flourishing ; but, as in the other kingdom, they, too, were at perpetual war with the nobles, often with the king, whom the nobles drew into their party. In fact, the history of Aragon is filled with such contentions. The king naturally wished to extend his authority ; the nobles to rule over both him and their odious enemies, the commoners ; the latter to expel both, and erect a republic. (The origin of the cortes in Aragon is as ancient at least as in Castile.) Sometimes, when the ambition of a king was dreaded, the nobles and commoners united their forces, and were then too much for the crown ; and when the king and nobles united, the democracy gave way. In other countries rebellion is accidental : in Aragon it was legal ; for whenever the nobles and municipalities were or fancied themselves injured, they were authorised by the laws to confederate, viz. to assemble in arms and insist on a redress of their grievances. Pretexts to draw the sword were never wanting. In 1368, indeed, this dangerous concession was revoked by the cortes ; for its exercise was found inconsistent with the very existence of the monarchy, yet both nobles and people continued to break out into open insurrection whenever it suited their humour to do so. Lest the crown, during the recess of the cortes, should encroach on the liberties of the nation, a permanent deputation sat at Saragoza ; it consisted of eight members, two prelates, two barons, two counsellors, and two citizens, all nominated by the cortes. Such were its powers, that if the king, or the grand justiza, who was the acknowledged head of the judicial administration, refused to correct any abuse, — T 4 280 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. we may add, to execute any command, — it would con- voke an extraordinary meeting of the cortes. To quiet the fury of domestic faction, — often of open warfare, where laws and judges were equally disregarded, — it was found necessary to erect a new species of authority. The kingdom was divided into five departments called juntas, the members of which consisted of nobles and citizens, who, whenever the tocsin was sounded, flew to arms, and went in pursuit of all daring delinquents, — all who refused to be judged by the laws : the heads of these juntas were called sobi-e-jimteros. It does not, however, appear that much good resulted ; for these armed functionaries were accused of adding to the exist- ing confusion. The only definition that can be justly given of the Aragonese constitution is, that it was one which allowed nobles and populace to do what they pleased, the king what he could, and the serfs nothing. When this unfortunate class was concerned, king, barons, and citizens could forget their respective dis- sensions, and act with marvellous union.* 1095 V. Portugal. — The first count of Portugal, as we to have before related, was Henry of Besani^on, son-in-law 1495. of Alfonso VII, This fief he received under an here- ditary title, but yet dependent on the crown of Leon. From 1095 to 1112, the period of his life, he obtained some successes over his Mohammedan enemies, whose possessions were contiguous to his own. His son, Al- fonso I. (1112 — 1 185) t, extended the state, which ori- ginally comprised only the country between the Minho and the Douro, as far as the Tagus. Emboldened by a splendid victory over the jMoors on the plains of Ourique, he assumed the regal title, and threw off all allegiance * Fori Aragonum Universales ; Tarazona, Instituciones del Fueros y Prh'ilegios del Reyno de Valencia; Semptre, Histoire des Cortfes; and History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iv. On this subject the reader must beware of following Robertson's "ro- mance, — his (so called) History of Charles the Fifth. For a brief, though, it is to be hoped, satisfactory account of it, the last work cited will suffice. In the present chapter we can only glance at it, — for we have no wish to repeat ourselves further than is necessary to convey a very general idea of the Spanish kingdoms. t Alfonso was only two years old on his father's death. SPAIN POLITICAIi AND CIVIL HISTORY. 281 to his liege sovereign of Leon. His immediate successors were less triumphant over the misbehevers ; for Alem- tejo was not subdued until the time of Sancho II. (1223 — ]2-i8), nor Algarve, before it fell under the united arms of Castilians and Portuguese^ in the reign of Al- fonso III. (1248 — 1279). The two Christian people would have proceeded to war with each other for the possession of this important province, had not a compro- mise been effected ; — Alfonso marrying a princess of Castile, and receiving the province as dowry with her, — doubtless, subject to homage and tribute. But Portuguese sovereigns were never very scrupulous in fulfilling their engagements. As Alfonso I. had wrested the other pro- vinces from the supremacy of Leon, Alfonso III., or his immediate successor, Dinis, did not hesitate to employ the same perfidy in regard to Algarve. In the annals "of Portugal we meet with little on which either the eye or the heart can rest with pleasure. Employed in fo- menting the internal troubles of Castile, or in quarrels either with the church or their own kinsmen, tyrannical in their sway, cruel in their disposition, often profligate in their lives, the rulers of this country have, with two or three exceptions, little claim to our respect. On the death of Fernando I. (1381), Avhose daughter and heiress had married the king of Castile, it was expected that the two crowns would be united : but Joam, the grand master of Avis, a bastard son of Fernando, took advantage of the antipathy borne by the Portuguese towards their neighbours to usurp the crown : he de- fended his usurpation with great valour, and at his death (1433) left to his son a throne firmly established. In his reign the Portuguese commenced their brilliant career of foreign conquest and of discovery. The first of those conquests was Ceuta, in 1415 ; the first of their discoveries were the Madeiras and Sierra Leone, in consequence of two expeditions fitted out by Henrique, a son of Joam, the only scientific prince Portugal ever produced. In the reign of Alfonso V. (1438 — 1481) many other fortresses were wrested from the Moors of 282 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. north-western Africa: in that of Joam II. (1481 — 149-'5) settlements were formed on the African coast as far as Congo and the Cape of Good Hope^ which was discovered by the Portuguese admiral Bartolomeo Diaz. This led to the discovery of India, and of the splendid empire which, during a short period, this enterprising nation erected in the East.* In Portugal the authority of the king was more ab- solute than in any part of the Christian Peninsula. The chief reason is, that the cortes were no check on the crown : they were seldom convoked ; and when assem- bled, their numbers were so few that they could have no influence. Not more than ten or twelve places ap- pear to have simultaneously enjoyed the privilege of representation, nor did the number of deputies exceed thirty or forty. Such deputies might grant supplies to the king, — the only purpose for which they were convoked, — but they could not awe either him or the nobles, who in' this ountry were a numerous body. But the Portu- guese, throughout their political existence, have shown no general disposition for freedom, the meaning of which they have never understood : ignorant and degraded, they have always lived contented with slavery. Another reason of the exceeding preponderance of the crown was to be found in the paucity of national laws, the inter- pretation of which, in cases of appeal, lay with the king. Comparatively few additions were made to the code promulgated by Alfonso I., in the cortes of La- mego. Down to the latter half of the fifteenth century, the barons of Portugal preserved the worst features of the feudal system : in virtue of their hereditary juris- diction, they held the privilege of trying and condemn- ing even in capital cases. It is, indeed, true, that from their tribunals lay an appeal to the three royal ones sitting at Lisbon ; but this was a right Avhich the ignorant could not, which the timid durst not, exercise. Joam II. deprived the nobles of this dangerous power, * Authorities : The historians of Portugal, as cited in the History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iii. ch. 5. SPAIN RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL STATE. 28S and by so doing endangered the stability of the throne, chiefly through the means of the house of Braganza, — a house which has Httle claim to the respect of man- kind.* CHAP. II. RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL STATE OF SPAIN. THE CHURCH. SAINTS. ST. BENEDICT OF ANIANA. ST. OL- DEGARIO. ST. FERNANDO. — ST. DOMINGO DE GUSMAN. THE ALBIGENSES. ST. ANTONV OF PADUA. ST. RAYMUNDO DE PENAFORT. RAYMUNDO LULLT. LITERATURE, I. The Mohammedans of Spain were always distin- guished for orthodoxy ; they belonged to the sect of Malek ebn Ans, one of the great Sounite doctors. The zeal with which they defended their religion will ap- pear from the numerous army of Christian martyrs whom they beheaded at Cordova, and from the multi- titude of their books on every doctrine and precept of Islam. In literature and science they were unrivalled. That on almost every subject which the human mind is accustomed to contemplate, they had more writers than any other nation in Europe, nay, than all other nations taken together, will sufficiently appear from the Bib- liotheca of Casiri, and from the chapter which we have devoted to Hispano- Arabic letters in the History of Spain and Portugal : to that chapter we refer the reader. II. From its foundation, either by one of the apostles or by their immediate disciples, down to the eleventh century, the church of Spain was remarkable, above any other in the communion of Rome, for its independence of St. Peter's successors. Under the Wisigothic kings * See History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iv. p. 183. 284 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. it held little intercourse with that see ; and it allowed their kings to exercise over it an authority Avhich must fill us with surprise. That he could issue general re- gulations for the maintenance of discipline, preside in ecclesiastical tribunals of appeal, convoke national coun- cils, and appoint to all vacant bishopricks, without the necessity of applying for the papal bull of confirmation, have been proved in another work.* The authority of the pope over the Spanish church was, originally, re- markably subordinate to that of the king : he was al- lowed a supremacy of honour, but that of jurisdiction was probably disputed ; and even when the church was disposed to yield the object of dispute, it pertinaciously retained many things which it considered necessary to its independence. That he could remit the pallium, judge in appeals, send apostolic nuncios and resident legates, from the conversion of the Wisigoths to the orthodox faith, is undoubted ; but even these privileges were so sparingly exercised as to attract no notice ; and no claim whatever was made to the more objectionable points of jurisdiction, — to episcopal confirmation, to the canonisation of saints, to canonical dispensations, much less to the monstrous dogma of papal infallibility, and his consequent superiority over an oecumenical council. From the eleventh century, however, owing to the frequent intercourse between the Spaniards and the French, the Avorst features of what the natives call the ultramontane discipline were gradually recognised. Besides the points already mentioned, other claims, — such as the dependence of monasteries on the holy see alone, tribute, and perpetual appeals, — were made and acknowledged.'}" But as we have, in another work, sufficiently dwelt on the discipline of the Spanish church, we shall now * History of Spain and Portugal, vol. iv. pp. 263 — 270. f Ibid. vol. i. p. 184-., vol. iv. ubi supri. Masdeu, Espafia Arabe, lib. ii. Sempfere, Considt^rations sur les Causes, torn. i. cap. 4. and 5. Aguire and Catalan!, Collectio Maxima Conciliorum Omnium Hispanise ; necnon Baluzius Tutelensis, Collectio Veterum Mouumentorum (in multis scrip- toribus). 821. SPAIN RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL STATE. 285 hasten to contemplate it in its chief saints ; a subject which, on the former occasion, we had neither space nor time to notice. We must, however, observe, that if we except those of Cordova, of whom sufficient has been said *, Spain can boast of very few during the middle ages, — fewer, perhaps, than any other Christian coun- try in Europe : her ' glory, in this respect, must be re- ferred to the Roman times, when she was probably unrivalled. The first saint presented by the order of time is 750 Benedict of Aniana, one of the great restorers of mo- J°^ nastic discipline, who appears to have been born about the middle of the eighth century. His father being the count of Magalona, in the diocese of Montpelier, placed him, at a very early age, in the suite of king Pepin, whose cup-bearer he became ; for as Spain, of which Languedoc had formed a part, and on which it was soon to become again dependent f, was now occupied by the mis- believers, the court of the Carlovingian princes was the only one where a young Gothic noble could be received. But the youth paid no regard to the honours within his reach : three years is he said to have fasted and prayed ; when, rightly considering that such a life was ill adapted to a court, he exchanged it for that of the cloister. His austerities were rigorous enough to evince his ill-di- rected enthusiasm : the rule of St. Benedict he denounced as lax, as fit for beginners only ; bread and water, in the smallest quantities, he regarded as enough for any monk ; of raiment he would have the coarsest only, nor would he change it, even when covered with ver- min : in the severest weather he often prayed through- out the night standing in his cell, or in the oratory, barefooted and shivering. His brethren doubted, as they well might, his sanity, and sometimes showed their contempt by spitting on him, or kicking him ; * History of Spain and Portugal, vol iv. pp. 290 — 304. f On the lordship of Barcelona, and that of Septimania, — dignities which, after theconquests of Charlemagne, were united. But this region, long alter the dissolution of the connection, — down even to the close of the twelfth century, —. was dependent on Catalonia and Aragon. 286 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. yet, on the death of the abbot, — in such reputation was a senseless asceticism, — he was elected to the dignity. He had, however, seen enough to convince him that he could not long govern such a brotherhood ; so that, de- clining the office, he returned to his own country, and on his patrimonial estate built a monastery, near which a town, bearing his name, has since arisen, about four leagues west of Montpelier. But the observance which he enforced was so rigid, that few would remain with him : bread and water, wine only on festivals, joined with hard bodily labour, were certainly no great induce- ments to forsake the world. Yet he persevered ; and in a few years his fraternity was so increased, that a larger house was necessary to contain them. As his reputa- tion spread, offerings, according to the manner of the times, were multiplied : even large estates were appro- priated to the new monastery ; but to his everlasting honour he immediately enfranchised the serfs attached to them. We may add, to the honour of the church in general, that during the middle ages the condition of this class of men would have been intolerable but for the ministers of religion. Though forming a part of the feudal system, prelates and abbots were uniformly the protectors of the villeins ; and, as one third of the lands throughout Europe were under their immediate control, we may conceive how greatly the worst evils of that system were mitigated. In another respect, the charity of Benedict was pitiable ; instead of punishing the robbers who committed frequent depredations on the estates of his monastery, he suffered them to escape. Thus when the peasants one day brought him a man whom they had caught riding away with several horses belonging to the fraternity, and whom they had charac- teristically ill-used, he caused the thief to be healed and dismissed. On another occasion, while walking with a monk in the neighbouring fields, he met a man mounted on one of his horses, and when the monk called his at- tention to the circumstance, he contented himself with observing that many horses were alike ; though he after- SPAIN RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL STATE. 287 wards admitted that he knew both the beast and the thief. As the riches of the house increased, the abbot permitted it to be enlarged and beautified ; the thatched roof to be replaced by tiles ; wooden pillars by those of marble, and a magnificent church to be erected, lighted by seven chandeliers, each with seven branches, while the altar and the choir were provided with fourteen lamps. Into the choir he also introduced the Gregorian chanting, with singing men and boys. That he had become much more rational is also apparent, from the attention which he now bestowed to useful studies : he filled his cloisters with professors of logic and of theo- logy ; and his monks were soon eminent enough to be chosen as instructors in other monasteries, — not a few were transferred from the cloister to the episcopal throne. The wealth which he received from the piety of princes and nobles he expended in hospitality, or in adminis- tering to the comforts of the poor monasteries, not in the same diocese only, but throughout Languedoc and Gas- cony. That his fame should spread through all France, and even reach the emperor s ears at Aix-la-Chapelle — the ordinary residence of the imperial court — was to be expected. He had above three hundred monks under his superintendence, when bishops and nobles, who wished to reform or to found new religious houses, be- gan to solicit brethren from Aniana to guide other esta- blishments. Thus he sent twenty to assist Leidrad, archbishop of Lyons, in restoring a monastery which had fallen into decay : thus the celebrated Alcuin, who in the sequel became his intimate friend, obtained the same number from him to found that of Cormery ; thus also a colony was sent to aid Theodulf, bishop of Or- leans, in restoring that of St. Mesmin. But as his com- munity continued to increase, he himself founded several cells or minor houses in various parts, each with its su- perior or prior dependent on him as the abbot. Of all the colonies established by these monks, the most cele- brated was that of Gello, founded by the liberality of William duke of Aquitaine, who is more generally 288 EUBOPB IN THE MIDDLE AGES. known as " St. William of the Desert." This nobleman, one of the most honoured and powerful at the court of Charlemagne, was no less devout than Benedict. Hav- ing founded and considerably endowed the monastery of Gello, about a league distant from that of Aniana, he himself sighed for the cloister. The seclusion of his two sisters, who dedicated their virginity to God, deep- ened the impression : with difficulty he procured per- mission from his imperial friend and master, Charle- magne ; offered his knightly arms at the shrine of St. Julian, in Auvergne, and hastened to the monastery of Gello. Having made his profession, he devoted his time to the rigid observance of the rule ; nor did he shun either the most laborious or most menial of duties. The brotherhood were, no doubt, edified at seeing this princely convert " a hewer of wood and a drawer of water," or performing the humiliating service of the kitchen : after a time, however, they would not suffer him to share in this domestic drudgery, but insisted that he should devote his whole time to contemplation and prayer. — St. Benedict lived until 821. By the em- peror Louis he was drawn from his retirement to re- form the religious houses in the north of France. His last foundation appears to have been a monastery near Aix-la-Chapelle, the monks of which acquired so much reputation for learning and sanctity, that they were visited from all parts of Christendom. One of his last employments was to draw up, in three volumes, an elaborate system of monastic discipline, embodying the regulations which from time to time he had intro- duced, — such, especially, as had received the sanction of other abbots, — to explain and amphfy the rule of St. Benedict the patriarch of the West.* 1061 But the most renowned churchman of these regions was to the blessed Oldegario ; who, though honoured as a saint 1137. in Catalonia and Gothic Gaul, has not been formally * S. Ardo, Vita S. Benedicts, cap. 1—10. Bollandistse, Acta Sanctorum, Die Feb. xii. Mahi'.lon, Acta Sanctorum Ord. S. Bened. torn. v. p. 13i, &c Fleury, Histoire Ecclesiastique, torn. x. liv. 46. SPAIX KKLIGIOUS AND IXTELLECTUAL STATE. 289 canonised by the pope. He was a native of Barcelona, born in the reign of Raymundo I. Dedicated in his in- fancy to the church of St. EnIaUa, he became a dignitary of that cathedral ; but, like many other secular ecclesiastics of the time, he seems to have entertained the notion that sanctity was to be found only in the cloister : that accoril- ing to the current language he was converted, is certain ; for in a few years afterwards we find him abbot of St. Iluf. On the death, however, of the bishop of Barcelona in 1114, he was elected to that dignity; and he subse- quently became the first archbishop of Tarragona, after its recovery from the Moors. He is chiefly known for the vigour with which he defended the rights of his church against the Catalan nobles ; for his fervour towards the Templars, his best protectors against the misbelievers ; and, if not for that asceticism of life so usual in an unenlightened age, at least for uncommon religious zeal. After his death, in 1137, many miracles, we are told, were wrought by his intercession, and even by his apparition. That at his funeral a dumb woman learned to speak, her first words being, " Sancte Oldegari, ora pro me ! " that two other women were recovered from a sickness incurable by men ; that tAvo blind men were restored to sight ; that two fugitive slaves belonging to his devotees were discovered by him, what Catalan of the times ever doubted } But he was not satisfied with assisting individuals : he was the patron of his province, especially of Barcelona, its capital. Some pirates of that capital, having made a descent on the Moorish pos- sessions of the south, " having burnt many houses, killed many misbelievers, and led others away captive," were returning joyfully towards Catalonia, when the incensed Moors undertook a pursuit. Unconscious of their danger, the former, at night-fall, had put into a sohtary bay, and fallen asleep. The leader, in his dreams, perceived a venerable man, clad in priestly garments, with a Avand in one hand, who told him to arise and depart, for the Moors were at hand. The same moment he awoke; but, every thing around lein^ VOL. I. u 290 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. buried in silence^ he treated the warning as a mere dream, and again fell asleep. This time, however, the saint shook the vessel so lustily that all awoke, while a voice exclaimed, " Fly ! the Moors are upon you.'' All heard the voice, hut the master was more favoured ; he saw with his bodily eyes the identical old man of his dream. The crew weighed anchor, fell to their oars, hoisted their sails, and, though the misbeUevers were already entering the bay, escaped by the help of God and St. Oidegario. The Catalans think it hard that so holy a man, and the worker of so many miracles, should not have been received among the saints of the church universal ; but, while they curse the increduhty of the popes, they worship him the more fervently. San Fernando, the king of Leon and Castile, was, as might be expected, much more fortunate. The Spaniards were not a little mortified on reflecting that they had no royal saint to oppose to the French, who extolled the merits and miracles of St. Louis so as to fill them Avith envy. Thei'e was, to be sure, St. Ermeni- gild ; but Ermenigild was only a prince, and too an- cient to confer much honour on modern Spain. A royal saint, however, they were resolved to have, and none appeared so fitting as Fernando III., who had rendered himself dear to the nation by his victories over the Moors, and to the church by his severities towards the Albigenses of his dominions. There was, indeed, one objection : neither don Lucas of Tuy, nor don Rodrigo of Toledo, both contemporary with this monarch, regarded him as any thing more than a mere pious king ; nor did even the chronicle of Fernando, though written at a period considerably subsequent to his death, regard him as a saint. But the Spaniards were not discouraged ; they knew that by old writers he had been styled plus and sanctus ; that though the latter word had been used in a sense synonymous Avith the former, it might be made to signify something more ; and that, as to miracles, nothing was so easy as to pro- duce them in any number, aU duly proved by oral evi- SPAIN RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL STATE. 291 dence. Accordingly, the dean and chapter of Seville, supported by the interest of I'hilip IV. and Carlos II., prepared the miraculous evidence, and urged the cause at the pontifical court with so much zeal, that, in 1671, the papal mandate went forth ])ermitting the monarch to be worshipped. The history of the pro- cess, the details of which would fill volumes, would not much edify the Catholic reader, nor dispose him to re- gard with much reverence the system of semi-deification in his church. Two of the miracles, however, we will give, — ex quibus disce omnes. A certain virgin was affianced to her lover by her kindred, who promised to give her so much money in dowry ; but, being unable to raise it, he refused to marry her. In her distress she asked council from the holy king, and, no doubt at his instigation, she risked what little money she had in a lottery established at Seville ; of course she obtained the chief prize : the lover now eagerly sued for her hand, and the marriage Avas solemnised, — thanks to God and the glorious king ! A poor man lost his ox ; whether it had strayed or were stolen, he could not tell ; but he caused a mass to be said to the glorious king. That very hour the butchers of the city (Seville) were driving their cattle towards the public slaughter-house, when one of them was observed to break loose from the rest, traverse the intermediate streets, hasten to the church of St. Mary, and stop before the sepulchre of the glorious king ? Quid multis ? — the owner came out of the church and recognised his cow — thanks be to God and the glorious king ! * Contemporary with Fernando was a saint more cele- 1170 brated perhaps than any other of the middle ages; more to connected certainly with history — Domingo de Gusman, 1 -OS- founder of the preaching friars, or the Dominicans. He was born in the year 1170, in the diocese of Osma, and * Biago, Historia de las Victoriosissimos Antiguos Condes de Barcelona, cap. 8U — 147. passim. BoUandista?, in Vita B. Oldegarii, Die Martii vi. lidem, in Vita S. Ferdinand! Uegis, Die Maii xxx. Fleury, Hisloire Ec- cliJsiastique, torn. xiv. liv. 678. ; torn. xvii. liv. 81 — 8+. See the exploits of Fernando, in History of Spain and Portugal, vol. ii. p.o2— 5y.; 1). 178— 182. u 2 292 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. at fourteen sent to the university or rather school of Palencia, recently founded by Alfonso IX. There he so distinguished himself by his abstinence, by his fast- ings, his prayers, his regularity of life, by his progress in logic and philosophy, that his diocesan soon gave him a canonry in the cathedral of Osma. The dignitaries of that chapter lived in community, subject to the rule of St. Augustine ; by its rigid observance, and by his devout studies, he was soon raised to the dignity of sub- prior, the bishop being the prior. We next hear of him at Thoulouse, on his return from a temporal mis- sion, in which he had accompanied that prelate. At this time the whole of southern France, from the moun- tains of Savoy to Thoulouse, nay, the whole country from Catalonia (o Lombardy, abounded with dissidents from the Romish communion, — with sectaries, who, under the general names of Vaudois and Albigenses, differed in some points essentially from each other, and had nothing in coirimon beyond contempt for the su- perstitions of the dominant church. The former, the Vallenses (corrupted into Vaudois), were so called from their residence in the mountains of Savoy, probably from time immemorial ; the latter took their name from Albi, in the vicinity of which they flourished in most number.* Of the Vaudois, with whom we have no present concern, it may be sufficient to say, that their tenets do not appear to have materially varied from those of modern protestants. Not so the Albi- genses, who certainly held some at variance with scrip- ture and reason ; some, the tendency of which was to subvert the fundamental principles of human society. It may indeed, and with much appearance of reason, be urged in their defence, that the only account we hear of their opinions is furnished us by their ruthless enemies. * This at least is the most probable etymology: — " Dicuiitur autem Albigenses ab Alba civitate." — Mattncens Paris. They may, however, have derived their name from their condemnation at the councils of Lom. berc'S in that diocese. Or, lastly, the Albi^eois may have comprised a coun. try much more extensive than the bishopric of that name, — the whole of Provence, and a considerable part of Languedoc. See Vaissette, Histoire GtnOrale du Languedoc, torn. iii. n. VS. p. boS, &c. SPAIN RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL STATE. 293 To understand the weight of this ohjection, let us hear the ■words of a contemporary, Peter, monk of ^'aulx-Cornay, of one who was present among them, anil who is the first chronicler that condescends to acquaint us with what we are so much interested in knowing.* He tells us that they acknowledged two Creators ; the one of things invisible, or the good Being, the other of things visible, or the evil Being ; that the former was the author of the New Testament ; the latter of the Old ; that they rejected the whole of the Old Test- ament except such passages as were quoted in the New. " They called its author a liar, because in Genesis it is said, ' The day thou eatest of such a tree thou shalt surely die ;' yet our first parents did not die, though, in conse- quence, we are subject to misery and death. But the au- thor of the book did more than lie ; he was a murderer, because he burnt Sodom and (iomorrah, destroyed the earth by water, drowned Pharaoh and the Egyptian hosts in the Red Sea." Omitting some impieties re- specting the prophets of old, John the Baptist, and Christ himself (that is, the Christ of Betldclunn, whom they hold to be an evil demon, while to another and invisible Christ, who never appeared on this earth, they assigned all possible honour), the monkish chronicler proceeds to tell us that one sect of the Albigenses, — for he intimates that there were several, — acknowledged one Creator only; but then he was the father of two oppo- site sons, Christ and the devil. " Originally all creatures were good, but they were corrupted by the daughters of men, as related in Genesis." " They called the Roman church a den of thieves — the whore mentioned in the Apocalypse ; they hold as nothing the sacraments of the church ; that baptismal water is no better than river water ; that the consecrated host is not a jot better than the common bread of * Bollandisteo, in Vita S. Dominici, Dip Augusti iv. Uaynalcius, An- nales Ecclesiastici, an. 120fi. Floury, Ilistoire EccU^siastique, torn. xvi. Petrus Monachus Coenobii Vallium Cernai, Oriliiiis Cisterciencls, Historia Albigensium et Sacri Belli in eos suscepti (apuil Duchesne, Rerum Fran- carum Scriptores Coastanei, torn. v. p. 55.). . u 3 294 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. the laity ; that if the body of Christ were as huge as the Alps, it must long ago have been consumed. They also taught that the sacraments of confirmation and confession are vain and frivolous ; that that of mar- riage is a prostitution ; and that no one who begets sons and daughters can be saved. Denying the resur- rection of the body, they imagined some strange con- ceits ; pretending that our souls are those angelic spirits which, falling from heaven, left their glorified bodies in the air ; that those souls often inhabiting seven suc- cessive terrestrial bodies, may rejoin their original ones, their term of penance being concluded." Peter next informs us that the same sect had two descriptions of professors, — the perfect and the believers ; that the former, who were clothed in black, refrained from women, flesh-meat, wine, even from eggs and cheese ; that the latter lived in the world as others lived, but in other respects hoping to be saved through the faith of the perfect. Of the believers he drew a horrible pic- ture, telling us that they scrupled at few crimes ; that they did not believe reparation for injuries was binding on them ; and that at the last extremity salvation would be obtained by simply repeating a pater-noster, and by the imposition of hands from one of the perfect. This imposition of hands, in addition to the pater-noster, they called consolation, since it made the sinner sure of heaven without any other preparation or satisfaction whatever. In confirmation of this exposition of the Albigensian creed, Peter relates two anecdotes. — A certain believer, at the point of death, received the accustomed consolation from one of the perfect, but he was unable to repeat the pater-noster before he died. The consoler knew not what to make of it ; the man seemed to be saved by the imposition, yet damned through not repeating the prayer. The point was a nice one ; it %vas submitted to a certain elder of the sect (no doubt one of the perfect), who decided the matter by saying that the deceased should be saved; but, in future, whoever failed in the pater-noster should cer- SPAIN RELIGIOUS AND INTELLKCTUAL STATE. 295 tainly be damned. — Another believer bequeathed a sum of money to the sect, which he required his son to pay. In due time the perfect came for the money, when the son asked, " ^V'here is my father's soul ?" — '" In heaven, to be sure ! " was the reply. " Thank God and you for that," rejoined the youthful wag ; " if so, his soul has no longer need of alms, and none will I give you ! " So strictly were the perfect expected to refrain from the interdicted food, that if any of them ate ever so little of flesh, cheese, &c. all the believers whom he had consoled lost the Holy Spirit, and must be consoled again. AFhen any convert wished to be received among them, he was told, " Friend, if thou wilt be one of us, thou must entirely renounce the Romish faith!" and he replied, " I renounce it!" " Receive then the good spirit ! " said the catechist, who blew seven times into his mouth, and proceeded, — " Dost thou also re- nounce the cross, which at thy baptism the priest drew with the oil and chrism on thy breast, shoulders, and head?" " I renounce it!" " Dost thou believe that the baptismal font regenerates and saves ?" " No !" " Dost thou renounce the veil which at baptism the priest laid on thine head?" " I renounce it!" The convert then received the imposition of hands, the kiss of peace, and a habit, and became one of them. The monk of Vaulx-Cornay adds, that, with respect to their morals, they held, that man is not accountable for any bodily sins committed below the umbilical cord ; that for those of the head and heart only is he responsible.* That the preceding description is in many points loi.^ inaccurate, is exceedingly probable ; but the basis is too '•' true. As the Albigenses have no ancient historians of l-^'^'- their own to acquaint us with their real tenets, we are compelled to consult their enemies for information re- specting them, and that information we must always receive with caution. Yet, to reject it altogether, would * Pctrus Monaclnis, Hisforia Albigensiiim, cap. ii. p. 455., &c. We are the fuller on this subject, as some doubt has been expressed — such is the ignorance of the age — whether wc had authority for the character we gave o i the Albigenses, in the History of .*-'pain, vol. iv. p. 307— oOl'. u 4 296 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. be as unreasonable as to place implicit credence in it, and even~ more so. That Peter the Monk, who was actually among them at a most eventful period, should know more of them than any other writer, must be conceded : his testimony is confirmed — we mean sub- stantially — by three considerations. 1, The oriental spirit which evidently pervades such of their tenets as he describes, he could not have invented ; he was too ignorant to know any thing of the Manichaan or Paul- ician * heresies, Avhich, at former periods, had so much distracted the eastern church : he could no more have invented this description, than the wonderful tales of the Thousand and One Nights. 2. Other writers of the same century allude to this rejection of the Old Testament. Thus Guillaume de Puy Laurens (Gu- lielmus de Podio Laurentii), in the fourth chapter of his C'hronicon, gives us part of a conversation between the bishop of Albi and one of these heretics, Sicard of Lomberes, — a conversation which the chronicler learned from the bishop himself. Both one day happening to be present in the castle of Lomberes, the knights and burghers insisted that the prelate should dispute with the famous heresiarch. The former at first declined the dispute, on the ground that Sicard was too hardened to be reclaimed ; but fearing that if he still persisted his motive would be construed into fear, or into a con- sciousness of advocating a weak cause, he at length consented. The conversation is only partially given ; but there is one question of the prelate's, with Sicard's reply, corroborative enough of the statement we have made. " Sicard," said the bishop, " as you reside in my diocese, I may consider you as one of my flock ; hence you ought to give me a reason for your faith ; and when I put a plain question to you, you ought to answer me." Sicard promised that he would truly answer. * They were called Paulicians from Paul the Armenian, the reformer of the doctrine of Manes, who lived in the seventh century. That the Paulicians held generally the savne fundamenlnl tenets as the Manichaans, is clear from the account given of both by the Byzantine historians, and from the acts of the Greek councils. Doubtless they differed in some points ; but the spirit which filled both was substantialiy the same. SPAIN RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL STATE. 297 Suspecting the chief tenet of the sect, that all who lived under the old law Avere damned, the prelate asked, " Do you believe that Abel, who was slain by his brother ; that Noah, who was saved from the deluge ; that Abraham, Moses, David, and the other prophets who lived before the coming of Christ, are saved ? " — " I do not," replied the man, in a firm tone. 3. But the strongest evidence that the JNIanichscan heresy had taken deep root in southern France, appears from the absolute identity of its tenets with those of the Albi- genses. If the reader will be at the trouble to compare the description of the latter, as given by the monk of Vaulx-Cornay, with that of the former, as it exists in a valuable history of the Paulicians, he will find that they are the same.* Both recognised an evil and a good principle, independent and creative; both rejected the sacraments and the Old Testament ; both denied that the real Christ was ever incarnate of the A'irgin ]Mary ; both refrained from meat and wine ; both condemned the cross and the ministry of the altar ; both laid an ex- clusive claim to the possession of the Holy Ghost, and taught the remission of sins by the imiiosition of hands; finally, the morals of both, though outwardly decent, are in an equal degree reprobated by the historians of the Lower Empire, and by the chroniclers of France. 4. Equally irrefragable as to the identity, or at least as to the fundamental resemblance of the two sects, are the canons of councils in the Western church; we might also add, the epistles of popes, prelates, and doctors, and the lives of saints. That there have been j\Ia- nichseans at all times in the M^estern church, and that in all cases they arrived from other parts^ is known to every reader of ecclesiastical history. In 44-3, St. Leo discovered in the capital hundreds whom the Vandals had expelled from Africa, and Avhom he also banished. His example was imitated by Gelasius I. (4,92 — 496), * We have not before us the work to which wer.Uude, — that of Peirus Siculus, — but the substance seems to be faithfully given by Fleury, Hist. Eccles. torn. xi. liv. 52. 298 EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGES. by Symmachus (498 — 514), and by Hormisdas (514 — 523), so that, dwindled to an insignificant number, and careful to conceal their opinions, their name was forgotten until new apostles were, by the Greek wars, transplanted into Europe.* Their frequent rebellions in Armenia and Syria, the strong-holds of their heresy ; their alliance with the Mohammedans in the wars against the Greek emperors ; their subjugation by their imperial persecutors ; their location in considerable numbers, in Thrace and Bulgaria, during the eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries; and their subsequent dispersion through Italy and France, are facts which we read in almost every Byzantine historian of the period. That many entered Italy by the north, is evident from their pre- valence in Lombardy * ; but it seems probable that many also reached the coasts of Provence from various ports of theempire.t In 1022, near two centuries before the crusade against the Albigenses, we first hear of them in France J at the council of Orleans : after some hesitation, they professed the same obnoxious doctrines as had been taught by their Armenian fore- fathers, and as the monk of Vaulx-Cornay subsequently ascribes to the Albigenses. In the end, as they refused to recant, they were cruelly burnt ; and the same fate was inflicted on others who were discovered at Thou- louse. These facts appear not only from the canons of the council, but from the unquestionable testimony of Ranulphus Glaber, monk of Clugny, who lived at the very time, — a testimony not inferior in importance to that of the monk Peter, since it not only proves the existence of ManichiEans in IVance as early as the com- mencement of the eleventh century, but connects them * The father of St. Peter of Verona was a Manichaean. f The ronnection betwecii.Provence an