REESE LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 l^eceived 
 
 ■ n 
 
 z/lccession No. o J -^ ^ 3L - Class No 
 
EURIPIDES 
 
 AND 
 
 THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
^ 
 
EURIPIDES 
 
 AND 
 
 THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 A COMPARISON 
 
 BY ^ 
 
 A. DOUGLAS THOMSON, M.A., D.Litt. 
 
 LECTURER IN GREEK IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited 
 
 NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 1898 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
Ojcfor& 
 
 HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 

 PREFACE 
 
 In writing these pages I have consulted a large 
 number of works bearing more or less closely on the 
 subject under treatment ; and of particular cases of 
 indebtedness to these I have endeavoured to make 
 full acknowledgement in the notes. The books which 
 I have found most helpful are the following : — 
 
 Berlage, De Euripide Philosopho. 
 
 Blass, Die Attische Beredsamkeit von Gorgias his zu Lysias. 
 
 Butcher, Demosthenes (in Macmillan's Classical Writers Series). 
 
 Some Aspects of the Greek Genius (ist ed.). 
 Coulanges, La Cite Antique. 
 Jebb, Attic Orators. 
 
 MahafFy, Euripides (in Macmillan's Classical Writers Series). 
 Paley, Euripides (in Bibliotheca Classica). 
 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Euripides, Herakles. 
 
 I must make special mention of Berlage's De Euri- 
 pide Philosopho, the work which I have found most 
 useful for my present purpose, and to which I can 
 scarcely overrate my obligation. I have followed Ber- 
 lage's method and arrangement almost throughout, 
 extending to the Orators what he had done for Euri- 
 pides only. But even in the case of Euripides I have 
 written chiefly from manuscript notes ; and any 
 errors that may occur in the matter of references are 
 my own. 
 
vi PREFACE 
 
 Professor Decharme's Eitripide et V Esprit de son 
 Tliedtre — a book at once brilliant and judicious — I had 
 not read till the present work was completed, but 
 I have been able to add numerous references to it in 
 the foot-notes. 
 
 If this study of Euripides and the Attic Orators has, 
 in the matter of comparison, proved less fruitful than 
 I had anticipated, and if the conclusions are frequently 
 of a negative rather than a positive character, it has 
 had, I hope, at least one result which makes it not 
 altogether useless. It has been the occasion of doing 
 for the Orators what had already been done for Euri- 
 pides — of grouping together and so converting into 
 a whole which is more evavvoirrov their thoughts on 
 those problems of life which must always be of mterest 
 to thinking men. 
 
 The work was originally presented to the Senatus 
 of the University of Edinburgh as a thesis for the 
 degree of Doctor of Letters, and owed its inception 
 to a suggestion of Professor Butcher, to whom I would 
 here record my gratitude for much kindly interest 
 shown during its progress. The fact that it was 
 written as an academic dissertation may perhaps be 
 regarded as a sufficient reason for quoting the Greek 
 texts rather than translations. 
 
 I have used the Oxford text of Euripides, with 
 Nauck's Tragicorum Graecorum Fraginenta (2nd ed.) 
 for the Fragments, and the Teubner texts for the 
 Orators. 
 
 Edinburgh, 
 
 October, 1898. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 Introduction ....... i 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 Physical Theories — Geometry — Astronomy — Gteography ... 13 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 Religion — Mysteries — Bloodguiltiness . . . .18 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Death and Future Life -Suicide — Burial and Mourning Customs . 51 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 Life in its General Aspects ......... 60 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 Ethics 67 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 Public Life : Education — Wealth and Poverty — Rank — Slavery . 81 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Politics : Abstention from Public Life — Patriotism - Exile— Greeks 
 AND Barbarians — Athens and Sparta — Tyranny, Oligarchy, and 
 Democracy — Demagogues — Cosmopolitanism . . . . -97 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 Private Life : Women— Love — Marriage — Kinship — Friendship . . 149 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 Conclusion 188 
 
EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 § 1. After Marathon, Salamis and Plataea had secured 
 Greek freedom against Persian encroachment, there came 
 a period of repose. Already there had been indications of 
 a wider intellectual life. The exclusive sway of Poetry was 
 beginning to break down. A feeling was arising that thought 
 might be beautifully expressed in prose as well as in verse, 
 and thus there was being removed one of the greatest 
 hindrances to clear, untrammelled reflection. Practical life 
 began to occupy more and more the minds of thinking men : 
 mythology was no longer the sole object of literary study. 
 From the Persian Wars and their consequences this new 
 intellectual tendency received the stimulus it needed to rouse 
 it to life and vigour. Not only have we their direct result in 
 the history of Herodotus, and in much of the Aeschylean 
 drama, but they gave the first great impulse to that period 
 of enterprise, alike in practical and in speculative life, which 
 reached its culmination under Pericles. 
 
 A century and more before the Persian Wars, the Greeks, 
 dissatisfied with the mere personification of natural agencies 
 which constituted their theology, and true to their natural 
 bent for inquiry, had begun to ask what those natural 
 agencies really were. Originally there had been no dividing 
 line between philosophy and theology, but now that dividing 
 line began to be traced. The earliest philosophers were 
 physicists, who devoted themselves to the study of nature 
 
 B 
 
 01^ 
 
2 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 as a whole, under the belief that the study would lead them 
 to the discovery of truth. The most important name for 
 us is Anaxagoras (470 B.C.), who exercised a strong influence 
 on Euripides \ He was the first to recognise vovs as the 
 ordering principle of the universe, and in this way made 
 a tremendous step in advance of his predecessors. 
 
 Between the physicists and Socrates came the Sophists, who 
 represent the birth and growth of Scepticism. This scepticism 
 was a natural and necessary step in the progress of thought. 
 When so many and so widely different schools sprang up, 
 each claiming to give the true interpretation of the universe, 
 and yet giving out doctrines so contradictory ; when these 
 doctrines had become more or less popularly known, and had 
 been the cause of endless debate and discussion, it was an 
 inevitable result that scepticism should spread. And this 
 spirit was fostered also by the social and political conditions 
 of the time ; for over the whole of Greece, as we have seen, 
 and above all in Athens, there took place in the fifth century 
 B. c. a great and rapid development in all departments of life. 
 The victory over Persia, combined with the steady growth of 
 democracy, had given a stimulus and promoted an activity 
 which was quite unprecedented. The power of speaking was 
 becoming more important, and was the chief weapon in the 
 hands of ambitious citizens ; and men were eager to acquire 
 powers of argument and debate, and to learn the opinions of 
 the greatest thinkers of the day. The sophists came forward 
 to satisfy these wants, and in so doing they incidentally 
 rendered a great service to Greek prose. The most important 
 of them was Protagoras ^, whose treatise on Truth began with 
 the words, ' Man is the measure of all things,' — meaning that 
 there is no such thing as objective truth, that truth is not 
 absolute but relative, and similarly that, in matters of conduct, 
 right and wrong depend on opinion. 
 
 ^ It can hardly be said, however, that Euripides was a disciple of Anax- 
 agoras. 
 
 ^ For the relations existing between Euripides and Protngoras see 
 Decharme, Euripide et I'Esprit de son Theatre^ pp. 48-49 ; and for Euripides and 
 the sophists generally see the whole section (pp. 47-58). 
 
INTRODUCTION 3 
 
 Socrates (469-399 b. c.) shared in that part of the general 
 scepticism which believed it impossible to arrive at certain 
 knowledge with regard to nature and physical science ; but, 
 unlike the sophists, he did maintain the certainty of moral 
 distinctions, and instituted a new method to discover error 
 and establish truth. And this method he applied, not to 
 physical questions, but to questions of conduct. Socrates was 
 the first ethical philosopher. 
 
 Between the physicists and Socrates, as has been already 
 observed, philosophy was cultivated exclusively by the sophists. 
 By them the study of philosophy had been combined with 
 that of rhetoric. Socrates effected a separation of the two. 
 Between the sophist — as the word was subsequently under- 
 stood — and the rhetorician it is impossible to draw a sharp 
 line of distinction. The same man is at one time termed 
 a rhetorician, at another a sophist ^. 
 
 No more congenial soil for the cultivation of sophistry and 
 rhetoric could have been found than Athens. If we consider 
 the small size of the state and the extremely democratic 
 nature of its institutions, especially after the changes effected 
 by Pericles, it will at once appear that it was an absolute 
 necessity for a public man to possess some skill as an orator ^. 
 It was the citizens themselves who transacted all public 
 business whether judicial or political : they administered as 
 well as made the laws. As in time of war the Athenian could 
 not delegate his duty to a mercenary, so in time of peace he 
 must be cognisant of his country's laws and interests in order 
 to be able to follow the discussions on the Pnyx, to act as 
 TTpofhpoi, TipvTavLs, OY ap)(ji)v, — in short, to discharge all public 
 
 ' No doubt the name (TO(pi(JT'f]s suggests the East and the practical culture 
 of Ionia, while prtrwp suggests the West and the Sicilian rhetoric. See Jebb, 
 Attic Orators, I. Introd. cxii-cxxiv ; and cf. Blass, Attische Beredsamkeif, p. 15 :— 
 ' Sophistik und Rhetorik sind durchaus nicht identisch, aber doch mehr 
 dem Namen als der Sache nach getrennt.' 'In both instances the aim was 
 ability in practical life, and the difference between the two was rather of 
 theoretical than of practical importance' (Holm, ii. p. 425). Cf. Plato, 
 Gorgias, 464 C. 
 
 ^ This movement really had its beginnings in the Solonian constitution, 
 and received a still stronger impulse from the reforms of Clisthenes. The 
 career opened to eloquence was widened after the Persian Wars. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 offices to which appointment was made by lot. By the 
 constitution of Solon it had been made imperative for every 
 citizen to hold a political opinion, and in case of civil discord 
 to take one side or the other. The severance between the 
 individual and the state came later, when Athens had fallen 
 on evil days. Under such conditions political success was 
 hardly to be attained without eloquence; and thus the art 
 of the orator, which flourishes best under a free govern- 
 ment, — and a free government implies always a certain 
 amount of turbulence and strife — was brought to perfection 
 at Athens. 
 
 Yet it was clearly impossible that any and every citizen 
 should become an accomplished speaker. In many cases that 
 would be prevented both by poverty and by lack of ability. 
 Public instruction at Athens did not go so far as has sometimes 
 been supposed : the higher education was left to private 
 initiative. Only those who could afford it attended the lectures 
 of grammarians, of rhetors and sophists. It is true that some 
 Athenians, such as Cleon and other demagogues, became 
 famous as speakers without such education, but, especially after 
 the Peloponnesian War, it was the exception. The growing 
 power of rhetoric and sophistry, which at least helped a man 
 towards ready and persuasive speech on any topic under 
 discussion, put a wide difference between those who were and 
 those who were not versed in these studies. The ordinary 
 citizen, when brought face to face in the Assembly or the 
 law-courts with a trained speaker, found himself at a great 
 disadvantage. 
 
 The Athenians were always inordinately fond of litigation : 
 Aristophanes is continually making fun of to (f)L\6bLKoi' at 
 Athens. And the number of civil and judicial suits was 
 enormously increased by the Peloponnesian War, more es- 
 pecially by the confiscations of the Thirty. When the de- 
 mocracy was restored, many wrongs as to property and 
 other things had to be set right. But the Athenian citizen 
 could not, as we do, retain counsel to plead his cause before 
 the judges. Such a course was against all law and tradition. 
 He must be able himself to discharge this as well as all other 
 
INTRODUCTION 5 
 
 civic duties. And so he devised the expedient of employing 
 a trained speaker to compose a speech for him, and this 
 speech he committed to memory and delivered himself. It 
 was this custom that established the profession of the \oyo- 
 yi)d(f)os. Most of the orators — even those who, like Demosthenes, 
 devoted most of their attention and energy to deliberative 
 oratory and questions of public policy — occasionally acted as 
 koyoypdcjiot : Isaeus never acted in any other capacity. 
 
 The internal condition of Athens during this period was 
 thus extremely favourable to the development of forensic 
 oratory. Her external relations in the age of Demosthenes 
 were no less favourable to the development of deliberative 
 oratory. Gradually, by force of circumstances, the number of 
 speakers in the Assembly had grown smaller and smaller, 
 until none ventured to mount the fiijixa except professional 
 priTopis like Aeschines and Demosthenes: the rest, like many 
 of our Members of Parliament, contented themselves with 
 recording a party vote. After Philip embarked on his course 
 of encroachment, these speakers found ample stimulus and 
 occasion. Political passions were at a white heat, and the 
 fervour of the passion is transfused into the spoken word. 
 It is just to this time, when Athenian degradation and de- 
 moralisation were progressing with fatal steadiness, that we 
 owe the masterpieces of Athenian oratory ^ 
 
 It must not be supposed, however, that the New Culture 
 succeeded in establishing itself at Athens without opposition^. 
 It was too much at enmity with the popular religion for that. 
 Religion was one of the bases on which the Greek state 
 
 * Cf. Tacitus, Dialog, de Orator, c. xxxvii (Church and Brodribb's transla- 
 tion) : — 'We are speaking of an art which arose more easily in stirring and 
 unquiet times. Who knows not that it is better and more profitable to 
 enjoy peace than to be harassed by war ? Yet war produces more good 
 soldiers than peace. Eloquence is on the same footing. The oftener she has 
 stood, so to say, in the battlefield, the more wounds she has inflicted and 
 received, the mightier her antagonist, the sharper the conflicts she has freely 
 chosen, the higher and more splendid has been her rise, and ennobled by 
 these contests she lives in the praises of mankind.' Cf. also ibid. c. xl. 
 
 * See Holm, ii. pp. 281-2. For an exceedingly able discussion on the 
 New Culture— and especially on Euripides' relation to it — see ibid. c. xxvi, 
 pp. 423-465. 
 
6 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 rested ^ ; and anything which tended to subvert the national 
 religion could not but be viewed askance by many of the 
 citizens. So long as science was pursued in such a way that 
 it did not clash with religion, so long it was not actively 
 resisted ; but, as soon as it appeared to contradict religion, 
 it met with strenuous opposition. So far Athens was em- 
 phatically intolerant. Anaxagoras, — though he was the friend 
 of Pericles — Protagoras and others suffered exile ; Socrates was 
 condemned to death. Men of the old school — the Ma/ja^a)i'o//cix«', 
 the ideal citizens according to the conservative Aristophanes 
 — were strongly adverse to all those new ideas, which seemed 
 likely to subvert the morality and religion which had become 
 established and traditional ; and hence they regarded with 
 disfavour the instruction of the sophist and rhetorician, even 
 while they realised that such instruction was a necessary 
 instrument to influence and power. 
 
 On two of the great triad of tragedians the New Culture 
 exercised but little influence. True, neither Aeschylus nor 
 Sophocles is free from sophistry or regardless of rhetoric^. 
 No true Athenian could be, for sophistry is characteristic of the 
 Athenian mind generally. But in Aeschylus and Sophocles 
 these things are not continually obtruded as they are in 
 Euripides ^. It was after the Persian Wars that the study of 
 
 ^ Coulanges goes further {La Cite Antique, pp. 375-380 : Livre iv. c. ix. — 
 Nouveau principe de gouvemement ; I'interet public et le suffrage) : — ' La religion 
 avait 6te pendant de longs siecles I'unique principe de gouvernement.' See 
 the whole chapter, and cf. ibid. p. 415: — 'L'Etat etait etroitement lie a la 
 religion ; il venait d'elle et se confondait avec elle, &c.' 
 
 ^ One need only instance the trial-scene in the Eumenides of Aeschylus, 
 especially the speech of Athena (681-710) with its formal ending, tiprjTai 
 \6yos : Sophocles, Oed. Col. 939-1013 ; Antig. 639-725 ; Ajax, 1047 ff., 1226-1315 ; 
 Eledra, 516-609. For the progress of Rhetoric as seen in Tragedy, and 
 especially in Euripides, see Blass, pp. 41-42 : — 'Die Tragodie also wenigstens 
 theilweise mit deni Strome schwamm.' Cf. also Campbell, Greek Tragedy, 
 pp. 127-8. 'Tragedy,' he says, 'reflects an instructive light upon the 
 growth of rhetoric and of rhetorical casuistry in Athens.' Comedy struggled 
 against the stream. See Jebb, Attic Orators, Introd. cxxxi : — 'While Comedy 
 set itself against that culture, Tragedy had been more compliant.' 
 
 ^ See Blass, pp. 41-42. Euripides, however, is a philosopher as well as 
 as a sophist. Cf. Wilamowitz-M., Herakles, Einleitung, p. 30 : — ' und <pi\6ao<pos 
 im echten sinne ist er audi, obwol er auch ao<piarTis ist, im echten, wie im 
 iiblen sinne.' 
 
INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 sophistic and rhetoric came into vogue. In 480 B.C. — the 
 date of Salamis and of the birth of Euripides — Aeschyhis 
 was forty -five years old, Sophocles fifteen. Hence, other con- 
 siderations apart, they were not exposed to the new influence 
 in the same way as Euripides was ; for Euripides may be said 
 to have been born with the New Culture ^. The influence 
 which it exercised on him was enhanced by his natural bent : 
 he was a student, not a statesman ; a man of thought, not 
 a man of action. He was profoundly affected by Anaxagoras, 
 and helped to popularise his theories. In fact his dramas, 
 with all their inconsistencies and changing opinions, reflect 
 faithfully the general course of thought which had its begin- 
 ning in the time in which he lived — the modern spirit, the 
 growing doubt and scepticism in matters of religion and 
 philosophy, the advance of the democratic movement with its 
 accompanying freedom of speech, the solvent condition of 
 ideas on society, the rationalistic tendency of thought, the 
 desire to probe the secrets of the universe and solve the 
 insoluble. 
 
 In the inner Greek life of the fourth century B.C. we can 
 perceive the growth of those tendencies which had their 
 beginning in the time of Euripides. Religion in its outward 
 aspect — the celebration of festivals &c. — was as punctiliously 
 observed as ever. But, though there was a reaction to out- 
 ward orthodoxy^, it was now little more than a matter of 
 external observance. Religion, attacked before by the philo- 
 sophers, now practically ceased to exist as a motive — as a 
 
 ^ Euripides is much further removed from Sophocles than the mere differ- 
 ence in age might lead us to expect, for Sophocles was never affected as 
 Euripides was by the New Culture. Cf. Wilamowitz-M., fferafctes, Einleitung, 
 p. 4 : — 'In solcher zeit geht das leben rasch und machen ein par jahre einen 
 gewaltigen unterschied.' Cf. also Abbott, Pericles, &c. pp. 318-319 ; and 
 Westcott, Religious Thought in the West, p. 97 : — ' Though he was only a genera- 
 tion younger than Aeschylus, his works, when compared with those of his 
 predecessor, represent the results of a revolution both in art and in thought.' 
 
 ^ See Mahaffy, Euripides, p. 12. Even in the Periclean age the many clung 
 to ancient beliefs. Cf. Coulanges, La Cite Antique, p. 12 : — Mais la foule qui, 
 meme a Athenes, restait attaches aux vieilles croyances, &c.' But the ortho- 
 doxy was perhaps one rather of religious observances than of beliefs. For the 
 pietism of the Athenians and their scrupulous discharge of religious obser- 
 vances, see Coulanges, ibid, p. 261. 
 
8 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 living power in Greek life ^. The moral fibre of the Greeks 
 had also become weakened, and morality had gone from bad 
 to worse. Public morality openly countenanced what private 
 morality condemned. The moral degeneration was as strongly 
 marked as the political degeneration. As Euripides reflects 
 the life of his time, so do the Orators of theirs. There is in 
 Isocrates and Demosthenes no theme of more frequent recur- 
 rence than the degeneracy of the Athens of their day as 
 contrasted with the Athens of bygone times. 
 
 § 2. In view of these facts, it will not surprise us if we 
 find that both in form and in matter, in style and in thought, 
 Euripides has much in common with the Orators, — far more 
 than either Aeschylus or Sophocles has. In the present dis- 
 cussion I have restricted myself to a comparison of the 
 thought alone. But it would not be difficult, I think, to show 
 that Euripides is even more rhetorical than the Orators^. 
 We constantly meet with rhetorical phrases and turns, and 
 he abounds in regular trial-scenes and debates. In fact, every 
 kind of oratory is to be met in his plays — dicanic, symbo- 
 leutic, epideictic. He is brought near the Orators also by 
 the large number of technical rhetorical terms which he 
 employs, and his use of every-day language, proverbs, and 
 colloquialisms ; and he follows the rules of rhetoric even more 
 closely than they do in the disposition of his /5?yo-ets ^. 
 
 Mr. Earle ^ speaking of the essentially oratorical nature of 
 the actor's part, of the fact that the history of the Attic drama 
 — which was thoroughly democratic in character — coincides 
 
 ^ It had become largely ' un culte d'habitude ' — * vaines c6r6monies ' 
 (Coulanges, La Cite Antique, p. 417). 
 
 * Cf. Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Herakles, Einleitung, p. 27 : — 'Wol aber hat 
 er die kunst des dvTi\(yeiv so sehr ausgebildet wie nicht einmal ein rhetor, 
 und seine gauze technik ist davon durchdrungen.' 
 
 ^ Cf. Quintilian, x. i, 67-68 : — ' Illud quidem nemo non fateatur neeesse 
 est, iis qui se ad agendum comparant, utiliorem longe fore Euripiden. 
 Namque is et sermone magis accedit oratorio generi, et sententiis densus et 
 in iis quae a sapientibxis tradita sunt paene ipsis par, et dicendo et respon- 
 dendo cuilibet eorum, qui fuerunt in foro diserti, comparandus ; in adfectibus 
 vero cum omnibus mirus, tum in iis qui in miseratione constant, facile prae- 
 cipuus.' See also Pflugk and Klotz's edition of the Helena, Prooemium, p. 14 ; 
 and Jerram's edition of the same play, Introd. p. xiii, 
 
 * In his edition of the Alcestis, Introd. xxxii-xxxiv. 
 
INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 with the history of the great Attic democracy, and of the 
 manner in which that drama reflects all the strongest influences 
 of the time — the Persian invasion, the growth and spread of 
 the Athenian empire, the consequent widening of geographical 
 knowledge among the Greeks, &c. — remarks : — ' So then, if 
 not in its origin, yet in its supreme development, the actor's 
 part goes hand in hand with the growth and development of 
 Attic oratory under the Clisthenian democracy. Thus we may 
 say that the stage represents Athenian oratory, — nay, even that 
 the Aeschylean stage would be but the fifjiJia of the orators 
 in holiday guise at the festival of Dionysus.' If this is true 
 of the Aeschylean stage, still truer is it of the stage of 
 Euripides ^. 
 
 One other point is here worthy of notice. Euripides was 
 ahead of his time. He was one of the foremost standard- 
 bearers of the New Culture. He was a philosopher as well 
 as a poet, and, like many of the philosophers, had become 
 discontented both with the popular religion and with the 
 narrow view of public life fostered by the city-state. With 
 regard to both his attitude tends frequently to become one of 
 despair. He longs for a wider outlook, and now and again 
 has dim visions of cosmopolitanism. That is one thing among 
 many which makes him less distinctively Greek than Sophocles, 
 and brings him nearer not only to the life of the century 
 immediately following his own, but also to the life of our own 
 day. Besides, he brought tragedy down to the level of every- 
 day life, and painted men ' as they are.' To quote Berlage 
 (p. 33) : — ' Nam, ut teste Cicerone Socrates philosophiam, sic 
 Euripides tragoediam de coelo revocavit et in hominum animis 
 collocavit.' The consideration of all these facts is enough, 
 I think, to justify the attempt to institute a comparison 
 between Euripides and the Attic Orators ^. 
 
 ^ On the close connexion in form generally between poetry and oratory 
 cf. Cicero, De Orafore, i. 16 : — ' Est enim finitimus oratori poeta, numeris 
 adstrictior paullo, verborum autem licentia liberior, multis vero ornandi 
 generibus socius ac paene par : in hoc quidem certe prope idem, nuUis ut 
 terminis circumscribat aut definiat ius suum, quo minus ei liceat eadem ilia 
 facultate et copia vagari qua velit.' 
 
 2 In the fourth century b. c. ' many of the playwrights were either professed 
 
lo EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 On the other side there are considerations which might 
 lead us to modify our expectations as to the fruitfulness of 
 such a comparison. Apart from the fact that the nature of 
 the poet's work and the Orators' is, in part at least, determined 
 by the literary form in which that work is cast, there is the 
 further important consideration that the lives they led were 
 diametrically opposed. Euripides was a student, a theorist, 
 courting the quiet of retirement and privacy : the Orators 
 were politicians, men of action, occupied in the storm and 
 stress of public life, and that too at a time when public life 
 was peculiarly full of difficulty. Hence it is that the poet, 
 dealing with imaginary cases, is full of moralising and 
 generalisation : the orator, dealing with a special case, has 
 no time to moralise, but tends always to particularisation 
 and directness. In proportion as he possesses directness and 
 force — for the two are closely allied — the orator is a great 
 orator; he is weak in proportion as he lacks them. Demo- 
 sthenes is an illustration of the former case, Isocrates of the 
 latter ^ 
 
 The position of Isocrates relatively to Euripides calls for 
 special notice. He is not, in the strictest sense, an orator at 
 all. Rather he might be designated a philosophical and 
 political essayist. But as a philosopher he lacks the keenness 
 which characterises Euripides, and as a politician he is a mere 
 dreamer of dreams. Yet, from the nature of the case — for he 
 too was a student who lived a life of retirement and took no 
 active part in public life — we shall find that on many subjects 
 he offers far more material for comparison with Euripides 
 
 orators or statesmen.' See Symonds, Greek Poets (Second Series), p. 324. 
 Cf. also ibid. pp. 327-8 : — ' The intrusion of professional orators into the sphere 
 of the theatre might have been expected in an age when public speaking was 
 cultivated like a fine art, and when opportunities for the display of verbal 
 cleverness were eagerly sought. We are not, therefore, surpri-sed to find 
 Aphareus and Theodectes, distinguished rhetoricians of the school of Isocrates, 
 among the tragedians. Of Theodectes a sufficient number of fragments 
 survive to establish the general character of his style ; but it is enough in 
 this place to notice the fusion of forensic eloquence with dramatic poetry, 
 against which Aristophanes had inveighed, and which was now complete.' 
 
 ^ ' Suavitatem Isocrates vim Demosthenes habuit ' (Cicero, De Oratore, 
 
 iii. 7). 
 
INTRODUCTION ii 
 
 than do the other orators. This is perhaps another proof 
 that the ideas which Euripides and men like him had striven 
 to disseminate in the latter half of the fifth century had 
 reached a wider audience in the fourth, and gained more 
 general acceptance. 
 
 As we might expect, the subjects where there is least 
 material for the present comparison are those of philosophy 
 and religion ; those where there is most, public life and politics, 
 ethics, private life, and life in its general aspects. Of politics 
 and public life Euripides has a good deal to say — much more 
 than might at first sight seem probable — and this constitutes 
 in many ways the most fruitful section of the comparison. 
 
 In pursuing the following investigation I have, with a view 
 to greater clearness, adhered to a definite arrangement ; and 
 the various subjects are treated in the following order : — 
 
 (i) Philosophy, including physical, geometrical, astronomi- 
 cal, and geographical questions. 
 
 (2) Religion. 
 
 (3) Death. 
 
 (4) Life in its general aspects. 
 
 (5) Ethics. 
 
 (6) Public life. 
 
 (7) Politics. 
 
 (8) Private life. 
 
 I would add one caveat. Let it here be said, once for 
 all, that, in dealing with any subject whatever, we must 
 beware of attributing to Euripides himself all the opinions he 
 puts into the mouths of his characters. It is always a difficult 
 matter to discover a dramatist's own views from his plays. 
 The dramatic proprieties must be observed. Yet in certain 
 cases, when an opinion is expressed again and again, or when 
 we feel that it is expressed with a certain fervour, we may 
 with more or less certainty put down that opinion as held by 
 the writer. Further, in the case of the Greek drama, the 
 Chorus may very often be regarded as employed to give 
 utterance to the poet's own ideas. And, lastly, there are 
 those soliloquies, of such frequent recurrence in Euripides, 
 which do not contribute to the progress of the play's action, 
 
12 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 and in which the immediate subject of the play is lost in 
 wider reflections and generalisations. It is, however, more 
 with the thought itself that we are here concerned than with 
 the question whether it is or is not the writer's own opinion ; 
 and so I have very seldom attempted to express any judg- 
 ment on a point where certainty is generally impossible of 
 attainment. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 PHYSICAL THEORIES — GEOMETRY — ASTRONOMY 
 
 GEOGRAPHY 
 
 It is clear from many passages in Euripides that, though 
 he is ' nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri ^' and is 
 always the poet as well as the philosopher, he had devoted 
 a good deal of attention to the theories of the Ionic physicists 
 and especially to those of Anaxagoras". From the nature 
 of the case, such studies are almost never alluded to in the 
 
 ' Cf. Wilamowitz-M., HeraMes, Einleitung, p. 26: — ' Als philosoph ist 
 Euripides keineswegs ein anhiinger des Anaxagoras, sondern gibt mit der- 
 selben zustimmung audi widersprechende lehren anderer wieder.' The 
 influence of Anaxagoras on Euripides is, as it seems to me, somewhat 
 underrated both by Berlage (Z>e Enripide Philosopho, Pars II), by Wilamowitz- 
 Moellendorff (J,oc. cit), and by Deeharme, Euripide, &c., pp. 36-42. M. Decharme's 
 conclusion is couched in more moderate language than might be exj^ected 
 from the arguments which precede it : — ' Si done Eui-ipide n'a pas adopte 
 la doctrine entiere d'Anaxagore, s'il s'en est quelquefois separe ouvertement, 
 on n'en doit pas moins reconnaitre qu'il s'est inspire de lui et de son esprit. 
 Cette influence gen^rale exercee sur le poete par le philosophe pent expliquer 
 I'assertion trop absolue des critiques grecs qu'Euripide est de I'ecole d'Anax- 
 agore.' 
 
 ^ It seems very probable that Euripides had Anaxagoras in his mind when 
 he wrote II. 903-911 of the Akestis, and also when he wrote these lines 
 {Frag. 910) : — 
 
 6\PtOS OCTTtS TTJS loTOpiaS 
 €(TX* fMClOTjCTtV 
 
 l^'Qre TToKiTWV knl iTTjp.oavvr]V 
 /itjt' fh adiKOVs -npa^us op^uiv, 
 aW' dOavciTov uaOopuiv (pvafoji 
 KocJfiov dyrjpaiv, tttJ re avviaTq 
 K(u otrrj KoX OTTCvs. 
 rois de TOLOtTois oiiStiroT' aiVx/'Wi' 
 epyojv fii\i5rjixa irpoaii^H. 
 
14 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Orators. Isocrates indeed — who was an essayist rather than 
 
 an orator — is the only one who mentions them. 
 
 In Frag. 913 — which can hardly express the opinion held 
 
 by one who studied astronomy with Anaxagoras — Euripides 
 
 says : — 
 
 Tt? rahe Xeva-acov debv ovxi voel, 
 
 lJL(T€(i>po\6yu>v 8' CKO? €ppi\l/ev 
 
 aKoXias CLTTCLTas ; c5y aTr]pa 
 
 yXS)(T(T etKo/3oAet irepl toov a(f)av(i)V 
 
 ovbev yv(i)p.y]s juere'x^oiKra ■^. 
 Isocrates says that most men have considered the study of 
 astronomy, geometry, and eristic as mere prating and small 
 talk (Antid. § 262): — 
 
 01 juey yap irX^lcrTOi tS>v avOpdiroiv v7r€LXri(f)aaLv abokea\iav Kot 
 jjiLKpoXoyiav etvai to, Toiavra tG)V fJ-aQ-qfjidTiov. 
 
 In his own opinion such studies are beneficial as a mental 
 training (see the whole passage, Antid. §§ 261-265). Else- 
 where (Fanath. §§ 26-28) he says that they are beneficial to 
 the young, but not suitable for older men ^. 
 
 In the way of actual theory we may quote from Euripides 
 the following lines {Ale. 243-244) : — 
 
 aAte Kol (pdo^ apiepas, 
 
 ovpdviai re hlvai i>e(pikas bpojxaiov . . . 
 This theory of rotation we find again in Orestes, 982-984 
 (where we have Anaxagoras ' theory of the sun) : — 
 
 p.6Koip.i TCLV ovpavov 
 
 p.i(rov \dov6s re TerafXivav 
 
 al(i)pi^p.aai Trerpav 
 
 aXvcreai ^pvrriaiaL (f)epo[xivav 
 
 bCvaicTLV ^wAoy e^ 'OAv/xttou . . . ^ 
 
 * See Decharme, Euripide, dec, p. 34 : — ' Si Ton prenait ce texte a la lettre, 
 quelle coudamnation d'Anaxagore et d'Eui'ipide lui-meme ! ' 
 
 ^ Cf. Demosthenes (?) Et'ot. § 44 : — Tijs yap yeaifiiTptas Kal ttjs dWr]s t^s TOiavrrjs 
 iratSfias dtrdpajs fteu ex*"' o.laxP'^''j dvpov S' dfcuvtaT^v ytviaOai rarreivoTepov ttjs aijs 
 d^ias. For a full discussion of the ' philosophy ' of Isocrates, see Thompson's 
 edition of Plato's Phaedrus, Appendix ii ; Schandau, De Isocratis dodrina rhetorica 
 et eihica ; Jebb, Attic Orators, II. c. xiii. 
 
 ' See Paley's note ad loc. ; Adam, in his edition of Plato's Apology, 
 Appendix!. (M. Decharme, Euripide, &c , pp. 36-37, explains the nirpa as 
 
PHYSICAL THEORIES 15 
 
 and in Frag. 593 : — 
 
 ce Tov avTO(})va tov ev aWepCco 
 pv 1x13 10 irdvTOiiv (pvcrtv €}XT:Xi^av&' , 
 ov 776/31 fxkv 0(5?, TTfc'pt o' opc^vaia 
 vv^ aioAo'xpw?, CLKptTOS t' aarpoiv 
 a)(Aos ey86Ae)(a)? a\x(l)iyopeveL. 
 
 We may add here that Diog. Laert. in his Life of Anaxagoras 
 (ii. 10) has these words: — oQev koX Evpnribrjv ixa6r]Tr]v ovra 
 Xpvcreav ^G>Kov eiirelv tov ij^iov kv ^aiOovri — with which com- 
 pare the hnes just quoted from the Orestes. 
 
 The earth and the encircling aether are the origin of all 
 things, and nothing perishes : — 
 
 Aidipa Koi Talav irdvTcov yeviretpav deibco {Fvctg. 1023). 
 KOVK e/xo? 6 pLvdo^, dAA' e/x??? ixrjTpds Ttdpa, 
 us ovpavos re yaid r tjv jxapcp-t] ptCa' 
 eTret 8 excopto-^rjo-ay dAATjAcoy bLy(a, 
 
 TLKTOVCTL TTUVTa Kdvib(l)KaV Ct? (f)doS 
 
 hevbpr], Trereivd, Orjpas ovs 6^ dXp-rj rpic^m 
 yevos re dvqriDv [Frag. 484) ^. 
 
 the rock suspended over the head of Tantalus, and the Sivaiai as the whirling 
 winds.) Cf. also Her. Fur. 650-654 (with Paley's note). 
 
 ^ See Paley's note on Hehna, 34; and cf. Berlage, p. 43: — 'Anaxagoras 
 praeceptor Euripidis principium finxit infinitam multitudinem particularum 
 tenuissimaruni inter se cohaerentium, quae vocantur dixoiofiepeiai. Ejus libri 
 TTfpl (pvaiojs initium servavit Simplieius ad Aristot. Physica (pg. 33 b) " o/zoO 
 XprjixaTa iravra ^v, dirupa Kul ttXtjOos koi a/xiKpuTTjra . . . TldvTa yap drjp re Kal 
 alOrjp KaT(lx€V, dficportpa avftpa tovra. lavra yap jxkyiaTa tveariv (v rois av/xnaai 
 Kal TTkrjOei Kal fnyiOii.." Kal pKr' d\iyoV " Kal yap 6 dijp Kal 6 aiOrjp diTOKplvirai 
 diTo TOV TToWov TOV jrfpie'xoj'Toy Kal Toye TTtpUxov direipov iaTi to ttKtjOos. Postea 
 autem, ut exponitur apud Siinpl. (in Aristot. Phys. pg. 33 a) 6 vovs Travra 
 5ifK6(Tfi7]a€ (,Schaub. fr. 8), contorta scilicet celeri motu (pg. 67 a, Schaub. 
 fr. 18). Quo facto (pg. 38 b, Schaub. fr. 19) to f^lv ttvkvov Kal dupuv Kal ipvxpoy 
 Kal ^ocpfpbv ivOdSe avvex<^P''T^^^) tv9a vvv fj yrj. To Se dpaiov Kal to Oepfxov Kal to 
 ^rjpbv k^iX'^PV'^^^ *'^ ''"" '"poaoj tov al0epos." 
 
 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff maintains that physical questions have no in- 
 terest whatever for Euripides {Herakles, Einleitung, p. 33) : — ' Aber auch mit 
 Perikles und Anaxagoras ein physisches problem erorternd ist er nicht zu 
 denken : alle die physikalischen einzelfragen interessiren ihn nicht im 
 mindesten, selbst die fxeTiojpa nicht, wenn er auch einmal die sonne eine 
 Xpv(jia ^w\os nach Anaxagoras nennt (Phaeth. 777, Or. 983). Und wenn er 
 im Phaethon einen lieblichen sternmythos dramatisirt, so vermenschlicht 
 er ihn ganz.' 
 
i6 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Taia fxeyia-Trj kol Atos Aidrjp, 
 
 o fxev avOpdoTTUiV koL Oeoiv y€v4Tu>p, 
 
 rj 5' vypoliokovs arayovas vorias 
 
 Trapabe^ajxivT] riKret OvrjTOvs, 
 
 tUth iSoTCLVrjv, (()v\d T€ OiqpStV' 
 
 odev oi/K. abiKOis 
 
 lJ.r]T7]p TtavTUiv vevofjLKTTai,. 
 
 Xwpei 8' OTTto-co 
 
 ra fxev in yaias <pvvT et? ya^av, 
 
 TO. 8' ttTr' alOepCov ^kacrTovTa yovr]^ 
 
 eh ovpdvLov irdXiv rjXde ttoXov' 
 
 6v'i](TKet 8' oiibkv tcov yLyvojxevcav, 
 
 biaKptvofxevov 8' aX.ko TTpos aWov 
 
 fj.op(py]v kripav a-nihei^ev [Frag. 839) *. 
 There is nothing like this to be found in the Orators ; but 
 we may here quote from Hyperides a passage in which he 
 speaks of the sun as determining the seasons and fructifying 
 all things [Epitaph, ii-iii) : — 
 
 SiO-nep yap 6 rjkios iraaav tj^v olKovii€vr]v e7rep)(eTat, — ras fiev 
 cSpa? btaKpivMV els to irpeTTov kol nakws iravra Kadta-rds, toIs be 
 (T(a(f>po(rL Kol eTneiKeai T&Jy avdpdoTTOiv eTn[xe)\.ov}j.evos Kai yeveaeoos 
 Tijs Tpo(f)ris Kol KapiiMv Kat Tu>v &kXu)v airavTCDV rdv eh top ^lov 
 Xprjcrifxctiv ^. 
 
 Euripides in several passages mentions the Pleiades, three 
 times with the adjective eTTTairopos: — etiTaTropoi Ylkeidbes aldepiai 
 {Rites. 528 : cf. I ph. Aul. 7 ; Or. 1005). 
 
 In one of the passages [Iph. Aid. 7) he also mentions '^eipios 
 by name ''\ 
 
 In Frag. 594 we have the dpKToi and the 'ArAairetos ttoAos : — 
 
 . . • bihvp.oi T dpKTOi 
 
 TOLS WKUTrAarot? TTTepvyuiV pmols 
 Tov 'ArAcif reioy rripovcn ttoXov \ 
 
 Nowhere in the Orators is any mention made of the stars. 
 
 ^ See also Hipp. 601 ; Troacl. 884. 
 
 * Cf. Antiphon (the sophist, not the orator), Frag. 103 a, 104, 105 (ed. Blass). 
 ' See Paley's note acl loc. 
 
 * On Euripides' fondness for astronomy see Paley's notes on I071, 1146-1158 ; 
 Rhes. 529 ; Ale. 962 ; and Earle's note on Ale. 962. 
 
PHYSICAL THEORIES 17 
 
 In connexion with the Greek notion of the world and 
 Greek ideas of geography ^ we may quote the following 
 passages : — 
 
 otroi re "kovtov repiiovcav t ArXavTiKSiv 
 
 vaiovcnv daco 0(3? opuvTes rjXCov {Hipp. 3-4) ^• 
 
 Aavaos 6 irevrriKovTa Ovyarepoiv irartjp 
 
 NetAou Xl7T(j)v KaWiarov €K yatas vboop, 
 
 OS €K ixeXap-jSpoTOLo TrXrjpovTaL poas 
 
 AlOiOTTibos yrjs, tjvlk av raKi] -)(^iu)v ^ 
 
 TidpLTTTT ayovTos rjXiov Kar aWepa, 
 
 €\6u)v is "Apyos wKio-' Iva-xov ttoKiv' 
 
 ITeAao-ytwTa? 6' u>vop.a(T\xivovs to Trptv 
 
 Aavaovs KaXda-dai vop-ov iOrjK av "EWdba {Frag. 328). 
 
 and Demosthenes, Epist. iv. 7 : — 
 
 KOI eu KaTTiraboKas kol ^vpovs koI tovs ttji* ^IvbiK-qv \(apav 
 KaroiKovvras av6pa>irovs eir' eaxaxa yTjs. 
 
 * Euripides is not much interested in foreign peoples or questions of 
 geography. Cf. Wilamowitz-M., Herakles, Einleitung, p. 31 : — ' Fremder 
 volker sitten, fremder lander wunder kennen zu lernen ist er nicht beflissen ; 
 mit geographischen namen zu prunken verschmaht er.' 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad loc. For Oceanus as environing the earth see Orestes, 
 1376-1379 (with Paley's note). 
 
 ^ This theory of the Nile seems to have been commonly held. Cf. Eur. 
 Hel. 1-3 ; Aesch. Suppl. 559 (where Egypt is called Khjjlwv xiov6PoaKos) and 
 Frag. 300 (Nauck) ; Herod, ii. 19 ff. 
 
 C 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 RELIGION — MYSTERIES — BLOODGUILTINESS 
 
 § 1. Like every religion which has its origin in the personi- 
 fication of natural forces^, the religion of the Greeks was poly- 
 theistic. These natural powers, against which men seemed so 
 weak and helpless, would originally be regarded with fear : 
 the feeling: of reverence would come later, when their move- 
 ments were thought to be due, not to blind force, but to an 
 immanent mind and will. The recognised presence of this 
 mind and will would lead men more and more to attribute 
 to them all human emotions and qualities, and even a human 
 appearance and form. The inventiveness of the Greek mind 
 would do the rest. Hence, even in the earliest Greek litera- 
 ture which we possess, we have an elaborate, anthropomorphic 
 mythology ^. 
 
 It was only in power, however, not in virtue that these 
 gods were superior to men. Human justice and temperance 
 exceeded the divine. Greek morality was a much purer 
 thing than Greek religion, and acted as its corrector ^. 
 
 In Homer the depravity of the gods and their mutual 
 quarrels are set forth without hesitation or disguise. Even 
 Zeus may be successfully opposed by the inferior gods. 
 ' L'essence de la socidte divine est I'anarchie.' And so men 
 believed that over this turbulent democracy there was a 
 higher divinity to which even the Olympic gods must render 
 obedience. To this they gave the name of ^xolpa. 
 
 * For some general characteristics of the Greek religion see Holm, i. 
 pp. 132-133 ; Coulanges, La Cite Antique, pp. 136-142. Coulanges contrasts 
 the worship of ancestors with the worship of the gods of physical nature. 
 
 ^ Cf. Lloyd, Age of Pericles, ii. pp. 196-198. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES — BLOODGUIL TIN ESS 1 9 
 
 If we compare the gods of the Odyssey with those of the 
 Iliad, we find that already a purer conception of their nature 
 exists. Their immorality is much less frequently obtruded : 
 they are far more often spoken of as aiding the good and 
 taking vengeance on the evil. From the time of Homer Zeus 
 is consistently regarded as the avenger of perjury, the pro- 
 tector of the suppliant and the guest. 
 
 In Hesiod the gods are universally considered as the 
 destroyers of the wicked, the protectors of the good. A host 
 of watchers reveal to Zeus all that passes on the earth. 
 
 This advance is continued in the lyric poets. Higher 
 opinions of the gods began to prevail as men made progress 
 in civilisation and humanity. It was at this time that the 
 phrases 6 5eo? and to dCiov began to be used. Zeus is now 
 commonly regarded as the censor morum who punishes all 
 evil-doing. The popular opinion of this time is perhaps best 
 expressed by Pindar^, who also declares that gods and men 
 have the same origin, and that the thing wherein they chiefly 
 differ is strength, men being weak and fragile, the gods 
 strong and immortal. As to the divine power all the lyric 
 poets are agreed : Zeus is coming more and more to be identi- 
 fied with jjLoipa. 
 
 In Pindar especially a new and important feature may be 
 noticed, — the suppression of myths which had for their subject 
 imQnorality on the part of the gods. To disparage the gods is 
 depraved wisdom ^ : ' de dis nil nisi bonum ' is his motto ^ 
 
 In Herodotus the thought ever present is the weakness of 
 man and the folly of trying to rise above it. If one does 
 make the attempt, he is speedily humbled. The god is a 
 jealous god, and suffers none but himself to be proud*. 
 Happiness and prosperity are of themselves a sufficient cause 
 to bring a man low ; and the iniquities of the fathers are 
 visited upon the children unto the third and fourth genera- 
 tion. This notion, like that of the divine jealousy, was 
 clearly a popular one. The views of Herodotus are more 
 crude than those of the lyric poets. 
 
 ' Nem. vi. 1-9. ^ 01. i. 35, 52. 
 
 ^ 01. ix. 40-41. * Herod, vii. 10. 
 
 C 3 
 
20 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Aeschylus, of a philosophic bent, endowed with a bold and 
 comprehensive mental grasp, and eager to know the causes of 
 things, could hardly be content merely to shut his eyes to 
 difficulties in the popular conception of the divine nature, and 
 adopt Pindar's policy of suppression. In the few dramas 
 which have come down to us, and which contain numerous 
 conflicting ideas, he frequently mentions the unconquerable 
 necessity of fate. But the Aeschylean Necessity is not 
 capricious: it always works for righteousness. To its laws 
 all are subject — not men only, but also the gods. Trans- 
 gression of these laws brings sure punishment (bpdaavTi 
 TiaOdv). The Aeschylean conception is higher than that of 
 Herodotus. Mere prosperity is not enough to bring down 
 the jealous wrath of heaven : men are not hateful to the gods, 
 if only they are just and moderate. Even in the case of the 
 Hereditary Curse it is not guilt that is inherited, but only 
 a tendency to guilt. There must be an initial, voluntary act 
 on the part of the man himself. ' The soul is its own fate.' 
 But Aeschylus does not always represent the gods as guilt- 
 less. In the Prometheus Zeus is a cruel tyrant : in the 
 Eiimenides (640 ff.) the Erinyes reproach him with throwing 
 Kronos into chains. Aeschylus, though he so often assigns to 
 the gods the care of justice, cannot quite break away from 
 the tormenting tradition which assigns to them so many 
 trangressions ^. 
 
 In Sophocles the influence of fate is not present as it is in 
 Aeschylus, nor is it separated from the divine supremacy. 
 He is less speculative than Aeschylus, and his moral grasp 
 is not so comprehensive. But none ever showed a greater 
 hatred of arrogance or more earnestly inculcated moderation. 
 There is no maxim truer to the Greek character than ^Tqhlv 
 ayav, and nowhere is this seen more clearly than in Sophocles. 
 In him men recognise the justice of the gods, and very rarely 
 presume to accuse them of wrong. Like Pindar, Sophocles 
 was of opinion that stories which had for their subject im- 
 morality on the part of the gods should be passed over in 
 silence. With him the gods are holy and just, and observe 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 156, 350 (^Nauck) in Plato, Rep, ii. 380 A, 383 B. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES— BLOODGUILTINESS 21 
 
 the evil and the good. The ' unwritten laws ^ ' are closely 
 connected with the divine supremacy ^. 
 
 So far the poets. But philosophers also had given at- 
 tention to these questions, and waged war with the popular 
 beliefs ^ Xenophanes was the first to assume the aggressive. 
 He maintained that God was one and unchangeable and in 
 no way resembled men ; and he attacks Homer and Hesiod 
 for attributing to the gods conduct which would be dis- 
 graceful even in human beings. Heraclitus substituted for 
 the popular and traditional notion that of universal law. 
 This law is his Zeus. The ground of revolt both in Xeno- 
 phanes and in Heraclitus is a moral one. 
 
 Later philosophers made no direct attack on religion, but 
 the doctrines to which reason and natural science led them 
 were directly opposed to it. With Democritus Nature was 
 TO Odov, with Anaxagoras vov^. 
 
 The position of the sophists was a purely negative one. 
 They could not believe in the popular traditions, but for 
 these traditions they offered no substitute ^. 
 
 In Aristophanes, the burlesque critic who so unsparingly 
 lashed Euripides as a quibbling atheist, we find many things 
 which at first sight look much more impious than anything 
 Euripides ever wrote. But these things are said merely in 
 jest, and not with a view to disturb religious conviction. 
 The impieties of Aristophanes are only apparent ^ 
 
 ^ Oed. Bex, 865 ; Ajax, 1343 ; Antig. 454. 
 
 ^ See Butcher, Some Aspects of the Greek Genius (1891), pp. 83-129 ; Campbell, 
 Greek Tragedy, pp. 103-118. 
 
 ^ For the manner in which religion regards poetry as contrasted with that 
 in which it regards science see Holm, ii. p. 165. See also Coulanges, La Cite 
 Antique, pp. 415-424 (Livre V, c. i, Nouvelles croyances : la philosophie change lea 
 regies de la politique). 
 
 * Cf. Protagoras apud Diog. Laert. ix. 51 : — ntpl /xtv OtSiv ovk e^w dSevai 
 (Berlage cj. dnfTv) ov9' us tlalv ovff tlj ovk tXaiv. •noWa "^ap ra KcoKvovTa elSevat, 
 i] T€ dSrjKoTijs Kal ^pa)(ys uiv o l3ios toC dvOpdunov. And see Coulanges, La Cite 
 Antique, p. 419: — 'On les (sc. les sophistes) accusa de n' avoir ni religion, ni 
 morale, ni patriotisme. La verite est que sur toutes ces choses ils n'avaient 
 pas une doctrine bien arretee, et qu'ils croyaient avoir assez fait quand ils 
 avaient combattu des pr^juges.' 
 
 * See Perrot, L' Eloquence politique et judiclaire a Athmes, pp. 162-164 ; Verrall, 
 Euripides the Bationalist, pp. 82-84. 
 
22 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Thucydides makes hardly any mention of the gods of 
 mythology. He is concerned with human affairs, and seeks 
 to explain things by natural causes. He lays little stress 
 on oracles \ and treats with a slight touch of sarcasm the 
 superstition of Nicias ^. 
 
 Socrates and Plato are both said to have been pious 
 worshippers of the gods, and that though they by no means 
 thought with the people on the subject of religion. Ap- 
 parently they were either of opinion that the popular religion 
 was better suited than philosophy to the ordinary citizen, or 
 they considered that it would be dangerous to overthrow what 
 was one of the bases of the political constitution. Yet both 
 certainly believed that the gods did nothing but what was 
 right, and ' needed nothing.' Socrates (Phaedrus, 229 E) con- 
 siders allegorical interpretations of the myths as proofs 
 aypoLKov (TocpLas : he is convinced of the obscurity of divine 
 things, and would let well alone ^. 
 
 Both poets and philosophers, therefore, had sought to 
 purify the popular mythology. But they had employed 
 different methods. The poets retained what seemed good, 
 destroying only what was positively immoral: the philo- 
 sophers declared the myths to be wholly untrue, and swept 
 them utterly away. The two movements were united in 
 Euripides, who was at once philosopher and poet. But 
 Euripides shows considerable weakness on this side of his 
 work as well as on the artistic. In both he held a viedla 
 via between the old and the new*. He could not break 
 
 ^ Cf. ii. 21. 3: — XPT^ t'-'^^^ioi T€ pSoj/ xprjajiovs rravToiovs, ws aKpoaaOai ftcaaros 
 upfxrjTo. In this respect Thucydides resembles Euripides. 
 
 ^ vii. 50. 4 : — ^v yap n ical dyav Oeacffxai re ical tw toiovtqj iTpocrKeifxfvos. 
 
 ^ In the Eutkyphro Socrates declares that to oaiov cannot be learned from 
 the gods : the gods themselves are not agreed as to its nature. For a full 
 discussion of the whole subject see Grote, c. Ixvii ; Coulanges, La Cite Antique, 
 pp. 418 ff. ; Decharme, Euripide, cOc, pp. 59-64. 
 
 * This inconsistency shows itself also in dealing with political, social, and 
 ethical questions. It was hardly to be avoided by one who lived in a time 
 of free-thought and inquiry, and who was himself deeply imbued with the 
 sceptical spirit. See Jerram's Alcestis, In trod. pp. xxi, xxii. For an interesting 
 essay on Euripides' religious views see Westcott, Religious Thought in the West, 
 pp. 96-141 ('Euri^ndes as a religious Teacher'). But Westcott does not make 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES — BLOODGUILTINESS 23 
 
 away from the tradition which compelled a tragedian to 
 choose his subject from mythology, and yet that mythology 
 he entirely undermines and destroys when he says, 'If the 
 gods do anything base, they are not gods \' But to this 
 position Euripides did not at once attain. 
 
 Berlage is, I think, right in distinguishing three main 
 stages in the attitude of Euripides towards the popular 
 religion. In the first stage he accepts the popular religion : 
 in the second he becomes sceptical, rationalistic, vituperative : 
 in the third, while not indeed returning to his first position, 
 he refrains from active hostility, deeming it only useless 
 labour. The dramas falling under the first division — to 
 mention only complete plays — are the Alcestis (438 B.C.) and 
 the Medea (431); under the second division, Hipj^olytus (428), 
 ^Hecuba (423), ^Aiulromache (430-420), Hercules Furens 
 (424-416), ^Supplices (420), *Ion (420-418), Troades (415), 
 Helena and ^Eledra (412) ^IpMgenia Taurica (411), Orestes 
 (408) ; under the last division, Bacchae and Iphigenia Auli- 
 densis (406), Phoenissae (405) ^. 
 
 In the Alcestis and the Medea Euripides hardly deviates 
 from the orthodox path of the traditional religion. The 
 sovereign power of Necessity is a theme of frequent recur- 
 rence. We need only refer to the famous ode in the Alcestis 
 (962-990). 'I have found nought mightier than Necessity,' 
 the poet says : — 
 
 KpeLcrcrov ovh^v avdyKas 
 rjvpov. 
 
 Necessity is the only deity who has no altar to which we 
 may approach, and who will accept no sacrifice : — 
 
 jxova^ 8' oi/T €711 jBcoixovs 
 kkOuv ovTi fipiras Oeas 
 ia-TLV, ov arcpayicov KXveL. 
 
 sufficient allowance for conflicting opinions, or for any change or development 
 in Euripides' thought. 
 
 ' Frag. 292, 1. 7 : — d Oeoi ti Spaiffiv alffxpoy, ovk ficriv 6eoi. 
 
 * The dates of those marked with an asterisk are uncertain. 
 
24 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Without Necessity even Zeus cannot accomplish what he 
 
 wills : — 
 
 KoX yap Zevs o rt vevcrrj, 
 
 avv (Tol TOVTO TeAevra. 
 In several fragments belonging to this period Necessity is 
 coupled with the gods : — 
 
 .... (TKaiov Ti hrj to XPW^ yiyveaQai <|)tA.eT, 
 
 BeCov avdyKas Bans laadat deXec (Frag. 339). 
 (TV 8' 6t/c' avayKT} koI Ocoictl /itj iJ.d)(^ov (Frag. 7 1 6). 
 Apollo rescues Admetus from the death to which he had 
 been doomed, but it is only by tricking the Fates (MoCpas 
 8oAco(ras, Alc. 12: cf. ibid. ^^) that he succeeds. 
 
 The popular notion of the (fidovos of the gods we find in 
 Ale. J I ^^. Heracles prays that it may not fall upon Admetns 
 in his hour of happiness : — 
 
 exets (sc. rrjy yvvoiKa)' (pOovos 8e fxr] yivoiro tis d^cov \ 
 The gods are spoken of with reverence: their power and 
 justice are extolled : they are the avengers of wrong- 
 doing : — 
 
 Oeoiv yap bvvafxts jxcyio-Ta (Ale. 219). 
 
 Xicraov he tovs Kparovvras otKreipat 6eovs (ibid. 351)- 
 
 Zevs aoL Tahe o-vy8iK^crei (Med. 157) ^• 
 
 QVK eoTi TCL OtSiV ahiK , kv dv6p(0TT0L(n be 
 
 KOKOis vocrovvTa crvy)(y(nv Tro\Xr]v e'xft (Frag. 606). 
 
 (f>ev, pLrjTTOT^ elrjv aWo vk-qv deols (piXos, 
 
 o)? TTCLv TeXovcTL Kuv ^pahvvuxTiv xpovi^ (Frag. 800). 
 
 It is true that in later plays also the power and justice 
 of the gods is frequently extolled: what is chiefly to be 
 noticed is that in neither the Alcestis nor the Medea — though 
 both these plays furnished occasion enough — are the gods 
 made the objects of impious invective. 
 
 Even at this time, however, we see indications of the poet's 
 later scepticism (Med. 409-413)^ : — 
 
 ' See Jerram's note ad Joe. ; and cf. Orestes, 974. 
 ' Cf. Med. 492-495. 
 
 ^ Mr. Jerram thinks that even in the Alcestis the poet ' is at war with 
 his materials,' though the play 'exhibits no overt signs of rebellion against 
 
RELIGION— MYS TERIES — BL OODGUIL TIN ESS 25 
 
 aro) zoTafjL&v iepwv xcopova-i, Trayai, 
 Kol biKa Kai TTCLVTa iiaKiv orpe^erat. 
 avhpacri [ikv h6\iai jSovXaC, deQv 8' 
 
 OVKiri TTLO-TLS cLpapc. 
 
 Divination is uncertain: the gods are unknowable {Frag. 
 
 795):- , „ , . , , 
 
 TL hrjra BaKois fxavTiKois (vrjixevoi 
 
 (Ta(j)(as bLopivvad' elbevat to, baifiovoav ; 
 
 oi) Ttiivbe \€ip(OVaKT€S CLvOpdiTTOL X6y(0V' 
 
 ocTTts yap avx^i^ 6eGiV (TrCcrTacrdaL TtepL, 
 ovbiv Ti ixaXkov olbcv rj Treidciv Kiyoiv, 
 
 There is an interval of three years between the Medea 
 and the Hippolytus. In these three years (431-428) great 
 changes had taken place at Athens. Pericles had died ; 
 the city had been wasted by the plague ; the seeds of moral 
 disorder had been sown, and were already beginning to bear 
 bitter fruit; religion and morality had been shaken to their 
 foundations. The difference between the Athens of 431 and 
 the Athens of 428 is no greater than that between the Euri- 
 pides of the Medea and the Euripides of the Hippolytus. 
 
 In the dramas of the second period Necessity is not 
 emphasised by Euripides as it is in those of the first. It 
 is indeed often mentioned, but in a vague way: avayKt], 
 Xpe&jy, [xolpa, Tvxj] are more or les interchangeable terms. 
 In Iph. Taur. (i486) Necessity is said to rule both gods 
 and men : — 
 
 A0. alvSi' TO yap XPV^ '^^^ ''^ '^'^' 6e&v Kparcl^. 
 
 orthodox beliefs,' and that what he says in effect to his audience is — 'These 
 be the gods ye worship!' (See his AlcesHs, Introd. xxii-xxiii.) Still more 
 emphatic is Dr. Verrall in his Euripides the Rationalist. The Alcestis, he says, 
 belongs to 'a type of dramatic work whose meaning lies entirely in innuendo' 
 (P- 77)- 'The creed of Euripides was that of nascent philosophy, science, and 
 rationalism' (p. 79). I cannot help thinking that Dr. Verrall has read into 
 Euripides a good deal more than Euripides himself — not to speak of his 
 audience — would have imagined to be there. Despite the keenness and 
 brilliancy of the work, it is not, to me, convincing. His premisses, I think, 
 do not apply to the Alcestis ; and even in the case of the Ion — where they do 
 apply, at least in part — the conclusions seem overdrawn. 
 
 ^ But the date of Iph. Taur. is uncertain. The play perhaps ought to be 
 classed with those of the thkd period. 
 
a6 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Necessity is hard and invincible [Hel. S'^A-', Hec. 1295; 
 Or. 488): it is unavoidable {Heracl. 614; Hipp. 1255; ^^n, 
 T388) : it brings many things to pass (Heracl. 898). Fate 
 and Zeus are almost identified [Andr. 1268: cf. Electra, 
 1248): the Fates sit nearest the throne of Zeus {Frag. 620): 
 Fate and Zeus are superior to Hera and Iris {Her. Fur. 
 827) : Castor and Pollux are inferior to Fate and the gods 
 (Hel. 1660; El. 12983".): the labours of Heracles are imposed 
 either by Hera or Necessity (Her. Fur. 20) : to the gods are 
 due the vicissitudes of fortune (Heracl. 608). 
 
 A study of these passages will make it clear that Euripides 
 uses the various terms — as they were no doubt used in the 
 language of common life — to denote vaguely that something 
 which men find it impossible to escape. Of infinitely greater 
 importance is his attitude towards the gods themselves. We 
 shall first look at some passages where the gods are blamed, 
 then at some passages where they are praised, and finally 
 try to explain the discrepancy. 
 
 Hippolytus, in the play of the same name, is represented 
 as one who has sought to exceed the bounds of human 
 nature. He slights Aphrodite — with consequences. Yet it 
 is with Hippolytus and Phaedra that our sympathies lie, not 
 with the avenging goddess. Phaedra is merely the instrument 
 of vengeance, and is morally innocent. Artemis, who appears 
 in order to disclose the truth of the matter, speaks in no 
 mild terms of her sister Aphrodite, on whom she lays the 
 whole blame : — 
 
 rrjs yap kyOicrTr\s 9e(av 
 
 Tjixiv oaataL Ttapdivnos rjhovr] 
 
 8r7)(^€t(Ta KevTpoLS iraihos ripdaOt] ai6ev (l3'-'I~I3°3)* 
 av6p(0TT0L(ri. be 
 
 6e5>v bibovToiv euos e^aixaprdveiv (1433— 1434)- 
 
 But she will yet be on even terms with her (L420-1422) : — 
 
 eyco yap avrrji aWov e^ eju.?)? X^P^^ 
 OS av p-dXicTTa (piXraTOS Kvpfj ^porutv 
 To'^ois a.(f>VKTOLS rotcrSe rtfxa)|j?;cro/iat. 
 
RELIGION^M YSTERIES — BLOODGUILTINESS 27 
 
 Hippolytus is conscious of the injustice of his fate (1060- 
 
 1061): — 
 
 a> 0eoi, tL hijra Tovfxbv ov Xvui (TT6y.a, 
 ocTTi's y v(p' v}xG>v, ovs (refio), otoAAujuat ^ ; 
 
 No wonder if the Chorus feel that the ways of the gods 
 are perplexing, and exclaim (i 102-1 no): — 
 
 rj ixiya fxoL to. Oewv /xeAe87j/^a^ , orav (ppevas eXdrj, 
 \vTras irapaLpei' ^vv^cnv hi riv kKirihi Ke'uOoiv 
 AeiTTO/xat ev re TV)(aLs dvarSiv koX kv epy/xacrt Kivcrcrcav' 
 aKka yap aWoOev apL€L(3€TaL, 
 juera 8' ta-TaraL avhpdcriv atwy 
 TroXvnkavriTOS a€L ^. 
 We can imagine that another writer might have treated 
 the subject in such a way that the death of Hippolytus 
 would have been felt to be a fitting vengeance for his 
 contempt of the goddess of love, and no indignation against 
 Aphrodite would have been aroused. But, when we read 
 the play of Euripides, all our sympathies are with the 
 human personages. The wrangling of the two goddesses ^, 
 the spite of Artemis, the cruelty of Aphrodite — are all painted 
 in the most glaring colours. The only effect which the play 
 could have on the spectators must have been to make them 
 indignant at such gods, and to awaken in their minds serious 
 questionings of the truth of the traditional religion. ' Ab 
 uno disce omnes.' In the dramas of this period Euripides 
 never misses an opportunity of hurling at the gods his 
 strongest indignation and fiercest invective. 
 
 ' Cf. 1363-1369 : — Zed Zev, rdS' opas ; 
 
 o5' 6 crefivos eydi Kal deoaivTcup, 
 o5' 6 acucppoavvTi iravTas vnfpcrxoJv 
 irpovTTTOv ks "AiSav arii\ai Kara 70?, 
 6\effas ^ioTov 
 
 fioxdovs S' aWcus ttjs ivaeffias 
 els avOpwTTovs ewovrjaa. 
 ^ The meaning of this difficult passage I take to be as follows : — ' The 
 thought of the gods' care for men, when it comes to me, doth greatly relieve 
 my pain : but, Avhen I would hopefully cherish (a belief in) a Providence, 
 I am at a loss when I compare men's fortunes with their deeds : for all 
 things change in divers ways, and the life of man shifts and wanders ever- 
 more.' 
 
 * Cf. Cypris and Hera in the Helena (see Jerram's edition, Introd. xiii). 
 
28 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 In no play are the sceptical doubts of Euripides more 
 plainly shown than in the Hercules Furens. Amphitryon 
 questions the justice of Zeus (aii-212): — 
 
 b xprjv a v(p^ rjfJLcav tojv a\x€iv6vMV TraOdv, 
 et Zevs 8iKata? etx^^ ^^^ ^ju.a? (fipevas : 
 
 and exclaims loudly and passionately against his immorality 
 (339-347):— 
 
 S) Zeii, fxar-qv ap' ojJLoyafxov cr kKT7]crafxr]v, 
 
 fxdrrjv be Traihwv yov£ e/ixwy eKXri^ofJiev. 
 
 (TV rjao ap rjaa-cDV rj ooKets eiyat (pikos. 
 
 dpCTT] CTC kiKoi GcriTos 2)1' Gcoi' fxeyoi'. 
 
 TratSas yap ov irpovboiKa tovs Hpa/cAeouy. 
 
 ot) 8' es juey ei/ms Kpv(f)ios 177710-70) fxoKeXv, 
 
 rdAAoVpta AeVrpa 80'iTos ovSei'ds \a^u>v, 
 
 (rw^eiy 8e rous o-ovs ovk k-nia-Tacrai (piXovs. 
 
 dfJia6i]S Tis et Geos, t) SiKaio; ouk e<{>u9. 
 
 * The god is stubborn/ but Heracles will meet obstinacy with 
 obstinacy (1243): — 
 
 avdabes 6 Oeos' Trpbs be tovs 6eovs eyw. 
 
 Hera is unjust and slays the innocent. Who would pray 
 to such a goddess (1307-1310)? — 
 
 TOLaVTTI 0e(j) 
 
 ri? hv ■npocTevxoi6' ; ^ yvvaiKos ovveKa 
 XeKTpMV (pOovovaa Z,7]vi, rev's evepyeras 
 'EWdbos aTTwAecr' ovhev ovrai airCovs. 
 
 Theseus, seeking to pacify Heracles, says it is not seemly 
 that a mortal should bear so ill misfortunes from which even 
 the gods are not exempt. It is better to follow the gods' 
 example, and do evil contentedly (131 6- 131 9) ! — 
 
 ov XiKTpa T aXXriXoiCTLv, S>v ovbeis vofJLos, 
 (rvvfji^av ; ov bea-jjiolcn bid rvpavvihas 
 TTurepas iKr]Xib(oaav ; aW oikooct' ojjkjs 
 "OXuiJnroi' TJi'ecrxoi'TO 0' i^fJiapniKOTCS. 
 
 The effect of such words on the minds of the spectators 
 must have been even greater than that produced by the 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES— BLOODGUIL TINESS 29 
 
 Hippolytus. There the invective was limited : here it is 
 extended to all. 
 
 Heracles will give credence to no such poets' tales. The 
 god, if he be in truth a god, can stand in need of nothing 
 (1341-1346):— 
 
 eyo) he tovs 6eov's ovre XeKTp h [V] difXLS 
 
 (Tripyeiv vofxiCoo, beaixd t e^diTTeiv \epoiv 
 
 OVT rj^Loxra iriairoT ovt€ Treiaop.ai, 
 
 ovh^ dXXov akXov beo-iroTriv '7T€(f)VKivai.. 
 eiTat Y<^P o "€0S, enrep ecrr ot'Tus Weos, 
 
 ouSecos* doibutv otbe bvarqvoL Xoyoi ^. 
 These words, though they imply a denial of the very basis 
 of the play, show that Euripides had now reached a con- 
 ception of the gods far purer than the traditional one. So 
 also Iphigenia will not believe the story of the ' cena 
 Tantalea ' (for which she finds a rationalistic explanation) : 
 none of the gods is evil {Iph. Taur. 386-391) : — 
 
 eyo) [xkv ovv 
 TO, TavToXov 6eol(nv karidiiaTa 
 aTTiara KpCvoi, 7rat86? rjcrOrjvaL l3opq, 
 TOVS 8' ev6db\ avrovs ovras dvOpcoiroKTovovs, 
 ks Tov Oeov TO (pavXov dva^ipeiv boKUi' 
 ouScva ydp otfiai 8ai|jioi'wi' eti'ai KaKoi' ". 
 
 I will only add here some similar passages from other 
 plays belonging to this period. No tragedy furnishes so 
 copious a supply as does the Ion, 
 
 The gods are audacious and unjust (252-254) : — 
 
 cib ToKp.rip.aTa 
 Oecav. tC br]Ta ; ttol biKrjv dvoicropev, 
 et tS)v KpuTovvTcov dbiKLaLS 6\ovp.€da ^ ; 
 
 * Cf. Frag. 210. 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 292 : — 
 
 €1 6(01 Tt Spa/cxLV alaxP^^t ovk elalv 9eo't. 
 
 In the same tragedy, however, the existence of the gods is plainly denied 
 
 {Frag. 286) : — 
 
 (ptjffiv rts flvai SfJT kv oxipavw diovs ; 
 
 ovK tlaiv, ovK iia', et ris dvOpwnajv OiXu 
 
 nil Tw TtaXai!^ jxwpbs uv xprjaOai \6yqj. 
 
 3 Cf. ibid. 877. 
 
30 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Apollo's injustice is frequently mentioned (e. g. 384-385) : — 
 
 ft) 4^01/36, KctKet KOLvdat)' ov biKatos et 
 es Ti]v anovcrav, rj9 Trdp^icriv ol Aoyot ^. 
 
 Shame prevents him from appearing in person (i 557- t 558) : — 
 
 OS es fjifv 6\j/LV cr<po)v /uoAety ovk rj^iov, 
 fxrj t5)V ixapoiQe iJLefx\}/LS is picrov JuoArj. 
 
 He is a base paramour (9 1 2) : — 
 
 KaKos fvvaTMp ^. 
 
 He has power : he should have virtue also (439-440) : — 
 
 jXTj (TV y'* dAA' cTTet Kparels 
 aperas 8tcoKe. 
 
 The gods break their own laws, yet they punish sinners 
 
 (440-443):— 
 
 Kot yap oaTis av ^poTUiv 
 KaKOS TT€(f)VKr], ^r]pLLOvaLv ol deoi. 
 TTw? ovv hiKaiov Tovs vopLOVs vp.as fipoTols 
 ypay\ravTas avTovs avop.iav 6<^Xi(TKaveiv ; 
 
 Is it just to speak of men as evil, when the gods do wrong 
 (446-451)?— 
 
 (TV Kca Tlo(T€ih5)V "Zevs 6 oj ovpavov Kparei, 
 
 vaovs Tivovres aSt/ctas Kevcoaere. 
 
 Tas rjbovas yap rrjs 7rpop.r]dias irdpos 
 
 (TTT(vbovT€s aStKeir'' ovkIt dvOpdoirovs kukovs 
 
 Ae'yety hUaiov, et to, tQv deoJv KaKo. 
 
 fxi,pL0Vfxe9\ dkXa tovs bibdcTKOVTas rdbe. 
 
 True, Apollo is justified (1595), and Creusa is reconciled 
 to him (1609 fF.). But the justification is only partial: the 
 writer's purpose has been fulfilled. 
 
 Apollo is no better than a KaKos dvOpca-nos (Andr. 1161- 
 1165): he is aKacos {El. 972), and unjust (Or. 28, 162, 285): 
 he lends no aid to one who has obeyed his behests {Iph. Taur. 
 711). The gods deceive {Hel. 704, 708): they are false as 
 dreams [Iph. Taur. 570). 
 
 1 Cf. Frag. 355, 426, 438, 912, 919, 952. 
 * Cf. ibid. 894. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES— BLOODGUILTINESS 31 
 
 But in these plays the gods are not always blamed ; and 
 I will now instance some passages where they are the objects 
 of praise. 
 
 The gods justly destroy evil-doers (Suppl. 504-505) : — 
 
 77 vvv (fipovelv afxeivov e^ar;)(et Ato?, 
 7] deoii^ biKaioDS tovs kukovs aTToWvvai. 
 
 They are beneficent, and to them is due the growth of 
 civilisation and all the benefits it brings {Suppl. 201 ff".). 
 A man should not charge the gods with folly in order to 
 screen himself [Tro. 981-982). The gods hate violence [Hel. 
 903), and their word is true [ibid. 1150): they pity the woes 
 of mortals {El. 1327): they observe the evil and the good 
 [Her. Fur. 772 fF.): they aid the just only, not the unjust 
 [El. 1349), and give justice the victory over injustice {Ion, 
 1117-1118), Zeus, though late, has regard to the suffering 
 {Heracl. 869). The power of the gods is frequently men- 
 tioned. It is impious folly to say that they have no power 
 {Her. Fur. 757-759). If a man has the gods on his side, 
 he needs nought else {Sttppl. 594-597). Hence frequent in- 
 junctions to honour and worship the gods (Suppl. 301-302 ; 
 Hipp). 88, 107; Heracl. 902-903; Ion, 1619-1620; El. 890- 
 89 T ; Iph. Taur. 1475- 1476). 
 
 Now how is this apparent discrepancy to be explained? 
 In large measure, no doubt, by the dramatic proprieties. 
 But there are other considerations also. Of these the most 
 important is that, just as on the more formal side of his 
 art Euripides was unable to free himself from the bonds 
 of tradition and strike out a line wholly new, so also, even 
 after he had come to the conclusion that the deity must 
 be perfectly holy, and hence could no longer be a pious 
 worshipper of the gods of mythology, he was still unable 
 to find any satisfactory and permanent standpoint. He was 
 destructive rather than constructive, negative rather than 
 positive. He was not completely master of the material 
 with which he worked: it was very often master of him. 
 So it was that his position frequently resembles that taken 
 up by the poets who preceded him: when the gods show 
 
32 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 themselves just and ' needing nothing,' he is ready to accord 
 them reverence ; when the myths represent them as cruel 
 and immoral, he maintains that such gods are no gods, and 
 assails them with indignant invective. Hence his uncertainty 
 and vacillation. In his mind feeling and tradition were 
 at war with reason ; he could not follow his rationalistic 
 method to its legitimate conclusion ^. 
 
 In connexion with the above-quoted passages in which 
 the gods are blamed, it may be noticed that evil-doers turn 
 this conception of the gods to their own account, and blame 
 the gods to screen themselves. In Hipp. (433-481) the nurse 
 advises Phaedra not to resist Aphrodite, but to give the 
 rein to her passion. Even Zeus is not able to resist ; and 
 it is pure i'^pt? to desire to be superior to the gods^. In 
 Heracl. (990) Eurystheus throws the blame of his cruelty 
 on Hera. Orestes {Or. 285-287) says that Loxias incited 
 him to the impious deed ^ 
 
 Similarly suffering and misfortune come from the gods 
 (2^^.691):— 
 
 vtKa yap ovk. 6e5>v /xe Svorrjyos KKvhu>v ■*. 
 
 There was an absence of dualism in the Greek religion. 
 They had no devil, and, in order to rid themselves of the 
 blame of their wrong-doing, they were forced to lay it upon 
 the gods. 
 
 We are now in a position to investigate more fully 
 Euripides' conception of the nature of the gods. We have 
 already seen that, after he had reached the conclusion, 
 heirai yap 6 deos, etirep 'icTT ovtoj^ 0eo9, oihevo's (Her. Fur. 
 1 345-1 346), he could no longer accept the myths of the 
 popular religion. His studies in physics must have helped 
 
 * Wilamowitz-M., HeraUes, Einleitung, pp. 29-30, says : — ' Seine eigene 
 ansicht von den apxo-i, ein dualismus von geist gott aether und stoff korper 
 erde, ist ein compromiss zwischen der philosophie des ostens und der theologie 
 der heimat und des vrestens.' 
 
 ^ Cf. Her. Fur. 1320-1321 ; Tro. 948 950. 
 ^ Cf. ibid. 28-30 (with Paley's note). 
 
 * Cf. Hipp. 867, 1347 ; Hec. 202, 731 ; Her, Fur. 1189 ; Tro. 770, 1201. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES — BLOODGUIL TINESS 33 
 
 to confirm his disbelief^. But he was not able at once to 
 form any definite opinion as to what their true nature was. 
 Often his words are of the vaguest: sometimes he doubts 
 whether they exist at all. 
 
 The ways of the god are inscrutable {Hel. 71 1-7 12): — 
 
 6 dios &)? e^u Tt ttolkCXov 
 Koi bv(rTeK[JiapTOV ^. 
 
 In Frag. 480 we have these words ; — 
 
 Zevs, ooTts 6 Zevs, ov yap olba rrX-qv Xoyco. 
 
 So again [Her. Fur. 1263): — 
 €vs, ooTts o Zev?. 
 
 And cf. Or. 418: — 
 
 bovXevoixev ^eots, tl hot claXv o\ d^oL 
 
 His sceptical doubts thus frequently intrude themselves. 
 Yet rationalism is folly and lawlessness {Iph. Taur. 2759".) : — 
 
 aXXos hi T19 jxaraLos, avofxia Opaavs, 
 (yiXao-ev e^x^ais, k.t.A.^ 
 
 Zeus is sometimes identified with Aether (Frag. 941) : — 
 
 opas Tov v\l/ov Tovb^ a-netpov aidepa 
 
 KoL yr]v Treptf 'i)(ov&' vypah iv ayKdXais ; 
 
 TovTov vojJLt^e Zrjva, rovb^ i]yov deov^. 
 
 Cf. Troad. 884-888, where we have, perhaps, the doctrine 
 of Anaxagoras ^ : — 
 
 S) yyjs o)(r}iJ.a Kairl yr]S €X(ov ebpav, 
 oaTis TTor' et o"u, bvaroiTacTTos dbivaL, 
 
 ^ So Helen doubts the story that she was born from an egg (Hel. 21). 
 Cf. Tro. 971 ff. ; El. 737-738 ; Frag. 506. 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 795 : — oans yap avx^i ^fw" kmaraffOai irepi, 
 oiiSev Tl /idWov olStv rj ndOeii' Kijwv. 
 
 ^ Dr. Verrall, however (Euripides the Eationalist, p. 174), regcards the incident 
 as ' a little triumph for " the insolent fellow, disorderly and rash ".' Perhaps 
 it is so meant : I am not sure that it is. 
 
 * Cf. Frag. 839 : — Taia txejiart] Kal Aibs PuB-qp, k.t.K. ; and see Deeharme, 
 Euripide, d:c., p. 84 : — ' L'ether et Zeus ne font qu'un. . . . Euripide depouille 
 done Jupiter de sa personnalite divine pour ne voir en lui qu'un nom de 
 l'ether, et pour le transformer en un element essentiel de la nature.' 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad loc. 
 
 D 
 
34 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Z.ev'i, etr' avayKT] (l)V<Teos etre vovi ^poToov, 
 Trpoaev^dix-qv ere' Ttavra yap bi d.^6<pov 
 jSaCvoov KeXevdov Kara bUriv ra Ovtjt' aye6s ^. 
 
 The " Kara bUr^v" in this passage is worthy of notice. 
 
 Alcmena does not think that Zeus has been just towards 
 her (Heracl. 7 1 7-7 1 9) : — 
 
 TO. Kat Zrjyi rwy a<iv, 018' iyco, /xeXet Tiovoiv. 
 
 AA. 4>^v' 
 
 Zev? e^ fjUoC pikv ovk aKova-^Tai, Ka/cws* 
 
 et eoTiy ocrios avros ot^ev €19 e/jie. 
 
 With the " vovs (ipordv " in the passage quoted from the 
 Troades we may compare Frag. 1018 : — 
 
 6 z;oi5s yap Ty/xwi; kcTTiv iv l/caoTcj) ^eo's ^. 
 
 Sometimes the poet wonders whether the gods exist at all, 
 or whether chance rules all things (Hec. 489-491): — 
 
 7/ ho^av aAAoj? Trjvbe KeKTrjaOai jJLdTrjv 
 ^j/evhi], 80/cowra? haifxovoiv ilvai yivos, 
 TV)(r]v be TTOLVTa tolv jSpoTols kitKTKOireiv ^ ; 
 
 In one or two passages he plainly denies their existence, 
 e.g. Frag. 286: — 
 
 (prjaLV Tt? elvai biJT kv ovpav<^ deovs ; 
 OVK eicTLv, OVK etcr', /cr.A. 
 
 The issues of all things lie with the gods [Suppl. 61^): — 
 
 airavTcov ripjx ^x^ovres avToC^. 
 
 We meet also with the popular notion of a jealous god 
 (Or. 974):— 
 
 (f)d6vos viv eiAe Oeodev. 
 
 ^ Of this passage M. Decharme says that it is ' pri^re non de devot mais de 
 philosophe . . . elle etait d'un genre nouveau, et Jupiter n'en avait jamais 
 entendu de pareille' {Euripicle, &c., pp. 85-86). 
 
 ^ Cf. Cicero, Tusc. i. 26 : — ' Ergo animus, ut ego dico, divinus est, ut 
 Euripides dicere audet, deus.' For the less personal 'temple in the soul,' 
 Bee Hcl. 1 002- 1 003 : — 
 
 'iveari 5' lepov ttjs Siktjs tfxol fxiya 
 iv rrj (pvan. 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 901. In Iph. Taur, i486, t^ XPW rules both gods and men. 
 
 ♦ Cf. Or. 1545. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES — BLOODGUILTINESS 35 
 
 The gods suffer no man to be proud : they humble the mighty 
 and exalt the weak : — ■ 
 
 €x6pa>v yap avhpS>v p-olpav ets SLvaa-rpocfyrjv 
 
 ba[p.(tiv bibcaai, kovk ia (ppoveiv \xiya {^ATldr. IO07-IO08). 
 
 dAAa rwy (f)povr}pidT(i>v 
 6 Zevy KoXao-TTj? twv ayav vTT€p(pp6voov (Hevacl. 387-388)^. 
 opca TO. rS>v Oeoiv, w? to, p.ev Trvpyova avca 
 TO, ju.T]8ey ovra, tcl be boKOvvr d.TT(ok€(Tav {Troacl. 608—609). 
 
 It is folly to attempt to impose upon the gods [Hi^^jJ- 
 
 950-951):— 
 
 ovK av TTiOoLpirjv Tolcri crols KOjunrot? eyw, 
 Oeoiai TTpoadeis ap-adCav (ppove'iv /ca/cw?. 
 
 The highest note is struck in the following passages : — 
 
 ovheva yap oTp.ai batp-ovuiv etvat KaKOV (Iph. TaUT. 39-'-)' 
 eyo) be tovs Ocovs ovt€ X.eKTp' a /x?) ^e/xts 
 
 crrepyeLV vop.iC(>i, 
 
 bclrai yap 6 6^69, ecTTcp eor' ovTUis 9e6s, 
 
 ovbevos' aoLbS)v otbe bvaTrjvoi \6yoi [Her. Fur. 1341-1346)^. 
 
 ei 6€0L Ti bpSxTLv al(TXpov, ovk eicrlv Oeoi (Frag. 292) ^. 
 
 But at this height Euripides never had the courage long 
 to remain. That would have implied a total renunciation 
 of the traditional mythology. The truest index to his normal 
 position is to be found in such a line as this : — 
 
 a)S ovbev avdpcaTtOLcn toov OeCoov (rac^is [Her. Fur. 62) *. 
 
 The abrjXorrjs of the whole question impresses him as strongly 
 as ever it did Protagoras. 
 
 In the plays of the third period [PJwen., Iph. Aul., Bacchae^, 
 
 ^ Cf. Herod. 908 ; Aesch. Persae, 823-824 : — 
 
 Z6t5s Toi KoKacTTfjs tSjv v-nepKOTTOiv dyav 
 (ppovrjixarojv eireaTiv, evOvvos Papvs. 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 210. 
 
 ^ For Euripides as a defender of the true conception of Deity see Verrall, 
 Euripides the Rationalist, pp. 155 ff. 
 
 * Cf. Hipp. 1104 S. ; Tro. 885-886 ; Hel. 711, 1137 (with Paley's note). 
 
 ' Pater calls the Bacchae the 'palinode' of Euripides {Greek Studies, p. 51). 
 Cf. Mahaffy, Euripides, pp. 84-85 ; Paley, Euripides, ii. p. 392. For the view 
 that the Bacchae is not indicative of a real reaction to orthodoxy, see Tyrrell's 
 Bacchae, Introd. xxiii-xxxviii. Bishop Westcott, in a passage which is 
 
 D 2 
 
36 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 and certain fraojments) we see a decided change in the 
 attitude of Euripides towards the popular rehgion. Not 
 that he ever renounced altogether his sceptical doubts, or 
 accepted m toto the traditional mythology. That was im- 
 possible. But, wearied with questionings and heart-searchings 
 which led to no definite or satisfactory issue, he seems to 
 have come to the conclusion that his task was a bootless 
 one and his labour lost, that his philosophic doubt was 
 barren of benefit either to himself or to others, and that 
 even an avowedly imperfect religion was perhaps better 
 than none. 
 
 Fate is rarely mentioned in these plays. Unavoidable 
 calamities are sometimes ascribed to the gods (Bacch. 1 349 : — 
 irdkai rdbe Zevs ov^os iTrevevcrev 7rar?/p : cf. PTioen. 379), some- 
 times to juoTpa (Phoen. 1595- — ^ M^tp', ott' dpxr]^ u>s [x ^(pvcras 
 aOXiov), and must be endured (ibid. 1^6^: — ras yap iic OiCiv 
 dvdyKas Ovrjrdv ovra Set (fiepeiv) ^. 
 
 The poet's rationalism ^ asserts itself in Bacch. 284-294 — 
 a passage which many consider spurious; and, in Frag. 210, 
 the speaker refuses to believe tales of the immorality of 
 the gods. But such passages are rare. 
 
 The power and justice of the gods are often mentioned. 
 To the gods all things are easy (PJioen. 689) : — 
 
 •ndvTa 8' evirerfj d^ols. 
 
 There is no escape from them (Phoen. 872-874): — 
 
 h avyKakvxjfai iralbes OibiTTOV XPoVw 
 \pi](ovT€s, 0)9 87/ deovs VTreKbpaixovfJievoi, 
 ijlJLapTOv d[xada>s. 
 
 by no means convincing, says : — ' Thus tlie Bacchae is no palinode, but 
 a gathering-up in rich maturity of the poet's earlier thoughts' {Religious 
 Thought in the West, p. ii6). M. Decharme, however, is quite within the truth 
 when he says: — 'En tout cas, il n'est nullement d^montre qu'Euripide ait 
 song6, sur le declin de sa vie, a faire profession de mysticisme bacchique' 
 {Euripide, &c., p. 90). 
 
 1 Cf. Phoen. 382 ; Iph. Aid. 443, 1370 ; Bacch. 551 ; Frag. 572. 
 
 * See Paley's note on Bacch. 200 {oiihlv ao<pi^6fxia6a rotai Saifiocn) ; and for 
 Euripides' rationalistic or symbolic interpretation of myths — a kind of inter- 
 pretation said to have been employed also by Anaxagoras — see Westcott, 
 Religious Thought in the West, pp. 106-107. 
 
RELIGION^MYSTERIES — BLOODGUIL TINESS 37 
 
 If a man acts ^ia O^oiv, his punishment is sure (Fhoen. 
 868 fF.). 
 
 When Capaneus utters blasphemy, Zeus smites him with 
 his thunderbolt {Phoen. 11 72-1 182). 
 
 The gods are not devoid of understanding (Iph. Aul. 394): — 
 ov yap aavveTov to QiZov. 
 They see the deeds of mortals (Bacch. 391-392) : — 
 
 TTOpa-b) yap ofxcos 
 aW^pa vaiovres opwcnv ra (Sporoov ovpavihai. 
 Divine vengeance is slow, but sure {Bacch. 882 IF.). 
 
 There are frequent injunctions to belief in the gods^ and 
 to piety ^, which is better than wisdom ^, and which brings 
 with it a painless life ^. 
 
 Impiety is regarded with horror [Bacch. 263) : — 
 
 T^s bv(rcr€J3€ias. S ^eV, ovk alb^l deovs ^ ; 
 
 It is best to be not over- wise (Bacch. 427-431) : — 
 
 (ro(})av 8' a-niyj^LV TTpaiTiba (f)p€va re 
 TTcpLa-a&v Trapa (fxoTCov. 
 TO TT^rjdos 6 Ti TO ^avXoT^pov 
 evojXLcre y^prjTai T€, Tobe rot Ae'yotpi' av. 
 
 One should think as befits mortals. Life is short: 'earpe 
 diem ' {Bacch. 393-395) : — 
 
 TO (ro(j)ov 8' ov (TO(f)ia, 
 
 TO re jU7j dvaTo. cppovelv. 
 
 j3paxvs albiv' kin tovt(i^ 8e ris av jxcydXa SicoKcoy 
 
 TO, TtapovT ovyj. ^epoi ^. 
 
 A man should not know or do Kpdaaov t5)v vopoav: faith 
 costs little {Bacch. 890-896): — 
 
 OV 
 
 yap KpeZcra-ov TTore tS)v v6p.0)v 
 yiyvdocTKetv XPV '^^^ p-ek^Tav. 
 K0V(pa yap ba-nava vopL- 
 ^etv i(r)^vv too' e^eti^, 
 o Ti ttot apa to baipiovior, 
 
 * Bacch. 1326. 2 jBacch. 199 ff., 325, 635, 795, 1255 ; Iph. Aul. 1396. 
 ' Bacch. 1005. * Bacch. 1002. * Cf. Bacch. 476, 490. 
 
 * See Paley's note ad loc. 
 
38 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 TO T kv XP^'^'P lJ.aKp(D 
 voixiixov act (f)vcrei, re irecjiVKos. 
 
 What is specially to be noticed is that, though the calami- 
 ties of Iphigenia in the fyh. AuL, and of Oedipus, Menoeceus, 
 and the whole Labdacid race in the Phoen., furnished occasion 
 enough, we nowhere find anything resembling the invective 
 which is hurled at the gods in the dramas of the second 
 period. The strongest language the poet employs is found in 
 the following passages : — 
 
 ro [xkv (Tov S) veavL yevvaiOLts ^X^'' 
 
 TO TTJs T'vxrj? 8e Kol TO Trjs Oeov votc'l 
 
 {Iph. AuL 1403-1404). 
 (})6vtos eK 6e(av 
 0? Tab' riv 6 Trpd^as {Phoen. IO3I-IO32}. 
 Ti rAas ; tl tXcls ; ovx opq AiKa KaKovs, 
 ovb' aixd^^Tai (3p0T(av aavvea-Las (ibid. 1726-1727). 
 
 There were thus three main periods in the development of 
 Euripides' ideas relatively to religion, — the first period, up to 
 the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, when he acquiesced 
 in the generally accepted beliefs ; the second period, begin- 
 ning with the Peloponnesian War and lasting some twenty 
 years, when he was at open enmity with these beliefs ; and, 
 finally, the period of his latest dramas, when, though he 
 never returned to his original position, he came to look on 
 his campaign as labour lost, and desisted from his attempt. 
 
 I have gone at some length into an examination of Euri- 
 pides' religious opinions, partly because of the interest of 
 the question in itself, partly because it is impossible fully to 
 understand his position without a more or less minute study 
 of his plays. But it is more than time to pass on to the 
 Orators, and seek to discover what opinions we can find 
 there. In this field also, as in that of physics, we reap but 
 a scanty harvest. A remark which Schandau makes about 
 Isocrates, to the effect that his opinions about immortality, 
 and about the gods and the manifestation of their will, 
 were the ordinary, current opinions, might be made with 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES — BLOODGUIL TINESS 39 
 
 equal truth of all the Orators ^ From the nature of the 
 ease, such philosophising and discussion as we find so fre- 
 quently in Euripides is in them almost entirely absent. One 
 passage in Isocrates, however {Busiris, §§ 38-43), recalls such 
 lines in Euripides as Ipli. Taur. 391, Her. Fur. 1341-46, 
 Frag. 292 ^. The poets' tales of the gods are, says Isocrates, 
 impious and incredible. The gods can do no evil : — 
 
 oXka yap ovbev croi ttj^ akriO^ias efjiikrjcrev, aWa rais rStv iTOtTjToji' 
 P\aCT<|)T]fjiiais kTiriKoXov6i](Tas, 0% betvoTepa jxev TieTtonqKoras koX tt€- 
 TTOvOoras airoc^aivovcn tows ex Tdv adavdroiv yeyovoTas rj tovs e/c 
 Ta>v av9p(i>iT0dv Kol avoo-LcoTCLTcav, TotovTovs be \6yovs Ttepl avTcov 
 Tcov Oe&v upr\Ka(Jiv, otov<s ovhels av irepl tS>v i\6pS>v emelv toXixtj- 
 (T€L€v' ov yap fj-ovov kKottcls Kai juoi^eia? kul Trap' avdpwijois 6r]THa<i 
 avTol<i (ai'dhicrar aWa Kal Ttaiboiv ^pcocreLS Kai iraTepoyv eKTOfxas kol 
 IxtjTepwv beafjiovs /cat TToXXas aWas avop.ias Kar avrSiV iXoyoiroiricrav 
 
 (§ 38) iycb fxev ovv ovx oTTOis tovs deovs, aXX' ovbe tovs 
 
 e^ eKeivcov yeyovoras ouSejxicts T^yoCp-at Kaxias fieTao-x^i'', dW auToog 
 re Trdo-a9 ex^'''''"? Tds dpexas i^uvai Kal Tols aXXoLS tS>v KaXXiaTtiiv 
 ('JTLT7]b€ViJi.dTU)v rjyefxova^ Kal bibacTKaXovs yeyevrjadai (§ 41). 
 
 Yet in the Helena (§§ 59-60), while illustrating a statement 
 that Zeus and the gods are overcome by beauty, he adduces 
 several of the mythical stories which were not by any means 
 to the credit of the king of gods and men ; — dXXd Zevs 6 
 Kpar&v TTCLVTcov €V jxev Tols aXXoLs ti]v avTov bvvap.iv ivbeiKwrai, 
 •77/309 be TO KaXXos Tairewos yuyvop-evos a^iol 'nXr](Tid^ei.v. 'A/x^i- 
 TpVMVL jx^v yap elKaaOels ws ^AXKp.r\vr]v rjXde, k.t.X. 
 
 Aeschines declares that wrong-doing has its origin, not 
 with the gods, but with the daiXyeia of men [Agst. Timarchus, 
 §§190-191):— 
 
 fjLrj yap o'Uade, S ^A6r]valoL, ras tcov dbiKr]p.dTu>v dp)(^ds diro de&v, 
 dX\' ovx vtt' dvOpaiTTaiv daeXyeias yCyvecrdai, jxi-jbe tovs rjcre^rjKOTas, 
 KaOdirep iv TaZs rpaywStats, YloLvds eXavvetv Kal KoAa^ety 
 baa-lv T]pLp.ivais' dXX' al trpoTTeTels rod autixaTos fjbovaL Kal to 
 fxrjbev LKavov rjyeicrOai, TavTa TrXrjpol rd XriaTripLa, TavT els tov 
 
 ^ Towards the end of the fifth century b.c. and in the generation following 
 there was a reaction towards at least outward orthodoxy. See Mahaffy, 
 Euripides, p. 12. But see also above, Introd. p. 7. 
 
 ^ See above, p. 29. 
 
40 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 kiraKTpoKikrjTa e)u/3t/3a^€t, TavrS. kariv kKaa-Ti^ Y\oivr\, ravra irapa- 
 Kc\eveTai (T(f)dTTeLv tovs irokiTas, v'nr]piT{iv rois Tvpdvvots, crvy- 
 KaraXveLV top hrjpLOV. 
 
 Demosthenes (?) says that it is against the divine nature to 
 lie {Eiy'id. iv. § 4) : — 
 
 ^eovs . , . ot? ov 6ip.is -^evbeadai ^. 
 
 In another passage, speaking of the case of Orestes, he says 
 that the gods would not give an unjust decision [Agst. 
 Aristocrates, § 74) : — 
 
 ov yap hv t6l ye \j.r\ hi.Kaia Oeoivs y^rrii^icraaOai. 
 
 But apart from these passages we find nothing but the 
 commonplaces of current beliefs ^. The gods observe human 
 actions : — they favour the pious and punish the impious : 
 vengeance belongs to them, and if it is slow, it is also sure : 
 they forget not : — 
 
 oljxai 8e KoX Oeols rois Kdria jaeAety o\ rjbiKrjVTat. (Antiphon, 
 Karrjyopia (papixaneias, § 31). 
 
 TOVT01.9 fxev ovv 6 debs eTTLdeCri ttiv bLKrjv {reTpakoyia T. (3. § 8), 
 
 €K€ivoiv ixev ovv €Ka<TTOs aiTcaXiTO, uxrirep etKos tovs tolovtovs 
 (Lysias, Frag, xxxiv. ^^, § 3). 
 
 7Tapdb€Lyixa rot? &K\ois, tv thaxriv on rots Kiav v/3pi(rrtK<3? irpbs 
 ra dela biaKeLjxevoLs ovk els tovs TTalbas duoTiOevTai ras TLixaipias ^, 
 dAA' avTovs kokw? aTroXAuouo-t * (ibid.). 
 
 ^ Cf. Plato, Apol. 21 B : — ov ycLp Stjttov xpfvSeTai ye (sc. o 6e6s)' ov yap Otnis avTw. 
 
 ^ 'All through Greek history scepticism never made way among the 
 majority even of educated people, but was merely the privilege or pain of 
 small circles of philosophers and their followers ' (Mahaffy, Social Greece (^1883), 
 p. 366). 'Take Demosthenes, or the orator Lycurgus, or Hyperides, or even 
 any obscure contemporaries whose works have been preserved. Do they imply 
 a public educated by the sophists? Do they preach or suggest sceptical 
 views? Nothing of the sort. All of them address throughout an 
 orthodox and even religious public' {ihid. pp. 367-368). 'Thus the Demo- 
 sthenic public was probably more orthodox than the Periclean, certainly not 
 less so,' &c. {ihid. p. 372 ; cf. also p. 371). But see above, Introd. p. 7. 
 
 ^ With this contradiction of the ordinary belief that the sins of the fathers 
 were visited upon the children contrast Lysias (?), Agst. Andocides, § 20 : — 
 iroWaxodev Si ex^ai reKfiaipofj-evos eind^etv, upuiv Kot krtpovs -qcrfprjicoTas ■)(p6vQi StSw- 
 Koras SiKrjv, Kai tovs (^ «K«ivu)v Bid tcL twv irpoYovaJv d[iapTT|(xaTa. Cf. Lycurgus, 
 Agst. Leocrates, § 79. 
 
 * Cf. Lysias (?), Agst. Andocides, §§ 3, 13, 19-21, 33 ; Agst. EraiostJienes, § 96. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES — BLOODGUIL TINESS 41 
 
 XP'h S^ '^<*i ^^'^ TtXiov exfiy riyelcrOaL koX TTXcoveKT-qa-eiv vojxi^iziv 
 TTapa ixev t&v Oedv tovs evcrejiea-rdTovs Kal rows Trepl rrjv depaireCav 
 TTjv €K€LV(i)v eTTijixeAecrTdrovs ovras (Isocrates, Anticl. § 282). 
 
 dyr/p ixkv yap d(re/3^5 Kai TTOvrjpbs TV)(dv av (f)dda€i€ reAevTTjcray 
 TTpiv bovvai biKr]v tG>v ripi.aprr]p.iv(siV at 8e TrdXei? 8td rrjy adavaaiav 
 VTropiivovcrt /cat rd? Trapd Tcav dvdpcoTicov kol rds irapd rOtv Oewv 
 TiyiMpias (Isocr. De Pace, § 1 20) ^. 
 
 OS yap av vpLas \ddrf, tovtov CKpUre rots deals KoXd^eiv' ov 8' av 
 avTol \dj3riTe, ]u.?jKcr' €K€[vols irepl tovtov TTpocrTdTTeTe (Demosthenes, 
 On the Embassy, § 71) ^. 
 
 . . . o^' ol deoi (pavepovs vpuv TTOtrjcravTes irapihoaav TifxctipricTacrdai 
 (Dinarchus, Agst Philocles, § 14). 
 
 Tovs /Liey yap dvOpcoirovs ttoXXoi 7/817 e^aTraTrja-avTes Kal biaXa- 
 OovTes ov [xovov Tu>v TTapovTOiv Kivbvvoiv aTTeXvOrjaav, aWd Kal tov 
 aXkov xpovov d6S)ot t5>v dbiKripaToov tovtoov elcrC' tovs 8e 6eovs ovt 
 av iiTLOpKricras tls KdOot ovt av eK^vyoi ttjv air* avTGtv Tip-mpiav, 
 oKX el fxr} avTos, ol Ttalbes ye Kal to yevos dirav to tov iiTLopKi]- 
 aavTos fj.€yd\ois aTv^rnjiaai TreptTTtTrret (Lycurgus, Agst. Leocrates^ 
 §79)'- 
 
 Both good and bad fortune come from the gods : — 
 
 . . . aWa Kai T(av deutv tovs p-^v t&v dyaOdv ahiovs rjpXv ovTas 
 0\vp.TTLOvs Ttpocrayopevop.ivovs, tovs 8' k-nl rats crvp-f^opals Kal rat? 
 Tip.(opiaLS TeTayp.evovs bva')(€pe(TTepas tcis kiTiavvp-ias i)(OVTas . . . 
 (Isocr. Philipp. § 117)*. 
 
 vvv p.ev y d'noTV)(elv boKel TOdv irpaypLaTdiv, o iracri kolvov k<TTiv 
 dvdpwTTOLs oTav rw Oe^ Tavra boKrj (Demosthenes, Crown, § 200). 
 
 It is to the favour of the gods that the safety of the state 
 is due, and piety has its reward : — 
 
 et ydp TLS ev brjixoKpaTio. TeTi.pirjp.evos, ev TocavTrj TroAtreta, rjv ol 
 0eoi, Kal ol vopLOL crwCovcrt, roAjua ^orjOelv rots "napdvop-a ypd(pov(Ti, 
 KaTaXvet, T-qv 'noXiTeiav, vcj)' rjs TeTip-riTai (Aeschines, Agst. Ctesi- 
 pkon, § 196) ^ 
 
 e/c be TOV TO. p.ev 'EXXrjVLKo. TTto-roiSj rd be irpos tovs Oeovs eva-ej36is, 
 
 ^ Cf. Isocrates, Ad Bemonicum, § 50 ; Archidamus, § 59 ; Adv. Callimachum, § 3. 
 ^ Cf. ibid. § 239. ^ Cf, ihid. §§ 91, 94, 148. 
 
 * Cf. Isoci'. Evagoras, § 25. * Cf. ibid. § 130. 
 
42 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 TO. 8' kv avToXs lo-co? bioLKflv, iieydXrjv eiKoVcos CKT-qaavT tvhaiixoviav 
 (Demosth. Olynth. iii. § 26) ^. 
 
 The issues lie with the gods : — 
 
 €v yap tQ) 6(0) to tovtov re'Aos rjv, ovk kixoi (Demosth. Crown, 
 § 193)- 
 
 We find also the old popular notion that the gods harden 
 the hearts of the proud, and send upon them blindness and 
 infatuation : — 
 
 . . . aval3oi](ras tls tSv ^A\i(^i(rcriu)V, avOpodiros acr^Xyia-TaTos Kai, 
 0)? ipol ((paivero, oi'8e//ta? TtaibeCas /xerecr^^rj/cw?, I'o-cos Se Kai Saifjioi'iou 
 Tifos iiai^apTaveiv ainw TrpoayojJieVou, K.T.k. (Aeschines, Agst. 
 
 Ctesiphon, § 117)^. 
 
 boK^l 8e ju,ot Oeutv tls, S avbpes 'AOrivoLOL, rois yiyvopAvoi'S VTrep 
 TTJs TToAeo)? al(T)(^vv6iJievos, Tip cfyiXoirpayixoavvqv TavTif]v e/x/3aAeiy 
 ^lAtTTTro) (Demosthenes, Phil. i. § 42). 
 
 TToAAttKis yap ep-OLy (TteX'qkvOe Kai tovto (pofBe'LO-dai, prj tl 
 baip-ovLov Ta 'npayp.aT kXavinj (Demosth. Phil. iii. § 54) ^- 
 
 01 yap Oeol ovbev TrpoTepov TroLovaiv rj t&v irovqp&v avOpioiroiv ti]v 
 bidvoLav TTapdyovcTL' Kai pot boKOV(n t(ov dp\ai(av Tiv\s TTOLr]T(av 
 &aTTep -x^prjapLovs ypdxj/avT^s rots tTnye.vop.ivois Ta8e to. lap^ela 
 KaTaKiTtelv 
 
 OTav yap opyrj baipovcav ^XdiTTrj nvd, 
 
 TovT avTo TTp&Tov, k^a<paipa.Tai (ppevwv 
 
 Tov vovv Tov iadXov, els be ttjv x^V*^ Tpeiret 
 
 yvdp-qv, tv dbfj pLTjbev S>v ap^apTavei (Lycurgus, Agst. Leocrates, 
 
 §92)- 
 Fear the gods (Aeschines, Agst. Tiviarchus, § 50) : — 
 
 Tovs 6eovs bebiMs k.t.X. 
 
 Practise piety and shun impiety (Isocr. Be Pace, § 135): — 
 
 TpiTov Tjv p.r]bev irepl ttXclovos rjyrjaOe peTa ye T'i]V Trepl tovs 
 ^eoi/j evcre^eiav tov napa toIs "EAArjcrti^ evboKipelv. 
 
 * Demosthenes makes frequent mention of the favour of the gods to Athens. 
 Cf. Olynth. ii. §§ i, sa ; On the Crown, §§ 153, 195 ; On the Embassy, § 256 ; Epist. 
 i. § 8. 
 
 ^ Cf. (ibid. § 133) the use of Oto^Kd^fia, a word employed also by Herodotus. 
 
 * Cf. On the Symmories, § 39 ; Agst. Timocrates, § 121. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES — BLOODGUILTINESS 43 
 
 Submit to what the gods send (Demos th. On the Croivn, 
 § 97) :— 
 
 6ei be tovs ayaOovs avbpas iyx^ipe'iv fj.€v airacriv ael rot? kqXoIs, 
 TTjV ayadi]v irpojBakXojxivovs ikTrtba, (})epeLV 8' av 6 Oeos 6t8a> 
 yevvaicos. 
 
 Trust the gods for public and private well-being (Antiphon, 
 Tiept Tov 'iip(Lbov (povov, § Hi) : — 
 
 Kot yap TO. TTJs TToAeo)? Kocva tovtois (sc. rot? Oeols) fxdAtcrra 
 TTLCTTevovTes a(r(f)aK(as hianpaa-aea-de, tovto \xkv to. eis tovs KLvbvvovs 
 rJKovTa, TOVTO be els to, efco tS>v KLvbvvcov. 
 
 Men grow better when they approach the gods (Isocr. Frag. 
 iu.{a\) 7):— 
 
 01 avdpcoTTOL TOTe yiyvovTat fieXTiovs, oTav Oeio TTpoaepxoovTai' 
 op.oLov be exovcTL deca to evepyeTelv koX aXrjOeveLV. 
 
 It is impious to do, in the name of the gods, what is unjust 
 (Demosth. Leptines, § 126): — 
 
 el yap a kuto. p.r\bev aXKov e\ov<Ti TpoTTOv be'i^ai bUatov vpias 
 cK^eXecrOaL, Tavr e-nX rw tGiv decHv ovopaTL TTOielv {ijrrycroutn, ttws 
 ovK aaelSea-TaTov epyov Ka\ betvoTUTOv irpd^ovai ; XPV y^P> ^^ yovv 
 ep.o\ boKel, ocra tis TtpaTTei Tov<i deovs eTTL(f)r}pLL^(j)v, TOiavTa (jyaCvea-Qat 
 ola [xrjb^ av eir^ avOpcairov irpaxdevTa TTOvrjpa (paveit). 
 
 Men should make the gods their leaders (Demosth. Epist. 
 I. §16):- 
 
 TOV Ala TOV Aoibcovalov Kai tovs aXXovs Oeovs .... r]yep.6vas 
 TrofqaapievoL koi TrapaKaXecravTes, k.t.X. 
 
 The gods should be invoked first (ibid. §1) : — 
 
 TTavTos apxop.ev(i> (nrovbaCov Kal Xoyov nat epyov aird tQv 6e(^v 
 vTioXapilSdvu) t: pocrrjKeiv irpcaTov apxeaOai. ev)(jop-o.i brj toIs deols 
 TtacTL Kai irdcrais, k.t.X. 
 
 Necessity, Fate, Fortune, Chance, are spoken of in the 
 vague manner characteristic of current speech. The words 
 used are dvdyKr}, \peia, baipLcov, tv)(J] : rj eip-appevt] is found in 
 several of the orators, r] ne-npoip-evr] only in Isocrates, who uses 
 it twice [Ad Demon. § 43 ; Helena, § 61). 
 
44 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Deeds done unwittingly are due to r^x^ (Antiphon, -nepX 
 Tov 'HpojSov cf)6vov, § 92) : — 
 
 TO jxev yap aKovcnov ajxapTrjixa S» avbpis Trjs rvxrjs kaji, to 8e 
 eKoijcTtov TTJi yv(ap.r]s. 
 
 TvxT] is unavoidable and irresistible (Antiphon, irepl tov 
 XopevTov, § 15) :— 
 
 oil brJT tycoyc, '7tX.i]v ye tt]? TV)(ris, iJTrep olixai Kol ^AAots 
 TToXAot? avOpcoTTCDV aWia iaTLV anoOavtlv rjv ovt av eyo) ovt 
 aWos ovbels olos t av eiTj o.i;oTpi\\faL p.'q ov yivicrdai i]VTLva 8ei 
 
 eKOOTO) ^. 
 
 ^AvayKT] is bitter and hard : — 
 
 ovbev yap iriKpoTepov ttjs avdyK-qs e'oiKcv etyat (Antiphon, rerp. 
 
 A. i3. §4). 
 
 aKXrjpa avayKt] {rerp. B. |3. § 2). 
 
 rj a-KX-qpoTTjs tov baCpiOvo<>' (ibid. y. § 4)' 
 
 One should not oppose 6 baiixcov (Antiphon, rerp. B. 8. § 10) : — 
 
 /x?/re . . . kvavTia tov baip.ovos yrwre ^. 
 Tv)(r] is common to all (Isocr. Ad Demon. § 29) : — 
 
 KoiVT] yap rj t^x^ i^^'- ^0 /xeXAov aoparov. 
 
 It is perplexing (Isocr, Panegyr. § 48) : — 
 
 . . . bpGxra 8e irepc fiei' ras aAAa? Trpd^ets ovto) rapax^Sets owcras 
 ras T^x'^s, K.T.A. ^. 
 
 It decides and rules all things (Demosth. Crown, § 306) : — 
 
 TTjy Tvyr]v ti]v ovtu) to. T:p6.yp.aTa Kpivaaav *. 
 
 Every man's tv^^ is allotted by 6 baip^aiv (Demosth. Croivn, 
 § 208) :- 
 
 TT] TV^r] 8', r\v baipdiv €V€tpL€V eKacrrots, TavTr] Ki)(j)^VTai. 
 
 * Cf. Hyperides, Epitaph, vi. i : — t^j 5« (lfiapfj.fvr]s ovk ^v Trepiy(Via9ai. 
 
 * Cf. Lysias, Olymp. § 4 : — . . . arfpytiv av ^v ava-^Ktj Tr}v rvxrjv- 
 
 ^ Cf. Demosth. Prooem. xxxix. § 2 : — rci [ilv -yap rrjs tvxv^ d^tias t'xei ras ixera- 
 PoXas. 
 
 * Cf. Demosth. Olynth. ii. § 22 : — fitya\rj yap ^oirrj, fxaWov 8' o\ov fj Tvxr) irapa 
 vavr' earl rd juiv dvOpojircuy Trpayfxara : Prooem. ii. /3. § 3 : — woWaiv yap to ttjs 
 Tvxv^ avTufiaTov KpareT : Prooem. xxv. § 2 : — iv t0 tvxXI to ttKuotov fxepos yiyvfrai : 
 Aeschines, On the Embassy, § 131 : — ttjv rvxW} ^ ttolvtuv earl Kvpia. See also 
 Demosth. Epist. ii. § 5. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES— BLOODGUIL TINESS 45 
 
 Tvx'n and baifiuiv (or haiixovLov) are sometimes combined (Lysias, 
 Agst. Agoratus, § 6'^) : — 
 
 § 2. If in his philosophical opinions Euripides was greatly 
 influenced by Anaxagoras, no less strong was the influence 
 exercised on his religious and moral views by Orpheus^, 
 Musaeus ^ and Pythagoras "*. We are not here specially 
 concerned with the question how far the mysteries go to 
 explain that theocrasia which is so noticeable in Euripides ; 
 but it may be interesting to quote and compare certain 
 passages in Euripides and the Orators in which special 
 reference is made to the mysteries and to those initiated 
 in them. Most of these passages have reference to purity 
 of life, and to the great care exercised so that the 
 mysteries should be kept secret, and in no way polluted 
 or violated ^. 
 
 In the Rhesus (943-947) Orpheus is mentioned as the one 
 who introduced these mystic celebrations, and with his name 
 is subjoined that of Musaeus : — 
 
 [xvcTTripioiv re rSiv a'7Topp'i]T(ov (pavas 
 e8et£ey ^Op(j)€i)S, avTav€\}/Los veKpov 
 
 ^ Cf. Demosth. On the Symmories, § 36 : — v rvxrj xal to Saifioviov : Crown, 
 § 303 : — ^ Saifiovos rivos tj tvxV^ tVx«s : Lysias (?), Agst. Andocides, § 32 : — iiro 
 Satfioviov Tivbs dyofieuos dvayKrjs. 
 
 ^ It is by no means certain, however, that Euripides was ever strongly 
 attracted by the Orphic sect. See M. Decharme's ai-guments for and against 
 {Euripide, &c., pp. 90-93). A passage in the Hipp, (quoted below) describes 
 them as pietistic hypocrites. See also Paley's note ad loc. 
 
 ^ 'It is now impossible to detach the real Orpheus, the Thracian bard, 
 from the marvellous stories that grew round his name, and from the spurious 
 <' Orphic hymns" that were attributed to him in later time, and which were 
 constantly extended and interpolated. Miiller thinks that Orpheus is really 
 connected with the cult of the Chthonian Dionysus {Zaypevs) ; and that the 
 foundation of this worship, and the composition of hymns for the initiations 
 connected with it, were the real functions of this poet. Similarly Movaaios 
 was a sort of eponymous representative of the hymns connected with the 
 Eleusinian Mysteries' (Merry, note on Aristoph. Frogs, 1032). 
 
 * See Berlage, pp. 120-121, 162. 
 
 ' See Kennedy, Demosthenes against Leptines, Midias, &c., Appendix vi : Mahaffy, 
 Social Greece, pp. 376-378: Holm, i. pp. 411-412: Lloyd, Age 0/ Pericles, ii. 
 c. xlix. 
 
46 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 T0C8' ov KaTaKTeivfts crv' Moucraioz; re aov 
 areixpov TroXLTrjv kuttI irkelaTov avhp^ eva 
 ikOovTa, 4>ot/3o9 crvyyovoi t ■r\(rKri(ja}j.ev. 
 
 The ethical precepts of Pythagoras, like the Orphic rites ^, 
 aimed at preserving the body pure from various things 
 which were believed to pollute it — such as the eating of 
 flesh, bloodshed, &c. — ; and a passage of the Hipj^olytus 
 (952-957), where Orpheus is mentioned, contains also perhaps 
 an allusion to Pythagoras ^ : — 
 
 ijbr} vvv avyjs.i /cat hi a\\rv)(ov ^opa? 
 (Tirois KaTTriXev, 'Opcjtea t avaKT e'xcoy 
 /3dK)(eve, ttoWQv ypapLixaToiv TLjiStv Kairvovs' 
 enei y' e\ri(f)6ris. tovs be tolovtovs fyo) 
 (f)evy€iv TTpo(f)(t)V(i TraaL' Qr\pevov(Ti yap 
 aefxvoLS XoyoLULV, ala-^pa ycriyjoivcaixevoi ^. 
 
 Alongside the last lines in the above passage we may set 
 these words of Pentheus [Bacch. 221-225) '• — 
 
 TiXripeLS 8e ^tdcroi? ev ixicroicnv kaTavai. 
 KpaTrjpas, aXkrjv 8' akkoa els epr]\xiav 
 TiTuxTGrovcrav evvais apaercov vinqpeTelv, 
 7Tp6(pa(Tiv fj-ev 0)5 §?] jxaivahas Ovoctkoovs, 
 T-qv 8' ^A(f)pobLTT}v TTpoaO^ ayeiv tov BaK)(toi;. 
 
 But, in 11. 73 ff. of the same play, the Chorus sing of the 
 blessedness of the man who is initiated and pure of life : — 
 
 S) [xcLKap, ocTTis evhai- 
 jxoov reAerd? Oeoov 
 
 • Cf. Aristoph. Frogs, 1032 : 
 
 'Op<pevs ^kv yd.p T(\(ra.s 6' fjixiv KareSei^e <p6vwv r airexfoOai : 
 Horace, Ars Poetica, 391-392 : — 
 
 ' Silvestres homines sacer interpresque deorum 
 Caedibus et victu foedo deterruit Orpheus.' 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad loc. 
 
 ' See Paley's note ad loc. It was at the celebration of the mysteries that 
 Phaedra first saw Hippolytus {Hipp. 24-28). There is a reference to Dionysus 
 and the Eleusinian mysteries in Ion, 1074 ^- '■ — aiVx'^i'o/nat tov tioXvvuvov 6e6v 
 K.T.\. See also Her. Fur. 613 (with Paley's and Gray & Hutchinson's notes) ; 
 Ale. 966 ff. (with Jerram's note) ; and Appendix B to Hadley's edition of 
 Hippolytus. 
 
RELIGION— MYS TERIES —BLOODGUIL TIN ESS 47 
 
 eiSo)? jSiOTciv ayicTTev^L 
 
 Kol dLacreveTai. xfrv- 
 
 xdv, iv opecrai ^a/c^fv- 
 
 (ov ocnoty nadapixolcnv' 
 TO. re jxaTpos jJLeydkas opyia Kv/BiXas Oep-LTevonv, 
 dvd 6ip(Tov re rivdcrcrcov KLcraio re crTe(f)avu)dels 
 Alovvctov Oepairevct. 
 
 The clean hands and pure heart we find again in Frag. 472 
 
 (11.9-19):- 
 
 ayvov 8e filov reivcav e^ ov 
 
 Atos 'ISaiou ixvaTr]s y^v6jj.i]v, 
 
 Koi vvKTLTToXov Zaype'cos ^povras 
 
 Tovs d)iJ.o(pdyovs balras reAe'cra? 
 
 /iTjrpt T 0/361(1) 8a§as di^ao-xwy 
 
 Kal KOVpi]TU>V 
 
 ^dK)(^os €KX-i]6r]v ocrtoj^ets. 
 TrdAAeuKa 8' exo^y etpiara (pevyca 
 yevecrCv re ^poTcav koL v€Kpo6i]Kr]i 
 ov \piii-!rT6p.(.vos Tr\v t kp.'^v)(u>v 
 ^pSiaiv ibecTTcav irecpvXayixaL. 
 
 In the speech Against Andocides (§§ 4-5) Lysias (?) asks 
 the Athenians to consider what the initiated will think if 
 a man like Andocides is apx^v fiaa-tXevs, and in that capacity 
 performs the vows and sacrifices at the mysteries : — 
 
 <^e'pe ydp, av vvvl ^AvboKibrjs dOcDos aTraXXayfj bC rjp.ds eK Tovhs 
 Tov dyGtvos Kai kkOji KXrjpuxJopLevos roiy ivvea dpyovTcav kox Xayji 
 ^aaikevs, d\Xo tl ?/ virep ■fjp.cov Kal dvaia^ dvcrei kol et^x^as ei^^erat 
 Kara to. Trarpta, to. [xev ev rw ivOdbe 'EAeucrtyt&), ra 8e iv tiu 
 'EXevcrlvt UpS>, Koi rrjs koprrjs eTTt/MeA^o-erat pLvcrTrjpiOLs, oVcos av 
 jurjSei? dbiKfi p.r]be d(rel3y irepl to, Upd ; Kai riva yv(6p.rjv oi^arde 
 e^eLV Tovs p-vaTas tovs d(f)tKvovpLevovs, eircLbav tbaxTL tov fiaaiXia 
 oarLS ecrri koI dvapivrja-OcacrL irdvTa rd rjaejSripieva avrS), i) tovs 
 dXXovs"FtXXrivas,o'L eveKa TavTrjs Trjs kopTrjs . . . . rj 6veLV etv TavTrjv 
 rr\v Ttavqyvptv j3ovX6p,€voL rj Oecopelv ; ovbe ydp dyv(i)S 6 ^ AvboKibrjS 
 oi/re rot? e^co oi^re rot? evOdbe bid rd r\<Ti^i]p.iva. 
 
 Initiation, says Isocrates, is one of the two best gifts ever 
 granted to men. In the Panegyric (§§ 38-29) he relates the 
 
48 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 legend (/xv^wStj? Aoyo?) of how Demeter had kindness shown 
 her at Athens, and how she repaid that kindness by instruct- 
 ing the Athenians in the cultivation of the ground and 
 initiating them in the mysteries : — 
 
 A-qix-qrpos yap a(f)LK0ix^vr}9 eh Trjv yjapav, or kiiXavriOrj tvjs Ko/jtj? 
 apTraa-Oeia'qs, koI irpos tov<; Trpoyovovs i)p.S>v €vp.i.vS)S hiaTeOeia-qs 
 e/c tS>v iV€pye(nG>v, as ov\ oXov t aXXois r] rots ix€p.vrjp,€vois aKoveiv, 
 Kol bo^KTrjs bcopeas Strras, alirep [xiyicTTai Tvy^dvovaLV ovaai, tovs 
 T€ KapiTOvs, 0% Tov fxt] 6r}pL(iob(ji^ Cv^ rjixas atrtoi yeyovacri, kqI Trjv 
 TekeTrjV, rjs ol p.eraa^ovTe'i TtepC re tt]s tov ^iov TekevTi]s koI tov 
 (Tvp.'navTO'i atcSro? rjhiovs Tas ekiTLbas e^ovcriv, k.t.K. 
 
 Barbarians and murderers are excluded from the mysteries 
 {ibid. § 157):— 
 
 YiVp-oX-nihai 8e koX KTypuKes ev Tjj TeXeTtj tQv ixvarriptcov hia to 
 TOVTcov (sc. Tcov Tlep(T&v) pLiaos Kol Tols aWots (3ap^dp0L9 elpyea-dai 
 tS>v lepGiV axTitep rotv dvbpocpoiwLS rrpoayopevovcnv. 
 
 Violation of the mysteries occasioned strong resentment 
 (Isocr. xvi. § 6) : — 
 
 etSoTes 8e ti]V ttoKiv tcHv fxkv irepl tovs Oeovs p-clXlctt av opyt- 
 aOelaav, €6 tls els to, p.vcFTr\pLa (^atVoir' e^ap-apTavcov, to^v b' dWcav 
 eX TLS Trjv br\p,0KpaTiav ToX\xi:dr] KaTaXveiv, k.t.K. ^, 
 
 § 3. An interesting set of passages is that relating to 
 bloodguiltiness and pollution, and to the treatment of the 
 murderer. The words found in this connexion are such as 
 these : — p.la<Tp.a, TrpoaTpoTraios, dXiTripios, Kadapos, &C. The 
 pollution affects all with whom the murderer comes into 
 
 ' The secrecy observed and the exclusion of aliens is mentioned also by 
 the author of the speech Against Ncaera (§ 73") in an interesting passage 
 where we learn something of the special privileges of the wife of the 
 PacriKevs. Andocides (On the Mysteries, § 11) speaks of Alcibiades' having 
 performed the mysteries in a private house and before men who were not 
 initiated. In an interesting passage {Agst. Andocides, §§ 51-53) Andocides is 
 himself accused by Lysias (?) of a similar offence. The following passages 
 have reference to special laws dealing with the mysteries : — Andocides, On the 
 Mysteries, § 115: Demosthenes, Against Midias, § 158. 'Lyeurgus the orator 
 caused a law to be enacted that the women should not drive to Eleusis, that 
 the poorer classes might not feel the distinction ' (Becker, Charicles). For 
 various instances of punishment for violation of the mysteries see Demo- 
 sthenes, Against Midias, §§ 175-180. 
 
RELIGION— MYSTERIES — BLOODGUILTINESS 49 
 
 contact, and he himself is an outcast. He has no part in 
 religious rites; he cannot sit at the same table with the 
 innocent, or even speak to them ; no temple or city will 
 receive him. From many similar passages in Euripides we 
 select the following : — 
 
 tL fioi TTpocreLOiV X^^P*^ (rrjfxaiveis (}>6vov ; 
 
 m /w^ {xva-os {xe (tG)V ^dkrj Trpoac^d^yixaTdiv ; 
 
 [Her. Fur. 121 8-1 2 19). 
 ovT iixais (t>i\ais 
 077/3ats evoiKclv oaiov' rjv be kol fxivco, 
 es TTolov Ipbv rj Tiavriyvpiv (f)iK(ov 
 cT/a' ; ov yap aras ivirpoa-qyopovs ^X^ 
 
 (ibid. 1281-1284)^ 
 iXOoiiv 8' e/cei(re, Ttpdra \xiv /x' ovSeis ^ivutv 
 €KOiv eb€^ad\ b)S Seoli arvyovixevov' 
 ot 8' icrxov alboi, ^ivia novoTpa-ne^a juot 
 TTapicrxov^ oXkchv ovtcs kv ravT^ oreyet, 
 (Tiyfj f €T€KTrivavT a'n6(\)6iyKT6v ix, oirwy 
 baLTos yeroi/jtrjy Trco/iaros t avrQv bCxo-, 
 es 8' ayyos ibtov Icrov aiTacn, /SaK^fou 
 IxiTprjixa irAr/pcocrarres eixov rjbovrjv. 
 Kayb) '^eX^y^at fxev ^ivov^ ovk rj^iovv, 
 Tjkyovv 8e o"ty|7 KoboKOVv ovk dbevat, 
 fxtya (TTevdCoiv, ovvck rjv pirjTpb'i (povevs 
 
 {Iph. Taur. 947-957) ^. 
 e8o£e 8' "Apyei T0)8e ix^O' rjixas crreyati, 
 (MT} TTvpl Se'xecr^at, fxrjTe 7Tpo(r(f)UiV€'iv nva 
 fji-qxpoKTovovvras (Orestes, 46-48). 
 
 Passages to the same effect are not infrequent in the 
 Orators. The following may be instanced : — 
 
 aavix(f)op6v 6' vpuv ecrrt rovbe fitapov Kal avayvov ovra ets 
 ^re) TO, Tefjievri t5>v 6iG>v elcnovTa ixiaiveiv rrjv ayveiav avTutv, iiti 
 re TO? avTas rpairi^as lovra avyKaTaimx-nkdvai tovs dvairiovs 
 (Antiphon, rerp. A. a. § 10) ^ 
 
 * See Paley's note ad loc. 
 
 * See Paley's note ad loc. 
 » Cf. TfTp. A. /8. § II. 
 
50 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Kadapav r-qv 'Kokiv KaTaaTrjcraL (ibid. § n)^. 
 
 €t be 8r} 6eCa Kr}kis tw bpdrravTL irpoa-ni-nTei aaefiovvn, ov hiKaLOv 
 TOLS deCas 7rpo(r/3oA.a? biaKu>\veiv yiyvecrdai {rerp. B. y. § 8) ^. 
 
 ert Se TrapeXd^v rbv vo^iov ov vp.eli eOeaOe, elpyeo-Oat t&v lepwv 
 avTOV 0)s a\iTi]pLov ovra, ravra travTa ^lacrap-evos el(re\i]X.v9ev 
 
 TllXaV €1? TTJV TXOklV, KCt edvcrev fTTt tS)V ficOfXMV SiV OVK e^r^V aVTiJd, 
 
 KUL airriVTa rots tepoi? •Trept a rjcrejSrja-ev, elcnjkOev els to 'EkevaCviov, 
 eyepviylraTO e/c t^? lepas \epviQos. riva xp»; ravra avacryea-Oai ; 
 TTolov (f>ikov, TToiov (Tvyyevrj, Ttolov btKaaTi]v \pr} tovti^ )(apiaa.ij.evov 
 Kpv(ih]v (})avep(i>s toIs Oeols a-ney^Oea-Oai ; vvv ovv xprj vo\xi^ei.v 
 TLixcapovpLevovs Kol aTTakkaTTOfJievovs ^AvboKLbov Trjv "nokiv KaOaipeiv 
 Kal aTTobioTrojXTTelddai kul (f)ap[j.aKov aTTOTTep-TreLV kol akmqpiov 
 airakkaTTeaOaL, w? evTovroiv ovtos eori (Lysias(?), Agst. Andocicles, 
 
 cocTTrep dAtrrjpto) ovbeli avOpcoTTcav aiirt^ btekeyero (Lysias, Agst. 
 Agoratus, § 79). 
 
 a-nUvai eKekevaev es KopaKas eK twv TTokLTutv' ov yap e(f)r] beiv 
 avbpo(f)6vov avTov ovra o-v/xTre/xTrety tt]v 7rop.TTr]v ttj 'AOqva [ibid. 
 
 § 81). 
 
 ovbels yap avTco biekeyero w? avbpocpovco ovtl (^ibid. § 82). 
 
 Kal rots akkoLs (3apl3dpoL9 elpyecrOai t&v lep&v uxnrep toIs avbpo- 
 (f)6vois TTpoayopevovaiv (Isocrates, Panegyr. § 157). 
 
 ev To'ivvv rots irepX tovtojv yo'/xoi? 6 ApaK^v (f)o(3ep6v Kara- 
 CTKevd^oiV /cat beivov to riva avroyeipa dkkov dkkov yiyveaOat, 
 Kal ypdcfxtiv \epvCfi(i)v eXpyecrOai tov dvbpocpovov, (n:ovbS>v, Kparripcov, 
 lepoiv, dyopds, "navra rakka btekOwv oh p-aktaT dv rivas (pero 
 e7rt(r)(eti' rov toiovtov tl Troielv, op.cos ovk dc^eikeTo T'i]v tov biKaiov 
 rd^LV, aAX' edrjKev e(f)' ols e^elvai diroKTivvvvaL, kclv ovTOi rts bpdar], 
 KaOapov bi(Bpi(Tev elvai (Demosthenes, Leptines, § 158). 
 
 TOLyapovv ovbejxia TTo'Ats avTov elacre irap' avTj] jxeToiKelv, dkkd 
 fxakkov tS)v ovdpocpovcov ijkavvev (Lycurgus, Agst. Leocrates, 
 
 ^ Cf. TiTp. A. 7. § II (a'^viiiTe t^jv iroKiv) ; rerp. T. 7. § 7. 
 
 ' Cf. Euripides, Iph. Taur. 1200 : — ('iTT(p ye ktjXIs ePaXe viv ^xr^TpoKruvos : rerp. 
 r. a. §§ 3-5 ; ibid. 5. §§ lo-ii. 
 
 ' For the pollution arising to a deity from seeing or touching a corpse see 
 Euripides, Alcesiis, 22 (with Jerram's note) ; Hipji. 1437-1438. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 DEATH AND FUTUEE LIFE SUICIDE BURIAL AND 
 
 MOURNING CUSTOMS 
 
 § 1. Between the ninth and fifth centuries B.C. Greek ideas 
 on the subject of death had undergone a considerable changed 
 In Homer the dead are mere etSojAa or phantoms ; arap (ppives 
 ovK €VL -najx-nav {II. xxiii. 1 04). The life in the next world 
 is by no means a thing to be desired. Achilles would rather 
 work for hire and live on gi'ound with a landless man than 
 rule among the dead that are departed [Od. xi. 489 fF.). Special 
 crimes are visited by special punishment [Od. xi. 576-600). 
 The dead pursue in the next world the vocations they had 
 followed in this. Heracles — avTos as contrasted with eXhoiXov — 
 dwells with the gods {Od. xi. 601 fF.), and Menelaus is trans- 
 ported to the Elysian plain {Od. iv. 561-569)-, but in both 
 cases this is due to divine relationship ^. 
 
 Sophocles, in a fragment ^ preserved by Plutarch {Mor. p. 2 1 ), 
 speaks of the better fortune of the initiated ^, but elsewhere 
 
 ' For an able and interesting discussion on ancient beliefs regarding the 
 soul and death see Coulanges, La Cite Antique, Livre I. cc. i, ii. pp. 7-20. He 
 points out that the Indo-European race had from the earliest times believed 
 in a future existence. See also ihid. pp. 416-417. 
 "^ Cf. Euripides, Hel. 1676-1677 : — 
 
 KoX to) TtXavfiTri M.evi\ico Oiwv ndpa 
 /xaKapaiy KaroiKtiv vfjcov eari fxopaifxov : 
 
 Demosthenes (?), Epitaph. § 34. The ' Isles of the Blest ' are unknown to 
 Homer. 
 
 ' See Jebb's Homer, pp. 71-72. 
 
 * 753 (Nauck). 
 
 5 This belief is often alluded to by Aristophanes (e. g., Peace, 375 ; frog's, 158). 
 
 E 3 
 
52 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 (e.g. Oed. Col. 955; Track. 1173; El. 1166, 11 70) he speaks 
 of the dead as having no share in anything. 
 
 In Aeschylus the dead are not deprived of understanding : 
 they are cognisant of human things and aid their friends 
 
 {Choeph. 139, 32s-3'^6, 45^-457 ; ^'^'^^' 59^-599)- 
 
 So far the poets. Let us turn our attention to the philo- 
 sophers. The Pythagorean theory — borroM^ed perhaps from 
 the Egyptians, perhaps from the Orphic mysteries — was that 
 the soul had fallen from a higher existence, and was in this 
 life shut up in the body as in a prison, whence it escaped at 
 death and passed into the bodies of animals. This theory 
 was accepted by Empedocles and extended by Plato. 
 
 Heraclitus held that what we call life is really death, and 
 that death is life. 
 
 The physicists — Epicharmus, Democritus, &c. — explained 
 death by physical laws. 
 
 Socrates consistently declared that he was ignorant of the 
 nature of death : his opinion seems to have been merely 
 that it was a separation of soul and body (Apol. 29 A ; Gorg. 
 524 B ; Phaed. 64 C). 
 
 Here, as in the matter of religion, Euripides wavers be- 
 tween various opinions, expressing at one time the vulgar 
 belief, at another that of the physicists, at another that of the 
 philosophers ^. He is deeply impressed with the uncertainty 
 of the whole matter. In Frag. 638 he says : — 
 
 Tts 8' olhiv et TO Cv^ [^^^ ^^'^'' KarOaveiv, 
 
 TO KttTdave'LV 8e Cv^ Kcirco vofxiC^Tai ^ ; 
 These lines recall forcibly such passages in the philosophers 
 as those alluded to above — Plato, Gorg. 492 E-493 ^> ^^- — > 
 but it is uncertain whether they are to be directly referred to 
 Pythagoras, to whom the idea is attributed by Plato {Phaed. 
 61 D, 62 B ; of. Cratyl. 400 C). Berlage (pp. 204-205) prefers 
 
 ^ For the conflicting thoughts of Euripides on death see Decharme, 
 Euripide, dc, pp. 124-132. 
 » Cf. Frag. 833 :— 
 
 tIs 8' oTSfv (I (fjv Tovff b K(K\rjTai Oavuv, 
 TO ^fiv b\ Ov^OKdv kari ; ttXt/j' o/iws PporSiv 
 voaovaiv 01 ^KinovTes, 01 5' 6\co\6t(s 
 oidfv voaoiaiv oxihi KfKTrjvTM kukol. 
 
DEATH AND FUTURE LIFE 53 
 
 to set them alongside this passage from the Trept (f>v(r €Ois of 
 Heraclitus : — 
 
 aOdvaroL dvqToi, OvrjTol aOdvaroi, ^wvres tov €K€ivoiv OdvaTov, 
 TOP be €Keiv(tiv j3iov tcOvcmtcs ^. 
 
 As for physical explanations we may compare speciallj^ 
 the second part of Frag. 839 : — x^P^^ ^' ottio-m k.t.K. (See 
 above, p. 16.) Everything returns to the place whence it 
 came : body and soul are separated by death : the latter 
 returns to aether, the former to earth ^. 
 We have a reminiscence of Anaxagoras in Hel. 1 01 4-1 01 6: — 
 
 6 vovs 
 Twv KarOavovTcov Cjl H-^^ ^^> yvcofj-rfv 8' e)(et 
 addvarop, us dddvarov alQip ([xTrecrdov ^. 
 
 The following passages may also be noted as conflicting 
 with current opinions : — 
 
 ovbev icrO^ 6 KarQavcav [Alc. 381). 
 
 ov TavTov, Si TToi, 7(5 /SAeTTfiv TO KarSavelv' 
 
 TO iJ.lv yap ovbiv, tQ> 8' iveiaiv ikirides 
 
 (Tro. 628-629). 
 TO /IT} ycvicrdat. rO) OaveZv tcrov Aeyco (ibid. 631) *. 
 TO (f)S)s Tob^ dvOpioTTOKTiv rjbiaTov /3Ae7reti', 
 TO. vepOe 8' cibiV [xaiveraL 8' 09 e^x^erai 
 6av€LV' Ka/cd)9 ^ijv Kpeiaaov ?) davelv /caAws 
 
 (Ijih. Aul. 1 2 5c- 1 252). 
 Tovs C^vTas €V bpav' KaTdavoiv be iras dvrjp 
 yrj Kol (TKtd" TO [j.ribev ets ovbkv pcTret (Frag. S3'^)' 
 Frag. 450 recalls the veKvoiv dp-ev-qva Kaprjva of Homer, and 
 is perhaps due to the Epic tradition in tragedy : — 
 
 el \x\v yap olKet vepTepas vTib xdovos, 
 €V TollcTLV ovKiT ovo-tv, ovbev CLV adevoi. 
 In several places we find the belief that the dead are able 
 
 ^ Frag. 60. See Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosoj^hy, vol. ii. p. 84 (English Trans- 
 lation). 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 195 : — a-navra riKTet xOwv rraXiy re \a^0dvet. 
 
 ^ There we find also the idea of the future punishment of sin. See Jerram's 
 and Paley's notes ad loc. ; and cf. Suppl. 532. 
 
 * Cf. Hyperides, Epitaph, ad fin. : — d fiiv laji rb diroOaveiv oixoiov ra> ht) 
 '<(iviaQai, k.t.K. 
 
54 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 to hear and answer prayers [Hel. 64, 961-968 ; Her. Fur. 490 ; 
 
 El. 677-684; Or. 1225 ff.^). They can aid friends and injure 
 
 foes (Heracl. 1032-1044; Tro. 1234). 
 
 Sometimes death is spoken of as an evil, sometimes as 
 
 a blessing: — 
 
 6 Odvaros Setroy kqkov [I ph. Aul. 14 1 6). 
 
 TO yap davelv 
 KaKOiV ixiyicTTOV (jidpixaKOV vojxl^^Tai 
 
 {Heracl. 595-59^) '• 
 ^XPW y^P W^s (TvWoyov TTOLovixevovs 
 Tov (f)VVTa 6pr]velv els ocr €pyj.Tai Kand, 
 Tov 8' av Oavovra koI ttovcov Tii.Tiavp.ivov 
 y^aipovTas ev({)riixovvTas eKireixTreiv hopcoiv {Frag. 449)' 
 
 Macaria prays that there may be nothing beneath the earth 
 
 {Heracl. 593) :— 
 
 et ri 8?) Kara \6ov6s' 
 
 etT/ ye [X€vtol fxi]biv ^. 
 
 There are, besides numerous commonplaces about death. All 
 
 must die {Ale. 419, &:c.) : all shrink from death [ibid. 671, &c.}. 
 
 Death is better than a life of shame {Hec. 377, &c.). 
 
 It is such commonplaces as these that are most frequent 
 in the Orators*. Of philosophic discussion as to death and 
 a future life there is, naturally, little or nothing. In a few 
 passages we find a reference, usually introduced by an et, 
 to the idea that after death knowledge may yet remain. But 
 this et is a mere form of language, and not meant to give 
 rise to doubt or questioning. It is not the sceptical et of 
 Euripides : — 
 
 et rt? €(ttIv aladr]ais toIs r€reA.ei;rrjKoort irepl tcov evOdbe yiyvo- 
 ixhcav (Isocrates, ix. § 2 : cf . xiv. §61}. 
 
 * See above, p. 52. 
 
 ^ Cf. Ale. 937 ; Hipp. 599; Or. 1522 ; Hyperides, Epitaph, ad fin. 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad loc. For other passages relating to a future state see 
 Ale. 364, 437 (tov avaXiov oIkov), 745, 1092 (with Paley's and Jerram's notes) ; 
 Her. Fur. 607. 
 
 * Cf. Andocides, On the Mysteries, §§ 57, 125 : Lysias, Frag, xxxiv. 53, 
 § 4: Isocrates, Ad Nic. § 36; Ad Demon. § 43; Evag. §§ 1-5; Archid. § 108; 
 Panegyr. §§ 77, 95 : Aeschines, On the Embassy, § 181 : Demosth. Crown, §§ 97, 
 205; Lept. § 82 : Lycurgus, Agst. Leocrates, § 81. 
 
SUICIDE 55 
 
 ei 8' ecTTiv at(r6rjcns iv Aibov kol CTTtjaeAeta Ttapa tov batfxovLOV, 
 'So-rrep viro\a}i.^dvo}i€v, /c.r.A. (Hypericles, Epitaph, ad fin.). 
 
 TjyoviJiai, b' €yu>ye Kat tov Ttaripa avTia tov TCTeXevT-qKOTay et tls 
 apa eaTLV aX(r6i]cn^ Tols eK€t Trept t5>v evOdbe yiyvoixivcav, airavTcav 
 av xaXeTTcaTaTov yevecrdat bLKacTTriv, k.t.X. (LycurgUS, Agst. 
 Leocrates, § 136). 
 
 In a striking passage in the speech Against Leptines 
 (§ 64), Demosthenes affirms that a man may die, but his 
 deeds never: — 
 
 riKovaaTi pxv tmv \l/r](pia-[jiaTu>v, o) avhpes StKaorat, rourcoy 8 
 t(Toos 'ivioi rav avbp&v ovKir eiaiv. aWa to, €pya to. irpayOivr 
 €(rTtv, eTTetbrjTTep a-na^ lirpdyjir}. 
 
 Though the idea is different, the language recalls that of 
 George Eliot : — ' Our deeds are like children that are born 
 to us ; they live and act apart from our will : nay, children 
 may be strangled, but deeds never ; they have an indestructible 
 life both in and out of our consciousness •^.' 
 
 § 2. Suicide is rarely mentioned. In one passage {Hel. 
 96-97) Euripides says that only a madman would commit 
 suicide : — 
 
 TE. otKeioi' avTov coXecr aXix em $L(f>os. 
 
 EA. ixavevT ; €7ret tLs auxppovoiv Tkaii] rdS' av ; 
 
 In another passage he speaks of it as avoaiov [Her. Fur. 
 1210-1212): — 
 
 ta> TTOL, KaTOLcryeOe X^ovtos aypiov dvp.6v, a)s 
 bp6[xov e77t (povLOV, avoaiov f^ayei, 
 KaKct. 64\(i}V KUKols avvd^aL, t4kvov ^. 
 
 But there are circumstances which render it noble {Tro» 
 1012-1014): — 
 
 Ttov bijT €ky](f)dris tj ^po)(OUS apTcoixivq, 
 rj (pdayavov 6-qyova , a yevvata yvvrj 
 bpda€L€V av TToOovaa tov irdpos "nocriv '^ ; 
 
 ' The passage is quoted by Prof. Butcher, Some Aspects of the Greek Genius, 
 p. 114. 
 
 ^ Cf. ihid. 1248 (with Paley's note) ; Or. 415. 
 ^ See Paley's note ad loc. 
 
56 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 In Hel. 298-302, suicide is regarded as a virtue, but suffo- 
 cation is deprecated ^ : — 
 
 Oavelv Kpana-Tov' ttcSs Odvoifx* av ovv KaXQs ; 
 aayjuxoves fx^v ay^ovai ixerapcnoi, 
 KCLV Tolcn bovXoLs bva-TTpeires vofxi^erai, 
 (r(^ayai 8' ^yjyvaiv evyeves tl /cai Kakov, 
 criMi.Kpdv 8' 6 /catpos Kapr aTraWd^at j3iov^. 
 
 I have found only one passage in the Orators where suicide 
 is mentioned. Andocides speaks of a case of attempted 
 suicide by hanging : — 
 
 ri 8e Tov 'lo-xo/xax^ou dvyarrjp reOvdvaL vofxia-acra XvcnreXe'iv t] ^v 
 op&a-a TO, yiyvop-iva d-nayx^op-ivrj [xera^v KaT€KoyXv6rj [On the 
 Mysteries, § 125). 
 
 § 3. There was no observance in which the Greeks were 
 more punctilious than in the burial of the dead and mourning 
 ceremonies ^. A strong religious feeling attached to this 
 observance. It was, besides, the universal usage among the 
 Greeks, and to deprive one of burial was to be guilty of 
 a deed peculiarly horrible. The usual ceremonies are duly 
 described by Becker, — the washing and arraying of the dead 
 body, the cutting of the hair, the lacerating of the cheeks, &c. 
 The phrase most frequently employed in speaking of these 
 burial and mourning customs is to. vojiiCoixeva (or its equi- 
 valent). So we find in Euripides, Ale. 609, w? vo\xiC^Tai ; 
 Suppl. 1 9, vopLLjx cLTiCovTes Oi&v '. Autiphou, Trept tov xopevroC, 
 § 37, rd vofJi.iCdp.eva TTOLrjaaL ^. 
 
 * Because it was regarded as preventing the free escape of the if^vx-q. See 
 Jerram's note ad toe, and Paley's notes on this passage and on Andr. 811-813. 
 For Euripides on suicide see Decharme, Euripide, &c., pp. 122-123. 
 
 '^ Cf. Hamlet's soliloquy. 
 
 ^ See Becker, Charicles, Excursus to Scene ix : Mahaffy, Old Greek Life, 
 pp. 59-60 : Coulanges, La Cite Antique, Livre I. c. i. 
 
 * Cf. also Euripides, Suppl. 561 : Isocrates, xix. § 33: Isaeus, ii. §§ 4, 10; 
 vi. § 65; vii. § 30; ix. §§ 4, 7, 32: Aeschines, Agst. Timarchus, § 13; Agst. 
 Ctesiphon, § 77 : Demosthenes, On the Crown, § 243 ; Agst. Timocrafes, § 107 : 
 Dinarchus, Agst. Aristogeiton, §§8, 18. And see Coulanges, La Cite Antique, 
 P-33- 
 
BURIAL AND MOURNING CUSTOMS 57 
 
 Especially may we compare a passage in the Supplices with 
 one in Lysias : — 
 
 veKpovs be Toiis Oavovras, ov ^KaTTTcov ttoXlv, 
 ov8' avbpoKiJi.TJTas iTpo(r<f)4pu>v aycavCa^, 
 6d\lrai. StKaiw, Tov YlaveWrjVcov vopiov 
 a-coCoov (Suppl. 524-527). 
 *E\Xr]VLKov vojiov aTeprjOevres (Lysias, Epitaph. § 9). 
 Even a slain enemy, as we see from these passages, was 
 not deprived of the rites of burial ^. 
 
 For the anxiety as to the discharge of these rites we may 
 adduce a passage from Isaeus (vii. § 30) : — 
 
 TTavres yap oi TeXevTi^aeLv fxiXXovTcs Trpovoiav iroiovvTai (r(f)0)V 
 avrav, ottcos ixr\ e^eprjpLuxrova-i roiis (r(f>eTepovs avTcav oXkovs, akX 
 earaL tls kol 6 kvayiwv koI iravTa ra vojXLCop-eva avrols iron^aoiv' 
 8to KCLv cLTTaibes TeXevTrjcroyaiv, dAA' ow vlov TTOirjcra/xeyot Kara- 
 Aet7rou(rt. 
 
 As to the religious feeling the following passages may be 
 instanced : — 
 
 TOis yap 6avov(rL ^prj tov ov reOvriKOTa 
 Tt/xds bi.b6vTa xOovLov eS <r4^€Lv Oeov 
 
 (Euripides, Fkoen. 1 320-1 321). 
 
 tva p.riKeTL CIS Tov<i TedveoiTas e^afxaprdvovTes TrAetco Trepl tovs 
 Oeovs e^v^picTuio-iv (Lysias, Epitaph. § 9. See the whole 
 passage, §§ 7-9). 
 
 .... eSetro /xtj Trepiibe'cv tolovtovs dvbpas drdcpovs yevoixevovs 
 fXTjbe TiaXaibv eOos Kal -naTpLov vop-ov KaTaXv6p.evov, w irdvTes 
 dvOpoiTTOi \p(ap.€voi biaTeXovcnv ov\ cos vtt' dvOpcoTTLvris KeLixevc^ 
 (pvaecas aAA.' co? vTrb baipiovCas irpoaTeTaypiivca Suyd/xecos (Isocrates, 
 Panath. § 169). 
 
 reKevTr\(javTa 8' avTov, rjvUa 6 pLtv evepy€Tovp.evos ovk ala-ddveraL 
 &v eS irdcr^eL, TifAdrai 8e 6 i/ojaos Kal to Qelov, ddirTeiv ijbrj KeXi'vei Kal 
 TaWa -nouw to. vop.i(6p.eva (Aeschines, Agst. Timarchus, § 14)^. 
 
 * Cf. also Lysias, x. § 7 ; xii. § 96. To deprive a criminal of the rites of 
 burial was the most terrible punishment that could be inflicted on him. 
 Cf. Aesch. Septem contra Thebas, loisff. : Soph. Antig. 198 ff. : Eur. Phoen. 1627- 
 1634 : Lysias, Epitaph, §§ 7-9. 
 
 ^ Cf. Coulanges, La Cite Antique, Livre I. c. i. p. 10 : — 'Toute I'antiquite a ete 
 persuadee que sans la sepulture I'ame etait miserable, et que par la sepulture 
 
58 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 In illustration of the mourning ceremonies — the koV/xos of 
 the dead, &e. — the following passages may be quoted : — 
 
 CK h kXovaa KebpCvoiv boixcov 
 ia67]Ta Koaixov T (.vupmCis i](TKr}(TaTO 
 
 (Eur. Ale. 160-161) ^ 
 TivXSiv TTapoide 8' ov^^ bpSt 
 irriyalov ws vop-i^^Tai 
 
 ■)(^ipVL^' 67Tt (f)0LTOOV TTVkaL^, 
 \aLTa T OVTl<i CTTl TTpoOvpOLS 
 
 TT^vOei TTLTvei, ovbe veakrjs 
 hovTTcl x^i-P yvvaiK&v (ibid. 98-104). 
 TLs yap OVK a7r€K€LpaTo, (TTeihrj tw bvo rakavToo e£ 'Akt)? I'jkOiTOV ; 
 7] TLS ov [xikav IfxaTLov ecpoprjaev, d)S bia to tt^vOo^ Kk-qpovofxricToiv 
 TTJ'i ovatas ; (Isaeus, iv. § 7). 
 
 at ixkv ovv yvvaLK€S, olov eiKo's, Trept tov reTeA.€urr]Kora ?/cray 
 (Isaeus, vi. § 41)^. 
 
 But Euripides reminds us that costly obsequies matter 
 nothing to the dead, that mourning is useless, that grief 
 ought to be kept within due limits : — 
 
 hoKU) 8e Tois OavovfTi bi.acf)ipeiv j3pa-)(y, 
 el TtkovaiMv T69 rev^erat KTepLa-fiaTcav. 
 K€vov b\ yavpooix earl t&v ^wircoy robe 
 
 {Tro. 1248-1250)3. 
 71 8' av irpoKOTiTois, et Oikeis del artv^iv ; 
 
 [Ale. 1079). 
 
 elle devenait a jamais heureuse.' And again (p. 11) : — ' On pent voir dans les 
 ecrivains anciens combien Thomme »5tait tourment^ par la crainte qu'apres 
 sa mort les rites ne fussent pas observes a son egard. C'etait une source de 
 poignantes inquietudes. On craignait nioins la mort que la privation de 
 sepulture. C'est qu'il y allait du repos et du bonheur eternel.' He goes on 
 to explain on this ground the conduct of the Athenians in the trial of the 
 generals after Argiiiusae. 
 
 ' See Paley's note ad loc. And of. Ale. 149, 613, 663 (wdth Jerram's notes) ; 
 Hel. 1062, 1186, 1279; Tro. 1147, 1200; Hec. 578, 615; El. 90, 146, 509; Iph. 
 Taur. 156, 632 ; Or. 96, 112, 457 ; Phoen. 322 ; Heracl. 568. 
 
 2 Cf. Eur. Tro. 381, 480; El. 323; Ale. 425, 818, 827 ; Hec. 653 ; Her. Fur. 
 1389; AncJr. 1209; Siippl. 50, 73, 826, 983. And see Coulanges, La Cite 
 Antique, Livre I. c. i. 
 
 ^ Cf. Hel. 1421 ; Frag. 640. 
 
BURIAL AND MOURNING CUSTOMS 59 
 
 TravaaL 8e Avtttjj tc^v TeOvrjKOTojv VTrep' 
 TTacrtv yap avdpcaTTOLaiv rjbc Trpbs Oewv 
 yprjcpos K.€KpavTaL, Kardavelv 6(()€L\eTaL 
 
 (Andr. 1270-1272). 
 TTavTCtiv TO davelv to 8e kolvov axo'i 
 }xeTpl(iis aXy^lv (rocpia /xeAera [Frag. 46) ^. 
 yiyvuxTKe TavOpdneLa iJ.7]b virepixiTpMS 
 aAyei" Ka/cotj yap ov (tv TipoaKiKrai jxovi] (Frag. 41 8). 
 
 Very similar are the words of Lysias (?) (II. § 77) : — 
 
 aXXa yap ovk ot8' o tl Set roiaura okotpvpea-daf ov yap eXav- 
 ddvofxev rjixas avTOvs ovtcs dvr}TOL' oxttc tl Set, a TraAat TTpoaebo- 
 K&fJLev ireicrecrdai., virep tovtohv vvv ayfiecrOai, rj Xiav ovtco jSapecos 
 (j)epeLv CTTt rat? ttjs (^wecos crvpiipopals, iincrTaixevovs otl 6 OavaTO^ 
 KOLVos Kat rot? x^tpia-TOis Kal tols jBeXTLCTTOLs ; k.t.A. 
 
 1 Cf. Eec. 960 ; Tro. 693 ; Andr. 1234 ; Frag. 332. 
 
CHAPTEH V 
 
 LIFE IN ITS GENERAL ASPECTS 
 
 A man's way of looking at death is closely connected with 
 his ideas of life ; and we may now proceed to consider how 
 Euripides and the Orators regarded life — I mean life as a 
 whole, life in its general and universal aspect. In such 
 a matter individual temperament is always a prominent 
 factor, — a fact of which Euripides is a striking example. He 
 was naturally gloomy and morose, lived the life of a retired 
 student, and took little or no part in the pleasures of public 
 life. His sceptical doubts in the matter of religion also 
 exercised, doubtless, a strong reflex action on his judgment 
 of life generally. Further — at least in the latter part of his 
 life — times had changed : life had become sadder, Greece had 
 been torn by long wars and civil discord, and the ancient 
 morality had been undermined. New opinions, aided greatly 
 by Socrates and his disciples — and not least by Euripides 
 himself — had begun to prevail. If, then, Euripides regards 
 life as difficult, sad, gloomy, it is only what we should have 
 expected. His plays abound everywhere with reflections on 
 the evils of existence, on the difficulty of attaining to happi- 
 ness, on the fleeting, unstable nature of human things ^ 
 
 There are, no doubt, some passages of a diflerent cast. 
 
 Alcestis declares that nothing is more precious than life 
 {Ale. 301): — 
 
 \f/vxvs yap ovbiv eort TtfJudTepov. 
 
 ^ Cf. Decharme, Euripide, &c., p. 105: — 'Un des caract^res essentiels de la 
 morale d'Euripide est le pessimisme.' 
 
LIFE IN ITS GENERAL ASPECTS 6i 
 
 Iphigenia exclaims (/j9^. Aul. 1 250-1252): — 
 
 TO (p&s ro'8' avdpiaiTOKnv rjbLo-Tov ^ki-nnv, 
 TO. v4p9€ 8' ovbiv' fiaiv^rat 6' os ev^eTat 
 davilv' KaK(iis Cv^ Kpel(T(rov t] /caAws dav^lv. 
 In Troades, 628-629, we have these words : — 
 
 ov ravTOVy S irai, rw ^Kiiteiv to Kar^oi^etv* 
 TO [ikv yap ovbiv, tw 8' €V€L(nv eATrtSe?. 
 
 But such sentiments are peculiarly appropriate to the 
 characters to whom they are assigned ; for, in each case, death 
 is to them the greatest of evils. They are, therefore, no proof 
 of inconsistency in Euripides. One passage {Suppl. 195-218) 
 Berlage (p. 135) singles out for special consideration. It is 
 a panegyric on human life, the growth of civilisation, and the 
 beneficence of the deity. The poet seems to express a belief 
 even in divination (11. 211-213), though elsewhere he speaks 
 of it with deep distrust and hatred. Berlage is right, I 
 think, in regarding this passage as a rhetorical exercise or 
 cTTiSet^is, especially as it is introduced by these words : — 
 
 akkoLCTi hr] Voi'Tjcr' a/xtAA.7j^eis koyiid 
 
 T0l&)8'. 
 
 Besides, the play of the Suppllces is entirely free from 
 religious scepticism ; and, in any case, such passages are 
 as scarce as those of an opposite nature are plentiful. It is 
 true that Euripides was not the first Greek writer to express 
 gloomy thoughts about life \ The dark side of human 
 experience cannot remain unnoticed by any man who thinks. 
 In Homer [II. xvii. 446-447) we have these words : — 
 
 ov ixkv yap H ttou ka-riv oiQupdiT^pov avbpbs 
 TiavTutv, ocra-a Te yalav €7Ti TtveUi tc koL epircL ^. 
 
 Similar sentiments are to be found in Hesiod. Pindar 
 speaks of man as a a-Kias ovap ^. In Herodotus, Solon's speech 
 
 * For the melancholy of the Greeks see Butcher, Some Aspects of the Greek 
 Genixis, pp. 130-165 : Campbell, Greek Tragedy, pp. 103 ff. : Berlage, De Euripide 
 Philosopho, pp. 135 138 : Decharme, Euripide, <tc., pp. 105-108. M. Decharme 
 says (p. 105) : — ' Des le temps des poemes homeriques, I'humanite grecque 
 a conscience de sa misfere.' 
 
 ^ Cf. n. vi. 146 ff. ; Od. XX. 201-203. 
 
 ^ Pyth. viii. 95. 
 
62 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 to Croesus is of a similar tenor. Such passages abound also 
 in Aeschylus and Sophocles. In Ajax, \ 26, Odysseus speaks 
 of men as dhcoka ?) Kov(f)r]v a-Kidv ; and, in the Oed. Col. 
 (T225fF.), the Chorus declare that it is better never to be 
 born : — 
 
 fxr} (pvvat Tov aTravra vikS. Xoyov to b\ eiret 4)avfj, 
 (iijvai. KcWev oOev irep iJKet 
 TTuXv biVTepov w^ ra)(t(T7a ^. 
 
 But in no writer do we find such a continual iteration of 
 these thoughts as in Euripides ^. 
 
 Life is a shadow, a wrestling: there is no music to heal 
 sorrow, no rest from trouble : all must suffer : mortals are 
 fed on trouble : no man is fortunate : woes are numerous, 
 happiness is scarce : none is altogether happy : human ills are 
 infinite. 
 
 TO, dvrjTci 8' ov vvv TipSiTOV r]yovp.ai (tklclv [Med. 1 224). 
 
 Tiakaia-iiaO^ rjfji&v 6 /3tos [Suj^pl. S5'^)' 
 
 (TTvyiovs he ^poTcov oiibeh kviras 
 
 rjvpeTo ixova-T] kol iroXvxophon 
 
 oibals Tiaveiv, e£ u>v Oavaroi 
 
 betvai re rvyai cr^aAAoucrt bopLOVS [Med. 1 95— 1 98). 
 
 77as 8 6bvvr]pds /3tos avOptairoiV 
 
 KOVK ((TTL TTovoov avdTiav(ris (Hipp. 190— 191). 
 
 IxoyOelv 8e jSpoTolaLV dvdyKr\ [ibid. 207)- 
 
 S) TTOVOL Tpe(f)OVT€S [3pOTOVS (Ibid. 367). 
 
 ovK 018' oTTctis eiTTOt/x' CLV evTvx,^lv Tiva 
 
 6vr]rG>v {ibid. 981). 
 
 TToWai ye ttoXKois elcn avp^cpopal (BpoTcav, 
 
 p.op(pal 8e bLa(f)4povatv. ev 8' av evrvx^s 
 
 fj.6kt9 TTOT i^evpoL Tts avOpcoTTMv /3t(j) [Ion, 381—383). 
 
 6vt]t5>v 8' ok^LOs is re'Aos ovbels 
 
 ovb^ evbaipcov' 
 
 OVTTU) yap (<pv Tts aAuTro? (Iph. Aul. 161— 163). 
 
 cocrr' ov tls dvbp^v et? cnravT eibaiixovel [Frag. 45)' 
 
 ' See Jebb's note ad loc. Cf. Theognis, 425-428 ; and see Butcher, loc. cif. 
 (p. 142); Decharme, Euripide, dc, p. 119. 
 * Theognis comes nearest to Euripides in this respect. 
 
LIFE IN ITS GENERAL ASPECTS 63 
 
 . . . Kov§€t? hia TeXovs evbaifj-ovu {Frag. 273). 
 
 oiiK eoTiy 00T6? TrdvT a.vi]p evbai^ov^L' k.t.\. {Frag. 661). 
 
 ■770AA' ecrrti; avdp(oiToi(nv, S) $ivoi, KaKo. [Frag. 204). 
 
 (f)€V (f)ev, ^poT€i(iiv TirjjxaTOiV oaai TV^ai 
 
 oarai re iJ.op(f)aC' Tipjxa 8' ovk. etTTOt rts ay [Frag. 21 1). 
 
 ov ^au//,' eAe^as Ov-qTov ovra bvcrTv^elv [Frag. 65 1). 
 
 ai'ao'cra, ttoAAoi? ea-riv avOpdiroiv /ca/ca, 
 
 Tots 8' aprt A7yyet, tois §e KLvbvvo^ /xoAety. 
 
 kvkAos yap avro? KapTtip.oi'i re y^s (pvrois 
 
 dvr]T(av re yeyea" rwy /xey av^erat /3t09, 
 
 rwy 8e (f)6Cvet, re /cat ^eptXerat TraAty [Frag. 415) ^. 
 
 6vr\Tbs yap (ov /cat Ovqra ireia-^crOai 80/cef 
 
 ^7)^ ^eou ^toy {"^y d^tots av6 poo-no's Siv ; [Frag. 1075). 
 
 Joy and sorrow are mingled in human life : he is most 
 blessed whom day by day no ill befalls : — 
 
 Set 8e (re xaCpetv koL XvTTelcrdaL' 
 dvrjTos yap €(f)vs [Iph. Aul. 31-32)^. 
 rotoVSe 6vT]TSiV tS>v TaXaiircapcov /3tos' 
 our' evrux.^' ^o Ttap.-nav ovre hvcrrvxa,. 
 \_^vhaL}j.ovii re Kau^ty ovk e£i8at//oyet] [Frag, 196). 
 
 Ketyo? oA/Stcoraro?, 
 oro) Kar rjixap rvyxdvei. /xrjSey KaKov [Hec. 627— 62N). 
 
 Fortune is capricious and changeful : all things are fleeting : 
 the future is uncertain : — 
 
 O'y/c ecrriy olh\v ttio-tov ovt evbo^Ca 
 
 ovT av KoAws 7Tpd(T(T0VTa [XT] TTpd^etv /ca/cw?. 
 
 <f)vpovat 8' aiira deol irdXiv re Kat Trpocru), /c.r.A. 
 
 [Hec. 956-958). 
 TO, 6vi]Ta ToiavT' ovbev ev Tavr^ \xivei [Ion, 969), 
 KOVK ecTTi 6vrjTS)V ocrrts k^e-nicTTaTai, 
 TTjv avpiov jxiXkova-av et /3ta>(rerat [Ale. 783-784). 
 TTov bi] TO o-a(pes dvarola-L (Stords ; 
 doalcri [xev vaval TTopoi' irvoal Kara (BivOos aAtoy 
 Idvvova-L' rux^as 8e dvrjTciv 
 
 ^ Cf. Homer's well-known lines, II. vL 146 ff. : — 
 
 017] trip ipvhXctiv 7€f€i7, toIt] 5« Kal dvSpu/v k.t.K. 
 ' Cf. Su^l. 196. 
 
64 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 TO }xkv iiiy ei? ovh\v 6 ttoXus yjpovoi 
 
 fxe^io-TTjo-i, Tb 8e /xeioy av^cov (Frag. 304). 
 
 . . . jSe^aioy oirgei' r^s del tvx»JS ex^y (Hel. 715). 
 
 i&) 1(0, 'Trai'SaKpur' icpafj-epcav 
 
 ^6vr] TToXvTrova, \€va-a€6\ a)j irap' eA'TTtSas 
 
 juotpa j3aLV€L' 
 
 €Tepa 6' ere/aoj aixeC^fTai 
 
 TirjixaT (V 'xj)6v(o iJ.aKp<a' 
 
 fipoTcav 8' 6 Tray dora^/xTjros atwy (0?\ 976-981)^. 
 
 ' A sorrow's crown of sorrow is remembering happier things ' 
 {Frag. 285, esp. 11. 18-20): — 
 
 ovTO)s apLCTTOv fxT] TTeTTeipaa-Oai, KcXwy, 
 (K^lvo yap iJ.efxvi]ix€6'' oto? ^v ttot€ 
 Kay(i) p.iT avhpGiv fjviK r]VTV)(pvv j3l(o ^. 
 
 Moral inequalities exist and perplex [Hipp. 1103-1110) : — 
 
 17 ixiya p.01 TO, de&v fxeX^brjfxaO^ orav (ppiva^ eX^r;, 
 XvTTUs TTapaipel' ^vvecriv hi riv eATTtSi Kivdcav 
 AetTToyiat ey re tvxci'S OvarCiv koX kv ipyixaai kixxraoiv' 
 aWa yap akXoOev apLe[l3iTaL, 
 Ix^TO, 8' lorarai avbpa.at.v aloiv 
 TToXvirXavriTos det^. 
 
 Every man must bear his own burden {Iph. Taur. 687) : — 
 
 TCLfxa 8et (pipetv kp-i. 
 
 The future terrifies : ' carpe diem ' : — 
 
 ^ TTov TO jjLeWov €K(poj3€l Ka6' rip.ipav' 
 
 0)5 Tov ye wdcrxeiy Tovinbv p-elCov KaKov {Frag. 135)- 
 
 ravT ovv aKOvcras Kai p.aduiv ep.ov irdpa, 
 
 €V(f)paLV€ (ravTov, Trlve, tov Kad^ r}p.ipav 
 
 ^iov koyi^ov (TOV, to, 8' aAAa r^s Tvyi]s {Ale. 787—789)^. 
 
 ^ Cf. Hipp. 1 109 ; Hec. 55, 60, 283, 492, 846 ; Andr. 5, 462 ; Her. Fur. loi, 216, 
 735) 1291 ; Suppl. 331, 552, 608 ; low, 1504, 1512 ; Tro. 472, 6ro, 634, 1203 ; 
 Hel. 510, 713, 1 140 ; El. 183, 304 ; Iph. Taur. 721, 1121 ; Or. 340 ; Iph. Aul. 1610 ; 
 Phoen. 1758; Heracl. 610, 863 ; Rhesus, 317, 332, 882; Frag. 157, 158, 262, 330, 
 420, 536, 549, 554, 684, 1074. 
 
 '^ Cf. Tro. 147 ff. 
 
 ' See above, p. 27, and cf. Suppl. 226 ; Frag. 286, 832. 
 
 * Cf. Her. Fur. 503-505 ; Bacch. 395. 
 
LIFE IN ITS GENERAL ASPECTS 65 
 
 Amid all the uncertainties of life it is best to trust ever in 
 hope : — 
 
 OVTOS 8' avrjp apiaTos oarcs eATTtcri 
 irdTTOidev aii' to 8' uTTOpi.'iv avbpos kukov 
 
 [Her. Fur. 105-106). 
 iv ikiTia-LV XP'h Tovs (TO(f)ovs ayeiv jBiov (Frag. 408). 
 [xr]T evTV)(^ov(Ta Tiaaav rjvCav )("^o 
 KUKcas T€ irpdcraovcr iXiribos Kebvrjs ^xov [Frag. 409) ^. 
 
 And Euripides, as we might expect, wonders what is the 
 origin and explanation of evil (Frag. 912, 11. 9-13): — 
 
 TTepLxj/ov 8 e? ^w? "^vxas evepcov 
 Tols (3ov\op,ii'ois adXovs Ttpop-aOeiv 
 TToOev 'i^Xa(TTov, tCs pi^a KaKGtv, 
 TLva 8et pLaKapcov eKdvaap-ivovs 
 evpelv pioxdcov avcmavXav. 
 
 It is seldom that the Orators linger to indulge in such 
 reflections. They are, as might be expected, most numerous 
 in the essayist Isocrates. 
 
 The following are, I think, most of the passages bearing on 
 the subject : — 
 
 e/xot 8e, S avbpes, koI rw irpcoro) tovto elirovTi dpBds hoK^Z 
 HprjaOaL, otl iravTes avOpcoiroi yiyvovTai eiri rcS eu kcCl KaKcas 
 TTpaTTiLV ^, fxeydXrj be brjTTOV kol to e^ajxapTelv bvcnrpa^Ca eori, koi 
 €1(tIv evTV\i(JTaTOi ixev ol lAaxiora k^ap.apTdvovTes, (ruxppovea-TaTOi, 
 be 0% av T(i)(tcrra pLeTayiyvuxTKuxri. kol TavTa ov biaKeKpirat rots [xev 
 yiyvecrdai toIs be ixrj, ciAA.' ecrriv ev rw koivi^ iraaiv dvdpddTTOts kol 
 e^ap-aprelv n koI KaKOis irpa^ai (Andocides, irepl ttjs eavTOV Kad- 
 obov, §§ 5-6). 
 
 KOLVT} yap 7] Tvxrj koi to ixeXXov aopaTov (Isocrates, Ad Demon. 
 
 §29)- 
 
 vop-t^e p-rjbev elvat t(ov avOpcoTTLVCdv ^e^aiov {ibid. § 42). 
 
 . . . bpGxra he irepX p.ev To.'i aWas irpd^eis ovtco Tapaxcabeis ovaas 
 
 * For this happier aspect of Hope cf. Tro. 676 ; Frag. 761, 826. Hope was 
 more usually regarded as vain, deceitful, winged. See Iph. Taur. 414-418 ; 
 Suppl. 479 ; Her. Fur. 460 ; Frag. 391, 650. And cf. Butcher, Some Aspects of the 
 Greek Genius, pp. 133-136, 
 
 * Cf. above, p. 63. 
 
 P 
 
66 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Ta9 TV)(^a9 axrre TroXAaKt? €v avrals koX tovs (fypovCiJLOVS arvxelv (cai 
 Tovs avoi]Tovs KaropOovv, k.t.\. (Isocr. Panegyr. § 48). 
 
 OLTiov 5e TO'VTcav eariv, oti Tcav ayaOSm koI rdv KaKwv ovh\v avrb 
 KttO' avTo TTapay[yv€Tai Tols avOpdirois, k.t.A. (Isocr. Areop. § 4). 
 
 Koi Kv/3e/5y)/Trj9 ayaObs kviore vavayei koL avrjp tTiTOvbaios arvxel 
 (Isocr. Frag. iii. (8'.) 3). 
 
 6 [jL€piV7]iJt.evo9 TL €(ttIv avOpociiTos, ctt' ovbivl TUtv avixl3dvT(i>v 
 hv(r\€pav€L (^ibid. 5). 
 
 Trjs evTvx^Las cocnrep 6i:(opas TTapovarjs airoXaveiv bel [ibid. j). 
 
 In the speech Against Ctesiphon, §§ 132 fF., Aeschines gives 
 a list of sudden and unexpected changes of fortune. 
 The following passages are also in point : — 
 
 e7ret87j7rep abrjXov to ju.e'AAoy airaaLv av6p(oi:oLs (Demosthenes, 
 For the Liberty of the Rhodians, § 21). 
 
 rjv yap (sc. Tvxrjv) 6 /SeArto-ra TrpdrTeiv vojxl^mv koI dpiaTr]v e'xety 
 ol6p.evos, ovK. otbev el [roLavrrj^ juevet P-^XP'- "^^^ kcnxipas, k.tX. 
 (Demosth. On the Grown, § 252). 
 
 . . . itdvTa 8' dvdpwTTLva i]yd(T6aL (Demosth. Lept. § 161). 
 
 aAA', olpiai, to p.iKkov ahr]Kov Ttarriv dvOpd^rtots, Koi puKpol Kacpol 
 fxeydkcov irpayixaTcov oltioi yiyvovTai (ibid. § 1 6 2). 
 
 kyiviiXTKov aKpt/3(Ss tov [xev tS>v iroXiTevopivcov fSiov evKLvqrov 
 ovTa, TO be jueAAoy doporov, TTOiKikas be tols ttjs r^x^? pLeTa/Sokds, 
 aKpLTovs be Tovs TTjv 'EAAciSa KaTe^ovTas Katpovs (Demades (1), 
 Frag. 34). 
 
 oAtcr^Tjpat be Koi (rvvexels al irapd tmv irpayixaTcov yivojxevai 
 lj.eTa[3okai (Demades (■?), Frag. 47). 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 ETHICS 
 
 We have already remarked (Introd. p. 7) that the dramas 
 of Euripides reflect faithfully the circumatances which in 
 Greece distinguished the close of the fifth century B.C. — the 
 struggle between the old and the new, the spirit of restless 
 inquiry, the growing rationalism and scepticism in matters 
 of philosophy and religion. Hence such a prayer as that of 
 Frag. 913 (quoted above, p. 6^), with which we may compare 
 Frag. 376: — 
 
 ovK otb^ or<j) xprj Kavovi Tas ^poTMV rv^^as 
 opdcos (TTaOfiricravT^ elbevai to bpaa-riov ^. 
 
 There is, I think, nothing like this to be found in the 
 Orators. 
 
 It does not concern us here to inquire how much truth 
 there is in the indictment brought by Aristophanes against 
 Euripides — a pupil of the sophists — and against the sophists 
 themselves. There are certainly many things in Euripides 
 which might tend to corrupt Athenian morality, just as 
 there is much which might tend to improve it. But it is 
 neither profitable nor fair to isolate these passages and 
 consider them apart from the context and the dramatic 
 proprieties ^. Besides, in this respect a comparison with 
 
 * See Berlage, p. 140. 
 
 ^ For a discussion of these questions see Berlage, pp. 144 S. There are 
 many passages in Euripides which breathe a high morality — ' I'tilevation des 
 sentences morales dont son theatre est seme ' (Decharme, Euripide, etc., p. 22) — 
 and go to prove that, as the influence of religion decayed, the iniluence of the 
 human conscience increased, — that Greek morality was purer than Greek 
 
 F 2, 
 
68 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 the Orators would be singularly barren. What they have 
 in common with Euripides is rather the commonplace maxims 
 of morality. 
 
 It is probable, I think, that the highest virtue was re- 
 garded by Euripides not in the way in which it had been 
 commonly regarded in Greece. The aperri of the Greeks 
 consisted in the union of wise thought with noble action, 
 and each of these was as important as the other. That 
 man only was possessed of true ' excellence ' who was a good 
 citizen. This civil and political side of aperri was by Euri- 
 pides less emphasised than that side of it which looked to 
 moral purity. He himself chose a life of seclusion in prefer- 
 ence to a life of publicity. In this, as in much else, he 
 showed himself more modern than his contemporaries. 
 
 Nowhere has he stated definitely his idea of the highest 
 virtue. 
 
 In Frag. 853 we have not so much a definition of virtue 
 as a whole as an enumeration of individual virtues : — 
 
 rpei? a.(j\v dperai ras XP^^^ ^' ^(^i^^^v, t^kvov, 
 6eovs T€ TLfxav tovs re (f)V(TavTas yovrjs 
 voj^ovs re kolvovs 'E\Aa8os' koI ravra bpMV 
 KaWiCTTOv f'fei? (TT€(f)avov evKXeias aeC, 
 
 Very similar is the passage in Isocrates, Ad. Demon. 
 § 16:— 
 
 TOVS fJiiv Oeovs (po^ov, tovs be yovels TLjxa, tovs be (JjlXovs 
 aiaxvvov, Tolls 8e vofxaLS Treidov. 
 
 Passages are numerous in which Euripides commends and 
 
 extols virtue. — Wealth without virtue is worthless (Frag. 
 
 163):— 
 
 avhpbs (f)ikov he ^(^pvcrbs afxaOtas fJ-eTa 
 
 axpTlo-TOS, el iirj mpeTi]v e)(cov Tvxpi. ^. 
 
 religion. With a passage in Demosthenes {On the Embassy, § 21) we might 
 compare Hipp. 317 : — X^'P*^ f^^" °-'yvai, <ppr]v 5' €X« niaafid n : and Or. 1604 : — 
 ME. ajvos yap d/M x«tpaJ. OP- "^^' cii rds fpevas. 
 
 Berlage (p. 165) compares these words of Democritus : — dyaOov ov to fj.fi 
 dStKfdv aWd TO fxTjU OiKiiv. We may add the words of Isocrates {Ad Demon. 
 § 15) : — a TTOKii' alcrxpo''} '''"■^tu v6fj.i^( /l«j5« \iyeiv dvai KaKov. 
 
 * Cf. Andr. 639-641 ; Frag. 405. 
 
ETHICS 69 
 
 Virtue is not to be bought {Frag. 527) : — 
 
 ixovov 8' av civtI \pif]ixaT(jiiv ovk av Aa/3ot? 
 yevvaioTTjTa KapeTrjv. 
 
 ' 'Tis only noble to be good ' [Frag. 336) : — 
 
 etj 8' evyiveiav okiy ^yja (ppdcrai KoKa' 
 6 fxkv yap kcrdkbs evyein]S kp.oiy avrip, 
 6 b ov hiKaios, nav afxeivovos Tiarpbs 
 Zrji'os '7Te(f)VKr}, bvaryevi^s ilvai boKei^. 
 
 Nothing has greater power than virtue (Frag. 446) : — 
 
 oin:oT€ OvrjToXs 
 apeTTJs oAAtj hvvaixis ix€lC(ov. 
 
 Virtue is the highest good [Frag. 1030) : — 
 
 ap^Ti] ixiyiCTTOv t&v kv avOpcaTJOis KaXov ^. 
 
 Isocrates has much of a similar tendency ^ With him, as 
 with Euripides, virtue is the highest good [Nicocles, § 47) : — 
 
 [liyicTTOv kcTTL Tm> ayaOcav aperri. 
 
 It is better than wealth, beauty, strength, high birth (Ad 
 Demon. §§ 5-7) : — 
 
 .... TJJs aperfj'i . . . . rjs ovb^v Ktrjiia (rejxvoTepov ovbe fie^aiorepov 
 
 eoTt 7] be TTJs apeTTJs KTTJfns ols av d/ct/38r/Acos rals bcavoCais 
 
 avvav^i^d}], \i6vr] [xkv crvyyripd(rK.€t, ttXovtov be KpeiTTcav, xPW-t^^^T^P^^ 
 8' evyeveCas eort, k.t.X. 
 
 It is the salvation of humanity (Archid. § 36) : — 
 
 .... oAcos be Tov jSCov tov tS>v ovOpdiruiv 8ia fxev naKiav otto\- 
 kvpLevov, 8t' dpeTr}V be crcoCdp-evov. 
 
 A good name is better than wealth: it cannot be bought 
 with money : it never dies (Ad Nicocl. § 32) ; — 
 
 Tiepl Tikeiovo'i TTOLov bo^av Kaki]v 1] irkovrov p.eyav tois iratcrt 
 
 * Cf. Frag. 53 : — ovk tariv kv KaKoTaiv evytvua, 
 
 nap' dyaOoLffi 5' avSpuiv. 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 1029 : — ovk eartv dper^j KTTJfj.a TLjxiuTipov. 
 
 ^ See Schandau, De Isocratis doctrina rhetorica et ethica, p. 15. Prof. Jebb 
 discusses the high moral tone of Isocrates in Atiic Orators, ii. pp. 44-45. 
 
70 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 KaraXLirelv 6 fxev yap dvrjTos, rj 8' aOdvaros ^, kol 8o£?/ juey yj)r]ixaTa 
 KTrjTO., bo^a 5e xprjixaroiv ovk. oivriTi^ ^. 
 
 Not wealth but a clear conscience is to be envied [Nicocl. 
 § 59) •■— 
 
 ^■qXovTe \xr\ tovs TtX^lara K^KTr]jxivov^ akXa row? fxi^bev KaKov 
 a(f)iai.v avTols crvveLboras. 
 
 Virtue is the true source of all happiness (De Pace, 
 §32)--— 
 
 . ... 0)9 ovTe Ttpos xprjixaTicTixdv ovre irpos bo^av ovre TTpbs h 
 bel TTpoLTreiv ovd* oAcos upos evbaLpLovCav ovbev av avp-jBdXdLTO 
 Tr}\LKavTr]V bvvapnv, oa-qv Trep ap^rr] koL to, ixipr] Tavrrjs ^. 
 
 Better a noble death than an ignoble life [Ad Nicocl. 
 § 36) :- 
 
 171' 8' avaaKaaOfjs KLvhvvive.iv, oXpov reOvdvat KoAois fxaWov rj 
 ^rjv al(rxp(os *. 
 
 Aeschines says that it is better to lose one's life than virtue 
 {Agst. Ctesiphon, § 1 60) : — 
 
 . . . atfxaTos eaTLV rj dperr} b>via. 
 
 Demosthenes speaks of virtue as better than wealth (For 
 PhoTTtvio, § 52) : — 
 
 7roA.A<3i' xprjixdroiv to \p'r](TTbv etvai Xva-LTeXicrrepov icrri. ^. 
 
 What Euripides regarded as the source of virtue, and 
 whether or not he considered virtue as capable of being 
 taught, is a question which cannot be definitely settled. 
 The Socratic dictum that knowledge is virtue — implying 
 that virtue can be imparted by instruction — was no doubt 
 familiar to him. He was a friend of Socrates. And there 
 are certainly some passages in Euripides which bear a strong 
 
 ' Cf. Eur, Frag. 734 : — 
 
 apiTT) Se Kav 0avT) ris ovk anoWvTat, 
 
 ^y S' ovk(t' ovtos auifiaros. 
 ^ Cf. Isocr. Phil. §§ 133 ff. ; Epist. vii. § i. 
 ^ Cf. Nicocl. §§ 29-30, 36; Panaih. § 32. 
 
 * Cf. Ad Bern. § 43; Evag. §§ 1-4; Panegyr. § 95; Phil. §§ 133-136; Archid. 
 § 108. 
 
 * Cp. Lept. § 10. 
 
ETHICS 71 
 
 resemblance to the Socratic teaching. The herald in the 
 Supplices says (1. 510) : — 
 
 KOi TOVTO TOL TCLvhpiloV, 7] TTpOlXTjOCa'. 
 
 and Tnvbpelov is a virtue. 
 Again (ibid. 913-915): — 
 
 7; evavopLa 
 bibaKTOV, eiTrep Kat ^picpos hihacTKiTaL 
 X4y€LV dfcoveiz; ^' (av ixdOrjo-iv ovk €)(ct. 
 
 In the Medea (844-845) we find these words : — 
 
 TO. ao(j)Lq Tiap^bpovs Triy-TTHV tputras, 
 iravToias apera'i ^vvepyovi. 
 
 Of a similar tenor is Frag. 897 : — 
 
 TTaibevixa 8' "Epoos (rocpias apeTrjs 
 TiXeZarov VTTap')(jei. 
 
 Here ap^Ti] is plainly said to be hibaKTov, and the chief teacher 
 of it is "Epco? ^. 
 
 These passages are, however, very few indeed as compared 
 with those in which Euripides affirms that a man's nature 
 is, if not the only, at least far the greatest factor in virtue. 
 A few of these may here be quoted : — 
 
 Kat jxavdavco p,ev ola bpav ixiXKo) KaKa, 
 6v[xdi be Kpeia-acov Ta>v e/xcSy ^ovXevp-drcov 
 
 (Med. 1078-1079). 
 TO, y^pridT eTn(rTdp.€(r6a koI ytyvuxrKOjj.ev, 
 OVK iKTTOvovp.ev 8' 01 p.ev dpyias vtto, 
 ot 8 rjbovrjv TrpoOivTes avrl rod kuXov 
 dXkrjv TLv (Hipp. 380-383). 
 
 In the Supplices (481 ff.) the herald says that men choose 
 war in preference to peace, the evil in preference to the 
 good ^ : — 
 
 KaiTot bvoiv ye Trai^res dvOpoiiroi Xoyoiv 
 
 ^ Euripides may here have in his mind the Socratic — or rather, Platonic — 
 tpois (see Plato, Sympos., passim) ; but it is not at all certain. See Berlage, 
 p. 168 : Decharme, Euripidc, dc, pp. 44-45. Cf. also Paley's notes on Ion, 642 ; 
 Iph. Aul. 562 if. 
 
 * Cf. Isocrates, Be Pace, § 106: Demosthenes, Agst. A7idroUon, § 62 ad fin. 
 
72 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Tov Kp^ia-cTov t(T[Ji.€V Kal Tci xpTjcrra koL KaKO., 
 o(T(o re TToAejoiou Kpelarcrov elprjvrj ^poTols. 
 
 Chastity depends on one's nature [Bacch. 314-316): — 
 
 ovx o Al6vv(to9 craxppovelv di/ay/cdcret 
 yvvoLKas e? rrjv KvTrpiv, dAA.' €V ttj (fyvaci 
 TO a-u)(f)pov€'iv ^veartv ks to, ttolvt dei. 
 
 Men know the good, but do it not (Frag. 840, 841): — 
 
 \e\r]0ev ovbev T(avb4 \x c5y crv vovO^tw, 
 yv(3>ixr\v 5' exovTCL [x rj (f)V(rbs /3id^erat. 
 
 alal, Tob^ ijbt] Oeiov avOpclynoi's kukov, 
 orav TLs et8r/ rayaOov, xprJTai be firj. 
 
 Education will never make bad good [Frag. 810): — 
 
 fieyiCTTOi' dp* r[v r\ <|>ucris" to yap KaKOV 
 ovSei? Tpecfxav ev y^pr](TTbv av 6eir\ itoTi. 
 
 It is clear from these passages, I think, that Euripides 
 put less value on education as promoting virtue than he did 
 on natural tendency^. 
 
 There is in the Orators very little bearing on this question. 
 Isocrates, as might be expected, lays all the stress on edu- 
 cation : — 
 
 a^Lov p-tv ovv KttL Tovs (l)vaeL Kocrptovs ovTas knaLVilv koX 
 6avpaC,eiv, en 8e jxaWov tovs kol fiera Xoyio-jjioO tolovtovs ovtus 
 [Nicocl. § 46). 
 
 . . . Tovi yap TToXXovi 6p.Oiovs toIs i]6e(nv airajBaivetv, kv oX^ av 
 eKacTTot "naihevOiaa-iv (^Areop. § 40). 
 
 'laoKpoLTTji 6 prjTMp 7rapfiu€i rois yvcopCpLOis izpoTipav tSiv yovicav 
 TOVS bt.ba(TKaXovs, on ol pkv tov ^rjv povov, oi bk btbdcTKakot Kal 
 TOV Kaka>s Cv^ atrtot yeyovacnv [Frag. iii. (/S''.) 9). 
 
 According to Demosthenes (?), the beginning of all ap^Tri is 
 <Tvve(ns [Epitaph. § 17): — 
 
 eoTt yap eorty aitacnf]^ apeTi)^ ^PXH H-^v crvvc(ris, Trepas 8' avbpcCa. 
 
 ^ See Berlage, pp. 167-169 : and cf. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Herdkles, 
 Einleitung, p. 30: — 'Das hauptprincip seiner ethik, die macht der ^vais, &c.' 
 
ETHICS 73 
 
 Hyperides holds the view that virtue is to be taught 
 [E2yita2:)h. iv. 19-22): — 
 
 dAA' oi/xai TidvTa'i elhevat otl tovtov ev€Ka Tovi iralbas iraihivoixev, 
 iva avbpes ayaOol ■yivcovTac. 
 
 Compare Frag. 209 : — 'Ttt. 6 prjTcap e(/)?j jut) hvvaa-Oai Ka\a>s 
 ^rjif, jxi] ixad(i)v TO. KaXa ra ev tw /3t<i). 
 
 It is a commonplace to speak of the reasonableness of the 
 Greeks. Nothing- is more distinctive of the race than the 
 \xrjh\v ayav, the golden mean. And so. in matters of conduct, 
 the highest virtue was a-oy^poavvr]. In both Euripides and 
 the Orators — as, in fact, in all Greek writers — is found fre- 
 quent commendation of this aoycppoo-vvr], this [xerpiOTr^s. Hip- 
 polytus had sought to exceed the bounds of human nature, 
 and so had transgressed aMc^pocrvvr]. To this he owed his 
 fate ^. There are in Euripides numerous passages expressive 
 of the same idea. Some of these may here be quoted : — 
 
 Tdv yap ixerpLuiv itpStra [xkv el-neZv 
 
 Tovvo\xa VLKq, y^pria-Qai re \xaKpM 
 
 Xwa-Ta (BpoTola-LV {Med. 125-127). 
 
 (TTepyot, 8e /xe croxppocrvva, bcoprma KaWtcrTOV O^utv 
 
 {ibid. 635). 
 Xpr\v yap jxeTpCas eis akXrikovs 
 
 (f)L\Las dvrjToiis avaKLpvaaOai, k.t.X. {Ifi2)2>- 253 fF.) ^. 
 
 ovTU) TO Xiav rja-aov eiraivoi 
 
 Tov ixrjbev ayav {ibid. 264-265). 
 
 (f)€V 0ei;. TO aSxfypov w? ai:avTa\rj Kakov, 
 
 KaX bo^av e(r9\i]v kv jBpoTols KapTii^eTai 
 
 {ibid. 431-432). 
 Trpos ao(j)Ov yap avbpoi acTKilv a(j>(^pov evopyi](rLav 
 
 {Bacch. 641). 
 TO (ro}(ppove"v be Kau (re/3ety to. t5)V de&v 
 KdWi,(rTov oXixai ravTo /cat crocf)(oTaTov 
 6vr}Tol(Ttv elvai, Xprjp.a Tolcrt y^putp.ivoi'S 
 
 {ibid. 1 1 50-1 152). 
 
 ^ See above, p. 26. Cf. Pentheus in the Bacchae, Adrastus in the 
 SuppKces, &c. 
 
 ^ Cf. Sophocles, Ajax, 678-682 : Demosth. Agst. Aristocmtes, § laa. Both 
 passages are quoted below, c. ix ad fin. 
 
74 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 alvSi 8' ort o-e'/3et9 to crM(j)povdv (Iph. Aul. 824). 
 
 fxdOeTOv TO kiav, fx^O^Tov (Phoen. 584). 
 
 ov a(t)cf)povtC^t,v €ixa6ov' aibeicrOaL be xpr\, 
 
 yvvat, TO Kiav koX ^vkaacrea-dai (pdovov (Frag. 209). 
 
 €yw 
 ovbev TTpea-fivTepov vop-i- 
 Cu> Tas o-u)(f)pO(TVva'i, iirel 
 TOLS ayadoLi ael ^vvecrTiv [Frag. 959) ^• 
 
 Andocides says that the greatness and prosperity of the 
 state depend on acocppoa-vvq and dpiovota (On the Mysteries, 
 
 § 109):— 
 
 . . . 7] TTo'At? . . . pLeydXrj koL evbaLpLoav eytVero. a vvv avTrj 
 vTiapyjei, el eOeXoijxev ol TroXirai (ro}(f)poveiv re Kai bp.ovoelv 
 aWrikoLs ^. 
 
 Lysias, in testifying to a man's good character, frequently 
 uses the word acoqtpMv : — 
 
 . . . 8ta TeXovs tov ttuvtu ')(^p6vov noajxiov elvai, kol crcixppova, 
 K.r.A. (xxi. § 19). 
 
 akXois he KoapLLOi elai koL aco(f)p6v(os ^e^naKaaiv (xiv. § 41). 
 
 01 h.v KoX (TtcoTTwyres ev airavTi tco /3t(p Tiapeyjacn <T(i>(f)povas a-(f)as 
 avTovs KOL biKaiovs (xix. § 54) ^• 
 
 Passages in praise of o-co^pocrwrj abound in Isocrates ; — 
 
 rjyov fxdXiaTa aeavTio irpeTreLV \_K6o-p.ov^ alo-xyvrjv, bLKaio(rvvr]v, 
 cr(D(ppocrvvr]v {^Ad Demon. § 15). 
 
 dydira tu>v v-napy6vToiv ayaOGiv p.r] ttjv virep^dWovcrav KTrjcnv 
 dXAa TTjv ixeTpiav duokavcnv (ibid. § 27)^. 
 
 . . . kvTiov be p.eTpidi'i eirl tols yiyvop-evoi^ tZv KaKS>v {ibid. 
 
 § 42). 
 
 ev p.ev yap tw padvp-elv koL to? Trkrja-piovds dyaitdv ev9vs ai 
 kvirai Tois ■tjbovoLS irapaTreTTi'iyaaL, to be Ttepl r?jy dpeTTiv ^(.ko-novelv 
 
 * Cf. /on, 632 ; Eledra, 295-296; Or. 708, 1161.-1162; Bacch. 395, 427-431 
 (where there is special reference to the sophists. See Paley's note ad loc.) ; 
 Jph. Aid. 544, 924, 977 ; Herad. 202 ; Frag. 46, 79, 799, 893, 928. 
 
 ^ Ibid. § 145, he combines to aojtppovdv with to opOus PouXevea9ai. 
 
 ' Cf. following quotations; and Hyperides, Frag. 121: — oxjros (Pico p^tv 
 
 aC0<l>p6vQJS, K.T.K, 
 
 * Cf. ibid. §§32 {lav 5i Trori aoi avuiriari itaipos, i^avioTaao irpo ixeGrjs), 28. 
 
ETHICS 75 
 
 Kot (TU)(pp6v(t)s Tov avTOv ^iov olKOvoyLiw ael ra? T'ep'v//'ets elXiKpLvels 
 KOI ^ejBaLoripas aTTohibuiat (ibid, § 46). 
 
 (Tocjiovi vofjiL^e . . . Tovs Kakw9 Kai fjierptcos Kol ras avix<popas /cat 
 TCLS evTV)(^Las (f)ip€iv €iTL(rTapL€vovs {Ad A^icocl, § 39). 
 
 ot/jiat yap eyw irapTas Sr 6/xo/\oy^(rat Trk^LcrTov rdv aperoiv a^Cas 
 etvai T)]v re craxppoavvriv kul ti^v biKaioavvrjv {Nicoci. § 29). 
 
 . . . TTpbs h\ ravTT] to koAws TToAtrevecr^at koI aux^povcos Cv^ k,t.\. 
 (Archid. § 59). 
 
 KaiToi Tas tVTTpayias aTravres ta-fxev Koi Ttapaytyvojievas Kal 
 TTapap.€vovaas . . . rois apioTa kul (Too(f)povi(TTaTa ttjv avrQv Tro'Aty 
 bi,oiKov(Ti,v (Areop. § 13). 
 
 .... evpyjaere t7]v yikv aKoXaaiav kol ttjv vjSpiv riav KaKcav alriap 
 yiyvop.(.v7]v, ttjv be croicppoa-vvriv tS>v ayaOSiV (De Pace, § II9) ^. 
 
 I will add only one or two passages from Aescliines and 
 Demosthenes : — 
 
 . . ocrov KtyoipLcrOai kvojxicrav tovs acacppovas Kol tu>v 6p.oioyv 
 kpSiVTas KOI Toivs aKpaT€Ls SiV ov xpr] kol tovs vfipia-Tas (Aeschin. 
 Agd. Timarchus, § 141). 
 
 . . . KOi TtepX TrAeicrrou tG)v t^kvo^v ti]v acoippoo-vvriv cttoiowto 
 (ihid. § 182)2. 
 
 810 bel jxeTpLCL^eiv ev tols ivirpa^iais koI Trpoopwixivovs to ]xi\\ov 
 ^aCvea-Oat (Demosth. Lept. § 162). 
 
 artovbaioiv tolvvv ecrrty avOpunrcov, OTav /SeAnVrr; tj] Tiapovar} 
 TV)(r] -y^pSiVTai, TOTe ■TrAeto-rrjy (nrovb-ip Ttpos to o-oo^poi'eii' e'xetv 
 (Demosth. Prooem. xliii. § 2). 
 
 Very frequently, as can be seen from these passages, aoocfypo- 
 (TVV7] is contrasted with v^pis ^. A few further passages 
 relating to v^pLs may here be adduced : — 
 
 dAA'j oj (^iX.r\ TToi, Xrjye fxev KaKcoy c})pevu>v, 
 Xrj^ov b' v^pi^ovcr' ov yap ciAAo ttXi]v vjBpLS 
 rdS' €(TTL, KpeCa-crui baip-ovoov elvaL d^keiv. 
 Tokjxa 8' kpGxxa' Beds i(3ovki']dri rdbe 
 
 (Eurip. Hipp. 473-476). 
 
 ' Cf. Ad Nicocl. §§ 26, 31 ; Archid. § 36 ; Areop. § 4 ; Evag. § 22. 
 
 ^ Cf. Agst. Ctesiphon, § 218. 
 
 ^ Cf. Eur. Phoen. 1110-1112 (with Paley's note). 
 
76 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 ov yap 6 ddvaros beivop, aXA.' 7/ Trepl Tr]v Te\evTr}v vftpis (f)oj3€pa 
 (Aeschin. On the Einihussy, § 181). 
 
 ov yap eariv, ovk ecmv, w avbpes ' Adrjvalot, rcav iravTOiv ovhh' 
 vl3p€u>s ocjioprjTOTepov, ovh^ i(p ot(d fxaXkov Vjxlv opyC^ecrOat TrpourjKiL 
 (Demosth. Agst. Ilidias, § 46). 
 
 This vi3pLs is often the result of wealth and prosperity : — 
 
 6 xpvads a T evTvx^Ca 
 (f)p€V(t)V jSpoTovs efayerat, 
 
 bvvacTLv [abiKov] €(f)eKKOiv (Eurip. Her. Fur. 774-776). 
 opo) be Tots 7To\\o^(nv avOpfaTiois eyo) 
 TiKTOvaav v^piv ti}v irdpoiO^ evirpa^iav (^Frag. 437)' 
 vfipiv re TiKTet ttKovto^, rj (peLbo) ^iov {Frag. 438) ^. 
 ov yap irevopcvovs koI \iav diropcus bLaKetpiivovs vjBpL^etv elKos, 
 dXXa Tovs 7roAA.w irkeioi Ttav dvaynaioiv Ke/crrj/^eVous* ovbe tovs 
 advL'OLTovs rots acop-acrLV ovras, dkXa tovs paXiara TTia-revovTas rats 
 avTMV pco/xais* ovbe tovs 7/877 TrpojielBr^KOTas rfj rjXiKLq, ciKXa tovs 
 ert veovs Kal viais rats biavoiais \p(ap.ivovs (Lysias, xxiv. § 16)^. 
 
 That perception of human weakness and human limits to 
 which (Tcoippocrvvr] owes it origin is also the best safeguard 
 in prosperity and the best solace in adversity. Endurance 
 — T^TXaOi bri, Kpabirj — is continuall}^ enjoined. ' Why should 
 a living man complain ? ' — 
 
 Kovcjicos c()ep€LV XPV Qvr]Tbv ovTa <Tvp.(f)Oods 
 
 (Eurip. Med. 1018). 
 ov (TOL Tdb\ ojva^, rjXOe brj piovca KaKa, 
 ttqXXuiv p.eT dXXcov 8' wAecra? Kebvuv Ae'x^o? 
 
 (Hipp. 834-835). 
 
 exft? p-ev dXyeCv', olba' avp.(f)opov be tol 
 
 0)5 pacTTa TCLvayKola tov ^lov ^epeLV (Hel. 253~^54)- 
 
 OVK ecTTiv ovbev beivbv (28' eiirelv eiros, 
 
 ovbe Tiddos, ovbe avpcfyopd derjXaTos, 
 
 rjs OVK av apatT a^^os dvOpcairov (pxxns [Or. l-^j. 
 
 1 'irKovTo?, ov (pdSoj Piov scribendum suspicor' (Nauck). This conjecture is 
 surely right. 
 
 2 Cf. Isocr. Panath. § 196. 
 
ETHICS 77 
 
 vvv 8' avayKaiuis Ix^t 
 hovXoKTiv iXvai TOis cro(f)ol(TL rrji Tvxr]s [ibid. 'JlQ—yi6y 
 lio)(6€iv avayKiy ras be baijjiovcav rvx^s 
 
 OOTt? (f)4p€L KaWiCTT, avi]p 0VT09 (TOCpOS [Fvag. 37)' 
 
 dXA' eS (f)€peiv XPV o'viJL(})opas tov evyevi] (Frag. 98). 
 o'ipLOi.' tL 8' ot/xoi ; dvrjTOi roi TTeTTovOap-ev {Frag. 300). 
 
 . . . . Ti ravra Set 
 (TTeveLV, airep bei Kara (pvcnv bi-eKirepav ; 
 beivov yap ovb\v tcov avayKaCcov (SpoToli (Frag. 757) ^• 
 jxrire avTol rals TovTcav arvx^o-i-s ^orjOovvres kvaVTia tov baip.ovos 
 yvSiTe (Antiphon, rerp. B. 8. § lo). 
 
 . . . arepyetv av rjv avdyKt} Tr]v Tvy7]V (Lysias, xxxiii. § 4). 
 akXa Set KaprepeZv eTTt rots Trapovcn koL dappelv Trept rdJi' jueX- 
 XovTcav (Isocr. Arddd. § 48). 
 
 6 jxifjivqixsvos TL ccttIv avOpMTTos, €7r' ovbevi, rwy avixjSdvToiV 
 bva-y^epavd (Isocr. Frag. iii. (8'.) 5). 
 
 aWa xprj ye av9p(d7rovs ovras . . . "navTa avOpcamva fjyelcrOai. 
 (Demosth. Leptines, § 161). 
 
 In no respect are Euripides and the Orators more at one 
 in the matter of ethics than in their adherence to the prin- 
 ciple — so frequently met with in Greek literature — of Retalia- 
 tion. ' Love your enemies ' is a maxim never found in them. 
 In no instance do they rise to the high level of the Socratic 
 or Platonic dictum that it is better to sufier than to do 
 wronger their law is 'An eye for an eye, and a tooth for 
 a tooth/ — abcKovixevov abiKelv, bpaaavTa Tiadelv — the received 
 opinion, as Socrates says, of the many ^. It is well expressed 
 in Solon's prayer to the Muses [Frag. 13. S"^)'- — 
 
 etyat 8e yXvKVv c58e <^iAots, k^dpolcn be iTLKpov, 
 TolcTL ix€V albolov, TotcTL be betvov ibelv *. 
 
 ' Cf. Hipp. 205-207 ; Her. Fur. 1227, 1348 ; Hel. 267 ; Iph. Taur. 484 ; Or. 1023 ; 
 Phoen. 382, 1762 ; Frag. 175, 302, 454, 505, 572, 702. 
 
 * See Crito, 49 B : — ov5e aSiKov/xevov dpa avraStKetv, u>s 01 iroWol otovrai, 
 firfiSrj ye ovSa/uws Set dSiKeiv. Cf. also Chrg. 469 B, 508 D-E. Contrast with 
 this Isocr. Panath. § 117. 
 
 ^ See preceding note ; and cf. Xen. Mem. ii. 3. 14 : — ical nfjv irXtiaTov 
 fi 8oK€i a.vr]p fTralvov d^ioi tivai, 6s av ipOavr) tovs ijlXv iro\€fuovs Kanus ttoiuv, tovs 
 6e <pi\ovs eifpyeraiv. 
 
 * Cf. Hesiod, Works and Bays, 340-351 : Aesch. Prom. Vind. 104T-1042 ; 
 Choeph. 123 : Soph. Antig. 643-644 : Simonides, in Plato, EepuUic, 332 A. 
 
78 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 There is only one passage in Euripides where vengeance on 
 a captured foe is deprecated ^ and in the Orators there is not 
 even one. The ordinary view, on the other hand, is fre- 
 quently found. A few passages may here be quoted in 
 illustration ; — 
 
 ^apelav ix^dpols koI (^ikoicriv evixevrj 
 
 (Euripides, 3Ied. 809). 
 €crdkov yap avbpbs rfj 8tKr/ d' VTrripeTelv, 
 Kot Tovs KaKovs bpcLV TTavraxov Ka/cws aet 
 
 {Hec. 844-845)- 
 ov yap jJLe )(aLpeiv xp^'l ^^ TL[x(i>povixivr}v ; (ibid. 1 258). 
 AN. ?] ravT ev vp.iv rot? irap EvpcoTq crocfia ; 
 ME. Kal Tols ye Tpoia, tovs TiaOovras avTihpav 
 
 (Andr. 437-438). 
 TTpos crov p.€V, 0) TraX, toUs <^t\ots eTvai (})Lkov 
 TO. T exdpa p-iadv {Her. Fur. 585-586). 
 
 OTav he TToXepLLOVS bpacrat kokw? 
 OiXr] TLS, ovbels ep^TToboiv /ceirat vop-os 
 
 {Ion, 1046-1047). 
 ov betva Trda-xeiv beiva tovs elpyao-p-evovs (Or. 413)^. 
 av€\ov Tiaa-yioiv' hpdv yap eyaipes {Frag. I090). 
 vopLOV Tov exOpov bpav, otiov ka^rjs, KaKws 
 
 {Frag. 1091). 
 i)(^dpovs KaK(S? hpav avbpbs rjyovixai. fxdpos 
 
 {Frag. 1092). 
 oilros 8e 1] TravTiov evTV\i(TTaT6s (cttiv tj TrXetcrroy yv(op,rj bLa(f)epeL 
 T(av akXoiv, os p.6vos tS)V avyyevop-evcav 'AvboKibrj ovk e^rj-jrarridTi v'n 
 avbpbs ToiovTOV, 09 Te^vw TO.'^Tr\v e)(et, rovs p.ev ex.^povs prjbev 
 TTotelv KaKov, TOVS be <j)(,kovs o tl av bvvr]TaL kukov (Lysias, vi. § y). 
 eyo) p.ev ovv Ka\ (j)[k(o ovri ^ ApyecrTpaTihrf jBorjdaiv, Kai 'AkKil3idbr]v 
 e^dpov ovTa epi,avT0v Tip.ocipovp.evos, beop^ai to. bUaia \lrr](pi(ra(r9ai 
 (Lys. XV. § 12). 
 
 ' The passage referred to is in Heracl, ad fin. See esp. II. 965-966: — 
 AA. r'l 6i) T(55' ; ex^povs roiaih' ov KaXov Kraveiv ; 
 Ar. ovx ovTLv' av 76 (wv6' eXcocxiv ev AiaXP- 
 But Alemena's question shows lier surprise at the bare idea of such a thing ; 
 and Berlage (p. 144, note) is perhaps right in thinking that a reference is 
 intended to tlie case of the Thebans (Thuc. iii. 58). 
 ^ Cf. ibid. 646 fif. (with Paley's note). 
 
ETHICS 79 
 
 . . . riyoviJievos reTax^dcii tovs fxkv ixdpovs kuk^^s ttouIv, tovs 8e 
 (})C\ovs ev (Lys. ix. § 2o). 
 
 €t 6 (Kelvoi boKOvai /3eXrtoiis elvat (rco^oires toi/s (f)L\ovs, brjXov 
 on, Kat Vjuet? aix^ivovs b6^€T€ ttvai ri/xcopou/xefot rovs e^^/jov? 
 (Lys. xiv. § 19). 
 
 X/)»/ roivvv, axTTTep av tovtov^ Spare TrpoOvpiOds crcoCovras tovs 
 (pikovi, ovTMS Kol vixas Tovs ex^povs TifKapela-Qai (Lys. xxx. 
 
 dfxoCdiS alaxpov elvat vopaCe rStv kyOp^^v viKacrOai rats KaKotiodais 
 KoX TUiV (pi\oiv rjTTaadai rats evepyecrCais (Isocrates^ Ad Demon. 
 § 26). 
 
 . ... TO he TifxcapelaOai kol eTte^Ui'ai ToX<i tte-novdoa-i koX toIs 
 exOpoh -napakeLireTai (Demosthenes, Agst. Midias, § 118)-. 
 
 We need not linger over the many wise and true sententiae 
 concerning morality and life generally which are frequent in 
 the Orators and abound in Euripides ^ They are just such as 
 we find in the conversation of all who have the seeing eye, 
 and in the literature of every age. Many parallels to those 
 we meet in Euripides and the Attic Orators might be found in 
 the proverbs alike of Solomon and of Sancho Panza. I will 
 therefore refer here to only a very few of them. 
 
 It seems to have been a proverbial expression that one 
 should not ' sail in the same boat with the guilty.' So in 
 Euripides [Electra, 1 354-1 355), we have the words: — 
 
 ovTcas ahiKelv jxribels deXeroo, 
 jurjS' eTTiopKCtiv p.eTa avpiirkeLTco. 
 
 Similarly Antiphon (irepl rod 'Hputbov cjyovov, § 82): — 
 
 ot/xai yap vpLa^ eiTLaTa(rdai on TTokkoi rjbt] avdpooTTOL jutj KaOapoi, 
 \elpas i] akko n p.ia(Tp.a e^ovres (TVvei(T^avTes eU to Ttkolov 
 avva-ncakeaav fxera Trjs avTMV \j/V)(f]s rovs orrtco? btaKeipievovs ra 
 Trpoj Tov'i deovs. 
 
 In the speech Against Timarchus (§§ 154 jff.) Aeschines 
 
 ^ See also Epitaph. § 8. 
 
 ' See also Antiphon, rerp. A. a. § 8 ; T. ^. § 2 ; T. S. § 5. 
 ' For the gnomic, rhetorical, and analytic character of Euripides' poetry 
 see Symonds, Greek Poets (Second Series), p. 280. 
 
8o EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 quotes and applies the following lines from Euripides, to 
 the effect that a man is known by the company he keeps : — 
 
 oo-Tts 8' oixikGiv rjbeTaL kuko'is avrjp, 
 ov TTcaiTOT ripdorrjcra, ytyvcoaKiDV, otl 
 ToiovTos eariv ola-nep rjhsTai Svvmv ^. 
 
 ' Fight with your equals ' is an advice found both in 
 Euripides and in Lysias. In the one case it is folly to fight 
 with those who are stronger: in the other, it is wrong to 
 take advantage of the weaker : — 
 
 Tols Kparovcri ^r} ixAyov (Eur. Hec. 404) ^. 
 . . . ovTO'S 8e Tov XoLTTOV iJLa6ij(r€Tai {xi] tols aadevecrTepots €7rt- 
 povkiveiv aXXa tSiv ojjiomv avTU) Ttepiyivia-Qo.i (Lys. xxiv. § 27). 
 
 ' To err is human ' : — 
 
 (TvyyvoiB^' ajxapTeiv eUos avOpcoTTOVS, tIkvov (Eur. Hip]). 615). 
 . . . kv ols aTTavTes TrecpvKapiev aixapravav (Isaeus, i. § 1 3). 
 
 But I will refrain from a multiplication of such parallel 
 passages. They can be reduced to no definite principle, and 
 the comparison is one which is more interesting than profit- 
 able ^ 
 
 * Cf. Isocrates, Frag. {Apophthegmata) ($'.) i : — -npos tov el-rrovTa -narfpa, is 
 ovSiy dW rj avSpanodov awtTtifxipf tw ■traiSiai, rotyapovj', fcprj, dntOi, 5vo ydp dvO' 
 fvos 'i^tis dySpdnoSa. 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 337 : — fir; vukos, w yepai€, Koipdvots riOov, 
 
 (Tf^eiv SI TOV? KparovvTas dp^o-ios vofio^. 
 
 ^ It ought to be remembered, however, that these yvuimt had never before 
 been codified as they now were by Euripides, and that to the Athenians of 
 the time they would not appear to be mei-e commonplaces (see Campbell, 
 Greek Tragedy, p. 247). One might compare the position of Pope in the 
 English literature of the eighteenth century. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 PUBLIC LIFE : EDUCATION WEALTH AND POVERTY 
 
 RANK SLAVERY 
 
 § 1. The aim of education in ancient Greece^ was to develop 
 a sound and beautiful mind in a sound and beautiful body, 
 and neither of these to the exclusion of the other. They 
 aimed at making the man KaXoKaya66s : the highest result of 
 education was KaXoKayadia. And so, naturally, the education 
 of the young Greek consisted of fxov<nKr] and yvixvaariKr]'^. 
 The latter was cultivated with an ardour which we can 
 understand only if we appreciate the Greek's instinctive love 
 of the beautiful and hatred of the ugly. Beauty of the 
 outward form alone had on the Greek mind an influence 
 which we can hardly realise ^ 
 
 * For a full treatment of Greek education see Wilkins, National Education in 
 Greece : Becker, Charicles, Excursus on Scene i. For the Gymnasia see Becker, 
 Excursus on Scene v. 
 
 ^ Cf. Plato, Rep. ii. 376 E : — lari Se trov 17 fiiv (sc. TraiSfia) km (Tajfjiaai yvfiva- 
 ariKTi, 77 5' Ifft 4'^xV i^ovaiK-q. Isocrates {Antid. §§ 180-181) says that a man is 
 composed of the two, body and soul, the former being inferior to, and servant 
 of, the latter, and proceeds thus : — ovtoj 5e rovTwv ixovrwv opwvris T(ves rSiv 
 TToKv TTpb fjnuv ycfovoTQjv nepl fitv tSiv dWojv iroWds Te)(vas avvearriKvias, irepl 5J 
 rb awfia Hal Tr)v ^fx^" ovSei/ toiovtov avvTeTayfj-evov, (vpovTfs BiTrds e-m/MfXeias 
 KaTiKnrov yfJ-iv, iripl /xiv rd crdjfiaTa rT)v naiSorpi^iK-qv, ^s 17 fv^ivacrriK^ fiepos effri, 
 TTfpl 5e ras ipvxds ttjv <pi\oao<plav. For a description of Spartan education see 
 Panath. §§ 209 If. 'The Greek education laid its hands on the entire citizen, 
 and, within the range that it recognised, moulded all his powers into a 
 finished unity' (Wilkins, op. cit., p. 164). See also Coulanges, La Cite Antique, 
 p. 267. 
 
 ^ Cf. Mahafify, Old Greek Life, pp. 8-9, 54-56: Isocrates, Eel. §§ 54-60: — 
 HaWovs yap irKuarov fiepos fureaxfy, o aifivoTarov Kai ripLiajrarov Kai Oftorarov 
 tZv ovtcjv iar'iv. k.t.X. Elsewhere Isocrates speaks of virtue as superior to 
 beauty {Ad Demon. §§ 6-7; Evag. § 74% 
 
 G 
 
82 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Andocides mentions with disapprobation that the youth 
 spend their time in the lawcourt instead of the gymnasium 
 [Agd. Alcibiades, § 22) : — 
 
 TOiydproL toov vioiv al biaTpifBal ovk ev rols yv\xvaaioi.s aAA.' ey 
 rots StKacTTTjptot? etcri, koL a-TparevovTaL [xev ol itpeofivT^poiy brjjjir}- 
 yopovcTL 8e ol veutrepoi, k.t.X. 
 
 Isocrates thus describes the education of the rich (Areop. 
 §45):— 
 
 Tovs 8e jSiov iKapov KeKTr]p.ivovs irepi re rrjv i777riK7jy kol to. 
 yvp.vacna koI to. KW-qyeo-ta koI rrjy (f)LXo(rocf>Lav rjvdyKaa-av biaTpCfietv, 
 6poJvT€S eK TovT(t)v TOVS fxeu biaipipovTas yiyvop-ivovs, tovs he tGiv 
 irXeiCTTOiv KaK(av oTrexojU.e'i'ouj ^. 
 
 The practise of gymnastics, however, he commends with 
 a reservation (Ad Demon. § 14): — 
 
 atr/cei tmv Trept to adpia yvixvaaicov p-r] to. Trpos ttjv pa)pLr]v d\ka to. 
 irpos TTjv vyUiav' tovtov 8' av eTTLTVxois, d Xrjyots t&v ttovcdv en 
 Tiovelv bvvdp.€vos. 
 
 To none was more extravagant honour paid than to the 
 victorious gymnast. So Demosthenes says [Lept § 141): — 
 
 etra jueytVras 8i8ore e/c iravros tov -)(J}6vov bipeds toIs tovs 
 yvfxviKovs vikGxtiv dyiUvas tovs crTt^aviTas . . . ^. 
 
 Gymnastic training was, however, frequently carried to 
 excess, and a degrading ' professionalism ' in athletics seems to 
 have gained ground. Euripides was among the first to try 
 to bring it down to a lower level ''. ' Of the countless evils 
 that exist in Greece,' he says, ' there is none worse than the 
 athlete.' The whole passage [Frag. 282) is worth quoting: — 
 
 KaKOiv yap ovTbiv jjLVpLoov nad' 'EAAd8a, 
 ovbev KUKiov io-TLV dOkrjToiv yevovs' 
 01 irpSiTa p.\v ^r]v ome jxavOdvovaLV ev, 
 OVT hv bvvaiVTO' ttoos yap orrrts ecrr' dvrip 
 
 ^ Cf. Ad Nicocl. §§ 12-13. 
 
 '^ Cf. Isocrates, xvi. § 32. 
 
 ' Berlage (p. 170) quotes from Xenophanes and Sophocles praises of wisdom 
 as against bodily strength similar to those we find in Euripides. But neither 
 of these presses the point with the energy and elaboration of Euripides. 
 
PUBLIC LIFE 83 
 
 yvoBov re SouXo? vr\hvos & r\(r(Tr\\xkvQ<i 
 KTqcraiT av oXftov ets vTrepjSoXrjv irarpo'i ; 
 0118' av iriveadai KO.^VTT'qpeTelv TV)(^ats 
 oloL T' €07] yap ovK idto-Oivres KaXd, 
 (tkAtjpcSs jaeraAAao-crorcrii; ets Tayawavov. 
 XafXTTpol 8' iv rj^r] koL iroXeois ayaXjxara 
 (^otrwo-'' oTav he TTpocnrea-r] yrjpas iTtKpov, 
 rpCl^coves €Kl3aX6vT€s olyovTai KpoKas. 
 €IJ.€ix\(/dixriv be koI rbv 'EXAr/ycoy voixov, 
 0% Toivb^ ^KaTi (TvXXoyov TTOiovpievoi 
 rtjixwcr' a-xpeCovs rjbovds baLrds \dpLV. 
 TLS yap TTaXaCcras ev, tls dxvTTOvs dvi]p 
 rj biCTKOV dpas rj yvdOov irataai KaXcas 
 TToAet TTarpcvq <TT((f)avov ripKeaev Xafimv ; 
 TTOTepa ixaxovvraL TroXeixiotaiv ev )(epoTi' 
 bta-KOVs exoyre? rj bi dcntibcov X^P'' 
 Oeivovres eK^aXovcn TToXefXiovs irdrpas ; 
 ovbels aibripov ravTa fxcapaivei ireXas 
 fora?. dvbpas XPV fo^oi;? re KayaOovs 
 (f)vXXoLS crT€(f)ea6ai, x'ij'^Tts ^yeirat TroAet 
 KaXXicrra a(o(f)p(t)v Kal bUatos cov dvrjp, 
 ocTTLs re [xvOots epy duaXXaaaei KaKa 
 ixdxa^ T d(f)aLpo}V Kal crrdaeis' Toiavra yap 
 TTo'Aet re Tracr?/ Tracrt 6' "EXXrja-LV KaXd^. 
 
 Ideas like these we find also in the Orators. For example, 
 Isocrates says [Panegyr. §§ 1-2): — 
 
 TToXXdKis eOavp-aaa tS>v rds TravqyvpeLS (rvvayayovrcov Kal roi»9 
 yvfxvLKOvs dywvas KaTaaTrja-dvToyv, on rds piev tS>v (Tu>[xdT(ov evrvx^cis 
 ovTU) fxeyaXStv bcopewv 7/^tajcray, roT? b inrep tG>v KOLvdv ibia 
 TTOvrirraai Kal rds avTcov •v//'ux^5 ovtoo Trapan-KevdaaaLv cocrre Kai tovs 
 dXXovs w^eAetz; bvvaaOat, tovtois 8' ovbepiCav Tip.r]V dniveip-av, 3>v 
 eiKos riv avTovs fxdXXov 'noiricracrOaL Tipovoiav' tG>v ixkv yap dOX-qiStv 
 his ToaavTTjv pw/xTjy XajBoVTMV ovbev av irXeov yevoLTO rot? aAAoij, 
 kvbs 8' dvbpos eS (^ipovria-avTOS dr^avres dv diroXavaeLav ol ^ovXoixevoL 
 KOivoive'iv TTJs eK€ivov biavoias. 
 
 ^ Cf. Electra, 386-390. 
 G 2 
 
84 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 This resembles so closely the words of Euripides above, 
 that one is inclined to think that here the orator has borrowed 
 from the poet ^. 
 
 In another place (xvi. § '^'^) Isocrates speaks of the athletes 
 as being often low-born and uneducated : — 
 
 . . . Tovs \x\v yv^JiVLKovi ayidvai virepeibei^, eiSws cvCovs t&v 
 adXr]T(jiv KOI KaK&'i y^yovoTa^ Kai /xtKpaj TioAet? oiKovvTas kul 
 
 TaTTClVOOS TT€TTaLb€VIU.4vOVS .... 
 
 The idea that wisdom is better than beauty or strength, 
 that knowledge is power, we find, in its more general form, 
 both in Euripides and in the Orators. In the Electra (386- 
 390) Orestes, praising the Autourgos, speaks thus : — 
 ol yap TOLovTOi tcls TToAets oIkov(tlv ev 
 Kol b(i^{ji.a6\ al be aapKes al K€val (ppevMV 
 ayaXp.aT ayopas (laiv. oi/be yap bopv 
 IJ.a\\ov I3pa)([(t)v cOevapos acrOevovs [liviC 
 kv TTj (})vaeL be tovto kclv ev'^v)(Jia. 
 
 Similar passages are the following: — 
 
 TO 8' aaOeves \xov Ka\ to OfjXv acofiaTos 
 
 KaKS)s kp.ep.(^6r]i' /cat yap el (ppovelv f'x'^' 
 
 Kpelcrcrov ro8' earl Kaprepov ^pa\iovo^ [Frag, 1 99). 
 
 yvcapLafi yap avbpos ev jxev olKovvTai TroXeis, 
 
 €v 8' oTkos, e'ii T av Ti6Xep.ov Icrxvei jxeya' 
 
 <ro(f)dv yap ev (3ov\evp.a ray irokkas X^'P*^^ 
 
 viKq, (Tvv o^Xio 8' ap.adia irkelcrTov KaKov (Frag. 20o). 
 
 vovv XPV deaadat, vovv' tL rrj^ ev}xop<l>ia^ 
 
 o(f)ekos, oTav tls fx-q (f)pevas KoAas e^jl ,* (Frag. 54^)' 
 
 pa)}j,ri be t aixaOrjs TTokkdms riKret fikdiSrjv 
 
 {Frag. 733)2. 
 KaiToi TTci)? ovK dkoyov tovs tov (f>avkoTepov TroLovp-evovs ttjv 
 
 eiTLixekeiav enaLvelv jxakkov rj roi/j tov (movbaLOTepov ; Kal TavTa 
 
 * For another passage in disparagement of the ordinary (professional) 
 gymnastics, boxing, &c. see Demosth. (?) Erot. §§ 23-24. 
 
 ^ Cf. also the fragment from the Antiopa in Plato, Gorg. 485 E (185, Nauck) ; 
 Tph. Aul. 374-375 (with Paley's note). But even in education of the intellect, 
 the proper limits must not be exceeded {Med. 295-296) : — 
 \p^ 6' 0VIT0Q' offTLS dpTtcppaiv ire<pvK' durjp 
 vaiSas neptaaS/s 6KSiSda«ea6at ao(povs. 
 
PUBLIC LIFE 85 
 
 •ndvTCdv elboTcov bio. juey eve^tav (rooixaTos ovbev TTcairore rrjv ttoKlv 
 t5>v iWoyifxcov epycov biaTrpa^aixevrjv, bia be (f)p6vriaiv avbpoi evbai- 
 fjLovea-TaTijv kul p.eyi(TTr}v t5>v KWrfvibcov TToXeoiV yevopevqv ; 
 (Isocrates, Antid. § 250)^. 
 
 j8ia p.ev ovbe rcav iXax^o'Toiv bvvarai Kparelv av6po}Tros, eTrtroia 
 be Koi jj-edobio VTreC^v^e piev aporpco (Bovv Tipbs T7]v kpyacriav Trj? 
 X(apas, exctA.tya)o-e 8e rbv tinrov, eXecpavri be irapecrTi-iaev cTTt^arTjy 
 Kai ^Aft) Tr]v aperpriTov OdXaaaav bieTtepaaev. tovtmv be Trdi'Tcai' 
 dpxtTeKTcov Koi brjpiovpyos ea-Tiv 6 vovs, k.t.X. (Deraades(?), virep 
 Trjs bcobeKaeTLus, § 43) ^. 
 
 § 2. I have already (p. 76) quoted from Euripides and 
 Lysias passages expressive of the idea that vj3pLs is the 
 result of wealth and prosperity. In Euripides we find only 
 a few passages where wealth is not spoken of in a disparaging 
 way. 
 
 In the Electra (426-429) wealth is praised as giving one 
 the means of benefiting friends and curing sickness : — 
 
 ev Tois ToiovToi'i 5' 7]i>LK ttv yvcopT] Tricri], 
 (TKOTTca TO. -y^prip-aO^ ws e^ei p.eya adevos, 
 ^evoLs re bovvai, aS)pd t e? vucrov ireabv 
 bairdvaLo-L aoocrai "^ 
 
 So, in Frag. 407, the poet says it is an ill thing that tlio 
 wealthy man should not be helpful : — 
 
 dpLOVcrta TOt pLr]b' eir' olnTpoLcnv bdKpv 
 a-rd^eiv' KaKov be, ■)(^pr]pdT(ov ovToyv dkis, 
 (lieiboi TTOvrjpa p.ribev ev iroielv fipoTcav. 
 
 There is a right kind of gain, — that which brings with it no 
 sorrow {Frag. 459) : — 
 
 Kepbr] ToiavTa xprj TLva KracrOai (Sporuiv, 
 e0' ottrt pieXXei. p.r\T:o&' va-repov aTeveiv^. 
 
 ^ See also Ad Demon. § 40 ; Epist. viii. § 5. "^ Cf. ibid. § 40. 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad loc. 
 
 * As Berlage points out (p. 172, note), Frag. 326 (cf. Cycl. 316) does not 
 express the true opinion of Euripides, and Frag. 142 is ironical. For the 
 power of wealth, and advantages which it brings, or is supposed to bring, 
 see Heracl. 745 ; Iph. Aul. 597 ; Andr, 332 ; Phoen. 438-440 ; Frag. 249, 324, 462, 
 580, 1017. 
 
86 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Those passages are numerous, on the other hand, where 
 wealth is despised \ Several of them may here be quoted. 
 The wealthy are covetous and useless {Swppl. 238-239) : — 
 
 TpeTs yap ttoKltwv /MeptSej* ol ^ev oA^tot 
 avuiipeXels re TT^eLovuiv t' ep&icr det. 
 
 Wealth is fleeting {He7\ Fur. 511-512} : — 
 
 o oApo? o ixeyas r] re 00^ ofK oto oro) 
 /3e^ato's eori ^. 
 
 The car of wealth is a black car [ibid. 780) : — 
 
 iOpavae 8' oA/3ou KeXaivbv app-a. 
 
 Wealth brings trouble, and is a mere name [Plioen. SS'^~ 
 
 554):— 
 
 77 TToAAd \xo)(6(:lv TToAA' e^wy ey bcopt-aai 
 
 ^ovkei ; TL 8' eort to TiAeoy ; woju.' e'xf t \x6vov' 
 
 eiret rd y apnovvd' 'iKava Tois ye awcppoaiv ^. 
 
 It causes cowardice (iiic?. 597) : — 
 
 beiXov b' 6 irXovros koI t^iXo'^vy^ov kukov *. 
 
 It may be acquired even by the vilest [Frag. 20) : — 
 
 fXTj ttXovtov et777ys* ov)(l OavpLa^oy debv 
 ov x^ KaKtoTos pah[(DS eKXTjcraro ^. 
 
 It is abiKov [Frag. 5^): — 
 
 abiKov 6 ttXovtos, iroWa 8' ovk. opdSts TTOiet. 
 It is (TKaiov {Frag. 96) : — 
 
 (TKaLov Ti \pripi.a -nXovTOs rj t arreipia ^. 
 
 There is a certain ^auAoVjjj in wealth [Frag. 641): — 
 
 TrXovTels, to. 8' dAAa ^t) 8oKei ^vvUvai' 
 kv Tw ydp okj3(^ (jiavKorrjs evearC tis, 
 TTevia 8e ao<^iav eXax^ 8td to avyyevis. 
 
 ' It is true that other Greek poets besides Euripides speak disparagingly of 
 wealth, but none before him so frequently or with such a deep hatred of it. 
 A more elaborate attack on wealth was afterwards made by Aristophanes in 
 the Plutus. 
 
 ^ Cf. El. 941 ; Phoen. 558 ; Frag. 354, 420, 518, 618. 
 
 ' Cf. Frag. 813. * Cf. Frag. 54, 235. 
 
 * Cf. Frag. 95. « Cf. Frag. 776, 1069. 
 
PUBLIC LIFE 87 
 
 Ill-gotten wealth yields a bitter harvest {Frag. 419) : — 
 
 ^ia vvv €\KeT o) kukoI rijuas jiporoi, 
 Kal KTaade i:\ovtov TtdvTodev drjpcafxevoL^ 
 crvixiiiKTa jxT] bcKata kql biKai 6[xov' 
 (TTeLT afxaade Twvbe bva-rrjvov depos ^. 
 
 Wealth is inferior to health (Frag. 714), to reputation (Frag. 
 405) 2, to good society {Frag. 7), to virtue {Frag. 163). 
 
 Poverty, again, is an evil thing {Phoen. 405) : — 
 
 KaKov TO [xi] \€iv' TO yevos ovk ijSocrKi /xe ^. 
 
 It is grievous {Her. Fur. 303-304) : — 
 
 aX\a Kai Tob^ aOKiov 
 TTevia avv OLKTpq Trept^aXelv (TOJTrjpCav. 
 
 The poor man is friendless {Med. 561): — 
 
 TT^VTJTa (p€Vy€L TTCLi TLS €KTToboi)V ^tAoS *. 
 
 Poverty destroys nobility {El. 37-38): — 
 
 AajuTTpol yap es yivos ye, \prip.6.Tcov 8e 8^ 
 
 iriv-qTis, evdev 7]vyev€i aTToWvTai. 
 Poverty has no shrine : it is Oeds alaxio-Tt] {Frag. 248) : — 
 
 OVK iaTL 7T€vias Upov al(j)(i(TTT]'i deov. 
 
 Frag. ^26 — kukos 8' 6 fxri \oiyv, ot 8' exoyre? ok^ioi — is ironical ^. 
 
 Ill-repute and infamy attend on poverty {Frag. 362, 11. 
 16-17): — 
 
 ev TO) TTevecrdat eaTLV i] r aoo^La 
 Khv 7/ ao(f)6s rt9, ij t aTip-ia jiLov. 
 
 But one may be noble though poor {El. '^6%-'^6'^) : — 
 
 Koi yap ei Tiivr]<i ecpvv, 
 ovTOL TO y y]Qo'i hvcry^vis T:api^op.ai ^. 
 
 ^ Cf. Ktl. 905. * Cf. Med. 542-544 ; Andr. 639-641. 
 
 3 Cf. Frag. 230. * Cf. El. 1131. 
 
 * See p. 85, note 4. 
 
 * For the respect of Euripides for the poor, and especially his conception 
 of the Autourgos in the Electra see Mahaffy, Social Greece, pp. 191-195 : 
 Decharme, Euripide, ttc, pp. 164-167. M. Decharme says (p. 167) : — * Ce poete 
 a Tarae si tendre est plein de pitie pour les pauvres gens.' 
 
88 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 And poverty has good effects (Frag. 54) : — 
 
 TTivia 8e h'va-rrivov [xev, dXA.' o/xco? Tpi(f)^i, 
 ixoxdelv T ajxeivai TiKva koX bpacrrripia ^. 
 
 Isocrates and Demosthenes are the orators in whom we find 
 most parallels to Euripides on this point, 
 
 Isocrates tells us that wealth is fleeting, wisdom abides (Ad 
 Demon. § 19) : — 
 
 rjyov Tiov aKova-ixdrcav iroWa ttoXXmv etvaL y^pr\iiaT<x)V KpeLTTOi' 
 TO. fji^v yap Taxi(tis a-noXemei, ra 8e TtavTa rbv \p6vov Trapa/xe'yef 
 aro({)La yap jxovov t&v KTrifxaroov aOavarov. 
 
 A good name is better than wealth ^. 
 Just poverty is better than unjust wealth (Ad Demon. 
 §§38-39): — 
 
 jxaWov dTroSe'xou btKaCav irevCav ^ ttXovtov abmov' k.t.X. ^. 
 
 Ill-gotten gain is dangerous (Nicocl. § 50) : — 
 
 Tov^ XprnxaTLcrixovs tovs irapa to hiKaiov yiyvofxivovs i]yel(rde /nrj 
 ttXovtov akka Kivhwov TroiTycreif. 
 
 He mentions, however, the power of wealth (Phil. § 15), and 
 the advantages in education which the wealthy enjoy (Areop. 
 § 45). But wealth is inferior to honour (Epist. vii. § i): — 
 
 €77610' oTL TTpoaip^'i ho^av KaXrjv KTrjaacrdai, [xaWov rj tt\ovtov 
 
 liiyav a-vvayayi.lv. 
 
 One of the evils of poverty is that it begets evil deeds 
 (Areo^). § 44) : — 
 
 .... etSoVes TOii airopias [xev 8td Ta.'i apyCai yiyvo^iivas, Tas 8e 
 KttKOvpyLas 8id rd? airopias. 
 
 Demosthenes declares that poverty is no disgrace, and wealth 
 no reason for pride (On the Crown, § 2^6) : — 
 
 eyo) yap ovt t'i rt? ir^viav TrpoTrrjXaKt^et vovv ^Xl^iv rjyovixat, ovt 
 ei TLS €V a(j)66voLS Tpacfi^LS €ttI tovtu) (Tep-vvveTai *. 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 641. * See passages quoted above, pp. 69-70. 
 
 3 Cf. De Pace, § 93. 
 
 * Cf. Demades (?), virip rijs SaideuaeTias, § 8 : — 77 irevia 5' icrojs Zvaxprjarov fiev 
 ex*t Tt Kal xaA.fTTui', «excu/3iffTa( S' alcrxvvjjs, us ai/ otnai ttjs drropias enl iroWuv ov 
 rponov KaKiav aKXa rvxrjs afvwiJ.oavvqv kKi'^xpvarfi. 
 
PUBLIC LIFE 89 
 
 Good fame is better than wealth {Le'pt. § 10} : — 
 
 ov yap d jxr] \priixaT OTroAAure jj-ovov o-KeiTTeov, aXA' el kol bo^av 
 Xprjo-Tiji', TTepl 7^? jxaWov (nTOvbd(€T€ i] TTepl x/3^iU.aTa)i; ^. 
 
 So, in the speech For Fhormio (§ 52), we have these words : — 
 
 .... TToAXwy xp-qixcLTcov to y^pria-rbv elvat XvcnT^XiaTepov (an. 
 
 Wealth is inferior to ysvos (ibid. § 30) : — 
 
 vp.lv p.€v yap, S» avbpe<i 'A^Tjratot, rot? yevei TToAtrats ovbe h' 
 TrXijdos \pr]p.aTu>v avrX tov yivov^ Kakov icmv kkicrOai ^. 
 
 § 3. In the opinion of Euripides, nobility of birth (ro 
 evyeves) was of more importance than wealth [Frag. 739): — 
 
 (f)ev (pev, TO (f)vvaL Trarpo? evyevovs airo 
 oo-qv e)(et (f)p6i>r]aLV a^icapa re. 
 Kav yap iiivqs o)V Tvyxo-vr], ^(pjjcrro? yeycas 
 TLpr]v e'xet tlv\ avap.eTpovp.ev as be ttco? 
 TO TOV TTaTpos yevvalov ox^eAet r/ooTTO) ^. 
 
 It is with the noble, not with the merely wealthy, that one 
 should marry and give in marriage [Andr. 1279-1283): — 
 
 KaT ov yap-elv brJT eK re yevvaicav xpecav, 
 bovvai T es eaOkovs, oaTts ev jSovkeveTai. ; 
 KttKMV be keKTpav p.r] ^TnOvp-tav ey^eiv^ 
 /XT]8' ei ^a-nkovTovs oXtreTai (pepvas b6p.ois' 
 ov yap TTOT av Ttpa^eiav en deStv KaKws*. 
 
 To evyeves has other advantages also [Ale. 601-603) : — 
 
 TO yap evyeves eK(f)epeTaL Trpos albw. 
 ev rots ayaOolcTL be tto-VT eveaTiv (ro(f)Cas. 
 
 It is a betvos xapaKTx^p KaiTLa-rjpios upon men (Hec. $79~3^^)' — 
 
 betvos xapaKT-t]p Ko.'nicrrip.os ev fipoTols 
 eadkijiv yeveadat, kcittI p.ei^ov epx^Tat 
 Ti]s evyeveias ovo\ia Tolaw a^ioLS^. 
 
 1 Cf. ibid. § 25. 
 
 * The right and the wrong use of wealth are contrasted in the speech 
 Against Midias, § 109, 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 1066. 
 
 * Cf. Frag. 232. 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad he. 
 
90 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 The gods hate not the noble [Hel. 1678): — 
 
 Tovs evyevels yap ov arvyovai baiixovei. 
 
 Nobility is a defence against misfortune (Heracl. 302-303) : — 
 
 TO hv(TTVx€s yap rjvyivei ap-vveTai 
 Trjs bvayeveCas jxakXov. 
 
 The ignoble man cannot hide his nature [Frag. 617) : — 
 
 ova ea-TLv av6pu)T:ot,(n tolovto ctkotos, 
 ov x^t^^ yaCas kXtjo-tov, ivda ttjv (pvaiv 
 6 bvayev^s Kpv\j/as av felr] aocpos. 
 
 But Euripides frequently declares that high or low birth 
 matters little \ All men are originally and naturally equal : 
 praise of noble birth is 'K^pKraop.vdov [Frag. 52) : — 
 
 TTepKraofJivdos 6 koyos, tvyiveiav et 
 
 jBpoTeiov ev\oyq(7op.ev. 
 
 TO yap Tiakai Ka\ irpSiTOV ot eyevopieOa, 
 
 bia 8' €KpLV€v a TeKovcra ya jBpoTovs, 
 
 6p.oCav x^oiv cLTTaaiv ^^^Traibevaev oxjnv. 
 
 'Ibiov ovbev ^aryojiiV p.ia be yova 
 
 TO T evyeves nac to bvayeves. 
 
 ' 'Tis only noble to be good' (Frag. 336): — 
 
 els 8' evyeveiav okty l')(co (f)pd(raL Kakd' 
 6 fxev ydp' iadkos evyevrjs e/xoty dv7]p, 
 6 8' ov SiKatos KCLV dp^cLvoi'os iraTpbs 
 Zrjvb? 7T€(()VKr], bvayein^s eii^at 80/cet^. 
 
 In one place (Frag. 22) Euripides says that nobility depends 
 only on wealth. But this is spoken with bitter irony : — 
 
 Tr}V 8' evyiveiav TTpbs 6e(ov [xri p.oL keyC 
 iv \pr\p.a(TLv ro8' fOTi, piri yavpov, Trarep* 
 KVKkio yap epmi Ta> juev eav , o ova e}(et 
 KoivoicTL 8' avTols )(pa)/xe0'' a* 8 av kv b6p.0LS 
 ■yjpovov arvvoLKrj TrkelcTTov, ovtos evyev^j ^. 
 
 ' M. Decharme says {Euripide, &c., p. 162): — 'Euripide prend resolument 
 parti pour les seconds {Svajfvtis) centre les premiers {(vyevus).' 
 2 Cf. El. 383-385; Frag. 53, 377. 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 9. 
 
PUBLIC LIFE 91 
 
 There is no criterion of nobility [El. 550-551): — 
 
 aAA' €vy€V€ls fxiv, ev he Kt/38/yA&) robe. 
 TToXkol yap ovres evyevcXs elcriv kukol^. 
 
 It is destroyed by poverty {ibid. 37-38): — 
 
 XanTTpol yap is yivos ye, xprjixaTcav be bri 
 7Tevr]T€9, evdev rjvyevet airoWvTat.. 
 
 There are in the Orators only one or two passages bearing 
 on this question. Isocrates says that virtue is of more 
 advantage than noble birth [Ad Demon. § 7): — • 
 
 f} be TTJs apeTrjs KTrjcrts ols av aKt/38r/Aa)s rals btavoias avvav- 
 ^9f}, fiovr] iJLev (rvyyr]pd(XKei, ttXovtov be KpeiTTcov, xpr]aLp.<jdTepa 
 8' evyeveias ear!., k.t.K. 
 
 But nobility is never lost (Hel. § 44) : — 
 
 i]TTL(rTaTO yap ras p-ev aWwi evrvx^a^ ra)(ecos p,eTainTTTov(ras, Trjv 
 8' evyeveiav aei tois avrois TTapapevovaav, k.t.A. 
 
 Isaeus implies that avbpayaOia is more deserving of honour 
 than yevos (v. § 47): — 
 
 en be 6 'Aptoroyeircoy eKetvos koI ^App-obios ov bta to yevos 
 eTLpr]6i]crav dAAa bta ttjv avbpayaOiav, rjs aol ovbev p-erecrTtv, w 
 AtKatoyeyes^. 
 
 Berlage (pp. 173-174) points out that Euripides was not 
 the first Greek writer to maintain that noble birth is inferior 
 to mental endowment. Democritus, Epicharmus, and Sophocles 
 had all made this observation. The words of Euripides, 
 Frag. 53 (see p. 90), are recalled by those of Sophocles, 
 Frag. 532 (Nauck) : — 
 
 ev (pvXov avOpioTTOiv pi ebet^e irarpos 
 Kal p,aTpbs rjpa^ apepa tovs iravTas' ovbels 
 e^o^os aWos e^Xaa-rev aXkov. 
 l36aKet be tovs pev polpa bvaapeptas, 
 
 TOVS 8' oXj3os rjp.5>v, tovs be bovXeCas <-> 
 
 — ^ Kj — ^vybv ea-\ avayKas. 
 
 ' Cf. ibid. 367 ff. ; Hec. 592-598 (with Paley's notes). 
 
 * Cf. Demosthenes, For Phormio, § 30 (quoted above, p. 89). 
 
92 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 But the sophist Lj^cophron alone had said plainly that the 
 advantage of nobility was in appearance only, and that in 
 reality there was no difference between gentle and simple \ — 
 a conclusion to which he may have come by applying the 
 sophistic doctrine concerning voixos and (pva-Ls'-. Berlage 
 admits that Euripides also may have reasoned from this 
 doctrine, but is of opinion that his views are rather to be 
 ascribed to the social and political changes which had occurred 
 in Athens. In the early history of a state, the noble are 
 the wealthy, and the noble and wealthy are really the best 
 men in the state. This is true of the early history of Athens. 
 But, with the defeat of the Persians and the steady growth 
 of democracy, a change came. It was not, perhaps, so ap- 
 parent in the generation which actually drove back the 
 Persian invaders. But it was apparent in the next generation. 
 A youth who had not known the hardships of their fathers, 
 and had become accustomed to the idea of oriental softness 
 and luxury, gradually became more haughty, dissipated, 
 effeminate. On the other hand the common people had done 
 their part in the wars, and had proved themselves in no 
 way inferior to the rest of the citizens. The numbers, wealth 
 and importance of the vuvtikos ox>^os had steadily increased, 
 and they could no longer be disregarded. Men began to 
 see that the wealthy and highborn were not always the 
 ablest men, and that it was not just that all the honours 
 should go to them. Hence the idea arose that the position 
 of the highborn — which originally had rested upon a certain 
 natural difference — was unjustifiable; that wealth and rank 
 and noble birth, by which men were now distinguished, were 
 nothing ; that all men were originally equal ; and that the 
 only superiority which one man could possess over another 
 was the superiority of body or of mind. 
 
 § 4. The most interesting question here is, whether this 
 
 * Berlage (p. 174) quotes from Pseudo-Plut. de nohilit. 18. 2: — Iikivo^ yap 
 (sc. Lycophron) dvTnrapa^dXXajv trtpots dfaOoi? avTrjV, evyevuas fi^v ovv, (p-qaiv, 
 dipavii t6 kAWos, ev \6yw 5e to ae/xvoi', wf vpo^ Su^av ovaav rfjv a'ip«xtv aires' 
 Kard 5' dXrjdeiav ovSiv Sia<pepovTas tovs dyevus tuiv (vyn'Siv. 
 
 ^ See Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosophy, ii. p. 477 (English Translation). 
 
PUBLIC LIFE 93 
 
 idea of the equality of all men — this distinction between 
 voyLos and 0vo-ts — was carried to its logical limits, and whether 
 it was held to apply to the slaves who, numerically, formed 
 so large a proportion of the Athenian state, though politically 
 they were mere ciphers. 
 
 Slaves, generally, were in evil repute with the ancients. 
 Homer says that slavery takes away half a man's virtue 
 {Od. xvii. 332-333): — 
 
 rjixiav yap t aperrjs aTToaCvvTai evpvoTra Zei/j 
 avepos, evT av jxlv Kara bovX.LOV rip.ap eXrja-iv. 
 
 This, the ordinary view, is what we find frequently in the 
 Orators. Lysias says they are evilly-disposed to their masters 
 (vii. §35):— 
 
 . . . Tvepl be tZv b€a-noTQ>v, 0T9 Tre^uxacn KaKovovcTTOToi . . . 
 
 It is a reproach to be hovXo? koL ex hovXoiv (xiii. §§ 18, 64). 
 
 Demosthenes tells us that to the Greeks of a former age 
 freedom was the opos and kuvuiv of all good {On the Crotun, 
 § 296):— 
 
 . . . TTjV 8' (\ev6epLav kol to jxrjbiv Ixeiy becnroTrjv avro^v, h 
 TOis irporipoLs "EiWrjatv opoi t5>v ayaOwv ^](rav Kat Kavoves, avare- 
 TpocpoTes. 
 
 In one place (Lept. § 131) he has the combination bovXoL /cat 
 juaoTtytat. 
 
 In the speech Against TiTnocrates (§ 124) there is an in- 
 teresting comparison drawn between rhetors and depraved 
 and thankless slaves : — 
 
 etra 'npoT:'r]KaKi^ov(riv vp.as Ibia rots Aoyot?, w? avToi KaXoX 
 KayadoL, 'novrjpG>v Kal ay^apicTTOiv oIk(.tS)V Tpoirovs exoire?. Kol 
 yap iKeCvoiv, aj avbpes biKaaTai, ocroi av ^Xevdepot. yivMvrai,, ov rrjs 
 eAeu^e/jtas yapiv exoucri rots 8e<r7rorats, akXa p.icrovaL p.a\i(rTa 
 TTavTMV avOpcaiToiv, on (Twiaacnv avTois bovXevcracnv. ovtu> brj 
 Kal ovTot ot prjTopes ovk ayaitoia-LV ck irevriToyv 'nXovai.oL airo t^s 
 ■TToAea)? yiyvofxevoL, aXXa Kal Trpou-qXaKL^ovat to ttXtjOos, otl crvvoibev 
 avT(av kKacTTOLs TO. ev TT] TTevCo. Kal veoTTjTL iT:LTr)bevixaTa. 
 
 A freeman could not be tortured in giving evidence, a slave 
 
94 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 might [Aphohus, § 39) : — 8to7rep tov? 6fxoKoyovfx4v(i)s bovXovs 
 irapajSas top kkevOepov rj^Cov ^an-aviC^iv, ov 01/8' oariov TTapahovvat ^. 
 Slaves had, however, a right to a trial in murder cases 
 (Antiphon, Trepi tov 'HpwSou (f)6vov, § 48) : — 
 
 KaLTOi ovbe ol tovs bea-noras airoKTeivavres, eav €7T avTocpcopc^ 
 Xr](j)du>(TLV, oiS' ovTOL aTToOvfjo-KOvaLv VTT avTcav T&v TTpoa-rjKovroiv, 
 a\Xa Ttapabiboacnv avrov^ tTj apxf] Kara vop-ovi vp,€T€povs Trarpiovs. 
 K.T.X. 2. 
 
 At Athens, as we learn from Isocrates and Demosthenes, 
 slaves were treated with great kindness. It was perhaps 
 due to this fact, and to their presuming on the indulgence 
 shown them, that they frequently exhibited such impudence 
 as they did. Specimens of this impudence are numerous in 
 Aristophanes; and, though they are doubtless exaggerated, 
 doubtless also they contain some truth. 
 
 Isocrates tells us that the Athenians treated their slaves 
 better than the Spartans did their freemen [Panegyr. § 123): — 
 
 ovbeXs yap r}p.G)V oi/rcoj aiKi^iTai tovs olKiras ws eKelvoL tovs 
 ckevOepovs KoXdCovacv ^. 
 
 And from Demosthenes we learn that the law relating to 
 i5/3pi? protected slaves no less than freemen (Agst Midias, 
 
 §§ 47-50)- 
 
 But in the Orators there is not, so far as I can find, 
 
 a single passage which so much as suggests that the slave 
 
 is the equal of the freeman, or that slavery is in opposition 
 
 to natural right. 
 
 Let us see what Euripides has to say on the subject. 
 As we might expect, there is much both of blame and of 
 praise. 
 
 Not all slaves are loyal to their masters {Ale. 2 10-2 11): — 
 
 ov yap TL TTCLVTes ev (fipovovaL KOtpavoLS, 
 uiaT €V KaKolcTLV evixivelis irapecrTdvat. 
 
 ^ Cf. Agst. Timocrates, § 167. 
 
 ^ Cf. (with Paley's note) Euripides, Hecuba, 291-292 : — 
 
 vo^ios S' (V vjuv roLs t' e\(v6(pots iaos 
 
 Kal roiai 5ovA.oiy a'iixaros Ketrat irepi, 
 ' See Mahaffy, Euripides, p. 9 ; Old Greek Life, p. 40 : Fowler, The City-State of 
 the Greeks and Romans, p. 179. 
 
PUBLIC LIFE 95 
 
 To hovKov is always KaKov [Hec. SS'^--^^^): — 
 alal' TO bovXov cos KaKov iri^VK ad, 
 ToXjxq 9^ h 1X7] XP^'h "^V ^^^ Kparovixivov ^. 
 
 Slaves are friendly to the strongest [El. 6^2-6;^^) : — 
 
 OP. TjixLV b' av etev, el Kparoifjiev, eifxevels ; 
 nP. ho'vXodv yap 'ihiov tovto, (tol 8e a-ufxtpopov. 
 
 Their god is their belly (Frag. 49) : — 
 
 i]key\ov' ovTdi yap KaKOV hovKov yivos' 
 ya(TTr]p a-KavTa, Tovixicroi 8' ovhev (rKOixel. 
 
 A slave with too high thoughts is a grievous burden (Frag. 
 48):- 
 
 . . . hovXov (ppovovvTos fxaWov 77 (fypovelv xpeo)V 
 
 ovK ecTTLV a^Oos jxeiCov ovbe 8cojuao-ty 
 
 KTrja-is KaKLUiV oiS' av(a(pek€(TTepa. 
 
 He is a fool who trusts a slave (Frag. 86) : — 
 
 ocrrt? 8e bovXu) (fxoTi TncrreveL (BpoToiv, 
 TTokXr]V Trap i]}uv fxcopiav 6(f)Xia-Kdvei. 
 
 Death with freedom is better than life with slavery (Frag. 
 
 245):— 
 
 kv bi crot p.6vov TTpocpcava, ixrj cttI bovXeiav irore 
 
 Ccav cKwy eX6r]s, irapov aol Kardavelv iXevdepco. 
 
 But there are good slaves, who are concerned at their 
 masters' woes (Ale. 813): — 
 
 XaCpcov t^'" rjixiv bea-TTOT&v jxeXei KaKo. ^. 
 
 Their only disgrace is their name (Ion, 854-856) : — • 
 
 €V yap TL Tols bovXoLdLV ala-xvvrjv <pipeL, 
 Tovvojxa' TO, 8 aXXa -navra TUiv iXevdepcov 
 ovbeis KaKLcov bovXos, oaTLS icrdXos y ^^ 
 
 ^ For various renderings of this passage see Paley's note ad loc. Cf. 
 Frag. 217. 
 
 * Cf. Medea, 54-55 :— 
 
 XprjaTotai 5ovA.0(s ^v^KpopcL to. Sfairoraiv 
 KaKuis mrvovra aal (ppivuiv avOairTirai. 
 See also ibid. 1138; Hel. 1641 ; Bacch. 1028 ; Frag. 85. 
 3 Cf. Frag. 511. 
 
96 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 The messenger in the Helena prays that he may be in the 
 number of good slaves, and that his mind may be free if 
 his name is not [Hel. 726-733): — 
 
 KttKos yap ooTis fxr} aelSei to. becnroTodV 
 
 Kol ^vyyiyqOi koI ^vvo)biv€L Ka/cot?. 
 
 eyo) fxev eh]v, kci 7re'0u)(' ojuco? Aarpiy, 
 
 ev Totcrt ytwaioLcnv rjf)L9[xr]ij.evos 
 
 bovXoLcn, Tovvo[x ovk €\oiv kXevdepov, 
 
 Tov vovv hi. Kpelcraov yap ro8' r) bvolv KaKoZv 
 
 kv ovra y^prjcrOaL, tols (ppevas t e'xety koko? 
 
 aXXoov T oiKOveLV bov\ov ovra tG)v ■vreAas. 
 
 A similar idea we find in Frag. 831 : — 
 
 TToAXoicrt ho'vXois tovvojx alcry^pov, rj be (f)priv 
 Toiv ov)(\ bovXuiv i(TT ekevdepoiTepa. 
 
 In no Greek author do we find the case of the slave so 
 often and so ably pleaded as we do in Euripides ^. In this, 
 as in much else, he has a great deal more of the modern 
 mind than his contemporaries or his immediate successors. 
 Yet even Euripides nowhere says clearly and plainly that 
 slavery violates nature, — unless indeed he means to extend to 
 slaves the idea expressed in Frag. 52 (quoted above, p. 90}. 
 Alcidamas, a pupil of Gorgias, declared that by nature all 
 men were born free. Aristotle, too, in one or two passages 
 (e.g. Ethics, viii. 11. 7) would draw a distinction between 
 the slave as slave and the slave as man. But this, though 
 he does not seem to see it, is inconsistent with his whole 
 position in regard to slavery ^. And Aristotle's position was 
 that of ancient Greece ^. 
 
 ^ Cf. Decharme, Euripide, d-c , pp. 168-171 : Mahaffy, Social Life in Greece, 
 pp. 188-191 : Paley, Euripides, i. Preface, xiii-xiv, and note on Andr. 56 : 
 Jerram, notes on Hel. 728 ; Ale. 194. 
 
 2 Aristotle had no high opinion of the character of slaves. See Poetics, 
 
 1454 a. 
 
 ^ Cf. Mahaffy, Euripides, p. 9 ; Greek Antiquities, pp. 39, 58. See also, for some 
 account of slavery at Athens, Becker, Charicles, Excursus on Scene vii : Abbott, 
 Pericles and the Golden Age of Athens, pp. 342-344 : and, for the growth of 
 humanity, Campbell, Greek Tragedy, p. 250. 
 
CHAPTER yill 
 
 POLITICS : ABSTENTION FROM PUBLIC LIFE — PATRIOTISM 
 — EXILE — GREEKS AND BARBARIANS — ATHENS AND 
 
 SPARTA — TYRANNY, OLIGARCHY, AND DEMOCRACY 
 
 DEMAGOGUES — COSMOPOLITANISM. 
 
 It would be superfluous in this place to trace the history 
 of Greece from the Persian Wars to the victory of Philip, 
 and to show how Athens gradually reached the summit of 
 her power under Pericles; how that power began to decline 
 about the time of Pericles' death, and received its downfall 
 at Aegospotami ^ ; how Sparta succeeded Athens, and Thebes 
 Sparta; how Greek disunion became a disease past remedy, 
 and how Greek liberty was finally crushed at Chaeronea^. 
 
 * For the social and political decay of Athens, — the effect of the loss of 
 Pericles, of the great plague, of the war, &c. see Abbott, Pericles, Ac, 
 pp. 235-236, 351-354. The effects of the plague are of more importance, 
 I think, than is sometimes assigned to them by historians. It was un- 
 doubtedly one of the causes which gave Athens her first great impulse on 
 her downward career. The careful calculations of Pericles were overturned ; 
 the people were disheartened and their strength reduced ; worst of all, there 
 were sown those seeds of moral and social disorder which were afterwards to 
 yield so bitter a fruit. If the physical disease was bad, infinitely worse was 
 the moral disease which it engendered. The plague shook the material 
 power of Athens more than Sparta had yet been able to do, but it did more : 
 it introduced evils which would make Sparta's work easier in time to come. 
 There was neither fear of the gods nor regard for men : the sensual pleasures 
 of the moment were all that was craved. See Thuc. ii. 53 : Lloyd, Age of 
 Pericles, ii. pp. 400-401. Grote (c. Ixvii) denies any such moral (or political) 
 corruption, but his account, as it seems to me, is exaggerated and one-sided. 
 For the evil effects of internal araais as one of the causes of the decay of the 
 city-state see Fowler, The City-State of the Greeks and Romans, c. ix : Thuc. iii. 
 82-83. 
 
 ^ i. e. Liberty or political freedom in the old Greek sense : see Jebb, Attic 
 
 H 
 
98 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 If the external condition of things was bad, the internal was 
 no better. During the period of disintegration which began 
 with the Peloponnesian War, the severance of each state 
 from its neighbours and from the whole national life of 
 Greece was reflected in the severance of the individual from 
 the particular state of which he was a member. Formerly 
 the individual had hardly viewed himself as apart from the 
 state, but now private needs and private interests assumed 
 an ever increasing importance ^. This movement is best seen 
 in the case of Athens. There was a great fall from Pericles 
 to Cleon and Hyperbolus, and a still greater fall to the 
 demagogue of the fourth century B.C. as painted for us by 
 the Orators. Politics had fallen into disrepute, and many 
 of the noblest citizens held aloof from public life. The 
 government thus fell into inferior hands. The people be- 
 came distrustful of themselves, and political leaders were 
 everything. The citizens could not bring themselves to 
 undergo personal hardship and personal service for the good 
 of the state : they preferred to be amused, and to leave the 
 fighting to mercenaries. In the earlier history of Greece the 
 political and military departments had been united ; and 
 much of the splendour of that earlier history is no doubt 
 due to this fact. But later came specialisation ; and, though 
 one might now find men who were better generals and 
 men who were better speakers, there were not to be found 
 
 Orators, ii. p. 23. And cf. Coulanges, La Cite Antique, pp. 265-269 (Livre III. 
 c. xviii. — Be V omnipotence de I'Etat; les anciens n'ont pas connu la liberie in- 
 dividuelle) : — ' Dans une societe etablie sur de tels pi'incipes, la liberte in- 
 dividuelle ne pouvait pas exister. ... II n'y avait rien dans rhomme qui fut 
 independant. . . . Les anciens ne connaissaient ni la liberte de la vie j^rivee, 
 ni la liberte de I'education, ni la liberte religieuse. ... La funeste maxime 
 que le salut de I'Etat est la loi supreme, a et6 formulee par I'antiquite. On 
 pensait que le droit, la justice, la morale, tout devait ceder devant I'interet 
 de la patrie. . . . Le gouvernement s'appela tour a tour monarchie, aristocratie, 
 d^mocratie ; mais aucune de ces revolutions ne donna aux hommes la vraie 
 liberte, la liberte individuelle. Avoir des droits politiques, voter, nonimer 
 des magistrats, pouvoir etre archonte, voila ce qu'on appelait la liberte ; mais 
 I'homme n'en etait pas moins asservi a I'Etat. Les anciens, et surtout les 
 Grecs, s'exagerferent toujours I'importance et les droits de la societe.' 
 
 * The great peril of Hellas was the selfish blindness of political leaders. 
 See Lloyd, Age of Pericles, ii. c. xli, and c. Ixiv (p. 401). 
 
POLITICS 99 
 
 better statesmen who were at once generals and speakers ^ 
 The view of public affairs was narrower, and the government 
 in consequence became worse. The political and military 
 as well as the moral character of the people had become 
 degraded ^. 
 
 To the political life of his time Euripides did not stand 
 in any very close relation. In him the Greek idea that every 
 citizen should be a politician was not realised. He lived the 
 retired life of a student ^, and cultivated no companionship 
 so sedulously as that of books, of which his collection was 
 famous in Athens. Yet, though he never played an active 
 part in politics, he was by no means indifferent to public 
 
 ^ See Macaulay, On the Athenian Oratms : Jebb, Attic Orators, ii. pp. 371-372, 
 * See Butcher, Demosthenes, c. i : Jebb, Attic Orators, ii. pp. 14-17 : Kennedy's 
 Translation of Demosthenes, Agst. Timocrates, &c., Appendix X {The Empire of 
 Athens). 
 
 ^ See Decharme, Euripide, &c., p. 9 (' C'etait un mdlancolique, un m^ditatif 
 passionne pour la solitude. . . , Ce solitaire dedaigneux de la vie active,' &c.) : 
 Lloyd, Age of Pericles, ii. c. Ixii : Aristoph. Frogs, 1498. Cf. also Ale. 962 S., 
 where Euripides seems to speak of his own literary researches (see Paley's 
 note ad loc.) : — 
 
 ifui Kal Sia fiovaas 
 KoX fjiiTdpcFioi y^a, ical 
 TrXeiffToiv aipa.fj.evos \6yajv 
 Kpiiaaov oiidky dvayKas 
 
 TjVpOV, K.T.\. 
 
 But Euripides saw that he that increaseth knowledge inci'easeth sorrow 
 (jEZ. 295-296) :— oi) yap ov5' d^rjixiov 
 
 yvdipr/v fveivai tois ao<poTs Kiav aoipTjv. 
 
 And there is the passage in the Medea (295-305), where Euripides seems to 
 have his own case in view : — 
 
 Xpf) S' ovnod' offTti dpricppajv 7r4<pvK' dvr]p 
 
 iraiSas vepiaaais eKSiSdaKeaOai <jo(povs' 
 
 Xopls yap dWr/s ^s exovffiv dpyias 
 
 (p96vov irpos darSiv dKcpdvovai Svfffxev^. 
 
 GKaioiai pLiv yap Kaivd irpoacpipcuv ao(pd, 
 
 Sonets dxpit^os KOI) (Tocpos ne<pvnevat' 
 
 rwv 5' av boKovvTOJV fiSivai ti voik'iKov 
 
 Kpiiaawv vofiiaSels \vnp6s Iv noXei (pauei. 
 
 fyoj 5k Kavrr) TTjaSf icoivaivu) Tvxfis. 
 
 <TO(pr) yap ovaa toTs p.(v tip.' eni<p6ovos, 
 
 [tois 5' ^avxaia, tols S^ Oartpov t^ottov,] 
 
 ToTs 5' av TTpoadvTTjs' dpi 5' ovk dyav ao<prj. 
 For a passage on the cultivation of the Muses see Her. Fur. 673 ff. 
 
 H 3 
 
lOo EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 interest^. The Medea, for example, exhibited in 431 P.O., 
 has a distinct bearing on the relations of Athens to Corinth 
 and Megara. Nor was Euripides the only prominent Athenian 
 citizen who sinned — if sin it was — by thus withdrawing 
 from public life. Anaxagoras had set the example: it was 
 followed by Socrates ^ Plato, Aristotle, Isocrates, and others. 
 
 In the Antiopa the rival advantages of a life of publicity 
 and a life of retirement are put forward by Zethus and 
 Amphion. There can be little doubt that, in the person of 
 Amphion, Euripides is pleading his own cause. Zethus is 
 the mouthpiece of orthodox opinion. The fragment is thus 
 restored by Nauck (185): — 
 
 .... djueAeis Siv \a-i (fipovTiC^tv e)(p7^f'] 
 
 ^vx^s (f)vcnv l^yap] cSSe yevvaiav [Aax^oi^] 
 yvvaLKOiJLLix(o StaTTpeTrets iJiOp(f)u>ixaTi, 
 .... KOVT av aa-nibos Kvrei 
 ^Ka\u)Sj o/xiAT/o-etas, ovr' aWcov VTi^p 
 veaviKov (SovKevfxa /3ouAevcrato [rt] ^. 
 
 With the arguments of Zethus we may compare Sup2d. 
 881-887, — lines in which the active duties of a citizen are set 
 forth, and Euripides accuses his own mode of life : — 
 
 6 b av TpLTOS TUlvb' iTTTTOfXebcOV TOLOab e0u* 
 
 "nals U)V kT6\]xr](j gvOvs ov irpos rjbovas 
 IxovaOiv TpairecrOaL, irpos to p.aX6aKdv jSCov, 
 aypovs be vaioiv, crKkrjpa rfj (pvaei bibovs 
 i)(^aipe Trpos Tavbpuov, es t aypas Icav 
 ITTTTOLS T€ \aip(av To^a T ivTeivcov X€poZv 
 iroXei Ttapaayelv awp-a 'xp-!](T[,]iov de'Xwi' *. 
 
 ' For an excellent discussion on the relation of many of the dramas of 
 Euripides to the political events of the time at which they were written see 
 Wilamowitz-M., Ilrrakks, Einleitung, pp. 13-15. See also Decharme, Euripide, 
 d-c, pp. 172-206 : Lloyd, Age of Pe)- ides, ii. c. Ixii (the play with which he deals 
 specially being the Medea) : Jerram's Herad. lutrod. pp. 4-5 : Beck's Ilerad. 
 Introd. p. xi : Mahaffy, Hist, of Gr. Lit. (1883) I. p. 341. For a special treat- 
 ment of the Herad. and SuppL as * drames de circonstance ' see Decharme, 
 Euripide, <{-c., pp. 191-204. 
 
 * Cf. Plato, Apol. 23 B : — koi vno Tavrrjs rrji affxc^ias ovre ri rwv t^j iroXfUi 
 iTpa^ai fioi <t\o\t) fi^oviv d^iov \6yov ovre twv ol/telcuv. 
 
 ^ See the fragment in Plato, Gorg. 485 E, and the whole speech of Callicles 
 in that passage. * Cf. Frag. 512. 
 
POLITICS loi 
 
 It is the quiet, retired life, however, that is the life of the 
 good and wise [Ion, 598-601): — 
 
 o(Toi h\ \priaTol bwdixevoC t ilvai tro^ot 
 (nyOxTi Kov cnT(.TL)hovcnv is to. TrpdyixaTa, 
 yeXcar kv avToXs {xcopiav re XT]\lfop,aL 
 ovx r}(rv\a^(x)v ev TTo'Aet (j)6(3ov TrAea. 
 
 {Ibid. 634) : — 
 
 Tr]v ^tXrarrjy p.ev irpcoTov avdpairots a-^okr^v. 
 
 And we may again quote the famous lines {Frag. 910): — 
 
 6\j3ios o(TTis Tr\s la-TopCas 
 
 €a-)(€ ixdOrjcTLV, 
 
 pL-qTS TtokLTwv iirl TT'qp.oa-vvqv 
 
 jx-qT ds dbiKovs Trpd^et? 6pfx5iv, 
 
 dAA' dQavdrov KaOopatv (pvaecos 
 
 Koa-pov dyrjpcav, tttJ re (TWicmf] 
 
 Kai onj] Kol ottcos. 
 
 Tols 8e ToiovTois ovbiiTOT al(Tyj)5iv 
 
 €pyoi}v pL€\ebrip.a irpoa-i^cL. 
 
 The busybody is a fool (Frag. 193) : — 
 
 ocrrt? 8e Trpdcra-ei. TroAAa /X7j irpaacreiv irapov, 
 /mwpos, irapbv Cvv rjbicas airpdypova ^. 
 
 He who is busiest makes most mistakes (Frag. ^'j6) : — 
 
 6 TrAeitrra TTpda(ro)v ttXho-O aixapravei fBpoT&v. 
 
 The ideal life, to Euripides' way of thinking, is that of the 
 avTovpyos described in the Orestes (917-922): — 
 
 aAAos 8' dvaa-rds eAeye rwS' kvavTia, 
 lxop<^r} pL€v ovK evMTTos, dvbpuos 8' dvrip, 
 oAiyaKt? darv Kayopas XpaivMV kvkKov, 
 avTOvpyos, otirep koX p.6voi a-ut^ovat yrjv, 
 ^vveros 8e yjMpdv 6p,6(re rots Aoyot? O^Kcav, 
 aK^paios, dveTTikTjTTTOv ricTKrjKcas (Slop ^. 
 
 1 Cf. Hlijp. 785 ; Frag. 787, 788. 
 
 ' Euripides was friendly to the agricultural interest : see Paley's note 
 ad loc. Isaeus says that a good life is the best Keirovpyia (Frag. 30) : — ^yovfxai 
 fj.eyiaTi]v (tvai twv Kenovp-fiwv ruv xaQ' xjixipav fiiov KSfffxiov ical awippova ffape'xf '• 
 
102 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 During the Peloponnesian war, when Athens was a prey to 
 civil strife, and when selfish interests were so large a factor 
 in the motives of her leaders, it was little wonder that 
 a man like Euripides, whose natural bent was not towards 
 action, but towards thought and study, should have preferred 
 to leave politics alone. 
 
 Not on this account, however, are we to think that Euripides 
 cared nothing for his country. Again and again we meet 
 with the thought that nothing is dearer than one's native 
 land, nothing more wretched than exile. 
 
 It is only in one's native land that one can live a life of 
 happiness and joy [Ale. 168-169): — 
 
 .... dAA' ivhai\xovas 
 Iv yr\ TTaTp(^a repTtvov eKirXfjaai. ^iov. 
 
 One must love one's country (Phoen. 358-359): — 
 
 dAX' avayKatoos e^et 
 TiaTpibos kpav airavras. 
 
 Nothing else is so dear to mortals {Ihid. 406) : — 
 
 77 Trarpt?, ws €olk€, ^iXraTOV (BpoTois ^. 
 
 It is an impious thing to invade one's country (ihid. 433- 
 
 434):— 
 
 €ttI yap TTjy e/i^v crrpaTevoiJiat 
 
 TToXiv. 6eovs 8' irrdp-oa ws aKovcricos' 
 
 701? (faXTaTOLS TOKevatv ripdpL-qv bopv ^. 
 
 It is a glorious thing to die for one's country (Tro. 386- 
 
 3«7):- 
 
 TpcSe? 8e irpGiTOV piiv, to Kakkiarov Kkios, 
 
 virep TTCLTpas edvrja-Kov ^. 
 
 » Cf. Frag. 6, 817. 
 
 ^ Cf. ibid. 994-996. 
 
 ^ Cf. ibid. 1168-1170; Phoen. 997 ff. For the feeling for country cf. also 
 Med. 35; Tro. 375, 378, 386, 389, 458, 599, 1275 ff., 1302, 1311, 1316, 1331 ; 
 Frag. 347, 360 (11. 5-8), 729. For the religious side of this patriotism see 
 Coulanges, La Cite Antique, p. 234 : — ' L' amour de la patrie, c'est la ■pi6t6 des 
 anciens.' The whole chapter is interesting (Livre III. c. xiii. — le Pairiotisme; 
 L'Exil). 
 
POLITICS 103 
 
 Exile brings many evils in its train {Med. 461-463): — 
 
 KaKa ^vv avrfi. 
 
 A life of exile is a bitter life (Hipp. 1048-1049) : — 
 
 dAA' €K TTaTp(aas (f)vyas aXrjTevoov x.^ovds 
 ^€vr]v ctt' alav XvTTpov avrXija-eis (3lov ^. 
 
 It is the last and worst of Hecuba's miseries {Tro. 1273- 
 
 1374):— 
 
 dl 'yo) rdXaiva' tovto 6tj to Xoiadtov 
 KOL Tepixa TTOLVTCtiV TOiV €fx(av ijbr] KaKUiv' 
 e^etjut iraTpihos, ttoKls v(f)dirTeTai, irvpl. 
 
 There is no woe like exile (El. 1314-1315) : — 
 
 Kol tCv€S aWaL (TTovaxol p^ei^ovs 
 ri yTjs iraTpCas opov iKkeLTretv ; 
 
 Some of the evils of exile are described in the Phoen. (388- 
 
 397):— 
 
 10. TL TO aTepeadai Trarpt'So? ; rj KaKov fxiya ; 
 no. jxiyLCTTOv' ^py(^ 8' ecrrt p-il^ov 7) Xoyco. 
 
 10. Tis 6 rpoTTOS avTov ; tL ^vydcriv to hva^epi'i ; 
 no. kv fxev [liyicTTOv, ovk e^et "napp^aiav. 
 
 10. hovXov Tob' eiTraj, fxr] Xiyav a tls (f)pove'i. 
 no. tus tS>v KpaTovvTU)V dpiaObai (pepeiv ^p^div. 
 
 10. Kai TOVTO XvTipov, ^vpacrocpilv rot? fxr] cro(f)ols. 
 no. dXk' is TO Kepbos Trapd (pvcnv bovXevTiov. 
 
 10. al b iXTTibes ^oa-Kovcn (f)vydbas, &>? Xoyos, 
 no. /caAots (BXeTTOvai y op-pLacnv, jaeAAoucri bi^. 
 
 1 Cf. Ibid. 897-898. 
 
 ^ For other passages bearing on the misery of exile see Med. 34, 643 ; Hec. 
 480, 913; Tro. 375-378; Hel. 273-275; EL 236, 352; Bacch. 1350, I353-I355. 
 1382 ; Phoen. 369-370, 378, 417-418, 1621, 1710, 1723. Cf. also Plato, Crito, 
 52 C : and see Coulanges, La Cite Antique, pp. 234-236: — 'II fallait que la 
 possession de la patrie fut bien precieuse ; car ies anciens n'imaginaient 
 guere de chatiment plus cruel d'en priver I'liomme. La punition ordinaire 
 des grands crimes etait I'exil. ... II contenait ce que Ies modernes ont appele 
 rexcommunication. . . . L'exil mettait un homme hors de la religion. ... II 
 n'ost pas surprenant que Ies republiques anciennes aient presque toujours 
 permis au coupable d'echapper a la mort par la fuite. L'exil ne semblait pas 
 un supplice plus doux que la mort.' 
 
I04 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Passages abound in which Euripides asserts that the Greek 
 is superior to the Barbarian ^. 
 
 In Greece justice and law are observed : with the bar- 
 barian might is right [Med. 536-538): — 
 
 irpoiTov iikv *EXAa8' avrl ^apjSdpov x^ovos 
 yaiav KarotKels, Koi 8t'/c7jy kTtiaTaaai 
 v6[X0LS re -y^pricrdai, pL-q irpos iarxvos \dpiv. 
 
 We have a picture of barbarian lawlessness and outrage in 
 Andr. 173-176: — 
 
 TOiovTov TTCLv TO jBcip^apov ycvos' 
 Tiarrip re OvyaTpl ttols re p.r]Tp\ p.tyvVTai 
 KopT] T d8eA.(/)ci), bta (f)6vov 8' 01 (f>[\TaToi 
 X(t)povai,, Kal roiyfi' ovbev e^eipyet v6p.os. 
 Greeks should rule barbarians. The barbarian is a slave, the 
 Greek is free [Iph. Aul. 1400-1401) : — 
 
 ^apjSdpoiv 8' "EAArjyas dpyeiv dKOS, aW ov PapjSdpovs, 
 p-rJTep, 'EKXrivoiV to p.hv yap bovKov, ol 8' ekevOepoL ^. 
 
 The Phrygians are described as soft, luxurious, cowardly 
 (0/\ 1111-1112): — 
 
 riT. TLvas ; ^pvyoiv yap ovbiv^ av Tpiaaip! eyco. 
 OP. olovs ivoTTTpcav Koi pLvpoiv eTTLaTCLTas. 
 And again (ibid. 1351-1352} : — 
 
 . . . ovveK dvbpas, ov 't>pvyas KaKovs, 
 evpchv €TTpa^ev ola xpi] Trpda-areiv kukovs. 
 
 It is a reproach that Greeks should act like barbarians 
 {Tro. 759-760):— 
 
 o) fiap^ap €^evp6vTes "EAArji/e? KOfca, 
 TL roV8e TratSa kt€lvst ovbkv aiTiov ^ ; 
 
 ^ ' The Greeks were, in their own view, something even more than a chosen 
 people ; they were, as they conceived, a race primarily and lineally distinct 
 from all the races of men, the very children of the gods, whose holy separa- 
 tion was attested by that deej} instinct of their nature which taught them to 
 loathe the alien ' (Jebb, Attic Orators, ii. p. 4T7). Cf. Coulanges, La Cite Antique, 
 p. 228 : — ' C'est ainsi que la religion etablissait entre le citoyen et letranger 
 une distinction profonde et ineffa9able.' See the whole chapter (^Livre III. 
 c. xii. — Le Citoyen et I'Etranger). 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad he. 
 
 " See also Med. 1339 ff. ; Hec. 1129-1131; Ilel. 276; Bacch. 483; Heracl. 
 130-131 ; Or. 485-487, 1426 ff., 1483-1485 ; Iph. Aul. 74 ; Frag. 719. 
 
POLITICS T05 
 
 Praise of Athens was a commonplace with the dramatists as 
 it was later with the orators. But none speaks with more 
 pride and affection of Athens than does Euripides: he was 
 deeply conscious of the proud position of being an Athenian 
 citizen^. Passages in praise of Athens are abundant — 
 in fact, too abundant — in his plays ^. For, as he himself 
 says [Heracl. 202-203) : — nal yap ovv iT^CcpOovov kiav eTratvcii' 
 ctrrt. 
 
 Most famous of all is that eulogy of Athens in the Medea 
 (824-845), which has been compared with the celebrated ode 
 in the Oedipus Coloneus of Sophocles : — 
 
 ^Ftpexdeibai to TraXaiov oK^lol 
 
 Kal d^S)V TratSes \xaKapu>v, lepas 
 
 \(6pa9 airop6i]TOv t cnTocpsplBoixevoi 
 
 K^etvoTCLTav ao^iav, aet bia XaiiirpoTaTov 
 
 ^aivovTes ajBpois aiOepos, €vda ■noS' ayva.'i 
 
 €vvia HteptSas Movcra? Kiyovai 
 
 ^avdav 'App-oviav (pVTevaai,' 
 
 Tov KaXkivdov T airb Kr](pLaov poas 
 
 TCLV KvTTpiv KXji^ova-tv a(f)V(T(TaiJ.€vav 
 
 \Mpa9 KaraTTV^va-aL ixerpias avip.u)v 
 
 rjbvTTvoovs avpas' ael 6' eiri^akkoix^vav 
 
 \a'i.Tai(Tiv cvcoStj pobecav ttXokov avOicov 
 
 TO. aocfiiq irapibpovs TrejuTretr epcoray, 
 
 iravToias aperas ^vvepyovs ^. 
 Athens is renowned for piety and justice (Heracl. 901-903): — 
 
 eX^i? ohov Tiv, CO TToXis, biKaLov' 
 
 ov yjyff iroTe Tob^ a(peXicr9at, 
 
 npiav Oeovs ^. 
 
 ' Cf. Wilamowitz-M., Eerakles, Einleitung, p. 5:— 'Athen. die hauptstadfc 
 von Hellas, das attisclie Reich berufen zur vormacht aller Hellenen, das ist 
 die voraussetzung seines politischen denkens, wie sie es sein musste.' 
 
 ^ For this ' almost vulgar patriotism ' see Mahaffy, Euripides, p. 36. KXeivos 
 and \nrap6s are adjectives continually used to describe Athens. As to 
 Athenian invention of legends for the glorification of Athens see Holm, i. 
 pp. Ill, 132 ; Jerram's Heracl. Introd. pp. 7-8; Beck's Heracl. Introd. p. xii. 
 M. Decharme says {Euripide, dc, p. 206) : — 'La tragedie grecque est encore 
 chez Euripide ce qu'elle etait chez Eschyle : une ecole de patriotisme.' 
 
 ^ For the thought that the Muses honour Athens see Rhesus, 941 ff. 
 
 * See Paley's note ad loc, and cf. Heracl. 770-783, 1012-1013 ; Med. 846 ff. 
 
io6 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Athens is free (i/erac^. 61-62): — 
 
 ov hrjT' €7761 ixoi /3aj/Mos apKea^i, 6eov 
 eXevOepa re yal\ ev fj ^i^r\Kaix^v^. 
 
 Athens is the champion of the weak [Suppl. 379-380): — 
 
 (TV TOt (7e/3ets bUav, to 8' rjacrov abiKia 
 v^ixeLS, Tov re hva-Tvyjj Travra pwet ^. 
 
 The Athenian citizen enjoys irappria-ia and [(nqyopia [Heracl. 
 
 181-183):— 
 
 ava^, VTTapyjEL fxev T08' iv tij afj ■^(dovL, 
 etTretv aKovcrai r' (v fxepet TrdpecrTi /xot, 
 Kovbeis ju.' aTTWcret Ttpoadev, locniep aWoOev ^. 
 
 The Athenians are avroxdoves (Ion, 589-590) : — 
 
 eTvaC (fiacTL Tas avT6)(dova<i 
 Kkiivas 'Adrjvas ovk i-miaaKTov yivos *. 
 
 This boast, as we shall see, is a commonplace with the 
 Orators. 
 
 The obverse to Euripides' love of Athens is his hatred of 
 Sparta. 
 
 Athens and Sparta are contrasted in the Supplices (1H7- 
 
 ^Traprrj juey wju?; koL ■TreTToutArat rpoirovs' 
 TO, 8' akXa fj-LKpa KaaOevi]. ttoXi? 8e err] 
 IxovT) bvvaiT av rovb^ vnoaTrivai ttovov' 
 TO. T olKTpa yap bibopKe k.t.X. 
 
 ' Cf. Hcracl. 113, 197-200, 244, 287, 957 ; Suppl. 403-408, 477, 518-521. The 
 play of the Supplices — like the Heraclidae — is filled with praise of Athens. To 
 quote the argument, to 5e bpajxa iyKij^xiov 'MrjvSjv. 
 
 ^ Cf. Med. 759 fif. ; Her. Fur. 1334-1335 ; Heracl. 176-178. For the humanity 
 of the Athenians and their protection of strangers see Holm, i. pp. iir, 121, 
 377-378 ; and cf. Thuc. i. 2. Of the HeracHdae M. Decharme says {Euripide, &c., 
 p. 197) : — ' Cette tragedie a pour objet principal la glorification d'Athenes, 
 vengeresse des faibles contra le fort, protectrice des droits saints de I'hospi- 
 talite.' 
 
 ^ Cf. Hqjp. 421-423, 
 
 * Cf. Frag. 360 (11. 5-8) ; and see Holm, i. p. 377. For other passages in 
 praise of Athens see Ale. 452 ; Hipp. 759, 1094 ; Suppl. 187 ff., 353, 575-577 ; 
 Ion, 29, 262, 737, 1038; Tro. 800; El. 1320; Iph. Taur. 1130; Heracl. 306, 
 423-424. 
 
POLITICS 107 
 
 And there is a fierce invective against Sparta in the 
 J. m(Jromac/(!e (445-453) : — 
 
 o) iraatv av6p(OT:oLaLv '^ydicTTOi f^poTStv^ 
 ^TiapT-q'i eVot/coi, 80'Ata /3ouA.eurr^pta, 
 ^evba>v avaKT€S, in]yavoppa(l>oi KaKS>v, 
 kktKra Kovbev vyUs, a\ka -nav Ttepi^ 
 (f)povovvT€S, abUoos evTvx^elT av 'EkXdba. 
 TL 8' ovK kv vpxv iaTLV / ov TrAetcTTOt (povoL ; 
 ovK alcry^poKepbels ; ov kiyovres akka jney 
 ykcocrcrr], (ppovovvT€i 8' aAA' i(f)evpi(TKe(r6' aeC ; 
 okoiad' ^. 
 
 The cause of this hatred is not far to seek. The Spartan 
 system^, with its secrecy and restraints, and, above all, its 
 care of the body to the neglect of the mind, could be regarded 
 by Euripides only with disfavour. 
 
 Euripides was not the kind of man to be the devoted 
 adherent of any political party, — at least in an active, public 
 way. There was too much indecision in his character for 
 that^. He inveighs bitterly against tyranny, but no less 
 bitterly against demagogues, the bane of democracy. On the 
 whole, his theory of government — if theory it can be called — 
 seems to resemble that of Carlyle. He would have a demo- 
 cracy, but it must be led by the ' Kanning man ^.' Here 
 
 1 See Paley's note ad loc, and cf. Andr. 724-726 ; Tro. 210 ff. So Euripides 
 always depicts Menelaus in a bad light : see Iph. Aul. 360 (with Paley's note). 
 See also Paley's notes on Andr. 445, 595 ff. : Decharme, Euripide, &c., pp. 189 ff. 
 
 2 See Pericles' Funeral Oration in Thuc. ii : Lloyd, Age of Pericles, ii. c. xl. 
 
 ^ This indecision has been already noticed in his treatment of religion 
 and the myths. 
 
 * See Mahaffy, Euripides, p. 37:— 'He was precisely that sort of broad- 
 minded sympathetic thinker who refuses to adopt the views of any party, 
 but holds sometimes with the one and sometimes with the other. Thus in 
 matters of education and of general enlightenment, he certainly stood with 
 the advanced Radicals and Freethinkers, with Anaxagoras, with the sophists 
 and rhetoricians, who were breaking down the old barriers of thought. But 
 in politics his plays produce a strong conviction that he opposed this very 
 party, and held with the old Conservatives and the peace policy, represented 
 by a section of the nobility and the stout farmers of Attica.' M. Decharme says 
 {Euripide, ttc, p. 187) : — ' Euripide est done partisan de la paix. ... II aime la 
 paix parceque la guerre lui fait natm-ellement horreur, parceque son ame est 
 
io8 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 we may with safety regard the opinions of Euripides as 
 expressed by the words he puts in the mouths of his 
 characters. He is careless of anachronisms. Theseus {Suppl. 
 232 fF.) speaks hke an Athenian of the Periclean age : Hecuba 
 {Hec. 291-292) refers to a law passed in the time of the 
 democracy. 
 
 Euripides has much to say against tyrants ^. 
 They are inexorable [Med. 1 19-12 1): — 
 
 heiva TvpavvoiV KrifxaTa, Kai ttms 
 oAiy' ap-^ofievoi, TToXXa KparovvTes, 
 XaAeTrws opyas pLeTajSaWovaLV. 
 
 Tyranny is a prosperous wrong [Phoen. 549-551): — 
 
 Tt Tr]v TVpavvib\ ahiKiav evhaip-ova, 
 Ttpiq^ vT:4pcf)ev, koI p.iy ijyiia-aL robe, 
 TTepi^XeiTicrOat, Tip-iov ; k€v6v p.^v ovv. 
 
 It is the most wretched of all things {Frag. 605) : — 
 
 rb 8' (.a-yoLTOv 8tj tovto OavpLaaTov fipoToXs, 
 Tvpavvis, ovx evpoLs av aOXicaTepov. 
 
 The tyrant lives a life of alarm : he hates the good, and makes 
 friends of the evil: he is in constant fear of death (Ion, 621- 
 628): — 
 
 TvpavvLhos 8e r?}? p-drriv alvovp.ivi]s 
 
 TO }ikv TrpocrcDTTOv rjbv, rav hopLOiai 8e 
 
 \vTry]pa' ris yap p.aKapios, tIs evTV)(i]s, 
 
 ooTis 8e8o6Ka)? Kal Ttapa^kiTraiv (3iav 
 
 alSiva T€iv€L ; 87]/j,orrjs av €VTV)(r]s 
 
 ^rjv av dekoLpi p.a\\ov rj rvpavvos (Lv, 
 
 (o Tovs TTOvrjpovs rjbovr] (pCXovs e^ety, 
 
 icrdkovs he paa-el KarOavelv (f)Oj3ovpi,evos ^. 
 
 largement ouverte a la pitie pour tous les maux de Thumanite.' See also 
 Paley's and Jerram's notes on Hel. 1151 ; and Paley's notes on El. 1347; 
 Or. 1682 ; Bacch. 420. 
 
 ' The typical tyrant in Euripides is Lycus in the Her. Fur. For the manner 
 in which the Greeks regarded tyranny see Holm, i. p. 429 : Fowler, TJie City- 
 State of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 140 ff. And of. Herodotus, iii. 80 ; v. 90 93 : 
 Aristotle, Pol. iii. 7. 5 ; vi. (iv.) 10 (1295 a). 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad loc, and cf. Frag. 605, 11. 3-4. 
 
POLITICS 109 
 
 A state has no greater enemy than a tyrant : he acts not by 
 law, but by caprice {Suppl. 429-432): — 
 
 ovh'kv Tvpdvvov bv(r[X€vi(rT€pov Tro'Aet, 
 
 OTTOV TO IXeV TTp(aTl(TTOV OVK (lalv VOfXOL 
 
 KOLVOi, Kparel 6 et? tov v6}xov KeKTijixevos 
 avTos Trap ai/roj, Kat too ovk€t ear taov . 
 Tyranny and freedom are contrasted in Frag, zy^: — 
 
 KaKois h' oXoLVTo Travres ot TVpavvibt 
 ■Xaipovcnv okiyrj t kv -nokdi fxovapxCa' 
 Tovkevdepov yap ovojjLa -navrbs a^iov, 
 Kav apLiKp e'x^ Tis, ix^yak! €)(^€lv vo}ilC^tm ^. 
 
 But, if the tyrant be a good man, even tyranny may be good 
 {Frag. 8) :— 
 
 avopbs 8' vir' eadXov koL Tvpavv^laOai KaXov. 
 
 Euripides sees, however, that the 5?5/xos may be led astray 
 by passion [Iph. Aul. 1357) ^ : — 
 AX. aAA' kviKb)\xr]v KeKpaypiov. KA. to ttoXv yap beivbv kukov. 
 
 Its moods change readily : it is quick to anger, but also 
 magnanimous and compassionate {Or. 696-703) : — 
 
 OTav yap ij^a brjfxos, ets opyrjv Trecrajy, 
 op-oLov axTTG TTvp KaTa(T^i(TaL XdjBpov' 
 ei 8' rjCTV^ois tis avTbs evTeivovTL fxkv 
 XaX5>v VTretKot, Kaipbv evXa^ovp-evos, 
 laa)S av tKiTvevareL' oTav 8' dvr, itvoas, 
 Tv^ots av avTov pqbicos oaov Oekets. 
 iveaTi, 8' oIktos, eVt 8e Kat Ovpibs p.iyas, 
 KapaboKovvTL KTrjp.a Tip-tiOTaTov. 
 
 The br]p.os is often wiser than they who sit in office {And7\ 
 699-702) : — 
 
 aep-vol b' ev dp-)(aA,s rjp.ei'01, KaTo, titoKlv 
 (ppovovai brip.ov p-dl^ov, ovtcs ovbives' 
 ol 8' eto-ti' avTMV p.vpi(a aocpcarepoL, 
 et ToXp-a TTpoayivoLTo j3ovXr}aLS 0' cifta. 
 
 ^ See the ■whole speech of Theseus ad loc. 
 
 * Cf. Hipp. 1013-1020 ; Tro. 1170; Phoen. 506; Frag. 171, 172, 250, 774,850. 
 
 3 i 
 
 II n'adule pas Li foule' (Decharme, Euripide, dc, p. 178). 
 
no EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 It is foolish to seek to hold the 8^/xoy in check {Frag. 92) : — 
 
 toTO) t' a(f)poiv (ov ocrn? avOpoi-nos yeyob? 
 biJiJLOV KoXovei \pT][xa(nv yaupov/xeyos. 
 
 Yet it must not have unlimited power [Frag. 626) : — 
 
 brip.(o be fn]T€ irav avapTrjo-ris Kparos, 
 jUTjr' av KaKuxTjis, ttXovtov evTipLov Tideis, 
 fxrjb' avbpa SiJ/xw irLaTov eK[3d\rjs ttotc 
 liijb' av^e Kaipov fjiei^ov , ov yap dcr^aAes, 
 /XT/ (TOL Tvpavvos Aa/XTTpo? e^ aaTov (f)avr]. 
 k6\ov€ 8' avbpa irapa biK'qv TL\x(ap.evov' 
 TToAet yap evTV)(OVVTes ol KaKol vocros. 
 
 Nor must one stand too much in fear of the oxA.os (fyh. Aul. 
 
 517):— 
 
 ovToi -yjyf] kiav rap^tiv oyXov. 
 
 The better should rule the worse [Frag. 1107}: — 
 
 apyecrOai xpecby 
 KUKOvs vtt' i(r6\(av Kat kKvclv tQ>v Kpeicra-ovcav. 
 
 Whether the many will act wisely or the reverse all depends 
 on the character of their leaders (Or. 773-773): — 
 
 OP. beivbv ol TToAAot, KaKOvpyovs orav ex^oft TrpooraTas. 
 riT. aAA' orav ■)(pr]crTovs XafBcocn, \pr}(rTa jBovXe'vovcr acL 
 
 Athens under Pericles would correspond to the description in 
 line 773 ; Athens after Pericles to that in line 77s. Euripides 
 has no hatred for the brjixos; only he sees that it needs to 
 be well led. 
 
 Of no class has Euripides more bitter things to say than 
 of the demagogues, — the men who lead the people astray \ 
 It is they who are attacked when he speaks thus of specious 
 words (Hi2jp. 486-489) : — 
 
 TovT ecr^' o OvrjTCiv eS Tro'Aeis olKovp-iva^ 
 bojxovi T aTToAAvo-', ol KaXol kCav Aoyot. 
 oil yap Ti Tolaiv oxri Tepirva beX keyetv, 
 dAA' e^ oTov rts ev/cAcT/s yevqaerat. 
 
 ' ' Euripide n'est pas suspect de tendresse a I'egard des demagogues ' 
 (Decharme, Euripide, etc, p. i8o}. 
 
POLITICS in 
 
 The demagogue who catches the popular ear is of no account 
 among wise men {;ihid. 988-989) : — 
 
 ot yap iv cro^ot? 
 ^aCAot Trap' o^Aa) p.ov(TLKU)T€poi Aeyety. 
 
 The class is fiercely attacked in the Hecuba (354-257): — 
 
 ayapi(TTOV vp-wv aiTepp. , ocroL hr]pT]y6povs 
 CqXovre rt/xas' prjbe yiyvuxTKoicrdi pot, 
 
 0% Toy's c()iX0VS fika-nTOVTi^ OV (j)pOVTL^€T€, 
 
 ■qv ToCcTL TToAXots Trpoi yapiv XiyqTe tl '. 
 
 And more elaborate is the attack made by the Theban 
 herald on democracies under the sway of demagogues [Suppl. 
 409-435) :— 
 
 kv pev Tob^ rjpiv, uKT-nep ev Treo-o-ots, 8i8&)y 
 Kp^lcrcTOV' TToAts yap -qs eyo) Trapetju.' otto 
 kvo^ TTpos &vbp6^-, ovK oyXca KparvveraL' 
 ovb' ecTTLV avTTjv ooTt? iK')(avvwv Ao'yots 
 TTpbs Kepbos Ibiov akkoi aWocre (TTpi(bei. 
 o avTi\ i]ovs /cat oioovs ttoaai]v yaptv 
 ^laavOis i^kaxj/, elra Sia/SoAais veais 
 K\4\}/as TO. TTpocrOe acpaKpar i^ebv StKijs. 
 akkcos re ttws av jut) biopOevcDv koyovs 
 opOaii bvvaiT av bqpoi evdvveiv irokLV ; 
 6 yap ^(^povos pdOtjcnv avrl rod Ta)(ovs 
 Kp€L(Ta(o bibooac. yairovos 8' avrjp Trivrjs, 
 el Kot yevoiTo p.apadi]s, epyuyv vtto 
 OVK av bvvaiTo irpbs to. ko'iv d7ro/3Ae7rety. 
 ?] by] vocrcabe^ tovto rots apeivocnv, 
 oTav TTovrjpbs a^icap. avrjp ^XV' 
 ykuxrar] KaTaaxu)V brjpov oibev cov to irpLv ^. 
 
 The smooth-tongued, foolish demagogue is contrasted with 
 the prudent counsellor (Or. 903-911): — 
 
 KttTTt Ta>2'8' avLaTaTai 
 
 avrip Tis a9vp6yk(j}(r(T0S, layyutv dpdaei, 
 
 Apyelos OVK Apyeto?, rivayKaapivos, 
 
 * See Paley's note ad loc, and his Preface to Euripides, vol. i. p. xviii. Cf. 
 also Hec. 1187 ff. ; Bacch. 270-271 (with Paley's notes). 
 2 Cf. Tro. 967; Suppl. 878-880; Frag. 597. 
 
112 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 6opvj3(a re ttlo-vvos KajxaOel TrapprjcrCq, 
 TTiOavos er' avrovs irepijSaXe'iv Kaxo) tivi. 
 oTav yap rjbvs toi? Aoyot?, (ppovoiv kokcS?, 
 TreCOr] to TiKridos, rfj TroAei kukov jxiya' 
 oaoL be avv V(i> •)(fir]aTa jBovXevova aei, 
 Kav fXT] TTapavTLK, avOls eicri y^pr\(nyi,0L 
 TTo'Aei ^. 
 
 Then, as always, candidates for oflfice were frequently humble 
 and fawning {Iph. Aul. 337-345} '■ — 
 
 oto-0' or' ecnrovba^es apyeiv Aavatbat^ Trpos "lAtoy, 
 TU) boK€LV ixkv ovyl yj)r\^(av, rw 8e ^ovkecrdai. 6iX(av, 
 bis TaireLvos r]ada Trdcrrjs be^ias TTpoaOiyydvuiVf 
 Kai dvpas €yjj>v aKkfjarovs roi OiXovri hrjjxoTiav, 
 Kol bibovs TTpoa-prja-LV e^7/s Trdcrt, Kei p.r] ri? 6i\oi, 
 TOLS TpOTTOis C^Twi^ TTpiaaOat, TO (^iXoTip-ov e/c p-iarov, 
 KaT eTTet KaTta^es a.p')(^ds, ju,era/3aXa)y aXXovs rpoTTovs 
 Tols (pikoicTiv ovkIt ricrda rots itpXv o)? Trpocrdev (pCkos, 
 bva-TTpocTLTOS, €(r(i) T€ KkfjOpcav (nrdvLOS. 
 
 It is the joteVot TroAirat^ who, in Euripides' opinion, are the 
 salvation of the state {Suppl. 238-^45) : — 
 
 TpiLS yap TTokLTutv jueptSes' oi piev ok^iou 
 dvaxfyekels re Ttketovcav t kpGxr deC' 
 oi 8' OVK €X0VT€S Kal (TTTavCCovTes fiiov, 
 beLvoi, vepovTes rw ^Oovio irKelov p-tpos, 
 es Tovs eyovTa'i Kivrp dcpidaiv KaKd, 
 ykcaaaats Trovrjpwv TTpoa-raTcHv (jajkovp-evoi' 
 Tpidv b\ p.oipu>v rj 'v pi€(ru> rrw^ei irokeLS, 
 Koa-pLOV (j)vkd(r(rov(r ovtlv dv rd^r] ttoAi?^. 
 
 In one or two passages we have glimpses of a cosmopolitanism 
 
 ' See Palsy's note on 1. 903 ; and cf. Bacch. 270-271 ; Iph. Aul. 526 (where 
 Odysseus is painted as a wily demagogue). 
 
 ^ I. e., moderates in politics as well as in wealth, position, &c. : cf. Arist. 
 Pol. iv. II : Thuc. viii. 75. i. See Goodhart's TJmc. VIII. Introd. p. xvi : Paley, 
 Euripides, i. Pref. p. xvi : Gray and Hutchinson's note on Her. Fur. 588. Cf. 
 also Dechanne, Euripide, &c., p. 181 : — ' Dans le dechainement de la violence des 
 partis, Euripide imagine done un regime de juste equilibre et d'equitable 
 pond{5ration ; il ai:ipartient en politique a I'honnete famille des moderes.' 
 
 2 Cf. Or. 920. 
 
POLITICS 113 
 
 which remind us of the ' /coVjuto?' which was Socrates' answer 
 when one asked him of what country he was ^. 
 In Frag. 777 we have these words: — 
 
 a)s Ttavrayov ye TtaTpls 57 jBocTKOVcra yrj : 
 and in Frag. 1047 these: — 
 
 diras jjiv ar}p a€T(D TTepd(rt{xo9, 
 
 airacra 8e ^OoiV avbpl y€vval(a Ttarpts. 
 
 We have already seen (p. 98) that in the early history 
 of Greece the individual hardly viewed himself apart from 
 the state, and that it was not till decay and disintegration 
 set in that individual citizens began to hold aloof from 
 public life, and private interests became dominant. The 
 Greek theory was that the state is everything, the individual 
 nothing ; and there is no thought so frequent in Demosthenes 
 as this. He felt that, if only the Athenians could be per- 
 suaded to put once again into practice what even then they 
 held in theory, Athens and Greece might yet be saved. — 
 I will here adduce some passages from the Orators in illus- 
 tration of this idea. 
 
 Andocides commends the sacrifice of personal feelings to 
 the welfare of the state {On the Mysteries, § 81): — 
 
 kiteihr] 6' k'navr\X6iT€ en UcipaUcos, yevop-evov e<^' vpiXv rt/zo)- 
 peia-dai. ^yvdiTe iav ra yeyevrjp^iva, koI ircpl irkeiovos inoL'qcraa-Oe 
 <T(f(€i,v Tr]V TTokiv 7] TCLS IbCas Tipt-eopCas^. 
 
 It is a great virtue, he says elsewhere (On his Return, § i8), 
 to benefit the state in any way whatever : — 
 
 jxeydXr] yap kcrriv ap^rri, ocrTts Tr\v kavrov ttoXlv 6t(oovv bvvaTai 
 TpoTTco dyadov Tt kpydC^a-Qai. 
 
 Self-sacrifice for the state is urged as a defence by Lysias 
 (xxi. § i6): — 
 
 ToiovTov yap kp-avrbv rfj TroAet Tiapi^ui, war ibia fjikv t&v [ovtmv] 
 
 * Cf. Decharme, Euripide, &c., p. i88 : — 'II n'en est pas moins vrai qu'on 
 rencontre chez lui, comme chez Socrate, les traces d'une sorte de cosmo- 
 politisme qui alors etait chose nouvelle : pareille chimfere ne pouvait hanter 
 qu'un grand esprit.' 
 
 " So Demosthenes says that a good citizen must stifle private hatred for 
 the good of the state (Prooem, xii. § i). 
 
 1 
 
114 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC OR ATOP S 
 
 <p€[bo[iaL, bi]ixo(riq be Xeiroupywv ijboixai, koL ovk ctti toIs TT€piov(n 
 jxiya (ppovcii), aXX.' iirl vols €ts Vjuas avrjKoiyuivois ^. 
 
 So Isocrates says (Antid. § 134): — 
 
 ov yap rovro) Trpoo-etxe top vovv, ottcos Ik tcov toiovto)v avros 
 evboKipirjaei. "napa rots aTpariuiTaLS, dAA' ottcos 17 ttoAis Trapa roij 
 ''EAA7j(r6i'. 
 
 Demosthenes declares that country must rank even above 
 parents (On the Grown, § 205) : — 
 
 rjyetTO yap avrdv eKaaros, oii)(t tw TrarpL Kal rfj iJ.r}TpL fjiovov 
 yeyei'TJaOat, d\Ka Kal rfj iraTpibi. ^. 
 
 He bewails the fact that old things have passed away, when 
 the citizen looked to the splendour of the state alone {Agst. 
 Aristocrates, § 306) : — 
 
 Kol ydp TOL t6t€ to, /xey rrjs TroAeoj? ^v cviropa Kal Xafxirpa 
 br}p,o(Tia, Ibia 8e ovbeis virepelx^ "^^v TtoKXdv. 
 The interests of the state, he says again, must be consulted, 
 private interests forgotten [Epist. i. § 9) : — 
 
 liiya\o\lrv^uiS roivvv Kal TiokiTLKcas to. KOLvfj (Tv\x(pipovTa T;paTT€T€, 
 Kai tG>v ibCiav /xr) jxiixvijcrOe. 
 
 Similarly Lycurgus (Agst. Leocrates, § 67): — 
 
 TovTov jjiivTOL [^yoC/xat] btd tovto juet^bi'os rt/xwpt'as a^iov etvac 
 
 TVX^lv, OTL piOVO^ tS>V ClWcOV TToAtToiy OV KOtVTJV oAA' Ibiav Tr]V 
 
 (TiOTrjpiav k(r]Tr](T€V ^. 
 
 There are in Lysias two passages illustrative of the discredit 
 attaching to indifference to public business : — 
 
 ovToaX yap p.01 boKO. virb padvp-ias Kai p.aXaKLas 0118' eis Apeioy 
 Trdyov dva^ejSrjKevat, (x. § II). 
 
 ^ Cf. vi. § 47 ; XV. § 10 ; xvi. § 13 ; xxvi. § 22 ; xxxi. § 6. It is, in fact, 
 a commonplace with the Orators. Cf. Isaeus, vii. § 40 ; x. § 25 : Demosthenes, 
 On the Chersonese, §§ 70-72. 
 
 ' In the speech On the Embassy, § 247, Demosthenes quotes from the Antigone 
 of Sophocles a passage to the effect that everything is to be counted secondary 
 to one's country. Cf. Plato, Crito, 50 D-51 C, especially 51 A-B :— ^ ovtqjs fl 
 ao(p6s, wart \f\r]0(v at, on fj.rjTp6s re /cat trarpos Kal tujv dWaiv Trpoyovcov aTrdvTwv 
 Tifiiwrepov laTiv fj Trarph Kal affxvorfpov Kal aytdiTfpov Kal hv ftd^ovi fioipa Kal napa 
 6(oii Kal Trap dvOpwiroii rots vow exovai, k.t,\. For the Greek idea of the state 
 see Butcher, Some Aspects of the Greek Genius, pp. 46-82. See also above, p. 97, 
 note 2. 
 
 * Cf. ibid, § 20. 
 
POLITICS 115 
 
 rihi] hi Tivccv ■i^aOoix-qv, S) j3ovXri, koI hia ravra ax^dofxevcav jxoLy 
 oTt v((aT€pos o)V iirex^Cprja-a Xeyeiv kv tw Stj/aw. eyw he to fikv 
 TTpcarov rjvayKdaO-qv VTiep tG>v cjxavTOV Ttpayixdrcav hrjpirjyoprjcrat., 
 (TTeLTa jxevTOL Koi ejuavroj hoKci ^ikorip.6Tepov hiaTeOrjvat rod hiovTos, 
 apia p.ev rdv Trpoyovcov kvOvp-ovpevos, on ovhev itiTiavvTai tS>v Trjs 
 TToAecos TTpcLTTOVTes, fif^a 8e ujxas oplav (^rd yap dXrjOrj ^tj Aeyetr) 
 TouTous p.ocous d|ious cojjLiJ^oi'Tas eti/ai. cocrre opMV T;jaas Tavrqv ttjv 
 yviapLTjv exovTas n? ovk av luapOeiri Trpdmiv koX Xiyeiv VTrep r^s 
 TToAecos ; (xvi. §§ 30-31). 
 
 It is, says Demosthenes (?), ridiculous to be wholly unin- 
 structed in the science which relates to practical and political 
 questions [Erot. § 44) : — 
 
 yojut^e 8e Tidaav p.\v Tr\v ^ikocro^iav p.ey&Ka rov? xpcop-evovs 
 o)c})ekelv, 7to\v he fxaXicrTa ttjv irepl rds Tipd^eis koX tovs tioKltikovs 
 Xoyovs eina-T'qp'qv. rrjs yap yea)/>ierptas Kai rrjs aAArjs rrjs Toiavrrjj 
 TratSetas aTreiptos p.ev e\€tv alo-^pdv, aKpov 8' dyoiVLcrTrjv yevicrdai 
 TaireivoTepov ttjs (rrjs d^Las' f^v cKcit'if] 8e to jxcc StCkeyKeii' £Y]Xa)T6i', 
 TO 8 apoipoc yei'e'crSai iracTcXois KaTayeXacTTOi' ^. 
 
 We have seen (p. 100) that Isocrates , like Euripides, held 
 aloof from public life, but he feels the necessity of apologising 
 for his action. It was due, he says, to a weak voice and lack 
 of confidence {Phil. §§ 81-83): — 
 
 Ka\ pL-q 6avpi.d<Trjs, direp knea-TeiXa kclL Ttpos Alovvctlov tov ttjv 
 TvpavvCha KTrja-dpievov, et ju?]7e aTpaTr]yds cov p.r\Te pijrcap p.r]T 
 aXXios hwda-TTji Opacrvrepov croi huiXeypai rStv aXXiav. eyca yap 
 Trpos pev TO ixoXLTevecrdai TrdvTcov dcjjvecTTaTos ky€v6p.r]v t5>v ttoAitwi/, 
 0VT€. yap (j)(ii)vr)V €.a)(ov lKavr\v ovTe ToXp-av hvvap.ivrjv o)(X(o )(p?j(7^ai 
 Kai p.oXvv€(r6ai Kal XothopHo-Oai roT? itit tov j3rip.aTos KaXivhov- 
 {xevois, TOV he ^povelv ev koX 'ne-naiheva-Qai KaX&s, el Kai Tis 
 dypoiKOTepov eXvai ^ijcret to pr]6ev, dp.(f)i(rj3r]Ta), /cat decrjv av ep.avTov 
 OVK ev rots diroXeXeip.p.evois dAA' ev rots 'npoe\ovcn tS>v dXXcov. 
 hiOTTep eTn\eLp5> avp^fSovXeveiv tov Tpoirov tovtov, ov eyo) rricpVKa 
 Kai hvvap.ai, Kal t?] TTo'Aet Kai rois EAAr;o-t Kai tS>v dvhpti^v toIs 
 evho^oTdTOLs ^. 
 
 ' See the whole passage ("§§ 44-50). 
 
 2 He employs almost the same language in Epist, viii. § 7. 
 
 I 3 
 
ii6 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 The love of country and horror of exile which were 
 illustrated from Euripides are no less prominent in the 
 Orators. 
 
 Antiphon thus enumerates what men value most highly 
 (Trept Tov xopeurov, § 4) : — 
 
 avdyKT] yap, ear Vfxels KaTa\l/r]<pL(rrj(r9€, koL jJiTj ovra (})Ovea /L;,rj8e 
 €vo^ov Tw ^py<^ xpricracrdaL rfj 8tK7/, koI v6p.(^ ctpyecrdaL Tro'Aecoj 
 UpS)v aycavcov 6vcn(ov, ^Trep iiiyio-ra koX irakaioTara rois avOpu)- 
 
 It is a great crime to betray one's country [irepl tov 'HpwSou 
 (j)6vov, § 10) : — 
 
 cftacrl 8e avro ye (^Tby a-noKTeiveiv p.€ya KaKovpyr]p.a ilvat, koi 
 eyw 6p.o\oy(i} p-iyidTov ye, kol to UpoavXcLV /cat to TTpobtbovai 
 Trjv t:6\iv. 
 
 He seeks in one place to arouse pity by the picture of an old 
 man in beggary and exile (Terp. A. /3. § 9) : — 
 
 €av be vvv KaToKTqfpdiis airoOdvca, avocria dveCbt] rois Traialv 
 v7ToX.eC\}r(i), rj (^vyoiv yepcav kol airoXis (ov eTrt ^evias TiTOiyjevcrai. 
 
 Andocides declares that he would rather live at Athens than 
 in any other country, even though there he might enjoy 
 every blessing [On the Mysteries, § 5) : — 
 
 oXKodL re yap ojv ttuvtu to, ayada €-)(eLv a-Tepofxevos Ttjs Trarpibos 
 ovK hv be^aip.riv. 
 
 Better death, he says, than exile {On his Return, § 10) : — 
 
 eyrcoy Xvo-treAeiy p.01 r) tov ^iov dirrjWd^dai, rj ttjv ttoXlv TavTrjv 
 ayadov Ti ToaovTOv epydcracrdai, cocrre v/ioii' (kovtoov ilvai TTore' jaoi 
 TToXiTeva-acrdaL /xe^' vp.5>v. 
 
 To the same effect Lysias [EpitajoiJi. § 62) : — 
 
 .... ixaXkov Pov\r]devTes iv ttj avruiv aTTo6vr](TKei.v 7] ^ijv rrjy 
 aXXoTpCav olKOVvTes ^. 
 
 Death for one's country, he says elsewhere, is better than 
 a life of shame (xxi. § 24) : — 
 
 ov8' et 77ore KLvbvv^va-eLv kv rats vavp.a\iais p.ikXoip.L, ovbeircoTTOT 
 * Cf. itfpl TOV 'H/jy'5oi; <p6voVj § 62. * Cf. vii. § 25. 
 
POLITICS 117 
 
 rjXerjcra ovb^ ehdKpvcra ovh' (jxvi^adriv yvvaiKos ovbe TtaCbcov tu)v 
 fjjiavTov, 0118' r]yov[xriv beivov dvai el reAeuTTycra? virep Trjs 'narpiho's 
 rbv fiiov opcparovs Koi Trarpos aTreaTeprjiJievovs avTovs /caraXeti/'^a), 
 aWa TioXv ixaXXov ei (rco^ets al(r\p(as ov^ihr] koi (p.avT(^ koX iKeCvots 
 TTeptdxI/co. 
 
 Isocrates asserts that a man should be patriotic (Ad 
 Nicocl. § 15) : — 
 
 .... Trpos be TovTOLS (piXdvOpcoTTov (Tvai, bel kol (f)iX6iio\Lv ^. 
 
 Country should be as dear as parents {Phil. § 32) : — 
 
 "Apyos piev yap eort aoi, 'narpis, ^s hiKaiov Toaavrrjv ere TTOLUcrdai 
 Ttpovoiav, o(rr}v ircp tu>v yovicov TGtv cravrov. 
 
 He, too, declares that death is preferable to exile (Archid. 
 
 §25):- 
 
 el be pLTjbels &v vp.Stv d^iuxreie Cw o.T:o(TTepovp.evos rrjs TtarpCbo^, 
 
 K.T.X. 2. 
 
 No man, Aeschines maintains, should set more store on 
 akkoTpCa evvoLa than on his native land (Agst. CtesipJion, 
 §46):- 
 
 aW', olp.at, bta to ^evLKOv eTvat rbv arecfiavov koL tj KaOupcocns 
 yiyverai, tva p.r}bels dXXorpiav evvoiav Trepl irkeiovos itocovpievos 
 TrJ9 Tiarpibos xeipitiv yevrjrat rrjv \}rv)(;qv. 
 
 In several other passages (Ejnst. ii. § 2 ; ix. § ii ; xii. §§ 12 ff.) 
 AeschinesC?) speaks of the miseries of exile ^. 
 
 The feeling for country is well illustrated also in Demo- 
 sthenes, Agst. Eubulides, § 70. The speaker beseeches his 
 judges not to make him an outcast (a-n-oAt?), and declares that, 
 rather than abandon his relatives, he will kill himself, that he 
 may at least be buried by them in his native land : — 
 
 .... TTpoTepov yap rj TTpoXiirelv tovtovs, el /ur) bwarov vn avT&v 
 etrj aoiOTjvaL, diroKTeivani av epiavTOVj uxtt ev rfj TiaTpibi y virb 
 TovTcav Ta(})r]vai. 
 
 1 Cf. Archid. § 54. 
 
 ^ Cf. Phil. § 55 ; xvi. § 12. 
 
 ^ On aTifxia, which was ' une sorte d'exil a I'int^rieur,' see Aeschines, Agst. 
 Timarchus, § 21 : Andocides, On the Mysteries, §§ 73-80 : Coulanges, La Cite 
 Antique, p. 232. 
 
ii8 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 In Epist. ii. § 25, Demosthenes speaks of the Trarpibos ttoOos 
 he has in exile, and (§ 30) says he has changed his abode in 
 order that, among other things, he may every day be able to 
 see his native land : — 
 
 .... fiereXdoiv els to tov Ylocreiboivos lepov (v KaXavpeiq. KaOrjixai, 
 
 ov ixovov Trjs a(T(pa\eias (vena, dA\' otl koL ttjv iraTpif 
 
 iVTevdev kKdarrjS rj^iipa^ a(f)op(ji. 
 
 It is a glorious thing, says Demades (?), to sacrifice self for 
 country, and bring about public ivvoia by one's death {y-nep rrjs 
 8co8eKaertas, § 4): — 
 
 KTrjaaarOai yap i8ta) Oavarco brjfxoa-iav evvoiav KaXov, eav fj XpeCa 
 TTJs 7rarpt8o? . , . to {"tjv a^aiprJTai. 
 
 Death is, according to Lycurgus, too slight a penalty for 
 the traitor to his country (Agst. Leocrates, § 8) : — 
 
 ri yap XPV Tradelv tov kKkiirovTa fxkv ttjv TrarptSa, jut) ^orjOrjcravTa 
 be Tols Trarpwot? lepo'is, eyKoraXi'novTa b\ ras twv Ttpoyovojv drjKas, 
 CLTTaa-av be ttjv ttoKlv inroyjeipiov rots TroAe/xtots TtapabovTa ; to p-ev 
 yap iieyicTTOv koX eayaTov tS>v np,77p,arcoy, OdvaTOi, avayKoiov \xkv en 
 tS>v vopicav eTTtTLfj-Lov, ekaTTOv be t&v AecoKpaTovs a.bLKT]p.aT(av naOe- 
 
 (TTTlKe^. 
 
 Lycurgus {ibid. § 113) quotes an interesting decree to the 
 effect that a traitor to his country should not be buried in 
 Attica : — 
 
 KOI \}rr}(f)L(eTaL 6 brjixos Kptrtou elTTovTos tov piev veKpov (sc. 
 ^pwtxoi') Kpiveiv Trpoboaias, k^v bo^r] TrpoSorrj? cbv ev ttJ x^P^ 
 Te6d<})6aL, tcl re ocrra avTov dvopv^ai koX e^opicraL e^oi ttjs 'ArrtK^s, 
 OTTcos av fXT} K^rjTai ev Trj x^P? fxribe to, ocrTa tov ttjv x^P^'^ '^^^ "^h^ 
 
 TTokiV TTpoblboVTOS. 
 
 He praises Euripides {ibid. § 100) for inculcating love of 
 country {to ttjv iraTpiba (piXelv) in the Erechtheus, and quotes 
 a long passage from that play {Frag. 360) in illustration of 
 his remarks. In § 103, he quotes Homer to the effect that it 
 is glorious to die fighting for native land: — 
 
 ov ol deLKes dp.vvop.ev(ii irepX TraTp-qs 
 Tedvdixev : 
 
 • Cf. ihicl. §§5, 27. 
 
POLITICS 119 
 
 and, in § 107, Tyrtaeus : — 
 
 TcdvafxevaL yap KaXov ivl Trpoixayoicri TrecrovTa 
 avbp^ ayadov, irepl fj 'naTpihi. jj-apvafxevov. 
 
 In his own words (§ 49) : — 
 
 ei b'i Set koL irapabo^oTarov [xev eiTreiy aKi]6es 8e, e/ceti'ot vi,K<avT€S 
 airidavov. to. yap a6\a tov TToXep-ov tois ayaOoTs avhpdaiv IcttXv 
 ikevdepia Kai aperi^' ravra yap ajj^ipoTepa rots Te\€VT7](Ta(TLV 
 V7rap)(et. 
 
 The orators in whom we find most strongly expressed the 
 Greek hatred of the barbarian are Isocrates and Demosthenes. 
 The ruling idea of the life of the former was a war by united 
 Greece against Persia, of the latter, against Philip. 
 
 Isocrates says (Fanegyr. § 19) : — 
 
 eju.ot 8' ovv ap.<^oT€pu>v kv^Ka upoariKeL Trepl ravra iroiria-acrOat, 
 Trjv TrXcCa-Trjv hiaTpij5r]V, /xaAicrra ixev Xva irpovpyov tl yevrjrai Kal 
 TTavcrdixevot ttjs Trpbs r]p.as avTovs (f)LKovtKias KOLvrj toIs ^ap(3dpoLS 
 TToXejj.ria-MiJ.ev, k.t.X. 
 
 A united war against Persia is the only thing which will 
 secure abiding peace in Greece {ibid. § 173): — 
 
 0VT6 yap elprjvrjv olov re fi€J3aiav dyayelv, rjv jut) Koivfj toXs 
 ^aplSapots 'TToAfjUTjcrco/xei', k.t.K. \ 
 
 The Greeks are natural enemies of the barbarians (ibid. 
 §158):- 
 
 ovTU) be ^va-et TToAe/xtKW? Trpbs avTovs ^\op.iv ^, uxttc Kal tZv 
 fxvdoov i]bL(TTa avvbLaTpLJSofxev rotj TpootKot? [koi UcpariKOLsJ, bt S>v 
 ^(TTL TTvvddvecrOat ras (Kiivuiv <Tvp.(f)opds. k.t.A. 
 
 So again (Panath. § 103) : — 
 
 TO TOivvv reXevTalov, o p.6voL Kal Ka6^ avrovs iirpa^av, tls ovk 
 otbev, OTi Koivrjs Tjplv ttjs ex^pas virapxovcrrjs tjjs irpos tovs j3ap- 
 (Bdpovs Kal TOVS /SacriAeas avTQv, rjixets iikv iv 'TToAef'/xots ttoAAoi? 
 yiyv6p.evoi KOI p-eydXais crvju^opats evtore irepnTLTrTovTes koI t^? 
 •)((apas r}pQ>v dap.d Tropdovpi.ein]s Kal TepLvofxivqs ovbeTTMiroT ej^Ke^j/afxev 
 TTpbs TTjv CK^Cvodv (jiiXiav Kal (Tvp.p.ayiav, dAA' xm^p &v toXs "EAArjcriy 
 
 1 Cf. Epist ix. § 9. 
 
 * Cf. Panath. § 163 ; Antid, § 293, 
 
I20 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 kix^^ovXivaav juto-ouyres avrovs hieT^Kicraiiev fxaXXov rj tovs ev rw 
 TTapovTL KaKtiis ijjJLas TTOiovvras. 
 
 The Persians are effeminate and cowardly [Panegyr. § 149): — 
 
 &(TT€ /XOt hoKOVCriV kv UTTaCTL TOtV TOTTOLS €Tnbebil)^dai. T-)]V avTutv 
 
 liaXaKiav. 
 
 Similarly [Phil. § 137): — 
 
 .... KoX TT]v tG>v ^apjidpcov d,vavbpCav, k.t.X. ^. 
 They are notorious for their impiety and sacrilege (Panegyr. 
 §§ 155-156):— 
 
 Tt 8' ovK ex^poi' ciVTols ecrrt t&v Trap' i][xXv, 01 Kal ra t&v Qedv ebr] 
 Kol TOVS yew? auAay iv tw Trporepo) TroAe'/xo) koI KaraKaeiv ero'A- 
 fx-qaav ; bid Koi tovs "Icovas a^iov eiraLvelv, on tG>v ejjLTrprjcrOevTcov 
 lepSiv iT:r]paa-avT et tlv€s KivrjcreLav t/ ttolXlv ets Tap)(^aLa KaTaa-TrjcraL 
 ^ovXrjOeiev, ova aTtopovvres, TtoOev €Tn(TK€vda-oo<7Lv, dAA' ty' v-n6p.vT]p.a 
 Tols €TTiytyvoixivoLS J) T7]s tG>v ^ap[3dp(i)v dcre/Seta?, kol ixrjbtls 
 TncTTCvr] Tols TouavT els to. tS>v 6e5>v k^ap-apTiiv ToXixcacnv, dAAa 
 Kol (livXaTTMVTaL Kai bebtoicnv, opwvTes avTovs ov [xovov Tols cr(aiJ.acnv 
 TjiJLCov dAAd KOL Tols ava6r\p.a(n "noXep-ria-avTas. 
 
 And there are numerous passages recalling Athens' glorious 
 deeds in the Persian Wars ^. 
 
 For Philip, whom Isocrates thought it possible to persuade 
 to lead Hellas against the barbarians ^, Demosthenes regards 
 even the name of barbarian as too good [Phil. iii. §31) : — 
 
 dAA ovy^ vTT€p (^lXlttttov kul S>v eKitvos irpaTTei, vvv, ovy^ ovtu>s 
 e^ovcriv, ov fxovov ov)(^ "E\kr]vos ovtos ovbe Ttpo<Tr]KovTOS ovbev [rois 
 "EAArjcTti'], dAA' ovbe PapjSdpoov evTevOev oOev Kakbv etTreir, dAA' 
 oXedpov MaKebovos, oOev ovb^ dvbpdirobov irptairo tls dv Trore*. 
 
 Like tyrants, barbarians are regarded with distrust {Phil. iii. 
 §38):- 
 
 .... ovb\ T^y irpos TOVS Tvpdvvovs KoX TOVS ^apjSdpovs dnicTTiav, 
 
 K.T.X. 
 
 1 Cf. Phil. §§ go, 124. 
 
 ^ See Panegijr. §§ 37, 68, 71, 157 ; Phil. § 139 ; Archid. §§ 42-43 ; Panath. §§ 42, 
 189-190. 
 ^ See Jebb, Attic Orators, ii. pp. 19 ff. * Cf. Phil. i. § 10. 
 
POLITICS 121 
 
 And the Greek contempt for barbarian effeminacy is brought 
 out in another passage [For the Liberty of the Rhodians, 
 
 §23):— 
 
 iiT ovK alcTXpov, u) avbpes 'AOrjvalot, el rd fxev Apyetcoy irXfjOos 
 OVK €cf)o(3ri6r] tijv AaKebatiJ.ovCo}V apxrjv kv eKetVoi? rots KaipoXs ovbe 
 Tr]V p(op.7]v, vfxeXs 6' ovres 'Adrjvaioi. ^dp(3apov avOpcoTtov, koI ravra 
 yvvoLKa) (f)OJ3r}(recr6€ ^ ; 
 
 Aeschines uses the word ^dpjSapos as a strong term of 
 reproach and abuse (On the Embassy, § 183): — 
 
 . . . . 7] TV)(^r], ^ avveKXrjpooa-i fxe av9pMTT(^ cTVKO(pavTr} I3apj3dpi£), o? 
 ovT€ iepcav ovt€ a-ovbcav ovre rpaiii^i^s (fypovricras, k.t.X. 
 
 And he tells the Athenians it is a glorious thing to fight 
 against the barbarians, and give freedom to the Greeks [Epist. 
 xi. § 6) : — 
 
 ov yap rjyvoovv, fxa tov Aia kol tovs aWovs deovs, on XajjiiTpov 
 kern TO TOis jxev fiapfSdpoLS TToAejueiy, tovs be "EAArji'a? ekevdepovv, 
 Kot Tavrd ye koI tovs irarepa'i r]y.5>v "npoekofxevovs' k.t.K. 
 
 ' Barbarian impiety ' we find in an oath given in Lycurgus 
 [Agst Leocrates, § 81): — 
 
 .... Kal t5>v lepSiv Ta>v epLirprjo-OevTav Kol Kara^XriOevTcav v-no tS>v 
 (3apj3dp(i)v ovbev dvoiKobop.r\cr(ii "navrd-nacriv, aXk viT6[xvr]ixa rots 
 eTiLyivoiievois edaca KaTakeiirecrOai. t^s t(ov (BapjBdpcov daejSeias ^. 
 
 The praise of Athens is no less frequently sounded by the 
 Orators than it is by Euripides. 
 
 Andocides reminds his hearers that at Marathon Athens 
 stood forward as the champion of Hellas, and won salvation 
 for her country (On the Mysteries, § 107) : — 
 
 .... Tj^iovv acpas avTovs Ttpord^avTe^ iipb tS>v EXAtji^coi' airdrTOiv 
 aTTavTrja-aL toIs j3apj3dpoi9 Mapad&vdbe .... fxaxecrdixevoi re eviKcav, 
 Ka\ TTiv re 'EAAaSa rjKevdepuicrav kol T-qv iraTpiba eacacrav. 
 
 ^ Cf. Olynth. iii. § 24 ; On the Emhassij, § 305 ; Agst. Midias, § 106 ; Agst. 
 Stephanus, i. § 30. 
 
 '■' Cf. Isocrates, Panegyr- §§ 155-156 (quoted above, p. 120). 
 
122 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Lysias speaks to the same effect [Ep'dwph. § 30) : — 
 
 fxovoL yap vnep aTrdaris ttjs 'EAAciSos TTpos TToAAa? ixvptdbas Tiov 
 I3apj3dp(iiv huKivhvvevcrav ^. 
 
 Isocrates, speaking of Athens as the saviour of Hellas from 
 Persia, says [Panath. § 5a) : — 
 
 Tt? 8' hv €vepy€(TLav eirrelv ex^oi ravrrjs /xet^co rrjs a-nacrav Tr}V 
 EAA.a8a (r<o(rat bvvrjdcia-rjs ; 
 
 Aeschines C?) speaks of Themistocles as the liberator of Greece 
 [Epist. iii. § 2) : — 
 
 . . . . e^ ^? 7roAea)s 6 0e/>i,icrroKA.^s 6 T7]v *EXAa8a kkivO^puxras 
 (^rjXdOrj, K.T.X. 
 
 Demosthenes is continually recurring to the former glory of 
 Athens, and recalling the time when she saved Hellas. One 
 passage may be quoted (Agst. Androtion, § 13): — 
 
 .... tore h-qiTOV tovto ctKofj, otl t-i]1' ttoKlv eKXirrovres koI Kara- 
 KXeicrOivTes els ^aXapuva, ck tov Tpti]p€LS e'x^ti' TtdvTa pikv to, 
 (T(piT€pa avT(ov Kai TTjv TToXtv, Ti] vavp.a)(ia viKriaavTes, icrcaaav, 
 TToWojv 8e K.ai p,eya\u)V dyadStv rots aXkois "EAAr/crt KaTecrrrjcrav 
 atrtot, &v o{i8' 6 ^ovos rrjv ixvrnxrjv dcpeXicrdat. hvvarai. 
 
 And so Lycurgus [Agst. Leocr cites, § 70) : — 
 
 eyKarakeLTtopL^voL 8e ol -npoyovoi vird TidvTiiiv Tutv 'EAAtji'coz^ ^ia 
 (cat Tovs akkovs rjk^vdepoia-av, dvayKdcravrei kv ^akapuvi /xer' avTtav 
 TTpos TOVS l3ap(3dpovs vavp-ay^ilv ^. 
 
 Athens is free and the champion of freedom : — 
 
 .... vp-i.ls 8' op,uis Kol oStu) bLaneLjxevoi kdopv^^in ws ov Troiria-ovTis 
 ravra' eytyvuxTKere yap on Trepl bovkeCas Kal eAen^eptas ev (.K^ivr] tt] 
 r}[xepa e^eKATjcrtd^ere (Lysias, xii. § 73). 
 
 01 8' AOrjvaiOL, TTJs ekevdepMTaTrjs irokcMS, iTpi(rj3€LS Ta\divT€S, 
 K.T.k. (Demosthenes, On the Embassy, § 69) ^. 
 
 ^ See the whole passage there. 
 
 ^ Cf. Andocides, On the Mysteries, § 142 ; On the Peace with Sparta, § 5 : Lysias, 
 Epitaph, passim: Isocrates, Panegyr. §§ 52, 83 ; Phil. §§ 129, 147 ; Archid. § 83 ; 
 Areop. §§ 51-52 ; De Pace, § 42 ; Plat. § 60 ; xvi. § 27 : Demosthenes, O71 the 
 Symmories, §§ 29-30 ; On the Crown, §§ 204, 208 ; On the Embassy, § 312 ; Agst. 
 Aristocrates, § 124 ; Epist. iv. § 9 ; Epitaph. § 10 : Hyperides, Epitaph. V-vii : 
 Lycurgus, Agst. Leocrates, §§ 50, 82, 104. 
 
 ^ Cf. Lysias, Epitaph. §§ 19, 20, 33 ; Olymp. § 6; Ow the Constitution, §§ lo-ii : 
 
POLITICS 123 
 
 There are in the Orators a few passages which may be com- 
 pared with the famous eulogy of Athens [Med. 824-845 : see 
 above, p. 105), in which Euripides declares that it is the home 
 of wisdom and of the muses. 
 
 Athens, says Isocrates, is a perpetual Trayj/yupts (Panegyr. 
 §46):- 
 
 )(<i)pi9 be TovTMv al fxev aAAat Travrjyvpeis 8ta ttoWov y^povov 
 avXXeyelaat raxeajs bLeXvdrjcrav, r] 8' ijixerepa ttoAis airavra tov 
 alSiva TOLS cKptKvovixivoLs TTavqyvpCs kcTTlV. 
 
 It is the school of Hellas {Antid. § 295) : — 
 
 \pi] yap ixrjbk tovto KavOaveiv vp-as, on TravToiv t5>v hvvap.ivuiv 
 Xeyety t] Traibevetv 77 ttoAis rjixlav hoKti yeyevrjaOai bibda-KaXos, K.r.A. 
 
 Demosthenes (?) speaks of Athens as celebrated in prose and 
 poetry (Epitaph. § 9) : — 
 
 Toov p.\v ovv ds p-vOovs avevrjveypievoiyv epyutv TtoWa TrapaXiTToov 
 TOVTOiV iTTepLvijcrdriv, S)V ovtcos eKaarov ev(Tyr}p.ovas koL tioWovs Ixet 
 Xoyovs, (oore koI tovs eju/xerpous kol tovs tS>v qbopLevav TJOirjTas Koi 
 TToXkovs T&v (rvyypa(peoi)v VTTodicrets rcLKetvcav epya ttjs avrutv 
 fxova-iKfji TTeTTOtrjadaL. 
 
 Athens stands preeminent in understanding and education 
 {Ep)ist. iii. § 11): — 
 
 6avp.a^<a h et p-rjheLS vp.G)V evvoeH, otl tS)V alcryjjCov eort tov brjp.ov 
 TOV ^A6r}vaLU)V, crvvia-ei koX TTatbeia ttclvtcov Ttpo€\eiv boKovvTa, 6? kol 
 Tot? aTVxrjcraa-LV ael Kotvr]V ex^t KaTa(pvy'qv, ayvcup-ovicrTepov (paive- 
 crOai 4>tXt7r7rou, k.t.K. 
 
 Aeschines testifies to the political wisdom of Athens [On the 
 Embassy, § 176) : — 
 
 irdKiv be actxppovcas -noXtTevOevTes, K-oL tov b-qp-ov KaTeXdovTos airo 
 ^vXrjs, ^Kpytvov koI ©paavjSovXov TTpoaTavTutv tov brjpiov Kai to p.ri 
 HvqcrtKaKeiv irpbs aXXi]Xovs evopKov ijpav KaTaaTrjaavTcov, oOev ao(p(>)- 
 TaTrfv TTCLVTes T-qv ttoXlv riyrjcravTO elvai, k.t.X. ^ 
 
 Demosthenes, On the Crown, §§ 68, 72, 99, 100, 183, 204-205 ; On the Chersonese, 
 §§ 42, 49, 60; On the Symmories, § 6; Episf. i. § 16, ii. § 5. See also preceding 
 note. 
 
 ^ In another passage (ibid. § 104) Aeschines speaks of foresight as a charac- 
 teristic of all Hellenes : — dvavTis Se ol "EWrjvts vpus to (itWov iaeaOai 0\i- 
 irovaiy. 
 
124 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 And Demosthenes also speaks of the reputation of Athens in 
 this respect [Agd. Aristocrates, § 109): — • 
 
 ttr' 'OXvvOlol jxev tcra<TL to jueXAoy upoopav, ^/xets 5e ovre^ 
 ^Adrjvaioi. TavTO tovt ovx} Trotrjfrere ; dXA.' alcrxpbv tovs T(2 irepi 
 irpayixdrcov kTtia-TacrOai ^ovk^va-acrdaL boKOVvras Tipoiyi.iv i]ttov 
 'OkwOitiiv TO (Tvpicjiepov eiSoVas o(f)Orjvai,. 
 
 The piety and justice of Athens are also favourite themes 
 with the Orators. 
 
 Isocrates speaks of the city as dear to the gods (Panegyr. 
 
 §39):— 
 
 . . . ovToos T] TToAts ^juwy ov [xovov deo(f)t\S)S aWa Kat (piXavOpoiTrcas 
 eo-yev, K.T.K. 
 
 It is preeminent both in arts and in piety {ibid. § ^;^) : — 
 
 ov TOVS vTTo 'navTOiV op-oKoyovfJiivitis kol irpcoTovs yevop.ivovs Kai 
 TTpos re Tas Teyyas ev^ueorrdrous ovTas kol T7pds to. tcov Oetiv 
 €U(T€J3€crTaTa bLanetjiivovs ; 
 
 Its piety and justice are again mentioned in a eulogy of 
 Athens [Panath. §§ 124-125): — 
 
 ovTO) yap bdlcas koX KaXcas koI Ta irepl Tr]v tt6\lv /cat Ta Trepi a(f)as 
 avTovs btiOKticrav, uxrircp TTpoaijKOV r]y tovs cltto 6€.S>v [UV y^yovoTas, 
 7rpu)Tovs be Koi ttoXlv olKTi]a-avTas Koi vop-OLS yj>y](rap.ivovs, a-navTa b\ 
 Tov \p6vov Tjo-KriKOTas €V(rij3eiav p.\v irepl tovs deovs, bLKatoavvrjv 8e 
 Trepl TOVS avdpa>TT0VS, ovtus be p-i]Te [xiydbas p.'qr eTrrjkvbas dKka 
 jxovovs avT6)(^9ovas tuiv ^EXXrjvcav, koi TavTr]v e\ovTas ti]v ybtpav 
 Tpo(f)6v, (^ rja-TTep e(j)V(rav, koI aTepyovTas avTrjv opiOLuis uxrirep 01 
 
 ^ikTKTTOl TOVS TTttTepaS KOL TttS pLTJTepaS TaS aVT&V, TTpbs be TOVTOLS 
 
 ovTca 6eo(j)tkeLS ovTas, uxrd' boKeX yakeiidiTaTov elvai kolI cnravLca- 
 TaTov, evpelv Tivas tcov oXkcov twv TvpavviKOiV koI /SacrtAt/cwy C'Tti 
 rerTopas t) TrevTe yeveds biapt-eCvavTas, koi tovto a-vpL^rjvaL p.6vois 
 
 eneivois. 
 
 Demosthenes speaks of the glory and piety of Athens (On 
 the Crown, § i): — 
 
 . . . oTrep eo-ri [j.d\L(r9' virep vp-Siv kolX r^s vp.eTlpas evae^eias T€ 
 KoX b6^r}s, K.T.A. 
 
POLITICS 125 
 
 And so again (Prooem. liv.) : — 
 
 KOI hiKaiov oj avbpes ^A6r]vaZot Kai KaXbv Kal (nrovbaiov, oirep ufxeis 
 ciwOare, koI rjixas Ttpovo^lv, ottcos to, irpos tovs 6eovs evcre^cSs efet ^. 
 
 The Athenians love justice {Prooem. xxiv. § 4) : — 
 
 rjixLV be TTpocrriKiL .... aTtovbda-at Set^at iracrti' av6p<aiT0ts otl koI 
 TTpoTcpov Kol vvv KOI ae\ 77/xets juey ra hiKaia TrpoaipovpieOa TrpdrTeiv, 
 
 K.T.X. 2. 
 
 According to Lycurgus, the chief points in which the Athe- 
 nians excel other men are piety, filial duty, patriotism (Agst. 
 Leocrates, § 15) : — 
 
 eS yap iore, S 'Adrjvaloi,, on w TrAetoroy Sta^epere rcSy aAAcoy 
 avOpcaiTUiv, tc5 Trpo's re rovs Ocovs evtre^ws Kai Trpos rou? yovels 
 oo-tcds Ktti Trpos T^i^ TrarpCba <^tXort]ua)s eyeiv, rovruiv TrXelarov 
 aixeXeiv bo^oLT av, et t?|i; Trap v[X(av ovtos bi.a(f)vyoL Tiixoopiav. 
 
 Frequent allusion is made by the Orators to Athens' 
 championship of the weak and the wronged. It is a policy 
 which she sometimes pursues even to her own detriment. 
 
 Andocides calls this policy to dOLo-piivov kukov [On the 
 Peace ivith Sparta, § 28): — 
 
 eyo) p.\v ovv (Kelvo beboLna fxdXiO'Ta, co 'AOrjva'iOL, to el6L(Tp.ivov 
 KUKOv, oTi TOVS KpetTTovs cfiikovs d(f)i€VT€s del tovs rJTTOvs alpovpLeOa, 
 Kal ■noXep.ov TTOLOvfXiOa bi kripovs, f^ov bi rjixas avTovs €lpi]vqv 
 ayciv . 
 
 Lysias instances the case of the Heraclidae* [Epita'ph. 
 §12):- 
 
 .... k^aiTOvp.ivov be avTOVs KvpvcrOecos 'Adrfvaloi ovk rjOeX-qcrav 
 eabovvaL, dXXa ttjv UpaKXeovs dper-qv jxaXXov 7)bovvTo rj tov Kivbvvov 
 TOP kavT&v k<po^ovvTo, K(xi rj^iovv VTrep t&v da-OevearTepoov p-eTa tov 
 biKaiov bLap.dy€a9aL p.aXXov i] Tols bvvajxivoLS x.apL^6p.evoL tovs vtt' 
 €K€LV(i>v dbiKovp-evovs €Kbovvai^. 
 
 ^ Cf Agst. Midias, § 12 ; Agst. Neaera, § 76. 
 '^ Cf. On the Embassy, § 272 ; Lept. § 142 ; Prooem. xxxiii. § 2. 
 ^ In the sections which follow he quotes examples from Athenian history. 
 See also ibid, § 13. 
 
 * Cf. Euripides, Heracl. 
 
 * Cf. ibid. §§ 7-9, 16, 22. 
 
126 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Similarly Isocrates (Panegyr. § 52) : — 
 
 .... airavTa yap tov -)(jp6vov biereXeaav koivtjv r-qv ttoKiv iraps- 
 )(0VTiS Kai rots abiKOviiivois del rSiV F,Wr]vu)V eiraixyvovaav^. 
 
 Athens, says Aeschines, is the common refuge of the Hellenes 
 (Agst. Ctesiphon, § 134): — 
 
 77 8e rjixerepa ttoAis, 17 kolvt] KaTa(pvyr} tG>v YtWrivcav^ k.t.K. 
 
 Demosthenes speaks of Athens as having the reputation of 
 always ensuring the safety of the unfortunate [For the 
 Liberty of the Mhodians, § 22) : — 
 
 ov yap hv Vjxas fiovXoip.'^v, bo^av e)(^ovTa9 tov (rat^eiv tovs arvx/i- 
 cravTas a€L, \eipovs Apyemv ev ravTj] rfj irpa^ei, (pavrjvai^. 
 
 According to Hyperides, Athens punishes the wicked and pro- 
 tects the just [Epitaph, iii) : — 
 
 .... ovTMS Kai 7] TToXis T}p.Q)v StarcAet row? fikv KaKov^ Koka^ovaa, 
 Tov<5 8e hiKaiovs pvofxevr], to be Xcrov olptX r)J? irXeovc^Las &TTacri.v 
 (f)v\dTTOV(Ta, Tols 8e Ibtots Kivbvvois Ka\ banavai^ Koivriv abei-av toIs 
 "KWrjCTLv TTapacTKevd^ovcra ^. 
 
 Uapprjo-ia and l(nf]yopia are words frequently employed by 
 the Orators. Demosthenes tells us that at Athens not only 
 citizens but even foreigners and slaves enjoyed the privilege 
 of TTapprjaia [Phil. iii. § 3) : — 
 
 v/xeis Ti]v TTapprjaCav ctti fxkv tG>v &XX(iiv ovtm Koivrjv otecOe belv 
 (Ivai TjacTL roTj €v tv TTo'Aet, wore Kai toXs ^4vois kol toIs bovXois 
 avTi]s [xeTabebcaKare, k.t.A.. 
 
 And he speaks of the la-qyopia enjoyed by democracies [For 
 the Liberty of the Rhodians, § 18): — 
 
 ov yap Icr^' ottcos [oAtyot ttoXXoXs Kai] ^t]tovvt€S ap)(^€Lv roi? /ixct' 
 la-qyopCas Cw ypi]l^^voLS evvoi yivoivr av *. 
 
 ^ In the following sections he instances several examples, the case of the 
 Heraclidae among others. See also ihid. § 41 ; Phil. §§ 33-34 ; Panath. §§ 168 ff., 
 194 ; Plat. §§ I, 52-53- 
 
 ^ Cf. Olynth. ii. § 24 ; Crown, § 186 (cases of Oedipus and of the Heraclidae) ; 
 Agsi. Timocrates, § 171 (flOos of Athens) ; Agst. Arisiocrates, § 156; Epitaph. § 8. 
 
 ^ Cf. For Euxenippus, xliii, xlvii : Dinarchus, Agst. Demosthenes, § 39. 
 
 * Cf, Aeschines, Agst. Timarchus, §§ 172-173 : Demosthenes, Agst. Midias, 
 § 124 ; Agst. Stephanus, i. § 79 ; Epitaph. § 28 (where Theseus is said to have 
 been the first to establish larjyopia in Athens). 
 
POLITICS 127 
 
 The following phrase is used by Demades C?) [v-n^p tt]s 8co8e- 
 Ka€Tias, § 43) : — 
 
 appeva kdyov koL tov tQ>v AdrjvaCcov dvojxaTos a^iav irapprjcrLav. 
 
 In actual experience, however, it was sometimes difficult to 
 obtain free speech. Mtj 6opv(3dT€ is a phrase of frequent 
 recurrence. Demosthenes often craves -napp-qcria from his 
 audience, and there are frequent appeals for a fair hearing. 
 
 For example, in the speech On the C?iersone8e,^^2,we have 
 a parenthesis to this effect : — 
 
 KaC ixoi TTpos 6iS>v, oTav etvcKa tov ^^Kticttov Xeyo), eorco 
 Trapprjcrta. 
 
 And in one passage he says plainly, that not in all cases was 
 •nappr](rCa enjoyed at Athens (Olynth. iii, § 32) : — 
 
 ovbe yap Trappr](ria Trept iravTcav ael Trap' vpXv Icrriv, cOOC iycay' 
 on KoX vvv yiyov^v Qavp^aCfii. 
 
 Isocrates uses even stronger language (De Pace, § 14) : — 
 
 eyo) 8' ot8a \i.iv^ otl TrpoaavTiS ecmv evavTLOvcrOaL tols vp.^Tepat.9 
 biavoiaL^, Kat. on brjfxoKpaTLas ova-q^ ovk ^an Trapprjo-Ca, TrXrjv evOabe 
 IX€V T019 acppovecTTCLTOLs Kai /xTjfiey vp.u)v (ppovTiCova-iv, €V be to; 
 ^edrpci) Tols KO)p,(obobLbaa-Kdkoi.<i^. 
 
 I remarked in a former place (p. 106) that we should find 
 that the boast that the Athenians were autochthonous was 
 a commonplace with the Orators. I will here adduce a few 
 passages in illustration. 
 
 Lysias [EjntapTi. § 17) has these words: — 
 
 ov yap axrirep ot ttoAXoi, Travraxodev (TvveLkeyp.ivoi /cat knpovs 
 eK/3aXoi;re? T-qv akXorpiav (xxricrav, dA.A.' avT6)(dov€S dvT€s ttjv avrriv 
 eKCKXtjiTO Kat ixrjripa Kal Tiarpiba. 
 
 Isocrates employs almost the same language {Panegyr. §§ 
 
 34-35):— 
 
 TavTr]v yap olKovp.iv ov\ kripovs eK(3a\6vTes ovb €pr][xr]v Kara- 
 Xal36vT€i ovb' e/c TroAAwf k6vS>v p-iydbes crvXXeyivTes, dAA. ovtco 
 KoArSs Kat yvq(TL(as yeyovajxev, &crT k^ ria-nep €(f)vp.€v, Tavrrjv €)(oi't€s 
 airavTa tov xpovov StareAof'/xey, avTo-^Ooves ovTes Kal t&v ovopidTcov 
 
 ^ For some effects of -napprjaia see Demades (?), virlp t^s ZwZeKaiTias, § 8. 
 
128 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Tois avTolls olcnrep tovs otKetorarous ti}V 7i6\lv e^^vTes irpocrimuv' 
 fxovoLS yap rjixlv tS>v 'EAAi/fcoi; rrjy avTy]v Tpocfiov Koi Trarpiba kol 
 IJLr]T€pa Kakiaai TTpoarjKeL ^. 
 
 Demosthenes speaks of the Athenians and the Arcadians 
 as the only Greeks who were avroxdoves {On the Emibassy, 
 § 261):— 
 
 .... p.6voi yap TtavTUiv avroxdoves vixels ia-re KOLKeivoi ^. 
 
 We find the boast also in Hyperides [Epitaph, iv) : — 
 
 Ttepi he ^AOrjvaCcov avhpStv tow Xoyovi TroLovpievov, ols rj koivt} 
 yivea-LS avroxdoaiv ovcnv avvnip^kriTOv rrjv evyevetav e^et, TrepUpyov 
 Tjyovixai elvai IbCa to. y€vr\ iyKcoixtd^eiv : 
 
 and in Lycurgus (Agst. Leocrates, § 41) : — 
 
 .... OS (sc. ^AOrfvalos ojv) Trporepov em rw avT6)(du)V eXvai Ka\ 
 eXevQepos k(T€p.vvviTO. 
 
 The hatred of Sparta — the other side to the love of 
 Athens — is no less prominent in the Orators than in Euripides. 
 But, on the whole, they speak with less bitterness and 
 rancour than Euripides does. Athenian feelings against 
 Sparta were not, in the fourth century b. c, at the same white 
 heat as they had been during the Peloponnesian War. Other 
 things demanded their attention. Isocrates the theorist 
 dreamed of a war against Persia ; Demosthenes had to face 
 the machinations of Philip. 
 
 Andocides speaks of Spartan treachery {On the Peace with 
 Sparta, § 2) : — 
 
 .... eiKoVtos av i(j)o(3ovpLeda avro bid re ttjv diieipiav tov epyov 
 hid T€ T-qV €K€LV(tiV dTTtaTtav. 
 
 Lysias, referring to Athenian jealousy of Sparta, says (xviii. 
 
 §15):- 
 
 .... Kal TOis p-ev dkXois "EWrjcnv dpytCecrOe (Cobet's reading 
 for the MS. opyiCoiade"), et tls AaKebatpovCovs vp.S)v irepl TrAeioros 
 -TToteirai, vpeli 8' avrol (pavqa-eade TTca-TOTepov irpos iKeCvovs t] Ttpos 
 vp,as avrovs 8taKet/xevo6 ; 
 
 * Cf. De Pace, § 49; Panath. §§ 124-125. 
 2 Cf. Epitaph. § 4. 
 
POLITICS 129 
 
 In Epitaph. §§ 44-45, he contrasts the conduct of the Athenians 
 with that of the Spartans in the Persian Wars. In Olymp. 
 § 7, there is mingled praise and blame of Sparta. 
 
 Isocrates speaks of Spartan apyia and irXeove^ia [Busiris, 
 § 20) :— 
 
 €1 [xkv yap airavTes fxiixrjcraiixeOa ti]V AaKeSatjUoi'tcoy apyiav Koi 
 TtXeove^Mv, evOvs av airoKoLjxeda Kai 8ta t-qv evbecav t5>v Ka9^ 
 Tjixipav Koi bia rbv Tro'Xejuoy tov Trpb^ rjp.a.'s avrovs. 
 He blames the conduct of Sparta in her hegemony in no mild 
 terms (Panegyr. § 113): — 
 
 . . . avTol (sc. 01 AaKebaLfJ-ovLOL) irXeiovs (v Tpial ixrjarlv d/cptrous 
 cLTTOKTeCvavTes S>v 77 TTo'At? em t//s cipx^rjs cnrdo-qs eKpLvev. 
 And again {ibid. §§ 132-123): — 
 
 wy a^Lov (vOvjjLrjdevras ayavaKTrjcraL ju,ey cttI toIs TrapovaL, TtoOiaai. 
 h\ Tr]v rjyefjioviap ti]v rjpLerepav, ixefx\lra(Tdai 8e AaKebaiixovCois, ort 
 TTJy fxey a.p)(j]v els tov 'uoXep.ov KaTeaTtjaav ws ekevOepcocrovTes tovs 
 "EXXrjvas, em be reXevr?}? ovtco ttoXKovs avrciv (Kborovs (TToCrjaav, 
 Kot TTJs fxev rjixeripas TroAeco? tovs "Icoi^a? aireaTrjo-av, e^ ^^9 dTrw- 
 Krjcrav koi bi rjv TtoXXaKts €(Tcodr]crav, Tols be fiap^apoLs avTovs 
 e^ebocrav, S>v aKovTOiv tt]V yoypav e)(ov(Ti koi irpos ovs ovbe ircairoT 
 iirava-avTo iroXeixovvTes. . . . ovbels yap rjixciv ovrcos aiKi^erat tovs 
 olKeTas 0)5 eKeLvoL tovs eXevdipovs KoXdCovcrtv ^. 
 
 But, as the object of Isocrates was to effect the unity of 
 
 Greece, he frequently has words of praise for Sparta. 
 He testifies to Spartan prowess (xvi. § 11): — 
 . . . Kai (paai itap' CKeCvov p.adeiv AaKebaipiovCovs, ws XPh 
 
 TToXeixeXv, o\ Kal tovs dXXovs btbdcrKetv Te)(vr]v eyovcnv'^. 
 
 Again [Epist. ix. § 4) : — 
 
 Tis 8' av ■qiTop-qa-e, bLC^Uvai ISovXrjOels ttjv dvbpLav oX-qs Trjs 
 
 77oXea)s Kai ^(acppoavvrjv Kal itoXiTeiav T7)y vttu tu)V Ttpoyovoiv t5>v 
 
 vixeTepcov (rvvTayQeicrav ; 
 
 ^ See the whole passage (§§ 122-128) ; and Butcher, Demosthenes, p. 2. Cf. 
 also, for similar passages, De Pace, §§ 96-101 ; Areop. § 7. 
 
 ^ Cf. Epist ii. § 6 ; and for a discussion on Spartan education, prowess, 
 virtues, &c. see the whole of the Panath. Most men's praise of Sparta, he 
 says, is moderate (§ 41) : — tjv (sc. Sparta) ol noWol fiirpiws iiraivovcnv. For an 
 anticipated contrast between the awfpoavvTj and neiOapxia of Sparta and the 
 oXiyaipiai of Athens see §111. 
 
 K 
 
I30 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 The Spartan polity is good (Busiris, § 17): — 
 
 . . . KOI AaKebaLiJioviovi fxepos tl tu>v ^K^Wev (sc. the Egyptians) 
 fxifjiovixivovs apKTTa hioLK^iv t')]v avrSiv ttoXlv. 
 
 There was a strong rivahy, Isocrates tells us, between Athens 
 and Sparta in the earliest times, but then it was irepl KakkiaTOiv 
 (Panegyr. § 85). He would fain have the two cities to sink 
 their differences and unite against Persia (ibid. §§ 187-189) ^ 
 He recalls the prowess of the Spartans at Thermopylae 
 (Arckid. §§ 99-100) ^. Empire had made the Spartans too 
 proud, and involved them in the same perils as it had the 
 Athenians before them, but they had acquired that empire 
 bia TO <T(i)(f)p6vois Cv^ '^^^ (TTpaTtoiTLKcas (Areop. § y). 
 
 Aeschines, after paying a compliment to Spartan judges, 
 and declaring that they, unlike the Athenians, have regard 
 to a good life more than to words (Agst. Timarchus, §§ 179- 
 181), seems to think an apology necessary (§ 182): — 
 
 Xva 8e [xr] boKUt AaK^baLfjiovLovs OepaireveLv, koI rS>v yjpLiTepcov 
 TTpoyovcov jJLvrja-drja-ojxai. 
 
 From a phrase used by Demosthenes, we gather that he did 
 not think (jiLkavdpcoiTLa a Spartan characteristic (jPor the 
 Megalopolitans, § 16): — 
 
 6y\r\ yap av (piXavOpcaitoi yevoLVTO. 
 The empire of Sparta was a tyranny [Lept. § 70) : — 
 
 riyovvTo yap ov puKpav Tvpavvlba koI tovtov (sc. Conon), Tr\v 
 AaKtbaip.ovioiv apxr]v KaTakva-avra, TreiravKevai.. 
 
 Their behaviour to the Asiatic Greeks was shameful (Agst. 
 Aristocrates, § 140): — 
 
 TTciis yap ovK. al(r\pbv AaKebaifxovCots p\v eyKaXeXv on tovs jaey 
 'Acrtav OLKOvvras "F>\kr]vas (ypa'^av i^elvat bpacrat ttolv 6 tl av 
 (dekrj jQacrtAevs, K.r.A. 
 
 ^ It was Athens and Sparta that first occurred to Isocrates as the possible 
 leaders of the invasion of Asia ; and hence ' he calls upon Athens and Sparta 
 to forego their jealousies, and to take the joint leadership of an expedition to 
 Asia' (Jebb, Attic Orators, ii. p. i8). 
 
 ^ For Spartan energy and endurance see Archid. § 56 ; and, for some 
 advantages of the Spartan system of government, ibid. § 81. The whole of 
 the Archidamus is interesting in connexion with Sparta. 
 
POLITICS 131 
 
 There is one point, however, in which the Spartans contrast 
 favourably with the Athenians, — that in Spartan politics the 
 minority fall in and loyally support the decision arrived at 
 {Frooeiii. xxxv)^. 
 
 If Sparta is not always blamed, neither is Athens always 
 praised. 
 
 Andocides tells the Athenians that they are suspicious and 
 perverse {On the Peace ivith Sparta, § 35) : — 
 
 vjxils yap Ttept, ^ikv tu>v kTOifiodv v\nv virovoelv elcadare koL 
 hva-)(epaiviLV, to, h ovk ovra XoyoTTOie'iv cos ecrrty vpilv eTotp-a' kolv 
 fxkv 7ToX€p.€lv bij], TTJs clpi^vrjs eTn6vp.€lT€, iav bi tls vp.lv ti]V 
 elprjvrjv TTpdrrr], XoyC^^crO^ rbv TTokep-ov oaa ayada vplv Kareip- 
 yacraTo. 
 
 Isocrates and Demosthenes frequently contrast the degenerate 
 Athens of their own time with the Athens of former days. 
 
 Good men, says Isocrates, are oppressed: full licence is 
 given to evildoers {Antid. § 164): — 
 
 ovTOi yap 1] TToAis ey rw itapovri yaipei tovs p.'kv eiruLKii? 'nUQovcra 
 Kol Taireivovs TTOLovara, toXs be TTOvrjpois k^ovdiav btbovcra Kol Keyetv 
 Kai TTOLeiV 6 TL av jSovXTjOcaatv, wtrre AvcrCp-axo^ pev 6 irpotipripivos 
 ^rfv kn Tov (TVKo^avTelv Ka\ KaKois aeC Ttva Troiety raJv ttoXltQv 
 KaTr]yopr\(T(X)V rjpL&v ava(34(3r}Kev, k.t.X. 
 
 Athens lends a ready ear to calumny [Epist. ii. § 15) : — 
 
 pabms TTeiOeTat rots biajSakXava-LV. 
 
 In a fragment (iii (a'), i) Isocrates compares Athens to 
 kralpai.. 
 
 In the Antid. §§ 316-319, he gives an account of the mis- 
 government at Athens after the death of Pericles. 
 
 The city is going from bad to worse (^reo^9. § 18) : — 
 
 Kotroi TTois XP^? TavT7]v Tr]v TToKiTetav kiraiveiv r\ cnipyeLV r^y 
 ToaovTOiv p.€v KaKUiv alrCav irporepov yevopevrjv, vvv 8e Ka6^ iKaarov 
 TOV eviavTov eirt to y^elpov (pepopevrjv ; 
 
 The Athens of former days is eulogised (ibid. §§ 20-37). 
 
 ^ For a comparison of the Athenian with the Spartan and Theban govern- 
 ments see Lept. §§ 105-111. 
 
 K 3 
 
132 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 There was a ofMovota in ancient Athens which has ceased to 
 exist {AreojJ. § 31)- 
 
 The Athenian youth are degenerate (ibid. §§ 48-49). 
 
 Athens is not now regarded as she formerly was either by 
 Greeks or by barbarians (ibid. §§ 79-81)^. 
 
 Both the state and individuals, according to Aeschines, 
 have degenerated (Agst. Ctesijjhon, § 178): — 
 
 cl yap Tis •t'ju.a? (pctirriaeLe, irorepov vpuv evbo^orepa boKei r] 
 ttoXls rjjxQv ^Ivai (ttI tS>v vvvX KaipS>v rj eTtl rdv itpoyovoiv, airavTes 
 av 6p.oXoyriaaiTe, kirX rCiV Trpoyovcav. avhpes be TTorepov tot€ 
 apLclvovs rjcrav rj vvvi ; rove [xev bLa(pepovTes, vvvl 8e ttoAAw 
 KarabeicrTepoi, ^. 
 
 The iithenian brj^os, says Demosthenes, is unstable and shift- 
 ing as the sea (On the Embassy, §§ 135-136) : — 
 
 ... a KttL irporepov ttot' etitov eyo) irpo? vp.as (v t<2 Sr/juw Koi 
 TOVTOdv ovbels avT€l7T€v, o)? 6 jxev bijpios ecTTiv aaraOp-TiTOTaTOv 
 irpaypia tG>v ttclvtuiv koI aavvOeTcaTaTov, uxrirep OdXaTT aKarda-TaTOV, 
 COS av Tij\r] Kivovjievov. 
 
 Demosthenes had a hard task to rouse his countrymen to 
 individual and personal effort, — a thing which in his time 
 they shirked on every possible occasion ^. 
 
 The Athenians, he says, are easily taught what is best, but 
 slow to act (For the Liberty of the Rhodians, § i): — 
 
 eyol) 8' ovbeTTcoTToO^ r]yr](rd[xr]v ^aAeTTw to btbd^ai to ^eXriaO 
 vpas, dXXd to TrelaaL TrpdrTHv ravra. 
 
 So again [Agst. Aristocrates, § 145) : — 
 
 oTi, Zi dvbpes ^AOrjvalot, ttoXXo. yiyvuxTKovTes 6p95>s vpLHS ov bta 
 reXouj avToli -x^prjcrOe. 
 
 The bijpos is easily deceived {Lept. § 3) : — 
 
 bia TO pabicos e^aTrarao-^at Toy brjpov. 
 
 In a passage where he contrasts the poverty of Aristides with 
 the wealth and self-aggrandisement of those in office in his 
 
 * See the whole passage, §§ 71-84 ; and ci.De Pace, §§ 43-44, 75. For praise 
 of ancestors see Areop. §§ 20 if. 
 ' Cf. ibid. § 154 ; Epist. xi. § 9. 
 ' See the Philippics and Olynthiacs, passim. 
 
POLITICS 133 
 
 own day, he says that then the St/juos was master, whereas 
 now it is the servant (Agd. Aristocrates, § 309) : — 
 
 TOTi jjikv yap 6 brjixos '^v heaTTOTrjs rcav TroAtreuo/xeVcoy, vvv 8' 
 VTTripeTr}s. 
 
 Athens does not now punish evildoers as she once did (ibid. 
 § 304) :— 
 
 ov8e yap bUrjv 'in Xap.^dveiv kOik^Te i^apa T(av abLKOvvTu>v, aAAa 
 KOI TovT e^eATjAu^ey ex t^9 TToAecoy. 
 
 The Athenians are inferior in counsel, not only to their 
 ancestors, but to all other men (ibid. § an): — 
 
 aAA' 01) TOVT iCTTi TO betvov, el twv TTpoyovav, ol bi,€vriv6)(acnv 
 airavTcav apeTrj, xetpov jBovXevojxeOa, aAA' 074 Kai iravTuyv av- 
 
 dp(iiTT(OV ^. 
 
 'Quantum mutatus ab illo,' — that describes the Athenian 
 brjixos in the time of the Orators. 
 
 Two only of the Orators resemble Euripides in not being 
 party-politicians. These are Isaeus and Isocrates. Of the 
 life of Isaeus practically nothing is known. He neither took 
 nor pretended to take any part in political life. Isocrates, as 
 we have seen, also held aloof from public life, and conjured 
 up the dream of a victorious Pan-Hellenism '^. Theoretically, 
 however, he regarded democracy as the best form of govern- 
 ment. The rest of the Orators were all party-politicians. 
 Antiphon was an oligarch, and one of the leaders of the Four 
 Hundred. Andocides, a democrat, played an important part 
 at the time of the mutilation of the Hermae, and was lucky 
 to escape with his life when the Four Hundred were in 
 power. Lysias, though he always remained a ix4toikos, ren- 
 dered valuable aid to the democracy at and after the time of 
 the Thirty ^ The others belonged either to the Macedonian 
 or to the anti-Macedonian party. 
 
 * Cf. Agst. Timocrates, § i86 ; Agst. Aristocrates, §§ 145-147; On the Trierarchic 
 Crown, §§ Qi-22 ; Prooem. xiv. §§ 2-3, Iv ; Epist. iii. § 21. 
 
 ^ Cf. Perrot, L'Eloquence, &c., p. 348. 
 
 ^ For the relation of Lysias to political life see Jebb, Attic Orators, i. p. 156. 
 Cf. also ibid. ii. p. 2 : — ' As Antiphon breathes the spirit of the elder common- 
 
134 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 I will not attempt, however, to illustrate their respective 
 party-feelings by quotation. These feelings dominated their 
 whole life and work. But it may be interesting to observe 
 the way in which they regarded the various forms of govern- 
 ment ; to note which they thought best, and why ; and to see 
 what, in their view, constituted a country's salvation. It is an 
 all-important question what sort of constitution a state shall 
 have ; for, in the words of Isocrates [Areop. § 14) the TroAireta 
 is the soul of the state : — eart yap "^vyj] iroXeoos ovh^v irepov rj 
 TToXiTeCa \ 
 
 The polity which any man will favour is, according to 
 Lysias, dependent on the principle of utility (xxv. § 8) : — 
 
 TTp&TOV fxev ovv evOvprjdijvat ^Pl on ov8et? iavLV avOpcoTTcav 0vcret 
 ovT€ oXiyapxi-Kos ovre brjixoKpariKos, dAA.' iJTis av kKdaT(o TroAtreta 
 aviKpepj], TavTTjv TTpodvpLtirai Kadta-Tavai. 
 
 The evils incident to oligarchy will cause a revolution in 
 favour of democracy, and vice versa {ibid. § 27): — 
 
 Tracri yap 7/8r] (pavepov kaTiv on hia Toy's fxev abiKcos TTo\LTevop.4vovs 
 ev rfj oXiyapx^a hrjpiOKpaTia ^ yiverai, hia 8e tovs iv rfj brjixoKparCa 
 avKO(t)avTovvTas 6Xiyap\ia h\s KariaTr]. 
 
 Aeschines, in enumerating the three forms of government, 
 says that tyrannies and oligarchies are managed according 
 to the individual tempers of the tyrant or oligarchs, democra- 
 cies by existing laws [Agst. Timaixhus, § 4) : — ■ 
 
 6}xoXoyovvTai yap rpets elvat TroAtreTat Trapa TracTLV avdpcoTTOLS, 
 TVpavvls Kol okiyap^ia Ka\ br}p.OKpaTia' Siot/coCirat 8' at [X€V TvpavvCbes 
 Koi okiyap^iai Tols rpoTioLS twv ecjieo-TrjKOTcov, al 8e ttoKcls at brjp.o- 
 KpaTovjxevat toIs vopiOLS tois Kei/xeVois ^. 
 
 wealth, as Andokides is associated with the troubled politics of Athens in 
 the second half of the Peloponnesian War, as Lysias expresses the ordinary 
 citizen-life of the restored democracy, so Isokrates is distinctively the man of 
 the decadence — an Athenian, still more a Greek, of the age of declining 
 independence.' 
 
 ^ Cf. Panath. § 138, where almost the same words are employed. 
 
 * For the meaning of SrjfxoKpaTia as compared with our word ' democracy * 
 see Fowler, The City -State of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 162-163. 
 
 * He uses the same words, Agst. Ctesiphon, § 6. 
 
POLITICS 135 
 
 Isocrates reminds Nicocles that in all governments attention 
 must be paid to the many {^Ad Nicocl, §§ 15-16): — 
 
 /xeAerco o-oi tov ttXtiOovs, kclI irepl iravros ttolov KexctjOicr/ixeVcos 
 avTols apyeiv, yiyvwcTKodv, on koX tG)V 6XLyap\i(av koX t5)V akX(ov 
 nokiTiiSiv avrai TrXelarov yjpovov biajx^vovcnv, atrives av apicTTa to 
 ttXtjOos 6€paTT€V0L>aiv ^. 
 
 He goes on to enumerate the first and most important elements 
 of a good polity : — 
 
 KaXS>s 8e hr] flay coyrj (re IS, rjv p.rjGi' vjBpiC^LV tov oyXov eSs jlitj^' 
 v^pL^op-evov TTepLopqs, dAXa ctkotttjs, ottco? ol ^e'Arto-Tot p.ev ras rtjuas 
 €^ov(TLv, 01 8' aAAot jxrjbev ahiK-qa-ovTac' ravTa yap orotxeia TrpcSra 
 Kol p-iyiara xp'fJcrT^s TroAtretas kcTTiv. 
 
 In the Areop. § ^^, he gives us his idea of what the best 
 polity should effect : — 
 
 &v ovh\v ^v ctt' kKeivTf]'i rrjs ^ovXrjs' oTTTjAAa^e yap tovs [jikv 
 TrivrjTas t&v cmopiSiv Tois epyaaCais Kal rats irapa twv exoVrcoy 
 a)0eAciatj, tovs be ve(OT€povs Tm> aKoXaat&v tois €7nTrib€vp.a(n Kal 
 rai? avTcov eTrt/xeAeiats, tovs be TroAireuojueVov? tS>v TrXeove^Mv 
 Tals TLpLMpCais Kal tw p.r} XavOdveiv tovs abtKovvTas, tovs be 
 Ttpecr^VTepovs tmv advpacHv Tals rtjuats Tals TroAtrtKais Kal Tals 
 TTapa tG)v veooTepcov OepaTreCats. KaiToi ttcos av yevoiTo TavTr]s 
 TiXeiovos a$Ca TToXiTeia, Tr]S ovtm KaXQs ai:dvT(i)v tS>v TrpaypLaTcov 
 eTnp.eXrj6ei(n]s ; 
 
 Democracy, Isocrates maintains, is a better form of govern- 
 ment than oligarchy ; and he compares the Athenian demo- 
 cracy with the oligarchy of the Thirty (J.req/3. § 62): — 
 
 T(ov Toivvv aXXoiv TTuXecDV Tals einffiavea-TdTaLS Kai ixeyLcrTais, rjV 
 e^erdCeiv l3ovXr]6copiev, evpi](rop.ev tcls bvip^oKpaTias [xaXXov 7) Tas 
 oAtyapxias avp-fpepovaas' iirel Kai T-qv rjpieTepav iroXiTeiav, ■p irdvTes 
 eTHTLfJiGxnv, 7\v 'napa^dXuyp.ev avTr]v p-q irpos ti]v vtt ep.ov p-qdelo-av 
 dXXd TTpos TTjv VTib TO)v TpidKOVTa KaTaaTaaav, ovbets oaTis ovk av 
 OeoTTOLTfTov elvat vop-iaeiev ^. 
 
 ' Cf. PhiUppus, § 79. 
 
 * For another comparison of the democracy with the Thirty see ibid. § 69. 
 The advantages of a monarchy over an oligarchy or democracy are set fortli 
 in the Nicocles, §§ 14-26. 
 
136 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Of the best kind of democracy we have a description also in 
 the Areop. §§ 26-27 : — 
 
 w? 8e avvTOjxoys elu^'iv, kKUVOi bieyvutKom ^crav, otl 8et tov /xey 
 brjjjiov u)(TiT€p Tvpavvov Kadiaravai ras apxas kol KoXd^eiv tovs 
 k^aixaprdvovras koX KpCveiv irepl tS>v dp.(l)icr^r]Toviiivu)v, Tov<i 8e 
 (Tyo\y]v aycLV bvvajxevovs Koi (3Cov LKavov KfKTrjpiivovs eTTijueAeicr^at 
 T(av KOivQiV uxTTTep otKeVa?, kol bLKaiovs p-ev yevop.evovs eTraivela-Oai 
 Kai aTipyeiv ravTr] rrj Ti/117, KaKcas 8e bioiKriarapTas ^Tj8e)u.taj avy- 
 yi'wpLTjs Tvy)(^dveiv aXXa raC'i pLeyicrTais frj/ixtats TTepmiTTTeLv. Kairoi 
 TTft)? dv Tis €vpoL TavTTjs ^e^aioripav 1) hiKaioripav brjixoKparbav, t^s 
 TOVS' p^^v bvvaTMTaTovs CTTi Tas Trpd^ets KaOiaTacrrjs, avrSiV b\ TOVTcav 
 
 TOl' bijpiOV KVpiOV TTOlOl^CTTJ?^ ,* 
 
 Demosthenes speaks of the equality and justice which all 
 men enjoy in a democracy [Agd. Midias, § 67) : — 
 
 . . . oTi tG>v Xa-Mv KoX T(t>v biKaioiv eKaaros J^yetrat kavT(2 [i^Tetvai 
 (V brfp-OKpariq. 
 
 Democracy, he says elsewhere, is the form of government 
 most unfavourable to men of infamous lives [Agd. Androtion, 
 
 VfSet ydp, ybei rots al(T)(^p(as l^ejBtcoKocnv airaaSiv ovaav kvavTi- 
 
 (DTdTTjV TTOkiTeiaV iv fl TTCLO-LV €^€<TTt k4y€LV K^KeiVCOV UVeCbr]. eCTTi. 
 
 8' avTTi Tts ; brjpiOKpaTia. 
 
 We have already seen (p. 135) how Isocrates regarded the 
 actions of the Thirty. Similar passages are to be met with 
 in Demosthenes, For example, in the speech Agst Timocrates, 
 § 1 6^, he says : — 
 
 dWd Trap rjpuv Trore tt(ottot€ bewoTara (v rfj iroAei ykyov^v ; eu 
 ot8' oTt €ttI tG>v TpLttKovO' oLTTavTes av etTToire ^. 
 
 There is more clemency in a democracy (Agst. Androtion, 
 
 §51):- 
 
 ei yap kOikoiT e^eratrai riro? ere/ca p.aXkov dv riy eXoiro kv 
 brjpiOKpaTLa ^fjv i] kv 6kiyapyJ,a, tovt av evpoire TTpoyje.ipoTarov , otl 
 iravra TrpaoTep' eariv kv h]p.0KpaTia ^. 
 
 ' Cf. Panath. §§ 130-131, where a good and a bad democracy are contrasted. 
 2 Cf. ibid. §§ 56-57, 90. 
 
 ^ The same words are employed in the speech Agst. Timocrates, § 163. For 
 a passage bearing on the greater honour and security attaching to favours 
 
POLITICS 
 
 ^37 
 
 In an oligarchy there is no freedom of speech : one cannot 
 criticise those in power [ihid. § 32) : — 
 
 €v yap Tat? oAtyap)(^at9, ovh^ h.v ooaiv eV ^AvhpoTLOdvos rtres 
 at(r;(ioi/ ^e^LcaKOTcs, ovk €<ttl Xiyeiv KaKcai tovs apyovras. 
 
 An oligarchy is the foe of freedom [For the Liherty of the 
 Rhodians, § 20) : — 
 
 Tovs 8e Tas TTokireias KaraXvovras Kai jue^ioTairas eis oKiyapyiav, 
 Kotvovs ix^P^^^ irapaLvQ vo[ji.i(eiv tiuvtoov T(ov iXevOeptas ktiidv- 
 
 IXOVVTOiV ^. 
 
 The things on which the safety of a state depends are 
 6p.6voia, cr(ji<ppocnjvri, evKoa-jxia, observance of laws, oaths, and 
 covenants. 
 
 If the laws are guarded, says Aeschines, the democracy is 
 preserved (Agst. Ctesiphon, § 6) : — 
 
 biOTTCp KOL 6 vopLoO^Trjs TovTo TTpMTOV ^Ta^€v €v Tw T&v bcKaaTcav 
 opKto, " \f/ri(f>LovpLaL Kara tovs voixovs," CKelvo ye €v elbcas, on, orav 
 hiaTrjpri6S)(Tiv 01 v6p.oi rfi iroXei, (rca^eTat kol tj br}pi,0KpaTCa ^. 
 
 Similarly Lycurgus (Agst. Leocrates, §§ 3-4) : — 
 
 Tpia yap eort to. fx4yt(TTa, a 8ia(^uAarret /cat biaaca^ei. Tr]V brj- 
 fj-OKpaTiav KttL Tr}V ttjs Tro'Aeoos evhai\xoviav, -apGiTov p.\v rj t&v vo/xcoy 
 Ta^ts, bevrepov 8' ^ t&v bLKaaT&v \l/i]<pos, rpCrov 8' rj rovroi? 
 TabiK-qixara Trapabtbova-a KpCcns. 
 
 In a democracy, says Hyperides, the laws must be nvpioL (For 
 Euxenippus, xxi) : — 
 
 . . . ovT€ ttXcCovs olp.ai beiv Xoyovs TTOula-Oai irepl aXXov tlvos rj 
 OTToos kv brjixoKpaTtq. KVpiOL oi voixol eaovrai, k.t.X. 
 
 And, according to Lysias, the safeguard of a democracy is to 
 abide by oaths and covenants (xxv. § 28) : — 
 
 . . . TToAAaKtS 7/8tJ TO) Vfl€T€p(f 7rXl]d€L bL€K€X€V(raVTO rots OpKOLS 
 
 Kttt rats (TvvO-qKaLS ip-p-eveiv, rjyovjxevoi, Tavrrjv brip-OKparCas elvai, 
 (f)vXaiij]v. 
 
 shown by a democracy than to those coming from a tyranny or oligarchy see 
 Lept. §§ 15-16. 
 
 ^ In the Epitaph. §§ 25-26, a contrast is drawn betweeii oligarchy and 
 democracy, all in favour of the latter. 
 
 * Cf. ibid. §§ 23, 196. 
 
T38 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Conversely, as Demosthenes says, the 87//XOS is the only sure 
 safeguard of the laws [Agst. Tinwcrates, § 37): — 
 
 tIs ovv ijlov)] ^uAaKj) kol biKaCa koI ^ejSatos tSiv yo/zcoy ; vjxds ol 
 iroAAot" K.T.k. 
 
 According to Aeschines, that city will be best governed where 
 there is auxjipoa-vv-q and tvKoajxia (Agst Timarchus, § 48 j : — 
 
 Kai TTodev apyjiTai ; v6p.0L, (Pr}crC, Trepl evKocrpiias. otto a(i>c()po(rvvris 
 TTpoiTov Tjp^aTO, 0)5, oTiov TTkeCaTTj evKOdpLia ecrrt, TavTi\v apiara ttji/ 
 TToAty olKrjaoixevrjv. 
 
 'Oixovoia, says Lysias, is the greatest blessing a state can 
 enjoy; c-raats is the root of all evil (xviii. § 17) : — 
 
 vvvi 8e Trdvres av 6p.o\oyyjcrai,T€ 6p.6voiav p-iyiaTov ayaObv ilvai 
 770'Aet, (TTacriv be iravToyv KaKG>v airiav, k.t.A. 
 
 To the same effect Isocrates (xviii. § 44) : — 
 
 /cat fxrjv ov Set y' vp.as Trap' krepo^v p.adtiv, ocrov ccttIv 6p.6voia 
 ayaObv rj oracns kukov \ 
 
 Demosthenes reminds the Athenians that bjxovoia is an absolute 
 necessity [Epist. i. § 5) : — 
 
 Set 8' vp.a^, S) avbpes ^AOrjvoLot, TTpcoTov jxev anavTUiv irpos vp-as 
 avTovs op-ovoiav els to kolvt} (Tvp.(f)epov rjj iroAet iTapaa-)(^e(j6ai, kol 
 TcLs eK tG>v TTporepcov eKKXr\(nG>v ap-^ia-^riTricreis eacrat, bevrepov 
 be Ttavras eK p-ias yv(a[xr]s rots bo^aai 7Tpo6vpi.oos crvvaycavCCecrOaL' ws 
 ro pLi']d ev firjO^ aTrXQs irpdrTeiv ov p.6vov ecrrlv avd^iov vp.S>v Kai 
 ayevveSf aAAa Kai rows jx^yicrTovs Kivbvvovs ex^ec. 
 
 So Dinarchus (Agst. Philocles, § 19): — 
 
 . . . elboTas otl piera p.ev biKaioa-vvrj's koX rrjs itpos aAA?]Aou? 
 6p.ovoLas pabictis dp.vvovp.e6a, deStv tAewy ovtcov, edv rti^es rjpLlv 
 dbUoys eTTLTiOiavTaLj k.t.A. ^ 
 
 Andocides, Isocrates, and Demosthenes are the orators who 
 make the most frequent attacks upon tyrants, — Isocrates in 
 a theorising, unimpassioned manner, Andocides and Demo- 
 
 * For Isocrates' opinion as to what constitutes the true safety of the state 
 (SeiV Se Tovs 6p9ws no\tTivofi(vovs . . . ev rais xpvxo-is *x*"' ''''' ^ixaiov) see Areop. 
 
 §§39ff. 
 ^ For Socrates' views on a citizen's duty see Plato, Crito (esp. cc. xi ff.). 
 
POLITICS 139 
 
 sthenes with real feeling, the former as seeing a possible 
 tyrant in every prominent oligarch, the latter with Philip 
 always before him. 
 
 Andocides quotes an interesting law of Solon relating to 
 the punishment of any man who should subvert the demo- 
 cracy and establish a tyranny [On the Mysteries, §§ 96-98): — 
 
 . . . 6 he. opKOs loTO) 68e" " KT€V(a Kal Xoyio kul epyut koI \jr)'i(f)(o 
 Koi rfi (fxavTov x^'P^ ^^ hwaros S, os hv KaraXva-rj ttjv brjixoKpariav 
 TrjV ^A6i]vr](n, Kal edv ns o.p^r} tlvo. apxrjv KarakeXvixevrj^ rrjs 
 hrjfxoKpaTias to Xolttov, Kat edv rt? TvpavveXv eiravaaTrj 7/ tov 
 Tvpavvov avyKaTa(TTi](rr\. koX kdv tls dXXos cmoKTeLvr], oaiov avrov 
 
 VOfJilW elvai KoX TTpOS 6eU)V KoL baLIXOVOOV, WS TToXejXlOV KT€iVaVTa 
 
 TOV AOrivaicov, Kai to. KTrffxaTa tov diTodavovTos TTavra aTToSo/xei'os 
 aTTobdcrai to. 7//u,tcrea tQ> cnroKTeivavTi,, Kai ovk. dirocrTepricro} ovhiv. 
 kav hi rts KTeivoiv tlvcl tovtcov duoOdvri r\ e7rt)(etp(Sy, eS TroiTjaco 
 avTov re koX rovs TratSas rows (Keivov Kadcntep 'App-obiov re Kal 
 Api(TToy€tTova Kai tovs cnroyovovs avTwv. . . . 
 
 Again he says (ibid. § 106): — 
 
 . . . yevopiivdiv TTj TToAet KaKcav jxeyaXoiV, ore ol Tvpavvoi iikv 
 iXxpv TT]v ttoXlv, 6 be S/J/xos €(f)evye, k.t.X. 
 
 The author of the speech Agst. Alcihiades says that discreet 
 men should beware of over-prominent citizens, who often 
 establish tyrannies (§ 24) : — 
 
 eorri be auxppovoiv dvbpcav ^vXaTTea-Oai Tcav ttoXltcov tovs vnepav- 
 ^avopievovs, ev6vp.ovp.evovs viro rwy tolovtu)v Tas Tvpavvihas Kadt- 
 (TTap.evas. 
 
 People regard it as absurd that one man should have more 
 power than the whole state [ibid. § 29) : — 
 
 ocrot he rj irapd tu)V rroAtrwz; jJkovov rj koI eTTeyCyvcua-KOv rd 
 TOVTOV, KaTeyeXuiv rip.Siv, opatvTes eva dvhpa fxelCov aTracrrjs ttjs 
 7;6Xe(t)s bvvdp.evov ^. 
 
 Distrust, say Demosthenes, is the right safeguard against 
 tyrants [Phil. ii. § 24) : — 
 
 ev be tl kolvov i] (f>vaL$ tuiv ev (ppovovvruiv ev avTrj KeKT-qrai 
 ^ Cf. Demosthenes, On the Embassy, § 296. 
 
I40 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 <f)v\aKTr]piov, Tracn fxiv kar ayaQbv Koi (roirripiov, [xaXidTa 8e Toii 
 TrAty^ecrtv Ttpbs tovs Tvpdvvovs. ri ovv eort tovto ; aTiKTria ^. 
 
 It is dangerous to associate too intimately with tyrants (Phil. 
 ii. §21):— 
 
 ov yap dcrc^aA-eis rals TroXtretat? at irpos tovs Tvpdvvovs avrat \Cav 
 6/xtAtat. 
 Kings and tyrants are foes to freedom and law (ibid. § 35) : — 
 
 /3acrtAeus yap Kal Tvpavvos airas ix.^pdv kX^vd^pia koX voixols 
 (vavTiov. 
 
 And in the speech Agst. Aristocrates, § 142, we see how 
 tyrants were regarded at Athens : — 
 
 €v hrj Aaix\(/dK(a rives dvOpanroi. yiyvovrai hvo ... 01 TTapavXria-ia 
 Tols -nap j]\xiv yvovres Ttepi tu)v Tvpdvvojv aTTOKTivvvaat, rbv ^lXlctkov 
 biKaiMS, Ti]v avT(av itaTpiha oiofxevoL belv e\(v9epovv^. 
 
 But in one thing tyrannies are better than democracies — in 
 swiftness of action [On the Embassy, §§ 184-186). 
 
 Ordinary citizens, says Isocrates (Ad Nicocl. §§ a-6), have 
 many things to teach them, — the absence of luxury, the laws, 
 freedom of speech, liability to reproof from friends and attack 
 from foes. None of these advantages does the tyrant possess. 
 He who most needs advisers gets no advice. Most men shun 
 him : those who do associate with him humour him. Which 
 life is better 1 When men look to the honour, wealth, and 
 power which a tyrant enjoys, they think his life like that of 
 the gods ; but, when they consider the perpetual terror in 
 which he lives and the dangers to which he is exposed, and 
 that, in order to escape death himself, he is frequently com- 
 pelled to put to death his nearest friends, they come to think 
 that even the humblest life is preferable ^. 
 
 The best safeguard for a tyrant is the virtue of his friends^ 
 the goodwill of his subjects, and his own prudence {ibid. 
 § 21):— 
 
 (f)vXaKr]v d(T(f)a\ecrTdTriv rjyov rod acap-aros elvai tt^v re T<av (ptXcav 
 
 1 Cf. Ohjnth. i. § 5 ; Phil. iii. § 38. 
 
 2 Cf. the law quoted above, p. 139. 
 
 ' Cf. Eel. §§ 32-34 ; Epist. vi. § 11 : Euripides, Ion, 621-628 (quoted above, 
 p. io8). 
 
POLITICS 141 
 
 aperriv /cat ttjv tQv ttoXitQv evvotav Kai T-qv aavTOv (f)p6vr)(Ttv' 
 bia yap TOVT(av Kat. KracrOai koI crw^etv tols Tvpavvihas fxaXicTT av 
 Tis hvvaiTo ^. 
 
 The tyrant's pleasure depends on other people's pain, and in 
 the end he must pay the penalty. There is a difference 
 between apx'^iv and rvpawelv (De Pace, § 91): — 
 
 wr aixeX-qaavT€s ot yevojxevoi jxer iKclvovs ovk apy^eiv akka 
 Tvpavvelv eireOvixTja-av, a 80/cet ixev ttjv avT-qv e^etz; bvvajjLLV, irXela-Tov 
 8' aWrjXcav Keyuypiarai' twv pikv yap opyj6vTU)v epyov eort tovs 
 ap-)(^oiJ.ivovs rats avTcav €77tju,eAetat? Trotety evbaiixovecTTipovs, rots 8e 
 TvpdvvoLS e^os Kad^aTTjKe rots tS>v aXAcor ttovois kol KaKot? avrols 
 Tjbovas T:apaaK€va^etv, avayKX] 8e rovi toiovtois epyots e7Tt)(et/3o{}z;ras 
 TvpavviKoxs KOI rats (xvp.cpopdi's TrepLirtTTTeLV, Kal rotavra irdcrxeLv, 
 old TTep av Kal tovs dXkovs hpdcTMcnv. 
 
 In the same speech (§ 143) he draws a contrast between king- 
 ship in Sparta and tyranny based on force: — 
 
 iK€Lvois (sc. the Spartan kings) yap dStxety [xev tjttov (.^eariv ?) 
 rots tStwrais, rocrowro) he. ptaKapLcrTOTepot Tvy\dvov(nv ovres t&v 
 fiCq ras TvpavvCbas KareyovTutv, ocrov ol jxev tovs tolovtovs 0.7:0- 
 KTeCvavTes ras jxeyiaTas boipeas irapd tu>v avp-TTokLTevoixevcov kapi- 
 ^dvovcTLV, VTtep iKeCvuiv 8' 01 p.r] Tokp-covTcs iv rats p.d)(^aLS 
 cnTodvTja-KeLV aTip-orepoL ylyvovTai tG>v ras ra^ets kaiiovTOiv koI ras 
 ao-TTtSas dT70J3akk6vT(i>v ^. 
 
 But a good tyranny is possible (Hel. § 34) : — 
 
 . . . inebet^ev (sc. 6 Qr]a€vs), otl pdbiov kaTiv d\xa TvpavveTv 
 K.al pir]b€v yjeipov biaKela-OaL tS>v k^ laov TTokiTevoixivuiv ^. 
 
 The Orators, however, see no less clearly than did Euripides 
 that the br]p.os is not immaculate. Some passages illustrating 
 this statement have been already referred to or quoted ^. I 
 will here add a few more. 
 
 ^ Cf. Ep'st. vii. §§ 3-5, where he tells Timotheus how a tyrant should live 
 and act. 
 
 * For the contrast between fiaaiXiKm and rvpavviicws see also Phil. § 154. 
 
 ' Isocrates here contrasts Theseus with the ordinary tyrant. See the 
 whole passage (§§ 31-37) ; and cf. Euripides, Frag, 8 (quoted above, p. 109). 
 
 * See pp. 131-133. 
 
142 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 In Isocrates we are told that the many prefer those who 
 please to those who benefit (Antid. § 133) : — 
 
 " Spas 8e TTjy (pvaLv ttjv tS)v TroXk&v ws Sca/cetrat -npos ras 
 7]bovds, Kol bioTL fxaXXov (pcXovat tovs irpos x.dpiv ofxtkovvTai 
 t] TOVS ev TTOiovvTas, Kol TOVS fxera (jyaibpoTrjTos kol (ptXavOpoiTrCas 
 (bevaKi^ovTas i] tovs juer' oynov koX cre^jivoTrjTOS dxpeXovvras. . . ." 
 
 The brjixos, says Aeschines, loves flattery (Agst Ctesij^hon, 
 §234):— 
 
 e^aipe yap (so. 6 brjpios) KoXaKevofxevos. 
 
 Athens treated her benefactors badly [Ej^ist. iii. § 2) : — 
 
 ov yap ovTias eyaye rikidios etju.t, cuore, e£ rjs irokecas 6 0e/xt- 
 (TTOKXrjs 6 TrjV 'EAAaSa iXevdepcaaas k^rjkdOr}, Ka\ oirov MiXTLdbrjs, 
 OTL fxiKpov Z(f)Xe TOO 8rj/xocrt(jj, yipuiv iv t(o bea-piooTripLU) diriOave, 
 TavTTf Trj TTokei Alayj-vriv top 'Arpo//T/rou (fyevyovTa ayavaKTslv 
 OLecrOaL belv, et tl rCtv eiajSoTOJt' ^AOrjvrjaLv iiradev. 
 
 In Egoist, xii. § 14, we are told that the Athenians are quick 
 to anger, but quick again to show kindness : — 
 
 Kal yap 6pyi^ea-6at pqbicos vp.lv eOos icTTi kqI \api^ea6ai 
 Tidkiv ^. 
 
 But we are reminded, as we were by Euripides^, that 
 the character and actions of the many will depend on those 
 who lead them. 
 
 Like ruler, like people, says Isocrates [Ad Nicocl. § 31): — 
 
 TO TTJs TToAecos okr]s ■^Oos 6p.oiovTaL Tols ap^ovaLv^. 
 
 Dinarchus also declares that the salvation or ruin of states 
 depends on their counsellors and leaders [Agst. Demosthenes, 
 §72):— 
 
 d) AOrjvatoL, Tiapa t'l oua6e Tas TToAet? Tore p.ev ev rore be 
 (j)avk(iis TTpaTTem ; ovbkv evprjaeT dkko irkrjv Trapa tovs (rvpijBovkovs 
 Kal tovs rjyejjiovas. 
 
 So again {ibid. § 74) : — 
 
 ov yap yp^evbos earty ciAAa Kal kiav akrjOes, to tovs rjyefxovas 
 
 * Cf. Euripides, Orestes, 696-703 (quoted above, p. 109). 
 
 2 Orestes, 772-773 (quoted above, p. no). 
 
 ■' Cf. ibid. § 10 ; Nicocl. § 37 ; Areop. § 22 ; Panath. §§ 132-133. 
 
POLITICS 143 
 
 airtous oLTravTOiV ylyv^crdai koX t&v ayadZv koX T(av evavricav toi? 
 TToAtratj. 
 
 And again {ibid. § 76) : — 
 
 jxia yap avTrj aoiTr}pLa Kai iroXeois kol eOvovs ecrrC, to irpocrTaTcov 
 avbpcav aya6G)v /cat (TUju/SovAcoy cn;ovhai<av Tv^tiv. 
 
 We have seen (pp. 1 1 o ff.) that Euripides had much to say 
 against demagogues, the deceivers of the hrjp.os. And if the 
 demagogue was an evil in the time of Euripides, he was 
 a still greater evil in the following century, when paid 
 hirelings consulted only their own material interests without 
 any public spirit or regard for their country's fortunes. 
 Against the p/rojp, the br}p.ayo)y6s, the avKocpdvTrjs — the men 
 who impudently flattered and hoodwinked the §?//aos', who 
 tried only to say what would please their hearers, with 
 self-interest as their only motive — almost all of the Orators 
 join in hurling their fiercest denunciations. 
 
 Andocides(?) speaks of the irovripd^ TTpoa-rdT-q^ who regards 
 the present moment only, and gives not the best but the most 
 pleasant counsel [Agst. Alcibiades, § 12): — 
 
 eyo) 8e vofxi^tii top toluvtov TTOvijpdv elvai Trpoa-Tdrrjv, oVti? 
 Tov irapovTos \p6vov [(xovov) eTTtjueAetrat, akXd jxrj /cat tov /ue'A- 
 XovTos Trpoyoetrat, Kat to. rjbtaTa rw TrArj^et, TvapaXiTTOiV to, j3iX.TUTTa, 
 <7vpLl3ov\evei. 
 
 Lysias accuses the priropes of having no motive save 
 personal gain (xviii. § 16): — 
 
 a^Lov he ixdXicrTa (pOovri(raL on. oi/rcos ijbrj [ot] to, rrjs iro'Xecos 
 [Trparrozre?] 8td/cetrat, ojcrr' ov\ 6 rt av Trj TroAet (Se^TicTTOvfl, tovto 
 ot prjTopes KiyovcTiv, d\\' acpi' oiv av avTol Kephaiveiv jxeWaiat, Tavra 
 
 Evil prjTopes and br]iJiay(ayoi are, says Isocrates, the class who 
 are worst-afFected to the state, and who would gladly see one 
 and all of the citizens reduced to a state of poverty [De Pace, 
 §§ 129-131):— 
 
 Gavfj-d^oi b et jx-q bvvacrOe crvvibeiu, on yivos ovbiv eort /caKo- 
 vovarepov tw TrXriOei Trovrjputv prjTopoiv Kat brijxaycoyciV Trpos yap 
 
144 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 rois aAAoi? KaKol'S Kai tS>v Kara ti]V rjixepav eKaarrjv avayKaidnv 
 
 ovToi jxaXtara fiovKovTai cnTavi^iiv vfj.as (v ovv toXs airopLais, 
 
 (V als bwaa-Tevovaiv, kv ravrai'i r/'Sior' av thouv uTiavTas ovras 
 Tovs TToXiras. k.t.A. 
 
 They are mere impostors and charlatans (De Pace, § ^6) : — 
 
 bLe(f)9dpix(6a yap tioXvv ijbr} y^povov vii av9pu>TT(x)v ovbev dXA 
 7] (f)€vaKL^€LV bwafxevcov, k.t.X. 
 
 They pander to the popular wish {Phil. § 3): — 
 
 ovTOL p.€v yap (sc. ol prjTopes) irapcti^vvov (ttI tov iroXepiOV, 
 (TvvayopevovTes rai? cTri^u/xiats vp.S>v. 
 
 All their advice is given ad captandum vulgus (De Pace, 
 § 10):— 
 
 KULTOL TTpoarJKev vixas, e'lTrep rjjSovXeade C^reiy to tj} ttoXci 
 <TvpL(f)epov, fxaXXov rots evavriovixevois rat? vp-eTepais yvtap-ais 
 Ttpoa-lyjeiv TOV vovv rj rot? KaTaxapiCojUvoLS, elboTas, oti twv 
 fvOdbe irapiovTOiv ol fxev a iSovXeaOe Xiyovres pahCccs k^aTxarav 
 hvvavTai, TO yap •^poj yapiv prjdev eTrto-Koret rw KaOopdv vp.as 
 TO jSeXTLarov, vtto be tS>v /xt) irpos rjbovrjv avjxIBovXevovTMV ovbev 
 av TTaOoLTe tolovtov. 
 
 Their selfish motives are exposed in Panath. § 12: — 
 
 KaiTOL TtdvTes tcraa-L t&v jxev prjTopcav tov^ ttoXXovs ov^ inrep t&v 
 T?) TToXet (jv\x^€p6vT(tiv, dAA' VTt'kp &v avTol Xi]\j/ea9ai TrpoaboKoicn, 
 brjixriyopelp ToXp.6i)VTas, k.t.X. 
 
 And a punning fragment is worth quoting (Frag. iii. (8'.) i): — 
 
 'IcroKpaT-T]?, eliTovTos avT(a tlvos, oti 6 brip.09 i;7t6 tcov prjTopcav 
 apird^eTaL, tl davpLaa-Tov, el KopaKOS €(t)€vp6vTos ttjv prjTopiKrjv ol 
 
 OTt' CKeLVOV KOpaK^S (IcTLV ^. 
 
 Aeschines speaks of the d/coo-juia tu)v prjTopuiv (Agst Ctesiphon, 
 §4):- 
 
 . . . TTJs be tG)V prjTopuiv cLKoafxias ovKtrt KpaTeiv bvvavTai ovO ol 
 
 * Cf. Phil. § 129; De Pace, §§ 5, 75, 108, 122-123; Contra Soph. § 20; Antid. 
 §§ 136-137 ; Panath. § 133. And see Schandau, op. cit. p. 15 : — 'Pro enim, qua 
 praeditus erat, virtute ac patriae amore, sophisticas omnes et demagogicas 
 agitationes perosus, eloquentia sua id egit, ut consilia daret, quae essent non 
 omnium civitatum, verum patriae, sociorum, regum, singulorum summae 
 saluti.' 
 
POLITICS 145 
 
 voixoi ovd ol irpwdveLs ovO'' ol TtpoebpoL ovd^ r] irpoebp^'vovcra </)uA^, 
 TO beKarov juepos t?js Tro'Aecos. 
 
 Athens is saved by the gods, ruined by prJTopes {ibid. 
 § 130):— 
 
 ovbep-iav tol irutTroTe ^yutye fxaWov ttoXlv ^capaKa vtto juey rav 
 Oedv (Tu>^op.ivrjV, vito h\ tG>v p-qropcuv evioiv airoXXvixivrjv. 
 
 And Hesiod is quoted on the subject of -novqpol brjjxaycayoL 
 (ibid. §§ 134-135):— 
 
 €V yap TT€pl tG>v tolovt(x)v HcrtoSos 6 ttoltjtijs aiTO(f)aLveTat. 
 Xeyet yap irov, iraLbevcov to. TrKi^Or] Kal (Tvp,(iovKivu>v rats Tiokeai 
 rows TTOvrjpovs tG>v bri[xayu>yS>v jxr] Trpoabix^adai. A.e£<» 8e Koyo) to. 
 Itttj* . . . 
 
 iroWaKt 87/ ^vixiracra ttoAis KaKov avbpbs aTrrjvpa, 
 OS K€V akiTpaivrf Kal aracrdaXa p.rjxavdaTai,. 
 TOifTiv b' ovpavoOev p.ky k-nriyay^ irrjixa Kpoviayv, 
 Xljiov op-ov Kai XoLfMov, aT:o(f)dLvvdov(rL 8e Aaot" 
 77 T(av y€ (TTpaTov ^vpvv aTTcaXeacv rj 6 ye Tel\os, 
 rj vias €v ttoVto) airoTLvvvTaL evpvoTra Zevs ^. 
 
 In no one is the hatred of the prjroip and 8?j/xaya)yos so intense 
 as in Demosthenes. Speaking of the changed way in which 
 Athenian citizenship has come to be regarded, he attacks in 
 no mild terms the irovrjpia and ala-xpoKepbeua of the prjTopes 
 {Agst. Aristocrates, § 201): — 
 
 ov pLOvov 8' avTT] Trjs TToXeuiS rj boopea 7rpo7r€7T7jAaKtcrrai Kai 
 (f)avXr] yiyovev, dXXa Kai irairai bia ttjv tcov KarapaTcav Kai Oeols 
 ey^Opdv prjTopoiv, tG>v to. TOiavra ypacpovTcov eT0Lp,(09, Trovqpiav, 0% 
 T0(TavTr]v vir€pl3oX-i]v TreirouivTai rrjs avrSiv al(T\poKepbias (Sore 
 Tas TLp.as Kal ras Trap' vp.S>v boopeds, axnrep ol to, puKpa Kal 
 Kop.Lbr] (f)avXa aTTOKrjpvTTovTes, ovtco irayXovaiv iiTevdiVL^ovTes Kai 
 TToAAots duo rSiV avTcov Arj/ji/xdrcov ypdcpovres irdv 6 tl dv /3ov- 
 XctiVTaL. 
 
 They abolish the old laws of the Solonian constitution, and 
 make new laws to their own advantage: the people will 
 
 ^ Cf. ibid. §§ 20, 148, 231 ; Epist. xi. § 4 ; and, for a description of agitators, 
 On the Embassy, §§ 176-177. 
 
 L 
 
146 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 soon be the slaves of these monsters [Agat. Timocrcdes, 
 §§ 142-143):— 
 
 ol 8e Trap' rjijilv prjTopes, S) avbpes hLKaa-Tai, irpSiTOV pJkv ocroi 
 [xrjves fxiKpov beov(ri vofxod^Teiv to. avTols crvp-iiipovra, eTretr' avroX 
 \xkv Tovs ibuoras et? to h(crp.MTr]piov ayovcrLV, orav ap^Mcriv, €(f)' 
 kavTols 8' ovK OLOVTat belv ravTo hiKaiov tovt tlvai' cTretra tov^ 
 fxev Tov So'Acoi'os v6p,ovs, tov^ Trdkat beboKifxaa-fxivovs, ovs ol 
 irpoyovoi eOevro, Xvovaii^ avToi, rots 8' kavTi^v, ov^ ctt' abtKiq, 
 Trjs TToAeco? Tidiaai, y^pria-Oai v\xas oXovTai belv. ei ovv jut) Tt/zo)- 
 pi'jcrecrde TOVTov<i, ovk av (f)OavoL to Trkrjdos tovtols rot? drjpCoLS 
 bovXevov. 
 
 The avKO(})dvTr]^ is a wicked thing, spiteful and faultfinding 
 (On the Crown, § 242) : — 
 
 TToi'-qpov avbpes 'AOrjvaLOL Trovrjpbv 6 avK0(})6,VTr]s koI iravTax^odcv 
 ^dcTKavov /cat ^iKaiTtov. 
 
 The motive of the p-qTOip is self-interest alone (Prooem. liii. 
 
 §1):- 
 
 . . . tcrojs yap opyr] kol (^lKoviklo. TavTa TrpaTTOvtn, koL to ixiyiarov 
 cnrdvTMV, oti o-Uju^epet TavTa Ttoulv avToi^ . . , 
 
 And again (ibid. §§ 3-4) : — 
 
 on ^aal jiev S avbpes ^Adr]vai0L (piXeXv vp.a?, 0tAo{;crt 8' o^x^ 
 vp.as, aXA' avTovs. Kal yeXarrai koI 6opv(3r](TaL kul ttot iXTrCarai. 
 pi.€T4bu)Kav vpXv, XajSelv 8' rj KT-qaaadat Trj -Tro'Aet KVpCco^ dyaObv 
 ovbev av ^ovKolvto. 
 
 The source of the whole evil is to Trpo? xapiv b-qfx-qyopdv 
 (Olynth. iii. § 3) :— 
 
 opcLTG yap, COS e/c tov irpos yapiv br]p.i]yopeLv ivtovs, els irav 
 TrpoeArjAu^ev p.oy^Or]p(.as to. irapovTa. 
 
 Again (On the Chersonese, § 34) : — 
 
 vvv be br]p.ayo)yovvTes vp.ds Kat yapi^opevoi KaO^ virepjioXriv, ovtco 
 biaTeOeiKaaLV, wot' kv fxev rai? eK/cArjcriat? Tpvtpav KOt KoXaKevecrdat 
 TTOLVTa TTpbs rjbovr]V aKovovTas, kv 8e rot? Trpdyp-aa-i. koI rots ytyvo- 
 IxivoLs TTepl Tutv eaxaTcov I'jbr] KLvbvveveiv. 
 
 And again (Prooem. xli. § 2) : — 
 
 T] jxkv ovv apx}] TOV TavO^ oi/'rco? e^etv eKeldev "/jpTriTai., e/c tov 
 
POLITICS 147 
 
 Tr\i napax^prjfxa Tvpos v/xa? eveKa xdpiTos (Vtovs t5>v XeyovTcov 
 ivravOol brip,r]yopeu>, ws ovt ilar^ip^iv ovre <TTpaT(V€(r6at bei, "navra 
 avTOfiar ecrrat . 
 
 In a fragment of Hyperides, the priropes are compared to 
 serpents (xv, 83) : — 
 
 itvat 8e Tovs prjTopa^ 6[xolovs toi? o(f)€(n' tovs re yap ocfxts 
 fxia-rjTovs jxev etvat iravras, tS>v 8e o(f)€oov avTcov rovs p.€v exfts 
 Tovs avOpcaiTovs abi,K€U', tovs be Ttapeia^ avrovs rovs e^ets 
 KaTecrOCeLV. 
 
 The briixayoiyoL, says Dinarehus, sacrifice their country's 
 interest for bribes, and play into each other's hands (Agst. 
 Demosthenes, § 99) : — 
 
 TTw? ovv jxiav yv(iip.r]v e^ofiev S ^AOrjvaToi, tt&s bpLOVO'qa-op.ev 
 aTTavTes virep tQp kowj] aviJ.(()€p6vT(i)v, orav ol riyep-oves koI ot 
 brjixaycoyol \pr]p.aTa Xap.^avovT€S Ttpo'icavTat to. TrJ9 ■narpibo'i <tv\x- 
 (pipovra, /cat v/xets p-ev koX 6 brjpios aTras Kivbvvevj] irepl tov 
 (ba(f)ovs TOV T7/9 TToAecos Kal tS>v lep&v Tcav TraTpwcor kol Traibojv 
 Kol yvvaiK&v, 01 8e SirjAAayjueroi irpos avrov^ (v pev rais eK/cATjo-tat? 
 koibopa>vTaL Kai TTpoaKpovocxTiv dAAijAots e^eTTiTrjbei, ibCa be ravra 
 TrpaTTuxTLV e^aitarSiVTes vp.as tovs paara TteiOop-evovs rot? Tovroyp 
 Aoyots ^ ; 
 
 To Euripides' statement that the jueo-ot TroAtrat are the state's 
 salvation ^ I have found no parallel in the Orators. 
 
 There is one passage (Lysias, xxxi, § 6) which recalls to 
 us the cosmopolitanism which we noticed in Euripides*. 
 But the cosmopolitanism mentioned in Lysias is of quite 
 another kind than that of Eviripides, and reminds us of 
 Aristophanes' line,, Trarpt? yap ecrrt iracr tV av TTpdrrrj tls ev^ — 
 ' ubi bene, ibi patria.' Lysias is speaking of those who are 
 
 ^ Cf. Ohjnth. ii. § 29 ; iii. §§ 30-31 ; Pfdl. i. §§ 38, 49 ; iii. §§ 2, 4, 63 ; On the 
 Chersouese, 5§ i, 69 ; On the Crown, §§ 189-190; Agst. Aristoa'ates, §§ 146-147; 
 Agst. Timocrates, §§ 123-124 ; On the Trierarchic Crown, §§ 21-22 ; Prooem. ix. § 2 ; 
 xiii ; Epist. ii. § 11. 
 
 ^ Cf. ibid. §§ 3-4, 88 ; and, for a former law relating to public speaking, 
 Agst. Aristogeiton, § 16, See also Demades (^?), vnip r^y SojdfKaerias, §§ 2, 16, 
 
 ' See above, p. 112. * See above, pp. 112-113. 
 
 ^ Plutus, 1 151. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 naturally citizens, but act on the idea that every land is 
 their country where they can get the necessaries of life. 
 These men, he says, evidently would sacrifice the public 
 good for the sake of their own private advantage, because 
 they think that not their city but their property is their 
 country : — 
 
 Kat yap o\ (pvaei fjikv TToXXraL elai, yvu>\iri 8e yjp&vTai ws nacra 
 yi] iraTpls avTols kariv ev fi av to. emTi'ibeta ix^cocnv, ovtol bfjkoi 
 elcTLv OTi hv TrapivTes to ttjs iroXeuis koivov ayadbv iirl to kavTOtv 
 Ihiov Kepbos eXOouv 6ta to p.r] Tip iroktv akXa ttjv ova-lav TraTpiba 
 kavTols riyeXadai ^. 
 
 * The idea of cosmopolitanism, though we find traces of it as early as 
 Democritus (Frag. 225 : see Zeller, Pre-Socmtic Philosophy, ii. p. 283^ in the 
 doctrines of the Cynical School, and occasionally in Aristotle, was not 
 properly developed till the time of the later Stoics under the Roman Empire. 
 See an interesting passage in Coulanges, La Cite Antique, pp. 422-423. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 PRIVATE LIFE : WOMEN — I.OVE — MARRIAGE — 
 KINSHIP — FRIENDSHIP 
 
 § 1. In the Homeric society the conjugal tie is of the 
 utmost sacredness and purity^. One need only instance the 
 pictures of Hector and Andromache in the Iliad, and of 
 Odysseus and Penelope in the Odyssey. Nowhere in the 
 Uiad are evil words spoken of woman. If Agamemnon in 
 the Odyssey (xi. 427) exclaims 
 
 w? ovK aivoTepov kol KVVTepov ciAAo yvvatKos, 
 
 it is no wonder. 
 
 Hesiod (Theog. 591) calls woman oXwiov yhos: they are 'a 
 grievous bane among mortal men ' (7rry/xa ixeya 6vqT0i(ri /xer' 
 avbpda-L vaieTaovcnv) ^. 
 
 Archilochus and Hipponax make women the object of much 
 of their satire. For example, Hipponax, Frag. 28 (Bergk) : — 
 
 bv^ rjjxepaL yvvabKos cIctlv ^'Sicrrat, 
 orav yap.fl rts KaKcfiepr] TeOvrjKViav. 
 
 ^ See Jebb, Homer, p. 53 : Berlage, Part iv. c. iv. For a discussion on 
 Women and Marriage in ancient Greece see Becker, Charides, Excursus on 
 Scene xii ; and for the Hetaerae see ibid. Excursus on Scene ii. See also 
 Kennedy's Translation of Demosthenes, Agst. Timocrates, &c., Appendix iii 
 (Husband and Wife). 
 
 " Ibid. 592. See Symonds, Ch-eek Poets (First Series), c. iv : Decharme, 
 Euripide, &c., pp. 133-135. M. Decharme says (p. 134): — 'La critique des 
 imperfections feminines etait en Grfece un theme banal, une sorte de lieu 
 commun poetique. Euripide lui-meme nous dit que c'etait " un vieux refrain " 
 [^ira\atyevijs ou vaXifjL(pafj.os doiSr} — Med. 421 ; Ion, 1096).' 
 
150 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Susarion begins his poem thus : — 
 
 ' Hear, O ye people ! These are the words of Susarion 
 of Tripodiscus, Philinus' son, of Megara : Woman is a curse ! ^ ' 
 
 Aeschylus speaks sometimes of women with no great respect. 
 In the l::^wpplices (474-477) the king doubts whether it is 
 worth while to fight for the sake of women : — 
 
 et 6' avB' Ofiaiixois TTaialv AlyviTTOv aeOev 
 (TTaddi Ttpb Teiyji^v hia /xax'J? ^^^ rikovs, 
 7r<3s ov)(l rdvaAco/xa yiyv^rai TriKpov, 
 avbpas yvvaiKciv ovvex ctt/xa^at Tiihov ; 
 
 Nor does Sophocles, gentle though he was, refrain from 
 saying hard words of women. The following fragments 
 illustrate this : — 
 
 KCLKiov aAA' ovK tcTTLV ovt)' t(TTai "nork 
 
 yvvaiKos, 61 T6 ■TTj/jua ytyyerat /3poTots (187, Nauck): 
 
 and the famous 
 
 opKovs eyob yvvaiKos €t? vhu>p ypaipM (74^? Nauck). 
 
 When Xanthippe visits Socrates in the prison, and when she 
 has indulged in ' a woman's usual talk ' (az^eu^Tj/xrjo-e re koX 
 ToiavT arra elTrev, ola br] ddHdacnv al yvvoiKes), Socrates merely 
 looks to Crito and says, airayhco tls ravr-nv ot/<a8e. Then, 
 when the disturbing element is removed, he proceeds calmly 
 to converse with his friends (Phaedo, 60) -. 
 
 We may end this list of references with the following lines 
 from Aristophanes (Thesm. 786-788): — 
 
 KaiTOL TTOLS Tis TO yvvaiKilov (pvXov KUKo, ttoAA' ayopev€L, 
 b}s TTav ecTjuei' nanov avOpunroLS kci^ tjixcov eariv airavra, 
 e'/3t8e?, veUt], crTacns apyakia, Xinrr], ttoAc/xos. 
 
 From these quotations it is clear that the position of 
 women, high in the time of Homer, had sunk to a much 
 
 ^ See Symonds, Greek Poets (First Series), p. 106. 
 
 ^ In theory, indeed, Plato held ' that women had the same faculties and 
 capacities as men, but in an inferior degree, and hampered by the in- 
 conveniences of child-bearing' (Mahaify, Social Greece, p. 281). Cf. Aristotle, 
 Poetics, 1454 a : — Kal yap yvvrj iariv XPI'^'^V ''*'' SovXos, tcaiToi ye laws tovtwv to 
 fAtv x^tpof, TO 5e oAwy (pavKuv iariv. See also Ven*all, Euripides the Rationalist, 
 p. III. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 151 
 
 lower level by the fifth century B.C. The Greeks had come 
 to regard women as in every way inferior to men \ They 
 were mere instruments of pleasure or utility, not fit to be 
 either the companions of men or the objects of chivalrous 
 affection. Rather they were considered merely as necessary 
 evils ; and the treatment to which they were subjected was 
 to be kept as secluded as possible, lest they should become 
 corrupted by experience as well as by nature. Even the 
 greater freedom allowed to Spartan as compared with Athe- 
 nian women had for its object only the rearing of brave 
 and healthy children. 
 
 In Euripides and the Orators there are numerous passages 
 pointing to the secluded life which Greek women were forced 
 to lead. 
 
 In the Andromache, 873-874, the nurse says to Her- 
 
 mione : — 
 
 aXA' c'lctlO' eto-co, fxijSe (pavrd^ov boixcav 
 
 irdpoide Twyoe, /u.?/ tlv* aia^^yvriv \dj3r]S 
 
 TTpoa-Qev jxeXdOpcov Twvb' 6p(X)p.ivT], t€kvov. 
 
 In the Eer. Fur., 525-528, Heracles on his return exclaims: — 
 
 ea* TL XP^^P-^ > ^f'^'^' opc5 i:pb hmp-dTutv 
 cTokiioicn v€Kpa)V Kparas e^eoreju/xeya, 
 ox.A(jj T ev dvhpS)v Tr\v kp.-i]v ^vvdopov 
 Tiaripa re baKpvovra avix(popds tlvos. 
 
 It is a disgrace for a woman to be in the company of young 
 
 men {El. 343-344) :— 
 
 yvratKi tol 
 
 alo"xpdv jxer dvhpGtv karavai veaviGtv. 
 
 Maidens should not mingle in a crowd {Or. 108) : — 
 
 et9 6)(kov (pireiv irapdivoKriv ov KaXov. 
 
 Neither should married women. Agamemnon says to Cly- 
 taemnestra (Iph. Aul. 735) : — 
 
 ov KokoV iV 0)(K<.0 (T €^op.tXiX(Tdai aTpaTOV. 
 
 ' The social recognition of the female sex was one of the aims of Pericles. 
 See Holm, ii. pp. 344-345 ; and cf. Lloyd, Age of Pericles, ii. c. xlv. For the 
 legal disabilities of women see Coulanges, La Cite Antique, pp. 94-95, 99. 
 
152 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 A good woman should remain within doors {Frag. 521): — 
 
 ivhov ixivovcrav Trjv yvvaiK elvai xpf^y 
 eadX-qv, dvpacrc 8' a^Cav rod [xrjbevos. 
 
 Macaria apologises for coming out of the house [Heracl. 
 474-477):— 
 
 £eVot, Qpaaos iioi ^nqhev e£o8oi? e/xats 
 irpoa-OrJTC Trpwrof yap ro'8' e^aLTri(Top.ai,' 
 yvvaiKL yap myr] re /cat to auxfipoveXv 
 KaWiarov, etcroi 0' rjcrvxov pLevecv b6p.cov ^. 
 
 Lysias speaks of women who were so proper that they were 
 ashamed to be seen even by their relatives (iii. § 6) : — 
 
 . . . €KK6\p^as Tai 6vpas elarjXOev eh ttjv yvvaiKcovlTLV, ei'bov 
 ovautv Trji re abeXcprjs rrjs epif]s K.al tcov abeXcpibc^v, at ovTdi Kotr/xicos 
 fie^mKaaiv cotrre Kai virb t5>v oi/cetcoy 6po)p.evai ala-xyveadaL^. 
 
 Isocrates also refers to the seclusion of women [Epist. ix. 
 §10):- 
 
 . . . Irt 8e TratSas Ka\ yvvalKas v^piCovres, kol ras [i^v evirpeTre- 
 (TTOLTas KaTaia-yvvovres, t&v 8' clWmv a Trepl rots aaip-aa-LV exovcri 
 TrepiaiTcavTes, uxtO as Trporepov ovbe KeKO(Tixr}fj.evas rjv tSety rotj 
 aWoTpiots, TavTas virb iroWcav bpacrOai yvpivds, k.t.X. 
 
 Isaeus tells us that married women did not dine with men 
 (iii. § 14) :— 
 
 KaiTOL ov 8?/ Tiov ye cttI yajxeTas yvvalKas oi8eis av K(oixd(iU' 
 
 ^ See also Hec. 974-975 ; Andr. 364-365, 943-953 ; Tro. 644-645 ; Iph. Aid. 
 825-826, 830, 913-914, 998-999; Phoen. 88-95, 1276; Herad. 43-44; Frag. 319, 
 927, 1061. 
 
 For other examples of maidenly modesty see Hec. 568 ; Or. 26 ; Iph. Aul. 993, 
 1340; Phoen. 1487; Herad. 561. 
 
 The general upbringing of Spartan women is reprehended as contributing 
 to unchastity (^Andr. 595-601) : — 
 
 ou5' av el PovXotro ris 
 (Ttucppajv -yevoiTO ^TrapTiaTiSojv Koprj, 
 at ^vv Vioiffiv f^fprjixovaai 56fj,ovs 
 yvfivorai p.rjpoT'i koi vfTrKots dveifievoii 
 Zpojiov^ iraKaiaTpai t' ovk dvaax^Tovs I/tot 
 Koivds «x<""'''- Kara Oavfxd^eiv XP^^^ 
 fi fxf) yvvainas ffdxppovas TraiSivere ; 
 See Paley's note ad loc. 
 ^ Cf. xxxii, § n. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 153 
 
 roA/x7]o-€i€i'' ovhe al yaix^Tal yvvaiKes ^pyovrai jxctcl tS>v avhpG>v 
 kiA TO. beliTva^ ovbe (TvvbeLTTvuv a^Lovai ixera rGiV aWorpicav, koi 
 Tavra juera tmv kT:iTV\6vTu>v ^ 
 
 Similarly, from the speech Agst. Neaera, § 24, we learn that 
 it was only hoLpat who sat at table in the company of 
 men: — 
 
 (TVvrjKoXovOec be koI rj NtKape'r?; avrfj, KorriyovTO 8e irapa 
 KTrja-LTTTTio TO) TkavKoovibov rw KvbavTLhj, Kol avveinve koI avve- 
 beLTTveL kvavTiov TioXXSiV Ne'atpa avrrfi ws av kraipa ovcra ^. 
 
 The following phrase is used by Lycurgus (Agst Leocr cites, 
 §40):— 
 
 . . . ava^ioos avT(av Kat t?/? TroAeco? opcojuei^as . . . 
 
 And, lastly, there is the well-known passage in Hyperides 
 (Frag. 307) : — 
 
 8et T-qv e/c Trjs OLKia^ iKTrop€Vop.ivr]jj kv ToiavTr\ KaraaTaaet elvai 
 rrjs rjkiKtas, wore tovs airavToivTas TivvOavecTOai, jut) rtyoj kari yvvi], 
 akka TWOS p-riTrip ^. 
 
 Such seclusion was naturally followed by a double result. 
 Acting directly on the women themselves, it made them dull 
 and uninteresting. And it had a reflex action on the men ; 
 for, finding no solace or companionship with women, they 
 sought it by other means, not always — at least from our 
 point of view — the most moral. 
 
 Of women as a whole there is in the Orators very little 
 either of praise or of blame. When women are blamed, it is 
 only one class of women — the eraipat. 
 
 ' For the disgrace of speaking with married women cf. Euripides, Iph. Aul. 
 
 830 :— 
 
 alaxpov 5e /xot yvvai^t avfx^aWeiv \oyovs. 
 
 2 Cf. iUd. § 48. 
 
 ^ Cf. also Plato, ReimUic, ix. 579 B : — waTaSeSv/cwy h\ iv ry o'lKia ra ttoWo, &s 
 ■ywrj ^ : Xenophon, Oec. iii. 12 : — eari Si otoi (Karrova SiaXiyei ^ rf) ywaiKi ; d 
 Se fXT], ov TToWois 76, i(pr]. (yrji^as Se avTrjv iraTSa viav fidXiara, Kal us iSvvaro 
 (Xaxiara kopaKviav Kal aKTjKoviav : and this fragment of Menander : — 
 
 TTipas yap av\(ios Ovpa 
 e\fv9epa yvvaiKi vevufjiiar' oiicias. 
 And see Mahafify, Old Greek Life, p. 48. 
 
 C^JNi 
 
 Mi^..y 
 
154 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Isocrates, in a comparison drawn between e^ovaia and halpaL, 
 says that traipat ruin their lovers [De Face, § 103) : — 
 
 ov yap rfSecray tjjv i^ovaCav, t/s TrdvTe'i ev^ovrai Tvyjdv, ws 
 hvcry^piia-To^ ((ttlv, ovb' d)s T,apa(j)poveiV Troiet tovs ayairwvTas avTr]V, 
 oiib^ OTi TTjv (f)V(nv vp.oiav (.yj£.i rais kraipais rais kpav juev avTcov 
 TTOLOvaaLS, TOVS 8e )(pa)/xeVoi's a.Tiokkvovaai.i. 
 
 Hyperides speaks of the power of love to beguile our reason, 
 when it is reinforced by a woman's wiles. The thought is 
 general, but it is suggested by the conduct of a kraipa {Agst 
 Athenogenes, i. 12 fF.) : — 
 
 ovro)?, 0)9 €ObKiv, i^i(TTr]cnv [rjfxc^v TijvJ cpvcnv e'/Jios TTpocrkalSoiv 
 yvvat^Kos 7rotKtA]iay. k.t.\. 
 
 Isaeus, in a passage from which I have already quoted, 
 speaks of the /:/avai koL Kwjaot kol aaiky^ia of kroLpat (iii. 
 §§ 13-14):— 
 
 (ios p€V eratpa ?]y tSj ^ov\op.ev(a Kal ov yvvi] tov ijixerepov O^iov, 
 tjv ovTO'i eyyvrjaat. (Ktivi^ fj.ifj.apTvpr}K€v, vtto rwy aWctip olKeCoiV 
 
 Kol VTTO T(OP yeUTOVCOV Tb}V €K€LV0V (XepiapTVprjTat 77/30? VpLCLS' dl 
 
 IJid^as KOL K(op.ovs Koi aaikyeiav ttoWi'iv, 6tt6t€ t] tovtov dhiX^i] 
 eh] Trap' airuj. pLefMapTvpriKaai yiyveaOaL irepl avTrjs. Kairoi ov hrj 
 TTov ye CTTi yafxiTCLS yvvaiKas ovhels av Kco/jta^etz; To\iJ.i]crei,ev' k.t.X. 
 (see above, p. 152) ^. 
 
 When praise is assigned to women by any of the Orators, 
 it is usually from a utilitarian point of view. 
 Lysias thus describes a good wife (i. § 7) : — 
 
 €V juey ovv t<5 Trpwro) yj)6vio, w 'A^rjyaiot, Tiacroiv ^v ^ekricTTr]' 
 KoX yap oiKOVajJiOS bei,vr] Kal ^€t8coAos [aya^?/] Kal aKpulBcas Ttavra 
 bLOLKOvaa. 
 
 ' In the speech Agst. Neaera (§ 122) there is a locus dassicus as to the 
 distinction between iraipai, naXXaKai, and '^vvaiKes : — rai yilv ycLp fraipas jySoi'^y 
 evfK ex^M*'') '^^.s Si iraWaKoLs t^s kuO' fj/xepav Oepaireias rod adiiiaTos, Tois di yvvaiKas 
 TOV TTatdoTTOieiaOai yvrjaiws Kal tSjv ivSov (pvXaita ttictt^v ex*"'. 
 
 I may add here a passage in wliich Lysias speaks in strong terms of the 
 result of unchastity in women {Frag. 90) : — p 70^ av ^i^epa ywi) irpoSo) to ffw/ia 
 Kal T^iv rd^iv \'itt] ttj? alSovs, (vOeeus irapaWaTTft twv <ppeviuv, warf vo/M^ftv tovs 
 p.tv o'lKeiovs (xdpovs, tovs 5e dXKoTpiovs iriffTovs, ntpl St tuv icaKwy kcu aiaxP^" 
 ivavTiav ex*"' '^^^ "yvwfirjv. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 155 
 
 The value of women as nurses is mentioned in the speech 
 Agst. Neaera^ § 56 : — 
 
 Tore 8j/7rou koX avroi, oaov a^ia eort yvvr\ ^v Tois voctols, Tiapovaa 
 KaixvovTi av6p(aTT(^ '. 
 
 All women, says Lycurgus, love their children {Agst. Leocrates, 
 § loi):— 
 
 (pvaei, yap ovaQv (piXoTeKvcav Traaoiv rdv yvvaiKtav TavTfjv 
 (TTOii](re (sc. Euripides) ti]V iraTpiba ixaXXov tQv iraCbcov (fnkovaav, 
 
 K.T.X. 
 
 But Lycurgus seems to regard this love of children in quite 
 a passionless manner, and not to consider it as any virtue. 
 Women are <|)uo-ei ^iXoTtuvou 
 
 If there is a dearth of opinions on women in the Orators, 
 there is no scarcity of them in Euripides. Let us look, first, 
 at those in which women are regarded as an evil. 
 
 We are not here concerned with the question whether 
 Euripides was a misogynist or not. One who could create 
 an Alcestis, an Iphigenia, a Macaria, could hardly be a 
 thorough-paced misogynist. These creations are at least 
 worthy of comparison with the Antigone of Sophocles, even 
 if none of them is either so noble or so tender as she ^. But 
 Sophocles and Euripides in drawing such women are both 
 idealising. They are painting women ' as they ought to 
 be,' not 'as they are.' Women of this heroic mould would 
 probably have been hard to find in the Athens of their 
 time '•''. It is not in the creation of an ideal character that 
 we are to look for a description of the women of Athens 
 as Euripides found them, but rather in individual utterances. 
 Nor are such lacking in Euripides. Whether or not the 
 cause is to be found in an unhappy married life, he is far 
 more bitter against women than either Aeschylus or Sophocles 
 was. The following passages are here in point. 
 
 * See also ibid. § 122, quoted above, p. 154, note i. 
 
 * See Jebb, Attic Orators, i. Introd. ci. 
 
 * This point Prof. Mahaffy fails to observe. See his Social Greece, pp. 198-206. 
 
156 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Women are worse than fire or vipers : they are an evil for 
 which no remedy has yet been found [Andr. 271-373): — 
 
 a 8' ear' k^ihvyi'i koH TTvpbs Trepairepco, 
 oiSfis yvvaiKOs (papixaK e^)]vpr]K4 ttco 
 
 KaKTJS' TOCrOVTOV €(r{X€V avOpUITTOL^ KQKOV^. 
 
 The race of women is treacherous (fyh. Taur. 1398): — 
 
 opar , aTTLCTTOv cos yvvaLKelou yevos ^. 
 
 They heighten misfortunes (Or. 605-606) : — 
 
 ael yvvatKes €fj.-nobo}v rals ^vfxffiopals 
 e<pvaav avhp&v irpoi to hvarvx^ia-Tepov. 
 
 In the Medea [ST^-SIS) Jason says that there should be no 
 women. Children should be got in some other way, and 
 so men would be free from all evil : — 
 
 yjyriv yap aXXoOev iroOev jBpoTovs 
 TTOibas TeKvovcrdaL, drjXv 8' ovk elvat yevos' 
 ^(Oi/Tcos av OVK TjV ovbev avQpfairois kukov. 
 
 In the same play (406-408) Medea herself declares that 
 women are resourceless in good, but skilful to devise all 
 evil : — 
 
 TTpos be Kol ire^VKajxev 
 
 yvvalK(s, e? fxev €(r6)C ajxri^avMraTai, 
 
 KaKoov 8e TTavTMV T€KToves aoc^xaTaTai. 
 
 Women are a ruinous evil (Andr. 352-354) : — 
 
 ov \pT] 'tti [xiKpols fxeydka Tiopcrvveiv KaKa, 
 ovb^, el yvvoLKes ea-jxev arrjpbv KaKov, 
 avbpas yvvai^lv e^o\xoi.ov(Tdai (j)V(nv. 
 
 They are cowards, save when their bed is dishonoured (Med. 
 363-366): — 
 
 yvvT] yap raWa [xev (fiojBov irkea, 
 
 KaKT] b e? dAKTjy Kal cribTjpov eiaopav' 
 OTav 8' es evv7]V rjbiKrjpLevrj Kvpfj, 
 OVK ecTTLV akXt] (pprjv fJnaKpovooTepa ^. 
 
 ^ Cf. Hipp. 616-668. In this passage, which is too long for quotation, 
 Euripides speaks with a certain fervour, which makes one think he is 
 expressing his real opinions. 
 
 '^ Cf. Or. 1 103 ; Frag. 671. ^ Cf. Frag. 276. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 157 
 
 They are a specious curse, a grievous bane : children should 
 be got otherwise ^ {Hipp. 616-668): — 
 
 S Zeu, Tt hi] Ki^hr]Xov avOpciTioii Kanov 
 
 T0VT(a be brjXov o)s yvvi] kukov fx4ya' (627) 
 
 oAoLaOe, [xicriav 8 ovttot e[XTTki](r6r}(T0[jiat, 
 yvvoLKas, ovb^ et (f)rj(jL tls ju. det Xiyuv' 
 ctet yap ovv ttcos etVt KUKeivaL KaKaL 
 T] vvv Ttj avras cruxppovelv btba^aTco, 
 17 Ka/x earo) rato-o eirefxpaLveLv aet . 
 
 They are devoid of accomplishment (Med. 1087-1089): — 
 iravpov be yivos {jxiav kv iroWals 
 evpoLS av Laays) 
 OVK aTTOixovTov TO yvvaiK&v. 
 
 They are jealous [Andr. 1 81-182): — 
 
 k7tL(fi6ov6v Ti )(p^/xa 9i]Xei(^v €(f)v, 
 
 Kol ^vyyap.oi(Ti bvcrfxeves [xoXia-T aei. 
 They are vain (Med. 1156-1166): — 
 
 ?7 8' w? ecreibe koo-^jlov, ovk rjvecrx^eTO, 
 
 dAA.' fivecr avbpl iravra' K.r.k. ^. 
 
 Folly— in a special sense — is of women, not of men (Hipp. 
 g66-g6'j) : — 
 
 dA.A.' &)s TO jxCdpov avbpdacv p-ev ovk evi, 
 
 yvvai^i §' ip.7Ti<pVKev. 
 A noble mind is seldom found in women (Hel. 1686-1687): — 
 
 Kol yaiped^, 'Ekevqs ovveK evyevecrTaTrjs 
 
 yva>p.r]9, TTokXais ey yvvai^lv ova evi. 
 It is hard to teach women to be chaste (Tro. 1055-1059): — 
 
 ekOovaa 8' "Apyos uxrirep a^Ca KaKcis 
 
 KttKi] davelrai, koI yvvai^l a(o(f)poifeiv 
 
 Tidcraicn di](ret. pabiov fxev ov Tohc k.t.K. 
 
 ^ Cf. Med. 573-575 (quoted above, p. 156). 
 
 * In these last lines Euripides seems to speak in his own defence. See 
 above, p. 156, note i. 
 
 ' Cf. El. 1068-1075 ; Or. 128-129. 
 
158 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 One man's life is worth the lives of a thousand women {I'ph. 
 Aul. 1394): — 
 
 et? y' avi]p Kpeicra-oiv yvvaiKow ixvpicav opav (})aos ^• 
 Women are fond of slander {Phoen. 198-201): — 
 
 (pLXoxj/oyov 8e XPW" OrjXeicov ^(f>v, 
 crpLiKpas T a(f)op{xas rjv ka^utcri tcov Xoycav, 
 ttXclovs iirecrcpepova-iv' rjbovr] 5e ns 
 yvvaL^L fxrihev vyies aXki^Xas Xiyetv. 
 
 There is nothing so hard to guard as they {Frag. 320) : — 
 
 ovK. eaTLV ovre Tet^os ovre xprnxara 
 ovT aXKo hv(r<pv\aKTov ovbev w? yvvi] ^. 
 
 Man at his worst is better than woman at her best (Frag. 
 
 546):— 
 
 Tiacra yap avbpdi Kanicov aAo)(os, 
 
 Kav 6 KaKL(TT09 
 
 yripLT] TT]v evboKiiMOvaav. 
 
 There is no evil so terrible as woman (Frag. IC59): 
 
 beiv}] juey oAkt) Kvp-aroiv daXacrcriMV, 
 heLvaL 8e TTOTajxSiv Kai irvpos depp-ov TTvoaC, 
 beivov 8e Trei'ia, beLva 8' aXXa pvpia, 
 aXk ovbev ovto) betvov ws yvvi^ kukov' 
 ovb av yivoiTO ypdp.p.a toiovtov ypa(^ii 
 ovb' av Ao'yo? bet^eiev. el bi tov decHv 
 Tob eoTt TrAaiT/xa, br]jXLOVpyds cov KaKcov 
 p.iyi(TTO<i tcrro) Ka\ (SpoTOiai bvorfxevris ^. 
 
 This is not the only tone, however, in which Euripides 
 speaks of women. There are lines, too, expressing pity for 
 the hardness of a woman's lot. 
 
 * Cf. Iph. Taur. 1004-1006 ; and see above, p. 150. Tlius, from the Greek 
 point of view, the conduct of Admetus in the Alcestis needed less excuse. 
 See Jerram's Alcestis, Introd. p. xv. 
 
 * Cf. Frag, iii, 1061. 
 
 ^ See also Andr. 93, 218, 756 ; Hipp, 406 ; Hec. 885, 1177 if. (with Paley's 
 note) ; Ion, 616 ; Hel. 1621 ; El. 645, 1014, 1035, 1072 ff. ; Or. 518, 566, 935 ; 
 Bacch. 260 ; ip/i. A%d. 1162 ; Fiag. 3, 36, 429, 463, 464, 497, 498, 528, 544, 808. 
 
 For passages where both good and evil is spoken of women see Frag. 494, 
 5^5, 1056, 1057. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 159 
 
 Women are the most wretched of all creatures. They must 
 marry those to whom they are given, and bear their griefs in 
 silence and solitude. Medea declares that rather than endure 
 once the throes of childbirth she would thrice take her stand 
 in battle {Med. 230-251): — 
 
 iravToiv 8' o(T ear eix^vx^a Kat yv(a}xr]v ^x^i 
 
 yvvalnes kcrfxev aOXcioTarov (pVTOv ^' 
 
 AeyoufTt 8' rifxas w? aKivhvvov jBiov 
 CS>}J^^i> KttT oXkovs, ol 8e ixapvavrai bopi, 
 KaK&s (f)povovvT€S' 0)9 Tpls av 'nap' acn:iha 
 CTTrjvaL diXoipL av jxakkov rj t€K€Iv aira^. 
 
 In losing her husband, a woman loses all {And7\ 373): — 
 avbpds 8' aixaprdvova- ap.apTav€L fitov. 
 
 Good women must suffer for the faults of those that are bad 
 {Frag. 493) :— 
 
 aAytoToy eori 6r]\v pLia-qO'kv yivo<5' 
 
 al yap (r(pa\elcrat ralcnv ovk ecrcfiaXixivaLS 
 
 aicr^o? yvvai^l Kal K^Koivoivrai yj/oyov 
 
 rat? ov KaKOLcriv al KaKai. 
 
 Similarly Creusa complains that men are indiscriminate in 
 their blame {Ion, 398-400):— 
 
 Ta yap yvvaiKojv bva-xeprj irpbs apcrevas, 
 KCLV rat? KaKalaiv ayadal p.eixLyp.4vaL 
 IxLaovpied'' ovTCii Suorvx^et? TtecfyvKap-ev ^. 
 
 Nor are there wanting words of positive praise. Apart from 
 the whole conception of ideal characters — such as Macaria 
 {Herad. 500 fF.), Antigone {Plioen. 1639 fF.), Iphigenia {I ph. 
 Aul. 1368 fF.), Electra {Or. 1204-1206, — 'a man's spirit and a 
 woman's charm '), Andromache {Andr. 384-420) — there are 
 many individual utterances which are here in point. 
 
 ^ Cf. Hip}). 669 : — T&Kavfs Si KaicoTvxfis ywaiKuiv nurixot. 
 
 Ion, 252: — Si T\Tjixovfs yvvaiKes. 
 
 Frag, 401 : — offo) to 6t]\v SvtTTVXfffTepov yivos 
 ire(pvKev avSpuv. 
 = Cf. Hec. 1183-1184. 
 
i6o EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 No greater evil can befall a man than to lose a faithful 
 wife(^^c. 879-880):— 
 
 tL yap avhpl kukov ixel^ov ajxapTiLV 
 TTKTTrjs akoxov ; 
 
 Women are more chaste than men (Ion, 1090-1098): — 
 
 opaO o(TOL bvaKeXaboLaiv 
 
 Kara [xovaav lovres aeibeO v}ivois 
 
 ajxirepa Ae^ea koI yaiiovs 
 
 Kv-npihos adejjLiTas avocrCovs 
 
 oaov €V(Tel3Ca KpaTovjxev 
 
 ahiKov apOTOV avhpMv. 
 
 7:aXLix({)a{xos aoiba 
 
 Kot piova eh avbpas tro) 
 
 bvcrniXabos ap.({)l Ae/crpcoy. 
 
 Honour comes to the race of women: evil repute will no 
 longer be theirs (31ed. 417-419): — 
 
 ep^erai ripM yvvaLKetc^ yivet' 
 
 ovKiTi bv(TK€kabos (pdp.a yvvalKas e^et. 
 
 In l2yh. Aul. (1157-1161) we have a picture of a blameless 
 
 wife : — 
 
 ov aoL KaraXXa')(6e'Laa irepi ae koI bopLOvs 
 
 (Tvp.p.apTvpi](Tus &)? apLefXTTTos T]V yvvi], 
 
 es T ^AcppobiTTjv (r(i)(j)povov(ra kol to (tov 
 
 p.eXadpov av^ovcTy wore a elcriovTa re 
 
 \aLpeiv Ovpa^e t €^l6vt evbatp.ove'iv. 
 
 A good wife is the salvation of a house (Frag. 1055): — 
 
 olKO(p96pov yap avbpa KcoAuet yvvi] 
 icrOXr} Trapa^evy^Oelaa koX crw^et b6p.ovs. 
 
 Fortunate he who is blessed with a good wife {Frag. 1057) : — 
 
 p.aKapio'i o(TTLS €VTUX€t ydp.ov Xa^oiV 
 iaOkrjs yvvaiKos. 
 
 Not all women are bad [Frag. 657): — 
 
 ocrns 5c Trao-as crvvTiOels \lreyei \6y<^ 
 yvvaiKas ^iv^, crKato's ian kov aocpos' 
 
PRIVATE LIFE i6i 
 
 •noXXGiv yap ovcr&v rrjv fxev ev/n/crei? KaK-qv, 
 T-qv 8' uxTTtep avrr] krjix' tyovaav €vy€vis ^. 
 
 Women are better than men [Frag. 499) : — 
 
 fxaTrfv ap eis yvvaxKas e^ avhpCiv \(/6yos 
 ■v/raJVAet, Kevbv To^^vp-a, koX KaKcai Ae'yet' 
 a'l 8' €10"' apeCvovs apcriviov, eyo) Aeyw. 
 
 Women are blamed, but men are to blame [El. 1039-1040) : — 
 KUTTCLT (V ripiv 6 xffoyos XapLTTpvveTai, 
 ot 8' atrtot rwrS' ov Kkvova avbpes KaK&s^. 
 
 Women, too, are wise [Suppl. 294) : — 
 
 ws TToXAa y' eo-rt kolito 6r\k^iGiv (TO(pd. 
 
 They are more resourceful than men (Hipp. 480-481): — 
 
 77 ra/3 ay oye y avop€s e^evpoiev av, 
 et /x?) yurat/ce? p'q)(^avas ivpi]crop.€v. 
 
 Similarly (Andr. 85) : — 
 
 TToWas av evpoLS pr\yavd'i' yvvr\ yap ei^. 
 
 A daughter is the stay of an aged, widowed mother (Hec. 
 280-381):— 
 
 ^'8 dvrl TToAAwy eort poi Trapa^vx^, 
 TToAis, tlOi'jvt], (BcLKTpov, Tjyepciv obov'^. 
 
 The utilitarian point of view we have in the Eledra, 422- 
 
 423 :— 
 
 TToAAa rot yvvi] 
 
 XPllC'^vcf^ av evpOL baivl Ttpocrc^oprip.aTa. 
 
 A woman's soothing influence and her value as a nurse we 
 find in Frag. 822 : — 
 
 yvvj] yap iv Kanola-i Ka\ vocrots iroo-ei 
 rjbta-Tov ecrrtj 8<«)/xar' 7]v oiktj koAcSs, 
 
 ' Cf. Ion, 398-400 (quoted above, p. 159). 
 
 ^ See Paley's note ad he. 
 
 ^ Cf. Iph. Taur. 1032 ; Frag. 321 (here, as often, the inventiveness is of 
 a bad kind). See Decharme, Euripide, &c., pp. 144-145. He compares (p. 148) 
 the ruses of the wife of Euphiletus in Lysias' speech On the Murder of 
 Eratosthenes. 
 
 * See also Tro. 640, 1013 ; Ale. 623 ; Hec. 579 ; Her. Fur. 1371-1373 ; Iph. 
 Taur. 1061 ; Bacch. 317 ; Frag. 823, 909 ; and p. 158, note 3. 
 
 M 
 
i62 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 dpyr]V re ixpavvovcra koX bvadvixCas 
 "^v^^rjv /ue^toracr'* rjbv KaTrdrat (j)[\(i)v ^. 
 
 There were reasons even apart from the dramatic pro- 
 prieties why Euripides expressed sentiments so widely different 
 concerning women. On the whole, he probably had a keener 
 insight into woman's capabilities than either Aeschylus or 
 Sophocles -. But such an insight would only tend to increase 
 his dissatisfaction with what he saw actually existing around 
 him, and lead him to paint it in darker colours. In the words 
 of Berlage (p. 1 96) : — ' Inquisitionis igitur de vita domestica 
 haec summa est, quod poeta multo digniores partes tribuit 
 feminis quam scriptores superiores et aequales'— he has already 
 excepted Homer — * easque partim pinxit o"as bd et bvvardv 
 etvaL, partim otat ■^aav' It must be admitted, however, that 
 he generally shows us the dark side of the picture ^. 
 
 As one might expect, Euripides sets more store on virtue 
 than on beauty. 
 
 It is not beauty but virtue that gives delight (Andr. 207- 
 ao8):— 
 
 (pikrpov be koI rdS'* ov to KaWos, S) yvvai, 
 dAA' dperai Tipnovcn tovs ^vvevviTas. 
 
 It is beauty of the mind which is true beauty (F^'cig. 548) : — 
 
 vovv XPV 0ea.a6aL, vovv' ri rrjs €vpLOp(j)ias 
 6(f)e\os, orav rts \xr\ (f>pevas Kakas e'xj? * ; 
 
 Helena complains that beauty, which brings good fortune to 
 other women, has been her undoing (Hel. 304-305) : — 
 
 at jxev yap aXXat bib, to KaAXos evTvx^eis 
 yvvaiKes, fjjxas 5' avTo tovt^ aTrcoAecrey. 
 
 1 Cf. above, pp. i54-i55- 
 
 ° Cf. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Herakles, Einleitung, p. lo : — 'Euripides 
 mag die frauen nicht giinstig beuiteilt haben : aber er hat sie studiert. 
 Fiir Pindar Sokrates und die meisten Sokratiker existiren sie kaum.* 
 M. Decharme says {Euripide, &c.) : — ' Dans le coeur de la femme, dont il 
 explore les intimes profondeurs, &c.' 
 
 ^ See Decharme, Euripide, Ac, pp. 160-162. 
 
 * Cf. Frag. 212. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 163 
 
 In beauty, as in other things, moderation is safest [Frag. 
 928):— 
 
 ov yap d.a(f)a\es 
 TTepaLTepoi to kclWos rj \xi(Tov Xa^elv. 
 
 Isocrates [Evag. § 22) includes beauty among the goods most 
 becoming to the young. He is speaking, however, of a 
 man: — 
 
 TTois ixev yap o)v io'X^ kolWos Kal pcajx-qv Kal (rco(f)pocrvvqv, airep 
 tG>v ayad(ov TrpeTTcoSecrrara Tols tt^Klkovtois (ariv. 
 
 Again, speaking of male beauty, he says that good men pride 
 themselves more on their deeds and mind than on physical 
 beauty (ibid. § 74) : — 
 
 TTpoKpCvui be Tavras '7rpS>Tov iX€V etSco? tovs KaXovs Kayadovs rwv 
 avbpStv o^x. ovTods iirl tw KaXXet tov crcojuaros a-ep-vvvoixivovi ws eni 
 Tois epyois Koi rfi yv(ap.rj (pikoTLpiovixivovs. 
 
 But beauty has great power : to beauty strength itself must 
 yield (ffel. § 16):— 
 
 (TiTOvbdaas be ixaXia-Ta irepi re tov e^ ^ AKKp.r\vr]s Kal rovs e/c 
 AtjSo?, rocrovro) ixaXXov ^F,Xevr]v 'HpaKXeovs TTpovTiixrjaev, uicrTe tu> 
 fxev i(r)(yv ebuiKiv, r] /3ta tS>v aWcav KpaTelv bvvaTai, ttj be KaWos 
 aiieveip-ev, o koi ttjs p(ap.Tf]s avrrjs apx^etv Tre^UKey. 
 
 Beauty is the most divine of all things {ibid. § 54) : — 
 
 KaWovs yap TiXelcTTov jxepos /xeTecr)(ey, o aepivoTaTov koI TtfJiico- 
 TaTov Kal deioTaTov t5>v ovtcov eaTiv. 
 
 Even Zeus and the gods are overcome by beauty [ibid. 
 
 §59):- 
 
 aXka Zev? 6 Kparav ttclvtcov ev [xev toIs aWots Tr}v aiirov bvvapiiv 
 evbeUvvTai., irpos be to kclWos TaTretvbs yiyvoixevos a^LoZ tiXt]' 
 
 (TlACeLV. K.T.X. ^. 
 
 Woman, says Aeschines, is the most beautiful of all things 
 [On the Embassy, § 112): — 
 
 " ovK eliTOV, d)S KaXos el' yvvt} yap tG>v ovtcov ecrri KaXXicrTOV' 
 " 2 
 
 ^ See the whole passage (§§ 54-60'. 
 
 ^ On the subject of beauty see also Demosthenes (?), Erot. §5 1-16. 
 
 M 2 
 
i64 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 § 2. On the subject of Love the Orators have not much 
 to say. 
 Lysias in one place declares that lovers are fools (iii. § 44) : — 
 
 ov yap Tov avrov jxol boKU (tvai, kpav re koX crvKO^avT^Zv, aX\a to 
 fxkv T&v €vr}6€crTep(t}v, to be tS>v iravovpyoTaTuiv. 
 
 Euripides also speaks of the folly of love, introducing one of 
 those etymologies of which he is so fond^ (Tro. 987-990): — 
 
 ?/v ovp.6s vlbs KaWos evTrpeTreoraro?, 
 6 ads 8' lba>v viv vovs kT:oir\6r\ KvTrpts' 
 TO. iiS>pa yap ttcivt eaTlv 'A(})pobCTr] fipoTols, 
 Kat Tovvop^ opdcas a(f)pocrvvr}S ap\ii ^eas ^. 
 
 In his speech in Plato's Phaedrus (231 D) Lysias calls love 
 a disease: — 
 
 Kat yap avTol (sc. ot epcaVTes) opioXoyova-i vocreiv p.aXXov ?/ 
 (r(t)(f)povf.lv, Kol eibivai, on KaKuis (ppovovcxLV, dXA. ov bvvacrdai avT(ov 
 
 KpaT€LV. 
 
 Similarly Euripides {Frag. 339) : — 
 
 . . . Kat yap ovk avdaipeToi 
 PpoTois epcares ovS' cKoucrta vocros. 
 
 And again (Frag. 400) : — 
 
 ocrov v6<Trip.a ttjv Kinrptv KeKTr\p.e6a ^. 
 Isocrates speaks of the disquiet and envy of lovers [Antid. 
 §245):— 
 
 . . . SucTKoAft)? e^eiv Koi (rjXoTVTrelv kol tcls ■v//'vx«? TeTapayp-ivois 
 biaKiicrOai Ka\ TTeirovdivai TrapaTrA^crta rot? kpQxn. 
 
 Euripides also mentions some of the evil effects of love {Hel. 
 
 1 103-1 104): — 
 
 rt 'KOT aTTXrjCTTOs et KaK(av, 
 epooTas CLTTCiTas 80'Atdi r' k^evprip.aTa 
 aaKoxxra (^iXTpa 6' alp.aTr]pa boip-aToav ; 
 
 ^ See Paley, Euripides, i, preface, p. xxxii ; and cf. (with Paley's notes) 
 Bacch. 292-294, 367 ; Hec. 650. ' Comme les sophistes encore, il se complait 
 aux etymologies ' (Decharme, Euripide, etc., p. 57. See his note there). 
 
 ' Cf. Frag. 161 : Tjpaiv to /xaiveffOai 8' dp' ^v epws ^porois. 
 
 * So, in the Hippolytus, Phaedra's passion is again and again termed a voaos. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 165 
 
 Aeschines declares that he has nothing to say against epcos 
 hUaLos (Agst. Tlmarchus, § 136): — 
 
 eyo) 8e ovre 'ipoora hiKaiov \l/4yco, k.t.X. 
 
 He goes on to contrast to ipav rS>v KaKQv koL criotppovcav with to 
 aaeXyaivdv (§ 137) • — 
 
 opL^ojjiaL b etvai to pikv kpav tu)V Kakwv Kai auxfypovoiv <^tAay- 
 OpcoTTOv ttclOos Kot cvyi^w/xoi^os '^f^XV^} ''"^ ^^ aaeXyaivetv apyvptov 
 Tiva p.L(Tdovpi.ivov vjSpLaTOv Koi aTratSevTou uvbpbi epyov eiyai 
 rjyovpLaL. 
 
 Elsewhere he says that vice is not compatible with bUaios 
 ipcos (On the Embassy, § 166): — 
 
 ov yap TTpocrbi)(_€TaL bUaios €pcos ■novqpCav^. 
 
 In another place he quotes from Euripides a passage in praise 
 of TO (Tco^poVco? ipav (Agst. Tiiniarchus, § 151): — 
 
 6 ToivVV Ovbivbs riTTOV (TO0OS TWV TTOLrfTciv KvpnTibrjS, €V TL t5)V 
 
 KaKKicTTOiv vTToXaixfidvcov etvac to aoi^povois kpav, kv ev^^s /utepei tov 
 
 ip(OTa T!0L0Vp.iV0^ AcyCt TTOU' 
 
 6 8 €ts TO (iGxppov kiT apiTrjv r' aycov Ipcos 
 ^rjkoiTos avOpcairoLcnv, (av e'l-qv eyco ^. 
 
 There are several other passages in which Euripides incul- 
 cates a-o)(f)po(Tvvrj and fx^TptoTrjs in love. The first I will quote 
 is the well-known passage in the Medea (637-643) : — 
 
 Ijocore? VTrep jxev ayav kXOovTes ovk. evbo^Cav 
 
 ovb ap^TCLV irapiboiKav avbpdaLv' ei 8' aAts iXdoi 
 
 KvTTpLS, OVK. aWa Oeds €vx_apis ovTca. 
 
 [x-^TTOT, S) bicnioiv, ctt' kpLol xpvcr4(av to^cov k(f)€ir]s 
 
 ifxipia ^ptVacr' a(f)VKTov oiaTov ^. 
 
 aTepyoL 8e jxe au)(l)pocrvva, bcaprjjxa kclXXlcttov dedv' 
 
 fxqbi TTOT dix(f)LX6yovs opyas d/copeo-ra re veLKrj 
 
 ^ Cf. Demosthenes (?), Erot. § i : — opwv 6' ois e'lros UTTfTv ra TrKticrra tuv 
 epuTiKUiv avvTayixciTUv alaxvvrjv fj,d?0<ov 7] Tifiijv irfpidiTTOVTa rovrois trtpl S)v ecri 
 ffypafifneva, rovO' ottws fii) -rreiaiTai vetpvXaKTai, Kal oirep koi irciTetcrdai (prjai rrj 
 ■yvojfiT], TovTO Kal yiypa(pev, ws SiKaios fpaarfjS oiir^ av iroiTjcreiev ov5tv aJaxpoc ovt' 
 
 ^ Frag. 672. 
 
 ^ Cf. ibid. 530-531 : — . . . ws "E/Jcoj a' rjvayKaae 
 
 robots d(pvKTOi.s TovjJ-bv tKowaai befias. 
 
i66 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Bviibv eKTrkri^acr kripots evrt AeKrpots 
 
 Tipoa-jiaKoi heiva KvTrpts, aTrroAe/xous 8' evvas cn^i^ova 
 
 6^v(f)pu)V Kpivoi Ae'xJ? yvvaiKUiv. 
 
 So again (fTeZ. 1105-1106): — 
 
 el 8' Tjo-^a jxerpCa, raXXa y rjbCcrTr] 6eS>v 
 7r4(pVKas av6p(i>TT0i(nv' ovk aAAcos Aeyo). 
 
 The last passage I will quote in this connexion is from /p^. 
 ^^t^- (543-558):— 
 
 fxoLKapes 0% fxeTpLas 6eov 
 
 juera re (Tuxppoavvas jxeri- 
 
 (T)(ov kenTpuiv A(f)pobiTas, k.t.X. ^. 
 
 I will here add a few more sayings of Euripides on the subject 
 of love, although they have no parallels in the Orators. 
 Love is the sweetest of the gods (Ale. 790-791) : — 
 
 Ti/xa be /cat T-qv TrAeioroy r}hi(TTr]v Oecov 
 KvTTpiv j3poTo1(rLV' evuevr]^ yap r] Oeos^. 
 
 But it is sometimes bitter (Hipp. 727) : — 
 
 TTbKpov b epuiTOS ri(T<Tr\6-r](To\xai ^. 
 The sweetness and bitterness of love are sometimes mingled 
 (ibid. 347-348) ••— 
 
 <J>A. Ti TOvQ^ br] Xiyovaiv avOpcaiiovs epav ; 
 
 TP. rjbtaTov, S) TTOL, TovTov akyeivov 6' a\xa *. 
 
 It is often an evil (Med. 330) : — 
 
 ^eS (^eC* [^poTols epoires cos KaKov fxeya^. 
 The power and worship of love are universal (Hipp. 1-6) : — 
 
 TToAAf/ pkv kv ^pOTOlCTi KOVK CLVWVVp.O'i 
 
 dea KCKATjjuat Kvirpis, ovpavov t eVo), 
 
 6<T0l T€ TTOVTOV TeppLOVOiiV T 'ATkaVTLKOiP 
 
 vaiovariv elaca (pcos 6pS>VTes r]\ioVy 
 
 * Cf. Frag. 428, 897. For Euripides' ideas on love generally see Decharme, 
 Euripide, &c., pp. 112 ff. 
 
 ^ Cf. Bacch. 402 (deX^Uppoves "'Epurei). 
 
 ^ Cf. ibid. 775 ; Andr. 290. * Cf. Frag. 26, 
 
 ^ Cf. Hipp. 762, 1400 (Kvirpii fj Tiavovpfos), 1461 ; Hel. 238 ; Iph. Aul. 1301 ; 
 Frag. 322, 362, 524, 547. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 167 
 
 Tov^ ixkv (T^jSovTas Tafxa irpeo-jBevoi Kpar-q, 
 (TcpdWco 8' oVot (f)povov(rLV eis Tjjoias jxiya ^. 
 
 I can here only refer to the famous ode on love in the 
 Hippolytus (525 K), with which one may compare the still 
 more famous ode in the Antigone of Sophocles (781 fF.)^. 
 
 § 3. Though we find in the Orators references to various 
 laws, observances, &c. relating to marriage, there is little in 
 the way of general sentiment ^. 
 
 Lj^sias tells us how adultery was universally regarded 
 
 (i-§§2-3):— 
 
 Kal Tavra ova av etrj fiovov Trap* vpuv ovTcas kyvui(Ty.iva, dAA' ^v 
 a-ndcrr} rrj 'EAAaSf irepl tovtov yap jjlovov tov dStK^juaro? Kal kv 
 bqiJiOKpaTia Kal 6Xiyap)(J,a rj avrrj TLfxoopCa roij daOevfcrTaTOLS Trpoy 
 Tohs TO. jx^yia-Ta hvvap.€vov<i cnrobiboTai, ooare tov yj.(.pi(TTOv T(av 
 avTcav Tvyy^dveiv rw {SeXTio-rio' ovToys, ut dvbpes, Tavrrjv t-i]v v^piv 
 6.iravTes avOpooiroL betvoTdry^v rjyovvraL. Trepl p.\v ovv tov fxcyedovs 
 Trjs ^Tj/ntas airavTas lijaas vopC^co ttjv avTrjv bidvotav €\€iv, Kal ovbiva 
 ovTCxi'i oAtycopcos biaKeia-dai, octtis o'UTai belv (Tvyyv(t)\xr]s Tvyydv^iv i] 
 fiLKpas C^]ixias d^Lovs Tyyetrat tovs tqov tolovtcov ^pyu)V atrtot's. 
 
 Its penalty was death (xiii. § 66) : — 
 
 yvvalKas toivvv tojv ttoAitwz; TOLOvTa cov ixoi\iveiv /cat bLa(f)0€ipeii> 
 iXevdepa^ eTrexetprjcre, Kal €X.rj(f)9r) /xot)(o'?" Kal totjtov OdvaTos rj 
 Cf]iiia kaTiv'^. 
 
 In the speech Against Neaera (§§ 85-86) we are told that 
 the woman taken in adultery was not admitted to the public 
 
 ^ Cf. ibid. 99, 358, 443, 1268 ff. ; Tro. 945 ff. ; Frag. 136, 269, 898 ; and the 
 invocation with wliich Lucretius begins his poem. 
 
 ^ For other passages on Love see Tro. 1051 ; Iph. Aul. 569, 1304 ; Frag. 23, 
 138 ('He is fortunate, the object of whose love is good'), 331, 388, 430, 547, 
 653, 665, 781, 895 ; and on Chastity (to acocppovetv) see El. 53, 923, 1098-1099 ; 
 Bacch. 314 ff. ; F7-ag. 524. 
 
 ^ For what marriage was at Athens in the 5th cent. b. c. see Decharme, 
 Euripide, &c., pp. 139-140. Tlie Athenian married in order to fulfil a duty to 
 the state, a patriotic obligation. Woman was the means of perpetuating the 
 family and of preserving the city. 
 
 * ' Adultery was punished by death, according to the laws of Draco. Later 
 jurists seem to have distinguished violence and seduction, and to have 
 punished the former by a fine, the latter by death, — a curious reversal of 
 modern ideas' (Shuckburgh, note ad toe). 
 
i68 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 sacrifices, — a penalty which is said to be a motive to chastity 
 in women : — 
 
 €0' fi yap h.v ixoL)(^ds ak<2 yvvaiKi, ovk e^^crTw avrfj ikOelv els 
 ovhev Tcav lepwy Tciv 8rj/xoreX(iy, els a kol T-qv ^evrjv Koi rrjv bovXrjv 
 e^delv e^ovcriav ehoaav ot vojxoi koX deaaojxevqv koX iKeTeiaovaav 
 elcrievaL' akXa fxovais ravraLS aTrayopevovcnu ol vofjLOL rals yvvat^l 
 {XT} elcTievai els to, lepa to. brjixoreXri, e0' y av /uotx^os a\<2, eav 8 
 elaCioaL Kai 7rapavo[j.(a(n, vrjitOLvel Tracry^eiv virb rod jSovXojxevov o 
 Ti av TTa(r)^rj, TrXrjv Oavdrov, koI ehcoKev 6 vofxas ttjv rt/xcoptai' 
 vTTep avTMV TO) evTvx^ovTi. bia tovto 8' etroi-qa-ev 6 v6p.os itXr]!' 
 Oavdrov raXka v^piuOeicrav avT7]v p.r]baixov Xaj3elv biKrjv, tva [xr] 
 IxidcrfxaTa fxrjb aae^rifxara yiyvrjTai ev Tois lepo'is, LKavbv ^ofiov 
 Tals yvvaL^l irapaaKevd^oiv tov cruxppove'LV Kal [xrjbev apLaprdveiv, 
 dWa biKa[(i)S olKOvpelv, bibdcTKOiv o)S, dv tl dpidpTr] toiovtov, dp.a 
 eK re rijs oiKias tov dvbpbs e/c^e/SArj/xeVrj eorat Kal eK twv Upcav twv 
 rrjs TToXecos^. 
 
 In the Troades (1038-1033) Hecuba advises Menelaus to 
 punish Helena with death : — 
 
 . . . 6771 rots TTpocrdev rijxapTr]p.evois, 
 Mei'cAa', tV elhfjs ol Te\evT7]aM Xoyov, 
 crTe(^dv(ii(rov 'E\A.a8', d^tcos r7/i'8e Kravcav 
 aavTov, vofxov be Tovbe rals aXkaiai 6es 
 yvvai^L, dvr](TK.eiv tJtls dv irpobi^ Ttoaiv. 
 
 Adultery is hated both by men and by the gods below (Or. 
 619-620): — 
 
 . . . Kal TovO' ixi(Tr\creiav AlyCaOov Aexo? 
 
 01 vipTepoi deoC, Kal yap evQdb^ tjv TTLKpov, k.t.X. 
 
 A woman who has once been guilty of adultery will be guilty 
 
 again (El. 931-924): — 
 
 i(rra) b , orav tls bioXea-as bajxapra tov 
 KpvnTalaLV evi'ttis elr dvayKaadi] Xa^elv^ 
 bvaTTjvos ecTTiv, el boKel to acoippovelv 
 eKel [xev avT'i]v ovk e\eLv, irap oX b e^eiv". 
 
 ^ A law is quoted {ihid. § 66) as to what is done if a man, imprisoned as an 
 adulterer, is found, after appeal, to have been unjustly imprisoned, what if 
 justly. 
 
 - On the question of adultery see Coulanges, La Cite Antique, pp. 106-107. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 169 
 
 There is practically nothing in the way of general opinion 
 on divorce. Isaeus (iii. § '^^), and the author of the speech 
 Against Neaera (§ 52), refer to laws bearing on the subject. 
 Medea, speaking of the hard lot of women, says that divorce 
 is difficult to obtain and brings disgrace to them [Med. 
 
 ov yap eiiKAeeis aTraXXayal 
 yvvai^LV, ovb' olov t ai'r\vacr 6 ai ttoctiv ^. 
 
 Childlessness Isaeus regards as a misfortune (ii. § 33). He 
 is speaking from the legal point of view of there being no 
 heir : — 
 
 ovTcav yap avTio iraibcov e/ceiyw ovtl airatSt koI aTVXOvvTL (})aCv€TaL 
 
 In Euripides, the Chorus in the Ion also speak of child- 
 lessness as a misfortune, but from a wider, human standpoint 
 [Ion, 488-491): — 
 
 Tov CLTiaiba 6' airocrTvySi 
 piov, d) re boKel, \l/eyai' 
 juera 8e KTcdvcav jx^Tpioiv ^Loras 
 eviraibos eyoLpav. 
 
 Far more frequently, however, Euripides speaks of the happy 
 lot of the unwedded and childless; e. g. Ale. 883-888 : — 
 
 ^rjAo) 8' ayo-ixovs ariKvovs re fipoTb)v, 
 
 fxia yap ^vxtti' ttjs VTrepaXye'iv 
 
 juerptoy axOos' 
 
 TTaLbdiV b\ v6(T0v^ KoX vvpcpibiovs 
 
 (vvas OavcLTOis K€pal(opivas 
 
 ov TXrjrov opav, e^ov areKVovs 
 
 ayap.ovs t etvat bt.a Tiavros. 
 
 ' Cf. Frag. 502 (1. 6), where the difficulty of divorce is regarded from the 
 man's side : — 
 
 . . . at yap SiaXvatis ^ou^ pdStai. 
 
 ' The Attic law of divorce is said to have favoured only the cause of the male 
 claimant. Cf. Medea, 1375 {pibtoi 5' dwaWayai) ; Aesch. Suppl. 333 ' (Paley, 
 note on Medea, 236). See also Coulanges, La Cite Antique, p. 48. 
 
 ^ Cf. ii. §§ 10, 46; vii. § 30; ix. § 7, — where the anxiety concerns the 
 discharge of rd vopn^oiKva. See Coulanges, La Cite Antique, pp. 50, 55-57. 
 
I70 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Similarly (Rhesus, 980-982): — 
 
 (J) TTaiSoTTotoi cru/x^opat, ttovol [BpOTUtv, 
 
 d)? ocTTt? viJLas JUT/ KaKOis Aoyiferat, 
 
 a/rat? Stotcret kov reKwv 6d\\rei reKva^. 
 Elsewhere he says he cannot determine whether it is better 
 or not to have children (Frag. 571): — 
 
 aix.y]yja.vQi 8' ^ycaye kovk e^w fj-aOellv, 
 
 etr ovv afxetvov eort yiyvea-dai T^Kva 
 
 dvr]Tol(Ttv etr aTratba Kap-novcrOai jBcov. 
 
 6pS> yap oh IJ.€V ovK €(pvaav, a6)\.[ovs' 
 
 oaoLcn 8' eicrty, ovbev €VTV)(^e(rTipovs. 
 
 Ktti yap KUKol yeywres ky^Oiarr] vocros, 
 
 Kav av yevMVTai auxppoves, KaKov fxeya, 
 
 kvirovcTi Tov (pvcravra jxr] TxaOixxri tl ^. 
 
 Marriage feasts and observances — the Thesmophoria, &c. — 
 are referred to by Isaeus (iii. § 80; viii. §§ 18-19), and the 
 bridal torch by Euripides (Tro. 308 ; Iph. Aul. 732 ; Phoen. 345). 
 Reference is made to the Hymeneal Ode in Ijjh. Aul. 1036 ft'. ; 
 and examples of it are found in Tro. 308 ff. ; Frag. 781 ^. 
 
 I will here add some passages from Euripides, who has 
 much to say on the subject of marriage, and regards it 
 sometimes as a blessing, sometimes as a curse. 
 
 A good marriage brings happiness and blessing (Or. 602- 
 
 603):— 
 
 yaixoi 8' ocTots fJ-ev ev KaQ^aracnv (3poT(av, 
 
 IxaKctptos ald>v. 
 
 A man should have a good wife or none (Iph. Aul. 749- 
 
 750):- 
 
 XpT] 8' kv h6\xoLcnv avbpa tov (ro(f)dv Tpi(f)€LV 
 
 yvvalKa xprjcrT-qv Kaya6r\v, 77 }xr] rpi^eiv *. 
 
 * Cf. Med. 1090 ff. ; Suppl, 787 ff., 1087-1093 ; Frag. 908. And see Decharme, 
 Euripide, &c., pp. 116-117. ^ Cf. Andr. 418-420. 
 
 ^ See Coulanges, La Cite Antique, p. 44. Other references to marriage by the 
 Orators are found in Isocrates {Aniid. § 156), who speaks of the expense of 
 keeping a wife and bringing up children; and in Isaeus (vii. § 12), who 
 speaks of emyafiia as tending to reconciliation. On emjaixia see Coulanges, 
 La Cite Antique, p. 238. See also Mahaffy, Old Greek Life, pp. 49-51 : Coulanges, 
 La Cite Antique, pp. 41-48, 
 
 * Cf. Ale. 626-627 J Heracl. 297 ff. ; Frag. 1055 : and see above, pp. 159-162. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 171 
 
 The Chorus in the Medea declare that marriage is the source 
 of many evils [Med. 1 391 -1392): — 
 
 CO yvvaLKtiiv Ki\os ttoXvttovoV} 
 ocra ^poTols epe^as t'jbr] KaKa. 
 
 A bad marriage brings misfortune {Or. 603-604) : — 
 
 oT? 8e yJi] TiiiTTovcnv eu (sc. yap.01), 
 Ta T evbov etcrt rd re dvpa^e bvcrrvx^^'is ^. 
 
 Marriage is a mixed blessing : it brings sorrow as well as joy, 
 evil as well as good (Ale. 338-243): — 
 
 ovTTOT€ (f)i]cru} ydixov €V(ppaiveiv 
 TrXiov ?) kvirelv, k.t.X. 
 
 Similarly (Frag. 78): — 
 
 yvvoLKa KOi ^(peXiav 
 Kol voarov dvhpX (f)€pei,v 
 IxeyCa-Tav ibiba^a T<jt)fx5> Aoyw ^. 
 
 Good wives are rare (Ale. 473-475) : — 
 
 ToiavTrj^ eh] jxot Kvpaat 
 
 (Tvvbvdbo'5 (piXCas dXoyvv' to yap 
 
 iv ^lOTi^ (Tirdviov fxipos' ?y yap ejuoty dXviros 
 
 bi aiojvos av ^vveiTt]^. 
 
 The husband should be master (El. 932-933) : — 
 
 KaiTOL ro'8' ala-^pov^ TrpocrTaTelv ye boifj^droiv 
 yvvaiKa, ju.7; tov dvbpa *. 
 
 Woman's view of marriage we have in Medea, S^9~51Z- -^o^ 
 to have her bed dishonoured is to her everything: — 
 
 dAA' es TO(Tovrov Ty/ce^' coot' opOovix^vrjs 
 €vvf]s yvvalK€s Trdvr €\etv vopLi^ere, 
 rjv 8' av yivr]Tai (Tvp.<popd rts es Ae'^o?, 
 Ta Awora Kal KdXXt,(TTa TroAe/xtcorara 
 Ti^eo-^e ^ 
 
 ^ Cf. Hel. 296 ; El. 1097 ; Phoen. 340 ; Frag. 914. 
 
 ' Cf. Tro. 1 170; Frag. 1056, 1057. 
 
 ^ Cf. Iph. Aid. 1162-1163. 
 
 * Cf. ibid. 1052- 1053. 
 
 ' Cf. ibid. 1366-1369. 
 
172 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Andromache hates the woman who forgets her former 
 husband and marries again [Tro. 662-663): — 
 
 o.Tii.TiTva avTi]v, 7jrt? avbpa tov Ttdpoi 
 KOLvolai XeKTpois cmo^aXoxxT aXkov (jbtXet. 
 
 Unanimity is salvation in married life (Med. 14-15) : — 
 
 i77re/) fxeyio-TT] yiyveTai aiOTrjpia, 
 orav yvvr] Trpbs avhpa ixrj SixooTar?;. 
 
 And chastity is the condition of married bliss {El. 1097- 
 1099):— 
 
 ocTTLs be TiXovTOv ri ^vyiveiav eicriSwy 
 yaixel Trovqpav, fxcipos eort" jxiKpa yap 
 fXiyaX(i)v ajxeivo) (T(i)(^pov kv So'juois Xiyj]. 
 
 In marriage also ixeTpLoTrjs and auiippoavvrj are best (Frag. 
 
 503)-— 
 
 fxeTpicov XeKTpcav, fxerprnv 8e yap.(ov 
 
 fxeTCL (T(D(f)poa"vvr)s 
 Kvpcrat OvrjTolcnv apicrTOV ^. 
 
 § 4. Both Euripides and the Orators have a good deal to 
 say on the subject of kinship — its claims and blessings ; on 
 affection and duty paternal, maternal and filial ; on the charm 
 of children in a house, and the grief caused by their death ; 
 on the shame of family quarrels. 
 
 Kinsmen, says Andocides, should lend their aid in time 
 of adversity [On the Mysteries, § 118):— 
 
 ojiAcos 8' eyo) KaXeaas Aiaypov evavriov tG)V (piXoyv cXcyov on 
 ravT ettj avhpSiv ayaOdv, kv tols tolovtois b^nivvvai tcls oi/ceio'rTjTa? 
 
 * Cf. El. 936 ; Frag. 502 ; and the Greek proverb to itriSfvaai kuO' eavruv. 
 For other passages bearing on marriage see El. 265, 921 ff. ; Frag. 24, 
 804, 807. 
 
 There are in the Andromache some interesting passages on the question of 
 monogamy. In 11. 177, 464, 469, 909 monogamy is regarded as good, bigamy 
 as bad. In 1. 215 reference is made to polygamy in Thrace : cf. El. 1033 ; 
 Frag. 402. 
 
 See also Coulanges, La Cite Antique, p. 48 : — ' Une telle religion ne pouvait 
 pas admettre la polygamic.' 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 173 
 
 Isaeiis declares that it is a reproach for a man to set more 
 store on money than on kinship (ix. § 25): — 
 
 TToXv yap TTpovpyiairepov 7;yetrat eiyat to xprnxaTCC^crdat, tj ti]v 
 ipL-qv (Tvyyiveiav. 
 
 Similarly Demosthenes (Agst. Stephaniis, i. § 54) : — 
 
 . . . KoX TTepl ttX(lovo9 eTTon/craro tov ^oppLioovos tiX-Ovtov t) to. Ttjs 
 avyyevcCas avayKala ; 
 
 One ought to please parents, friends, relatives (Demosth. ("?), 
 Epitaph. § 16): — 
 
 . . . Kol iraaiv ap4<rK0VT€S ols XPVi yovev(n, (^tA.01?, oiKctots. 
 
 False witness against kinsmen, according to Demosthenes, is 
 the worst. He gives his reason: such a thing is against 
 nature (Agst. Stephanus, i. § 53) : — 
 
 beLvov jx^v yap kcrriv el KaO^ otov ris ovv to. ^jrevbi] p.aprvpel, 
 ■jToWfa) 8e beivorepov Kal iiXeiovos opyijs a^iov, et Kara t&v avyyevcav' 
 ov yap Tovs yeypap.p.ivovs voixovs o toiovtos avdpcaTTOs {xovovs, aXka 
 Kal TO. TTjs ^vwecos oiKet' avaipel. 
 
 All men, Andocides(?) says, have more regard for kinsmen 
 than for strangers {Ag8t. Alcibiades, § 15) : — 
 
 iravres yap av6p(OTroL tovs oIkclovs tS>v aXXoTpCoiv TTOLOvvTai ircpl 
 irXeCovoi ^. 
 
 Strange is the power of kinship, says Euripides, it is a blessing 
 in adversity (Andr. 985-986): — 
 
 to (Tvyyeves yap beivov, e'y re rots KaKols 
 OVK €(TTiv ovbev Kpelcro'ov olKeiov (piXov. 
 
 One must share the toils of one's kinsfolk {Or. 684-686) : — 
 
 Kal xpr] yap ovtm tmv oixaifjiovcov Ka/ca 
 ^vveKKOfJiL^eLV, byvajxiv tjv StSw ^eo's, 
 OvTjaKOVTa Kai KTeivovra tovs kvavTiovs ^. 
 
 ^ Isaeus, speaking as usual from the legal point of view, mentions that 
 kinsmen are most favoured in questions of inheritance (iv. § i6) : — 
 
 (TTfira 01 uofioi ov /xovov ol irepl tuiv yfvwv a.\Kd Kal ot irepl raiv Socrecuv Toii 
 av^ytvecri BorjOovai. 
 
 He also speaks of the claims of kinship, i. § 39. 
 
 "^ Cf. Iph. Taur. 1402 ; Heracl. 6. 
 
174 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 ' Honour your parents ' is one of the virtues inculcated by 
 Isocrates {Ad Demon. § i6): — 
 
 Tov<i jxev 6eovs <poj3ov, tous 8e yovels rifxa, rovi 8e (f)L\ovs al(rxvvov, 
 roi? be vofxoLi Tieidov. 
 
 In the matter of filial duty the golden rule should be observed 
 {ibid. § 14): — 
 
 ToiovTO'i yiyvov ire pi rov^ yovet'i, otovs av ev^aio Trept creavTov 
 yeveaOai tovs aeavTov iralbas. 
 
 Elsewhere, speaking of the degeneracy of Greece, he says 
 that in his time men sinned against their parents with less 
 hesitation than in a former age they contradicted or abused 
 their elders {A reop. § 49) : — 
 
 avTCLTTelv be toIs Trpecr^vrepoLs rj Xoiboprjaacrdat. beivorepov evo- 
 [xi^ov 7) vvv ttepX Tov^ yovias e^ap-aprelv ^. 
 
 Parents, says Aeschines, ought to be honoured like the gods 
 {Agst. Tionarchus, § 28) : — 
 
 ovs (sc. Tovs yoveas) e^ taov bel Tifxav tols 6eols ^. 
 
 A son, according to Isaeus, should cherish and reverence his 
 father (ii. § 18): — 
 
 . . . Kot eyo) Tov avToi' rpoTtov uxrirep y6v(o ovra Trarepa epiavTOv 
 eOepdirevov re koI ■ija-xvvopt.riv, k.t.K. ^. 
 
 Children are bound by law to support their parents (viii. 
 §32):— 
 
 KeXeveL yap (sc. 6 vopios) Tpe(f)eiv tovs yoveas' yoveXs 8' elal p-rirqp 
 Kol TtaTTip Koi TraTTTTos Koi TTjOr] Kal TOVTcov p-r\Tr\p KoX -narrip, eav en 
 ^Q)(jiv' eKeZvoi yap apxr} tov yevovs eio-i, Kal to. eKeCvo^v TrapabiboTai 
 rots eKyovoLS' bioirep avayKt] rpecfyeiv avrovs ecm, Khv ixrjbev 
 KaTaXiTicoaL. 
 
 The laws as to the maintenance and burial of parents are 
 mentioned likewise by Demosthenes {Agst. Timocrates, 
 § 107):— 
 
 . . . ot (sc. vopiOL) Kal ^(ovTas avayKa^ovai tovs Txalhas tovs yoveas 
 
 ' In a passage already quoted {Frag. iii. ()3'.) 9) Isocrates declares, however, 
 that teachers ought to receive greater honour than parents. 
 
 '■^ In Epist. ii. § 5, Aeschines (?) says that men rear children in the expecta- 
 tion that they will be the stay of their old age. 
 
 2 Cf. ibid. § 41. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 175 
 
 Tpi(f)€LV, Kol eTTctSay aTToddvcoaiv, ottco? rwy vo[J.L^ofjL4v(i>v TV)(^co(n, 
 TTapacTKevd^ovcnv ^ ; 
 
 Lycurgus also speaks of the duties of children to parents 
 (Agst. Leocrates, §§ 94-96) : — 
 
 . . . Trap' <3y yap njy d.p'xrjv tov ^rjv elXy^cpajjiev Kai TrkelcTTa dyada 
 TTeTTOvdapiev, its tovtovs jJ-rj on a[xapTelv dAA' ort ixrj evepycTovvTas 
 TOV avToiv j3iov KaTavakGxrai fxeytaTov da€fir]ixd eort. 
 
 He goes on to tell a story illustrative of a son's affection and 
 the favour shown by the gods. 
 
 We have a beautiful picture of an affectionate daughter 
 in the ^upplices of Euripides (1099-1103): — 
 
 akk ovKtT e<TTiv 7] y e/x7jy y^veiaoa 
 TipoariyiT del (TTop-aTi, koX Kapa robe 
 Karetxe X^'-P^' '^^t'P'' S' ovhev rjbLov 
 yipovTi dvyarpos' dpcrevcav 8e juet^o^e? 
 ■yj/vxat, ykvKelai 8' rjcrcrov es ^ajTrev/xara ^. 
 
 And there are several passages bearing on filial duty. 
 A son should aid a father in danger [Frag. 84) : — 
 
 7\ tL Tikeov (IvaL Tralbas dvOp^irois, Trarep, 
 ei 1X1] kid Tols beLvoicTLv a)0eA?j(ro/xej' ; 
 ' Children, obey your parents ' {Frag, no) : — 
 €yu> b\ p.ev pL^yLaTOV, dp^op.ai kiynv 
 e/c rovhe TTp&TOv' irarpi TreiOecrdaL XP^'^^ 
 TToibas vop.i^eiv t avrb tovt etvai, bUriv. 
 
 Due honour should be paid to parents (Frag. 949) : — 
 
 KOt To'lS T€K0V(TLV d^iUV TLpA]V V^p.ilV ^. 
 
 Love for a mother is the sweetest love of all (Frag. 358) : — 
 
 ovK (an pLijTpds ovbev ijbiov t4kvols' 
 ipdre p.if]Tp6s, TToibes, o)S ova icTT epo)? 
 rotoCros dkkos ocrrts ribicov ipdv *. 
 
 ^ In the speech On the Crown, § 205, Demosthenes puts country before 
 parents. In Epist. iii. § 45, he says that politicians ought to be to all the 
 citizens as children to parents. In xxxix. § 23, he sjieaks of quarrels between 
 husband and wife being often made up on account of their children. 
 
 ^ Cf. Ion, 1 437- 1 438. 
 
 ' Cf. Suppl. 361 ff. ; Phoen. 1444 ff. ; Frag. 234. 
 
 * In Frag. 1064, Euripides says that men honour father moi'e than mothcF. 
 
176 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Sons are the pillars of a house {Iph. Taur. 57) : — 
 (TTvXoi. yap oXkoov eicri TraiSej apcreves. 
 
 Children are better than winged wealth (Frag. 518): — 
 Kat KTrjfxa 8', cb reKovara, KaWtaTov robe, 
 ttXovtov be Kpela-crov' rod fxev wKcta Trrepv^, 
 TToibes 8e )(^priaTOi, kclv Oaviacn, bcapiacnv 
 Kakov TL drjcravpiaixa rots re/coCcrt re 
 dvddrjfjLa jStorov kovt^ot e/<Aet7ret bopuovs^. 
 
 A wondrous charm are children [Frag. 103) : — 
 beivov Ti tIkvmv (piX-Tpov ii/rJK€V 
 decs avdpu>T:ots^. 
 
 ' To strike or ill-use a parent was an offence punishable by 
 fine, disfranchisement, or death: the suit was called ypacftrj 
 KaKwcrecos yovecov. See Arist, Av. 1344: N'ub. 1419-1430'^. 
 
 So Andocides (On the Mysteries, § 74) speaks of (to) tovs 
 yov4as KttK&s TTouXv as one of the crimes punishable by anixia. 
 And Lysias says (xiii. § 91) : — 
 
 0(TTLS ovv TOP T€ yovio TTaTepa Tov avTov eTVTTTe Kol ovbev Ttapeix.^ 
 Twv eTTLT-qbiLcov, TOV T€ TTOLTjTov TTUTepa cLipeCkeTO h 771; VTTapxpvTa 
 eK€Cv(o ayadd, ttw? ov koI bi,a tovto Kara tov Trjs Ka/cwcrecos v6p.ov 
 d^Los tcTTL 6avdT(D ^r]pi(t)dr]vai ; 
 
 In this connexion also the following passage from Aeschines 
 may be quoted (Agst. Timarchus, § a8) : — 
 
 TLvas 8' ovK (jUeTo belv Xeyecv ; tovs al(r\pois ^e^KHKOTas' tovtovs 
 OVK. ea brip-qyopeXv. Koi ttov tovto brjkol ; boKipacria, (prj(r[, prjTopoiv' 
 edv Tis keyrj ev tw bi^pcjo roy Traripa tvtttu>v t] ttjv pr]T€pa, rj p,r] 
 TpicpMv, 7] p.r} Txap^yjMV 0LKr}(nv' tovtov ovk eS Xiyeiv. vj] Aia 
 KaXQi ye, ois kyat (f)ripi. k.t.X. ^ 
 
 In Euripides, too, we find mention made of the sin of dis- 
 honouring a father, and of the paternal curse (Phoen. 874- 
 
 877):- 
 
 ovt€ yap yipa iraTpl 
 
 ovT^ ^^obov bibovTes, dvbpa bva-Tvx^rj 
 
 1 Cf. Ion, 48 1 ff. (with Paley's note) ; Or. 542-543 ; Frag. 543. 
 ^ Cf. Andr. 418 (with Paley's note) ; Tro. 371 ; Frag. 316, 652. 
 
 * Shuckburgh, note on Lysias, xiii. § 91. 
 
 * For an account of an unnatural son see Dinarchus, Agst. Aristogeiton, § ii. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 177 
 
 k^riypiuxrav €K 8' e-nvevcr avToTs apas 
 bcLvas vo(r&v re koI irpos r]THJ.acrp,ivos. 
 
 Reference is made by Isocrates to a father's affection for 
 his children. Men, he says, love most their own children and 
 wives {Nicocl. § 36) : — 
 
 etSo)? yap airavras avdpdtTtovs "nepi TrXeiaTov TTOLOvpiivovs tovs 
 TTOibas TOVS avTG>v koX ras yvvaiKas, /cat fxakiaT opyi^oixivovs toIs 
 els ravT e^ajxapTavovaL, kol ttjv vj3pLV r-qv Trepi ravra fxeyia-ruiv 
 KaKutv aiTiav yiyvojjLivrjv, k.t.X. 
 
 Isaeus speaks of a father's forethought for his son (ii. 
 §18}:- 
 
 KCLKelvos T€ Trjv Tipovoiav el\ev cocTTTep eiKos k(TTL TTaripa nepX 
 uteos ^xetv, k.t.X. 
 And again (viii. § 16), he speaks of a grandfather's prayers : — 
 
 . . . KOI rivx^TO rjixlv vyUiav hihovai kolL KTijatv ayaOi^v, uxriiep 
 etKos ovTa Trdimov. 
 
 In the Medea (1306-1310), Euripides gives us a picture of 
 a father's aflfection and grief : — 
 
 (rijaoo^e 8' €v6vs, koI TrepiTTTv^as be[xas 
 Kvvel irpocravbwv Toidb'' cb b'uaTrjve irai, 
 TLS (T <38' dTifjicas batp-ovoov d-TTcaXea-ev ; 
 TLS Tov yipovTa TvixjBov opcpavov aeOev 
 TiOrjcnv ; olfioi, ^wddvotpii trot, t^kvov. 
 
 So Theseus exclaims [Hipp. 1410): — 
 
 et yap yevoip.t]v, t^kvov, clvtI (tov vcKpos ^. 
 All men love their children (Her. Fur. 633-635) : — 
 
 TTavTa TavOpuiTioiv Icra. 
 (^iXovcri Tialbas ol r' dixeCvoves /3porc3y 
 
 Ot T OVOeV OVT€S . 
 
 A man should suffer — die, if need be — for his wife and 
 
 children {ihid. 574-578): — 
 
 T<3 ydp p,' apjvveiv p.aXXov r\ bdp.apTL XPV 
 Kot TiaLcrl Kal yipovTi ; \atp6vT(av trovoc 
 ii.dTr]v ydp avTovs Tuivbe p.dXXov rjvvcra. 
 
 ^ Cf. David's lament for Absalom. * Cf. Phoen. 965-966. 
 
 N 
 
178 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Koi §€1 IX virep T(avb\ eiirep 018' iirep Ttarpos, 
 dvr](TK€.LV apxivovT ^. 
 
 Pheres, however, declares that paternal aiFection has its limits 
 [Ale. 681-684):— 
 
 eycri 8e (t otKOiv h€(nt6Tr]v eyeLvdjX'qv 
 Ka6pe\y, 6(f)€L\o) 8' ovx virepdvifja-KCtv (reOeV 
 ov yap TrarpQiov toV8' ibe^dp^qv vopov, 
 Txaihuiv irpoOvqcTKiiv Trarepa?, 0118' *E\A.Tji;t/coy. 
 A mother's long-suffering is described by Lysias (xxxi. 
 §22):- 
 
 KaiVoi et p.rjTr]p, rj Tre^UKe Kal dhiKOvpivr] virb tG>v Iouttjs naihcai) 
 paXiara dviyecrOai koX piKp" dxpeXovpevrj peydXa e^ety rjytlaOai bia 
 TO tvvoia paXKov i] kXiyy^i^ ra yLyvopeva boKLpd^etv, k.t.X. 
 
 All women love their children, says Lycurgus (Agst 
 Leocrates, § loi) -. 
 
 There are many passages in Euripides descriptive of a 
 mother's love. I will quote first the well-known lines in 
 Iph. Aul. (917-918): — 
 
 hiivov TO TLKTeiv, KttL (pipeL (f>i\.Tpov piya 
 TrdcTLv re koivov, a>a6^ virepKdpreiv T€KvoiV. 
 
 So Megara says [Her. Fur. 280-281): — 
 
 eyo) 0tA.(S pev reKva' ircas yap ov (/jtA.(S 
 OLTiKTov, ap6)(67](Ta ; 
 
 So also the Chorus in the Phoenissae {s55~35^} '• — 
 beivbv yvvat^iv al bC wbCvoyv yovai, 
 KOL cf)L\6T€Kv6v TT(t)s TTOLv yvvaiK€Lov yevos ^. 
 
 In a fragment of a cynical nature the mother's love for 
 her children is said to be stronger than the father's (Frag. 
 
 1015):— 
 
 atet be priTr]p (f)L\6TeKvos p-dWov iraTpos' 
 
 f] pev yap avTrjs oioev ovU , oterai. 
 
 ' For mutual affection of father and daughter see Ip/t. Aul. 679 ff. , 1220 ff. ; 
 and for that of grandsire and grandson Bacch. 1319 ff. Cf. also Frag. 950 ; 
 and for advice to a son see Frag. 362. 
 
 * The passage is quoted above, p. 155. 
 
 * Cf. Med. 1021 ff. ; Suppl. 1136 ff. ; Ion, 1460-1461 ; Tro. 735 ff., 1175 ff. ; Iph. 
 Aul. 1256; Phoen. 306 ff. ; Frag. 316, 323. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 179 
 
 Then, as now, the hatred and envy of stepmothers was pro- 
 verbial. 
 
 Isaeus speaks of the quarrels between a stepmother and 
 children by a former wife (xii. § 5) : — 
 
 . . . elddacTL be ttcos b>s (ttI to ttoXv hia^ipecrOai a\Xi]\.ais at re 
 jxrjTpvLai Kai al 'npoyovoc k.t.K. 
 Euripides compares a stepmother to a viper [Ale. 309-310) : — 
 
 ixdpa yap 7/ VtoCcra /xrjrputa reKVOts 
 
 TOLs TTp6cr9\ i'x^ibvris ovbev rjiTLOiTipa ^. 
 So also Ion, 1025: — 
 
 cf)6ov€LV yap (paaL pLrjrpvias T€kvols ^. 
 Of the mutual affection of brother and sister we have a 
 striking picture in Orestes and Electra. I will quote only one 
 passage by way of illustration (Or. 1 047-1 051) : — 
 
 OP. ex ToC /xe TTi]^eis' Kai a-' ap.ei'^aa-dai 6i.k(3> 
 
 <f)iX6Tr]TL x^etp^v. tC yap er' aibovp.aL rdXas ; 
 S) arepv' a8eA<^^?, S (f)CXov TrpocnTTvypJ ijJLOv, 
 Tab' clvtI iraiboiv koX yap.T]Xiov Xi\ovi 
 TTpoa-(f)64yiJLaT ajxcf)! rots TaXanrcapoLS irdpa ^. 
 The greatest suffering for mortals, says Euripides, is to see 
 their children dead [SupjDl. 1120-1122) : — 
 
 tI yap av p.ei^ov Tovb' eVt Qvarois 
 
 irdOos i^evpots, 
 
 7] TiKva davovT kaibicrOai ; 
 
 Similarly Lysias (Epitaph. § 73) : — 
 
 TL yap hv TovTcov dvLaporepov yivoiTo, rj reKelv \j.\v KaX Opexf/ai 
 [/cat 6d\j/aij Tovs avrcav . . . ; 
 And Demosthenes (?) (Epitaph. § ^6) : — 
 
 -X^aXevbv Trarpl kol p.riTpL TraCboiv (TTeprjdfjvai kol epTj/xoi? eivai 
 T&v otKeioTarwi^ yqpaTpoipMv. 
 
 And lastly in this connexion I would refer to one or two 
 passages bearing on family quarrels. 
 
 * Cf. ibid. 305-307 (with Jerram's note). 
 
 * Cf. Hid. 1270, 1330 ; Frag. 4, 824 : Hesiod, Works and Days, 825 : Aeschylus, 
 Prom. Vinct. 727 : Horace, Epod. v. 9. 
 
 s Cf. Phoen. 166-167. 
 
 N 2 
 
i8o EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Lysias speaks of the disgrace attaching to such quarrels. 
 One should bear and forbear (xxxii. § i) : — 
 
 . . . voixi^oov ol(T)(j.(TTOv elvai tt/jo? roi/s oiKctov? hia^ep^crOai, ei8ws 
 T€ ort ov fj-ovov ol abiKovvres Xf'^pou? vjx'lv elvat boKovcnv, aXka Koi 
 otrLves av ekarTov inrd tQv Trpoa-rjKovTcav e^ovres avi^icadai \xr] 
 bvvcovTai. 
 
 Similarly Antiphon [KaTrjyopia ^ap\xaKdas, § l) : — 
 
 I'e'os ixiv Kai aimpos biKoiv eyayye en, beivois 8e /cat aTTopois e^et 
 fxoL TTfpl Tov TTpdyixaTOs S) avbpes, Tovro jxkv el eTTio-KT^i/^ayros rod 
 TTttTpos eire^eXOelv rots avTov (fyovevai. fxr] eTre^eiixi, tovto be el 
 eire^LovTi. avayKaicas e^et ols ijKLara e\pr]v ev bta^opa KaTacrTrjvaty 
 abeX(f)o'is 6//07rarptots koI p.r]Tpl abeX(j)oiv^. 
 
 Terrible, says Euripides, is the strife of brothers {Tph. Aul. 
 
 376-377):— 
 
 beLVov KacriyvrjTOLai, ytyvea-Qai Xoyovs 
 p^aycLS 6\ orav ttot e/xTre'o-wcriy els epcv ^. 
 
 Such strife is often caused by love and ambition [ibid. 508- 
 
 510):— 
 
 rapax'q y o.be\(f)(av n? bi epcara yiyveraL 
 
 TiXeove^iav re boiixdriov cmeiTTva-a 
 
 TOidvbe avyyeveiav akkriKutv TTLKpdv. 
 
 § 5. If one pauses to think of the importance of human 
 relationships, and to consider how great a part of life these 
 relationships are, one will not be surprised to find that the 
 subject of friendship is one which enters very largely into 
 all literature. Euripides ^ and the Attic Orators are no 
 exception in this respect. 
 
 In friendship the rule of like to like prevails. A man 
 is known by the company he keeps ^. Hence the necessity 
 of a careful choice of friends. 
 
 * For a passage in Demosthenes on quarrels between husband and wife see 
 above, p. 175, note i. 
 
 ^ Cf. Phoen. 374-375 ; Frag. 975 : — x*'^^'''*'^ trSXiiioi yap d8e\(pa>v. 
 
 ^ Striking examples of friendship found in Euripides are those of Orestes 
 and Pylades {Electra, Orestes, Iph. Taur.), Theseus and Heracles {Her. Fur.), 
 Admetus and Heracles {Alcestls). 
 
 * Cf. Electra, 383-385. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE i8r 
 
 ' Evil communications/ says Euripides, * corrupt good man- 
 ners ' {Frag. 1024) : — 
 
 (pdetpovcrtv i]6r} yj)Ti](T0' biiiKiai KaKai. 
 
 One should therefore choose 'good communications' {Frag. 
 609) : — 
 
 6 yap ^vvoiv KUKds /xey rjv tvxJ} yeycos, 
 
 TotovrrSe tovs ^vvovra'i ex'rratSewerai, 
 
 •)(pr](rTovs be xp^^'tos" akXa ras 6/xtAias 
 
 iaOXas Stw/cetr, o) veoi, cnrovbd^eTe. 
 
 A man, says Demosthenes, is thought to be like his friends 
 {Agst. Androtion, § 64) : — 
 
 w? €Keivo elhoai \xkv tcrco?; ojuco? 8e epcS" ottolovs tlvo.^ av 
 ^aivrjcrOe. aya7rS>vTes koL crdo^ovTes, tovtols ojxoloi bo^er elvai. 
 
 Like to like, says Lycurgus {Agst. Leocrates, § 135): — 
 
 . . . vvv be TTaaL (pavepov otl tois avToXs i^OeaL xp(ap.evoi Tr]V irpos 
 TOVTOv (piXiav bLa(f>v\dTTovcnv, k.t.\. 
 
 A man like Theseus, who will stand by one whatever befall, 
 is the kind of man to make one's friend {Her. Fur. 1404) : — 
 
 Toiovb^ dvbpa XPV K^aadat (pikov. 
 Choose pious friends, says Tyndareus {Or. 627-628): — 
 
 fxrjbe bva(re(3ets 
 eXrj TTapcacras evcrejSea-Tepovs (pikovs \ 
 
 Isocrates tells Demonicus how to choose friends. One should 
 first find out how they have treated former friends. Friend- 
 ships should be slowly formed, but, once formed, should be 
 firm and lasting {Ad Demon. § 24) : — 
 
 ixrjheva (})ikov ttolov, irplv av e^erdcrris, ttcS? Ke\pi]Tai tois "npo- 
 Tepov (^iXot?" ekinCe yap avrov Kal irepl cre yevi(j6ai tolovtov, otos 
 Kal irepl e/cetvou? ykyove. j3pabi(os p.ev (fiikos yCyvov, yev6[xevos be 
 Treipo) btajxeveLV ^. 
 
 ^ Cf. Eipp. 997. 
 
 ^ Cf. the advice of Polonius to Laertes (Hamlet, i. 3) : — 
 
 'The friends thou hast, and their adoption tried, 
 
 Grapple them to thy soul with hoops of steel ; 
 
 But do not dull thy palm with entertainment 
 
 Of each new-hatch'd, unfledg'd comrade.' 
 
i82 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Nature, character, choice, are of more consequence than con- 
 vention, birth, necessity {Ad Demon. § lo): — 
 
 ^yeiTO yap eXvai Trpbs kraipiav ttoXXco K/Detrro) (pvatv vopiov Kai 
 rpoTTOv y4vovs kol irpoaipiaiv avdyK-qs. 
 
 Worthiness is a necessity in a friend : benefit is of more 
 account than pleasure {Ad Nicocl. § 37): — 
 
 ipiXoVS KToi fJ.7} TTOLVTaS TOVS jBovKopi^VOVS akXci TOVS TTJS (Trji 
 
 (jivaecas a^iovs ovras, yi7j8e fxeO^ &v -qhiaTa avvbtaTpCyj/eiS) aWa fxeO^ 
 SiV apiara ttjz; ti6X.lv StotKTjcrets. 
 
 It is a good thing and pleasant to make good and trusty 
 friends by acts of kindness {Epiat. iv. § 9) : — 
 
 . . . eTTCira vo\xi^uiV ovk ayvoelv vjxas, on TrdvTuiv ij^Lcrrov lort Kat 
 Xvcnrekia-TaTov ttlo-tovs ajj-a kol \pr](TLp.ovs ^ikov^ KracrOai rais 
 ivepyicrCais kol tovs Totovrovi ev ttouXv, v-nep u)V ttoWoI kul tcHv 
 aWoiV vpuv \dpLv e^ovcnv, k.t.X. 
 Genuine friendship seeks three things {Frag. iii. (8'.) 13): — 
 
 7) dX.r]9i,vri (pikta rpia C^rei {xaXicrTa' Tr}v dpirriv, ws KaXov' koI 
 Tr]V arvvrjOeiav, &>? rjbv' kol ttjv xpeCav, w? dvayKOLOv. beX yap diro- 
 be^aaOat Kpivavra Kal yaip^iv avvovra koX ^(priadai beop-evov. 
 
 The friendships between men of no character endure but for a 
 day : those between good men last for ever {Ad Demon. §1) : — 
 
 ot pXv yap TOVS (piXovs Trapovras p-ovov Tip.G>a-iVy 01 8e koX p^aKpav 
 diTOVTas dyairGxTi, Ka\ rds p.ev T(av (pavXoov a-vvrjOeCas oXiyos xpoi'os 
 biiXvae, rds be ruiv cnrovbaLuiv ^lAias ov^ av 6 Tray amv e^a- 
 Xei\i/ei,€v ^. 
 
 Hyperides urges the necessity of avoiding the friendship of 
 evil men {Frag. 210 a) : — 
 
 6 avTos (sc. Hyperides) eAeye KaKav dvOpcairoov (j)evyeiv {beZv) 
 (piXiav Kal dyaOiov 'i^Bpav. 
 
 Good friends, says Euripides, are better than wealth or power 
 {Her. Fur. 1425-1426): — 
 
 ocrri? 8e itkovTov rj aOevos piaXXov (\)iXu)V 
 dyadcov TieTrdcrOai. ^ovXerat, KaKois (j)poveX^. 
 
 ' Cf. Eui'ipides, Hec. 311 ; Andr. 1051 ; Iph. Taur. 717 ; Frag. 655. 
 ^ Cf. Or. 1155-1156: Isaeus, v. § 30: — . . . dK\' eniSeiKVVjxevoi on ov irepl 
 nXuovos xP^t'^^To, -noivv^tOa tuiv oiKuaiv, 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 183 
 
 A good friend is better than a thousand kinsmen [Or. 804- 
 
 806):— 
 
 TOVT kKiivo, KTCLo-Q' eTaCpovs, ju,^ TO avyyeves jjlovov' 
 0)5 avrjp, ocTTLS rpoTTOLo-L (JvvTaKfj, dvpaios (i>V, 
 fxvpLuiV Kpeiaawv bp.aiy.oov avhpX KeKTrjaOaL (pikos ^. 
 
 Sweet is friendship in weal and in woe (Ion, 7^o-y^2) : — 
 
 (Tvv Tols (J)l\ols yap fjbi) p.€v irpdcrcretv KaAcS?, 
 o p.r] yivoLTO h , ei rt Tvy)(avoi kukov, 
 (Is op.p.aT (vvov (pooToi e///3Ae\//^at yXvKV ^. 
 
 Misfortune is the best test of friends (Her. Fur. 57-59) : — 
 
 TOLOVTov avOpdn: Old IV ?/ hvaTipa^ia, 
 
 ^s pL'^TToO', oaTts Kal juecrcos evvovs lp.oi, 
 
 TV^OL, (pL\(i)v eAey)(oy ayj/evbia-raTov. 
 
 Megara complains that one has no friends in misfortune 
 (i6wZ. 559):— 
 
 c()iXoL yap etcrty avhpl bvcTTV^el tCvcs ^ ; 
 
 They are numerous, however, in prosperity (Rhesus, 319- 
 
 330):— 
 
 TToXXovs, CTTeiS?/ Tovp.bv €VTV)(^€i bopv 
 
 Kal Zei;s irpos r]p.Siv ecrTLV, (vpr\(T<Ji (pCXovs. 
 
 Friends, says Isocrates, are tested in misfortune as gold is 
 tried in the fire (Ad Demon. § 25) : — 
 
 boKLpLaC^ Tovs (f)i\ovs e/c re ttJs Trepl tov (3Cov aTV)(^Las ical rrji kv 
 Tois KLvbvvoLs KOivoivias' TO p.ev yap \pv(Tiov kv rw Tivpl jSaaavC- 
 Cop.€V, TOVS be (piXovs kv rat? aTvyJ.ais biayiyvuxTKopiev. 
 
 Friends should remain friends in weal and in woe : they are 
 unworthy of the name who are friends only in the hour of 
 prosperity. 
 
 A friend who will share both prosperity and adversity is an 
 evprifxa (El. 606-607) • — 
 
 ivprip.a yap to y^pijixa yCyveTai To8e, 
 KOLvfj p.eTaa-)(jdv TayaOov /cat tov kukov. 
 
 * See Paley's note ad loc. 
 
 ^ Cf. Andr. 985-986 ; Ion, 935 ; Tro. 51-52. 
 
 ^ Cf. Phoen. 403 ; El. 605, 1131 : Lysias, Epitaph. § 74. 
 
1 84 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Hateful is the friend whose friendship is cooled by adversity 
 {Her. Fur. 1223-1225): — 
 
 \dpiv 8e yripaa-KOvcrav ex^aipco ^iXoiV, 
 KoX tG>v Kak5)v jxkv ooris aTTokav€iv ^e'Aet, 
 crujLtTrAeii; 8e Tois <\)i\oiai. hviTTV)(^ov(nv ov. 
 
 So also Orestes (454-455) : — 
 
 ovofia yap, epyov 8' ovk i\ovcn,v ot ^tAoi 
 01 \i7] Vt Tolai (Tvix^opals ovres (piXot ^. 
 
 A similar sentiment we find in Isocrates (De Pace, § 21): — 
 
 TO 8e iiiyicTTOv, crvpi.iJ.d)(ovs e^ojXGV diravTas dvdpcoTTOVS, ov 
 ^efiiacrp.€vov^ dXKa TreTTeta-jxivovs, ov8' ev rais jJ.ev do-(|)aAeiai? bid 
 TT]v hvvap.iv rjpds inrobexop'^vovs, ev 8e rois Kivbvvois aTToaTrjo-o- 
 fxeyous, aAA' ovTOi 8iaKetju.eyou? uxr-nep XPV "^^"^^ ^^ ciK-qOas cvp.- 
 pi(i)(^ovs Kal (piXovs ovras. 
 
 And in Lycurgus (Agst. Leocrates, § 133) : — 
 
 KaKol yap Kot TroAtrat Kal ^evoi Kai Ihia (piXoi o\ toiovtoi tS>v 
 dv6p(a-nu)V cIctlv, 0% tG>v p.\v dyadcav t&v ttjs Tro'Aeco? jxedi^ovcriv, kv 
 8e rats aTvyiai^ ovh\ ^or)OeCas d^itixjovai. 
 
 Friends possess all things in common {Or. 735): — 
 KOLvd ydp TO, T(av (f)[\(av ^. 
 
 Similarly Anclr. S7^~377'~ 
 
 ^lAcoy ydp ovbev Xbtov, otrives (pCKoi 
 opO&s TT((pVKaa, dAAa KOiva y^pr\p.aTa ^. 
 
 Even sorrows are common property {Phoen. 243) : — 
 
 Koivd ydp (f)tX(ov a^?]. 
 We find the idea in the speech Against Neaera, § 2 : — 
 
 . . . rjyovpievov rrj dArj^eta olKeiovs ovras KOivcovelv Travroiv t^v 
 
 OVT(tiV. 
 
 I will add only a few passages bearing on the duties of 
 friendship and the treatment of friends. 
 
 • Cf. Suppl. 867-868 ; Iph. Taur. 709-710 ; Or. 665, 727, 802, 1095 ; Iph. Aid. 
 345 ; Cycl. 481. 
 
 - The phrase passed into a proverb. Cf. Plato, Phaedrus, ad fin. 
 ^ Cf. also Suppl. 296 ; Cycl. 533. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 185 
 
 A man should entertain righteous anger on a friend's behalf 
 {Her. Fur. 275-276) : — 
 
 TUiv <l>(X(iiv yap ovveKa 
 opya^ biKaCas tovs 0iA.ou9 ^xfty \pe(av. 
 
 When Heracles, after slaying his wife and children, urges 
 Theseus to depart and avoid pollution, the latter refuses, 
 because (ibid, 1234) : — 
 
 ovSfts aXda-Tcap roTs (f)iX.ois eK Toiv (^y'lXcav. 
 
 A man should not save himself by sacrificing a friend 
 
 [Iph. Taur. 605-607) : — 
 
 TO. t5>v (f)Lk(av 
 
 ai(j\L(TTOv ocTTLs KaTa(3a\(ov is ^u/x^opas 
 
 avTOS (r€<T(ocrTaL. 
 
 A friend, says Pylades, should die with a friend (ibid. 684- 
 
 686):— 
 
 KovK ^(r9^ oTTOis ov \pr\ avveKTTvevaaC fxe <roi 
 Koi av(r(f)ayrjvaL Kai TTVpcDdrjvat. Se/xa?, 
 (piKov yeyS)Ta kol (pofSovpievov ^oyov. 
 
 He should shrink from no friendly offices [Or. 794) : — 
 
 OP. ovK 'dp OKvria-^i'i ; FIT. okvos yap rot? <f)i\oLs KaKov fJiiya. 
 
 He should share a friend's grief {Iph. Aul. 408) : — 
 
 e? Koivov dXyelv rois (f)iKoi(Ti ^p?) (ptXovs ^. 
 
 The advice and consolation of a good friend is a remedy in 
 
 grief {Frag. 1079): — 
 
 OVK icTTi XvirrjS aXXo (papfxaKOV /3porots 
 fe)s dvbpbs €(t6\ov Kol (piKov irapaiveais ^. 
 
 A good man, says Lysias, should benefit his friends, even if 
 nobody is ever to know of it (xix. § 59) :— 
 
 Kal TovT eiToCei rjyovp-evos elvai dvbpos dyaOov oxpekelv tovs 
 (piXovs, Kal ei /xrjSets jneAAoi eiaea-dai. 
 
 The marks of a lasting friendship, he says in the Phaedrus 
 (233 B-C), are to look not to present pleasure but to future 
 
 * Cf. Or. 296-300. 
 
 ^ Cf. Frag. 962 : and for other thoughts in Euripides concerning friendship 
 see Hec. 1226 ; Her. Fur. 1338 ; Iph. Taur. 497-498, 650 ; Or. 1015 ; Iph. Aul. 
 334 ; Phoen. 1659 ; Herod. 895. 
 
1 86 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 benefit, to practise self-restraint, not to become an enemy 
 on slight provocation, to pardon involuntary wrongs : — 
 
 kav 8' e/xot ireLOr], TTpu>Tov [xkv ov rrjv irapovaav rjbovrjv Oepa-miidiv 
 (Tvveaopt,ai aoL, aWa kui ti]v fx^Wovaav bxpikeiav ((recrdai., ov^ vtt' 
 (pu)Tos rjTT(aiJ.evos, dAA' ifxavrov Kparcov, ovbe bia (rpuKpa la-)(ypa.v 
 €)(6pav avaipovixevoS) aWa 8ta ixeydXa ftpab^cos oXiyqv dpyr\v ttoiov- 
 fjLevos, Tutv fxev aKOVcrioiv avyyvcoixriv '^X(j^v, to. b'k eKovcna Tretpw- 
 fxevos cmoTp^TTtiV ravra yap eort (pikias ttoXvv y^povov eaoij.evrjs 
 TiKixripia. 
 
 Isocrates also inculcates the duty of benefiting friends [Ad 
 Nicocl. § 19): — 
 
 Tj]v iiiydKo-npineiav CTrtSetKrvcro jut^S' kv fxiq rdv TToXuTeAeiwi' 
 t5>v €v6vs a(f)avi(oixei'Oi)v aAA' eV re toIs Trpoeiprnxivois koI rui KaAAet 
 Toiv KTr]p,aT(i>v Kttl Tais rCiv ^l\\iiv euepyeo-iais' /c.r.A. ^. 
 
 Friends are not to be betrayed, says Aeschines, for the 
 friendship of the powerful or for personal advantage [On the 
 Embassy, § 152): — 
 
 epcorw yap, o) 'A^jjyatot, ei boKOi av vpXv Trpos rrj 'narpibb Kal 
 rfi T(ov (pikoiv avvrjOda Kal Upwv Kal Td(f)(av TraTpcScav jx^Tovaria 
 TovTovs Tovs TTCLVTUiv dvOpcoTTCDV f/xot ^tArarous TTpobovvai, <I>tAt7r7rw, 
 KOI Ttepl irX-eiovos r-qv kneivov (fiLkiav rrjs tovtcov crcaT-qpLas ttoi^- 
 craaOai. TTOta KpavrjOels T]bovfi; rj tl TrojTrore aa")(r]}xov €V€Ka XP^~ 
 [xdrcov TTpd^as ; k.t.K. 
 
 Isaeus (i. §§ 6-8) censures men who treat relatives and friends 
 as though they were enemies. Injury to friends, he declares 
 [ibid. § 30), is madness ^. 
 
 The part of a good friend, says Demosthenes, is to act for 
 the welfare of both, and sacrifice present pleasure for future 
 good [Agst. Aristocrates, § 134): — 
 
 eoTi yap (piXuiv dyaOSiv ov rd TotavTa yjxpi^io-dai roi's evvots, ef 
 (Sy KaKSLVOL^ Kal a(f)L<Tiv avTOts icTTai TLS ^kdfir], dAA' o fxiv av 
 /licAAtj (TVvoi(T€iv dju^otz/, crvixTTpaTTitv, 6 8' dv avrbs dymvov Ik^Ivov 
 
 * For other passages in Isocrates bearing on friendship see Antkl. 
 §§ 122, 134. 
 
 2 Cf. Frag. 4. For the ordinary view as to tlie treatment of friends and 
 foes see above, pp. 77-79. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE 187 
 
 TTpoopa, Tipbs TO KoAcSs ^X"^^ TiOeadai. Koi jut) ttjv ybrj X<^P'^ ^^C /xgra 
 ravra ^fiovov TiavTos Ttepl irXeiovos rjyelcrOai. ^. 
 
 If a friend is thought to have committed a crime, he is 
 sufficiently punished in forfeiting your friendship for the 
 future : leave prosecution to aggrieved parties and to enemies 
 (Agst. M'idias, § 118): — 
 
 ixerpia yap biKT] Trapd rSiV (f)i\(tiv ecrriv, av ti SoKwo-t TreTTotryKeWt 
 heivov, p.r]K^Ti Trjs \oLTTrjs (f)i\ias KOLvcovelv, to be Tip-capelcrOaL koL 
 eire^ievai roi? TreTTovOocrt. koL tols e^Opo'ti TrapaAetTrerai. 
 
 But there should be no excess in either friendship or enmity. 
 Here, too, ixrjbev ayav ought to be the rule (Agst. Aristocrates, 
 § 122):— 
 
 ecrn yap ov\ vyiaiv6vT<x)v, oi/xat, ai>6p(aTT0iV ovO^ orav tlvcl vtth- 
 X-q(f)(a(n ^ikov, oiVo) Tua-reveiv uxttg, av abiKelv iTnx^ipfj, to 
 ap-vvacrOai acptav avTS>v a(f)€Xi(r6at, ov9^ OTav e^dpov Ttva rjycavTai, 
 ovTUis av p-tailv coore, av Trava-ajxevos ^ovXrjTai cf)LXos elvat, t6 
 TTOielv e^elvai Tavra /ccoAScrat* a\k' axpi totjtov koi ^tXeir, oXjxai, 
 XP^ Kal paaelv, ixrjbeTepov tov Kaipbv VTrepfSaKkovras ^. 
 
 These words recall forcibly the language of Ajax in Sophocles 
 
 [Ajax, 678-682): — 
 
 ' And I — this lesson I have learnt to-day, 
 To hate my enemies so much and no more, 
 As who shall yet be friends, and of a friend 
 I '11 bound my love and service with the thought, 
 He's not my friend for ever^' 
 
 * Cf. Lysias in Plato's Phaeclrus, 233 B-C (quoted above, pp. 185-186) : and 
 for another passage on friendship see Ow the Crown, § 269. 
 
 2 Cf. Euripides, Hipp. 253 ff. (see above, p. 73). 
 
 3 Whitelaw's translation. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 In most cases it would not be an easy task to deduce from 
 the preceding investigation the steady development of any 
 general principles or tendencies during the time between the 
 age of Pericles and that of Demosthenes ; but it may perhaps 
 be well, in conclusion, to gather up the threads of that inves- 
 tigation in a brief summary, taking the subjects in the order 
 in which they have been discussed. 
 
 With regard to physical theories Euripides and the Attic 
 Orators furnish little ground for comparison ; for though in 
 the former we find a good deal bearing on the subject, in the 
 latter there is almost nothing. Isocrates regards such studies 
 as astronomy and geometry as a good mental training for the 
 young, but as of little account otherwise. The passages in 
 Euripides, however, are interesting in themselves, and show 
 that he had devoted some study to the Ionic physicists, and 
 above all to Anaxagoras. 
 
 In the matter of religion the field for comparison is wider, 
 though still comparatively limited. Euripides here shows 
 three distinct stages of development. In the first he accepts 
 the popular religion, though now and again he gives hints of 
 rationalistic tendencies : in the second these tendencies are 
 fully asserted, and he is at open war with the popular re- 
 ligion : in the third, while he does not return to his original 
 position, he has grown weary of the campaign and ceases 
 from active hostility. The Orators show almost no interest in 
 religion. If there was (as Prof. Mahaffy maintains) a reaction 
 to orthodoxy in the fourth century B.C., the orthodoxy was not 
 
CONCLUSION 189 
 
 a vital one, but one rather of outward semblance. It is mere 
 commonplace with which the Orators furnish us. Even where 
 religious beliefs are expressed hypothetically, the hypothesis 
 is a mere form of language, and not indicative of a question- 
 ing scepticism. But in at least one passage Isocrates is at 
 one with Euripides, when he maintains that the poets' tales 
 of the gods are impious and incredible, and that the gods 
 can do no evil ; and so also is Demosthenes when he declares 
 that it is against the divine nature to lie. 
 
 What has been said of religion may also be said of their 
 views of death and a future life. While here Euripides, with 
 his usual indecision, wavers between the popular notions and 
 those of the physicists and philosophers, we find in the 
 Orators only commonplace. Of the Greek feeling as to the 
 importance of burial, and the religious element in that feeling, 
 both the poet and the Orators furnish us with numerous 
 illustrations. 
 
 Reflections on life in its general aspects abound in Euri- 
 pides. He is melancholy and pessimistic, strongly impressed 
 with the sadness of life. The Orators very seldom linger to 
 indulge in such reflections. When they do, it is to speak in 
 a commonplace way of the uncertainty of the future, sudden 
 reversals of fortune, and the like. 
 
 In the case of ethics also, it is in commonplace maxims 
 that the Orators furnish a means of comparison with Euri- 
 pides. They never think of inquiring, as the poet did, what 
 the origin of evil is, or to what standard conduct is to be 
 referred. But they agree with him in extolling virtue as the 
 highest of all things, in inculcating temperance and modera- 
 tion {a-nDcfipoavin]), in deprecating excess (i^'/S/us) — which they 
 see to be frequently the result of wealth and prosperity — and 
 in recommending a brave endurance of what fortune sends. 
 And both in Euripides and in the Orators we find fully 
 illustrated the Greek law of retaliation. Neither the one 
 nor the other ever rose here to the height reached by Plato. 
 
 When we turn to public and private life, a comparison of 
 Euripides with the Orators is more fruitful. In education 
 
igo EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 Euripides was among the first to try to lessen the undue 
 prominence — as he conceived it — given to gymnastics. His 
 ideas had gained strength in the next century, and are 
 frequent in the Orators. That mind is superior to body, 
 wisdom to physical strength or beauty — views like these are 
 of frequent occurrence. 
 
 The Orators agree with Euripides in maintaining that as 
 wealth in itself is no reason for pride, so poverty is no 
 disgrace. Wisdom is superior to wealth : the latter is fleet- 
 ing, the former abides. But Euripides with far greater 
 emphasis and frequency than any of the Orators speaks dis- 
 paragingly of riches, and he is full of pity for the poor. 
 
 While it is true that in several places Euripides attributes 
 importance to nobility of birth, he more frequently asserts 
 that high or low birth matters little — that true nobility 
 consists in goodness. Isocrates and Isaeus both agree, but 
 there is in the Orators very little bearing on the question. 
 
 In no Greek writer do we find so strong an advocate of 
 slaves as we do in Euripides. True, he says much in dis- 
 paragement of them, but he is also awake to the good that 
 is in them. He pities the hardness of their lot, and sees 
 that frequently the disgrace is only in the name. The 
 ordinary Greek view, that a slave was in every way an 
 inferior being, is what we find frequently in the Orators. 
 Even Euripides never sees clearly that slavery is a violation 
 of nature. 
 
 On the more general principles of political life there is 
 a strong agreement between Euripides and nearly all the 
 Orators. In Euripides and Isocrates there is this important 
 point of resemblance, that both held aloof from active public 
 life. But how alien this was to the Greek idea of a citizen 
 is proved by the fact that both feel it necessary to excuse or 
 defend their action. And neither of them, although they 
 took no active part in politics, was indifferent to his country's 
 welfare. 
 
 They agree also in the strong love of country which they 
 exhibit. To the public welfare the dearest private interests, 
 even parents and life, must be sacrificed. On the other side 
 
CONCLUSION 191 
 
 there is a peculiar horror of exile. Of all evils it is the 
 worst. 
 
 The Greeks are regarded as a peculiar people, to whom 
 ' barbarians ' are in every way inferior. The former are free, 
 brave, law-abiding, pious; the latter are impious, lawless, 
 cowardly, slaves. 
 
 The general feeling of patriotism is found in its greatest 
 intensity in the manner in which Athens is regarded. The 
 Athenians are autochthonous, renowned for wisdom, piety, 
 and justice, the champions of the injured and the weak. 
 Freedom and equality find their home in Athens. She is 
 the school of Hellas. But in the fourth century B.C. Athens 
 had degenerated. She was no longer the Athens which had 
 repulsed the Persian invader. Isocrates and Demosthenes 
 continually bewail this fact, and pray for a revival of her 
 ancient spirit. 
 
 The obverse to this love of Athens is the hatred of Sparta 
 — a hatred which is, however, stronger in Euripides than in 
 the Orators. The actual relations with Sparta in the time of 
 each are sufficient to account for the greater or less intensity 
 of the feeling. With a few exceptions, Sparta is regarded 
 as presenting in many respects a direct contrast to Athens. 
 Her citizens are treacherous, impious, illiterate. There is no 
 freedom in Sparta. Secrecy and restraint characterise all 
 her dealings. 
 
 Almost all the Orators are at one with Euripides in main- 
 taining that democracy is the best form of government. 
 Theseus, the ideal ruler in Euripides, is rather the President 
 of the Democracy than an irresponsible king. But it is seen 
 that the Demos is not free from faults — that, in fact, its 
 character depends on its leaders. The tyrant and his life of 
 injustice, suspicion, terror and cruelty are continually re- 
 garded with deep hatred. It is only in a democracy that one 
 finds justice, law, freedom, clemency. Laws are the safe- 
 guard of a democracy, and a democracy is the safeguard of 
 laws. The greatest blessings to a state are temperance, 
 moderation, orderliness, harmony. 
 
 The worst curse in a democracy is the demagogue — the 
 
192 EURIPIDES AND THE ATTIC ORATORS 
 
 charlatan who with specious words leads the people astray. 
 This class is fiercely attacked by Euripides and also by the 
 Orators — by none more fiercely than by Demosthenes. Their 
 only motive is self-aggrandisement. They are cheats and 
 impostors, ravens, serpents, monsters who seek to enslave the 
 people. They pander to the popular wish : all their words 
 have one aim only — to catch the popular ear. 
 
 What class of citizens they conceive as forming the back- 
 bone of the state the Orators nowhere say. The state's salva- 
 tion, according to Euripides, lies with the ixiooL voklrai, the 
 moderates in wealth, rank, politics. 
 
 Of that cosmopolitanism in the widest sense, of which 
 Euripides has occasional glimpses, we find absolutely nothing 
 in the Orators. It was later that the idea was fully de- 
 veloped. 
 
 In ideas on private life there is again considerable material 
 for comparison. There is, naturally, much less of general 
 sentiment in the Orators than in the poet, but what does occur 
 is usually in the way of agreement. As to actual facts of 
 private life as it then was we find much the same thing in 
 both. 
 
 References to the seclusion of women are numerous. The 
 best woman was the one who stayed most within doors. 
 It was not a good sign in a woman that she should leave 
 her own house, or be seen in male company. It was only 
 the hetaerae who sat at table with men. 
 
 Of general blame or praise of women there is little in the 
 Orators. When the latter does occur, it is usually from a 
 utilitarian point of view. In Euripides there is a good deal 
 of both ; but, while he is full of pity for the hardness of 
 a woman's lot, and unstinted in his praise of good women, 
 women as they should be, the prevailing tone— due to his 
 observation of the Athenian women of his own day — is one 
 of disparagement. 
 
 Beauty and its power are sometimes the theme both of the 
 poet and of the Orators, but both agree in assigning to it 
 an inferior place to goodness. 
 
 The evils of love are described by both : it is a disease, 
 
CONCLUSION 193 
 
 folly, madness. But Aeschines, like Euripides, reminds us 
 that there is also a proper kind of love. Moderation in love — 
 TO <Too(f)p6va)S kpav — is alone the right thing. 
 
 On marriage the Orators have little in the way of general 
 opinion. They tell us that the penalty for adultery was 
 death, and Euripides agrees that this was the proper penalty. 
 Isaeus — from the legal point of view as to the failure in 
 succession — regards childlessness as a misfortune. Euripides 
 also, from a more human point of view, does in a few cases 
 speak of the misfortune of childlessness, but more usually he 
 looks upon the lot of the unwedded and childless as a happy 
 one. In his opinion marriage is a mixed blessing. Unanimity 
 and chastity he regards as the indispensable conditions of 
 happiness in married life. And here also moderation must 
 be observed. A man should marry in his own rank. 
 
 The poet and the Orators are quite at one on the subject of 
 kinship, its blessings and its claims. Family affection on all 
 its sides should never cease to exist. There are no quarrels 
 so disgraceful and terrible as family quarrels. 
 
 On friendship they are again thoroughly in agreement. 
 Like to like should be the rule in friendship; and there is 
 no choice in which a man should be more careful than that 
 of friends. Only those are true friends who are friends in 
 adversity as well as in prosperity. It is a duty to aid a friend 
 when he needs aid. Injury to friends is madness : friends 
 should bear and forbear. They should share all things — 
 Koiva TO, TtSi' (f)[\cov. But one should remember that a friend 
 may become a foe, and a foe a friend. Here again moderation 
 is l^est. — Manurti de tabula. 
 
 THE END 
 
oxford: HORACE HART 
 PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 l^ 
 
^^^^ 
 
 SIJURN CrRCULATipN DEPARTMENT 
 iO^™»- ^Uz Mam Li brary 
 LOAN PERIOD 1 ' 
 
 HOME USE 
 
 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 
 
 1-month loars may be rsr«w2d by caMIng 642- ''405 
 
 R#n«vals and recoarges rnay be made 4 days prior to due date 
 
 to the Circulation Desk 
 
 RECOVEB 
 
 AUG^^198!i 
 
 DUE AS STAM PED BELOW 
 
 CWOHAngN BjQi 
 
 JAN 2 7 1996 
 
 TTOFTgl 
 
 
 CIRCULATION UEP 
 
 -Mi-^^^m 
 
 FORM NO HHA An ,^,'^i^E'^S'TY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY 
 FORM NO. DD6, 60m, 1 /83 BERKELEY, CA 94720 
 
 ®s 
 
 ^rfrSB. 
 
; ■ 
 
 benehal 
 
 """"'■ <^C.BEBKELEy 
 
 ^0007b377s 
 
 ..^- 
 
 \ 
 
 
 < '\<r '-■■■ . , 
 
 M .■■"