Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.prg/details/frenchrevolutionOOgrifrich FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY GENERALS. ^-,,1.' cf MAJOR ARTHUR GRIFFITHS,' ^/C, Late 63rd Reginnent^ ACTHOE OF "the ElfGLISH AEMT," " CHEONICLES OF NEWGATE," ETC. ETC. LONDON: CHAPMAN AND HALL, Limited. 189L G?\ CHAK1K8 DICKENS AKD EVANS, CKTSTAL PALACE PKESS. % CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. DUMOURIEZ. — I. THE DECLARATION OF WAR IN 1792 1 CHAPTER 11. DUMOUBIEZ. — II. PAELY LIFE AND CAREER, TO HIS APPOINTMENT AS COMMANDKE- IN-CHIEF, AUGUST, 1792 9 CHAPTER III. DUMOUBIEZ. — III. THB AEGONNE 21 CHAPTER IV. DUMOUBIEZ. — IV. THE INVASION OF BELGIUM AND BATTLE OF JEMAPPES . . 41 610838 VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. DUMOURIEZ. — V. THE INVASION OF HOLLAND — BATTLE OF NEBEWINDEN MOUEIEZ'S FLIGHT 49 SARLY CARSEB CHAPTER VI. HOCHE. 1. 58 CHAPTER VII. JODBDAN. — I. EARLY LIFE AND SERVICES DOWN TO WATTIGNIES, OCTOBER, 1793 66 HOCHE IN THE VOSGES ITALY — ARREST . CHAPTER VIII. HOCHE. 11. — KAYSERSLADTERN WEISSENBERG ■ BARLY LIFE, ETC. CHAPTER IX. Marceau. 87 CHAPTER X. Marceau and Jourdan. JOUEDAN's OPERATIONS WITH THE ARMY OF THE SAMBRE-ET- MEUSE — BATTLES OF FLEDRUS AND ON THE ROER 111 CONTENTS. Tii CHAPTER XL HOCHE. — III. PVGK HOCHB IN THE WEST — THE ARMY OF CHERBOURG — QUIBERON . 127 CHAPTER XII. HoCHE. — IV. HOCHE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF IN THE WEST — PACIFICATION OF LA VENDUE AND BRITTANY 149 CHAPTER XIII. JOURDAN AND MARCEAU. JOUEDAN's CAMPAIGN ON THE RHINE, 1795 165 CHAPTER XIV. JoURDAN. — II. JOURDAN AND MARCEAU BEYOND THE RHINE, 1796 . . . 179 CHAPTER XV. JoURDAN. — III. 1796, jourdan's retreat before the archduke chables — death of marceau 198 CHAPTER XVI. HOCHE. — V. HOCHB's INVASION OP IRELAND 210 viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVII. HOCHE. — VI. PAGE LAST CAMPAIGN — SUDDEN AND MYSTERIOUS DEATH . . . 223 CHAPTER XVIII. JOUBDAN. — VI. JOUEDAN*S CAMPAIGN OF 1799 243 FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY GENERALS. CHAPTER I. DUMOURIEZ.— I. THE DECLARATION OF WAR IN 1792. The war which the French Revolution had rendered almost inevitable, was actually declared in April, 1792. The des- potisms of Europe could not tolerate the establishment of a new democracy in their midst. All absolute monarchs dreaded the extension of revolutionary ideas through their dominions. Some had special reasons for taking up arms against France. Prussia in particular hungered for more territory, and hoped to arrange with Austria for the further plunder of Poland. The Emperor of Austria was more pacifically disposed, and would still have left diplomacy to settle the quarrel. But the quixotic Gustavus III. of Sweden was eager for the fray, and Catherine of Russia, ever bent upon aggrandisement, promised him material help to further her own wily views. The proximate cause of war, however, was the congregation of the French emigres upon the frontier. Their presence especially in the cities of Treves and Coblentz, to the number of twelve or fifteen thousand, was a circumstance of alarm and annoyance to the revolutionary Government. They were B sH;]Ck7:H 2 FRENCH BEVOLUTIONABY GENERALS. continually recruited by fresh fugitives, and were in a state of continual ferment and hostility to the authority that had driven them into exile. At length Dumouriez, for the moment at the helm of Foreign Affairs, peremptorily demanded their dispersion. He declared that unless a satis- factory and practical answer was returned within a certain date, France would consider herself at war. Austria hesitated, and France, in the person of its new rulers, would brook no delay. Failing the assurances required, the French Assembly formally declared war at a late hour of the night of the 20th April, and thus rushed into a struggle destined to last for nearly a quarter of a century and convulse all Europe. Hostilities followed close upon the declaration of war. At this time the forces destined to come into collision were posted as follows : Austria had 40,000 men in Belgium, and 25,000 on the Ehine. These numbers might easily have been increased to 80,000, but the Emperor of Austria did no more than collect 7,000 or 8,000 around Erisgau, and some 20,000 more around Kastadt. The Prussians, now bound into a close alliance with Austria, had still a great distance to traverse from their base to the theatre of war, and could not hope to undertake active operations for a long time to come. France, on the other hand, had already three strong armies in the field. The Army of the l^ortli, under General Rochambeau, nearly 50,000 strong, held the frontier from Philippeville to Dunkirk; General Lafayette commanded a second army of about the same strength in observation from Philippeville to the Lauter; and a third army of 40,000 men, under Marshal Luckner, watched the course of the Ehine from Lauterbourg to the confines of Switzerland. The French forces were strong, however, on paper only. The French army had been mined, as it seemed, by the DUMOUBIEZ, 3 Revolution and had fallen almost to pieces. The wholesale emigration of the aristocrats had robbed it of its commissioned officers, the old experienced leaders whom the men were ac- customed to follow and obey. Again, the passion for political discussion, and the new notions of universal equality, had fostered a dangerous spirit of license in the ranks. The bonds of discipline were loosened ; the private men had ^rown insubordinate, argumentative, prone to canvass freely the character, conduct, and opinions of officers who had but recently gained their epaulettes, to despise them as no better than themselves, and to cavil at the orders they gave. While the regular regiments of the old establishment were thus demoralised, the new levies were still but imperfectly organised, and the whole army was unfit to take the field. It was badly equipped, without transport, and without those useful administrative services which are indispensable for mobility and efficiency.^ Moreover, the prestige of the French arms was at its lowest ebb. A long and enervating peace had followed since the last great war, in which the French armies had endured only failure and ignominious defeat. It is not strange, then, that the foes whom France had so confidently challenged, counted upon an easy triumph over the revolutionary troops. The earliest operations fully confirmed these anticipations. . A brief reference to them must be given here, to make what follows intelligible. France after the declaration of war had at once assumed the initiative, and proceeded to invade Belgium. Here the Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen, who com- manded the Imperialist forces, held his forces cohcentrated in three principal corps : one covered the line from the sea to Tournay ; the second was at Leuze ; the third and weakest at Mons. The total of these troops rose to barely 40,000, and Mons, the most important point in the general line of defence, B 2 4 FBENGR REVOLUTIONARY GENERALS. was the least strongly held. An able strategist gathering together 30,000 men from each of the French armies of the Centre and North, would have struck at Mons with all his strength, cut Duke Albert's communications with the Rhine, turned his inner flank, and rolled him up into the sea. But no great genius as yet directed the military energies of France. Lafayette, it is true, strongly urged the concentration of 50,000 men at the confluence of the Sambre and Meuse, whence he might have marched upon Brussels. This project, which is distinctly creditable to Lafayette's military judgment, was not adopted, nor was Eochambeau's proposal to act strictly on the defensive. It was Dumouriez who finally decided on the plan of campaign. Although only Foreign Secretary at the time, he was consulted, on the strength of his professional antecedents, of which more directlyj By Dumouriez's advice, the French armies were ordered to advance against the Austrians by several lines. Four columns of invasion were to enter Belgium; one was to follow the sea coast, the second to march on Tournay, the third to move from Valenciennes on Mons, and the fourth, under Lafayette, on Givet or Xamur. Each, according to the success it might achieve, was to reinforce the next nearest to it, and all, finally, were to converge on Brussels. At the very outset, however, the French encountered the most ludicrous reverses. Their columns fled in disorder directly they came within sight of the enemy. Lafayette alone continued his march boldly towards jN'araur ; but he was soon compelled to retire by the news of the hasty flight of the columns north of him. The French troops had proved as worthless as their leaders were incapable; whole brigades turned tail, crying that they were betrayed, casting away their weapons as they ran, and displaying the most abject cowardice and terror.! Not strangely, after this pitiful exhibition, the Austrians — DUMOUBIEZ. 5 all Europe, indeed — held the military power of France in the utmost contempt. " Do not buy too many horses," said the Prussian Minister to his emissaries, who were preparing for the coming campaign on the Rhine. " The comedy will not last long ; this army of lawyers will soon be annihilated, and by autumn we shall be on our way home." \ The King of Prussia was encouraged by the manifest disorganisation and worthlessness of the F nch forces to expect an easy victory, and it is more than possible that, had the allies acted with more promptitude at this juncture, France would have been speedily overthrown. If a weak fraction of the Imperialist forces could thus put the whole French army to rout, surely the combined forces of Austria and Prussia would carry all before them, and would find no obstacle to a rapid triumphant march on Paris. But now the national danger stirred France to its inmost depths. French spirit was thoroughly roused. The country rose as one man, determined to offer a steadfast, stubborn front to its foes. Stout-hearted leaders, full of boundless energy and enthusiasm, summoned all the resources of the nation to stem and roll back the tide of invasion. Immediate steps were taken to put the defeated and disgraced armies of the frontier upon a new footing. Lafayette replaced Rochambeau with charge from Longwy to the sea, his main body about Sedan ; Luckner took the line from the Moselle to the Swiss mountains, with head-quarters at Metz. A third genera], destined to come speedily to the front, also joined the army as Lafayette's lieutenant. This was Dumouriez, who, wearied and baffled by Parisian politics, sought the freedom of the field. \ Within a month Lafayette played into his hands by his defection from the revolu- tionary cause. Lafayette endeavoured, but in vain, to use his military authority to restore order and the King. He 6 FBENGE BEVOLUTIONABY GENERALS. misapprehended, however, the temper of his troops, which was decidedly in favour of the popular movement. Dis- appointed, and deserted by all on whom he had counted, Lafayette fled to the Austrian camp. His defection came at a most critical time. The enemy was close at hand, and in overwhelming strength ; a hundred thousand men with large trains of artillery were already on French soil. Longwy had fallen, Yerdun was in danger, and the French forces,, weakened and disseminated along a wide extent of frontier, were actually without a head. The French Government in that crisis put its trust in Dumouriez, and appointed him Commander-in-Chief. It fell to his lot, as we shall see, to stave off disaster and lay the foundations of French military success. It has been claimed, and with justice, for the French revolutionary epoch, that it developed and brought to the front military genius that otherwise must have remained uri- known. Caste prejudices had long forbidden any but the nobly born to hope for command in the French army. Pro- motion from the ranks was altogether denied to the common soldier; only an aristocrat could bear the King's commis- sion. The Revolution not only swept away these invidious distinctions ; it did far more. The exodus of the officers into voluntary exile left innumerable vacancies and an almost endless vista of advancement to those who remained, however lowly their status or inferior their grade. Yet more : the Revolution abolished all seniority, all ancient notions of precedence, and plainly promised preferment to all capable of winning it. Men were now to be judged by their perfor- mances; they stood or fell by the success or failure they achieved. It was a rough-and-ready, rule-of-thumb process, which might act hardly on the unlucky, but it kept back the incompetent and as surely hurried forward the real DUMOURIEZ. 7 leaders of men. The defeated general ended his career upon the guillotine; another took place to conquer or face the same fate. The alternative was too often between rapid glory and a shameful death. Tims by the severest form of natural selection none but the fittest survived. But in this way France was well served. "The flight of the aristocrats," says Jomini, "had opened a vast field for ambition. Soldiers came to lead armies who no one dreamed could command a battalion. There was a limitless field of choice. Levies en masse summoned every citizen to arms ; amongst the recruits were men of every class and of every variety of talent, all enthusiasti- cally eager to adopt a profession that gave free vent to their patriotism, and at the same time ofi'ered to bring them rapidly to fame and great honour." When in the bitter days of his last captivity Napoleon 1. mused over the troubled epoch in which he had been a principal actor, he expressed his astonishment at the number of great generals the Revolution had produced. To use his own language, it was as though nature had vindicated her rights, and every prize had been thrown open to general competition in a nation of thirty millions of souls. Most of these prominent military leaders were of obscure origin, and had been private soldiers in the ranks. iSTey was the son of an old soldier, who thrcAv up a small appointment in the mines to enlist as a private hussar. Massena's father was a marcliand des vins in Nice ; Massena began life as a cabin boy, enlisted, took his discharge, re-enlisted, and became a general of brigade within a year. Soult was of still humbler origin ; he too enlisted, and served slowly through all the non-commissioned grades, to jump in twelve months from captain to general of brigade. Lannes was the son of a livery-stable keeper, and was at one time apprenticed to a 8 FRENCH BEVOLUTIONABY GENERALS. (Iyer. He was only half educated, but he rose twice within four years to the rank of general, the second time in Italy under the approving eye of Bonaparte. Augereau, the son of a mason, enlisted and was drummed out of his regiment, to re-enlist and rapidly achieve the highest rank. Remarkable as are these and many similar cases of rapid advancement won by undoubted personal merit, they are, with one exception, outdone in the persons of the generals who first led the French Republican troops to victory. The careers of Hoche, Marceau, Kleber, and Jourdan, sufficiently prove that neither gentle birth, nor mature years, neither long and varied service, deep reading, nor great practical experience are indispensable to the development of great military skill. How they prospered by sheer weight of natural talent for war it will be my business to show ; but before dealing with these, the most notable of the Republican generals, it will be necessary to dispose of the man who pre- ceded them in point of time, and was the single exception to the general rule of Republican advancement. Dumouriez was educated on the old lines ; he belonged to the old school of French officers, he had seen much service in various parts of the world, and he was already more than fifty years of age when he arrived at supreme command. But it was under his orders that many young generals whose fame ultimately far surpassed his, gained their first laurels, and it may fairly be said that Dumouriez's campaigns paved the way to their greater successes. CHAPTER II. DUMOURIEZ.— II. ilER, TO HIS APPOIN IN-CHIEF, AUG., 1792. Charles Francois Dumouriez was born at Cambrai on the 25t]i of January, 1739. He came of a noble family, and his father, a man of education and good parts, who had been a military officer, assisted in the education of his son. The younger Dumouriez. had to thank his father for his acquaint- ance with modern European languages, mathematics, classics, history, and that fluency in the expression of his ideas, which made him in after life an inveterate memorialist and pamphleteer. Whilst still in his teens, Dumouriez appears to have expressed a desire to become a monk, but he soon abandoned that idea, and eagerly embraced the profession of arms. ' He accompanied his father, who was employed as a war commissary, to the campaign against Frederick the Great in 1757, and early displayed his military proclivities. While serving as a volunteer when Cherbourg was captured by the English, he won a commission by his gallant conduct in the field. A year later he was severely wounded at the relief of Munster, and was again wounded the day before the battle of Clostercamp. He had on this occasion a narrow escape of 10 FBENGH REVOLUTIONARY GENERALS. his life, and was only saved from death by a musket-ball by a book which he carried in his pocket. His wounds and his intrepid conduct gained him distinction and advancement. In 1761 he received a troop of horse, and two years later the cross of St. Louis. > When peace came, the regiment to which he belonged was disbanded, and for a time his active energies were checked. But he could not settle down into a peaceful, humdrum life, and he roamed about the world in search of adventurous employment. He went first to Corsica, carrying credentials from the Due de Choiseul. He offered his services to Paoli, but they were declined. He returned then to Paris, and busied himself in an intrigue intended to procure independence for Corsica. \ Failing in this he was for a time discredited, but soon afterwards regained the Duke's favour, and proceeded with recommendations to Spain. There he became a hanger-on of the Marquis d'Ossuno, the French Ambassador. He visited Portugal, and the trip supplied him with materials for two of his earliest memoirs on the attack and defence of that country^ . To another memoir, previously drawn up, upon the affairs of Corsica, he owed his recall to Paris and his appointment as Quarter- master-General to the French army despatched to that island.'^ According to his own account — and it must be borne in mind that for those early services we are solely dependent on his own account — he contributed largely to the success of the campaign. He certainly displayed gallantry ; for his courage was never in question at any part of his career. Whether his counsels, which he continually thrust upon his com- manders, had any appreciable effect upon the operations, may be doubted. A passion for giving advice was a trait early developed in his character, and through the whole of the active part of his life he was perpetually inditing memoirs, drawing up suggestions, and acting as advocate and mentor DUMOUBIEZ. 11 to every one he came across. The Corsican campaign hrought him promotion to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and he returned to Paris, to be presently employed by the Due de Choiseul on a new mission. He was sent to Poland^ as minister, he declares, but his enemies assert that his duties were those of a spy. \ Dumouriez was to support the party conspiring to depose Stanislas and attack Russia, and with this object he endea- voured to introduce reforms into the Polish army, and, of course, drew up a memorial for the best plan of a campaign. But dark days were now at hand for him ; the Due de Choiseul was disgraced, and the Due d'Arguillon, his suc- cessor, was no friend. Dumouriez having submitted to Louis XV. a long memorial, suggesting the employment of a foreign legion to assist the King of Sweden, he was sent, unknown to the Due d'Arguillon, to Hamburg, to report upon his own scheme. Eut he was surrounded by the French Minister's spies, and was speedily arrested and consigned to the Bastille. V) His imprisonment was not long protracted, nor does it appear to have been very irksome, and he employed the leisure it afforded him, to write a couple of military treatises, translate some Italian poetry, and project some more ambitious literary work. At the end of six months he was transferred to the Castle of Caen, in Normandy, where he married, and remained a prisoner at large until the accession of Louis XVI. He then demanded to be legally tried in Paris, and the reply was unconditional release. Pre- sently he was quite taken into royal favour, and selected to assist in instructing the French army in the newly introduced Prussian drill, i In 1778 he was appointed commandant of Cherbourg. His prolific pen had won him this advancement. He had prepared and submitted to the King a lengthy memoir, 12 FRENCH BEVOLUTIONABY GENERALS. demonstrating the supreme fitness of Cherbourg for a naval arsenal and fortified seaport on this side of the Prench coast. Louis XVI. recognised the value of this document, and wrote across the margin, " Dumouriez, Com- mandant of Cherbourg." \ He had here a fine field for his superabundant energies, and he set to work with a will. He may fairly claim to have laid the foundations of Cherbourg's greatness. He laboured incessantly to improve the harbour, strengthen the fortifications, and develop its resources. During the ten years that he remained comman- dant, the population of Cherbourg was nearly trebled. It was not to be supposed, however, that a man of restless, intriguing disposition, ambitious, self-sufficient, and ever eager to push himself forward, would remain a passive spectator of the political troubles that were now to shake France to its very core. Dumouriez seems very early to have adopted the Liberal principles of the day ; he became and long remained an adherent of the Orleanist faction. He was strongly in favour of the assembly of the States General, and his pen was constantly at work upon all the burning questions of the hour. He paid many visits to Paris during 1788, but he was present at his command when the news reached Cherbourg of the taking of the Bastille. Dumouriez now threw off all disguise, and openly avowed himself a Ee- publican. He accepted the appointment of commandant to the newly raised National Guard, and he strongly urged other commanders in the neighbourhood, not to oppose the formation of a National Militia. A little later, his pay having been stopped, he resigned his command, and trans- ferred himself to Paris, where for some time he played a double part, now presuming to give advice to the King, now joining the Jacobin Club and accepting missions and other employment from the most advanced Republican party, i DUMOUBIEZ. 13 111 1791 he was promoted, when fifty-two years of age, to the rank of major-general. Having gained this position, he became a still more devoted adherent of the Ke volution, and he proceeded to Nantes, where he obtained command of the twelfth military district. He now speedily showed that he was no true friend of the King. Two days afterDumouriez's arrival at Nantes, Louis XVI. fled from Paris. The news spread consternation in Nantes, but Dumouriez promptly dealt with the crisis. He forced the officers whose allegiance was supposed to be all the King's, to take an oath of obedience to the nation and the law, and then sent dis- patches to Paris, declaring his intention of collecting all available forces and marching to the succour of the Con- stituent Assembly. The King's recapture rendered this demonstration unnecessary, but Dumouriez had gained credit for his exuberant patriotism, and the time was approaching for him to take a more prominent part in the revolutionary struggle. Next year his promotion to lieutenant-general deprived him of his command at Nantes, but he could not at once return to Paris owing to his pecuniary difficulties in the West. From these he was released by the liberality of M. Delessert, who brought him to Paris, hoping, it is said, for his influence among the Jacobins, with some of whom he was now intimately allied. ' He betrayed rather than be- friended Delessert, and soon afterwards replaced him as Foreign Minister, having been specially selected for the post, it is said by the Jacobins, who counted upon his resolution to assist them in declaring war. His soldier-like promptitude quickly cut through the meshes of diplomatic chicanery, and, as we have seen, speedily brought about a rupture with Austria. He held office as Foreign Minister barely three months. ^ 14 FRENCH BEVOLUTIONABY GENERALS. Dumoiiriez was not tliorouglily in accord with his col- leagues, and they differed more especially with regard to the King. He seems to have been anxious to save Louis XYI. unnecessary humiliation, and he certainly disapproved of Eoland's peremptory letter calling the King too strictly to account. This led to his estrangement from the Girondists, and the breach became wider by Dumouriez's opposition to the two decrees, one for expelling the non-juring priests, the other for the formation of a large military camp in the neighbourhood of ParisJ When Louis, driven to despair, sought Dumouriez's advice, he recommended the dismissal of the obnoxious Ministers. The difficulty was to replace them. Eut new Ministers were found, and Dumouriez accepted the post of Minister of War. He remained in this only four days. The dismissal of the Ministers had raised a storm in the Assembly, and Dumouriez was denounced as the creature of a tyrannical King. \ But he had the courage to tell the Assembly many plain truths, and in the teeth of a storm of execration, he bravely persisted in reading a long memoir which, with great promptitude, he had prepared, concerning his department. Girondists and Jacobins alike vowed ven- geance against him, and threatened to send him before the court of Orleans for trial as a traitor. But his undaunted demeanour cowed his enemies, and after calmly signing and depositing his memoir upon the table, he coolly walked out of the Chamber. His firmness was approved of by the King ; but estrangement speedily followed. Louis was prepared to sanction the formation of the camp, but he still opposed the harsh measure against the priests. None of the Ministers would countersign his resolution, or convey it 'to the Assembly. All preferred to resign, Dumouriez now resolved to withdraw himself from political strife, and to leave Paris for the frontj There DUMOUBIEZ. 15 is nothing to show by whose orders Dumouriez proceeded to join the army in the field. It is possible that as he was War Minister ho issued instructions to himself, but it is certain that his departure was known to and approved of by the King. As an officer of high rank, long standing, and practical experience, it was right and proper that he should wish to take part in the defence of his country. Whatever difference of opinion may exist as to Dumouriez's political conduct, his character as a soldier now and at all times stood hi^hj He may have failed, as we shall see, to prove himself a great commander, but he had sound, soldierly instincts. He was an energetic administrator, and his personal gallantry has never been denied. He appears to have done good service, too, even during his very brief tenure of the post of Minister of War. The memoir already referred to, which caused such a disturbance in the Assembly, was an able and exhaustive document, setting forth fairly the chief flaws in the existing military organisation of France. It criticised severely the ridiculous procedure of the Assembly in de- creeing fresh levies of troops without providing funds for their support; it pointed out that what the army needed was not new regiments, but the reinforcement and organisation of those already enrolled ; it revealed the ruinous condition of many of the fortresses, and charged the authorities with culpable neglect in concealing the fact, and failing to put them right. , Dumouriez seems also, during a short stay at the War Office, to have inquired closely into the system of contracts, and to have introduced new checks upon the methods of obtaining suppliesJ;^oreover, he found time to write to all the generals on the frontier, and gave his views at length upon their future operations. He hastened the march of reinforcements from Paris, and, as 16 FBENGH REVOLUTIONARY GENERALS. he says, signed his name fifteen hundred times while in office. Dumouriez was now to find a more suitable field for his energies, more congenial employment for his indefatigable spirit. But his debut with the army was scarcely encourag- ing. He proceeded direct to Marshal Luckner's head-quarters at Valenciennes. Luckner was now supreme along the whole line from the Khine to the sea, and Lafayette, at the head of the Army of the Centre, was nominally under his orders. Only nominally, for Lafayette was strong, and Luckner, a poor creature just verging on his dotage, liked to be led by others. Lafayette hated Dumouriez, and made no secret of it. \ Thus hostile influences prevailed at Luckner's head-quarters, and Dumouriez was speedily made to feel them. He was badly received by the Marshal, and snubbed by the staff > he was accorded none of the honours due to his rank ; they gave him no orderlies, no guard of honour, not even the countersign for the day. He remained for many days as a private person in the camp, and was denied any command of troops by Luckner, although, as second senior lieutenant- general, he was entitled to the left wing. The excuse was that nothing could be done till Lafayette's return from Paris, whither he had gone to strike a blow in favour of the King. He failed, and coming back to Valenciennes, was received with great military honours by Luckner. Dumouriez, having- no post assigned to him, was absent from the jDarade. A day or two later, however, he was selected to command the camj) at Maulde — an important point covering the rich plahis between Valenciennes and Lille, but weakly held by three or four thousand men. The Austrians were before it in much greater strength, and Dumouriez felt that he had been sent there in the hopes that he might encounter a serious check. He held his own. DUMOUBIEZ. 17 however, and throwing himself with his customary vigour into his work, so harassed the enemy and beat up their advanced posts that they refrained from attacking the camp. He J strengthened his position materially, and protected the frontier by a chain of fortified outposts. Above all, he kept his troops continually employed, and by inuring them to fatigue, and enforcing a strict discipline, gave them the con- fidence of seasoned veterans. In the campaigns that fol- lowed, the regiments which had served in the camp of Maulde were always noticeable for their steady conduct. Dumouriez, while in command at Maulde, took a curious step with the idea, he says, of raising the courage of his troops. Two of the daughters of a retired cavalry sergeant named Fernig, who resided at Mortagne, had come out, of their own wish, to accompany the French detachments. When they were engaged at the outposts, these young girls, one of whom was only twenty- three, the other barely seven- teen, gentle, delicately-nurtured creatures, faced cheerfully the hardships of campaigning. Their courage was con- spicuous, and Dumouriez put them forward on all occasions as an example for his troops. They accompanied him to Champagne when he became Commander-in-Chief, and took part in all the actions fought in the Argonne, as well as in the invasion of Belgium. The National Convention granted them a pension in recognition of their gallant services, but they forfeited this at the time of Dumouriez's flight, for they followed that general across the frontier. Wliile Dumouriez was thus engaged in minor operations around and in front of Maulde, great movements were in progress at Paris. The waters were fast closing over the unhappy Louis, and his position became hourly more critical. It was evident that the friends advancing to his rescue "must hasten their movements, or they would be too late. c 18 FBENGH BEVOLUTIONABY GENERALS. The concentration of the allies upon the frontier was pro- ceeding rapidly. An invasion became imminent ; already the Prussians were close to the Khine, and the Austrian forces had assembled about Spire. It was necessary for the French to make preparations to meet attack. These were entirely of a defensive character, and some changes were made in the commands. Lafayette's attitude had raised the suspicions of the Government, and it was thought safest to keep him as near as possible to Paris. For this reason he replaced Luckner at Yalenciennes, while the latter was sent to command at Metz, and generally from the Moselle to Switzerland. ' Dumouriez was kept under the orders of Lafayette, and although exercising at times a more general supervision over the northern frontier, was still chiefly em- ployed as commandant of Maulde. His force, however, was in- creased by twenty-three battalions and six squadrons, and he spent his time, as before, in seeking diligently to improve and perfect his troops. He continued to practise them in- cessantly in outpost duty, and arranged that all in turn should be engaged. Every detachment as it went out was furnished with maps, and with ample and special instructions under the general's own hand, and he himself frequently superintended the operations. He thus kept in check the Austrians, who had been reinforced on this side in order to make a diversion for the principal line of invasion by the centre. - Nothing decisive occurred, but Dumouriez gained experience and proved his skill as a partisan leader, whilst his men, thus constantly employed in the minor operations of war, became the nucleus of an excellent array. While thus employed, Dumouriez received intelligence of the catastrophe of the 10th of August, and the im- prisonment of the King. He does not appear to have been DUMOUBIEZ. 19 very deeply affected by the news. He thought more of the enemy in front of him, and neither he nor the troops under him were disposed to take part for or against the King. But when Dillon sent him a copy of the oatli which Lafayette wished to be administered to all the troops, Dumouriez refused to take it. In his opinion the King was made prisoner by one of two factions contending for supreme power, and to administer an oath swearing allegiance to the King would be to range the army on the side of the party that had succumbed. This must have led to civil war, always terrible, but infinitely more so when a foreign in- vader was close at hand. For these reasons he refused to act upon Dillon's instructions, and published his reasons in the papers. His adhesion to the Government of the hour gained him great favour, and no doubt led to his subsequent selection as Commander-in-Chief, > The National Assembly was much incensed at the attitude taken by Lafayette with regard to the oath, and dispatched Commissioners to all the armies who upheld its authority. Those sent to Lafayette were immediately arrested by that general, who now declared openly for the King, and announced his intention of march- ing direct upon Paris. Lafayette acted hastily as usual, and without judgment, seeing ' his mistake too late when his army openly vented its dissatisfaction at the arrest of the Commissioners. After pausing irresolute for five days he realised that he was powerless, and suddenly escaped across the frontier. This was on the 19th of August. On the 14:th, the Commissioners sent to General Dillon had arrived at Valenciennes. They were still hesitating whether or not to entrust Dumouriez with the command when a courier arrived direct from Paris, announcing Lafayette's defection. The same message brought instructions to Dumouriez to c 2 20 FRENCH BEVOLUTIONABY GENERALS. assume general charge of the armies on the frontier of France. It was time to take vigorous action. On the day- previous, the 18th of August, the enemy's forces had entered French territory. CHAPTER III. DUMOURIEZ.— III. THE ARGONNE. The invasion of France, although at last an accomplished fact, had been carried out by the allies in a very leisurely fashion. Austria and Prussia had entered into a defensive alliance as early as February, a couple of months, in fact, before the declaration of war, and it was understood that the Prussians would take the field at once. But, although an army was collected about Magdebourg in May, it was not until the end of July that any considerable part of it reached Coblentz.v^)By that date the Austrians, but in no great strength," were at Spire. A plan of campaign had been arranged at Vienna, and the chief command entrusted to the Duke of Brunswick, but the King of Prussia also accompanied his army into the field. Everything encouraged the allies to adopt a sharp and vigorous offensive. They might, in the first place, make their attack while the French forces were still without organisation or confidence in themselves. Much time would be needed to bring up reinforcements, and perfect the discipline of the new French levies. A rapid advance, therefore, offered the allies dvantages greatly superior to slow, methodical war. It I 22 FBENGE REVOLUTIONARY GENERALS, was indeed essential that they should achieve a rapid and early success. Delay must give strength to their enemies. Victory could be most easily obtained in the days when the French soldiers still distrusted their leaders and themselves, and while the veterans who attacked them still enjoyed un- questioned the prestige of traditional prowess. A prompt initiative was still further encouraged by the faulty disposi- tion of the French forces at the commencement of the campaign. They were dispersed over a wide front, and could only concentrate slowly and with difficulty to oppose the enemy and reinforce one another. The weakest part of the whole line, the centre, was that which covered the shortest and most direct road to Paris ; a determined enemy might thrust himself along it before the distant flanks could render efiective assistance. The rapid advance of an enemy by this route would take all the isolated corps on the frontier in reverse, and oblige them to fall back hurriedly, but with no certainty that they could by any concentric movement effectually cover the capital, for the enemy would be nearer Paris than they. Again, such a retreat would surrender utterly the whole of the intervening country. Briefly recapitulating, the centre was clearly the most advantageous line of invasion. It was the nearest to the allies, and yet the shortest and straightest to Paris ; it was based on two strong fortresses, Mayence and Coblentz, and it broke through the weakest point of a long line, the extremities of which could be afterwards beaten in detail. Moreover, authentic intelligence had reached the Prussians, through the emigrant Marquis de Bouille, that the chief French fortresses on this side, Longwy, Montmedy, and Verdun, were in too dilapi- dated a condition to off'er a prolonged resistance. The Duke of Brunswick seems to have fully realised the advantages offered by this line, and adopted it, almost as a matter of DUMOUEIEZ, 23 course. He too was eager, it is said, for decisive and immediate action. He foresaw the dangers of delay, perceiv- ing that the French, unless quickly overcome, might yet rally and exhibit a desperate and unconquerable tenacity. On the other hand, the Duke was not well inclined for war ; he was solicitous for his military reputation, which had been somewhat too cheaply earned under his friend and comrade, the great Frederick, and which might easily be imperilled or lost in fresh campaigns. However excellent the conception of the plan of campaign, its execution was dilatory and full of faults. The general idea was as follows. Demonstrations were to be made along the whole line ; the Austrian army, in Belgium, was to make a diversion on the northern frontier ; 5,000 emigrants were to menace the French frontier from Switzerland to Philipps- burg; Count d'Erbach was to do the same from thence to the Sarre. Meanwhile, the main body, consisting of Prussians, Hessians, and 12,000 emigrants, under the command of the brothers of the French King, was to concentrate at Treves, then ascend the left bank of the Moselle, mask or capture the fortresses of Luxembourg, Longwy, Montmedy, and Thionville, attack Verdun, and march thence by the Verdun- Chalons road on Paris. Prince Hohenlohe was to cover the left of the advancing army by menacing Metz ; on the right, Clairfayt, with a corps of Austrians from the army of Belgium, was to cover this flank, and, crossing the river Chiers, between Montmedy and Sedan, then masking the fortresses on this side, to march on Rheims and Paris by the Fismes-Soissons road. These movements were commenced early in August. On the 5th the Prussians crossed the Moselle; on the 18th May they were at Montfort, and on ihe 19th, having taken twenty days to march 120 miles, -they reached Tiercelet, in France. On this day Clairfayt 24 FRENCH BEYOLUTIONABY GENERALS. came up abreast with the line, but Brunswick, finding that the Austrians were only 18,000 strong, instead of 50,000, objected to advance further. The personal authority of the King of Prussia, however, now interposed to overrule this decision, and, on the 20th, Longwy was invested. It surrendered on the 24th. The campaign had commenced brilliantly, and Brunswick for the moment held all the cards in his hand. The French forces were disseminated, dispirited, and without any recognised leader. Lafayette was gone, and the army knew little of Dumouriez, except that it vaguely distrusted and disliked him. ' Vigour and determination on the part of the allies might now have terminated the campaign. Everything depended upon Brunswick's promptitude and skill. Four courses were open to him. He might fall with all his strength upon the disorganised army of Sedan, which had so recently lost Lafayette, its chief ; he might continue his march on Paris by seizing the defiles of the Argonne ; he might concentrate to his left and crush Luckner at Metz; or he might sit down before Thionville, Luxembourg, and Metz, thus suffering the campaign to degenerate into a slow affair of sieges. The first was undoubtedly the wisest, and offered^ if promptly exe- cuted, the most decisive advantages. It was a supreme chance unexpectedly offered by the curious vicissitudes of war. Lafayette's defection had left his army leaderless, de- moralised, and disheartened — an easy prey. Brunswick could have brought an overwhelming force to crush it utterly. His march on Paris would then have been practically un- opposed. The third plan was, however, that decided upon ; one which had no merit but that of cutting through the French line, Avhile it had the dangerous defect that one, probably two unbeaten armies, hourly regaining courage and fresh strength, were left close behind on each flank to harass the DUMOUBIEZ. 25 lengthening communications of the invading foe. Brunswick adopted it, no doubt, against his better judgment, and this is in some measure his excuse for the unenterprising tardiness with which he carried it out. It was not until the 20th August that he arrived at Verdun, and he lingered before that fortress until the 2nd September, when it capitulated. On that date the position of the allies was as follows : the main body at Verdun; Clairfayt at Stenay, behind the Meuse ; the Hessians at Longwy ; a corps of Austrians at Thionville ; the emigrants in the Black Forest and at Treves. Let us turn now to the French, and see how matters stood with them. Their armies, towards the end of August, were, as I have said, greatly disseminated. ;, The Army of the North, 30,000 strong, was dispersed along the frontier, between Lille, Maulde, and Maubeuge. In the centre, round about Sedan, was the army abandoned by Lafayette, about 23,000 strong, occupying a position far too extensive, and in a state of complete demoralisation. Kellermann, who had succeeded Luckner, commanded the army at Metz, 20,000 strong. Custine occupied Landau, with 50,000 men ; and General Biron was in Alsace, with 30,000. The full measure of the danger which menaced France by the advance of the allies, was not at first realised by Dumouriez. For some days after his appointment to the supreme command, he still contemplated an invasion of Belgium, and he was making preparations for this his favourite project, when the news of the surrender of Longwy, and the invest- ment of Verdun, aroused him to the paramount importance of meeting the enemies' advance. He started, therefore, for Sedan, without, however, abandoning entirely his designs against Belgium ; and the tenacity with which he clung to this project strengthens the impression that the measures he ^6 FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY GENERALS. subsequently took for holding the Argonne did not originate with himself, but were forced upon him by orders from Paris. He acted, however, with commendable promptitude, and soon made his influence and authority felt. This was the brightest period in Dumouriez's career. It cannot be pre- tended that he proved himself a general of the first order ; he had no profound insight, intuitive or acquired, into the principles of strategy, and he was wanting in the instinct that seizes at once upon the decisive points of a battle-field or theatre of war. But it would be gross injustice to deny him a high place among generals of the second rank. He was by this time a veteran soldier, who had seen many wars in many lands. He had never commanded an army in the field, but he had been actively employed from his earliest youth. He was resolute, energetic, indefatigable ; although now past middle age he enjoyed robust health, and his active, compact figure, somewhat below the middle height, with his easily-animated face and bright eyes, proved him capable of the greatest physical exertions. He never spared himself ; he was for ever on the move, personally directing the operations he commanded, and always forward in the field^^ On his joining the army at Sedan, on the *28th August, Dumouriez found it disaffected, mutinous, and greatly prejudiced against himself. It had degenerated into an undisciplined mob ; the men were sullen, disobedient, in- subordinate, the officers timorous, and exercising no sort of authority or control. The new general was greeted openly with contemptuous shouts. " This is the scoundrel who has brought about the war," they cried. Dumouriez grappled boldly with the difficulties of the situation; he took immediate steps to vindicate discipline, to introduce a firm system, and oppose the enemy's advance. A small DUMOUBIEZ. 27 force was at once detached to reinforce Verdun ; this detach- ment was too late, hut the direction of its march proved useful in the operations that soon followed. Larger measures were now imperative to meet the enemy, and Dumouriez called a council of war, hefore which he frankly explained the exact state of affairs. The danger was pressing ; it was impossible, he declared, to remain inactive. What should be done 1 Opinions were divided ; one party, headed by Dillon, an old officer, actually senior to Dumouriez, but now under his orders, was for retreat on Chalons and behind the Marne — a retreat which, in the demoralised con- es. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. THE CHUMPLEBUNNYS AND SOME OTHER ODDITIES. Sketched from the Life. Illustrated by Karl Klietsch. Crown 8vo, 2S. A WANDERER'S NOTES. 2 vols. 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