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 LIBRARY 
 
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 V^tTHD8A\V»^ 
 
The United States and the Establishment 
 of the Republic of Brazil 
 
 BY 
 J. FRED RIPPY 
 
 Reprinted from The Southwestern Political Science 
 Quarterly, Volume III, Number 1, June, 1922 
 
 Austin, Texas 
 
^i^UW^ --^■^J./^^ 
 
 n-> 
 
 THE UNITED STATES AND THE ESTABLISHMENT 
 OF THE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL 
 
 J. FRED RIPPY 
 
 University of Chicago 
 
 The relations of the United States and Brazil have been 
 more harmonious, perhaps, than those of any other two 
 American states. The United States was the first country 
 to recognize the independence of Brazil, and the latter was 
 the first of the South American states to signify its ap- 
 proval of and adhesion to the Monroe Doctrine. The friend- 
 ship thus begun has continued with little interruption until 
 the present day. At first thought, this would seem all the 
 more remarkable since during the most of this long period 
 Brazil was ruled by a monarchy. In reality, however, the 
 character of the Brazilian monarchs, particularly that of 
 Dom Pedro II., and the order and stability which the mon- 
 archical form of government gave Brazil have tended to 
 promote rather than hinder the development of friendly 
 intercourse between these two important American states. 
 A survey of public opinion in the United States regarding 
 Dom Pedro 11. will reveal remarkable uniformity of admi- 
 ration and praise. 
 
 The last of the Brazilian emperors had scarcely attained 
 his thirty-first year when he was made honorary member 
 of the New York Historical Society, while an address given 
 before that society somewhat later contained the assertion 
 that "Dom Pedro, by his character and his taste, application, 
 and acquisitions in literature and science, ascends from his 
 mere fortuitous position as an Emperor, and takes his place 
 in the world as a man."^ The great scientist Agassiz seems 
 
 iD. P. Kidder and J. C. Fletcher, Brazil and the Brazilians (Phila- 
 delphia, 1857), Chap. XIII. 
 
 _1_ P X T -bj 
 
to have thought highly of the Emperor, and Mrs. Agassiz 
 records with evident pride the story of their visit to the 
 capital of Brazil." James R. Partridge, who represented 
 the United States at the Brazilian court in the seventies, 
 spoke of Dom Pedi-o in the following enthusiastic manner: 
 
 The Emperor impressed me in every way as 
 completely entitled to the reputation and popu- 
 larity he has . . . with all who have ever ap- 
 proached or known him. To the advantages of a 
 fine person, a dignified presence, and most affable 
 address, without the least parade ... he adds the 
 solid things of admirable good sense, capacity, and 
 knowledge ... He certainly appeared to me to be 
 the best thing I have seen in Brazil.^ 
 
 The visit of Dom Pedro to the United States in 1876 at- 
 tracted considerable attention, and furnished occasion for 
 liis election to membership in the National Geographical 
 Society and the issuance of a brief biographical sketch in 
 so dignified a publication as the annual report of the Smith- 
 sonian Institution.* His presence at the Philadelphia Ex- 
 position, moreover, gave Bell's telephone an opportune pub- 
 licity which probably has meant much for the progress of 
 that modern convenience.^ 
 
 Four years later another enthusiastic North American 
 minister at Rio spoke of His Majesty in most complimen- 
 tary terms : 
 
 The Emperor is a man of large views and fine 
 temper. Among the rulers of the world today, I 
 do not know of one who combines more of the 
 
 2See Professor and Mrs. Louis Agassiz, A Journey m Brazil (Bos- 
 ton, 1871). 
 
 ^Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States 
 (1872), pp. 94-95. 
 
 4The Smithsonian Institution, Annual Report (1876), p. 173 ff.; 
 Frank Vincent, Around and About South America (New York, 1895), 
 p. 253. Note also Vincent's dedication. 
 
 ^The Literary Digest, January 8, 1921, p. 30, quoting F. H. Sweet 
 in Power Plant Engineering, gives an interesting account of the 
 Emperor and the telephone. 
 
 —2— 
 
qualities which constitute a good sovereign. He 
 is a statesman ... he is a man of generous nature, 
 he desires to promote the happiness of his people, 
 and he comprehends the embarrassments that sur- 
 round his government.® 
 
 The deposition of the aged Emperor in 1889 gave occa- 
 sion for the fullest expression of American sentiment re- 
 garding him. If the utterances of the press may be taken 
 as sincere, a good portion of the editors of the country seem 
 to have been in doubt for a moment whether to congratulate 
 Brazil for having set up a republic or to condole with the 
 country on having deprived itself of the services and pres- 
 ence of so great a ruler and man. This attitude may be 
 clearly seen in the following quotations taken from the lead- 
 ing contemporary newspapers: 
 
 It is a matter of great regret that the aged Em- 
 peror should be driven forth at this last hour of 
 his life. The republic would have come naturally 
 upon his death as a protest against the beliefs and 
 projects of his daughter and her profligate hus- 
 band ; but now it seems almost like a cruel antici- 
 pation. The Liberals of Brazil, however, if it shall 
 prove to be the fact that they have overthrown 
 the Government to gain a just freedom, can cer- 
 tainly not be denied our sympathy and applause; 
 and still, with Dom Pedro before us, it is with only 
 half our heart that we can cry "A long life to the 
 republic."^ 
 
 While the world regards Dom Pedro with affec- 
 tionate admiration, it can not help admitting that 
 the inevitable has come to pass. All will regret, 
 however, that the hour of the Brazilian Republic 
 has struck during the life-time of the noble, pro- 
 gressive, and lovable Dom Pedro.^ 
 
 The people of this country can not regard with 
 disfavor any movement of the people of another 
 
 ^Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United State* 
 (1880), p. 97fF. 
 'New York Independent, November 21, 1889. 
 8The Chicago News, November 18, 1889. 
 
 —3— 
 
country to set up a republican form of government 
 upon the ruins of a monarchical one. But this 
 Brazilian movement is as yet incomplete ; it is not 
 even known whether the people or their self -consti- 
 tuted leaders, supported by the army, have effected 
 the change of government. Even if, however, the 
 revolution was [sic] wholly popular, and an in- 
 spiration of the entire people, here in the United 
 States, in this city, where the Emperor was so well 
 known and honored, there will still be regrets that 
 he was forced to resign his great office.^ 
 
 It now belongs to the Brazilians to show them- 
 selves equal to the responsibilities of their new sit- 
 uation. What they will make of their opportuni- 
 ties time will determine. Meanwhile the rank in 
 history of their late monarch, as a patriot and 
 statesman, is secure, and Dom Pedro carries with 
 him into his retirement the regrets and good 
 wishes of the civilized world.^° 
 
 Somewhat different in tone but none the less laudatory 
 are the following expressions : 
 
 Dom Pedro was one of the best, most liberal, 
 and most progressive emperors that ever ruled. 
 But the system of which he was the head was 
 wrong, and it had to go before the advance of 
 liberty and republicanism." 
 
 Among all the "monarchs retired from busi- 
 ness," Dom Pedro, of Brazil, is one of the best 
 ... He was not so much a strong man as a kindly 
 man, seeking more the good of his people than the 
 protection of his throne . . .^^ 
 
 The New York Tribune saw in the proposed compensa- 
 tion to the Emperor not only a wise political move but an 
 act of justice to a well deserving ruler: 
 
 »The Philadelphia Ledger, November 20, 1889. 
 loThe Washington Post, November 20, 1889. 
 i^The Baltimore American, November 20, 1889. 
 i2The Baltimore Smi, November 19, 1889. 
 
Dethronement with compensation on a scale that 
 proves that a republic is not ungrateful to a high- 
 minded and progressive sovereign is hailed with 
 satisfaction throughout Brazil. It is an anomaly 
 in the annals of revolution, for kings are ordinar- 
 ily lucky if they escape with their lives ; but, under 
 the circumstances, it is a just and equitable ar- 
 rangement. The Emperor did not deserve to be 
 dismissed like a lackey. He has gone out like a 
 prince loaded with benefaction from a people 
 whose quarrel was not with him, but with the 
 monarchical system. ^^ 
 
 The placidly optimistic view assumed by the Indianapolis 
 Sentinel may perhaps not unfittingly be quoted as a sen- 
 sible and wholesome attitude regarding the whole affair: 
 
 The new 7^egime involves little, really, but a 
 change of external forms. Brazil has long been 
 one of the freest countries on the globe — a repub- 
 lic really in everything but the name. The occu- 
 pant of the imperial throne, too, was a republican 
 at heart, and perhaps he will not repine greatly 
 that the people to whom he is so warmly devoted 
 have cast off, while he is in the flesh to see, the 
 imperial robes that hung so awkwardly upon 
 them.^* 
 
 When the Brazilian revolution was discussed in the Con- 
 gress of the United States in connection with a resolution 
 proposing immediate recognition of the new republic, not 
 even the most radical anti-monarchists indulged in severe 
 censure of Dom Pedro. In fact, Morgan of Alabama, 
 who introduced the resolution, made it clear that there was 
 not 
 
 slightest criticism . . . against the conduct of that 
 patriotic and eminent man . . . who has been de- 
 posed from the imperial throne of that state. His 
 methods of government, his fondness for his peo- 
 
 "November 19, 1889. 
 
 i^November 18, 1889. For comments of the press of the United 
 States on the general subject of the revolution in Brazil, see Public 
 Opinion, VIII (November 23, 1889), p. 159ff. 
 
 —5— 
 
pie, his attachment to liberal institutions, his con- 
 cessions on all occasions to . . . the people them- 
 selves have been so conspicuous that our people 
 have . . . formed for him a more distinct and a 
 higher personal attachment than they have ever 
 felt for any emperor who (has) existed since our 
 history begun (sic) .^^ 
 
 And Sherman of Ohio, the most influential opponent of a 
 hasty recognition of the newly established government of 
 Brazil declared that he was actuated in purt by 
 
 a feeling of respect for one of the most distin- 
 guished men of our century, a man who, though an 
 emperor, never exercised powers as great as our 
 President ; an emperor who was always willing to 
 yield to the will of his subjects; an emperor who 
 never did an unkind act, and in his long reign was 
 a more thorough democrat . . . than any emperor 
 who ever before in the history of the world held 
 that rank.^*^ 
 
 But the republican ardor of the people of the United 
 States was in reality not cooled by their admiration for the 
 last American emperor. To many the pacific fashion in 
 which Dom Pedro abdicated seemed to indicate a voluntary 
 surrender to what he conceived to be the will of the people, 
 and his departure from Rio de Janeiro signified a deliberate 
 abandonment of all claims of the House of Braganza to 
 Brazil. If hereafter Dom Pedro or any other member of 
 that House should decide to re-assert those claims, the ar- 
 dent republicans of the United States were inclined to as- 
 sume that they would do so under European persuasion 
 or pressure and that they could only succeed in recovering 
 the lost American empire with the aid of the European 
 powers. Such persuasion, pressure, or assistance these 
 republicans professed to consider a violation of the Monroe 
 Doctrine. 
 
 This fear of European intervention and preference for 
 republican institutions, even in a case where the choice was 
 
 i^United States Congressional Record, 51 Cong., 1 Sess,, p. 313. 
 16/feid.. p. 316. 
 
between a republic and one of the best of monarchies, tended 
 to hasten recognition of the new order in Brazil. Another 
 consideration which urged this policy was a desire to secure 
 and retain the friendship and the markets of the largest 
 and most populous Hispanic American state. Consequently, 
 as soon as news of the revolution reached Washington the 
 minister of the United States in Brazil was instructed to 
 maintain diplomatic relations with the provisional gov- 
 ernment. Moreover, a few days later he was directed to 
 give the republic "a cordial and formal recognition" as soon 
 as the majority of the people of Brazil signified their ac- 
 ceptance of the new regime.'' 
 
 The proposed delay in formal recognition was deemed by 
 the administration a wise precaution in view of the fact 
 that such a step, if taken before the real nature of the 
 revolt had become manifest, might succeed only in strength- 
 ening a military despotism whereas its true design would 
 be to advance the cause of popular government in the New 
 World. Yet President Harrison's announcement of his 
 policy to Congress occasioned a somewhat vigorous attempt 
 on the part of aggressive members of the democratic party 
 to force the executive to move more rapidly. They argued 
 that immediate recognition would strengthen the hands of 
 the republicans of Brazil and do much toward discouraging 
 any designs of interference which might be entertained in 
 Europe. The friends of the administration in Congress 
 were able to delay precipitate action, however.'^ 
 
 With reference to this policy public opinion was divided, 
 but apparently the majority was in accord with the admin- 
 istration; and although decided partisan coloring may be 
 detected in the press, both parties made it clear that they 
 had the true interests of the Brazilian people at heart. A 
 few quotations will set forth the various motives and cross 
 currents which were operating at the time. 
 
 '^''Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States 
 (1889), pp. 61-63. 
 
 i^For the discussions and procedure of Congress, see Congressional 
 Record, 51 Cong., 1 sess., pp. 216, 313ff., 323, 871, passim. 
 
 —7— 
 
Among the newspapers which advocated immediate rec- 
 ognition were the New York World, the Indianapolis Sen- 
 tinel, the Savannah News, the New Orleans Picayune, the 
 Atlanta Constitution, and the Omaha Bee. The following 
 excerpts will reveal their attitude : 
 
 The United States Government recognized the 
 republic of France within a few hours after it was 
 proclaimed ... in 1870. It recognized in 1873 the 
 Spanish Republic on the very day that Amadeus 
 was kicked off his throne. And yet the Republican 
 statesmen in Washington insist that the Brazilians 
 must hold an election before it can be determined 
 that their republic is entitled to our recognition. 
 Encouraged by this cowardly policy the reaction- 
 ists of Brazil are trying to stifle the republic and 
 restore the empire. What a sneaking, pottering, 
 cowardly republic we are having under the rule of 
 the Republican plutocracy.^^ 
 
 What hope and good cheer a prompt and cordial 
 recognition of the new republic by the United 
 States would have sent to the hearts of the lovers 
 of freedom the world over ! What an electric thrill 
 the presence of half a dozen American men-of-war 
 in the harbor of Rio Janeiro at this moment would 
 give to republicans and democrats all around the 
 globe! And what a tremendous and decisive sig- 
 nificance it would have for kihgs and their minis- 
 ters everywhere! But Mr. Harrison and Mr. 
 Blaine and the Republican Senators say we must 
 not pay any attention to the new republic. We 
 must wait until the people of Brazil have formally 
 given it their adherence. We must wait until his 
 imperial majesty, the Czar of Russia, and her royal 
 majesty, the Queen of England, and his imperial 
 majesty, the Emperor of Germany, and all the rest 
 of their . . . majesties, have concluded that "the jig 
 is all up" with the divine right in the New World, 
 and have condescended to permit the Brazilians to 
 try governing themselves. The attitude of the 
 Government at Washington in this matter is 
 enough to make every patriotic American hang his 
 
 i9The New York World (Democratic), December 26, 1889. 
 
head with shame. If the Republic of Brazil falls, 
 it will be because the United States withholds its 
 recognition. — Oh, for one week of an Andrew Jack- 
 son or a Grover Cleveland in the White House l^o 
 
 While it is true that there may be a great deal 
 of trouble in Brazil before the republic is estab- 
 lished upon a firm basis, there is no probability 
 of the re-establishment of the empire. The empire 
 is a thing of the past, and the fact that little or no 
 opposition has been made to the republic justifies 
 the conclusion that there is no desire for the return 
 of the deposed Emperor or any member of his fam- 
 ily. There does not appear to be any good reason, 
 therefore, for delay in recognizing the republic. 
 Indeed, there are good reasons why there should 
 be haste. Affairs in Brazil are now in a very 
 chaotic condition, and there is a great deal of dis- 
 satisfaction with those who are exercising power. 
 Recognition by this Government might help the 
 true patriots to put the republic upon a firm found- 
 ation. Delay in extending recognition may en- 
 courage those who have no love for the republic, 
 and who may be plotting for its ruin.-^ 
 
 Professing, as we Americans do, the utmost zeal 
 and devotion to republican institutions, it would 
 have been the most natural and graceful thing to 
 have promptly recognized the new 7'egime in Brazil, 
 an act that would have greatly encouraged the pa- 
 triots in that country and exerted a sobering effect 
 on those European powers that have shown an in- 
 clination to interfere in behalf of the deposed im- 
 perial family.-^ 
 
 The people of Brazil, who desire to follow in the 
 footsteps of the people of this country, have not re- 
 ceived the slightest expression of sympathy from 
 the United States, and they have no means of 
 knowing whether they have the moral support of 
 this country in their efforts to establish a popular 
 government.-^ 
 
 20The Indianapolis Sentinel (Ibid.), December 22, 1889. 
 2iThe Savannah News (Ibid.), December 22, 1889. 
 22The New Orleans Picayune (Ibid,), December 21, 1889. 
 23The Atlanta Constitution (Ibid.), December 19, 1889. 
 
 —9- 
 
It is both the duty and the interest of the United 
 States to, in every legitimate way, encourage the 
 new republic, and by its countenance, friendship, 
 and influence to strengthen it in the confidence of 
 its own people and in the respect of the world. 
 Recognition would go far toward bringing about 
 these desirable results, and it would undoubtedly 
 have the very general and hearty approval of the 
 American people.^* 
 
 Among the journals which counseled moderation and de- 
 lay were the Chicago Herald, the Philadelphia Ledger, the 
 Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, the Washington Star, the Boston 
 Advertiser, and the New York Sun. Space permits only 
 very brief quotations from these. 
 
 It would do no harm for the United States 
 Senate to make haste slowly in the recognition of 
 the new regime in Brazil. Sufficient time has not 
 elapsed to permit the succession to attain stability 
 or permanency. Unavoidably, affairs are yet in a 
 more or less chaotic condition. . . This Nation 
 has not forgotten the vexation which was caused 
 by the proposed recognition of the Confederacy al- 
 most before the smoke had disappeared from the 
 rebel gun which opened on Sumpter. The cases 
 are not exactly parallel, although it is a fact that 
 England had quite as much knowledge of the Con- 
 federacy as we have now of the Brazilian Republic, 
 and no more. It would be miraculous if the scat- 
 tered population of Brazil, with all its variety of 
 blood, interests, and civilization, should pass from 
 a monarchy to a republic without 'delay or dis- 
 turbance.^^ 
 
 It is well that the holiday recess of Congress 
 brings Senator Morgan's rather too precipitate 
 resolution for the recognition of the Brazilian 
 revolutionary government to a halt till next month 
 and next year, for by that time we may have some 
 authentic information that will show us which is 
 the right course to pursue. . . Before any meas- 
 ure of recognition should be finally acted upon by 
 
 24The Omaha Bee (Republican), December 19, 1889. 
 25The Chicago Herald (Democratic), December 23, 1889. 
 
 —10- 
 
our Congress, we should have one or other of two 
 things — either an official declaration of the real 
 condition of affairs from the American Minister 
 at Rio, that can be published for the information 
 of the people of the United States ; or unmistake- 
 ably vouched dispatches from the agents of the 
 Associated Press at Rio Janeiro (sic), Bahia, Para, 
 and Pernambuca — that the wires are open and free 
 to all who wish to send or receive telegraphic mes- 
 sages. Till we have one or other of these assur- 
 ances or something else in all respects equivalent, 
 Congress should not move one step. It will be 
 nothing better than taking a leap in the dark unless 
 we have them. Instead of helping the people of 
 Brazil to a good republican government such as we 
 would wish to see them have, we may be helping to 
 fasten upon them a regime of selfish and grasping 
 military adventurers. . . Let us have at least a 
 chance to look before we leap. The Brazilian peo- 
 ple are not asking us to "hurry up.""*' 
 
 It seems to us that the Democrats of the Senate 
 are making a mistake in insisting upon the imme- 
 diate recognition of the Republic of Brazil. In 
 fact, there is no such republic. The government 
 in existence is a military despotism, much less lib- 
 eral in character than the imperialism which the 
 army overthrew. Under the old regime Brazil 
 was governed by a ministry responsible to a Par- 
 liament elected by the people. The Emperor was 
 not an active governing force. Under the new 
 regime there is no Parliament, no representatives 
 of the people, and the governing power is lodged 
 solely in the hands of certain persons supported 
 by the regular army. The old government was 
 much more of a republic than the new, in spite of 
 the fact that it had an emperor at the head of it. . . 
 Our Government stands as the best example and 
 defender of representative institutions, not of des- 
 potisms which may falsely call themselves repub- 
 lics. We can not afford to champion shams ; it is 
 our duty to support every genuine attmept to es- 
 tablish representative institutions.-^ 
 
 26The Philadelphia Ledger (Independent), December 23, 1889. 
 27The Macon Telegraph (Democratic), December 23, 1889. 
 
 —11— 
 
The question is not whether the people of the 
 United States sympathize with the new Republic 
 of Brazil. It is a question of whether this govern- 
 ment may recognize with entire propriety a gov- 
 ernment which the people of Brazil have not yet 
 had the opportunity of approving or disapprov- 
 ing.28 
 
 We can and do rejoice as a people at the signs 
 of the daybreak of republicanism in Brazil, but our 
 Government can not officially act until the people 
 of Brazil have by their ballots freely and fully ac- 
 cepted the new order. No other course is consis- 
 tent with that prudence and dignity which make 
 recognition of some value when it is given.^^ 
 
 Time, which tries all things, may be trusted to 
 reveal the true inwardness of the Brazilian revo- 
 lution. Nowhere on this earth is the establishment 
 of a genuine republic so sure to be acclaimed with 
 fervor as it is in the United States. But in our 
 eyes the title of Republic is too sacred to be made 
 the mask, decoy, and catchword of military 
 usurpers.^*^ 
 
 As a matter of fact, the Republican administration did 
 not require much persuasion or compulsion. The Pan- 
 American interests and sympathies of James G. Blaine who 
 was then Secretary of State are well known. He was not 
 the man to continue a policy of conservatism and caution 
 when reports were current to the effect that other American 
 states and even European countries were recognizing the 
 new republic of Brazil. According, on January 29, 1890, 
 while evidence of the disposition of the Brazilian people 
 toward the revolutionary government must still have re- 
 mained far from explicit and conclusive, formal recognition 
 
 28The Washington Star (Independent), December 21, 1889. 
 
 29The Boston Advertiser (Republican), December 20, 1889. 
 
 soThe New York Sun (Democratic), December 22, 1889. For a 
 more complete survey of the press with reference to this matter, see 
 Public Opinion, VIII (December 28, 1889), p. 279ff. 
 
 —12— 
 
was extended to the agents of Brazil at Washington.^^ This 
 step rendered a resolution of recognition on the part of 
 Congress superfluous. Friends of the administration 
 pushed through a joint resolution of congratulation, how- 
 ever, and this was presented to the provisional government 
 on April 2, 1890, when the fate of the revolution was still 
 far from certain.^- 
 
 In fact, the overthrow of Don Pedro, as is well known, 
 was followed by more than four years of intermittent dis- 
 orders. The first president of the republic was overthrown 
 by a faction in his own government, Congress was dissolved, 
 and martial law was declared before the revolutionists had 
 been in power a year. Subsequently the constitutional order 
 was restored, but dissatisfaction was not completely over- 
 come. Finally, in the late summer of 1893 a formidable 
 revolt of the navy occurred. For a time it looked as if the 
 government would be overthrown, but by the close of the 
 following year the insurgents were subdued and Brazil en- 
 tered upon the regime of orderly republicanism which she 
 has been able to maintain to the present day. 
 
 During this period the United States was an interested, 
 a sympathetic, and at times an uneasy observer. Not only 
 was there anxiety to see the republican experiment succeed 
 and the Brazilian people made happy by the achievement of 
 more complete liberty and prosperity, but there was strong 
 apprehension with reference to the possible interference of 
 some of the nations of Europe. In the summer of 1890 the 
 United States dispatched a small squadron southward with 
 orders to make a "friendly visit" to Rio. Near the close of 
 the year 1891 when fear of plots to restore the monarchy 
 led to the dissolution of the Brazilian Congress and the 
 proclamation of martial law, the executive department at 
 Washington counseled moderation.^^ Later, after the revolt 
 
 3iJohn Bassett Moore, A Digest of International Law (Washing- 
 ton, 1906), I, 160-161; J. M. Cardosa de Oliveira, Actos Diplomaticos 
 de Brazil (Rio, 1912), II, 162. 
 
 ^-Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States 
 (1890), pp. 22-27. 
 
 33/6id. (1891), p. 42; (1890), pp. 23-27. 
 
 —13— 
 
of the navy had broken out and war-vessels of the leading 
 European states appeared at Rio, the naval contingent of 
 the United States in the region was effectively augmented, 
 and there was considerable discussion of the Monroe Doc- 
 trine in the press.^* In speaking of the situation at this 
 time President Cleveland remarked : 
 
 It appearing at an early stage of the insurrection 
 that its course would call for unusual watchfulness 
 on the part of our government, our naval force in 
 the harbor of Rio de Janeiro was strengthened. 
 This precaution, I am satisfied, tended to restrict 
 the issue to a simple trial of strength between the 
 Brazilian government and the insurgents and to 
 avert complications which at times seemed immi- 
 nent.3= 
 
 No nation ever proved itself more deserving or more 
 grateful for the kindly interest and profound sympathy of 
 a friendly power than did Brazil. One of the first acts of 
 the republican congress was the passage of resolutions of 
 thanks to the United States;^" one of the first important 
 international agreements of the new government granted 
 the United States valuable commercial concessions." Ex- 
 hortations to moderation which might have been resented, 
 or cooly received, by a less broad minded or more sensitive 
 government were accepted with utmost good faith. The 
 Brazilian minister at Washington was directed to 
 
 transmit to the President of the United States of 
 America the expressions of gratefulness of the 
 President of the United States of Brazil for the 
 deep interest manifested for the new political in- 
 stitutions of this country. The moderation that he 
 would advise is born in the character of the Bra- 
 
 3*76m?. (1893), p. 45ff, See also, in connection with rumors of 
 European sympathy with the insurgents, J. B. Moore, op. cit., VI, 439 
 and authorities cited; Public Opinion, VIII-XVI (1890-1894), index. 
 
 35J. D, Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, IX, 524. 
 
 ^^Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States 
 (1891), pp. 50-51. 
 
 ^''Ihid., pp. 43, 44, 46. passim. 
 
 —14— 
 
zilian people, in the sentiment and in the policy of 
 its President, and has been practiced by his Gov- 
 ernment. The President acknowledges with great 
 satisfaction that in this instance, as in so many 
 others, the two republics find themselves in perfect 
 accord. . .^^ 
 
 On April 15, 1892, in accordance with a previous agree- 
 ment with the La Plata government, the President of Brazil 
 requested the chief executive of the United States to serve 
 as arbiter in the boundary question pending between these 
 two Hispanic American republics f^ July 4, 1894, was cele- 
 brated by an informal holiday and great pomp and cere- 
 mony in Rio de Jameiro; on November 15, following, the 
 corner stone of the pedestal of a proposed monument to 
 James Monroe was laid;*" and in December, 1895, when 
 news of Cleveland's stand with reference to the Anglo- 
 Venezuelan boundary dispute reached the Brazilian capital, 
 both houses of congress passed resolutions congratulating 
 the government of Washington, while the Senate of the 
 South American republic sent greetings and congratula- 
 tions "to the Senate of the United States of America upon 
 the worthy message of President Cleveland, who so stren- 
 uously guards the dignity, the sovereignty, and the free- 
 dom of the American nations."*^ The understanding be- 
 tween the two republics could scarcely have been more cor- 
 dial and complete. 
 
 ^^Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States 
 (1891), p. 52. 
 39/6id. (1892), pp. 17-19. 
 ^°Ibid. (1894), pp. 85-86, passim. 
 i^Ibid. (1895), pp. 75-76. 
 
 -15— 
 
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