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StacK Annex ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. CHAPTER LIIL ALEXANDER'S CAMPAIGNS IN INDIA TO HIS RETREAT FROM THE HYPHASIS. B. c. Page India as known to the Greeks before Alexander 2 Taxiles - 3 Alexander's Forces - 4 327. March to Cabul 5 Operations in the Mountains north of the Cophen - 7 Siege of Aornus - 10 The Indian Nysa - 13 326. Alexander's Arrival at Taxila - - 14 Indian Anchorites - - 15 Encampment on the Hydaspes - - 17 Attempts to deceive Porus - 18 Passage of the Hydaspes - 20 Battle of the Hydaspes - 22 Treatment of Porus - 25 Abisares - - 26 March to the Hydraotes - 27 Sangala taken ~ - - 28 Arrival to the Hyphasis - 29 The Army bent on Retreat - 30 Returns to the Hydaspes 33 CHAP. LIV. ALEXANDER'S PASSAGE DOWN THE INDUS AND RETURN TO SUSA. Preparations for the Navigation of the Indus - 36 Confluence of the Hydaspes and Acesihes - 38 A 3 2037401 vi ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. B. c. Pa s e The Malli and Sudracae Brahmins among the Malli Alexander's perilous Position He is dangerously wounded Returns to the Camp Submission of the Malli and Sudracse - 50 325. Descent of the Indus - Musicanus - Arrival at Pattala Voyage to the Sea Survey of the Delta of the Indus Nearchus takes the Command of the Fleet Alexander quits India TheOritis - Gedrosia Sufferings of the Army Alexander's Self-denial - 66 Pura - 67 Arrival in Carmania - - 68 Punishment of Macedonian Officers - 69 Arrival of Nearchus - - - 71 Rejoicings - - 73 Alexander's Arrival in Persis - 74 324. Return to Susa. - - - 75 CHAP. LV. FROM ALEXANDER'S RETURN TO SUSA TO HIS DEATH. Alexander's Projects - 76 Discontent of his Subjects - 78 Harpalus - - 79 Disbandment of the Greek Mercenaries - - 8 1 Nuptials at Susa - 82 The Marriage Feast - - 84 Death of Calanus - - 85 Alexander pays the Debts of his Soldiers - 87 New Organisation of the Army - 89 Mutiny at Opis - 90 Alexander's Speech - - 92 The Reconciliation - - 94 Departure of Craterus with the Veterans - 96 Antipater - - 96 Alexander's new Measures with the Greeks - 97 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Vll March to Ecbatana - 99 Festival at Ecbatana - - - 100 Performance of the Agen - - 101 Death of Hephaestion - - 102 Honours paid to him - - 102 The Cosaeans - 104 Sinister Omens - - 104 The Chaldseans - 106 323. Embassies at Babylon - - 107 Hephaestion's Funeral - - 109 Alexander's Voyage on the Euphrates - 110 Omens - - - 111 Cassander - - 114 Alexander's last Illness - 116 His Death - - 118 Review of his Life - - - - 1 19 CHAP. LVI. FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER TO TDE END OF THE LAMIAN WAR. Mourning for Alexander's Death - 127 Council of the Officers - - 128 Proposals as to the Succession - - 128 Discontent among the Infantry - - 130 Election of Arridaeus Philip - 131 Meleager and Perdiccas - 132 Eumenes - - - - 134 The Compromise - 135 The Lustration - 137 The Partition - 138 Alexander's Projects - 140 Murder of Statira - 142 State of Greece - - - 143 Demosthenes and the Macedonian Party at Athens - 145 330. Prosecution of Ctesiphon - 147 Defeat of ^Eschines - - - 150 Remarks on the Case - - - 1 5 1 Trial of Leocrates - j52 Character and Administration of Lycurgus - 153 Alexander's Demand of Divine Honours - - 162 324. His Decree for the Restoration of the Greek Exiles - 164 Harpalus in Athens - - 166 Conduct of Demosthenes - - - 168 viii ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. B. C. Escape of Harpalus - - 173 Condemnation of Demosthenes explained - - 174 His Policy considered - 176 Leosthenes - 178 323. Preparations for War with Antipater - 179 Confederacy of the Greeks - 180 Phocion and Hyperides - 182 Situation of Antipater - 184- Victory of Leosthenes in Boeotia - - 186 Antipater blocked up in Lamia - - 187 Exertions of Demosthenes - 190 His Return to Athens - 191 Death of Leosthenes - - 1 92 Appointment of Antiphilus - 194 Leonnatus - - - 194 Diminution of the Greek Forces - - 196 322. Defeat and Death of Leonnatus - - 197 Naval War - - - 199 Arrival of Craterus in Thessaly - - 201 Battle of Crannon - 202 Dissolution of the Confederacy - - 204 Embassies of the Athenians to Antipater - - 205 Xenocrates and Antipater - 206 Macedonian Garrison in Munychia - 208 New Athenian Constitution - 208 Emigration from Athens - 210 Persecution of the Orators - 212 Archias - 213 Death of Demosthenes - 214 Invasion of ^Etolia - - 217 End of the Lamian War - - - 218 CHAPTER LVII. FROM THE END OF THE LAMIAN WAR TO CASSANDER's OCCUPATION OF ATHENS 323. Insurrection among the Greek Colonists in Asia - 221 322. Treacherous Massacre - - 222 Campaign of Perdiccas against Ariarathes - - 223 Destruction of Laranda and Isaura - 223 Ptolemy's Power - 225 Conquest of Cyrene - - 226 Alexander's Remains carried to Egypt - - 227 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. IX B. c. Page Intrigues of Perdiccas - 228 Death of Cynane - 229 322. Flight of Antigonus - - 230 Eumenes in Command in Asia Minor - 232 Treachery and Defeat of Neoptolemus - 232 Defeat and Death of Craterus and Neoptolemus - 233 Perdiccas invades Egypt - 236 Fruitless attempts to cross the Nile - 237 Death of Perdiccas - - 240 War in Greece - 242 Mutiny at Triparadisus - 244 Partition of Triparadisus - 245 Situation of Eumenes - 246 Danger of Cleopatra - - 248 Antipater's Arrangement with Antigonus - - 249 320. Eumenes takes Refuge in Nora - - 252 His Conference with Antigonus - - 253 Defeat of Alcetas and Attalus - - 254 Death of Alcetas - 255 State of Athens - 256 Intrigues of Demades - 257 His Embassy to Antipater - 258 And Death - 259 319. Antipater's last Will, and Cassander's Intrigues - 259 Eumenes at Nora - 262 His Escape - 263 Operations of Antigonus on the Coast of Asia Minor - 263 Polysperchon and Olympias in correspondence with Eumenes - 265 He espouses their Cause - 265 Prospects of Greece - - 266 Polysperchon's Policy - 267 Edict of Arridseus Philip - 268 318. Phocion and Nicanor - - 270 Arrival of Alexander, Son of Polysperchon - 272 Phocion in the Macedonian Camp - 273 Is sent back to Athens - 274 Sacrificed by Polysperchon - 274 His Trial - - 276 And Death - - 278 Reflections on his Political Career - - 279 Megalopolis resists Polysperchon - - 280 Siege of Megalopolis - - 282 Polysperchon repulsed - 283 Victory of Cleitus - - 284 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Page His Death - -285 Capitulation of Athens with Cassander - - 285 Prospects for Greece - - 286 CHAPTER LVIIL FROM CASSANDER'S OCCUPATION OF ATHENS TO THE TREATY BE- TWEEN ANTIGONDS AND PTOLEMY, CASSANDER AND LYSIMACHUS, IN 311 B.C. Difficult Position of Eumenes - - 288 His Contrivance of the Royal Tent - 289 The Argyraspids - - 290 317. Eumenes in the East - - 291 Is pursued by Antigonus - 292 Confederacy of the Eastern Satraps - 293 Antigonus at Susa - - 295 Stratagems of Eumenes - 296 His Illness - - 297 Battle between Antigonus and Eumenes - - 298 Stratagem of Antigonus baffled by Eumenes - 299 Treachery of the Satraps - 300 316. Last Battle between Antigonus aad Eumenes - 301 Treachery of the Argyraspids - - 303 Death of Eumenes - - 304 Pithon'e Intrigues and Death - - 306 Return of Antigonus toward the West - 306 Flight of Seleucus - - 308 Eurydice and Olympias - 309 317. Death of Arridaeus Philip and Eurydice - - 311 Cassander besieges Olympias in Pydna 313 Surrender of Olympias - 315 316. Death of Olympias - - 317 Marriage of Cassander and Thessalpnice - - 318 Restoration of Thebes - 320 Negotiation between Antigonus and his Rivals - 323 315. Preparations of Antigonus - 323 Assembly at Tyre - - 326 Antigonus assumes the Regency - 327 State of Greece - 328 314. Success of Cassander - - 331 War in Cyprus - 332 Naval Power of Antigonus - 333 Antigonus in Phrygia - - 335 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. xi B. c. Page 313. Siege of Callatia - 336 Negotiations - - 337 Hostile Fleets in the Euripus - 338 312. Ptolemy invades Syria - 340 Battle of Gaza - 340 Seleucus recovers Babylon - - 341 Antigonus Master of Syria - - 343 311. Expedition of Demetrius to Babylon - 343 General Peace - - 345 CHAPTER LIX. FROM THE PEACE OF 311 TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. Murder of Roxana and Alexander JEgus - - 347 310. Revolt of Ptolemaeus and Renewal of Hostilities - 348 Hercules Pretender to the Throne - 350 309. Treacherously murdered by Polysperchon - - 351 308. Ptolemy's Expedition to Greece - - 353 Murder of Cleopatra - - 354 Demetrius the Phalerian - 355 Expelled from Athens - 359 307. Demetrius Master of Athens - - 361 Extravagant Flattery - 361 306. Recal of Demetrius - - 364 Siege of Salamis in Cyprus - 365 Sea-fight off Salamis - - 366 The new Kings - - 368 Expedition of Antigonus against Egypt - - 369 He is compelled to retreat - 370 His War with the Rhodians - 372 305. Rhodes besieged by Demetrius - - 374 Demetrius repulsed by Sea - 374 And by Land - 379 Makes Peace with the Rhodians - 380 303. Returns to Athens - - 382 His Excesses - 382 His Expedition to Peloponnesus - 383 He reduces Sicyon - - 384 And Corinth - 385 Congress at Corinth - - 386 Expedition of Demetrius to the West - 386 302. Demetrius initiated - - 387 Lysimachus crosses over to Asia - - 389 Demetrius and Cassander in Thessaly - - 389 xii ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. B. c. Page Movements of Antigonus and Lysimachus - - 390 Negotiation between Demetrius and Cassander - 393 Demetrius in Asia - - 393 Ptolemy's Operations in Syria - - 394 301. Return of Seleucus from the East - 395 Battle of Ipsus - 396 Death of Antigonus - - 398 Flight of Demetrius - - 398 Conduct of the Athenians toward Demetrius - 399 Partition - - 401 Results of the Battle of Ipsus ... 403 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAPTER LIIL ALEXANDER'S CAMPAIGNS IN INDIA TO HIS RETREAT FROM THE HYPHASIS. India as known to the Greeks before Alexander. Taxiles. Alexander's Forces. March to Cabul. Operations in the Mountains north of the Cophen. Siege of Aornus The Indian Nysa. Alexander's Arrival at Taxila. Indian An- chorites. Encampment on the Hydaspes. Attempts to deceive Porus. Passage of the Hydaspes. Battle of the Hydaspes. Treatment of Porus Abisares. March to the Hydraotes. Sanyala taTten. Arrival at the Hyphasis. The Army bent on Retreat. Alexander yields. Returns to the Hydaspes. AFTER the conquest of the Bactrian satrapy, there CHAP. remained only one province of the Persian empire into which Alexander had not yet carried his arms : it was that which tempted his curiosity, as well as his ambition, perhaps more than any other. Already indeed, before he crossed the Paropamisus, he had made himself master of a great part of the country which the Persians called India, and perhaps had very nearly reached the utmost limits within which the authority of the Great King was acknowledged in the latter years of the monarchy. But the power of the first Darius had certainly been extended much further eastward. It seems probable that a part of VOL. VII. B 2 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, his Indian tribute was collected in the Pendjab, and , LIIL . there is some reason to believe that it was on the Hydaspes Scylax began his voyage of discovery. 1 After the death of Darius, the attention of the Per- sian kings was so much turned toward the west, or distracted by wars with their revolted subjects, that they would scarcely have had leisure for fresh con- quests in India, even if the spirit of Cyrus had lived in his successors : and it is very uncertain, whether their territories reached so far as the Indus. The greater part of the peninsula was, as we see from the accounts of Herodotus and Ctesias, utterly unknown India as to the Persians. The India of Herodotus is bounded theGreeks n the east by a sandy desert, which, it seems, he beforeAiex- believed to be terminated by the ocean which girded his earth, and was inhabited chiefly by pastoral and savage, even it was said cannibal tribes. 2 Nor had Ctesias, during his long residence at the Persian court, heard of the Ganges, or any of the countries on its banks. He had indeed collected many marvellous reports, which must for the most part have seemed incredible to all intelligent Greeks, about the produc- tions of India ; but he betrays a total ignorance of the peculiar features of Indian society. Both he however and Herodotus represent the country, so far as it was known to them, as exceedingly rich and populous. The Indians, Herodotus observes, are by far the most numerous race of men we know : and the tribute of the Indian satrapy amounted to a third of the whole that Darius received : all, according to him, arising from the gold found in the northern mountains. But many other costly and useful productions of India, as 1 So Hitter, Asien, iv. j. p. 445. v. Bohlen (Indien, i. p. 64. ) who likewise con- siders Caspatyrus as Cashmire, takes the river mentioned by Herodotus iv. 44. for the Cabul river. But in the same page he expresses a doubt whether the voyage described by Herodotus was ever made. 2 These are generally supposed to be the aboriginal negro population from which the Farias are believed to descend. TAXILES. cotton, spices, ivory, and precious stones, were very CHAP. early known in the west, chiefly, it appears, through LI1L the commercial activity of the Phoenicians. At the battle of Arbela the Greeks for the first time saw elephants, which they heard had been brought from the banks of the Indus. To Alexander arid his com- panions India appeared from a distance as a new world, of indefinite extent, and abounding in wonders and riches. Even without any other inducement, he must eagerly have desired to explore and subdue it. During the campaigns of the last two years, he had met with opportunities of gaining better information about India, than was to be found in Herodotus or Ctesias. Among the followers of Bessus was an In- dian chief, or leader of mercenaries, named Sisycottus, who, when Bessus fell into Alexander's hands, sub- mitted to the conqueror, and became firmly attached to him. The accounts which he gave of the countries beyond the Indus, might afterwards have been con- firmed by an embassy which Alexander received in Sogdiana, from a prince whose name is written by the Greeks Oinphis or Mophis, and who reigned over the rich tract which intervenes between the Upper Indus and the Hydaspes (Behut or Jhelum), the westernmost of the five great tributaries from which the whole eastern basin of the Indus, down to their confluence with it, takes the name of the Pendjab. His capital Taxila, from which he is more commonly entitled Taxiies, stood at some distance from either stream, and appears to have been a large and splendid city, though its site has perhaps not yet been dis- covered. 1 The king of Taxila had offered his alli- ance to Alexander, and sought aid from him against a powerful neighbour: and thus Alexander ascer- tained that the state of things in this part of India 1 The claims of the Tope of Manikiaula (Elphiustone, p. 79.) to such antiquity are very doubtful. B 2 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, -was highly favourable to his projected invasion. The distribution of power in the Pendjab appears to have fluctuated as much in the earliest times to which we can ascend in its history, as it has in those nearest to our own days. Ctesias spoke of the king of the In- dians 1 , as if all India, so far as it was known to him, was comprised under a single monarchy. This king was an ally of Artaxerxes, to whom he sent presents' 2 , but not, it appears, as tokens of inferiority. Hence we may collect, that, when Ctesias wrote, a great part of the country on the Persian frontier was united under one powerful ruler. But in its ordinary con- dition it seems to have been subdivided into a num- ber of small states, which were not under kingly government, and its inhabitants were on this account branded by the eastern Indians, whose kings reigned by divine right, as a lawless race. 3 Through some revolutions, no record of which has been preserved, a great part of it had in Alexander's time fallen under the dominion of three princes, the Taxiles already mentioned, and two who were kinsmen, and bore the name of Porus. The most powerful of these was the immediate neighbour of Taxiles ; his territories lay to the east of the Hydaspes. It was against him that the king of Taxila sought to strengthen himself by an alliance with the Macedonian conqueror. The accounts which Alexander received of the po- pulation and resources of the country he was about to enter, together with the consideration of the great length of time that would be requisite for reinforce- ments to reach him there, convinced him of the necessity of extraordinary preparations for his In- dian expedition. But the European force which he 1 Ind. 22. 27, 28. a Ind. 28. 3 Ritter, Asien, iv. p. 459. Lassen, de Pentapotamia Indica, p. 22. 'Apdrpioi (Arrian, Peripl, p. 27. ed. Huds.), Arashtras, or Arattas, hingless. The nickname seems to have been applied to the whole population of the Pendjab, though it happened that in Alexander's time the part west of the Acesines was under kingly government. Lassen, u. s., speaks of this as if it had been a permanent distinction. MARCPI TO CABUL. had at his disposal for this purpose, can hardly have CHAP. amounted to a greater number than he at first brought . over into Asia. For beside the manifold losses this part of his army had suffered in the last two years, and the garrisons and colonies which had been drawn from it, he thought it necessary to leave a corps of 10,000 infantry, and 3,500 horse, in Bactria, under the command of the satrap Amyntas. Yet he marched into India at the head of 120,000 foot and 15,000 horse. 1 Of these we must suppose that at least 70,000 were Asiatic troops. A considerable part of these auxiliaries were drawn from Bactria and Sogdiana, and from the neighbouring Scythian hordes : and they answered the double purpose of strengthen- ing his army, and of securing the tranquillity of the conquered lands from which they were withdrawn. With the same object a large proportion of the boys who were taken from their homes to receive Greek training, were undoubtedly collected in the north-east provinces. According to Curtius, it was just before he set out for India, that Alexander ordered a levy of 30,000 youths, to serve at once as hostages and soldiers. The summer of 327 had scarcely begun, when he B.C. 327. crossed the mountains, by a shorter route than he had taken in the winter of 329 2 , which brought him in ten days to Alexandria. Here he found reason to remove the governor whom he had left there, and, having appointed Nicanor in his room, descended the valley of the Cabul river to NicaBa. This, according to the most probable conjecture, was the new name which he gave to the city otherwise called Ortospana, or Cabura, the site of the modern Cabul, where he made a sacrifice to Athene, perhaps to place it under her protection. He then advanced to the banks of 1 Plut. Al. 66. Arrian, Ind. 19. who does not mention the cavalry. 2 Strabo, xv. p. 267. Tauchn. B 3 HISTORY OF GREECE. the Cophen, the river formed by the confluence of the Cabul river with the Pen clj shir, a larger stream, which meets it from the north-west. Here, in con- formity to his summons, he was met by Taxiles, and by several chiefs from the country west of the Indus, bringing presents, such as were accounted the most honourable ; and, as he expressed a wish for ele- phants, they promised all they possessed, which how- ever amounted to no more than five-and-twenty. The satrapy of the Paropamisada9, west of the Cophen, or Pendjshir, was committed to Tyriaspes. Alexander now divided his forces. He sent Hephrcstion and Perdiccas, with a strong division, accompanied by the Indian chiefs, down the vale of the Cophen to the Indus, to prepare a bridge for the passage of the army, while he himself directed his march into the mountains north of the Cophen, and included between it and the Indus. 1 Here lay the territories of three warlike tribes, the Aspasians, or Hippasians, GuraBans, and Assacenians. The operations of this campaign, which occupied the rest of the year, do not require to be related here with all the military details which belonged to Arrian's subject. It seems that Alex- ander was induced to take the upper road, not so much because he desired to reduce the mountaineers, 1 An opinion of sueh a man as Schlosser must always deserve notice, and there- fore the reader ought to be informed, that Schlosser (i. 3. p. 133.) takes an entirely different view of Alexander's march from Bactria to the Cophen. He says : " Alexander must prohably have found the nearest road to Cabul by Bamian too difficult, for he took the other, which leads from the southern part of the province of Balkh (from Ghoraut) to Kandahar, and accomplished this march in ten days. Thence he marched up the river Urgundab by Ghizni, which his Greeks called Nysa, to Cabul, or Arigaeum, and then down the river Cabul, which the ancients named Kophes, to its confluence with the Indus at Attock, the ancient Taxila." But Strabo (xv. p. 267. Tauchn.) on the contrary says expressly, that Alexander on his return crossed the Taropamisus by a shorter route than he had taken on his road to Bactria, and then directed his march straight toward India. This seems clearly to prove that he did not pass through Candahar, or Ghizni. As he had before crossed the mountains in the winter, the shortest route was probably then impracticable. Schlosser assigns no reason for fixing Nysa at or near Ghizni. Nysa lay (Arr. v. 1.) in the country between the Cophen and the Indus, the same highlands in which lay the towns which Schlosser himself (p 137.) describes as situate in the mountains of the Hindukuh. MARCH TOWARD THE INDUS. 7 as because he had learnt that it led through a country CHAP. i in which was both better supplied with provisions, and . ^ ' . on the whole presented fewer obstacles (since the streams would be more easily crossed near their sources, while the climate was more temperate) than he was likely to meet with, if he kept closer to the left bank of the Cophen. 1 He first ascended the rugged vale of the Choes, operations Avhich seems also to have been called Choaspes, and mountains Evaspla, by the Greeks ; a tributary of the Cophen, J rt e f the apparently the modern Kamah, or Kashgar, which falls into it at the eastern foot of the great mountain pile called the Khoond, in which the Caucasus pro- jects southward, toward the Khyber range. This vale led into the territory of the Aspasians, where, having taken two of the smaller towns, leaving Cra- terus to subdue the rest of the southern district, he himself marched northward against the capital, Gory- dala, which stood on the eastern bank of the Choes. On his approach, the natives set fire to their city, and fled into the heart of their mountains : but they were overtaken by the invader, arid their chief fell by the hand of Ptolemy. He then crossed over to the city of Arigaeum, on the eastern side of the Aspasian territory. This he also found reduced to ashes, and deserted by its inhabitants : and, as it commanded an important pass between the vale of the Choes and that of the Guraeus, another tributary of the Cophen (probably the Penjkore), he ordered Craterus, who had here rejoined the great army, to rebuild it, while he himself advanced into the interior in pursuit of the fugitives. He defeated their collected forces, and gathered a vast booty, including 40,000 captives, and 1 Strabo, xv. p. 268. Tauchn. It seems necessary to interpret the passage thus, on account of the concluding sentence, which assigns the reason why Alexander crossed the Cophen, and subdued the mountain region eastward. Otherwise it would seem that the description of the drought and the heat was meant for the south of India, and not for the valley of Cabul. n 4 I HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, between three and four hundred thousand head of IIL cattle, from which he selected some of the finest to be sent into Macedonia. He then, with some difficulty, effected the passage of the deep and rapid Guraeus, and entered the territory of the Assacenians. They did not venture to keep the field, but trusted to the strength of their towns. In Massaga, their capital, their chief had prepared to defend himself with the aid of 7000 mercenaries from the Pendjab. But when, after a short siege, he was killed by a dart from an engine, the garrison capitulated, and Alex- ander accepted the surrender of the place, on the condition that the mercenaries should join his army. But they discovered a degree of patriotism which he had not looked for. They were so averse from the thought of turning their arms against their country- men, that, having marched out, and encamped on a hill by themselves, they meditated making their escape in the night. Alexander was apprized of their design, and, though they had not begun to exe- cute it with less generosity than might have been expected from him, even if mercy was out of the question surrounded the hill with his troops, and cut them all to pieces. Then, holding the capitu- lation to have been broken, he stormed the defence- less city, where the chief's mother and daughter fell into his hands. Two strongholds, named Ora and Bazira, remained to be reduced in the district between the Guraeus and the Indus: and the inhabitants of Ora, which pro- bably lay farthest eastward, had received promises of support from a neighbouring prince named Abisares, who, according to this and the other indications af- forded by his proceedings, must have reigned over Cashmire, a part of which is said to bear a name of very similar sound. Alexander however anticipated the arrival of these succours, by the capture of Ora, AOKNUS. where he found some elephants : and the inhabitants CHAP. of Bazira, now despairing of their own safety, fled to another place of refuge, which was deemed impreg- nable, and soon became crowded with fugitives from all parts of the country. This was a hill fort on the right bank of the Indus, not far above its junction with the Cophen. Its Indian name seems to have been slightly distorted by the Greeks, according to their usual practice, into that of Aornus, which answered to its extraordinary height, as above the flight of a bird. It was precipitous on all sides, and accessible only by a single path cut in the rock, though in one direction it was connected with a range of hills. But its sum- mit was an extensive plain of fruitful soil, partly clothed with wood, and containing copious springs. The traditions of the country concerning its insur- mountable strength seem to have given occasion to the fable, which spread through the Macedonian camp, that Hercules himself had assailed it without success. Alexander did not need this inducement to excite him to the undertaking. The opinion of the natives, which had led so many to take shelter there, was a sufficient motive. It had been a principle, to which he owed most of his conquests, to show that he Avas not to be deterred by any natural difficulties : and he resolved to make the Aornus his own. On his road southward, along the right bank of the Indus, he passed through the district of Peucelaotis, so called after its chief city Peucela, which lay west of the Indus, though it has given its name to the modern Puckhelee on the opposite side of the river. 1 Its ruler, Astes, whose territory stretched southward beyond the Cophen, had maintained his independence against Hephasstion and Perdiccas, in a city which they besieged for thirty days on their march eastward. 1 Rennell, Memoir of a Map of Hindostan, p. 147. 10 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. But he had fallen in the siege, and the place having ( LII] ( been stormed, was committed to the care of SangaBus, one of his subjects who had revolted from him. Peucela surrendered to Alexander on his passage, and he occupied it with a Macedonian garrison. He then advanced to a city called Ecbolima, which lay very near to the foot of Aornus, and here he left Craterus, with orders to lay in a great stock of pro- visions: for the reports he had heard of Aornus, though they did not shake his resolution, made him doubt whether he might not be forced to turn the siege into a blockade. siege of The sight of the place itself, when he encamped before it, probably suggested no better hopes. But he had not long arrived at it, before he received in- formation of a rugged and difficult track that led up to the top of a hill, separated by a hollow of no great depth, though of considerable width, from the rock. By this path he sent Ptolemy, with a body of light troops, who reached the summit before he was noticed by the garrison, and immediately, as he had been ordered, threw up an intrenchment, and by a fire- signal announced his success to the camp below. The Indians attempted in vain to dislodge him from his position : and the next day Alexander, by a hard struggle, notwithstanding their vigorous resist- ance, joined him there with the rest of the army. He now availed himself of his superior numbers, and began to carry a mound across the hollow. He took part in the work with his own hands, and the whole army, animated by his example and exhortations, prosecuted it with restless assiduity. It advanced at the rate of a furlong a day ; and on the fourth day, a small detachment of Macedonians took possession of a little peak, which was on a level with the rock, where it seems they were protected by the missiles with which the besieged were now continually CAPITULATION OF AORNUS. 11 assailed : and the army redoubled its efforts to con- CHAP. nect the inound with this point. But the Indians, LIIL astonished at the intrepidity with which a handful of men had seized this vantage-ground, and alarmed by the progress of the work, began to despair of resist- ance, and to meditate flight. They sent envoys to treat of terms of capitulation ; but their intention was only to amuse Alexander until nightfall, arid then to make their escape. He however was apprised of their design, and permitted them partly to execute it. But while they were stealing out of the place, he scaled the deserted wall with a part of his guard, entered the fortress, and chased the. fugitives with great slaughter into the plains below. The capture of the rock which had baffled the assaults of Hercules, was celebrated with solemn sacrifices, and supplied a fresh theme for the eloquence of Agis and Anax- archus. The government of this important fortress was committed to Sisycottus : and the satrapy of the newly conquered districts between the Cophen and the Indus to Nicanor. 1 But the spirit of the moun- taineers was not yet subdued. Alexander had scarcely left the Assacenian territory, before it was roused to revolt by a brother of the chief who had fallen at Massaga ; and as soon as he had taken Aornus, the conqueror retraced his steps into the mountains, to suppress* this insurrection. 2 He was the more anxious to reduce the rebel, because he was in possession of a number of elephants. But when he arrived at the town of Dyrta, in the insurgent district, he found it deserted by its inhabitants, and 1 So perhaps Arrian's statement (iv. 28.), in which Droysen (p. 376.) suspects an error, may be reconciled with that which follows (v. 8.). The satrapy of Philippus may have begun south of the Cophen. 2 It is amusingly characteristic to find Droysen (p. 380.) talking of Alexander's 'ust anger against the insurgents : as if a robber had a right to be angry, when a man whom he has knocked down gets up again, and tries to recover his property. 12 HISTORY OF GREECE. CIIAP. could not even obtain any information as to the movements of the fugitives. He therefore despatched Nearchus and Antiochus to scour the country toward the north-west, while he himself opened a road which no army had ever before trodden to the banks of the Indus. On his way he took some of the natives, who informed him, that the main body of their country- men had fled into the dominions of Abisares, but that they had left their elephants in the thickets, on the west bank of the river. 1 With the aid of native hunters, Alexander captured the beasts, and then built a fleet, in which he dropped down the stream to the bridge whigh had been prepared for him by He- phaestion and Perdiccas: where he arrived, it appears, toward the end of the year 327. Tt was in the course of the campaign in the high- lands between the Cophen and the Indus, and, it seems, in the territory of the Gura3ans, that the Mace- donians were struck with some appearances in the productions of the soil, and the manners of the na- tives, and probably also by the sound of some names, which reminded them of the legends of Dionysus, whose fabulous conquests were now so often men- tioned by Alexander's flatterers, for the purpose of exalting the living hero, whom they proposed to deify, above the god. Euripides, a bold innovator in many things, had, in one of his finest tragedies, described the expedition of Dionysus to the remote east, and had carried him as far as Bactria, a greater distance, it seems, than he had been made to reach by any preceding poet. But as there was no reason why the victorious and beneficent career of the wine- giving son of Zeus should have stopped there, it could 1 Arrian's narrative can hardly be reconciled with that of Curtius (vm. 12.), if his Eryx, the Aphricas of Diodorus (xvm. 86.) is the same person with the Assa- cenian chief. For, according to Curtius and Diodorus, his head was brought to Alexander by his own soldiers. The scene of the elephant chase is supposed to have lain near Mullai, about the confluence of the Indus and the Abbasseen. NYSA. 13 not be surprising if traces of his presence were dis- CHAP. covered farther eastward. And so AVC read, that Alexander came to a city called Nysa, which boasted The Indian of Dionysus as its founder, and, as evidence of the ysa fact, showed the ivy and laurel which he had planted 1 ; a sight new to the Macedonians, since they had left their native land. And near the city was the mountain which he had named Meros, or Meru, in memory of his marvellous birth. The Macedonians, it is said, made a pilgrimage to the mountain, wove themselves chaplets of the ivy that grew in the thickets on its sides, and joyfully hymned the heart- cheering Power. Alexander sacrificed to his divine predecessor, and permitted his colony, which is de- scribed as an aristocratical republic, under a chief named Acuphis, to retain its liberty and laws. We have too many instances of the readiness with which the natives of India have humoured the fancy of Europeans about their mythology, to be much sur- prised that the GuraBans should have adopted the fable of Dionysus, which they may have learnt from the questions of the invaders, arid have dexterously 1 The name of Nysa, which was so celebrated in the legends of Dionysus, that it accompanied him in all his wanderings, was probably invented for this story, by the writers who put it into the form in which it is related by Arrian. But if, as v. Bohlen conjectures (Indien, i. p. 143.), the range of Paropamisus was properly Paropanisas (above Nisa), Alexander's soldiers must have heard some name in this district of similar sound. It is however remarkable, that in the Indian mythology (v. Bohlen, p. 141.) the sun has the name of Suradcvas, the wine-god, and is born of Nis, night. Kilter, who a few years ago (Asien, iv. i. p. 449.) seemed inclined to adopt v. Bohlen's derivation para iipa Nisa, in his late essay on the Topes (p. 37.), decides in favour of another, Paro Vami the mountain city: taking Bamian for the place which thus gave its name to the whole range. The country of the Gurseans, it has been conjectured, answers to that of the remarkable people, called by the Mahometans of India Cafirs ( Unbelievers), of whom an interesting account is given in the Appendix (C) of Elphinstone's Caubul. Their valleys, it is said (p. 618.) produce large quantities of grapes, wild and cultivated. It is rather surprising, that Arrian does not mention the vines of Nysa. They are however included in the description given by Curtius of Mount Meros, vni. 10. 13. The Cafirs (Elphinstone, p. 626.) of both sexps drink wine to great excess. Per- sons of both sexes, and of all ages, dance with great vehemence, using many gesti- culations, and beating the ground with great force, to a music which is generally quick, but varied and wild. Such usages would certainly have struck the Mace- donians as Bacchanalian. 14 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, turned to their own profit. 1 Alexander, Arrian ob- . serves, was gratified by their story, and wished it to be believed, that he was then treading in the steps of Dionysus ; for he hoped that the Macedonians, roused by emulation, would be the more willing to bear the fatigues of the expedition in which he purposed to pass the utmost distance that had been reached by the divine conqueror. If we may depend on this observation, it would prove that he had not yet thought of any limit to his own progress, within the farthest bounds of the eastern world. B.C. 326. Aristobulus related, that the- spring (326) had Alexander's only just begun when Alexander ended his campaign in the mountains ; and according to Arrian's chrono- logy, which, however, as will be seen, there is some reason to question, it cannot have been later than March when he crossed the Indus, probably a little above its junction with the Cophen. He celebrated his arrival on the eastern bank by a solemn sacrifice, and soon after met Taxiles, who had come out, with his army and his elephants, to greet him, and conduct him to his capital, with professions of the most entire submission and devotion. It is possible, and indeed it must be supposed, if we follow Aristobulus, that he made a stay of considerable length at Taxiia 2 , for here, according to this author, he experienced the beginning of the summer rains 3 , which are not known to fall in the Pendjab before June or July. 4 It is 1 Acuphis, we are told by Arrian (v. 1.) came at the head of an embassy, to implore the conqueror's clemency for the colony of Dionysus. They find him sitting in his tent, still covered with dust from the day's march, and in full armour, leaning on his spear. They prostrate themselves before him for a time in silent awe. Acuphis then makes a speech, such as might have been put into his mouth by Anaxarchus. 2 As might perhaps be inferred from Diodorus (xvu. 87.), iv TT) Ta|iAou x^P a irpoffa.vaXa.Siav -rty 5vva.fj.iv. 3 Strabo, xv. p. 259. Tauchn. 4 " The south-west monsoon commences in the south of India about the begin- ning of June, but it gets later as we advance towards the north." (Elphinstone, p. 126.) About Delhi it does not begin till the end of June, p. 130. It may, however, deserve to be noticed, that Baber (Memoirs, p. 257.) mentions a great flood caused by a fall of rain in the Duab of the Indus and the Jhelum, on the 25th of February. INDIAN ANCHORITES. 15 certain that he there received an embassy from CHAP. JLIII Abisares, which was brought by the prince's own i ' . brother, and by some of his principal nobles, as well as from another Indian chief, named Doxares. It appears also, notwithstanding Arrian's silence on the subject, that he sent an envoy to Porus to demand tribute, and to say that he expected to be met by him on his western frontier. The answer of Porus breathed defiance ; he would meet the invader at the entrance of his kingdom, but in arms. But about the same time he received an embassy of a different tenor from the other prince of that name. This Porus, who was jealous of his kinsman's power, and hoped to profit by his fall, sent offers of submission to the stranger. He was perhaps attracted by the example and the good fortune of Taxiles, whose hos- pitality Alexander requited with munificent presents, and an enlargement of his territory, to which he probably annexed some of the newly-conquered dis- tricts west of the Indus. But Taxiles purchased this advantage at the price of his independence ; for Philippus was appointed satrap of this part of India, and a Macedonian garrison was stationed in his capital. It seems to have been during his stay at Taxila, Ind 'a n An - that Alexander was first enabled to gratify his cu- riosity concerning the doctrines and practices of the Indian ascetics. He had already witnessed something similar at Corinth, where he found Diogenes living in habits of simplicity not unworthy of the Eastern gymnosophists, as the Greeks called the sages who exposed themselves almost naked to the inclemency of the Indian sky. He is reported to have said that, had he not been Alexander, he would have been Diogenes. The independence of a man who had nothing to ask of his royal visitor but that he would not stand between him and the sun, struck him as 16 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, only less desirable than the conquest of the world ; and he conceived a like admiration for the Indian quietists, who manifested a kindred spirit. Yet their principles were widely different from those of the Greek philosopher. Diogenes thought he had attained the summit of happiness, when he had contracted his animal enjoyments within the narrowest compass, so that fortune might have the smallest possible hold on him. The Indian anchorites appear to have viewed their mortal existence as a period of training for a final release from the body, which was the highest object of their desires, and to have believed that the waste and abuse of life was the best preparation for death. Alexander, to whom such spectacles were new, did not perhaps sufficiently reflect, that to throw away life whether in frivolous amusements, or use- less austerities, or indolent rumination requires much less vigour of mind and energy of character than to spend it in enterprises even less arduous and noble than his own. He was desirous of carrying away with him some of the Indian sophists as com- panions of Anaxarchus. 1 Fifteen of them were pur- suing their contemplative exercises in a grove near Taxila, and Onesicritus was sent to them with the king's invitation. 2 It was rejected with disdain by Dandamis, the eldest and head of the coenobites : but 1 Perhaps, too, as Arrian suggests (Ind. c. 15.) for the benefit of their medical skill. 2 Strabo, xv. p 296. Tauchn. It. has been disputed whether Calanus and his companions were Brahmins or Buddhists. The language of the Greeks, Alexander's contemporaries, who scarcely suspected the difference between the two religions, is of little weight on this question. But it seems most probable that they were Brahmins. This supposition appears to agree best with the attachment they dis- cover to the soil of India, and with the boast attributed to Dandamis, that he, no less than Alexander, was a son of the supreme God. (Arrian, vn. 2.) On the other hand, there is no trace of any Buddhist peculiarity among them. The dis- tinction between the Brahmins, the Samansei, or Buddhists, and the Sarmani, or Brahmin anchorites, has been clearly and convincingly explained by Lassen, De nominibus quibus a veteribus appellantur Indorum philosophi. Welcker's Rhein. Mus., vol. i., where he observes (p. 175.), that the title of Gymnosophists, which was applied indiscriminately to ascetics of both religions, does not occur in any Greek author before Plutarch. ENCAMPMENT ON THE IIYDASPES. 17 one of them by the Greeks named Calanus 1 CHAP. T 1 1 r was induced, it is said, by the persuasions of Taxiles to accept it, and accompanied Alexander to the end of his expedition ; a sacrifice of his independence, by which he incurred the contempt of his fellow-recluses. After solemn sacrifices and games, Alexander re- sumed his march. He was informed that Porus had collected his forces on the left bank of the Hydaspes, to defend the passage ; and he therefore sent Coenus back to the Indus, with orders to have the vessels in which the army had crossed sawed each into two or three pieces, and transported to the Hydaspes. He left all his invalids at Taxila, and strengthened his army with 5000 Indians, who were commanded by Taxiles in person. On his march' he found a defile through which his road lay, occupied by a nephew of Porus, named Spittacus, or Spitaces, with a body of troops. 2 These he soon dispersed, and having arrived Encamp- without further opposition on the right bank of the Hydaspes, beheld the whole army of Porus, with between 200 and 300 elephants, drawn up on the other side, separated from him by a deep and rapid stream, which, at the time he reached it, was perhaps little less than a mile broad. 3 1 His proper name was Sphines, Plut. Al. 65. Calanus was, it seems, a cor- ruption of the Indian salutation Calyana ,- which is said to be equivalent to dear friend. * Polyamus, iv. 3. 21., who gives indeed no hint as to the scene of the action. But as there can be little doubt that his Pittacus is the Spitaces mentioned by Arrian (v. 18.), I have not hesitated to place it here, with Droysen. Whether the government of Spittacus, who is described by Arrian as vo/j.dpxTls TUV ravrri 'Ii/Sai*', extended west of the Hydaspes, is another question. 3 The exact points at which Alexander encamped on the Hydaspes, and crossed it, seem to be not clearly ascertained. The prevailing opinion seems to be, that the encampment was either near Jhelum and Rotas, or near Jhelalpore, about six- teen miles lower down. Mr. Elphinstone and his suite, who crossed at the latter place ( Caubul, p. 80. ), were struck by the precise correspondence between this part of the Hydaspes and Cuttius's description of the scene of Poms' 1 s battle; chiefly, it appears, on account of the islands, which are there formed by the stream. On the other hand, Burnes, n. p. 49. (who also confounds the place, either of the encamp- ment or the passage, with the field of battle, as well as the 150 stades of Alex- ander's march along the river with the distance of the Macedonian camp from its bank) observes, that the sunken rocks mentioned by Curtius (in the description of the encampment, viu. 13. 9.) seem to point higher up the river near Jhelum, where is the more frequented ford, and the ordinary road from the Indus (see Rennell's' VOL. VII. C 18 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIII. Attempts to deceive Porus. Porus had stationed posts at various points up and down the river to watch the enemy's motions, and Alexander spent some time reconnoitring the coun- try on the right bank. To distract the attention of Porus, he divided his army into several columns, Avith which he made frequent excursions in various direc- tions, as if uncertain where he should attempt a pas- sage. He then gave out that he had resolved to wait for the more favourable season, when the streams should have shrunk within their ordinary beds, and ordered magazines of provisions to be formed, as for a long sojourn. It seems indeed surprising, that he did not defer his expedition until the end of the monsoon, the nature and duration of which he must now have learnt from the natives. He may, it is true, have suspected their accounts of exaggeration ; but perhaps also he was encouraged by the persuasion, that his own troops were able to sustain the iricle- Mtmoir, p. 122., but comparing Vincent, i. p. 110.), and where the river also forms several islands. About fifteen miles lower down near Daralpoor, he saw extensive ruins (Oudeenuggur, Huria Badshapoor) which he takes for those of Niea and Bucephala (describing them as nearly opposite to each other). He seems not to have observed, that, according to Curtius, Alexander marched up the river to the place where he crossed. Hitter (Asien, iv. i. p. 452.), though he mentions these conjectures of Burnes with approbation, fixes on Daralpoor as the place of crossing, and supposes the camp to have been more than twelve miles lower down, therefore below Jhelalpore, where, he says, the road from Taxila crosses the river. Mr. Williams (Alex. p. 267.) observes, " We may be almost certain that the advance of the army was along the main road leading from Attock to Jellick-pore" (perhaps a misprint for Mullickpore or Jilla-pore, two names which are close together in Arrowsmith's map). Vincent would place the encampment much lower down ; for he thinks it evident that the woody island, where Alexander crossed, is no other than that of Jamad, which was defended by Chehabeddin against Timour (Cheref. in. c. 10.) about twenty-eight miles, according to him, below Rotas; and he meets the objection which might be drawn from the modern direction of the high road from the Indus, by the conjecture, that the road has been diverted to Rotas, only because the island afforded a strong post, which in India is always a source of exac- tion. And he thinks that, from the resistance of Chehabeddin it may be presumed, t/iat the island has the advantage of high ground, and woods, as described by Arrian. Droysen, adopting Vincent's hypothesis, and building upon the last-mentioned con- jecture, does not hesitate to describe Jamad as a high and woody island (p. 389.). But the coincidence, though certainly specious, is uncertain < Plutarch, from Alex- ander's letters, calls the island ov ueya.\i)v, Al. 60.); and, according to Vincent's reasoning, Alexander should have encamped nearer to the island. Droysen thinks that we recognise the line of Alexander's march in Baber's description of his own. But to do so, we must first ascertain the position of the pass of Hambatu, and that of Bhereh on the Hydaspes. (Baber, p 255.) Six years later (1525) we find Baber (p. 295.) passing the river Dehat below Jilem by the ford. ALEXANDER DECEIVES PORUS. 19 mency of the weather better than any others, and by CHAP. the thought, that, the greater the difficulty of keeping the field, the more likely that he might gain a passage by surprise. He had very soon satisfied himself that it Avould be utterly impracticable to cross in the face of the enemy, because the very sight of the elephants would have thrown his cavalry into confusion. It only remained therefore to steal a passage at some other point. His movements were probably hastened by the intelligence, that Abisares, notwithstanding the recent embassy, was on his way with his army to join Porus. At the distance of a day's march above the camp, at a bend of the river toward the west, where the pro- jecting right bank was covered with wood, an island, also thickly wooded, parted the stream. This was the spot which Alexander fixed upon for his attempt. He ordered the vessels brought in pieces from the Indus to be carried to it: the shelter of the wood enabled the workmen to put them together again un- observed. Skins also were provided to be stuffed with straw. In the meanwhile he endeavoured to lull the enemy's vigilance by a series of false alarms. Night after night he sallied forth with his cavalry, as noisily as possible, and pushed up or down the river, as if to attempt a passage. Porus at first drew out his elephants, and moved toward the quarter from which the clamour proceeded. But when the feint had been often repeated, he ceased to attend to it, and did not stir his elephants for any noise that he might hear on the other side. Still farther f o cover his plan, Alexander lined the right bank, down to the destined point of embarkation, with a series of posts, within hearing of each other, who were ordered to keep up an incessant shouting. He then left Craterus, with a strong division, in the camp, with orders to remain there as long as he saw the elephants on the c 2 20 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, opposite bank, but, whenever they should be with- drawn, to attempt the passage without loss of time. Meleager, Attalus, and Gorgias, were posted with the mercenaries, horse and foot, lower down the river, and were ordered to cross over as soon as they should see the Indians engaged with the king. Alexander himself set out with the flower of his Macedonian cavalry, and the Bactrian, Sogdian, and Scythian auxiliaries, in all about 5000, and a select division of heavy and light infantry, which included the hypas- pists and the brigades of Cleitus and Crenus. He directed his march at a sufficient distance from the river to be concealed from the enemy's view, and about sunset arrived over against the island. During the night a violent fall of rain, accompanied by a terrible thunder-storm, a little impeded the labours of the men ; but the noise also served to drown the clatter of the axes and hammers, and all the din of preparation, which might otherwise have reached the post on the opposite bank. Passage With the return of light the rain had ceased, and Hydaspes. * ne storm was hushed: and the troops were imme- diately embarked. The king himself, with Ptolerny 1 , Perdiccas, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, the founder of the Syrian dynasty, went on board a small galley, with a part of the hypaspists. The woody island concealed their movements, until, having passed it, they were within a short distance of the left bank. Then first they were perceived by the Indians sta- tioned there, who immediately rode off at full speed to carry the tidings to their camp. In the mean- while Alexander proceeded to form the cavalry, which 1 So Arrian. And even Curtius mentions Ptolemy as present at the battle (vm. 14, 15.), though before (vm. 13. 27.) he had mentioned him as if he had been left on the right bank opposite to Porus ; probably confounding him with Craterus. Droysen however, seemingly on no other ground, states that Ptolemy was left in command of the three divisions, Meleager, Attalus, and Gorgias. We require some better evidence to prove that Ptolemy was not an eye-witness of the battle, which Arrian has described on his authority. PASSAGE OF THE HYDASPES. 2l was first landed, and, putting himself at their head, CHAP. began to advance from the bank. But he soon disco- vered that he had not yet reached the main land, that he was on another island, separated from it by a channel of no great width, but which the rain just fallen had swollen into a formidable stream. A ford however, barely passable, was at length discovered: and the whole division was finally drawn up in order of battle. Arrian seems to say, that the infantry amounted to no more than 6000 men: but perhaps he meant to speak only of the two brigades of the phalanx 1 : the whole of the foot, including the hypas- pists and the light troops, may have been nearer 20,000. Alexander pushed forward with his cavalry and a corps of bowmen : confident that by his superi- ority in this arm he should be enabled either to rout the whole host of Porus, or at least to keep it engaged until the infantry came up to support him: and it seems he was not without hope that the tidings of his unexpected passage might strike the enemy with such consternation that they would not wait for his coming, and that he should have nothing to do but to overtake and destroy the fugitives. This hope however was not fulfilled. Porus was not of a spirit to be so easily overpowered. His first thought, when he received the intelligence, was that there might still be time to come up with the enemy, before they had completed their landing: and he im- mediately sent one of his sons 2 , with 2000 cavalry, and 120 chariots, toward the place. Alexander, when he first saw this body, believed that Porus was ap- 1 Droysen, on the contrary, imagines that they were left behind on the right bank, to cover the road from Caxhmire. One should have thought that Alexander could have found a better use for them against Porus ; and it is not at all clear that he believed Abisares to be so near at hand. Arrian is silent as to the report mentioned by Diodorus (xvn. 87. )> that Abisares was on his march to join Porus, and was only 400 stades off. He merely speaks of an intention ( eVero'ei, v. 20. ), which it appears had not been so far indicated by any overt act, as to render an apology necessary. ' According to Curtius, his brother, named Hages. c 3 22 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, preaching with his whole army, and sent the horse- < . bowmen forward to reconnoitre. But as soon as he had ascertained the real state of the case he charged with all his cavalry. The Indians scarcely waited for the shock of this greatly superior force. Four hun- dred of them were slain, and among them the prince himself. The chariots, which made their way with great difficulty over ground which the rain had turned into a swamp, all fell into the hands of the conquerors. Even this disaster did not bow the courage of Porus : but he was perplexed by the necessity of at once meet- ing Alexander's attack, and defending the passage of the river against Craterus. He did not however hesi- tate long; but, leaving a part of his elephants to check Craterus, advanced to the decisive conflict, with 200 of them, the whole of his cavalry (about 4000), 300 chariots, and the bulk of his infantry, which amounted to about 30,000 men. Beyond the swampy ground near the river, he found a tract of sandy soil, which now presented a firm footing: and here he drew up his forces to await Alexander's approach. He relied chiefly on his elephants, which he placed in front of his line, at intervals of a hundred feet, which were filled up with infantry : one half of the cavalry was posted at each flank, and the chariots in front of them. Battle Alexander, when he came in sight of the enemy, 2t^ e made his cavalry halt, to allow time for the infantry Hydaspes. . * to come up, and recover breath, after their long and quick march, while he himself, observing the dispo- sition of the hostile army, decided on his plan of attack. It was his object to make such use of his cavalry, in which his own strength lay, as to deprive Porus of all the advantage he expected from his elephants, and from the superior numbers of his foot. He posted himself, as usual, in the right wing, with BATTLE OF THE HYDASPES. 23 the main body of the cavalry ; but stationed Ccenus, CHAP. with two squadrons, on the left. With his wonted sagacity he anticipated that an attack on the enemy's left wing would draw out the cavalry on the right to protect it : arid he ordered Ccenus in this case to fall on their rear. His own phalanx was not to be brought up, until the enemy's line should have been thrown into confusion by the charge of the cavalry. The event answered his expectations in every point. The horse-bowmen were first ordered to advance, and threw the enemy into some disorder by a shower of arrows. Alexander then led up the rest of his cavalry to the charge. The Indian cavalry of the right wing was brought up to the relief of their left, and was at the same time taken in the rear by Coenus, and charged by Alexander in front. The whole body, in disorder, sought shelter in the line of the elephants, and the Macedonian phalanx then advanced to take advantage of the confusion, and to support their cavalry. Yet the shock of the huge animals, as long as they were under controul, made havock even in the ranks of the phalanx, and afforded time for the Indian cavalry to rally. But when they were driven in by a second charge of the Macedonian horse, arid the engagement was crowded within a narrower space, the elephants, pressed on all sides, began to grow unmanageable ; many lost their drivers, and, mad- dened by wounds, turned their fury indiscriminately against friend and foe. The phalanx then opened a large space for them and eluded their onset, while the light troops plied "them with their missiles, or muti- lated their trunks, and drove them back upon their own ranks, where, as long as their strength lasted, they spread havock and confusion. At length, when many of them were killed, and the rest, spent with wounds and toil, ceased to be formidable, Alexander ordered another general charge of horse and foot ; c 4 24 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, and the Indians, routed at all points, betook them- selves to flight. By this time Craterus, and the divisions on the right bank, had effected their pass- age, and, engaging in the pursuit with all the vigour of fresh troops, made dreadful slaughter among the fugitives. The number of the slain on the side of the Indians amounted, according to the more moderate account in Diodorus, to about 12,000. Among them were two other sons of Porus, and the greater part of his principal officers. Nine thousand prisoners were taken, and eighty elephants. The chariots had been all destroyed, though Arrian does not mention the part which they took in the battle. The loss of the Macedonians is estimated, as usual, at only a few hundreds. 1 Porus himself, mounted on an elephant, had both directed the movements of his forces, and gallantly taken part in the action. He had received a wound in his shoulder his body was protected by a corslet of curious workmanship, which was proof against all missiles yet, unlike Darius, as long as any of his troops kept their ground, he would not retire from the field. When however he saw all dispersed, he too turned his elephant for flight. He was a con- spicuous object, and easily overtaken; and Alexander, who had observed and admired the courage he had shown in the battle, desirous of saving his life, sent Taxiles to summon him to surrender. But the sight o of his old enerny only roused his indignation ; Taxiles could not gain a hearing for his message, and nar- 1 This battle, according to Arrian, was fought in the month Munychion of the Archon Hegemon (April and May, 326). Mr. Clinton adopts an emendation, by which the date would be changed to August, 327. The oversight by which he has omitted to notice, that no time would thus be left for the campaign in the moun- tains between the Cophen and the Indus, is clearly pointed out by Droysen. But it is at least equally strange, that Droysen himself should adopt Arrian's date, as if it were free from all difficulty : though, unless the nature of India has changed since the time of Alexander, it is impossible that the rainy season, which had set in before the battle, could have begun in Munychion. TREATMENT OF TORUS. 25 rowly escaped a wound. Alexander nevertheless con- CHAP. tinued to send messengers after him ; and at length, hopeless of escape, and worn with fatigue and thirst, he yielded to the persuasions of Heroes, an Indian, one of his favourites, alighted from his elephant, and after having slaked his thirst, permitted himself to be led into the conqueror's presence. 1 All he would ask of Alexander, was to be treated as a king: and when Alexander observed, that this was no more than a king must do for his own sake, and bade him make some request for himself, his reply was still, that all was included in this. His expectations could scarcely have equalled the Treatment conqueror's munificence. He was not only reinstated in his royal dignity, but received a large addition of territory. Yet it was certainly not pure magna- nimity, or admiration for his character, that deter- mined Alexander to this proceeding. He was con- scious that his forces were not sufficient to enable him to displace the native princes east of the Indus, and to annex their territories, in the form of a satrapy, to his empire. Hence the generosity he had shown to Taxiles. But Taxiles himself might have become formidable without a rival ; and the only way to secure the Macedonian ascendancy in the Pendjab, was to trim the balance of power. 2 Alexander, after he had buried his slain, and solemnised his victory with his usual magnificence, allowed the main body of his army a month's rest, perhaps in the capital of Porus. The continuance of the rains was probably the chief motive for this delay. 1 Diodorus and Curtius tell a different story. According to them, Porus, hold- ing out to the last, sank senseless from loss of blood, and in this state was carried into Alexander's presence. * Droysen (p. 401.) conceives, that Alexander could not have wished to make a people so highly civilised as the Indians subjects of his empire, but only to open a way for the influence of Hellenistic forms of society, by which, in process of time, they might be united (under one government?) with the rest of Asia. But a con- jecture so arbitrary does not belong to history, especially where it is not needed for the explanation of any facts. 26 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. But before he quitted the scene of his triumph, he .. LIIL . founded two cities near the Hydaspes, one, which he named Nicasa, near the field of battle, the other near the place where he had crossed the river ; this he named Bucephala, after his gallant steed, which had sunk either under fatigue or wounds in the hour of victory. Craterus was left to superintend the build- ing of these cities ; while Alexander himself, with a select division of horse and foot, invaded the territory of the Glausa^, or Glausanica3, who occupied the rich valleys on the north of the dominions of Porus. It was a highly flourishing and populous region, but offered little resistance to Alexander, who is said to have taken thirty-seven cities, none containing less than 5000 inhabitants. All this country he annexed to the kingdom of Porus. Pie at the same time reconciled him, in appearance at least, with Taxiles, who was then permitted to return to his own capital. Abisares. On his return from his expedition against the Glausas, Alexander received another embassy from Abisares, which was again brought by his brother, in which he renewed his offers of submission, and, as a pledge of his sincerity, among other presents, sent forty ele- phants. But Alexander, who was aware of his crooked and time-serving policy, replied only by a threatening message, requiring him, if he wished to avoid an invasion, to present himself in person at the Macedonian camp. Envoys came likewise from the younger Porus, who up to this time had believed that he was deeply interested in Alexander's success, and from the independent states east of the Hydraotes. Here too he received a reinforcement brought by Phrataphernes, of the Thracians who had been left with him. On the other hand, he was informed by a dispatch from Sisycottus that a fresh revolt had broken out among the Assacenians, who had killed the governor set over them. Philippus and Tyriaspes MARCH TO THE HYDRAOTES. 27 were sent with a division to reduce them to obe- CHAP. ,. LIII. dience. Before he resumed his march eastward, Alexander March ordered a great quantity of ship timber to be felled in the forests on the upper course of the Hydaspes, which abound in fir and cedar, and floated down the stream to his new cities, and a fleet to be built for the navigation of the Indus. He then advanced to the next great river of the Pendjab, the Chenab, which, it seems, he named Acesines, to avoid the sinister omen contained in its Indian name *, which might attract attention from the injury which was done to the boats by its rocky bed. He now dismissed Porus to collect Indian troops and elephants for his service, and leaving Coenus with his brigade on the right bank to guard the passage for the convoys which he expected, set forward with his lightest troops to over- take the younger Porus, who, hastily concluding that the favour shown to his kinsman portended his own ruin, did not venture to trust himself in the hands of the conqueror, and had fled be} T ond the Hydraotes (or Araotes, the Kavee), which separated his territories from those of the independent tribes. Alexander sent Hephaestion with a strong division to take pos- session of the fugitive's vacant dominions, as well as of any independent territory that he might find west of the Hydraotes, and ordered that they should be subjected to the rule of Porus. On the right bank of the Hydraotes he found himself not far from the confines of one of the most warlike of the independent tribes, who, according to the Greek form of their Indian name, were called Cathaeans. 2 Their chief city, Sangala, seems to have occupied nearly the 1 Chandrabagha the moon's gift would have been pronounced by the Greeks so as to sound like Sandrophagus (q. d. 'AvSpoQdyos or 'A\f^av8podyos). Ritter, Asien, iv. i. p. 456. . * The name is considered by Sanskrit scholars as a corruption of Kshatra, or Xatres, which is said to signify a mixed race, sprung from females of the warrior tribe and men of an inferior caste. 28 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, same site as the modern capital of the Sikh monarchy, . \ ' _y Lahore, on a branch of the Ravee, near the edge of a small lake. 1 Alexander, on his march up the river, received or extorted the submission of some other sangaia smaller tribes. As he approached Sangala, he found taken. t h e Cathasans strongly intrenched on an insulated hill near the city, behind a triple barrier of waggons. Such an obstacle could not long detain the Macedo- nians. After Alexander, dismounting from his horse, had put himself at the head of the phalanx, the three lines were soon forced, and the barbarians took re- fuge within their walls. He then invested the city on three sides, and, expecting that the enemy would attempt to escape in the night across the lake, lined its margin with his cavalry. The attempt was made, but through this precaution without effect, and he then proceeded to open a trench between the city and the lake. The barbarians still made another attempt to escape in the night, before the trench was completed ; but their design was betrayed, and they were again driven back within their ramparts. En- gines had now been constructed for an assault ; but before they were brought up, the walls, which were made of brick, were partly undermined, and the place was carried by storm. A bloody carnage ensued ; for the besieged had made a vigorous resistance, and more than 1200 of the besiegers, including several general officers, and the sornatophylax Lysimachus, were wounded. In revenge 17,000 of the barbarians were massacred ; 70,000 were made prisoners. Alex- ander then sent his secretary, Eumenes of Cardia, to announce his conquest to two neighbouring cities which had been in alliance with the Cathasans, and to invite them to earn his clemency by a timely submis- sion. But the fate of Sangala had struck them with such consternation, that the whole population took 1 Burnes, i. 156, ARRIVAL AT THE IIYPHASIS. 29 to flight. Alexander tried to overtake them, and CHAP. T ITT came up with a few of the hindmost, who were cut to pieces ; but he was at length obliged to give up the pursuit. On his return to Sangala, he razed it to the ground, and distributed its territory among the tribes which had submitted without resistance. Porus, who had arrived during the siege with about 5000 Indians, was sent to place garrisons in their towns. He him- self continued his march toward the south-east, and received the submission of two chiefs, who are named by the Greeks Sopeithes and Phegeus, and then ar- Arrival rived on the banks of the Hyphasis, or rather of the stream formed by the junction of the Hyphasis (Beiah) with the Hesudrus (Setledge). That he came upon it considerably below the con- fluence seems clear, from the mention of the desert which lay between it and the Ganges. And here he had at length reached the fated term of his progress toward the east. The causes which arrested his career on the western bank of the Hyphasis, are too uniformly stated by the ancient historians, notwith- standing the rhetorical exaggerations for which the event furnished such an ample theme, to permit us to believe that they have been totally misrepresented. Alexander had, no doubt, long been undeceived as to the narrow limits which, according to the geography of his day, he had at first assigned to India, and to the eastern side of the earth. The ocean, which he had once imagined to be separated by no very vast tract from the banks of the Indus, had receded, as he advanced, to an immeasurable distance. He had dis- covered that, beyond the Hyphasis, a desert more extensive than any he had yet crossed parted the plains of the Five Streams from the region watered by the tributaries of the Ganges, a river mightier than the Indus : that the country east of the Ganges was the seat of a great monarchy, far more powerful 30 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, than that of Porus, the land of the Ganjmrides and iiii . Prasians, whose king could bring into the field 200,000 foot, 20,000 horse, and several thousands of elephants. That this information rather served to inflame Alexander's curiosity and ambition than to deter him, could scarcely be doubted by any one who has fully entered into his character, even if it had not been expressly stated by the ancients. The only plausible reason that has been alleged for questioning whether he himself wished and designed to prosecute his expedition in the same direction, is, that by the orders he had given for the building of a fleet on the Hydaspes, he had already manifested his intention of sailing down the Indus. That he had indeed resolved to explore the course of this river to its mouth, and to make it, if possible, a channel of communication between India and his western dominions, seems suf- ficiently clear. But he might still have left the time when he should execute this part of his plan to de- pend upon circumstances. As to the probable result of the expedition, if he had advanced toward the Ganges, it seems a little hardy to speak with confi- dence. It is by no means certain that he would have encountered any much greater obstacles than he had already overcome. The king of the eastern tribes is represented as an upstart and usurper 1 , and Alexan- der might have been aided, as he had been in the conquest of the Pendjab, by divisions among the natives. The army But the accounts which kindled his ardour, retreat* plunged the Macedonians into sullen dejection, which at length broke out into open murmurs. It is pos- sible that, if they had seen any distinct and certain goal before them, they would not have shrunk from the dangers and diificulties of a last enterprise, how- ever arduous. But to set out from a region which 1 Curtius, ix. 2. DIodorus, xvii. 93. MURMURS OF THE ARMY. 31 had once appeared to them as the verge of the habit- CHAP. able world, on a new series of conquests, to which ' . they could foresee no termination, was enough to appal the most adventurous spirits. Their thoughts began to revert with uncontrollable force to their homes in the distant west, as they had reason to fear that they were on the point of being torn from them for ever. For even of those who might escape the manifold dangers of a fresh campaign, how many might be doomed to sit down as colonists, and to spend the rest of their lives in that strange land ! India was a still more hopeless place of exile than Bactria and Sogdiana, where the Greeks, who had been planted by violence, were only detained by terror. These seem to have been the motives which weighed most with the army. But their force was undoubtedly much aggravated by the extraordinary hardships it had suffered, since it had crossed the Indus, during the rainy season. It appears that a great many horses had perished, and it may be con- cluded that much sickness had been caused among the men by their continual encampments on damp if not flooded ground : though, after the battle of the Hydaspes, a part at least may have found shelter for some weeks within the walls of a town. It does riot seem that they had experienced any scarcity of pro- visions ; but their clothes and armour had been in general almost worn out, and many had been obliged to exchange the Greek dress for such articles of clothing as they could find in the country. The wish to return became universal, and was soon trans- formed into a firm resolution not to proceed. It is difficult to guess how far the arguments by which Alexander endeavoured to overcome the re- pugnance of his troops, and to animate them with his own spirit, resembled any of those which are attri- buted to him by Arrian and Curtius. But it is 32 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, hardly probable that he tried to persuade them that the ocean lay but a short distance beyond the Granges, and that he declared his intention to circumnavigate first India and then Africa ; or that he expected them to believe that his recent conquests would be inse- cure, unless he enlarged his empire with the countries which lay to the east. The threat which Curtius puts into his mouth, that, if the Macedonians would not follow him, he would throw himself on his Bac- trian and Scythian auxiliaries, and make the expedi- tion with them alone, most likely misrepresents the tone which he assumed. But it may easily be sup- posed that he expressed his wishes, and urged the army to compliance, with passionate eloquence. Not only however the feelings of the troops, but the judgment of his officers was adverse to the proposed enterprise ; and Ccenus, in a speech which has either been better written or more faithfully reported than the king's, exhorted him to abandon his design. Alexander retired to his tent in displeasure. The next day he again assembled the army, and made another attempt to overpower their reluctance. As a last experiment, he declared that he would force no Macedonian to accompany him ; he was sure that there would be volunteers enough among them for his purpose; the rest might return home and say, that they had left their king in the midst of his enemies. But even this appeal produced no effect. For three days he kept within his tent, where not even his chief officers were admitted to his presence, waiting for a change in the disposition of the men. But the stillness which prevailed in the camp con- vinced him, more strongly than words could have done, that their determination was fixed. He then felt that it was time to yield ; not perhaps without some pride in the reflection, that there was not a man in the army who was capable of his own con- KETUENS TO THE HYDASPES. 33 tempt for difficulties and dangers. He had however CHAP. gone too far, it seems, to recede without some other t ' , pretext. The sacrifices easily supplied one. When they were found unpropitious to the passage of the river, he called his council and declared his resolution to retreat. It was received Avith tears of joy and grateful shouts by the army. Before he quitted the Hypliasis, he ordered twelve colossal altars to be built on its banks, and dedicated to the gods who had led him thus far victorious ; then, after a solemn sacrifice and games, he began to retrace his steps. The country not yet disposed of, as far as the Hyphasis, was com- mitted to Porus. On the Acesines he found the city, which Hephaestion had been ordered to build, ready to receive a colony ; and there he left the disabled mercenaries, and as many natives of the neighbouring districts as were willing to settle there. While he was engaged in preparation for his voyage to the sea, he received another embassy from Abisares, pleading illness as an excuse for his absence, which was con- firmed by the Macedonians who had been sent to his court. The embassy was accompanied by thirty elephants and costly presents. Arsaces, a chief whose territories lay on the confines of Abisares, came at the same time to offer his submission, and was placed under the authority of his more powerful neighbour, whom Alexander, though he had reason to distrust his professions, thought it prudent to conciliate. The fleet on the Hydaspes was now nearly ready, Returns but the two new cities had suffered so much from the rains, that the army was for some time employed in restoring them. In the meanwhile, Alexander made his final arrangement of the affairs of the northern Pendjab, by which Porus gained a fresh addition of territory, so that his dominions included, VOL. VII. D 34 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, it is said, seven nations and above 2000 cities, with, it seems, a title which established his superiority over all the chiefs east of the Indus. 1 During the preparations for the voyage Coenus died ; more re- gretted probably by the army, whose cause he had pleaded, than by the king. Alexander however honoured him with a magnificent funeral, but, it is said, could not forbear to remark, that it was to little purpose Coenus had made that long speech, and shown so much anxiety to return to Macedonia. 2 1 Arrian, vi. 2. 8 Curtius, ix. 3. Propter paucos dies longam orationem eum exorsum, tamquam solus Macedonian! visurus esset. The last part of the remark may not have been correctly reported ; but altogether, the sneer was a natural expression of Alex- ander's vexation. Whether it was, as it has been called, brutal, cannot be deter- mined by its present appearance on paper. 35 CHAPTER LIV. ALEXANDER'S PASSAGE DOWN THE INDUS AND RETURN TO SUSA. Preparations for the Navigation of the Indus. Confluence of the Hydaspes and Acesines. The Malli and Sudracce. Brahmins among the Malli. Alexander s perilous Position. He is dangerously wounded. Returns to the Camp. Sub- mission of the Malli and Sudraca. Descent of the Indus. Musicanus. Arrival at Pattala. Voyage to the Sea. Survey of the Delta of the Indus. Nearchus takes the Com- mand of the Fleet. Alexander quits India. The Oritis. Gedrosia. Sufferings of the Army. Alexander's Self- denial. Pura. Arrival in Carmania. Punishment of Macedonian Officers. Arrival of Nearchus. Rejoicings. Alexander's Arrival in Persis. Return to Susa. HOWEVER reluctantly Alexander may have aban- CHAP. doned the immediate prospect of further conquests and discoveries in the East, there was still enough to fill his mind, and to gratify his passion for heroic adventures, in the enterprise which he was next to begin. So vague had been, almost down to this time, his notions as to the geography of the regions which he was to traverse on his return to Persia, that when he found crocodiles in the Indus, he con- ceived a fancy that this river was a branch of the Nile ; and this conjecture seemed to him strongly confirmed, when he met with the lotus, such as he had seen in Egypt, on the banks of the Acesines. He even mentioned, in a letter to his mother, that he believed he had discovered the land which contained the springs of the Nile ; he thought that, in its course from India to Ethiopia, it might flow through some vast desert, in which it lost its original name. A little inquiry among the natives must have sufficed 36 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. t o correct this error which seems to prove that he LIV was not well read in Herodotus, and that the expe- dition of Scylax had excited but little attention in Greece and that he remained so long ignorant of the truth, shows how singly his views were at first bent toward the East. The fleet, which was probably for the most part the'naviga- collected from the natives, numbered, according to Ptolemy, nearly 2000 vessels of various kinds, in- cluding eighty galleys of war. Arrian gives a list of thirty-three, which were nominally under the command of the principal officers of the army, most of whom nevertheless continued to serve on shore. 1 As we learn from another author, that Alex- ander's finances were at one time, before he left India, in so low a state, that he was obliged to solicit con- 1 Mr. Williams (Life of Al. p. 293.) has thought proper to transcribe this list for sundry weighty reasons ; first, as useful to show who the master-spirits were who worked the great revolution in the eastern world. His readers might otherwise have imagined that there was but one master-spirit, Alexander, seconded by several able and active officers, whom he and his father had formed. Another purpose is, to show that the list does not contain the name of a single citizen of any of the southern republics ; and particularly no Athenian. So we are led to an important conse- quence. The Republicans of Greece had no part or portion in the glory of the war. Hence arose that jealousy of the Macedonian fame, that bitter hostility to Alexander, who had so dimmed and obscured their exploits by the splendour of his renown, and, as the literature of Greece was in their hands, that systematic at- tempt to depress his fame and blacken his character. This last remark will pro- bably appear not the least notable to those readers who are aware, that perhaps no history was ever so much disfigured by gross exaggeration and extravagant flattery, as Alexander's; who remember Strabo's complaints about the constant tendency of his historians to magnify their hero's exploits (xv. 252. (rep-vvvovres 253. ir\d(r/ji.a.Ta, TWV KO\a.Kfv6vrci>v 'A\f^af5pov 269. trdvTfS ol irepl 'A\f^av5pov rb dav/MiffTov avrl TO.\fi9ovs ctjreSe'xoi'To /j.a\\ov) and Plutarch's treatise. The truth is, that the Greeks were proud of Alexander, as they well might be and -had a right to be : for he belonged to them, both by blood, and by education : in this last re- spect more particularly to Athens. His conquests were one of their sources of con- solation under the Roman yoke. Greece indeed produced few men comparable to him ; but the same thing may be said of all the rest of the world, including even China, with its admirable constitution. But as to the other master-spirits, from Hephacstion down to the eunuch Bagoas, there was certainly no Greek state, how- ever inconsiderable, that had any reason to be jealous of their glory. We know what the most illustrious among them were, and did. Notwithstanding the con- spicuous theatre on which fortune placed them, they permit us to assert, that, out of the royal Greek family, Macedonia never gave birth to a great man. But such an effusion of purblind and impotent ill-will toward the people which has conferred greater benefits than any other on the world, would scarcely have deserved notice, except as a specimen of that systematic attempt to which I have adverted elsewhere. Vol. III. p. 25. n. 3. PREPARATIONS FOR THE NAVIGATION OF THE INDUS. 37 tributions from his friends, it seems very probable that these officers fitted out the vessels at their own charge. 1 The crews of the larger vessels the natives no doubt manned their own small craft were com- posed partly of Phoenicians and Egyptians, and partly of Greeks, from the islands and coast of the JEgasan. The command of the whole fleet was entrusted to Nearchus. Alexander divided his forces into four corps. The main body, with about 200 elephants, was to advance along the eastern bank under the command of Hephaastion. Craterus was to lead a smaller division of infantry and cavalry on the oppo- site side of the river. Philippus, with the troops of his satrapy, was ordered to take a circuitous route toward the point where the two other generals were to wait for the fleet, in which the king himself was to embark with the hypaspists, the bowmen, and a di- vision of his horseguard, in all 8000 men. On the morning of the embarkation, Alexander himself, under the direction of his soothsayers, offered the libations and prayers which were deemed fittest to propitiate the powers of the Indian streams, Hydaspes and the impetuous Acesines, which was soon to join it, and the mighty Indus, which was afterwards to receive their united waters. Among the gods of the west, Hercules and Ammon were invoked with espe- cial devotion ; then, at the sound of the trumpet, the fleet began to drop down the river. The most judi- cious arrangements had been made to prevent con- fusion, and to keep its main divisions, the galleys of war, the horse-transports, and the vessels loaded with the baggage, at a convenient and invariable distance from each other. It was a spectacle such as the bosom 1 Plutarch, Eum. 2. Ncapxav ^/cire'/uiro^ /uera ve>v M r^f tco ^d\affcrav, fjTti robs tpi\ovs - ov y&p ?\v Iv rtf j8a>. A passage not noticed by Schmieder, who first proposed the opinion adopted in the text in his note on Arrian, Ind. 18. i> 3 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV. Confluence of the Hy- daspes and Acesines. of the Hydaspes had never before witnessed, nor has it since. Its high banks were crowded with the natives, who flocked from all quarters with eager curiosity to gaze, and accompanied the armament in its progress to some distance before they could be satiated with the sight of the stately galleys, the horses, the men, the mighty mass of vessels gliding down in unbroken order; and as the adjacent woods rang with the signals of the boatswains, the measured shouts of the rowers, and the plash of num- berless oars, keeping time with perfect exactness, the Indians too testified their delight in strains of their national music. On the third day Alexander found HephsBstion and Craterus encamped at the place appointed, and, having waited there two days, was joined by Philippus. He immediately sent Philippus across to the Acesines, with orders to pursue his march along its banks, while Hephaestion and Craterus moved forward in advance of the fleet on opposite sides of the Hydaspes. He himself, as he proceeded, landed his troops wher- ever he found a display of force necessary to extort submission from the neighbouring tribes, though it was with reluctance that he spent any time in these incursions ; he was anxious, as soon as possible, to reach the frontiers of the Malli, a warlike race, from whom he expected a vigorous resistance, and whom he therefore wished to surprise before they had com- pleted their preparations, and had been joined by their allies, particularly their southern neighbours the Oxy- draca3 or SudracaB. In five days he arrived at the second place of rendezvous, the confluence of the Hydaspes and the Acesines. His Indian pilots had warned him of the danger which the fleet would have to encounter at this point : yet it did not escape. The united rivers were at that time pent into a narrow space, where their conflicting waters roared and chafed CONFLUENCE OF THE HYDASPES AND ACESINES. 39 in eddies and waves, which, seventeen centuries later, CHAP. still presented the appearance of an agitated sea. 1 The principal obstructions appear now to have been worn away, and the passage is no longer formidable. But Alexander's sailors were so much alarmed or astonished at the sounds which they heard, even be- fore they reached the confluence, that, by an involun- tary impulse, they at once rested on their oars : and when they had entered it, the novelty of the spectacle seems to have deprived them of their self-command, and to have prevented them from executing the orders they received with the precision necessary to carry them through in safety. The broad vessels however, which were probably built after the Indian fashion, suffered no damage though they were whirled round by the eddies. But several of the long galleys lost a great part of their oars, and were much shattered : two were dashed against each other, and entirely wrecked, and many of the crews perished. According to some accounts, Alexander himself at one time thought his own galley so much in danger, that he was on the point of jumping overboard. As the stream widened, and spent its violence, a headland on the right bank aiforded shelter to the fleet. While it was undergoing the necessary refitting, Alexander made an expedition inland against the Sibas, or Sivaites, so called undoubtedly from the Indian deity, who was the chief object of their worship. As they were armed with clubs, and marked their cattle with this symbol of their god, the fancy of the Macedonians transformed them into descendants of the followers of Hercules. 2 They themselves of course did not on this account submit the more readily to the invader, as Diodorus represents 3 : but they appear to have been easily overawed, or disabled from send- 1 Cherefeddin, iv. c. 10. 2 Strabo, . xv. p. 253. Tauchn. Comp. Vol. V. p. 200. n. 3. XVH. 96. D 4 40 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, ing any succour to their countrymen on the other . side of the river ; and this was the purpose for which Alexander entered their territory. On his return to the fleet, he was rejoined by his three generals, and immediately made his dispositions for the subjugation of the Malli. 1 The Main There can be little doubt that the name of this draca?. U ~ people has been preserved in that of the modern city of Multan, though it lies far below the junction of the Chenab and the Ravee, while the territory of the Malli seems to have been situate almost wholly to the north of that point, and most of it to have been included between the two rivers. Hence the greatest geo- grapher of our day conjectures, that they formerly met a great way to the south of their present confluence. 2 The united forces of the Malli and the Sudracag are estimated in the accounts of Diodorus and Curtius, on the most moderate calculation, at 80,000 foot, 10,000 horse, and 700 chariots: and from the manner in which they are coupled together, we are led to pre- sume, that in this respect there was no great in- equality between them. But the two races were com- posed of widely different elements ; for the name of one appears to have been derived from that of the Sudra caste ; and it is certain that the Brahmins were predominant in the other. We can easily understand why they did not intermarry, and were seldom at peace with each other, and that their mutual hostility was only suspended by the common danger which now threatened their independence. Yet it appears that even this was not sufficient to overcome the jealousy that prevailed between them, and that their 1 Arrian (vi. 5.) has made his narrative rather obscure and perplexed, by a pre- mature mention of the orders given to Nearchus, which he afterwards repeats as if they related to two distinct epochs : though it is clear from the context,' that Nearchus did not move, before Alexander had returned from his expedition against the Sivaites. 2 Hitter, Asien, iv. i. p. 468. THE MALLI AND SUDRAC^E. 41 forces were not combined, because they could not CHAP. agree in the choice of a leader. But the Malli them- selves seem to have relied chiefly on the strength of their fortified towns, and on the natural barriers of their peninsula, which was protected toward the north by a desert of considerable extent : they delayed at least to collect their forces, before it was too late. As it was on the side of the desert that they might be expected to feel most secure, Alexander resolved to strike across it himself with one division of his army, into the heart of their country, while two other corps traversed it in other directions, to intercept the retreat of those whom he might drive before him. One of these was entrusted to the command of He- pha3stion, who was sent forward five days before the king was to begin his march ; the other to Ptolemy, who was ordered to wait three days after the king's departure, that he might meet the fugitives who should attempt to escape towards the north, on the side of the Acesines. To prevent the enemy from re- ceiving any succours from the west, and from seeking refuge in that quarter, Philippus and his troops, to- gether with Polysperchon's brigade, the horse-bow- men, and the elephants, were transferred to the right bank of the Hydaspes, and placed under the command of Craterus, who was ordered to march down towards the confluence, and meet Nearchus, who was sent forward three days before with the fleet. The division which Alexander retained under his own orders, was composed of the light troops best adapted to the rapid movements which he meditated. With this, having marched day and night with a very short intermission, he appeared, early on the second morning, before one of the strongholds, in which, as likely to be last attacked, many of the natives had taken refuge. A great number of them were sur- 42 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, prised by the Macedonian cavalry outside the walls, and unarmed : many were put to the sword ; the rest fled into the town, which Alexander immediately sur- rounded with his horse, while he waited for the arrival of the infantry. When it came up, he dis- patched Perdiccas, at the head of his own squadron, and that of Cleitus, with the Agrianians, to invest another of the nearest towns, with orders to abstain from assault, but to take care that none of the inha- bitants escaped, to spread the news of Alexander's approach. He himself proceeded to reduce the first. The besieged whose number can never have been great found themselves so much weakened by the slaughter made in the fields, that they soon abandoned the walls, and retired into the citadel : but, notwith- standing their gallant defence, this too was speedily stormed, and they were all put to the sword. As the number of those who were slain here was but 2000, the vanquished seem to have earned quite as much glory, in a better cause, as the conquerors. Perdiccas soon returned to the camp. He had found the town which he was to blockade entirely deserted ; but hearing that the inhabitants had not quitted it long, he pursued them at full speed, and overtook and cut down many; the rest sought shelter in a morass, where he did not venture to follow them. Alexander allowed his men a short rest, and then, by a forced night-march, reached the Hydraotes at day-break. Here he learnt, that many of the natives had already crossed the ford, but he came up in time to make considerable slaughter among the hindmost, and instantly plunging into the stream, pursued the fugitives on the other side. The greater part sought refuge in an adjacent fortress, which however soon yielded to Peithon, who was sent to attack it, while Alexander marched against another town, which the Greeks describe as if it was inhabited by Brahmins BRAHMINS AMONG THE MALLI. 43 only: and these are mentioned as a different race CHAP. T TV from the Malli who fled to them for shelter. We t . cannot rely on the accuracy of these statements ; but Brahmins it is certain that in this western border-land of India JJJJJ 8 the the distinction of castes has never been rigidly ob- served, and it is possible that, here and elsewhere, a whole community of Brahmins may have preserved the purity of their blood, while they engaged in all the necessary occupations which in theory properly belonged to the lower castes. Yet the name may only designate a mixed colony of purer Indian blood than the great body of the Malli, and their neigh- bours, the Sudracae, among whom it is probable there was also some disparity of birth. These Brahmins were stout warriors, and offered the most determined resistance, that Alexander had hitherto encountered in this campaign. When they could no longer defend their walls against the superior skill of the besiegers, they retreated to the citadel ; and when this too was stormed, set fire to the houses, and almost all, to the number of 5000, died, either fighting, or in the flames. After a day's repose, he advanced into the interior, but found the towns abandoned, and learnt that their inhabitants had fled to the desert. So, after another day's pause, he sent Peithon with his brigade, accom- panied by a squadron of horse under Demetrius, and some light troops, back to the Hydraotes, with orders to march along the river-side, and intercept the fugi- tives, who might have betaken themselves to the woods that lined its banks, while he himself proceeded to the capital of the Malli, which, we thus perceive, lay east of the Hydraotes. The reports he had heard led him to expect that he should find it crowded with those who had escaped from the other cities, and perhaps that he might here nearly finish the campaign at one blow : but it also was deserted by the Indians on the CHAP. LIV. HISTORY OF GREECE. tidings of his approach, and he ascertained that they had crossed the Hydraotes, and were collecting their forces on the right bank. Instantly he pushed for- ward toward their position with his cavalry, leaving the foot to follow. The banks of the river, where he saw the hostile army, it is said 50,000 strong, drawn up to receive him, were indeed high and steep, so that the Malli had thought them a stronger defence than their walls. But Alexander scorned such ob- stacles : he waited not for the infantry, but at once dashed into the stream with his horse : and before he had reached the other side, the enemy, who however were not fully aware of his weakness, began to retreat. When he had overtaken them, and they perceived the smallness of the force by which they were pursued, they made a stand : nor did Alexander attempt more than to detain them by slight charges, until the in- fantry should have come up. So long only their courage held out : at the appearance of the phalanx, the whole mass took to flight, mostly toward the strongest town in the neighbourhood. Thither Alex- ander pursued them, cutting down many of the fugitives, and immediately encircled the place with his cavalry, but, as the day was far spent, deferred the assault to the morrow, to give his wearied troops and jaded horses a short interval of refreshment. The next morning he began the attack of the town on two sides, having given the command of the second division of his army to Perdiccas. It was probably a mere embellishment of the story, sug- gested by the event, that he was warned by a sooth- sayer of danger to his life, and urged to postpone the assault, but rejected the advice with a sneer at auspices and superstition. It is certain that, even if he believed in such things less than he appears to have done, he was too prudent to disclose his incredulity, and so throw away an instrument which a Greek ALEXANDER'S PERILOUS POSITION. 45 general might so often find useful. The besieged CHAP. did not attempt to defend the town, but retreated t L * v " . within the walls of the citadel, which must have been capable of containing a great multitude. The king and his troops entered first through a postern, which they opened with the hatchet. Perdiccas was later, though his men were only delayed by the difficulty of climbing over the town-wall : but as it was supposed that all resistance was over, the scaling-ladders were mostly left behind. Alexander, at the foot of the citadel, eagerly called for them. Two or three were brought : and, seizing the first, he himself fixed it against the wall, arid mounted foremost, covered by his shield. At the top, he soon killed or thrust away the Indians who opposed him, and took his stand on the wall, which, it seems, was narrow, and without battlements. He was followed by Peucestes, bearing the shield taken from the temple at Ilion, and by Leonnatus, who both made good their ascent : as did, on another ladder, Abreas, a veteran of the class called dimoirites, from the double pay with which their services were rewarded, and which thus became also a title of honour. But in the mean while Alex- ander stood as a mark for the enemy's missiles, both from the nearest towers, and from the adjacent parts of the citadel : and the Macedonians, especially those of his guard, alarmed for his safety, crowded to the ladders. Before a fifth man had reached the top, both the ladders were broken by the weight, and Alexander was thus cut off from all prospect of immediate aid, while the enemy, animated by the hope of an easy victory worth more than the destruc- tion of an army, redoubled their efforts. He felt that he could not remain long where he was, Alexanders and that he was exposing his life, with little honour, ^ e t [^ us po ~ and to no useful purpose. There were two ways of changing his position, between which he had to choose. 46 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. He might throw himself down with comparative safety among his friends, or he might descend into the midst of the enemy, where he would at least, if not instantly overpowered, have an opportunity of using his arms. With little hesitation he decided on the last alter- native, and, by a dexterously balanced leap, alighted unhurt on his feet, so that he could immediately put himself into a posture of defence. No action of his life seems to have contributed so much as this adventure to lower the general estima- tion of his prudence and good sense, and to subject him, even in the opinion of his warmest admirers, to the charge of blind, ungovernable, almost frantic, rashness. Yet to himself it may have seemed so natural and fit, as to be in a manner necessary ; and it may have been as little the effect of a sudden, thought- less impulse, as the unreflecting self-devotion of a martyr, who feels that, to shrink from the last trial, would be to undo all his past labours and sufferings. Alexander's principle, to which he owed his conquests, had been, never to recede before anything less than an insurmountable obstacle as to which he was used to judge differently from other men least of all be- fore personal danger. He now but acted on the same principle, in a new and very hazardous attempt, with- out any particular necessity indeed, except that of pre- serving his own character. But for Alexander could there be any more pressing ! It may serve perhaps, according to the reader's point of view, somewhat to extenuate either his imprudence or his heroism, to notice that a similar exploit is related of a princely German warrior of the fifteenth century. 1 The Indians rushed on, a host against a man, as having nothing to do but to despatch the prey that had fallen into their hands. But Alexander, who was 1 Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation, i. p. 70. ALEXANDER DANGEROUSLY WOUNDED. 47 now partly sheltered by the wall, and also, it seems, CHAP. by the trunk and spreading boughs of an old tree that LIV ' grew near it, kept his assailants at bay with his wonted vigour. Their chief, and another, who ven- tured within reach of his sword, paid for their rash- ness with their lives. Two more, before they came quite so near, he disabled, after the manner of a Ho- meric combat, with stones. The rest, deterred by these examples, kept at a safe distance, and only plied him Avith missiles, which, if we believe Curtius, were mostly intercepted by the branches under which he stood, leaning either against the trunk or the wall. By this time however he was joined by Peucestes, Leon- natus, and Abreas, who, it may be supposed, had not been left unmolested before they leaped down to defend him. Abreas very soon received a mortal wound from an arrow in the face : and he had scarcely fallen, when another arrow pierced Alexander's corslet, and lie is dan- lodged itself deep in the right breast. Yet he did not immediately cease to defend himself, but, after a short struggle, fainting through loss of blood, sank upon his shield. Peucestes and Leonnatus now stood over him, and intercepted the blows aimed at him by the enemy. Both were wounded, but not so as to pre- vent them from keeping their post. So unequal a contest however could not probably have lasted much longer. It was the most critical moment of Alex- C 1 ander's life. But in the mean while the Macedonians outside the wall, not less anxious because they could not witness his danger, had not remained inactive. Though ladders were not at hand, their ingenuity, sharpened by the emergency, soon found substitutes. Some drove pegs into the wall, which was of clay, and so climbed to the top. Others were raised on the shoulders of their comrades. All, as fast as they effected their ascent, leaped down, and rushed, with 8 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, cries of grief and rage, toward the place where they saw their king stretched, seemingly lifeless, on the ground. The combat soon ceased to be merely de- fensive on the part of the Macedonians. A gate was forced open by some who had entered, and numbers poured in, sufficient to overwhelm all resist- ance. The only work now remaining for them was that of revenge ; and this they executed so diligently, by a general massacre of the besieged, that not even a woman or a child was spared. Alexander, as soon as he was rescued, had been conveyed to his tent ; and the arrow was at length ex- tracted, whether by the physician Critodemus, or, as some accounts went, by Perdiccas, who, it was said, by the king's command, widened the wound with his sword to make a passage for the barbed steel. But the extraction was followed by so great a loss of blood that the patient again fainted : and when he recovered his senses, it was for some time doubtful whether he could survive. The first tidings of the disaster carried to the camp near the confluence of the Hy- draotes and Acesines, represented him as already dead: and the grief and alarm they excited in every breast, were a tribute of affection and confidence, which might well soothe the resentful feelings that had been awakened in him by the abrupt termination of his campaign on the Hyphasis. The grief of the Mace- donians indeed, which broke out in a wailing that spread with the news through the camp, was probably in great part selfish, but, even so, highly honoured its object; for it attested, what they were not slow to de- clare in words, that, in their judgment, he was the only man in the army capable of leading them back safely through the countries which he had traversed as a conqueror. It was their despondency about their own seemingly forlorn condition, that rendered them backward to believe the more favourable reports HE RETURNS TO THE CAMP. 49 which followed, that the kino; was still living, and that CHAP. ii IV there was ground to hope for his recovery. Even . when a letter from himself announced that he should soon be among them, there were many who suspected that it was a mere artifice of the generals to lull their fears. When he had regained sufficient strength to bear Returns to the gentlest motion, he embarked on the Hydraotes, and dropped down towards the confluence, not more perhaps to quiet the apprehensions of his troops, than, as Curtius suggests, to crush the hopes which might have been conceived from the same cause by the enemy. As he approached the camp, he ordered the awning, under which he lay at the stern of the galley, to be removed, arid, when close to the bank, stretched out his hand toward the crowd who were there wait- ing for him, still half doubting what they so eagerly wished. This sign of life was answered by a general shout of joy, and every hand was raised, not without tears, in gratitude to heaven, or in greeting to the king. A litter was brought for him to the landing place : but he called for his horse ; when he mounted it, the banks and adjacent woods rang with a fresh peal of applause. At a short distance from his tent, he alighted, that he might be seen to walk : and all pressed round him, to touch, if they could, his hands, or knees, or clothes : or at least, if less fortunate, to see and salute him, and to strew his path with fillets and flowers. The congratulations of his officers in the tent were mingled with remonstrances, as severe as might be ventured, on his imprudence. To these he listened but impatiently : as Arrian thought, be- cause he knew that they were just : perhaps rather because he felt that they were misapplied, and that he was misunderstood. He was better pleased with an old Boeotian, who cheered him with the remark, that men must be proved by their deeds j adding a line of VOL VII. E 50 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. submission ^Eschylus, rather strangely distorted from its original meaning 1 , to the effect, that whoever would do, must expect to suffer. While he waited here to complete his recovery, he received an embassy from the Malli, who still re- maiiied in arms, and the Sudracas. The envoys, a hundred or more of their chief men, persons of stately form and mien, all riding in chariots, and clad in linen robes embroidered with purple and gold, came with magnificent presents, to offer their entire sub- mission to the conqueror. They spoke of their past resistance not without dignity, adding some mention of Dionysus, the only invader who had ever before subdued them, which they knew would be acceptable to his successor. They declared themselves ready to give hostages, pay tribute, and receive a satrap at Alexander's pleasure. He annexed their countries to the satrapy of Philippus, and, according to Cur- tius, imposed a tribute on them of the same amount as they had paid to the Arachosians: a statement hardly consistent either with their boasts of inde- pendence, or with their recorded actions. For secu- rity he demanded a thousand of their best warriors, either as hostages, or, if they were willing, to serve in his army. Curtius also describes a magnificent banquet at which they were entertained, and which gave rise to a single combat not without its sig- nificance, if it really occurred between Dioxippus, an Athenian, and a Macedonian named Corragus, in which the Athenian, who was practised in the games of Greece, armed only with a club, overcame his an- tagonist in the panoply of the phalanx, to the great displeasure of the Macedonians, and of Alexander 1 ApdravTiydp -roi Kai jra.&e'tv o/pf (\ercu, quoted among other poetical apophthegms on Divine retribution, by Stobseus, Eel. 1'h. 1. 4. 24. It is the Tpiytpuv yu.C0oy Choeph. 302., which Klausen suspects may have been the passage Stobaeus had before him : the more probably, as rovtt>ei\6/j.(vov occurs there also a few lines before. DESCENT OF THE INDUS. 51 himself. The ambassadors soon returned with a CHAP. band of a thousand men, the flower of their nation : t they also brought as a free gift 500 chariots, with some of the produce of their industry, and among other rarities several tamed lions and tigers. Alex- ander, convinced it seems of their sincerity, accepted the chariots, and dismissed the hostages. During this detention, he had ordered more vessels B.C. 325. to be built for the transport of his troops, and when Descent of he felt himself strong enough to prosecute his expe- dition, embarked with a larger force of horse and foot, and sailed down to the confluence of the Ace- sines with the Indus, the southern extremity of the Pendjab. At this important point he waited some days for Perdiccas, who, with a part of the land force, had been engaged in the subjugation of an independent tribe, the Abastani, or Avasthanas. In the interval he received the voluntary submission of another free commonwealth, the Ossadians, and fresh additions to his fleet from the banks of the Acesines. This point of the Pendjab he assigned as the southern limit of the satrapy of Philippus, whom he ordered to build u new city there. It was to be well provided with arsenals ; and he expected, from the peculiar advantages of the site, that it would become a flourishing seat of commerce. The small town of Mittun may perhaps stand nearly in its place, but no vestige remains of Alexander's foundation. During his stay here, he was overtaken by his father- in-law Oxyartes, who probably came to inform him of a revolt which had broken out among the Greek colonists in Bactria 1 , and to complain of the mis- conduct of Tyriaspes, the satrap of Paropamisus. 1 Arrian (vi. 15.) does not mention this revolt, the details of which are given by Cui'tius (ix. 7.), and assigns no motive for the coming of Oxyartes. Curtius places the arrival of Oxyartes later, which indeed would be absolutely necessary, if Dioclorus is to be believed when he states (xvii. 99.) that the revolt was occasioned by the report of Alexander's death. 2 52 HISTORY OF GREECE. Musicanus. C Liv P ' Ty r i as P es was deprived of his government, and Oxy- r J artes received, it in addition to his own. We must therefore suspect an error in Arrian's statement, or text, where it is related, that Oxyartes was appointed with Peithon satrap of the territories to be con- quered in the lower course of the Indus to the sea. A body of troops, including all the Thracians, was left with Philippus. Craterus, with the bulk of the army and the elephants, was landed on the left bank of the Indus, where the country opposed the fewest obstructions to his march ; and yet his presence was needed to overawe the natives. Alexander himself sailed down to the chief city of a people whose name is variously written : Arrian calls them Sogdians. He transformed their capital into a Greek colony, which he named Alexandria, and probably designed for the residence of his satrap. Here too he built an arsenal, in which he refitted a part of his fleet. Not very far to the south, lay the territories of a powerful prince, whom, the Greek writers name Musicanus, from whom, as he had hitherto made no overtures, Alexander had reason to expect active resistance. He therefore urged the progress of his fleet, and reached the frontier, before Musicanus was aware that he had quitted the Sogdian capital. Dis- mayed by the suddenness of his appearance, he went forth to meet the invader, with royal presents, all his elephants, and submissive acknowledgements of his fault, which were still more graciously received, and placed himself and his people at the conqueror's dis- posal. Alexander was struck with admiration by the fertility and opulence of the country which pro- bably far surpassed all the regions he had been traversing from the north in the luxuriance of its vegetation and by the capital, traces of which may perhaps still be visible near Bukkur. 1 He permitted 1 As Burnes thinks (i. 66.) in the ruins of Alorc, four miles distant, "said to have been once the capital of a mighty kingdom," ruled by a Brahmin, who was defeated and slain by the Moslems in thcf seventh century. MUSICANUS. 53 Musicanus to retain his kingdom, but ordered a for- -CHAP. * I I V tress to be built in the city, under the superintendence of Craterus, and to be occupied by a Macedonian gar- rison, as a post peculiarly well fitted to command the surrounding country. Westward of the territory of Musicanus, lay that of a chief similarly named Oxycanus, or Porticanus 1 , who likewise had kept suspiciously aloof. Alexander, with only a body of light troops and cavalry, marched against him Avith his usual rapidity, and stormed two of his cities, in one of which Oxycanus himself was taken, or slain. After this, all the other towns sub- mitted without resistance. In the adjacent highlands, a chief named Sambus, who, it seems, had courted the conqueror's favour through jealousy of Musicanus, as Taxiles through fear of Porus, and had been in- vested with the title of satrap, when he heard that his enemy was pardoned, and re-established in his do- minions, had become alarmed for his own safety, and had withdrawn from his capital, Sindomana. Alex- ander therefore advanced against it, but was received, according to Arrian, with every token of subjection by the friends of the absent chief, who explained the motive of his flight, and surrendered his elephants and his treasure. Other authors had spoken of a laborious siege, and immense slaughter of the bar- barians. Arrian only mentions the capture of a town 1 These names are an etymological puzzle, tempting from the seeming readiness of solution. Mr. Williams (p. 313.) thinks that they "point to the names of the territories governed by these princes : because the word khawn is constantly found, even to this day, on the lower Indus : so that Musicanus might be properly de- scribed as the rajah of Moosh, and Oxycanus as the rajah of Ouche." I am sur- prised to find that Bitter, at least some years ago, entertained a similar opinion (Asien, xi. 2. p. 1095.). Do we not require some better evidence that the Turkish title khan (Mirchond in Wilken, Chrestomathia Persica, p. 120., observes Gords~ chestanenses principem suum Schar appellant, quemadmodum Turcae Chan, et Indi Rat dicunt) was in use before the time of Alexander on the lower Indus? The names of the district Sehwan, and the city Larkhanu, have suggested other not much more satisfactory conjectures. According to Curtius, the people of the northern chief were called Musicani, E 3 54 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, which had revolted through the instigation of the Brahmins, and that they were put to death. The influence of the Brahmins was also very power- ful in the kingdom of Musicanus, and at his court. It seems to have been always directed against the invader, who had touched the hallowed soil with im- pure feet, with all the energy of patriotism inflamed by religious zeal. During Alexander's absence, Mu- sicanus was induced by his priestly counsellors to revolt, in an evil hour for him and them, and for the ill-fated land. Alexander sent Peithon, the satrap, with a sufficient force against the king, who had pro- bably no time to collect an army, while he himself overran the country, and made himself master of the towns, which he either razed to the ground, or curbed with citadels and garrisons. Peithon brought Musi- canus a prisoner, with his principal Brahmins ; and Alexander, calculating, as we are apt to think, rather too coolly on the effect of the spectacle, ordered them to be crucified in the most conspicuous manner. 1 We are here unpleasantly reminded of Cortes and Pizarro. The conquest of the Indus was now nearly com- plete ; for the chief of Pattala, named or entitled Moeris 2 , whose rule extended over the Delta of the Indus, came in person to surrender himself and his dominions to the conqueror. He was directed imme- diately to return to his capital, and make preparations for the reception of the armament. As no further resistance was to be apprehended down to the river's mouth, Alexander here divided his forces, and ordered Craterus, with three brigades of the heavy infantry, some light troops, and the elephants, accompanied by 1 Mr. Williams however informs his readers (p. 314.), that probably the insur- rection had been characterised by atrocious deeds. Vffi victis ! 2 V. Bohlen (Ind. i, p. 91.) seems to suspect that it is a corruption of the Indian title Maha-rajah. ARRIVAL AT PATTALA. 55 the disabled Macedonians who had received permission CHAR to return to their native land, to take the road to Carmania, through Arachosia and Drangiana, no doubt by the pass of Bolan. He thus gained the ad- vantage of confirming his authority in a part of the empire hitherto but imperfectly subdued, while he lessened the difficulties of his own march through an inhospitable region, and spared the veterans who might have sunk under its hardships. The rest of the land force, in two divisions, he placed under the com- mand of Hephasstion and Peithon, who were ordered to march down to Pattala on the opposite sides of the river ; and Peithon was charged with the task of settling colonies in the fortified towns, and pacifying the country, on the way. He himself proceeded with the fleet ; but before he had reached the city of Pattala, which stood like Tatta, if not precisely on the same site, at the northern point of the Delta, he was informed that the chief, in a fit of distrust, had taken to flight with the greater part of the inhabitants. In fact, Alexander, on his arrival, found the city and Arrival at its neighbourhood almost utterly deserted. He in- 1>attal;l - stantly sent a detachment of his lightest troops in pursuit of the fugitives, and when some were brought in prisoners, bade them return to their countrymen, and invite them, with every assurance of safety, to come back to their fields and dwellings. After a while the greater part of the population resumed their peaceful labours. Alexander's first care was to fortify a citadel in the town, to form a harbour, and build docks sufficient for a large fleet. The superintendence of these works was committed to Hepha3stion, who had already arrived. Parties were sent into the neighbouring dis- tricts, where there was a great scarcity of water, to dig wells, and otherwise make provision for the pas- E 4 f>6 HISTORY OF GREECE. CEIAP. LIV. Voyage to the sea. sage of troops or travellers. 1 They were attacked by the natives, and it was found necessary to send a stronger force to protect them. Nor, it seems, could Alexander procure a pilot at Pattala for the voyage which he now meditated to the sea down the western branch of the river. 2 He however embarked, as soon as the works had made some progress, in a squadron of his fastest-sailing galleys, while Leonnatus, with a corps of 8000 foot, and 1000 horse, began his march along the same side of the Delta. On the second day, his voyage was interrupted by a gale, which, meeting the rapid current of the Indus, caused a swell, in which the galleys became unmanageable. Most of them were severely damaged, many went to pieces, either afloat, or after they had been run aground. While the shipwrights were repairing this disaster, Alexander sent a few light troops up the country, in search of natives who might serve as 1 Arrian indeed (vi. 18.) says something more than this; but on the other hand very much less than has been inferred from his words, particularly by Droysen, p. 457. Arrian says, that Alexander sent men into the waterless part of the ad- jacent country (TJJI' &vv$pov TTJS ir\r] 'A\ecu>8pou. Schmieder indeed interprets this expression to mean, had gone out of office, and refers it to the removal of Siburtius ; but he supports his opinion only by most irrelevant quotations. ARRIVAL OF NEARCIIUS. 71 quick in resentment, and rather generous than either CHAP. merciful or scrupulously just. He was now no doubt . J ' , highly provoked by the audacity with which his officers had violated their duty in his absence, as if certain that he would never return, and was hence inclined to lend a favouring ear to such accusations : and his indignation was probably heightened by the conviction, which must have been forced on him by these occurrences, that, from the moment of his death, had it happened, his vast empire would at once have fallen in pieces. Still cruelty, in the most odious sense of the word, wanton injustice, was always foreign to his nature : nor have we any proof, that his temper had become in other respects harsher, or less even, than before his Indian expedition. 1 In the mean while he was in painful uncertainty, Arrival of and was giving way more and more to gloomy thoughts, Nearchus - as to the fate of Nearchus and the fleet. They were at length dispelled by tidings, that Nearchus had* landed on the coast of Carmania, within a few days' march of the camp. The bearer of the news was the governor of the maritime district in which the event had occurred. Some of the men belonging to the fleet, in an excursion up the country, had fallen in with one of Alexander's soldiers, and learnt from him, that the king was encamped only five days' inarch from the sea : by him Nearchus was brought to the governor, who hastened to the camp with the joyful tidings. Alexander sent party after party with means of conveyance for Nearchus. Some of his messengers proceeded but a short distance, and re- turned without intelligence. Others went farther, but lost the road. He began to suspect that he had been deceived, and ordered the governor to be arrested. 1 Droysen's picture (p. 486.) of the state of Alexander's mind : " the period of effort and struggle had gone by, the enthusiasm of youth and hope was cooled, &c. " seems to be drawn purely from imagination, and to be inconsistent with the vast enterprises in which we find him engaged to the end of his life. F 4 72 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Meanwhile Nearchus had hauled up his vessels on T IV shore, and had fortified a naval camp, where he left the greater part of his men, and set out, with Archias, his second in command, and five or six companions, to seek the king. On their way they met one of the parties which had been sent with horses and carriages in search of them. But so great was the change made in their appearance by the hardships of the voyage, that, even when they inquired the road to the camp, they were not recognised by their countrymen, until, on the suggestion of Archias, they made themselves known. Some now hastened to inform Alexander of their approach. When he heard of the smallness of their number, he concluded that the fleet was lost, and that they were the only survivors. But their arrival cleared up all mistakes, and diffused univer- sal joy. The details of the voyage would be foreign to our purpose. Nearchus had been forced to begin it, be- fore the winds had become favourable, by the hostility of the Indians at Pattala ; and though he waited four and twenty days on the Arabite coast, he afterwards lost three of his vessels in the adverse monsoon. On the coast of Oritishe met Leonriatus, who, after Alex- ander's departure, had been obliged to defend himself against the combined forces of the natives and their allies. He had gained a great victory with the loss of few men : the satrap Apollophanes was among the slain. From Leonnatus. according to the king's or- ' O O ders, Nearchus received a supply of corn sufficient for ten days, and exchanged some of his least active sailors for better men from the camp : but it does not appear that he lighted upon any of the magazines destined by Alexander for his use. After manifold hardships and perils, from the monsters of the deep, the barrenness of the coast, the hostility of the bar- barians, and from the timidity and despondency of REJOICINGS. 73 his own crews, he at length, with the aid of a Gedro- CHAP. LIV sian pilot, reached the mouth of the Persian Gulph. . " ^ ' . When they came in sight of Arabia, Onesicritus with what view is not perfectly clear urged the admiral to strike across, and steer to the south. Nearchus however prudently refused to deviate from the king's instructions, and finally landed near the mouth of the river Anamis (Ibrahim), not far to the east of the isle of Ormuz. Alexander now celebrated these happy events with Rejoicings, a solemn festival, which, as usual, was enlivened by gymnastic and musical contests : and perhaps the poets who vied with one another on this occasion, as well as the spectacle itself, may have contributed to the origin of the fables about his Bacchanalian pomp. In the triumphal procession Nearchus was the fore- most object of congratulation and applause. The king then consulted with him as to the remainder of the voyage. Alexander may now have been in earnest, when he begged him not to expose himself to further danger and hardship with the fleet, which some other officer might conduct to the mouth of the Tigris : but he gladly and thankfully complied with the admiral's request, that he might be allowed to complete the glorious undertaking, which he had already brought to a point where it became comparatively safe and easy. He was accordingly dismissed with a small escort. The state of the country was still so unsettled, that he was attacked on his way to the sea by the Carmariians, who were in open revolt, and had seized all the strongholds. According to Arrian, this insur- rection was excited by the changes that had been made in the government of the province. For Sibur- tius, who succeeded Aspastes, had just been removed to the satrapy of Gedrosia, and Tlepolernus appointed in his room. In his history Arrian does not mention this rebellion, and perhaps Alexander did not think it 74 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, important enough to require that he should suppress . it in person. 1 He now divided his forces. The main body he committed to Hephaestion. who, as it was winter, was ordered to move along the shore of the Persian Gulph, where the climate at this season was mild, and provisions plentiful, and to join him at Susa. He himself, with a small division of light troops and cavalry, took the upper road through PasargadaB and Persepolis. Alexander's In Persis too he found that affairs had gone but ill Persia." 1 i n his absence. The satrap Phrasaortes was dead, and a noble Persian, named Orxines, according to Curtius a descendant of Cyrus, and a man of large hereditary possessions, had ventured to assume the government, professing however none but loyal in- tentions, perhaps being the only person to whom the province would quietly have submitted : and he came to meet the king with a magnificent display of costly presents. Alexander seems to have betrayed no dis- pleasure at his usurpation, but was exceedingly in- censed by the discovery, that the sepulchre of Cyrus at Pasargadas had been defaced and pillaged. The offender was not immediately named. The Magians who had the care of the sacred inclosure, were ex- amined, and put to the torture, but revealed nothing. It was not until the army reached Persepolis, that Orxines was charged with this and other acts of sa- crilege, and with arbitrary executions, and being con- victed, according to Arrian, on clear evidence, was con- demned to death, Curtius however asserts, that he was innocent, and fell a victim to calumny and court intrigues : and it must be owned, that if we believe what is said of his birth and his wealth, the charge 1 In the speech which Arrian puts into his mouth at the mutiny, he says of him- self Kap/j.aviav irpocrKrijcrdij.evos, which, but for the reason given in a preceding note, might seem to imply that it had never before been subject to him. But the expression may relate to the rebellion, whether it was quelled by Alexander him- self, or by Tlepolemus. RETURN TO SUSA. 75 of sacrilege seems scarcely credible : especially as the CHAP. tomb of Cyrus at least appears to have been rifled by . a Macedonian, named Polymachus. Alexander had before resolved to confer the satrapy of Persis on Peucestes, whom he had already, in Carmania, raised to the dignity of somatophylax, as a reward for his great service in India. Peucestes had also distin- guished himself in another way, not quite so honour- able to him : by the readiness with which he adopted the barbarian usages; and when he was appointed satrap, he assumed the Median dress, began to study the Persian language, and in all points formed his court on the native model. By these proceedings he both won the hearts of the people, and rose in favour with his master. A more jealous prince might per- haps have suspected him of ambitious projects. But Alexander was too well pleased with his obsequious- ness, or dexterity, and hoped that his example might be followed by others among his Macedonian nobles. From Persepolis, where he could not now view the ruins of the palace without regret and self-reproach a sign that his better feelings had not lost their strength he proceeded, without further delay, to meet Hephaestion and Nearchus at Susa, which he B. c. 324. designed for the scene of several important trans- R eturnt actions. 76 CHAPTER LV. FROM ALEXANDER'S RETURN TO SUSA TO HIS DEATH. Alexander's Projects. Discontent of /its Subjects. Harpalus. Disbandment of the Greek Mercenaries. Nuptials at Susa. The Marriage Feast. Death of Calanus. Alexander pays the Debts of his /Soldiers. New Organisation of the Army. Mutiny at Opts. Alexander's Speech. The lie- conciliation. Departure of Craterus with the Veterans. Antipater. Alexander's new Measures with the Greeks March to Ecbatana. Festival at Ecbatana. Performance of the Agen. Death of Hephtestion. Honours paid to him. The Cossceans Sinister Omens. The Chaldceans. Em- bassies at Babylon. Hephcestiori 's Funeral. Alexander's Voyage on the Euphrates. Omens. Cassander. Alex- ander's last Illness. His Death. Review of his Life. CHAP. ALEXANDER might now be said to have returned into LV - , the heart of his dominions ; since the Indus, the lax- . , artes, and the Nile, had become Macedonian rivers. Alexanders projects. It was a question at that time of great importance to the whole civilised world, what were the plans now floating in the imagination of the youthful conqueror, if not yet reduced to a settled purpose. His character and past achievements naturally excited an expecta- tion of enterprises still more extraordinary. None perhaps, not absolutely impracticable, could be thought too great for his ambition, or too arduous for his adven- turous spirit. Some of those attributed to him how- ever could only have been deemed probable by persons who were incapable of duly estimating the sagacity and prudence which guided even his boldest under- takings. It was believed by many, that he designed to circumnavigate Arabia to the head of the Red Sea, ALEXANDER'S PROJECTS. 77 and afterwards Africa ; then, entering the Mediterra- CHAP. T V nean by the Pillars of Hercules, to spread the terror of his arms along its western shores, and finally to explore the northern extremity of the lake Mseotis, and, if possible, discover a passage into the Caspian Sea. These reports were not altogether without a visible foundation. They seem to have arisen out of the simple fact, that Alexander, on his return from India, prepared to equip a fleet on the Euphrates, and sent orders to Phoenicia for vessels to be built there and transported to Thapsacus ; thence to fall down the river to Babylon, where a harbour was to be formed, capable of containing 1000 galleys of war. That a great armament therefore was to be collected, for some operations which were to begin in the Per- sian Gulph, was sufficiently certain : and Alexander also gave proofs that his views were directed toward Arabia, for he sent three expeditions to survey its coasts : first, a vessel under the command of Archias, the companion of Nearchus, who however did not even venture to cross over to the Arabian side of the Persian Gulph, but stopped short at one of the islands : Androsthenes, who was afterwards sent out with another vessel, did a little more he sailed for a short distance along the coast. The boldest of the adventurers was a Cilician, named Hiero, who ad- vanced much further in the same direction : but his courage and perseverance were at length overcome by the vast range of the coast, which exceeded all his ex- pectations : and on his return he reported that Arabia was nearly as large as India. Yet it would seem, from Arrian's account, that even he had not doubled the Cape seen by Nearchus. It can hardly be supposed that Alexander had re- solved to attempt the conquest of Arabia, while he was conscious that he knew so little about the nature and extent of the country, especially as the informa- 78 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV. Discontent of his sub- jects. tion which he might obtain as to the interior cannot have been encouraging. But it is not the less pro- bable that discovery and conquest in this quarter were the objects which, henceforth to his death, chiefly occupied his thoughts : for the spirit of dis- covery was here stimulated by a clear prospect of great advantages to be derived from a maritime com- munication between Egypt and India. To ascertain whether it was possible to open one, and to secure it, if not by conquests, at least by colonies planted on the Arabian coast, was a design certainly suited to Alexander's genius, and worthy of his ambition ; and this appears to have been the first destination of the new armament. That another expedition to India had presented itself to his mind, is implied in this supposition, but that it was the immediate object of his preparations we find no reason to believe. On any other projects which he may have entertained, it would be still more idle to speculate. For some time after his return, his attention was engrossed by different cares. From every side he continued to receive fresh complaints of the excesses committed by his satraps and other officers, during his absence, and fresh proofs that many of them aimed at establishing an independent authority. The indignation of the people was especially provoked by the spoliation of the sacred buildings. It is probable, that in almost every case such outrages on the na- tional feelings proceeded from the reckless cupidity of the Macedonians, though the native governors may have abused their powers as grossly in other matters. Not unfrequently perhaps they had con- nived at the misconduct of the Macedonian officers under their command, as we may suspect to have been the case with Orxines and the above-mentioned Polymachus, who is described as a man of high rank. So Abulites, the satrap of Susa, and his son Oxathres, HARPALUS. 79 were put to death, it is said, for neglect of duty : it CHAP. would seem too hastily, for Alexander ran Oxuthres through the body with his own sarissa : but it was the Macedonian Heraco who had plundered the temple at Susa. Such proceedings may have been the main cause of an insurrection which had broken out in Media, but was suppressed by the satrap Atropates, who brought its author, a Median named Baryaxes, and several of his partizans, to Pasargadaa, where they suffered death. Baryaxes had assumed the erect cidaris, and the title of king of the Medes and Persians, a step to which he was probably encouraged by the popular discontent which had been excited by the extortion and insolence of the strangers. Alex- ander was still more deeply wounded by another ex- ample of disloyalty, which was aggravated by foul ingratitude and led to important consequences. We have seen that, before he came to the throne, some of his friends had been banished from Mace- donia, because they had taken his side in his quarrel with his father. 1 Among them was Harpaius. All were afterwards rewarded with high promotion : Harpaius, whose frame was not sufficiently robust for military service, was entrusted with the office of treasurer. Yet, a little before the battle of Issus, he had fled to Greece, having no doubt been guilty of embezzlement. But even this offence did not deprive him of the king's favour. Alexander not only in- duced him to return by a promise of pardon, but afterwards restored him to the trust which he had so flagrantly abused, and, on the death of Mazseus, raised him to one of the most important posts in the empire, the Babylonian satrapy. The man probably, beside the doubtful merit of his early services, pos- sessed some pleasing talents which won his master's 1 Vol. VI. p. 119. 80 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, partiality; and Alexander committed no greater mis- take in this choice, than in the appointment of the Egyptian satrap, Cleomenes. Harpalus was not more greedy than lavish of money ; and, as the king's return from the far East grew more and more hope- less, he threw off all restraints, treated the revenues of his rich province and all he could exact from it as his own, and squandered them in a luxury which seems to have rivalled that of the Persian kings. We read of fish brought from the Persian Gulph for his table 1 , and of his struggles with nature to fill his gardens at Babylon with exotic plants. 2 These how- ever were his most innocent pleasures. The Baby- lonians were forced to surrender their wives and children to his boundless lust, which he moreover indulged with a peculiar kind of capricious ostenta- tion. He sent for Pythionice, the most celebrated of the Athenian courtezans, and caused her to be re- ceived at Babylon with royal honours, and after her death erected two monuments to her memory, one at Babylon, the other in Attica, at a cost of 200 talents 3 the Babylonian monument in the form of a temple, where he ordered her to be honoured, under the title of her patron goddess, with sacred rites. Her successor, Glycera, a native of Athens, he treated with no less extravagant homage, lodged her in the royal palace at Tarsus, dedicated a bronze statue to her in Syria, by the side of his own, and in a place where he was about to erect one of Alexander himself, and forced the people to salute her as a queen. For her sake, and probably likewise with an eye to the need he might have of Athenian protection in a reverse of fortune, he sent a large present of corn to 1 Diodor. xvu. 108. a Plut Al. 39, 3 Theopompus in Athen. xm. 67. Plutarch however (Pfioc. 22.), says that the one in Attica cost but thirty talents, arid that it did not look as if so much had been laid out on it DISBANDMENT OF THE GREEK MERCENARIES. 81 the Athenians, who requited it with their franchise. CHAP. An account of these proceedings was sent to Alex- ander by the historian Theoporapus, in a letter of which some fragments have been preserved 1 : but Alexander had probably received earlier information of them from other quarters. When Harpalus heard of the king's safe return, and of the severity with which he had punished similar offences, he despaired of forgiveness, seized all the treasure he could collect, whicli amounted to 5000 talents, took 6000 mercen- aries into his pay, and, flying to the western coast, sailed over to Athens. He was forced indeed, after a time, as we shall see, to quit the city ; but he staid there long enough, and was sufficiently well received, to excite bitter resentment in Alexander's mind against the Athenians. The king's confidence in Harpalus was so strong to the last, that he imprisoned Ephialtes and Cissus, who brought the news of his flight, as guilty of calumny. 2 It was necessary not only to soothe the people by the punishment of such offences, but, if possible, to Greek prevent their recurrence. It seems to have been for cenaries - this end that Alexander sent orders to all his Asiatic satraps, to dismiss the Greek mercenaries whom they had taken into their service, in whom they probably found their most willing instruments for every act of violence, as well as encouragement to hope for im- punity. That Alexander really issued this order, cannot be doubted ; as we shall have occasion here- after to observe some effects which resulted from it. It cannot, however have been his intention to allow these adventurers to roam at large over Asia, where they might be expected not only to commit number- 1 Athen. xin. 67. 'Ev TTJ irpbs 'A\fdv5pov eirurrfari. In what relation this letter stood to a work of Theopompus quoted by Athenaeus, xm. 50., under the title 'Ev rots Trepl TTJS Xias firiffTo\fis, it is difficult to conjecture. x Pint. Al. 41. VOL. VJI. G mer- 82 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, less disorders, but likewise to lend their aid to every . attempt that might be made against his government, and to hold out a constant temptation to the dis- affected. We have therefore in the case itself con- firmation of a statement, otherwise not resting on very high authority, that he designed to plant colonies in Persia with these disbanded troops. 1 The plan indeed, if it was formed, seems to have failed, at least as to the greater number. The Greek soldiers, so long as they could find employment, were perhaps seldom inclined to exchange their military habits for peaceful occupa- tions, and at least were generally averse from the thought of a settlement so far from their native land : as had been already proved by the example of those who had been left in Bactria, who not long after rose against the satrap, seized the citadel of Bactria, drew a part of the natives into their revolt, and set out in a body for Europe. This however only shows that there was a difficulty to be overcome. The project attributed by Pausanias to Alexander, is not the less in perfect har- mony with his general policy, and appears, in fact, as we shall see, to have been partly carried into effect. But such precautions as these were barely sufficient to maintain tranquillity for the present : much more was needed for the future. All that he had observed since his return appears to have strengthened his pre- vious conviction, that his empire, to be permanent, must be established on a new basis. And at Susa he began a series of measures, tending, in their remote consequences, to unite the conquerors with the con- quered, so as to form a new people out of both, and, in their immediate effects, to raise a new force, inde- Nuptials at pendent alike of Macedonian and of Persian preju- susa. dices, and entirely subservient to his ends. The first of these measures was a great festival, in which he 1 Taus. i. 25. 5. 'Awi/aVai acpas ts T^V Hepaj'Sa SeA^Vai'Tos 'A\tdis5pov. NUPTIALS AT SUSA. 83 at the same time celebrated his own nuptials with CHAP. Statira, the eldest daughter of Darius (who now, it seems, took the name of Arsinoe 1 ) and those of his principal officers with Persian and Median ladies of the noblest families. We find an intimation, that some address was needed, before the preliminaries could be arranged 2 ; and this, from the known temper and views of the Macedonian generals we can easily believe. The king's example had no doubt the greatest weight in overcoming the aversion which they must have felt to such an alliance. The liberality with which he portioned their brides out of his treasure, also had its effect : and their pride was flattered by the condescension with which he placed them on a level with himself in the ceremony. Hephaestion re- ceived the hand of Drypetis, Statira' s sister : it was Alexander's express wish that his friend's children should be related to his own. Craterus was wedded to Amastris, a niece of Darius ; Perdiccas to a daughter of the satrap Atropates ; Ptolemy and Eumenes, to two daughters of Artabazus. For Nearchus Alexander chose the daughter of Mentor by Barsine, a mark of distinguished favour, since he himself had admitted the mother to his bed, and already had a son by her, on whom he had bestowed the name of Hercules, and who afterwards became a competitor for the throne. To Seleucus he gave a daughter of the Bactrian chief Spitamenes. These are the only names recorded by Arrian, but the whole number of the officers who fol- lowed the king's example amounted to nearly a hun- dred. It was not less important for his object that above 10,000 of the private Macedonians had either 1 This is Droysen's conjecture, which seems happily to explain the variations in the name, which we find in Arrian, vn. 4. (compared with Photius, p. 686, 687.) and other authors. Aristobulus related, that Alexander also married Parysatis, daughter of Ochus. There was probably some foundation for this statement ; but we hear nothing more of Parysatis, and Alexander certainly never placed her on a level with Statira. 2 Diodorus, xvn. 107. eiretffe. Compare Arrian, vn. 6. G 2 84 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV. The mar- riage feast. already formed a connection, or were now induced to enter into one, with Asiatic women. To render it solemn and binding, a list was taken of their names, and a marriage portion was granted to each. The wealth of Asia and the arts of Greece were combined to adorn the spectacle with a splendour and beauty worthy of the occasion. A gorgeous pavilion was erected, probably on a plain near the city, capable of containing not only the bridal party, but the guests whom the king had invited to the banquet. 1 It was supported by pillars sixty feet high, glittering with gold, silver, and precious stones, and was hung and spread with the richest tissues. Ninety-two chambers, magnificently furnished, were annexed to the building : and an outer court appears to have been inclosed by a partition, likewise hung with costly tapestry, for the reception of the 10,000 newly-married soldiers, each of whom received a golden vessel for his libation, and of the strangers who had been drawn by business or curiosity to the court. In the fore- ground without, tables were spread for the rest of the immense multitude. The nuptials were solemnised according to Persian usage. A separate seat was as- signed to each pair : all were ranged in a semicircle, to the right and left of the royal throne. When the last libation had been announced by a flourish of trumpets to the multitude without, the brides entered the banquet-hall, and took their places. The king first gave his hand to Statira, and saluted her as his 1 That the tent described by Chares (Athenams, xn. 54. JEYian, V. II. vm. 7. ) as erected for the marriage-feast, is the same "with that described as the king's ordinary tent for solemn audiences by Phylarchus (Athen. xu. 55. JElian, V. H. ix. 3.) may be considered as nearly certain. Droysen (p. 496.) concludes, that the royal tent was fitted up for the wedding-feast. It seems more probable, that one was built for that occasion. Chares distinguishes the dittos, or inner tent, In which the tables were laid for the bridegrooms and the king's guests, from the au\r], in which, according to him, the whole army, with the crowd of strangers, was enter- tained. But that an inclosure was made to contain so vast a multitude, seems highly improbable. The av\$i appears to have been destined for the Macedonian bridegrooms of lower rank. Droysen takes no notice of the outer court, but supposes that tables were laid in the tent for 9000 persons, all of distinguished rank. DEATH OF CALANUS. 85 consort ; and his example was followed by tlie rest. CHAP. This, it seems, completed the nuptial ceremony. The festivities lasted five days, which were filled up with a variety of entertainments ; among the rest, musical and dramatic performances of Greek artists, and feats of Indian jugglers. 1 Alexander's subjects from all parts of the empire vied with each other in the mag- nificence of their offerings to the king : and the value of the crowns which he received on this occasion is said to have amounted to 15,000 talents. We may here mention another spectacle which was Death of exhibited at Susa, probably soon after the king's ar- rival, not less to the astonishment of the natives than of the Greeks. The Indian philosopher Calanus had accompanied the army thus far. 2 He had become a favourite with Alexander, and with several of his officers : was frequently a guest at the royal table, and sometimes even offered political advice to the king. 3 On the road to Susa, he was visited for the first time, at the age of seventy-three, with symptoms of disease. He disdained, as perhaps Plato would have done, to submit to the use of medicine and change of diet for the sake of a few more years of sickly life ; and re- solved, while his mind was still clear and his spirit unbroken, to drop his mortal load, and ascend to a higher sphere. He wished to solemnise this his last act according to the custom of his country, and re- quested the king to direct a funeral pile to be prepared 1 av/j.aroTroiol, Athen. xu. 54. 2 Strabo ( xv. 300. Tauchn. ) says that he fell ill at Pasargadae, and put an end to his life ; which seems to imply that this was the scene of his death : and Arrian (vn. 3.) appears likewise to fix it in Persis. But, as Droysen observes, his mention of Nearchus and the elephants as present at the funeral, clearly proves that it cannot have taken place before the reunion of the forces at Susa. And so we find Diodorus, in this instance, apparently rather more accurate than Strabo or Arrian ; for, according to him, it was about the time that Alexander reached the frontiers of Susis, that Calanus burnt himself, xvn. 107. 8 To illustrate the danger of Alexander's expeditions into remote regions, Calanus, it is said, laid a dry hide on the ground, and showed, that when any corner was pressed the other parts were raised, but when the pressure was applied to the centre, the whole was kept at rest. (Plut. Al. 65.) Q 3 86 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, for him. Alexander endeavoured in vain to divert him from his purpose, and at last ordered Ptolemy to make the necessary arrangements. When all was ready, a military procession, accompanied by the ele- phants, led the way. Vessels of gold and silver, royal vestments, and precious spices Alexander's presents to his departing friend were carried before him to be laid on the pile, which was itself constructed of all manner of odoriferous woods. 1 A horse of the Nysaean breed had also been brought for him ; but, ac- cording to some accounts, he was unable to mount it, and was borne in a litter, crowned with a chaplet, and singing his Indian hymns. When he reached the place, he distributed the king's presents among the persons to whom he had been most attached, giving the horse to Lysimachus, who had been used to take pleasure in his conversation, took leave of his friends, and re- quested them to devote the rest of the day to convivial mirth. He then mounted the pile, and gravely laid himself down in the sight of the whole army, which was drawn up in a circle round it. Alexander alone would not be tempted by curiosity to witness such an end of one whom he loved. As soon as the torches were applied to the pile, the trumpets sounded, the men raised the battle yell, and the elephants were made to join their sharp screech. Every eye was fixed on Calanus ; but he was never seen to stir again. The funeral was followed, according to ancient Greek usage, by a horse-race, and by gymnastic and musical contests. But his last request was fulfilled in a manner which he could scarcely have wished, and which does not convey a favourable idea of Alex- ander's court. At the banquet which closed the day the king proposed a prize for the stoutest drinker. It need not be supposed that he himself engaged in the contest : but it proved almost immediately fatal to no 1 M\. v. H. v. 6. ' DISCONTENT OF THE ARMY. 87 less than forty-one of the competitors, and Promachus, CHAP. the conqueror, did not survive his triumph more than three days. It must be confessed, that such a tribute to the memory of Calanus was not more humane than a combat of gladiators : and, after this well-attested fact, the Macedonians could not justly complain that any wrong was done to their character by the legend of their drunken march through Carmania. 1 The nuptial festival was a concession gained from the Macedonians in favour of the ancient masters of Asia. It had not been yielded without reluctance ; and notwithstanding the king's liberality and conde- scension, murmurs were excited, both in the mass of the army and among some of the newly-rnarried officers, by the preference which had been given to the Persian ceremonial. Alexander, who meditated innovations which were likely to give still greater offence to the Macedonians, now endeavoured to con- ciliate them by another act of royal munificence, and by the distribution of rewards to those who had dis- tinguished themselves in the late expeditions. He Alexander declared his intention to pay the debts of every Mace- donian in the army ; and directed that all who wished soldiers. to share his bounty should give in their names to be registered. The offer was at first very coldly received, and awakened a suspicion, which indicated an un- sound state of feeling, though it arose in part from a reproving conscience, and might also be considered as occasioned by the incredible amount of the proffered donative. It was generally believed, that the king's object was chiefly to gain information as to the state of their private affairs, and, from the debts which 1 Elian's authority (V. H. n. 41.) does not seem sufficient to prove that such drinking matches were customary in India, and that Alexander proposed this to gratify the Indians who were then at his court. There is no reason to suppose that so great a change has taken place in Indian manners as this would imply. ./Elian may have inferred the custom from the request of Calanus and the manner in which it was fulfilled. G 4 8 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, they had contracted, to form a judgment which could not fail to be often unfavourable on the habits and character of each. Few therefore presented them- selves to enter their names. Alexander, as soon as he discovered the cause of this general backwardness, re- proved them for their unworthy distrust, with the remark, that it was no more fit that subjects should suspect their king of falsehood, than that he should practise it : and immediately ordered tables to be set in the camp, with heaps of gold, where each might receive the amount of his debts without registering his name. This generous confidence removed all doubts : men of all ranks flocked in with their claims : and the secrecy was felt as a greater favour than the relief. We hear but of one case in which the tempt- ation held out by it to fraud was abused. A veteran, named Antigenes, who had lost an eye at the siege of Perinthus, came to one of the counters with a man whom he had induced to act the part of a creditor. The pretended debt was paid : but the collusion was soon after detected ; and Alexander indignantly ban- ished Antigenes from court, and deprived him of his command. The shame was more than the offender could bear ; and it became evident that he would not long survive it. To prevent a fatal issue, which would have damped the joy of the army, Alexander restored the old officer to his rank, and permitted him to keep all he had received. The sum expended on this largess is said to have been no less than 20,000 talents. Alexander, at the same time, bestowed crowns of gold on several of his principal officers, among whom are mentioned Peu- cestes, Leonnatus, Nearchus, Onesicritus, and He- phaBstion. Other rewards were conferred on a great number of persons in proportion to their rank and services. But the popularity which the king gained by these measures, was soon to be subjected to a hard isation of army. DISCONTENT OF THE ARMY. 89 trial. For it was not long after that the satraps who CHAP. had the charge of the Asiatic youth selected some years ,. L J' . before, to be taught the Greek language, and to be trained to war according to the Macedonian system, came to Susa, with a body of 30,000 young soldiers formed in these schools, equipped and armed in the Macedonian fashion. Alexander himself was delighted o with their fine persons and martial bearing, and with the manner in which they executed their manoeuvres, and immediately proceeded to incorporate them with his army. The infantry, it seems, was for the present New organ- kept distinct from the Macedonian troops : but the cavalry, which was drawn from Bactria and Sogdiana, and other eastern provinces, was admitted into the same ranks with the flower of the Macedonian nobility. A fifth division of horse was formed to receive them : and, at the same time, several of the young Asiatic nobles were enrolled in the Escort, a body hitherto selected from the first families of Macedonia. These changes roused the jealousy and resentment of the old troops, in a much higher degree than any of the king's previous acts. His adoption of the dress and usages of the conquered people had displeased them, because it indicated a purpose which they disliked : the late alli- ances created perhaps still greater discontent, because they still more clearly and directly tended to the same point. But the new organisation of the army was more than a tendency ; it was not a mere indication, but the first step in the execution of the purpose which had alarmed them : it was a beginning of de- struction to all the privileges they most valued. Alexander, it was plain, wished to be considered only as their sovereign, no longer as their countryman. The murmurs of the camp probably did not escape his notice, and may have induced him to set out the earlier from Susa, on a march which, by the new oc- cupation it afforded, would perhaps make the army 90 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, forget its supposed grievances. He therefore ordered . Hephsestion to lead the main body down to the coast, while he himself, with the hypaspists, and a few squadrons of horse, embarked on board the fleet which Nearchus had brought up the Eulajus to Susa. Having fallen down the river as far as the cut by which it is connected in the upper part of its course with the Tigris, he left the vessels which had suffered most from the sea, to enter the Tigris by this canal, while with the rest he sailed down to the mouth, and sur- veyed the coast of the Delta. Then, again entering the Tigris by another arm, he sailed up toward the place of rendezvous, which he had concerted with Hephaestion, and, when the whole armament was once more united, proceeded by slow marches to Opis. His attention on the way was entirely devoted to the state of the stream, and the adjacent districts ; and he em- ployed his troops to remove the dykes, or bunds, by which the ancient kings of Persia or Assyria had ob- structed the navigation ; whether, as he wished to be believed, for the security of their dominions against inroads from the sea, or, as seems more probable, for other purposes, which appeared to him no longer to require them. Mutiny at Qii his arrival at Opis, he assembled the Macedonians, and addressing them from a lofty stand, where he was surrounded by his principal officers, informed them that he had determined to release from service those who, by age or wounds, had become unfit for the field, and that they were at liberty to return to their homes : that it should be his care to make such a pro- vision for their old age, as should render their condi- tion happy and honoured, and should induce others of their countrymen to encounter like hardships and dangers for the sake of like rewards. The offer may have been made in a spirit of real kindness and gene- rosity: but it was interpreted by the Macedonians MUTINY AT OPIS. 91 according to the impression which had been left on CHAP. them by the recent innovations. They viewed it as a pretext, by which the king sought to rid himself of veterans, whom, toilworn as they were, he would have been glad to retain in his service, if he had not wished to fill their places with barbarian recruits. This thought was as a torch applied to their pile of griev- ances, and kindled their long smouldering resentment into a blaze. A cry spread through the ranks, and was raised by several who stood immediately before the king, That he might dismiss them all, and go to war with the aid of the god, his father. It was evident that, though the outbreak was sudden, the movement had been long prepared : that the dispo- sition of the multitude was ripe for violence, and that this tumult, unless immediately suppressed, might in a few moments burst every barrier, and cause irrepar- able calamities. Alexander met this danger with as much presence of mind as all others to which he was ever exposed. He was probably a little stung by their taunts, and perhaps his indignation was roused by what he may have considered an ungrateful return for his kindness. Arrian thinks, that, before he be- came accustomed to the servility of the barbarians, he would have treated his Macedonians in such a case more leniently. Of this we can hardly judge, as the occasion would not have arisen : but, in his actual situation, the course which he took was probably the only one by which he could have averted the danger, without the sacrifice of his will, and the loss of his authority. He instantly leaped down from the tri- bune, followed by his officers, and pointing to the men whom he had observed most active in the disturbance, ordered his guards to seize them. Thir- teen were arrested, and led away at his command to immediate execution. At once the uproar sank into deep silence ; the 92 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, spirit of the multitude quailed before a stronger reso- . lution : the mutiny was already crushed. It only re- Aiexander's mained to follow up the blow and secure the victory. speech. Alexander resumed his station, and again addressed the awe-struck crowd. The speech which Arrian has put into his mouth for this occasion may not improb- ably represent the substance of that which he really delivered. It has been much admired, and certainly its merit, as a piece of rhetoric, is not the less because it confines itself to topics on which he could dwell with a clear advantage, avoids all notice of the point which was the sole ground of complaint, and gives a turn to the language of the mutineers quite foreign to their well-known sentiments. He reminded them of the benefits which his father and himself had con- ferred on Macedonia, and the terms in which he describes the state from which Philip raised it, involve a com- plete vindication of the policy of the Athenian party which resisted the growth of his power, and of the contempt with which they regarded his people. He then spoke of his own conquests, of the scanty means with which he began his expedition, and of the immense change it had made in the fortunes of his followers ; for all he had won was theirs : he had con- quered, not to enrich himself, but them : for himself he reserved nothing but the purple and the diadem. So the speech dexterously, and not less boldly, asserts : as if they had been expected to believe that his treasury had been drained by his munificence. He could more truly claim the merit of greater personal risks and sufferings than any of them were able to allege, which, if they, and riot he, had been the gainers by his victories, would doubtless have been an argu- ment of some weight. He however reminded them more particularly of the splendid rewards they had received for their services, and finally he bade them go and make it known at home that, after a series of ALEXANDER'S SPEECH. 93 triumphs such as no conqueror had before achieved, CHAP. they had abandoned their king, and had consigned him to the guard of the barbarians whom he had sub- dued. This conduct, he concludes with emphatic irony, may perhaps be honourable in the judgment of men, and pious in the eyes of the gods. Away ! So saying, he hastily quitted the stand, attended by his great officers and his guard, and shut himself up in the palace 1 , where he neglected his ordinary re- freshments, and for two days refused to admit even his most intimate friends to his presence. The Macedonians might perhaps have found an answer to the speech, though so much of it was in- disputably true. They might have pointed out that it did not at all affect the justice of their complaints, which rested on the change that had been made in their relation to the conquered races : and that, far from wishing to leave their king in the hands of the barbarians, they only felt themselves aggrieved be- cause he had honoured and trusted the barbarians too much. But, for whatever might have been said in their behalf, they had neither spokesman nor hearer : and, what rendered their condition still more desperate, they had no leader. They remained for some time where the king had left them, in silent consternation and deep perplexity. They were a body without a head, unable either to act or to de- liberate. The spirit of resistance had, it appears, been entirely broken : they were ready to submit, and only waited to learn Alexander's intentions. He had resolved to try their obedience and to vin- dicate his own majesty to the utmost. On the third 1 Mr. Williams {Geography of Ancient Asia, p. 32.) asserts, that at Opts there could have been no royal palace , but neglects to offer any proof of his assertion. Whether there was a treasury there, is a question perfectly immaterial. On this very bold, but no less unfortunate attempt, to extort testimony from Arrian in favour of the opinion, that the mutiny took place, not at Opis, where Arrian ex- pressly lays the scene, but at Susa, see Vol. VI. p. 397. HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, d av ne sen t for the principal Persian officers, and declared to them his purpose, to be hereafter served by Asiatic troops in the room of the Macedonians : he assigned to them their commands in the army, which was to be organised on the Macedonian model and with Macedonian names. Even the royal escorts of infantry and cavalry were to be composed wholly of Persians, and he selected some Persian nobles to receive the title of his kinsmen and the privilege of kissing him. 1 When these orders were published, they carried the feelings which already prevailed in the Macedonian camp, to the last extremity of anguish and dismay. It seemed as if the king was in earnest, and would take them at their word : their own rashness had brought down upon them the evil which they dreaded. .No hope was left but in the royal clemency. There needed no consultation, and scarcely a voice to express the universal sentiment. With one consent they rushed to the palace, and threw down their arms as ensigns of supplication before the gates, intreatirig for admission, offering to surrender their evil counsellors and those who had first uttered the seditious cries, for punishment, and declaring that they would not quit the threshold, day or night, until Alexander took compassion on them. The recon- He had now brought them to the degree of sub- mission which he desired, and it became safe and seasonable to relent. We may be sure that nothing was farther from his thoughts, than to lose such a body of troops, and to endanger the peace of Mace- donia by an appearance of complete alienation: and perhaps the experiment would have been imprudent, if it had exposed him to such hazard. But he might easily foresee the result ; and indeed the success of 1 Droysen (p. 515. ) infers from Polysenus (iv. 3. 7.) that Alexander sent a challenge to the Macedonians, to choose a leader, and give him battle. This is not more probable than the scene which Polyaenus describes perhaps with no other groundwork than a distorted account of Alexander's language on this occasion. THE RECONCILIATION. 95 his first step showed that it rested with himself to CHAP. receive them again into his service, whenever he would, upon his own terms. His prudence was no less conspicuous in the manner of the reconciliation, than his firmness had been throughout the struggle. It appears that he did not let them remain long in the attitude of suppliants, but came out to them, as eager to forgive, when he could no longer doubt the sincerity of their repentance. Their downcast looks, and pitiful lamentations, drew tears which a Greek easily shed from his own eyes. He prepared to speak ; but the sound of wailing and in treaty did not cease. At length a veteran officer of the cavalry, named Callines, ventured to remark, that the thing which most hurt the Macedonians was, that the king had honoured Persians with the title of kinsmen, and the privilege of the kiss, which no Macedonian had ever enjoyed. Alexander, as if affected by their loyal jealousy, declared that he should henceforth look upon all of them as his kinsmen, and grant them the privi- lege they so much coveted. Accordingly Callines, and several others, were permitted to kiss him ; and the whole body, taking up their arms, returned with shouts of joy and paBans to the camp. To seal the reconciliation, Alexander celebrated a thanksgiving- sacrifice, which was followed by a banquet, at which he entertained 9000 of his troops, selected for their personal rank and merits from the rival nations. The Macedonians took the precedence, and were placed immediately round the king; the Persians were seated next ; and then it seems, without distinction, the re- presentatives of the other races. The religious rites were directed by Greek soothsayers and Magians : the king, and those around him, drew their libations from one bowl ; and he accompanied them with a prayer for concord, and community of empire, between the Macedonians and the Persians. 9G HISTORY OF GREECE. Antipatcr. The discharged veterans, 10,000 in number, were then dismissed with every token of respect and affec- tion. Each received a talent over and above his pay, calculated to the time of his arrival in Macedonia. The children born to them of Asiatic women 1 , Alex- ander took under his own charge to prevent, as he said, discord in their families promising to train them for soldiers, and, when they had grown up, to lead them to Macedonia himself. And he bade them consider it as the strongest proof he could give of his regard for them, that he appointed Craterus, the friend who was dear to him as his own life, to conduct them home. With Craterus he had joined Polysper- chon as second in command, that no embarrassment might arise if Craterus, who was in ill-health, should be detained on the road. It was not however simply for the sake of the veterans, that Craterus was en- trusted with this commission. He had received other instructions of at least equal importance. He was to supersede Antipater in the government of Macedonia; and Antipater was to conduct the fresh levies to the king. Though Arrian cautions his readers not to rely on writers who affect to disclose the most secret counsels of princes, it can hardly be doubted that by this time Alexander's confidence in Antipater had begun to give way to his mother's continued accusa- tions, and to the complaints which he received from other persons, against the regent. If we may judge from the scanty accounts remaining of Antipater's private habits and sentiments, there was reason to think, that he disapproved of many of the king's pro- ceedings. He is reported to have remarked, when he heard of Parmenio's death : If Parmenio conspired against Alexander, who is to be trusted? If not, 1 The Epigoni, properly so called : for the name was sometimes incorrectly applied to the young barbarian recruits. ALEXANDER'S NEW MEASURES WITH THE GREEKS. 97 what is to be done? 1 And he might be supposed to CHAP. be no better satisfied with the execution of his own son-in-law, Alexander the Lyncestian. He retained the old Macedonian simplicity in his dress and manner of living, to a degree which attracted notice, by its contrast with the habits of the age, and which must have appeared still more singular, when compared with the splendour of Alexander's court. 2 The looms of Ionia were kept in constant activity to supply purple robes for the courtiers 3 ; while Antipater still wore a garment adorned only with a plain white border. And Alexander is said to have observed, when this was mentioned to him, that though Anti- pater's outside was so homely, he was all purple within. 4 That there was a real foundation for the prevailing opinion, that the regent had sunk in the king's favour, seems clear from the fact, that he sent his son Cassander to court to defend his conduct : and it appears that he had also entered into a secret treaty with the .ZEtolians. 5 Alexander's attention had also been drawn of late Alexander's toward the state of Greece, and particularly toward sur es with Athens. Nothing had occurred there that could fairly tbe Greeks - be interpreted as a sign of defiance or hostility : but it seems that this resentment, kindled by the flight of Harpalus, turned itself against the people among whom the fugitive had sought shelter, and that he meditated a signal revenge. It may easily be con- ceived, that he was still more impatient of every ap- pearance of opposition from the Greeks, than from his Macedonians ; and he had adopted two measures, which left no doubt as to the footing on which the Greeks were henceforth to consider themselves as 1 Plut. R. et. I. Ap. Antip. 1. 2 Athen. xn. 71. s Athen. xn. p. 539. F. 4 Plut. R. et I. Ap. Alex. 17. V E|0J' XfVKonapvtpos, TO 6e tvSov 6\oir<'iptpvpos, 4 Plut. Al. 49. VOL. VII. H 98 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, standing with respect to him, and were calculated to put an end to all resistance to his authority. It will be more convenient to reserve an account of the reception which these measures met with in Greece, for a subsequent chapter : but they must be men- tioned here, as they throw light on Alexander's character and views. One was a decree, published at the Olympic games (B.C. 324), by which he en- joined, that all the exiles who had been forced to quit their homes for any other oifence than sacrilege and murder, should be permitted to return. This measure was manifestly designed for the benefit of that numerous class of persons who had been defeated in the struggles of the Greek parties, and banished by their adversaries. Their return would have esta- blished the predominance of the Macedonian interest in every Greek city, almost as effectually as a Mace- donian garrison. It was a stroke of policy; the policy of an enemy, who wished to divide, that he might rule. But the other measure looks more like the act of a despot, who would degrade a conquered people, that he might trample upon them. It was a requi- sition, sent round to the principal states of Greece, demanding divine honours for Alexander. It is true that such things were no longer looked at by the Greeks so seriously as they had once been : there had also been instances in which honours of this kind had been paid to persons much inferior to Alexander in dignity and power : as to Lysander : it was indeed no more than Harpalus had exacted, though not from Greeks, for his deceased mistress, Possibly too Alexander's envoys may have ventured to allege the example of the Macedonians : and very probably he expected, that the reluctance of the Macedonians might be softened by the acquiescence of the Greeks. This last supposition, though it could not alter the character of the measure in the eyes of those to whom MARCH TO ECBATAXA. 99 it was dictated, would certainly present it in a less CHAP. odious light to us. 1 . After the departure of Craterus, Alexander set out March to for Ecbatana. The state of the treasure, and the Ecbatana - country, which had been so long in such hands as those of Oleander and Sitalces, demanded his atten- tion. It was also a point where he might collect in. formation, and concert measures, with regard to the regions which bounded his dominions on the north along the coasts of the Caspian Sea, concerning which his knowledge was hitherto very imperfect. But no doubt one of his main objects was to gratify the Medians by a residence of some months in their splen- did capital, one of the proudest cities of the ancient world, Avhere his Persian predecessors had been used to hold their court during a part of the year. Their sojourn had been a burdensome honour to their sub- jects : for the host which they brought with them was to be supported at the expense of the country. 2 Alexander's presence was everywhere felt as a blessing. In his progress through Media he viewed the pastures celebrated it seems, under the name of the Nysasan plain for the number and excellence of the horses bred in them. The number had amounted to 150,000; but, through a series of depredations, which mark the disordered state of the province, it had been reduced 1 Droysen (Al. p. 524.) elaborately vindicates the policy of the measure, which, according to him, was absolutely necessary for the stability of Alexander's throne ; adding the very questionable assertion, that all monarchical governments rest on the belief, that the sovereign is a being of a higher nature. But his argument with regard to Alexander, depends on the no less precarious assumption, that the effect of the order on the Greeks was likely to be that of awakening their veneration for his majesty. It appears that the feelings which it really excited, partook much more of either indignation or contempt. 2 A tolerably correct notion of the weight of the burden may be formed from the list, given by Polysenus (iv. 3. 32.), of the provisions daily consumed by the Great King's household. The list professes to have been copied from a brazen column, which Alexander found in a royal palace. As a specimen, we may notice, that it included 400 sheep, 300 lambs, 100 oxen, 30 horses, 30 deer, 400 fat geese, 300 pigeons, 600 small birds of various kinds. Alexander ordered the column to be taken down. He limited the daily expence of his own table to 10,000 drachmas: which possibly was as much as the Persian kings spent for the same purpose. H 2 100 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, by nearly two-thirds. Here he was met by Atropates, the satrap of the north-west part of Media, who, it seems, entertained him with a masquerade of a hun- dred women, mounted, and equipped with hatchets and short bucklers, according to the popular notion of the Amazons. Such is Arrian's conjecture. The fact, whatever it may have been, gave rise to a story, that Alexander here received an embassy from the queen of the Amazons, and promised to pay her a visit. There were several other objects on this road to attract his attention in a leisurely march : a Boeo- tian colony planted by Xerxes, which still retained a partial use of the Greek language, and the garden and monuments of Baghistane, which tradition as- cribed to Semiramis. Festival at At Ecbatana, after he had dispatched the most im- portant business which awaited him there, he solem- nised the autumnal festival of Dionysus with extra- ordinary magnificence. The city was crowded with strangers, who came to witness the spectacle; and 3000 artists are said to have been assembled from Greece, to bear a part in it. The satrap Atropates feasted the whole army ; and the Macedonian officers seem to have vied with each other in courtly arts. They put proclamations into the mouths of the heralds, breathing, it is said, a strain of flattery, such as had scarcely been heard by the Persian kings. 1 One of these, which was preserved as a specimen of insolent servility 2 , but is more remarkable as an indication of Alexander's sentiments, was made by Gorgus, the master of the armoury, who presented him with a crown worth 3000 gold pieces, and undertook to furnish 10,000 complete suits of armour, and as many missiles of every sort proper for the attack of a town, whenever he should lay siege to Athens. 1 K-npvyfj. d\46pov, KOV% traipas o. H 3 102 HISTORY OF GREECE. was interrupted by an event, which Alexander felt as the greatest calamity of his life. Hephaastion had been attacked some days before by a fever, which at * first did not show any alarming symptoms. Trusting to his youth, and his strong constitution, he had it appears neglected the directions of his physician^ and by his imprudence so inflamed the disease, that it carried him suddenly off. It was a day which was to have been devoted to the gymnastic exercises of the boys. Alexander was witnessing a footrace, when a message was brought to him that Hepha3stion Death of was worse. He instantly hurried to his friend's bed- tkm hES ~ s ^ e ' kut before ne arrived HephaBStion had expired. Alexander's grief, though not embittered by self-re- proach, was passionate and violent, as that which he showed at the death of Clitus. There is no evidence that Hepha3stion possessed any qualities that deserved the preference with which Alexander distinguished him : and indeed there are intimations that, even in Alexander's judgment, his chief merit was the devo- tion and obsequiousness w r ith which he requited his master's partiality. 1 Perhaps if the attachment had been more considerately formed, the loss would have Honours been less keenly felt. After the first transports of lm ' anguish had subsided, Alexander sought consolation in the extravagant honours which he paid to his de- parted favourite, and in the vain semblance of grief, which he forced all persons and things around him to put on. We may refuse, with Arrian, to believe that he was so barbarous and frantic, as to put the inno- cent physician to death, and to pull down the temple of Esculapius, if there was one, at Ecbatana. But there is no reason why we should question Plutarch's 1 Plut. Al. 47. Hepha?stion's merits are summed up in the epithet avSpos (Friend to Alexander) : it seems that Alexander himself could not help respecting Craterus more. When the favourite quarrelled with Craterus in India, Alexander sharply rebuked Hephaestion, saying, he must be mad if he is not aware that without Alexander he would be nothing. HONOURS PAID TO HEPH.ESTION. 103 statement, that he ordered the horses and mules to be CHAP. shorn, and the town- walls to be dismantled of their battlements. 1 These were probably among the cus- tomary signs of a general mourning on the death of the Persian kings : and it is certain that he directed one to be observed throughout his Asiatic dominions. He also commanded that, as was usual on the same occasions, the sacred fire should be quenched in all the Persian sanctuaries until the funeral was over. For this preparations were made on a scale of more than royal magnificence. He ordered Perdiccas to convey the corpse to Babylon, where a pile was to be built at the expence of 10,000 talents, and funeral games, gymnastic and musical, were to be celebrated with a splendour never before witnessed : for which purpose all the artists assembled at Ecbatana were to repair to the capital. The courtiers, especially those who might be suspected to entertain very different feelings, endeavoured to prove their sympathy with the king by extraordinary tokens of veneration for the departed favourite. Eumenes, who had lately had a violent quarrel with him, which was only composed by the royal authority, dexterously set the example, and dedicated himself and his arms to the deceased : per- haps anticipating Alexander's wish, that Hephaestion should receive sacred honours, lie was anxious that this should be done under the sanction of religious authority, and therefore sent to consult the oracle of Ammon on the question, whether Hephsestion should be worshipped as a hero or a god. Tii the mean while, it is said, he ordered the sound of music to cease in 1 Droysen rejects these reports with the utmost contempt : perhaps forgetting what Herodotus (ix. 24.) relates of the mourning for Masistius, in which the Persians shaved themselves, and the horses, and the beasts of burden : a precedent, which at least proves, that there is nothing absurd or incredible, in Plutarch's account : if it does not render it certain, that the same marks of grief were a necessary part of the general mourning ordered by Alexander. H 4 104 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, the camp. The division of the cavalry which had t been commanded by Hephasstion, was to retain his name, and the officer to whom it was committed was to be regarded only as his lieutenant. 1 These fantastic cares, however, served but to cherish his melancholy, and his officers endeavoured to divert him by some fitter occupation, which might draw him from Ecbatana, where he was constantly reminded of his bereavement. He at length began to rouse himself, and complied with their wishes. An object opportunely presented itself, which called him again into action, and in the manner most suited The cos- to the present temper of his soul. The Cossa?ans, who inhabited the highlands on the confines of Media and Persia, were still unsubdued ; and, relying on their mountain strongholds, continued from time to time to make predatory inroads on their neighbours. Though it was now the depth of winter, Alexander set out to punish and quell them. He divided his forces into two columns, and gave the command of one to Ptolemy. The obstacles opposed by the country and the season were such as he was used to overcome: the barbarians could do little to bar his progress. They were hunted like wild beasts into their lairs, and every man taken capable of bearing arms was put to the sword. It was a sacrifice to the shade of Hephaestion, in which Alexander might see another resemblance to Achilles. He then crossed the mountains, and, coming down upon the Tigris, took the direct road to Babylon. sinister At the distance of some days', march from the city, he was met by presages of impending calamity. A deputation of the Chaldean priests came to the camp, and requested a private audience, in which they in- formed him, that their god Belus had revealed to them that some danger threatened him, if he should 1 Arrian, vu. 14. omens. PRESAGES. 1 05 at that time enter Babylon. Alexander is said to CHAP. have replied with a verse of Euripides, expressing disbelief in divination. But it is certain that the warning sank deep into his mind. The state of his feelings was apt for gloomy forebodings : and there was a strange harmony between the words of the Chaldaaans, and an intimation which he had lately re- ceived from a Greek soothsayer, named Peithagoras. Peithagoras had been requested by his brother Apol- lodorus, who had commanded the troops left at Babylon with Mazseus, and though he had accom- panied the king to Ecbatana, did not feel secure of his favour, to discover, if he could, through his art, whether the general had any thing to fear either from Alexander or Hephajstion. An answer came from Babylon that, as to Hephasstion, he was safe : the victims showed that the favourite would soon be out of their way : and the next day Hephaastion died. Shortly after a like prediction came with regard to Alexander himself: and Apollodorus was loyal or prudent enough to disclose it to the king, who com- mended him for his openness. A still more marvel- lous story afterwards found credit : that Calanus, just before his death, had declined to take leave of Alexander, saying, that he should soon meet him at Babylon. Still the priests found that they could not induce the king to give up his intention of visiting the capital of his empire, where many important affairs were to be transacted, and embassies from remote parts of the world were awaiting his arrival. They then urged him at least not to enter the city in the direction in which he was then marching, by the eastern gate, so as to have his face turned toward the dark west : but to make a circuit, and enter from the opposite quarter. This mysterious advice struck Alexander's fancy ; he wished to comply with it, and for that purpose altered the course of his march, and 106 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, proceeded some distance along the bank of the Eu- . phrates. But he then found that the lakes and morasses formed by the inundations of the river to the west of Babylon, would prove an insurmount- The chai- able obstacle. Pie was still reluctant to neglect the warning of the Chaldasans, but yet not now indisposed to listen to Anaxarchus, and the other philosophical Greeks about him, who treated the occult science, and especially its Babylonian professors, with contempt. There was however another motive for distrust, which weighed still more with him. He had begun to con- ceive a suspicion, that his priestly counsellors were less concerned about his safety than their own. It appeared that they and their order had reason to dread the account to which they would probably be called on his arrival. Alexander, before he left Babylon, had ordered the great temple, which Xerxes had demolished, to be rebuilt : the work was placed under the superintendence of the priests, who might have been expected to show the greatest zeal for its accomplishment, Yet Alexander had complained of the remissness with which it was car- ried on, and he had since discovered the cause. The revenues which had been assigned by the Assyrian kings, for the maintenance of the temple-worship, were also managed by the priests, and, while the temple lay in ruins, had been applied by them to their own use. They knew that Alexander's pre- sence would soon put an end to such abuses ; and he might therefore well doubt that the oracle, with which they attempted to delay his coming, had been given by the god. We do not hear that he sus- pected any collusion between them and other persons at Babylon : yet the example of Apollodorus seems to show, that such a suspicion would not have been unreasonable. Thus then he at length entered Babylon, not EMBASSIES AT BABYLON". 107 Avithout a secret misgiving, by the ominous quarter. 1 CHAP. The Great City had probably never before witnessed . so stirring a scene as was exhibited by the crowds now assembled for various purposes within its walls. Nearchus had brought in the fleet from Opis : the vessels transported over land from Phoenicia had come down from Thapsacus : the harbour was in progress, and other ships were on the stocks in the arsenals of Babylon itself, for which Alexander had ordered the cypress trees, the only ship-timber its territory yielded, to be felled. Another crowd of workmen and artists were busied with Hephaastion's funeral pile, and with the preparations for his ob- sequies. And never before had Alexander's imperial B.C. 323. greatness been so conspicuously displayed as in the embassies from foreign states, which were now in at- tendance at his court. It seems indeed that there was a disposition among some of his historians to ex- aggerate the number and variety of those embassies. We must perhaps pass over as doubtful those which are said to have come surprising the Macedonians and the Greeks by the novelty and strangeness of their names and garb from the European Scythians, from Celtic and Hibernian tribes, from Ethiopia, and from Carthage : though reasons may be assigned, why the Carthaginians at least should have thought it ex- 1 That Alexander's return to Babylon took place early in 323, may now be con- sidered as sufficiently certain. Vincent's remark: / cannot discover in any of the historians two winters after Alexander's return to Susa : so clearly expresses the inference which any unprejudiced reader must draw from the narratives re- maining to us, that Mr. Clinton would certainly never have disputed it (F. H. p. 231.), if, through his oversight in the previous chronology having brought Alexander to Taxila a year too soon he had not found a year on his hands, which he could only dispose of at Babylon. He has thus been induced to admit as a sufficient answer to Vincent's objection, a series of fictions and fallacies, resting chiefly on the groundless supposition, that the works mentioned were all begun after Alex- ander's arrival. The contrary is plainly implied in Arrian's statement from Aris- tobulus, vn. 19.: and the conjecture, that Alexander made two voyages from Babylon, is utterly inconsistent with Arrian's narrative. It is not the only instance in which the writer whose opinion Mr. Clinton adopts, has misled his readers, not merely through ignorance, but by an unseasonable display of the kind of knowledge which he really possessed. 108 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, pedient to propitiate the master of Asia and of Egypt. Yet it seems to have been better ascertained, that among the envoys there were some from Libya probably the part between Egypt and Gyrene who came to present him with crowns, and to congratulate him on the conquest of Asia, and from at least three of the Italian nations, the Bruttians, Lucanians, and Tyrrhenians. The object of the Italian embassies is not mentioned : those of the Bruttians and Lucanians may be easily accounted for, since, only six or seven years before, the conqueror's kinsman and namesake, Alexander of Epirus, had perished in war with them. If this was their motive, and indeed whatever may have been the interests for the sake of which they undertook so long a journey, we might have expected that their most powerful neighbour would not have been unconcerned about the issue of their negotia- tions : and hence we are prepared to accept the testi- mony of the authors who related, that they were met at Babylon by envoys from Rome, though it was not confirmed by Ptolemy or Aristobulus, and though the scene may appear to us so memorable, as to have afforded temptation for fiction : for the fact was re- corded before the greatness of the Roman name could have suggested the thought. Strabo mentions an occasion which might have led to this embassy. 1 Alexander we know not precisely when had sent remonstrances to the Romans on account of injuries which his subjects had suffered from the pirates of Antium, which was subject to Rome : and the same fact, as Niebuhr observes, throws light on the em- bassy of the Tyrrhenians the maritime inhabitants 1 V. p. 232. (376. Tauehn.) It is remarkable that both Droysen(Al. p. 664.), and it seems Niebuhr himself (in. p. 195.), have confounded what Strabo says of Alexander, with what he adds of Demetrius: that he sent back the pirates whom he took. Of Alexander he only relates, that he made complaints in a letter (eyKa\(av ttrfffreiKf). The fact of the embassy was recorded by Clitarcbus, who wrote not long after Alexander's death. (Plin. N. H. in. 9.) HEPHJESTION'S FUNERAL. 109 of Etruria. Most readers perhaps will be inclined to CHAP. adopt the opinion of that great historian on another question, which has been variously viewed from Livy's days down to our own. He thinks, that Alexander would probably have been satisfied with such a supremacy in Italy, as he had acquired in Greece : that no general confederacy would have been formed against him by the Italian states : and that Rome, single-handed, could not long have withstood such an army as he could have brought against her, backed by the forces, and treasure, of Greece, Asia, and Africa. Among the embassies were several from Greek cities, sent, some to offer presents, some to seek the king's aid or intervention in public and private affairs, and some to remonstrate against the decree for the restoration of the exiles. To those who came on this last business he gave audience after the rest : probably to mark his displeasure at the application, for he can- not have listened to it favourably, though he strove to send all away satisfied. To the others he gave precedence according to the dignity of their temples. So Elis took the lead, and was followed by Delphi and Corinth : but the shrine of Ammon was recognised as second to Olympia. The Epidaurians received an offering for their god, though Alexander added the remark, that Esculapius might have treated him better than to suffer him to lose his dearest friend. The honours designed for Hepha3stion continued to share his earnest attention with graver business. The " funeral pile was at length completed, and was a marvel of splendour, such as the gorgeous East had never beheld. A part of the wall of Babylon, to the length of about a mile, was thrown down to furnish materials for the basement and the shell of the build- ing. It was a square tower, and each side, at least at the foot, measured a stade in breadth : the height 110 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, was about 200 feet, divided into thirty stories, roofed with the trunks of palm trees. The whole of the out- side was covered with groups of colossal figures, and other ornaments, all of gold, ivory, and other precious materials, and it was surmounted by statues of sirens, so contrived as to emit a plaintive melody. All who courted the king's favour contributed their offerings to the work, or to the obsequies. As to the magnifi- cence of the concluding ceremony, of the funeral games and banquet, nothing more need be said, than that it corresponded to the richness of this astonishing work of art, which was raised at an expence about ten times exceeding that of the Parthenon 1 , merely to be devoured by the flames. Alexander was not of a character to continue long brooding over melancholy thoughts. 2 He appears now to have resumed his great plans with his wonted energy. It was about this time, that he sent out the three expeditions already mentioned to explore the coast of Arabia. He was also intent on discoveries in another quarter. He was impressed with the belief, that the Caspian Sea was connected by some outlet at its northern extremity with the ocean which girded the earth, and perhaps hoped that a passage might be found through this channel to the coast of India. With this view he sent Heraclides, with a party of shipwrights, to the shores of the Caspian, to build a fleet, which might survey its coasts, and as- certain its limits. In the mean while, he undertook thf]Eu- 0n an excursion from Babylon on the Euphrates, to in- spect the canal called the Pallacopas, which branched from it to the south-west, both for the purpose of effecting any improvement which might appear prac- 1 See Leake, Athens, p. 419. The alteration in the value of money is to be taken into account. 2 Here again Droysen's picture of Alexander's dejection (p. 567.): With He- phcestion his youth had sunk into the grave; and, though scarcely beyond the threshold of manhood, he began fast to grow old, seems violently overcharged. VOYAGE ON THE EUPHRATES. Ill ticable in the distribution of its waters for the benefit CHAP. of the surrounding country, and to ascertain the < , nature of the obstacles which barred the communica- tion with Arabia on this side. 1 The Pallacopas had been formed to discharge the superfluous waters of the Euphrates, when they rose to their greatest height after the melting of the snows, and it was then neces- sary to close its mouth that it might not drain the main stream. But on account of the softness of its bed, this was an extremely difficult operation, which commonly required the incessant labour of 10,000 men for three months. Alexander turned his thoughts to devise a remedy for this inconvenience, and, having found that about three miles beyond the mouth of the canal, the ground on the right bank be- came firm and rocky, he determined permanently to stop up the ancient entrance, and to make a new cut, which might be more easily closed at the proper season. He then sailed down the Pallacopas into the lakes which received its waters, and examined the channels by which they were connected with each other. On a part of the shore his eye was struck by a point, which seemed to him well adapted for the site of a city, and he ordered one to be built there, which he afterwards peopled with a colony of Greek merce- naries. The circuit was large, and the passages so intricate, that he was once separated for some time from the main body of the squadron. On his return omens, through this maze of waters, an accident occurred, 1 Mr. Williams ( Geogr. of Anc. As, p. 1 74. ) labours hard to prove in the teeth of Arrian, who happens expressly to mention that Alexander, as he sailed back from, the lakes, had Babylon on his left, that the Pallacopas was above Babylon. With more than the usual ill fortune which seems to attend his remarks on the text of the ancient authors, he thinks that every scholar will see that eyvta (he re- solved) in Arrian vn. 21. should be changed to aireyvw (he despaired). The question is one with which scholarship has very little to do. Who can believe that Alexander despaired of forming an efficient barrier at the entrance of the canal, when the Babylonian satrap formed one every year, which lasted until it became necessary to open it again ? and if he had despaired, what was the use of the new cut? 112 HISTORY OF GFxEECE. CHAP, trifling in itself, but sufficiently ominous, it seems, to revive the uneasy feelings with which he had entered Babylon, and which had subsided when he saw him- self once more out of it, and the prediction of the Chaldaeans apparently belied. On the reedy margin of the lake stood here and there some monuments, tombs, it was said, of ancient Assyrian kings. As the royal galley, which Alexander steered himself, passed near one of them, a sudden gust of wind carried away his causia into the water, and lodged the light diadem which circled it on one of the reeds that grew out of the tomb. One of the sailors immediately swam off to recover it, and, to keep it dry, placed it on his own head. Alexander rewarded him with a talent, but at the same time ordered him to be flogged, for the thoughtlessness with which he had assumed the ensign of royalty. The diviners, it is said, took the matter more seriously, and advised the king to avert the omen by the infliction of death on the offender. In later times his offence, for the sake of the omen, was ascribed to Seleucus. On his return he found all the preparations for his intended expedition nearly complete. The fleet was equipped, and he exercised it frequently in manoeuvres and rowing-matches on the Euphrates. Fresh troops had arrived from the Western provinces, and Peuces- tes had brought an army of 20,000 Persians, and a body of mountaineers from the Cossaean and Tapyrian highlands. The Persians Alexander incorporated with his Macedonian infantry ; so as in every file of sixteen to combine twelve Persians, armed with bows or javelins, with four heavy-armed Macedonians, se- lected from those who had been rewarded for their services, and taking the places of honour, the first three, and the last in the file. And now the envoys whom he had sent to the oracle of Ammon returned with the answer, that Hephaestion was to be worshipped OMENS. 113 as a hero. This was probably as much as Alexander CHAP. had desired. He immediately proceeded to give effect to the injunction, arid sent orders to his satrap Cleo- menes, to erect two temples to the new hero, one in Alexandria, the other on the isle of Pharos: and he was weak enough to add, if the letter which Arrian quotes was genuine, that, if Cleomeries did but show himself diligent in this business, and in the care of the Egyptian sanctuaries, all else that had been, or should be, faulty in his administration should be overlooked, an extraordinary licence indeed, unless Alexander thought it prudent to temporise with a man conscious of many flagrant offences, who had so important a province in his hands. Fresh envoys had also arrived from Greece from what states we are not informed to render him the divine honours which he had demanded. 1 They came crowned, according to the custom of persons sent on a sacred mission to a temple, offered golden crowns to him, and saluted him with the title of a god. But, Arrian observes with emphatic simplicity, he was now not far from his end. It seemed to be announced by another sinister omen. The king had been busied with the enrolment of the newly-arrived troops, in council with his officers, who were seated on each side of the throne. Feeling thirst, he withdrew to refresh himself; the council rose for a time, and none were left in the hall but the attendant eunuchs. Be- fore he returned, a man entered the apartment, mounted the steps of the throne, and seated himself on it. - The slaves had probably been kept motionless by amazement, when they should have prevented him : but, when the deed was done, the etiquette of the Persian court forbade them to lay their hands on 1 Mr. Williams, not knowing, it seems, that these honours had been required by Alexander, speaks, with the indignation befitting a professed admirer of the Chinese constitution, of the servile republicans, who hailed him with divine honours. VOL. VII. I Ill HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP one W } 1O occupied the seat of royalty, and they rent . their clothes and beat their breasts in helpless con- sternation. The man was examined, and put to the torture, by order of Alexander, who suspected a trea- sonable design. According to some accounts, he was a Messenian, named Dionysius, who had been a long time in prison, and had just made his escape. We may infer that he was out of his senses. He could give no explanation of his act, but that it had come into his mind. Hence it seemed the more manifest to the soothsayers, that it must be viewed as a sign of impending evil. Alexander himself probably so re- garded it, and it was the more alarming, as it followed so many others. For, on his arrival at Babylon, he had inquired of Peithagoras as to the nature of the tokens which he had seen in the victims, when he was consulted by his brother; and when he heard that the same part of the liver was wanting in that which was inspected for a revelation of his own destiny, as in that which had suggested the prediction already fulfilled by the death of Hepha3stion, it is said that he did not dissemble the impression which the omen made on his mind. That he was haunted by his gloomy forebodings, and superstitious fancies, to the degree which Plutarch describes, is hardly credible, unless he was already unconsciously affected by the disorder which proved, fatal to him : as on the other hand it seems probable that its secret germs may have been cherished by the dejected state of his spirits. The same causes may have led him to indulge more freely than usual in the pleasures of the table, while even slight excesses were peculiarly dangerous, cassancu-r. From the presence of the disease, before its symptoms had become manifest, we may perhaps best explain the behaviour which Plutarch attributes to him in the interview which he had with Antipater's son, Gas- sander, shortly before his death ; a scene, which ap- CASSANDER. 1 1 5 pears to have been attended with very important con- CHAP. sequences. Alexander confronted Cassander with Antipater's accusers : and, when Cassander treated their charges as groundless calumnies, sternly inter- rupted him, and asked whether men who had suffered no wrong would have travelled so far to prefer a calumnious charge? Cassander pleaded, that the greater the distance from the scene of the alleged injury, the safer was the calumny. But the king indignantly replied, that Cassander had showed how well he had studied Aristotle's sophistry, by which every argument might be turned two opposite ways, but that it should avail nothing, if the complaints proved to be in any degree well-founded. So far indeed we only see a proof that Alexander retained the full vigour of his mind and character. Plutarch however adds, what is more difficult to believe, that because Cassander, at his first audience, could not keep his countenance at the sight of the Persian cere- monial, which was entirely new to him, Alexander seized him by the hair, and dashed his head against the wall. This may be a gross exaggeration: but that Cassander's reception was so harsh and violent as to leave an indelible impression of fear and hatred on his soul, is confirmed, as strongly as such a fact can be, by his subsequent conduct. The preparations for the projected campaign were now so far advanced, that Alexander celebrated a solemn sacrifice for its success. On this occasion he distributed victims and wine among the troops by companies, that the Macedonians and Persians, who had been so lately brought together, might be disposed by his liberality, and by the season of convivial enjoy- ment, to more cordial union. He at the same time en- tertained his principal oiScers at a banquet, and con- tinued drinking with them to a late hour in the even- ing. As he was retiring to rest, he was invited by i 2 11 G HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Medius who it seems had of late been admitted to i . an intimacy with him something like Replication's to a revel, which was to be followed by a fresh drink- ing-bout. He complied, and the greater part of the night seems to have been thus spent. The next evening he again banqueted at the house of Medius, and again the carousal was prolonged to a very late hour. It was at the close of this banquet, after he had refreshed himself with a bath, that he felt the symptoms of fever so strongly as to be induced to sleep there. The grasp of death was on him, though his robust frame yielded only after a hard struggle to the gradual prevalence of the malady. Alexander's We have a minute and seemingly complete account of his last illness, in an official diary which Arrian transcribed. Nevertheless various reports, which it does not sanction, were current in ancient times, and one of them, which ascribed his death to gross in- temperance, has always been very generally believed. Another, which has been as generally rejected, attri- buted it to a dose of poison, contrived by Aristotle, conveyed by Cassander, and administered by lollas, another of Antipater's sons, who filled the office of cupbearer to the king. As this report was undoubt- edly invented by Cassander's enemies, so the other may have been first circulated by him and his par- tizans. It represents Alexander as having drained an enormous cup, a bowl of Hercules, as it was called, and as having instantly sunk as from a sudden blow. This incident certainly would not have appeared on the face of the journal ; but neither does it seem quite consistent with Alexander's habits, who, according to Aristobulus, drank chiefly for the sake of prolonging conversation, nor with other details which have been preserved concerning the banquet. 1 If he had been 1 Nicobule (Athen. xn. 53.) related that Alexander on this occasion recited a passage out of the Andromeda of Euripides, from memory. It is added indeed, that ALEXANDER'S LAST ILLNESS. 117 in his usual state of health, the debauch described in CHAP. LV the journal would probably have produced no effect on him. It may however both have hastened the outbreak of the fever, and have rendered it fatal. Aristobulus related another fact, which the journal passed over in silence ; that, in a paroxysm of the fever, the patient quenched his thirst with a large draught of wine. It seems that, for three or four days, though the disease was making steady progress, he was not sensible of his danger. On the morrow of the first attack he fixed the time of departure, both for the army and the fleet. The land force was to move on the fourth day, and he himself to embark the day after. He then crossed over to the royal park on the other side of the river, and spent the next day chiefly in the company of Medius, but appointed to give audience to his generals the next morning. During the night the fever raged without inter- mission, yet he gave his orders to Nearchus, and the other generals, as if he should be ready to em- bark on the day after the morrow. And so, from day to day, as his strength declined, he continued to admit them into his presence, and to make fresh ar- rangements for the commencement of the expedition. But on the sixth day it was with difficulty that he could bear the exertion necessary for his customary morning sacrifice. Still he retained hope, or at least would not part with the show of it, but conferred with his officers on the subject of the voyage. The next day however he seems to have felt that he was dying, and ordered himself to be conveyed back from the park to the state palace : and here, when the ge- he drank freely, and urged others to follow his example. But this description conveys the impression that the entertainment still preserved its intellectual character. i 3 118 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, nerals were admitted into his chamber, they found . y ' . him still sensible, but speechless. All around him now began to despair : a report ran through the army, that he was already dead ; and the men, partly to ascertain the fact, partly that they might once more see him alive, insisted on entering the palace. They were permitted to pass in succes- sion through the room where he lay. Though unable to speak, he still recognized them, and had strength enough, though with difficulty, to make signs to them with his hands and his head, and with expres- sive glances. It was felt that no human aid could be of any avail. Four of the generals, Pithon, Attalus, Dernophon, and Peucestes, passed a night in the temple of Serapis 1 , seeking an oracular vision, which might suggest a remedy. The god, it seems, was silent. Seleucus and two others then inquired at his shrine, whether it would be better for Alexander to be brought into the temple, as a suppliant for relief. And now a voice was heard from the innermost recess, enjoining that he should not be brought, but should stay where he was : so it would be best for His death, him. Soon after he had received this answer, he expired. But if for himself this was the happiest end of all earthly cares, there was still a question of deep im- portance to those who survived him : how he wished to dispose of his empire. On this subject however nothing was recorded in the official diary, or by Pto- 1 Mr. Williams (Al. p. 395.) has taken occasion from this mention of Serapis to make a very unjust attack on Tacitus, whom he ventures to stigmatise as a gross perverter of the truth, on account of the story which he reports on the authority of the Egyptian priests. (Hist. iv. 83. fol.) The existence of the temple at Babylon does not even prove that Serapis was an Assyrian god: and Tacitus does not pro- fess to give an account of the introduction of the worship of Serapis into Egypt. On the contrary he mentions that Ptolemy built the Serapeum, on ground where there was sacellum, Serapidi atque hidi antiquitus sacratum. It is not Tacitus who has in this instance perverted the truth : he has only had the misfortune not to be understood : which he shares, as we have seen, with other ancient authors. On the story itself, the reader may find some remarks in the Philological Museum, n. p. 180. REVIEW. 119 lemy or Aristobulus. It seems that he himself had CHAP. TV never mentioned it, while he was still able to express t ' . his will, and that no one else had ventured to touch on it. There were reports that in his last moments he was asked who should succeed him, and that he replied, the worthiest : adding, that he foresaw a great contest at his funeral. But if this had been his mind, he could not have uttered it. There was only one act credibly attested by the sequel, which might be interpreted as an intimation of his wishes on this point. Just before he breathed his last, he drew his ring from his finger, and gave it to Perdiccas. So passed from the earth one of the greatest of her Review of sons : great above most, for what he was in himself, and not, as many who have borne the title, for what was given to him to effect. Great, not merely in the vast compass, and the persevering ardour, of his am- bition : nor in the qualities by which he was enabled to gratify it, and to crowd so many memorable actions within so short a period : but in the course which his ambition took, in the collateral aims which ennobled and purified it, so that it almost grew into one with the highest of which man is capable, the desire of knowledge, and the love of good. In a word, great as one of the benefactors of his kind. This praise however would be empty, unless it be limited as truth requires, and his claim to it must depend on the opinion we form of his designs. It is not to be supposed, that, in any of his under- takings, he was animated by speculative curiosity, or by abstract philanthropy. If he sought to discover, as well as to conquer, it was because the limits of the known world were too narrow for his ambition. His main object undoubtedly was to found a solid and flourishing empire : but the means which he adopted for this end, were such as the highest wisdom and benevolence might have suggested to him in his situ- i 4 120 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, ation, without any selfish motive. And as his merit is not the less, because so many of his works were swept away by the inroads of savage and fana- tical hordes, so it must be remembered, that his un- timely death left all that he had begun unfinished, and probably most of what he meditated unknown : that he could hardly be said to have completed the subjugation of all the lands comprised within the limits of the Persian empire. Still it cannot be de- nied, that the immediate operation of his conquests was highly beneficial to the conquered people. This would be true, even if the benefit had been confined to those advantages which may seem purely material : for none were really so. The mere circulation of the immense treasures accumulated by the ancient rulers, which Alexander scattered with such unexampled pro- fusion, was doubtless attended by innumerable happy results : by a great immediate increase of the general well-being, by a salutary excitement of industry, and commercial activity. The spirit of commerce how- ever was still more directly roused, and cherished, by the foundation of new cities, in situations peculiarly adapted to its ends : by the opening of new channels of communication between opposite extremities of the empire, and the removal of obstructions arising from the feebleness and wantonness of the ancient govern- ment which before impeded it : by the confidence inspired by the new order of things, the growing consciousness of safety, and expectation of protection and encouragement. Let any one contemplate the contrast between the state of Asia under Alexander, and the time when Egypt was either in revolt against Persia, or visited by her irritated conquerors with the punishment of repeated insurrection, when almost every part of the great mountain-chain which traverses the length of Asia, from the Mediterranean to the borders of India, was inhabited by fierce, independent, REVIEW. 121 predatory tribes : when the Persian kings themselves CHAP. were forced to pay tribute before they were allowed to pass from one of their capitals to another. Let any one endeavour to enter into the feelings, with which a Phoenician merchant must have viewed the change that took place in the face of the earth, when the Egyptian Alexandria had begun to receive and pour out an inexhaustible tide of wealth : when Babylon had become a great port : when a passage was opened both by sea and land between the Eu- phrates and the Indus : when the forests on the shores of the Caspian had begun to resound with the axe and the hammer. It will then appear that this part of the benefits which flowed from Alex- ander's conquest cannot be easily exaggerated. And yet this was perhaps the smallest part of his glory : it was much indeed so to cultivate, enrich, and beautify this fairest portion of the earth : it was something more, to elevate the intellectual and moral character of the people: and this was in a great degree the effect, in a still greater degree the tendency, of Alexander's measures and institutions. It may be truly asserted, that his was the first of the great monarchies founded in Asia, that opened a prospect of progressive improvement, and not of continual degradation to its subjects : it was the first that con- tained any element of moral and intellectual progress. That it did so is certain ; but it has been disputed, how far this entered into Alexander's intention. We cannot regard him as entitled to much honour on this account, unless we admit that the great thought of his life was to unite his new subjects with the old, so as to form one nation, and that for this purpose he wished to raise the Asiatics to a level with the Europeans, and, according to the modern expression, to Hellenise Asia. It has been contended, that such a project of amalgamation was too chimerical to have 122 HISTORY OF GREECE. CIIAP. been adopted by a prince of Alexander's sagacity and judgment: that he must have been too well aware of the obstacles which must always have rendered it impossible for the new element to penetrate and assimilate so vast and heterogeneous a mass, as the population of his Asiatic dominions : and that we must therefore consider those of his measures which seem most clearly to indicate such a design, as merely temporary expedients of a conciliating policy, forced upon him by his relative weakness. It seems how- ever a sufficient reply to this objection to observe, that we can hardly now determine what Alexander would have found practicable in the course of a long reign : that if there were limits, in extent and degree, beyond which he himself could not have hoped to realise such an idea, it was still an object worthy of all his efforts : and that when we see him adopting a series of measures clearly tending to this end, it is reasonable to infer that he had the end in view. It may be said, that he planted Greek cities in Asia, merely as either commercial or military posts, to fill his treasury, or secure his possessions : that he edu- cated the barbarian youth in Greek schools, merely to recruit his army ; that he promoted intermarriage between the Europeans and Asiatics, merely to soothe the conquered nations. But he cannot have been blind or indifferent to the ultimate tendency of all these steps : he must have foreseen, that from each of his new colonies the language, arts, and manners, the whole genius, of Greece, would radiate through the adjacent regions, and would gradually enlighten, civilise, and transform, their population: he must have known, that by the domestic ties which he formed, and by the education of the young, he was raising up a generation which would be more open to receive this influence. The extent to which the interfusion actually took place, and the Asiatics be- REVIEW. 123 came Greeks in every thing but blood, was by no CHAP. means small : if Alexander had lived to become the founder of a peaceful dynasty, which might have pro- secuted his plans, the changes wrought would have been incalculably greater. It is another question, whether this change of na- tionality was in all respects an unmixed good : whe- ther, in the old frame of society, in the literature, the arts, the manners, and even perhaps in the speculative systems of the conquered races, much was not lost and destroyed through it, that was worth preserving : whether the new forms were not in most cases desti- tute of life and reality, an empty varnish, or spiritless imitation. Still less should we venture to maintain, that the infinitely diversified combination and confu- sion which ensued, between the religions and my- thologies of Greece and Asia, was anything in itself desirable: or that the new rites and creeds, which were the progeny of this unnatural mixture, were not often as odious and baneful, as they were wild and fantastic. They at least did not enter into Alex- ander's plans, who merely extended his political pro- tection alike to all modes of worship and belief: and it would be as unjust to charge him with their mis- chievous consequences, as it seems false to represent him on this account as the Precursor of a better Light, which, on the contrary, they contributed more than any other cause to refract and obscure. But it became Alexander, as a Greek, to believe, that the change was on the whole highly beneficial : and we, who owe so much of what is best among us to the same culture, can hardly charge him with blind par- tiality. We must rather admire the greatness of mind by which he rose above the prejudices of his Mace- donians, who, themselves foreigners, indebted for all that made them worthy, or even capable, of their for- tune, to their Greek education, were loth to share it 124 HISTORY OF GREECE. with others, whom they wished to trample on as barbarians. Still there is one side on which Alexander's ad- ministration appears in a much less favourable light. We must speak with caution on this subject, because we are very imperfectly acquainted with his measures, and he had scarcely time to unfold his views. Y et it must be owned that we cannot perceive even the first lines, that we catch no hint, of any political insti- tutions framed to secure the future welfare of his subjects. We do not find that in any case he had begun to assume the character of a lawgiver : though Arrian thought him as well entitled to divine honours as Minos or Theseus. It is probable indeed that he intended his new colonies at least should enjoy all the municipal freedom consistent with the maintenance of an absolute government. But we do not know what security he had provided for their privileges ; and he seems to have left the mass of the people in this respect nearly as it had been under its former masters. The only improvement which he appears to have in- troduced into the old system ,was to restore, perhaps to multiply, the checks by which, according to the earlier policy of the Persian kings themselves, their great officers in every province were enabled to con- trol one another. These checks, as he discovered on his return from India, proved utterly ineffectual for the protection of life and property; and though he punished the offenders with the utmost rigour, we hear of no other precautions that he took against the recurrence of such abuses. When he seated himself on the throne of Darius, he assumed, as perhaps was necessary, the fulness of despotic sovereignty that had been exercised by his Persian predecessors : and he too was represented by his satraps. Though he might be able to restrain them, it was to be expected, that a successor of inferior energy would be forced to REVIEW. 125 connive at their licence : from the highest station to CHAP. the lowest, there was no permanent safeguard against LV> misrule. The condition of the people was bettered ; but it remained precarious. It must even be ad- mitted, that, if he raised the Asiatics, he brought down the Macedonians and the Greeks, to meet them on the same level. What has been said, relates only to the effect which his conquests produced in Asia : it is another question, how far they were beneficial to Greece. Some advan- tages she no doubt derived from them. A boundless field, with brilliant prospects, was thrown open for Greek adventurers. A part of the new commerce of the East found its way into Greek ports. But we should seek in vain for any benefits of a higher order, which resulted to Greece from Alexander's expedition ; while, in many respects much more important, her condition was changed for the worse. She was treated no longer as a humble and useful ally of Macedonia, but as a province of the Persian empire, and made to feel her subjection by despotic, and apparently wanton and arrogant commands. And yet she had scarcely begun to taste the bitter fruits, which she was to reap from the fulfilment of those splendid visions, with which Isocrates would have consoled her for the loss of freedom. 126 CHAPTER LVI. FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER TO THE END OF THE LAMIAN WAR. Mourning for Alexander's Death. Council of the Officers. Proposals as to the Succession. Discontent among the In- fantry. Election of Arridceus Philip. Meleager and Per- diccas. Etimenes. The Compromise. The Lustration. The Partition. Alexander 's Projects. Murder of Statira. State of Greece. Demosthenes and the Macedonian Party at Athens. Prosecution of Ctesiphon. Defeat of JEschines. Remarks on the Case. Trial of Leocrates. Character and Administration of Lycurgus. Alexander's Demand of Divine Honours. His Decree for the Restoration of the Greek Exiles. Harpalus in Athens. Conduct of Demosthenes. Escape of Harpalus. Condemnation of Demosthenes explained. His Policy considered. Leosthenes. Preparations for War with Antipater. Confederacy of the Greeks. Phocion and Hy- perides. Situation of Antipater. Victory of Leosthenes in Bo20tia. Antipater blocked up in Lamia. Exertions of De- mosthenes. His return to Athens. Death of Leosthenes. Appointment of Antipfiilus. Leonnatus Diminution of the Greek Forces. Defeat and Death of Leonnatus. Naval War. Arrival of Craterus in Thessaly. Battle of Crannon. Dissolution of the Confederacy. Embassies of the Athe- nians to Antipater. Xenocrates and Antipater. Macedonian Garrison in Munychia. New Athenian Constitution. Emi- gration from Athens. Persecution of the Orators Archias. Death of Demosthenes. Invasion of dEtolia. End of the Lamian War. CHAP. OUR attention will now again be chiefly occupied with the affairs of Greece. The connection indeed between the events, which took place there, and the contests carried on by Alexander's successors in Asia, becomes henceforward so close, that it will be necessary to keep both constantly in view : the latter, however, as subordinate to the proper subject of our history. MOURNING FOR ALEXANDER. 127 Before we turn to it, we must proceed as far as the CHAP. iirs t settlement that was made of the great interests, . which were left in so much confusion and uncertainty by the sudden vacancy of the Macedonian throne. It may easily be believed, that Alexander's death Mourning was sincerely deplored by all around him, whose im- anders mediate interest was not too deeply affected by it to death ' allow room for grief. When the royal pages, unable to contain their excitement, rushed out of the palace with loud wailings, and made the event generally known, the whole city soon resounded with the voice of lamentation. The Macedonians mourned for their hero 1 , the Persians for their king. Many and various were the honours afterwards paid to Alexander's memory, by word and work, in monuments and spec- tacles, in smooth verse and well turned periods : but the most honourable tribute was offered by Sisy- gambis, the mother of Darius. She, who had sur- vived the massacre of her eighty brothers, put to death in one day by Ochus, the loss of all her chil- dren, and the entire downfall of her race, now, on the decease of the enemy and conqueror of her house, seated herself on the ground, covered her head with a veil, and, notwithstanding the intreaties of her grand- children, refused nourishment, until, on the fifth day after, she expired. But even the genuine regret of the common people gave way almost immediately to anxiety about their own safety, and to mutual suspicions. The Mace- donians passed the night after the king's death under arms : as if feeling themselves surrounded by enemies. The peaceable inhabitants of Babylon, perhaps with better reason, dreaded lest their wealthy city should 1 Curtius (x. 5. 11.) goes so far toward one extreme, a* to say that they re- proached themselves for having refused him divine honours: Justin (xm. 1.) still farther on the opposite side ; for he would have us believe that they rejoiced, as if delivered from an enemy, so much were they disgusted with his severity and endless adventures. 128 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, become the scene of military tumult and licence. T VT They hardly ventured to creep out of their houses to gather news; lighted no lamps in the evening, but watched for the morning in darkness and silence, eagerly listening, and trembling at every sound they caught, The great officers, on whom the care of the state chiefly devolved, probably spent the same inter- val, together or apart, in no less anxious deliberation. By Hepha3stion's death the number of those who bore the title of somatophylax was reduced to seven : Leon- natus, Lysimachus, Aristonous, Perdiccas, Ptolemy the reputed son of Lagus, but, according to a report rather widely spread, one of Philip's bastards, his mother having been the king's mistress 1 Pithon, and Peucestes. When Alexander died, they were all in council of Babylon. The next day they summoned a council of the other Macedonian officers, some of whom were but little inferior to them in rank and influence, to confer on the great question of the succession. The soldiers wished to take part in it also ; and, though forbidden, forced their way into the palace, and filled the avenues of the council-hall, so that many witnessed the proceedings. There a mournful object met their eyes, and revived the consciousness of their loss : the vacant throne, on which had been laid the diadem, with the royal robes and armour. The sight called forth a fresh burst of lamentation, which however was hushed into deep silence, when Perdiccas came Proposals as forward to address the assembly. First 1 he placed cession! 110 the ring, which he had received from Alexander in his last moments, on the throne. The ring, he said, was the royal signet, which Alexander had used for the most important state-business: it had been com- mitted to him by the dying king : but he placed it at 1 Pausan. i. 6. 2., and the commentators on Curtius, ix. 8. 22. 2 So Curtius, x. 6. 4. COUNCIL AT BABYLON. 129 their disposal. It was however absolutely necessary for CHAP. their own safety, that they should forthwith elect a chief, capable of guarding them against the dangers to which they would be exposed without a head in a hostile land. It was to be hoped, that in a few months 1 Roxana would give them an heir to the throne. In the mean while it was for them to choose, by whom they would be governed. He had probably hoped, that the wish which he so modestly dissembled, would have been anticipated by general acclamation. But the meeting waited for advice. Nearchus had a different plan to propose. He, as we have seen, had married a daughter of Mentor's widow, Barsine : and Barsin& was also the mother of a son by Alexander. He therefore pointed out to the Macedonians, that there was no need to wait for the uncertain issue of Roxana 's pregnancy : there was an heir to the throne already born : Hercules, the son of Barsine: to him the diadem belonged. But Nearchus was the only man present, who had any interest in this choice. The soldiers clashed their spears and shields together, in token of vehement dissent : and Ptolemy gave utterance to their feelings on this point. Neither Barsine, nor Roxana, could be mother of a prince, whom the Macedonians would ac- knowledge as their sovereign. Was it to be borne, that the conquerors of Asia should become subject to the son of a barbarian captive f It was better that the throne should remain vacant, and that the persons who had formed Alexander's council of state, should continue to have the supreme management of affairs, deciding all questions by a majority of votes. This motion however gained few partizans: its effect would have been per- manently to exclude the royal family from the succes- 1 Curtius, x. 6. 9. Sextus mensis est. But Justin (xiu. 2. 6.) has txacto mense octavo. The tv rovry, with which Photius, in his epitome of Arrian (p. 6D.- b. 16.), introduces the birth of the child immediately after the partition of the satrapies, can hardly be said to favour one of these statements more than the other. VOL. VII. K rso HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI. Discontent among the infantry. sion : a step for which few were prepared. Thus most minds were turned toward the advice of Perdiccas : for there Avas a clear distinction between Barsine and Roxana, Alexander's beloved wife, who was then in the palace, while Mentor's widow had been left with her son at Pergamum. It was now the right time for some friend of Perdiccas to come forward in his behalf, and Aristonous, perhaps according to previous concert, undertook the task. He observed, that Alexander himself had already decided who was worthiest to command, when, having cast his eyes round all his friends who were at his bedside he gave his royal signet to Perdiccas. They had only to ratify Alex- ander 's choice. Still the assembly was not inclined / to invest Perdiccas alone, under any title, with su- preme power. The result of the whole deliberation was a sort of compromise between the proposals of Ptolemy and Aristonous. It seems to have been de- cided, but not without clamorous opposition, that, if Roxana should bear a son, he should succeed to the throne : and that in the mean while four guardians should be appointed for the future prince to exercise the royal authority in his name. Perdiccas and Leonnatus were to be regents in Asia, Antipater and Craterus in Europe. The cavalry the aristocratical portion of the army acquiesced in the resolution of their chiefs. But it was very ill received by the whole body of the in- fantry. No motive appears for their dissatisfaction, except that they had not been consulted on the question, and that they wished to dispose of the crown. Still it is not clear whether they acted quite of their own accord, or were excited to resistance by Meleager, who seems to have been impelled, partly by ambition, and partly by personal enmity to Perdiccas. The accounts remaining of his conduct are contradictory as to details, but agree in representing him as the ELECTION OF ARRID^US PHILIP. 131 CHAP. LVI. leader and soul of the opposition. According to some authors, he quitted the council of the officers after bitter invectives against Perdiccas, declaring that the people was the true heir of the monarchy, and alone could rightfully dispose of it, and hastened to in- stigate the soldiery to insurrection and plunder. 1 Ac- cording to others, he was deputed to appease their dis- content, but took the opportunity to inflame it, and placed himself at their head. 2 We are left equally in Election ot doubt, whether it was he who first proposed another competitor for the throne, whose name was soon men- tioned in the popular assembly. 3 This was Arridaeus, a son of Philip, by Philinna, a Thessalian woman, who is commonly described as of low condition. Arri- da3us was either naturally deficient in understand- ing, or had never recovered from the effects of a potion said to have been administered to him by Olympias, whom jealousy rendered capable of every crime. 4 It seems that Alexander, either through prudence or compassion, had removed him from Macedonia, though he had not thought him fit to be trusted with any com- 1 Curtius, x. 6. 2 Diodor. xviu. 2. a Justin (xiu. 2. 8.) represents Meleager as proposing Arridseus in the council of the officers, but only by way of an alternative, advising them to choose between him and Hercules. Meleager's subsequent conduct, from which it is evident that he relied entirely on the soldiery, renders the account which Curtius gives of his language and behaviour at the council, far more probable. Droysen however ( Geschichte der Nachfolger Alexander's, i. p. 25.) has partly adopted Justin's statement, making Meleager simply propose ArridEeus. But he theji endeavours to combine this statement with that of Curtius, and supposes, that while Arridaeus was proposed in the council by Meleager, his name was accidentally mentioned in the assembly of the troops ; and that, before they were joined by Meleager, they had determined to proclaim him king. Such a coincidence is in the highest degree improbable ; and Curtius and Justin alike lead us to suppose, that the soldiers took no step, before they heard of the decision of the council. I must here make a remark, which has been forced upon me by a number of similar instances ; that Droysen, in his excellent work, has apparently adopted the principle, of combining all the accounts relating to his subject, which are not palpably inconsistent with one another. He has certainly often shown great ingenuity in the manner in which he has pieced his materials together. But the principle is one, which, if uniformly applied to such writers as those from whom we have to collect the history of this period, must often lead into error : and the present case is one of many in which it seems to me to have been unfortunately applied. Droysen has here carried it so far, that he first makes Meleager propose Arridaeus, and then in a second speech (suggested by that in Curtius) protest against the authority of the council, 4 riut. Al. ad fin. K 2 132 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, mand : and he was now in Babylon. Most probably, Meleager, perceiving that whoever should raise such a prince to the throne, would reign under his name, was the foremost to recommend him as the sole legi- timate heir. To the army ArridaBUS must have been personally indifferent : but he was Philip's son, with- out any mixture of barbarian blood, and, which pro- bably weighed more with them, he would be purely their creature. The proposal therefore was agreeable to their pride and their prejudices, which were stronger than their regard for Alexander now, as they had been in his lifetime. After a short pause, perhaps of surprise that a name so seldom heard should have been put forward on such an occasion, all, as if some happy discovery had been made, broke out into loud accla- mations in favour of ArridaBUS ; and Pithon, who, it seems, having apparently been sent by the council to soothe them, endeavoured to show the folly of their choice, only incurred their resentment. 1 Me- leager was deputed to bring the prince into the assembly ; and, when he came, they saluted him as king, under the new name of Philip. He immediately proceeded to the palace, accom- panied by Meleager, and escorted by the troops. The officers, it seems, were still in council there, and when Arridasus appeared, some attempt was made to terminate the affair by discussion. But as the chiefs refused to sanction the choice of the in- fantry, they soon found themselves threatened with violence, and obliged to retire. Arridseus mounted the throne, and was invested with the royal robes. 1 Pithon's presence in the assembly, which is only mentioned by Curtius, seems to remove an objection raised by Droysen, against the statement of Diodorus, that Meleager was deputed by the council. Droysen objects, that the council would have sent some more trustworthy person. Whether they had any reason at the time to distrust him, does not appear : but if Pithon was joined with him in the embassy, they might at least well have thought themselves safe. It is remarkable that Droysen takes no notice of Pithon's part in this transaction. MELEAGER AND PERDICCAS. 133 Perdiccas had ordered the door of the room in which CHAP. Alexander's body lay, to be locked, and prepared to guard it with 600 chosen men ; and he was joined by Ptolemy at the head of the royal pages. They were however soon overpowered by superior numbers. The soldiers of the adverse party broke into the chamber : blows were interchanged ; Perdiccas him- self was attacked with missiles, and blood was be- ginning to flow, when some of the elder among the assailants interposed, and, taking off their helmets, intreated Perdiccas and his followers to desist from their useless resistance. Their mediation put an end to this prelude of the long contest which was to take place for Alexander's remains. But the greater part of the generals, and the whole body of the cavalry, quitted the city, and encamped outside the walls. Perdiccas did not yet accompany them : he hoped, it seems, that some change might happen in the dis- position of the multitude, which he might more easily turn to his own advantage, if he staid. But Meleager, probably apprehending the same thing, and eager to satisfy his hatred, urged the king to give an order for the execution of Perdiccas. This he could not obtain : Arridseus was perhaps too timid to strike so great a blow. Meleager therefore was forced to interpret the silence of his royal puppet as consent, and sent an armed band to the house of Per- diccas, with directions to bring him to the palace, or to kill him, if he should resist. Perdiccas had only about sixteen of the royal pages with him, when his door was beset. He however appeared on the thres- hold with a firm countenance, and overawed those who came to arrest him by the severe dignity of his looks and his words. They probably did not think Meleager's authority a sufficient warrant for the murder of a man of such high rank. When they K 3 134 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. hadwithdrawn, he and his attendants mounted their T VT horses, and hastened to the camp of their friends. One eminent person of their party however re- mained in the city : Eumenes the Cardian, who had already decided on the course which his own in- terests required, and on this occasion gave proof of the sagacity and dexterity, which afterwards carried him through so many dangers, arid even brought him so near to the highest fortune. Eumenes, in his boy- hood, had attracted Philip's notice by his promising talents 1 ; he was brought up at the Macedonian court, and was employed by Alexander both as his principal secretary and keeper of the records, and in military commands. He had risen so high in favour with the king, that he could even venture on more than one occasion to quarrel with Hephaestion : but, after the favourite's death, he laboured, by ingenious contriv- ances and profuse expence in honour to his memory, to remove all suspicion that he viewed the event with pleasure. In this liberality, he showed the greater self-command, as he was habitually parsimonious. Plutarch relates that, when the leading officers con- tributed to the equipment of the fleet in India, Eumenes, whose share was rated at 300 talents, produced only a hundred, pretending that it was with great difficulty he had been able to scrape this sum together. Alexander made no reply, but soon after ordered his slaves secretly to set fire to the se- cretary's tent. It was then discovered that Eumenes had amassed more than a thousand talents. Alex- ander however forgave him, as he did Antigenes, and allowed him to keep all : though he had himself to regret the loss of many valuable papers, which perished in the flames. Such a man was formed for the times which fol- 1 Various accounts are given of his original station by Plutarch (Bum. init.), JElian (V. H. xxi. 43.), and Nepos, who describes him as domestico summo genere. THE COMPROMISE. 13:5 lowed Alexander's death. Eumcnes felt that he could CHAP. only be safe in the strife of parties, as long as lie could guard against the jealousy to which a foreigner in high station was exposed among the Macedonians. He remained, as we have observed, in Babylon after the flight of Perdiccas, under the pretext that he had no right to take a part in disputes concerning the succession ; secretly however purposing to promote the interests of Perdiccas, as far as he could ; for he probably foresaw that this side would finally prevail. He assumed the character of a peacemaker; and his seeming neutrality gave great weight to his mediation. It was seconded by vigorous measures on the part of the seceders. They began to stop the supply of pro- visions, and to threaten the Great City with famine. Meleager found his condition growing every day more embarrassing. He had been called to account by his own troops for the attempt he had made against the life of Perdiccas, and could only shelter himself under the royal authority. At length the soldiers came in a body to the palace, and demanded that an embassy should be sent to the cavalry, with overtures of peace. Three envoys were accordingly despatched : and it is remarkable, that one of them was a Thessalian, an- other an Arcadian of Megalopolis ; so that probably the third, Perilaus, whose country is not mentioned, was not a Macedonian. The negotiations which fol- The com lowed are reported too obscurely to be described. It pro is said that the party of Perdiccas refused to treat, until the authors of the quarrel had been given up to them : and that this demand excited a violent tumult in the city, which was only calmed, when Arridasus, displaying more vigour than he had been believed to possess, offered to resign the crown. Yet it does not appear that this condition was granted. The terms on which the treaty was concluded were, according to the most authentic account, that Arridacus should K 4 136 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, share the empire with Roxana's child, if it should be a boy 1 : that Antipater should command the forces in Europe ; that Craterus should be at the head of affairs in the dominions of Arridreus ; but that Per- diccas should be invested with the command of the horse-guards, the chiliarchy, before held by Hepha3s- tion, in which Alexander would permit no one to succeed him. This, it seems, was a post, which, at the Persian Court, had been equivalent to that of prime minister, or grand vizier of the whole empire. 2 It was however stipulated, that Meleager should be associated with Perdiccas in the regency, though with a subordinate rank. Of Leonnatus we hear no more as a member of the government. The compact was ratified by a solemn reconciliation between the con- tending parties. The cavalry returned to the city: the phalanx marched out to meet them : Perdiccas and Meleager advanced between the lines to salute each other as friends. The troops on each side fol- lowed their example, and were once more united in one body. It was however impossible, after what had hap- pened, that Perdiccas and Meleager should ever trust each other. Meleager probably relied on the infantry for protection. But Perdiccas had now taken posses- sion of the imbecile king, who was as passive in his hands as he had been in his rival's, and had resolved to strike the first blow. Before he directly attacked his enemy, he thought it necessary to deprive him of the support which he might find in the army ; and he seems to have devised a very subtle plan for this end. He suborned emissaries to complain among the foot soldiers, that by the recent arrangement Meleager 1 Arrian In Phot. 92. init. Sia\afjLSdvfi . . rfy avfyfaaiv 'AfytSatov . . . itf V Ka ^ 'AXefoi'Spoj' t>v fft.f\\fv e'{ 'A\edvSpov riKTfiv 'Pa><&/ij, ffv(j.affi\eveiv avrf- o Hal yeyovfv, els <(>v Siopv^as, 6 TOV 'E\\'ftairovTov fu|os, 6 yrjv KCU vSup TOVS "EAA-rj^as ai-ruv and so on vvv oil irepl TOV Kvptos tTtpuv thai Siayaivt^erat, a\\' tfSri irtpl TTJS TOV ff cause, which is interesting in the same point of view. The occasion has been already mentioned. In the eighth year after the battle of Chasronea, the fugitive Leocrates returned to Athens, which he had deserted in her hour of danger, and resumed the functions of a citizen. He was impeached by Lycurgus, under the law which had been passed immediately after the battle, forbidding emigration under pain of death. He pleaded that he had set out in the course of his business as a merchant, without any intention of changing his abode : but his subsequent conduct be- LYCURGUS. 153 lied his professions. He was convicted, and probably CHAP. suffered the penalty of his offence. L , Lycurgus, the prosecutor, was one of the few men then living at Athens, who could undertake such a task with dignity, as conscious of a life irreproach- ably spent in the service of his country. There are few Athenian statesmen of any age who can bear a comparison with him : Phocion equalled him in honesty and disinterestedness ; but in his general character, and in his political conduct, seems to fall far below him. It is pleasing and instructive to contemplate the image of such a man ; and it is a peculiar happiness that his biography is less meagre than that of most of his celebrated contemporaries: the principal features of his character stand out before us with sufficient distinctness. Demosthenes was often reproached with a mixture character of barbarian blood in his veins. Lycurgus was a genuine Athenian, and his family was one of the tionof IT i '-11 ii TT T Lycurgus. oldest and most illustrious in Athens. He traced the origin of his house, which was distinguished by the honourable appellation of the Eteobutads 1 , to the royal hero Erechtheus, and thus to a divine stock. By virtue of this descent his family possessed an hereditary priesthood of Poseidon, whose worship, as probably his nature, was intimately connected with that of Erechtheus. In the Erechtheum, the temple dedicated in common to the hero and the god, the portraits of the ancestors of Lycurgus who had held that office were painted on the walls. He could also boast of some, more truly noble, whose memory was endeared to the people by real services. Lycophron, his grandfather, had been put to death by the Thirty, and both he and Lycomedes, another 1 Importing, the genuine Butach or descendants of Butes : Tbi> 5fjfj.ov BovrdSris, yevovs rov rcav 'EreogovTaSuv. X. Or. Vit. 841. B. where most of the materials of the following sketch will be found. 154 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, of the orator's progenitors, had been honoured with a public funeral. Lycurgus had studied in the schools both of Plato and Isocrates ; but had not learnt from the one to withdraw from active life into a visionary world, nor from the other to cultivate empty rhetoric at the expense of truth and of his country. His manly eloquence breathes a deep love and reverence for what was truly venerable in antiquity his speech against Leocrates, which is still extant, shows that he dwelt with a fondness becoming his birth and station on the stirring legends of elder times but his admiration for them had not made him indifferent or unjust toward those in which he lived. He possessed an ample hereditary fortune , but he lived, like Phocion, with Spartan simplicity. In an age of growing luxury he wore the same garments through summer and winter, and, like Socrates, was only seen with sandals on ex- traordinary occasions. Yet he had to struggle against the aristocratical habits and prejudices of his family. He was the author of a law, to restrain the wealthier women from shaming their poorer neighbours by the costliness of their equipages in the festive procession to Eleusis ; but his own wife was the first to break it. 1 His frugality however did not arise from parsi- mony, and was confined to his personal wants. He was reproached with the liberality which he displayed toward the various masters of learning whom he em- ployed, and declared that if he could find any that Avould make his sons better men, he would gladly pay them with half his fortune. He devoted himself to public life in a career of quiet, unostentatious, but useful activity. He was a powerful, but not a ready speaker ; like Pericles and Demosthenes, he never willingly mounted the bema without elaborate pro- i According to Vit. X. Or. he paid a talent to the sycophants to avert a prose- cution, and afterwards defended himself on the plea that he had given, not taken. yIian however (V. H. xin. 24.) represents her as legally condemned. LYCURGUS. 155 paration ; and his writing instruments were constantly CHAP. placed by the side of the simple couch on which he rested, and from which he frequently rose in the night to pursue his labours. But to shine in the popular assembly was not the object of his studies ; he seems only to have appeared there on necessary or important occasions. His genius was peculiarly formed for the management of financial affairs ; and the economy of the state was the business of a large portion of his public life. In the latter part of Philip's reign he was placed at the head of the trea- sury. 1 The duties of his office embraced not only the collection, but the ordinary expenditure of the Athenian revenues, so far as they were not appro- priated to particular purposes. On the administra- tion of the person who filled it, depended both the resources of the state, and the manner in which they were regularly applied. The office was tenable for four years ; a law dictated by republican jealousy, and, it seems, proposed by Lycurgus himself, for- bade it to remain longer in the same hands. Yet Lycurgus was permitted to exercise its functions during twelve successive years, selecting some of his friends for the last two terms to bear the title. In the course of this period nearly 19,000 talents passed through his hands. 2 He is said to have raised the ordinary revenue from 600 to 1200 talents. 3 We hear of no expedients but unwearied diligence by 1 raffias TTJS KOIVTJS trpoadfiov. See Boeckh, u. 6. 2 So the decree of Stratocles at the end of Vit. X. Or. According to another account in the Life of Lycurgus, 14,000 talents: which Boeckh, considers as the result (in round numbers) of a calculation: being the amount of the revenue for twelve years. And this he supposes Pausanias to have had in view (i. 29. 16.), where he says that Lycurgus brought into the treasury a greater sum by 6500 than Pericles : which would be the case according to the amount of the treasure men- tioned by Isocrates, Eip. 152. 6/cTaKi\-r)?, of which the other account may have been an exag- geration. The fish market at Athens was a school, not more of scurrility, than of impudence and dishonesty. VOL. VII. M 162 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, squandered the public money to gratify the lowest t J ' , tastes of the Athenian populace. We even find it related, that succours would have been sent to the Peloponnesians in their struggle with Alexander, if he had not warned the people, that they must then forego the sum which he was about to distribute among them for an approaching festival. 1 The story in this form indeed is hardly credible, or consistent with the complaints which were made against Demo- sthenes on the same subject ; but it does not the less truly mark the man's character, and the basis of his power. He had indeed, as we have seen, been prose- cuted with success by Lycurgus ; but the result of the conviction was probably only a fine which he could easily pay, and which did not interrupt his political activity. In reputation he had nothing to lose. At the end of the twelve years, he was again impeached for his conduct in his administration. In his defence he had the front to claim the merit of the blessings which the people had enjoyed during the long period of peace. It was probably felt that he might still be useful : at least that it was not the time to punish him: and he was acquitted. Alexander's In the course of the year preceding Alexander's divine** C death, the stillness and obscurity of Athenian history honours. were broken, partly by the new measures adopted by the conqueror on his return from India with respect to Greece, and partly by the adventures of Harpalus. Alexander's claim of divine honours could not be viewed in Greece with the same feelings which it had excited among the victorious Macedonians. To the people bowed down by irresistible necessity under a foreign yoke, it was not a point of great moment, under what form or title the conqueror, in the pleni- tude of his power, chose to remind them of their 1 Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Pr. 25. DEIFICATION OF ALEXANDER. 163 subjection. They might consider the demand as a CHAP. wanton insult : but it was in no other sense an injury. There might not be many base enough to recommend it, but there were perhaps still fewer so unwise as to think it a fit ground for resistance. It involved no sur- render of religious faith, even in those who were firmly attached to the popular creed : and the ridicule for which it afforded so fair a mark was, with most, suffi- cient revenge for its insolence. The Spartan answer to the king's envoys was perhaps the best : If Alexander will be a god, let him. 1 At Athens there was some- thing more of debate on the question ; yet it hardly seems that opinions were seriously divided on it. The motion, as was most fitting, was made by Demades; and even in this proposal he did not go much farther than Epicrates, who had ventured to say, that instead of the nine archons the people would do well to ap- point as many ambassadors to Alexander. 2 It was opposed by a young orator, named Pytheas, who seems to have fluctuated greatly in his political alliances 3 , but on one occasion at least expressed him- self strongly on the notorious contrast between the private habits of Demades and Demosthenes. 4 Py- theas perhaps took that view of the question in which it afforded the best subject for vehement declamation. It was observed by the more practical statesmen, that he was not yet of an age to give advice on matters of such importance. He replied that he was older than Alexander, whom they proposed to make a god. Lycurgus appears to have spoken with the severity suited to his character, of the new god, from whose temple none could depart without need of purifi- cation? But it does not follow that he wished to 1 ^Elian, V. H. n. 19. 2 Athenaeus, vi. 58. 3 Demosth. Epist. in 29. foil. Plutarch, Phoc. 21. 4 Athenaeus, n. 22. A passage not uninteresting, as it helps us to appreciate such reports of the private character of Demosthenes as we find in Athen. xui. 63. 5 Athen. n. 22. ; Demosthenes, Epist. in. 29. ; Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Pr. 8. An. Sent Ger. 2. M 2 164 HISTORY OF GREECE. see the demand rejected. At least Demades and Demosthenes were agreed on the main point, and their language, as far as it is reported, seems to have been very similar. Demades warned the people not to lose earth while they contested the possession of heaven 1 : and Demosthenes advised them not to con- tend with Alexander about celestial honours. Yet it is said that on a previous occasion he had carried a motion, forbidding innovations in the objects of public worship 2 ; whether with reference to rumours of Alexander's pretensions, we do not know. The assembly acquiesced in the king's demand. B.c.324. But the order relating to the return of the exiles for tteTe- awakened much stronger feelings, partly of fear, and storation of partly of indignation. It appears that Alexander, exiles. before he set out on his expedition, when it was his object to conciliate the Greeks, had engaged by solemn compact with the national congress at Co- rinth perhaps only confirming one before made by Philip riot to interfere with the existing institutions of any Greek state, but to preserve them inviolate. At the time of this treaty Messene, it seems, was governed by a tyrannical dynasty, the house of Philiades. The tyrants were afterwards expelled, but were restored by Alexander's intervention, under the pretext that the treaty required the governments then standing to be preserved. But this pretence could not be pleaded in another case, when the de- mocratical party at Pellene in Achaia was expelled, their property confiscated, and distributed among their slaves, and Chaeron established as tyrant by the power of Macedonia. 3 The tendency of Alexander's new measure was to effect a similar, though it might be a less violent revolution, wherever Macedonian in- 1 Dictum sapiens it is called by Valerius Maximus, vu. 2. E. 10. * Dinarchus c. Dem. 97. 3 Demosthenes de Feed. Alex. 8. 12. DECREE IN FAVOUR OF THE EXILES. 165 fluence was not yet completely predominant, through- CHAP. out Greece. Nicanor, a Stagirite, had been sent down by Alexander to publish his decree during the games at Olympia. Demosthenes on this occasion proposed himself to fill an office which was commonly confined to unimportant ceremonies : to head the em- bassy by which Athens was publicly represented at the national festival, that he might there discuss the question, point out the injustice of the measure, and impress the assembled Greeks with his own senti- ments. For this purpose he was sent, and at Olym- pia had a public debate with Nicanor, but without any immediate effect. Nicanor could only obey the king's orders : and there were some thousands of the exiles and their friends collected there, who listened to the proclamation with joy. It was in the form of a letter addressed to them in a style of imperial brevity. King Alexander to the exiles from the Greek cities. We were not the author of your exile, but we will restore you to your homes, all but those who are under a curse. 1 And we have written to Antipater on the subject, that he may compel those cities which are unwilling to receive you. Great alarm ensued at Athens among those Avho had reason to dread the execution of the decree. The people would not comply with it, but still did not venture openly to reject it. A middle course was taken, by which time at least was gained. An em- bassy was sent to Alexander, to deprecate his inter- ference: and at Babylon the Athenian envoys met those of several other Greek states, who had come on the same business. How far they acted in concert with each other, and whether through the exhortations of Demosthenes, we are not informed. There seemed 1 n\V -T&V tvaylav. Explained by Diodorus himself (xvn. 109.) to mean those who had been convicted of sacrilege or murder ; as in Polysperchon's edict ( xviii. 56.) they arc described more fully, irAV ); tivts e'<' ai^ari t) afffSeiq, KOT& v6(j.ov iretpfvyaffi. M 3 166 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, indeed but a very faint hope that Alexander's pur- . \ ' i pose could be shaken by their arguments or entreaties: but yet the event, very unexpectedly indeed, showed that they had taken the most prudent counsel. In the meanwhile there prevailed at home not only great anxiety about the issue of the embassy, but fears for the immediate safety of the city. A strong body of Athenian exiles was collected at Megara, where they might keep up a communication with their friends in Athens, and would be furnished with such aid as Megara could afford : for, as was to be expected from the ancient enmity between the two cities, Megara had warmly embraced the interests of Macedonia, and had bestowed its franchise on Alexander, who smiled at the honour, but was assured that he was the first stranger who had ever received it since his ancestor Hercules. 1 Suspicions were entertained of clandestine meetings with the exiles at Megara : and the Areopa- gus was directed to investigate one at least of these o o cases. Another was brought forward by Demosthenes, who was however induced to drop it, probably by his own danger, as well as by information which he had received of some designs against the arsenal. 2 Harpaius in Such was the state of affairs at Athens, when the Athens. appearance of Harpaius gave rise to fresh perplexity and uneasiness. The precise time when he arrived on the coast of Attica, is difficult to ascertain. But it seems most probable that it was after the return of Demosthenes from Olympia. Harpaius, as we have seen, carried away some 5000 talents, and had col- lected about 6000 mercenaries. He must therefore have crossed the JEgean with a little squadron ; and 1 Plutarch de Un. in Rep. Dom. 2. 2 Droysen (Alex. p. 534.) assumes, on the authority of the adverse pleader (Dinarch. 97.) that Demosthenes fahricated these charges to shelter himself. He does not notice the case of Polyeuctus Cydantides (Dinarch. Dem. 58- ), which proves that such suspicions were not confined to him. And who can doubt, under the circumstances of the time, that there was reasonable ground for them ? HARPALUS. 167 it is probable that the rumour of his approach reached CHAP. Athens at least some days before him. He had reason , ^_ , to hope for a favourable reception. lie came with his Athenian mistress, for whose sake he had conferred a substantial benefit on her native city; and he had already gained at least one friend there, on whose in- fluence he may have founded great expectations : Charicles, Phocion's son-in-law, who had descended so low as to undertake the erection of the monument in honour of Pythionice, and had received thirty talents by way of reimbursement. He might calcu- late still more confidently on the force of the tempta- tion which his treasure and his troops held out to the people, if they were already disposed to risk an open quarrel with Alexander, and on the ample means of corruption he possessed. These hopes were disap- pointed, and at first he certainly met with a total repulse. It seems most probable though our authors leave this doubtful that his squadron was not permitted to enter Pirasus. We know that a de- bate took place on his first arrival, that Demosthenes advised the people not to receive him, and that Phi- locles, the general in command at Munychia, was ordered to prevent his entrance. Philocles indeed appears afterwards to have disobeyed this order 1 ; but it is probable that he did not immediately allow Harpalus to land. The fullest account we have of the proceedings of Harpalus on his first appearance in the roads of Munychia, is contained in the few words of Diodorus 2 ; that, finding no one to listen to him he left his mercenaries at Tcenarus, and with / ' a part of his treasure came himself to implore the protection of the people. All the other authors describe him as having arrived but once 3 , and this is 1 Dinarchus, Philocl. init. 2 xvn. 108. 3 Beside Plutarch, Phoc. Dem. X. Orat. Vit. Dinarchus (Dem. 115.) speaks just in the same way : v ovrcav TOLLS a.irotf>drre(n ArjjUOirfieVrjs fladyerai Trpwros ; and a little lower down, cuprfireTe rbi? irpov Kai 7rpo(cex i P"^ T irptaTov rpo5o/c(s, leal Sta roDro /J-IJTS TUV aptO/ibv Tuf a.va.KOlJ.lffOtv^v\aa-T(av d/j.f\ftav. If this was so, there is an end of Plutarch's story. It appears that Demosthenes was never suspected before the flight of Harpalus. Droysen has taken no notice of this infinitely more natural and probable version of the story, except to mention that Demosthenes had given no account of the money committed to his custody. 1 P. 98. 176 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI. Another charge, of a very different kind, which seems not to have occurred to any of the ancients, His policy nas been brought against him, for his conduct as a considered, statesman in this affair. It has been alleged 1 , that unless he was prepared for unqualified submission to Macedonia, he ought to have seized the opportunity presented by the arrival of Harpalus, and to have advised the people to receive him with open arms, and to make use of his treasure and his troops for a war with Alexander. It does not however seem necessary to conclude, that the faculties of Demosthenes had been weakened by age, because he did not see the need of either of these alternatives. It might be a sufficient answer to say, that a war undertaken for Harpalus and his stolen treasure, would have exposed the Athenians to the charge of injustice and wanton aggression, and would have deprived them of all claim to the sympathy of the other Greeks in their quarrel with Alexander. Such in fact is the ground which Demosthenes himself is reported to have taken in his first advice on the question : and the event proved, that there was no necessity for the sacrifice either of liberty or of honour. The Athenians did not pollute themselves by a connection with Harpalus ; and they suffered no detriment from the want either of his treasure, or of his mercenaries, in the Avar which soon after broke out, This indeed Demosthenes could not have foreseen: but still it seems hard to charge a statesman with incapacity, because he did riot perceive that it was impossible honesty could be the best policy, in a case where the event proved it to be so. And yet it appears, that Demosthenes had not con- cealed from himself or from the people, that a war might arise, which would demand extraordinary sacri- fices. He had spoken of an occasion, which might 1 By Droysen, Al. p. 532. ATHENIAN PREPARATIONS. 177 require that they should melt down the ornaments of CHAP. the women, their plate, and even all the treasure of the temples. 1 This emergency can have been no other, than that which might be looked for, if Alex- ander should not be persuaded by their envoys to revoke or modify this edict for the return- of the exiles. One effect which they had to apprehend from it was that their colonists who had been last planted in Sainos would be forced to resign their pos- sessions to the families of their former owners. But there was also reason to fear, that it might lead to a state of things like the tyranny of the Thirty. Dis- putes must have arisen, which would have afforded a pretext for the introduction of a Macedonian garrison into the city. There would have been no security, cither for public or private rights, but the mode- ration of a powerful party, irritated by the remem- brance of past sufferings, and resolved to guard against them for the future at any price. It may at least be presumed, that when Demosthenes spoke of such sacrifices as have been just mentioned, his hearers must have felt that the occasion was worthy of them. That this was the prevailing impression at Athens is both expressly asserted by Curtius 2 , and seems to be proved by the burst of popular feeling which took place there immediately on the news of Alexander's death: and we may easily believe Justin's statement 3 , that the publication of his edict in favour of the exiles led many other states openly to avow their resolution to maintain their liberty by arms. Those in which this sentiment was strongest, might still well try the effect of negotiation, before they resorted to an attempt seemingly so desperate. It is a different question, which the meagre ac- counts that have been preserved of these times leave 1 Dinarchus, p. 99. * x. 2. 8. s xin. 5. 5. VOL. VII. N 178 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. i n great obscurity, whether any preparations for war had actually been made at Athens before Alexander's death. It can hardly be supposed that any such measures were taken until the envoys who had been sent to remonstrate with him returned from Babylon : and the* interval between their return and the arrival of the news of his death, cannot have been very long. Yet that in this interval at least something was done with a view to a war which was believed to be im- pending, may be regarded as nearly certain. 1 For it was at this time that a division of the mercenaries who had been disbanded by the satraps, in compli- ance with Alexander's orders, was brought over to Leosthenes. Europe by the Athenian Leosthenes. 2 Leosthenes himself had been for a time in Alexander's service 3 , and, though still young, had gained a high reputation: but it seems that he had quitted it in disgust 4 , and had already returned to Athens, and that he went over to Asia, to collect as many as he could of the disbanded troops, whom he landed at Cape Taenarus. It can hardly be supposed that he did this without some ulterior object ; and his connection with Hy- perides the chief of the Anti-Macedonian party after Demosthenes had withdrawn and his subse- quent proceedings, scarcely leave room to doubt, that 1 Though Grauert (Anakkten, p. 238.) has certainly been led into an error on this point by an anachronism of Diodorus (xvn. 111.), which must be corrected from xvin. 9. ; his view of the state of things at Athens seems in substance per- fectly correct: and there is no weight in Droysen's argument (Al. p. 537.), that after the retirement of Demosthenes no one remained to animate the people to resistance. It does not appear that Hyperides had changed his politics ; and it is clear, both from Pausanias and Diodorus, that Leosthenes was then at Athens. 2 Pausanias, i. 25. 5. vin. 52. 5. In the last passage he erroneously represents Leosthenes as having brought over the whole, amounting to 50,000 men. * Strabo, IX. p. 301. Tauchn. "AAe8/>ou TOV &affi\tcas eraipos. Grauert (Analekt. p. 233 ) suspects that Strabo may have confounded Leosthenes with Leonnatus. This however is highly improbable ; but the expression may mean no more than is stated in the text. * Diodorus, xvn. 111. /J.d\icrra dvriKel/j.fi'ov rots 'A.\fdv8pov TrpdyfjuitTiv. He is described by Plutarch (Phoc. 23.) as fjieipdKioi>. He had however been left a widower with children (Paus. i. 1. 3.), but was just on the point of marrying again, as appears from a story found by Grauert in Jerome adv. Jovin. i. p. 35. ATHENIAN PREPARATIONS. 17! the object was to have a force in readiness to resist CHAP. T VT Antipater, if he should attempt to enforce Alexander's , edict. When the news of Alexander's death reached Athens, Phocion and Demades professed to disbelieve the report. Demades bade the people not to listen to it : such a corpse would long before have filled the world with its odour. Phocion desired them to have patience; and, when many voices asseverated the truth of the report, replied, If he is dead to-day, he will still be dead to-morrow, and the next day, so that we may deliberate at our leisure, and the more securely. But their remonstrances were disregarded. The council of Five Hundred held a meeting with closed doors; and Leosthenes was commissioned immediately to engage the troops at Taenarus, about 8000 men, but secretly, and in his own name, that Antipater might not suspect the purpose, and that the people might have the more time for other preparations. Confirmation of the fact was received shortly after from the mouth of eye-witnesses, who had been pre- sent at Babylon when it took place. As soon as all doubt on this point was removed, B.C. 323. there was an end of hesitation and secrecy. The ^par- popular feeling burst forth, like a flood long pent up. war with Phocion, and the orators of the Macedonian party, Antlpater - endeavoured in vain to stem it. Their influence was gone : as Demades, before long, experienced to his cost. None were listened to, but those who recom- mended the most decided and vigorous measures. Hyperides and Polyeuctus, the early coadjutors of Demosthenes, were now among the foremost to pro- pose such as, if he had been present, he would cer- tainly have approved. It was resolved without delay to send a supply of arms and money to Leosthenes for his levies at Taenarus, with directions no longer to make a secret of the object for which they were destined. The remainder of the treasure of Harpalus, N 2 180 HISTORY OF GREECE. and the penalties which had been recovered, furnished the means. It was very important, now that a pro- spect was once more opened of a general confederacy amon n ^ ne Greeks for a national cause, that Athens should immediately make her determination known as widely as possible. By another decree, the people declared itself ready to assert the liberty of Greece, arid to deliver the cities which were held by Mace- donian garrisons ; for this purpose a fleet was to be equipped of forty trireme galleys, and 200 of the larger size, with four banks of oars. All the citizens under forty years of age were to arm : those of seven tribes to prepare for foreign service, the rest to remain at home for the defence of Attica. Lastly, envoys were appointed to the principal states of Greece, to announce that Athens was again, as in the days of her ancient glory, about to place herself in the front of the battle with the common enemy, and to set her last resources, men, money, and ships, on the venture, and to ex- hort all, who wished for independence, to follow her example. The success of the Athenian negotiations appears not to have been so great in Peloponnesus as in the northern states, though these were exposed to the enemy's first attacks. Sparta, Arcadia, and Achaia, kept aloof from the struggle to the end : whether re- strained by jealousy of Athens, or by the remembrance of the last unfortunate contest with Macedonia. Messene, Elis, Sicyon, Phlius, Epidaurus, Trcezen, and Argos, joined the confederacy: but even of these, several appear to have held back until they were en- couraged by the first success of the other allies. In Northern Greece, Leosthenes himself was one of the most active and successful envoys. As soon as he had completed the equipment of his levies at Taenarus, leaving them, it seems, under the command of an inferior officer, he went over to /Etolia. He found LEOSTHENES. 18 the JEtolians, who had been alarmed and incensed by CHAP. I TTT Alexander's threats about (Eniada3, heartily inclined to the national cause, and obtained a promise of 7000 men. He then proceeded to solicit aid from Locris, Phocis, and others of the neighbouring states. Almost every where, from the borders of Macedonia to Attica, a good spirit prevailed. The Thessalians indeed did not immediately declare themselves, but probably gave private assurances of their favourable disposition. Pelinna is mentioned as the only town in the north of Thessaly which did not sooner or later enter into the league ; and Thebes in Pthiotis. In the vale of the Spercheius the towns of Malea and Heraclea alone refused their aid. But the Dolopians, the moun- taineers of (Eta, alt the towns of Doris, Carystus in Euboea, the Locrians and Phocians, many of the tribes in the western valleys of Pindus, as the ^Enia- nians, Alyzasans, and Athamantians, the Leucadians, and a part at least, it seems, of the Acarnanians, sent their contingents. Even from beyond the borders of Greece, the allies received some auxiliaries : from the Molossian chief, Arypta3us, who however afterwards deserted and betrayed them, and in very small number from Illyria and Thrace. But the policy by which Thebes had been destroyed, arid its territory divided among the Boeotian towns, was now attended with an effect more disastrous to Greece than the conqueror could have foreseen. It was known that the success of the Greeks would be followed by the restoration of Thebes : the Theban exiles probably formed a strong body in the Greek army : and hence the Boeotians, though surrounded on all sides by the forces of the confederacy, zealously adhered to the Macedonian cause, which was that of their private interest, and their inveterate hatred to the fallen city. The movements of Leosthenes, before the opening of the campaign, are very imperfectly reported by our N 3 182 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, extant authors. It might be supposed from the manner in which they are described by Diodorus, that he never returned to Athens. This however is highly improbable in itself; and it seems to be indicated by Plutarch's anecdotes, that he came back at the head of the troops he had collected, and that he had to encounter strenuous opposition from Phocion, and others, who dreaded the sacrifices and risk of the war. The language attributed to Phocion may serve to exhibit the temper and views of his party : though we need not adopt the assertion of Diodorus, that this party included all the men of property at Athens. Phocion affected to sneer at the young general, who spoke in a high and confident strain of his perform- ances and prospects. Your speeches, young man, he said, are like cypress trees, stately and lofty, but bearing no fruit. And when Leosthenes was provoked to ask, what benefit Athens had reaped from Phociori's gene- ralship during the many years that he had borne the title: It has been no small one, he replied, that our fellow-citizens have been buried in their own graves. Again, Hyperides asked him, when he would advise the Athenians to go to war ? Whenever, was the answer, I shall see the young willing to keep their ranks, the rich to contribute their money, and the orators to abstain from that of the public. The armament col- lected by Leosthenes, which excited general admira- tion, produced no such effect on Phocion ; and when he was asked what he thought of the preparations now, he replied that they were well enough for a single heat : but that he feared for the end of the race, seeing that the city had no more money, or ships, or men, to carry on the contest with, if these should be lost. 1 Diodorus, apparently following the opinion of an 1 In Vit. X. Or., the same sentiment and image (contrast of ffrdtiiovand are attributed to Demosthenes, on the occasion of Antipater's defeat : and Agesis- tratus is named as the friend to whom Demosthenes expressed his fears. HOPES OF THE ATHENIANS. 18 author who considered Phocion as representing the CHAP. wisdom and foresight of Greece, or who judged of the undertaking from the event, asserts that the most in- telligent Greeks condemned the rashness of the Athe- nians, who had not even taken a lesson from the fate of Thebes, but, in their eagerness for glory, heedless of consequences, had rushed into a premature and unnecessary conflict with an irresistible power. If however it is once admitted that it was desirable for Greece to shake off the Macedonian yoke and this, according to Diodorus, none of those intelligent Greeks was base enough to deny - it seems that something may be said to vindicate the Athenians from the charge of extreme imprudence. It may be admitted, that in this case, as in most others, they were guided rather by an instinctive love of freedom, than by sober calculations of expedience, as the Rhodians, who, on the news of Alexander's death, im- mediately expelled the Macedonian garrison from their city: but Phocion himself could not point out any time when they might make the attempt with a fairer prospect of success. He could only taunt the people with their presumed un fitness for any great enterprise : a sneer, which, so far as it contained any truth, would be always equally true, but which, as applied to the question, was triumphantly refuted by the event. But the deeper the admiration and the fear with which the Greeks had been impressed by Alexander's genius and fortune, the more excusable was it that they should believe his premature death would be im- mediately followed by the total dissolution of his huge empire. The news of his death must have been ac- companied by some accounts, probably exaggerated, of the subsequent tumults and beginning of a civil war at Babylon : and even the composition, by which the throne was to be shared between an idiot and an infant yet unborn, did not hold out much promise of N 4 184 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, permanent tranquillity. The more was known of the . ' y ' . character of Alexander's principal officers, the less likely must it have seemed that they would acquiesce in such an adjustment. It was to be expected, that they would be too much occupied with their own con- tests for power, to be able to afford aid to Antipater, even if there were not some who found it suited their interest to ally themselves with the Greeks. Mace- donia itself almost drained of its military popula- tion by Alexander's incessant demands 1 had never been weaker, never more threatened by its northern and western neighbours. It was not extravagant to hope, that the war might be ended in one short cam- paign, which would raise Greece to the rank of an independent and formidable power. The singular combination of circumstances through which this Avas frustrated, proved that it had not been rashly conceived. situation of Antipater received the tidings of Alexander's death Antipater. ^o n j m no mournful event nearly at the same time with those of the movements in Greece. His situation was one of great difficulty and danger : and it appears that he sent an embassy to soothe the Athenians, and to persuade them to peace. For it was probably on this occasion, that, when his envoys extolled the mildness of his character, Hyperides answered : We do not want a mild master. 2 Anti- pater can only have hoped to gain time by this step : and he greatly needed it. The whole force imme- diately at his disposal was small, and, if he marched against Greece, it would be necessary to leave a part of it for the protection of Macedonia. He had no clear prospect of aid but from one quarter, and that a distant one: for Craterus, with his army of vete- 1 Diodor. xvin. 12. 2 Vit. X. Or. IlyperideF, p. 850. A. ov Secfyteftx xpflVTov SITUATION OF ANTIPATER. 185 rans, had advanced no farther than Cilicia ; and CHAP. however he might be induced to quicken his march, it would be long before he could reach the theatre of war. Nevertheless Aritipater determined not to wait for reinforcements, nor to remain on the defensive, but to seek the enemy. The force which he was able to bring into the field amounted to no more than 13,000 foot, and 600 horse. It might seem that he, rather than the Athenians, was acting rashly, when, with so small an army, he ventured to invade Greece: and perhaps he relied somewhat too confidently on the superiority of the Macedonian discipline and tactics, and on the recollection of his victory over Agis. It must however be observed, that he calcu- lated on the support of the Thessalians, and probably of some other northern states ; and he might hope by a rapid movement to crush the confederacy, before it had collected its forces, or at least to prevent it from receiving fresh accessions of strength. He had also ordered Sippas, whom he left to supply his place in Macedonia, to levy troops with the utmost diligence, and may have expected to be speedily reinforced by these recruits. 1 His coffers were well filled, for he had received a large supply of treasure from Alexan- der: and the fleet which had brought it over, con- sisting of 110 galleys, remained with him, and was now ordered to attend the operations of the army. Thermopybe was the place appointed for the ren- dezvous of the allies: a position, by which they were enabled to cover their own territory, and to prevent a junction between the enemy and the Boeotians. It is not clear, whether it ought to be considered as an effect of the tardiness which Demosthenes so often complained of, that the contingents of the northern 1 That they were not supposed to be needed, as Droyscn represents p. 67. for the defence of Macedonia, seems to follow from the expression of Diodorus, xvm. 12. Sovs err par tiaras rovs IKO.VOVS. 186 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI. Victory of Leosthenes in Bo2otia. states were assembled, before the Athenian troops had begun their march. Leosthenes had joined them with his mercenaries, and perhaps with all the Pelo- ponnesian levies. He was elected commander in chief, not more in honour of Athens, than on account of the confidence which was reposed in his abilities. 1 The Athenians could spare no more than 5000 in- fantry, and 500 cavalry, of Attic troops : to these they added 2000 mercenaries. But now the Boeotians, encouraged perhaps by the tidings of Antipater's approach, collected their forces to oppose the passage of this little army, and encamped near Plataea, no doubt in very superior numbers, to watch the passes of Cithseron. Leosthenes, apprised of their move- ment, hastened with a division of his troops to the relief of his countrymen, effected a junction with them, and gave battle to the enemy. He gained a complete victory, raised a trophy, and returned, with this happy omen of more important success, to his camp. Antipater was joined on his march by a strong body of Thessalian cavalry, under Meno of Pharsalus, which gave him, in this arm, a decided advantage over the allies. He drew up his forces, it seems, in the vale of the Spercheius, and offered battle. Leo- sthenes did not wait to be attacked. It is possible that he may have had a secret understanding with the Thessalian general. But his army was 30,000 strong : and it may have been the sight of his supe- rior force that fixed Meno's wavering inclination. The fortune of the day was decided by the Thessalian cavalry, which went over in the heat of the battle to the Greeks. 2 We are not informed what loss Anti- 1 Pausanias, i. 25. 5. 2 Diodorus, xvm. 12. distinctly represents the desertion of the Thessalian cavalry as having caused the loss of the battle : and it is surprising that Droysen should have adopted the supposition more honourable to the Greeks, that the victory was the cause of the desertion. SIEGE OF LAMIA. 187 pater suffered : but he did not think it safe to attempt CHAP. to retreat through Thessaly. He looked about for the nearest place of refuge, and threw himself into the town of Lamia, which stood in a strong position on the south side of mount Othrys, about three miles from the sea, began to repair the fortifications, and laid in a supply of arms and provisions furnished perhaps by the fleet. His only remaining hope was that he might be able to sustain a siege, until suc- cours should arrive. Leosthenes immediately pro- ceeded to fortify a camp near the town, and after having in vain challenged the enemy to a fresh en- engagement, made several attempts to take it by assault. But the place was too strong, the garrison too numerous : the assailants were repulsed with the loss of many lives ; and at length he found himself obliged to turn the siege into a blockade. Antipater had no reason to be much ashamed of his defeat, nor the Greeks to be very proud of their vic- tory; but it everywhere produced a great effect on the public mind. It was the first advantage that had been gained for many years over the Macedonian arms, which were beginning perhaps to be thought invin- cible ; and it had certainly reduced an enemy, late the master of Greece, to a state of extreme distress and danger. At Athens the news was received with D boundless exultation : the streets were thronged with festal processions : the altars smoked with continued sacrifices of thanksgiving. The orators who had advocated the war loudly triumphed in the seeming fulfilment of their sanguine predictions. Phocion, alone perhaps among those who wished well to their country, would take no part in the universal joy, and did not suppress his gloomy forebodings. As the glad tidings flowed in, he bitterly asked When shall we have done conquering ? And when he was asked, whether he could have desired better success 188 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, for himself, replied, No : but better counsels. 1 The confidence of the people was raised to its utmost height by an embassy from Antipater, by which he sued for peace. We are not informed what terms he proposed ; but his overtures were probably treated as a sign of despair. The people looked upon him as already in their power, and demanded that he should surrender at discretion. 2 Yet they did not relax their efforts, but made use of the advantage they had gained, to procure additional strength for the common cause. Polyeuctus was sent with other envoys into Peloponnesus, to rouse the states which had hitherto remained neutral, to action. Here he was opposed by some of the traitors whom Athens had lately cast out from her bosom : but he was seconded by the voluntary exertions of his old colleague Demosthenes. As soon as Alexander's death released the Athe- nians from the restraint which his power had im- posed on them, the orators of the Macedonian party, deprived of the foreign stay on which they had hitherto leaned, sank under the contempt and indig- nation of the people, and several of them paid the penalty of their former insolence and baseness. De- mades was perhaps most mildly treated in proportion to his offences. The remembrance of some good of- fices which he had rendered to his country in times of calamity, might plead in his behalf: his very im- pudence rendered his servility less odious : since at least he could not be charged with treachery or dis- simulation ; and his extraordinary talents, in which he did not acknowledge even Demosthenes as his superior 3 , had more than their due weight with such a people as the Athenians. Yet he was brought to trial on several indictments: among others, as the 1 I'lut. Phoc. 23. Timol. 6. 2 Diodorus, xvm. 18. 2 Plut Demosth. 10. 11. explained by Prsec. Reip. Ger. 7. DEMOSTHENES. 189 author of the decree which conferred divine honours CHAP. on Alexander, for which he was condemned to a fine of ten talents : a very trifling sura for his means : especially if, as seems probable, the penalty which he had incurred for the bribe he took from Harpalus had been remitted. But the most important effect of the sentences passed on him appear to have been, that he was partially disfranchised, so as to be made incapable of taking part in public affairs. The bronze statues also, with which he had been honoured, and the city disgraced 1 , were melted down, and applied to purposes the most expressive of contempt and loathing for the original. 2 He however remained at Athens in the enjoyment of his ill-gotten wealth, waiting till the accomplishment of Phocion's denun- ciations should raise him once more out of his igno- minious obscurity, and should compel the people to listen to his voice. The timeserving Pytheas, the prosecutor of Demosthenes, and the witty glutton Callimedon 3 , who had been accused by Demosthenes of a treasonable correspondence with the exiles at Megara, were also convicted, we know not on what charges, and were obliged, either by sentence of ban- ishment, or to escape worse evils, to quit Athens. They now threw aside the mask, openly entered into the service of Macedonia, and were employed by Anti- pater to counteract the influence of the Athenian envoys in Peloponnesus with all the power of their oratory. Demosthenes had not resigned himself so content- edly as /Eschines to perpetual exile. It was perhaps a weakness, but one which does not lower him in our esteem, that he met the thought of it with less courage 1 Dinarchus, Demosth. 104. 2 Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Pr. 27. foi/t Ar)/j.d5ov (aVSpioj'Tas) Kare^vfixrav els dfj.lSas. 3 Nicknamed 6 KdaoSos from his favourite shellfish. (Athenaeus, in. 57.) He belonged to the Sixty, a club of joke-makers, about which Athenaeus (xiv. 3.) has some curious details. 190 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI. Exertions of Demo- sthenes. than that of death. He lingered, mournfully, we are told, and impatiently waiting for a change which he could scarcely have hoped to see, on the coast of TroBzen, or the cliffs of JEgina 1 , where he could still gaze on Athens, and might distinguish many scenes which recalled the recollection of his most glorious days. Sometimes, it is said, he gave vent to his grief in bitter complaints which would have been worthier of Phocion : as when fixing his eye on the Acropolis, he was heard to exclaim : Goddess, what favourites hast thou chosen ! the owl, the serpent, and the Athe- nian people. The young men who sought his society, he would warn to shun that public life which he had too late discovered to be beset with fear, and envy, and danger, worse than death itself. But when he heard of the successes of Leosthenes, when he learnt that an Athenian embassy was making the circuit of Peloponnesus, to advocate the cause of national inde- pendence, and that it was thwarted at every step by Antipater's hirelings, his despondency and resentment vanished: he quitted his retreat, joined the envoys, and accompanied them to the end of their mission. To him it owed its most important results. He re- pelled the calumnies of Pytheas, who was not ashamed to resort to general invectives against Athens for the service of his employer. 2 The Arcadian congress was the most celebrated scene of their contests : and we are informed that Demosthenes not only overcame Pytheas in debate, but prevailed on the Arcadians to abandon the Macedonian alliance. 3 It does not appear however that they sent any succours to their 1 Schlosser (i. 3. p. 384.) observes: Demosthenes, it is well known, fed to Me- gara. So indeed says Justin, xin. 5.: but the place where the exiles of the Macedonian party were assembled, was certainly not that which he would have chosen for his sojourn. Plutarch's authority is infinitely preferable. 2 Phylarchus in Plttt. Dem. 27. Pytheas compared an Athenian embassy to asses' milk, which never comes but into a sick house. Demosthenes retorted : Yes : as a remedy. 3 Vit. X. Or. p. 846. C. RETURN OF DEMOSTHENES. 191 countrymen. 1 But Sicyon, Argos, and even Corinth CHAP. are mentioned among the states which were brought over to the league by his eloquence. 2 There may be an error as to some of these names : His return but that his activity and success have not on the whole been exaggerated, is proved by the conse- quences which ensued to himself. The people was touched with gratitude and admiration by the report of his zeal and his services. 3 His kinsman Demon took advantage of the general feeling to propose a decree for his recal. It was passed, and not in the form of an act of grace, but of a respectful invitation. A vessel was sent by public authority, to bring him over from the place of his sojourn. When it returned with him to Pira3tis, a solemn procession, headed by the magistrates and the priests, came down to greet him, and to escort him back to the city. He now again raised his hands perhaps to the goddess whom he had unjustly reproached and congratu- lated himself on a return so much happier than that 1 Justin, xiii. 5. 10. 2 Pausanias (vnr. 6. 2.) expressly says that they remained neutral : and this account seems so much more conformable to the known bias of the Arcadian politics, that it is not easy to see why the other should be thought more accurate. 3 So Justin, xiii. 5. 11. and Plutarch. Demosth. 27. Vit. X. Or. p. 846. C. Droysen rejects these testimonies, and places the return of Demosthenes after the death of Leosthcnes, chiefly because in the sixth letter, which he believes to be genuine, Demosthenes is made to mention Antiphilus as commander-in- chief. I can see nothing in that letter, except its brevity and dryness, that entitles it to such con- fidence. But if it was written by Demosthenes, it must have been still later than Droysen himself supposes : for the battle alluded to in it can hardly be any other than that of Crannon, or at the earliest that in which Leonnatus fell. The whole ground-work of the letter seems as absurd as any that was ever invented by a sophist. Whatever the battle was, could the Athenians need to be informed about it by an eye-witness sent to them out of Peloponnesus by Demosthenes ? Droysen does not explain how it happened that the recal of Demosthenes was delayed so long as he supposes was the case. He tells us indeed though without any evidence of suspicions entertained against Demosthenes by his own party, which however were removed by the zeal he showed on the occasion of the embassy to Peloponnesus. What then either delayed, or finally procured, his recal? Droysen intimates that his letters may have had a great deal to do with it. But not to notice the arbitrariness of this assumption, it seems sufficient to observe, that the enthusiastic reception the orator met with, indicates the impression made on the people by recent services, rather than a favour obtained with difficulty by written assurances of his goodwill, and a state of public feeling in which joy and hope were predominant. 194 HISTORY OF GREECE. Appoint- ment of CHAP, without dispute to Athens. It seems almost incre- I VT dible, that any should have thought of Phocion : yet we are informed that there was a strong disposition to appoint him. His political opponents dreaded, with reason, to see such a trust committed to a man Avho avowed such sentiments. One of them ironically professed that, as an old friend, he could not consent to expose so precious a life to such a risk. Phocion disclaimed his acquaintance, but thanked him for his good offices. Antiphilus, a young man who had acquired high reputation for courage and military skill, received the command. Leonnatus. But in the meanwhile succours were approaching for the relief of Antipater, Leonnatus had come down to take possession of his satrapy, with in- structions from Perdiccas, to aid Eumenes in the conquest of Cappadocia : for it was known that Aria- rathes would not be easily overpowered : and Anti- gonus was directed to co-operate with them for that purpose. He however had higher aims, and paid no attention to the regent's orders. The hopes of Eu- menes therefore rested wholly on Leonnatus, who, when he came to the Hellespont, still professed his intention to undertake the expedition. But, if he was ever in earnest about this enterprise, he was soon diverted from it by other projects. He had entered into a secret correspondence with Olympias, Avho, being in open enmity with Antipater, and very much dissatisfied with the recent arrangements, desired to form an alliance, through her daughter Cleopatra, the widowed queen of Epirus, with some one powerful enough to protect her interests. The history of such negotiations is seldom accurately known : it only ap- pears, that Leonnatus received a letter from Cleo- patra, in which she promised him her hand, if he came to Pella 1 : with a sufficient force, it must be 1 Plut. Eum. 3. If, as Droysen assumes (Nachf. i. p. 68.), Memnon in his His- tory of Heraclea (Photius, 224. a. 6.) had really supposed that Cleopatra had LEONNATUS. 195 supposed, to overpower Antipater, and to secure the CHAP. throne of Macedonia for himself. He was a man of . LVL sanguine temper, as well as of towering ambition, and eagerly grasped at the offer. While he was occupied Avith this scheme, but was still believed to be pre- paring for the expedition against Ariarathes, he re- ceived a message from Antipater, now blocked up in Larnia, to implore his speediest succour. Antipater's envoy had probably been chosen on account of his personal enmity to Eurnenes. It was Hecata3us the tyrant^'of Cardia, against whom Eurnenes was known to have exerted all his influence with Alexander, though without effect : and he was empowered to offer the hand of one of Antipater's daughters 1 to Leonnatus. Eumenes endeavoured to dissuade Leon- natus from compliance with this request : and pro- fessed to consider his own life as in danger from the taken up her residence at Sardis in her brother's lifetime, it would only seem to follow that he was mistaken. But since the place of Cleopatra's residence is not men- tioned in the extract from Memnon, it appears unnecessary to suppose a contra- diction between him and Plutarch. 1 According to Diodorus (xvm. 12.), Antipater, before he set out from Macedonia, sent to Philotas, who had received the satrapy of the Hellespontine Phrygia (irpbs fyiKtarav rbv fi\T) "E 1 \\^\a^rov^

v fio-r]0fj(rai. 3. Unless Leonnatus had been a higher, or more ambitious personage than Per- diccas, or Ptolemy, or Craterus, an alliance with Antipater might well have been thought a desirable object for him. o 2 19G HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, enmity of Antipater and Hecata3us. Leonnatus there- i fore thought he might safely trust him with the secret, let him see Cleopatra's letters, and assured him that his intentions were nothing less than friendly to Antipater. But the project did not at all suit the views of Eumenes, who saw that he should probably forfeit his satrapy with the patronage of Perdiccas ; and felt no confidence in the impetuous character of Leonnatus. He therefore made his escape by night, accompanied only by 300 horse, and 200 armed slaves, with his treasure, which amounted to 5000 talents, and fled to Perdiccas, whose favour he secured by this proof of fidelity. Leonnatus had now no choice left. It was in Ma- cedonia alone that he could hope to establish himself. But it seems that he thought it necessary for his own sake, first to quell the insurrection of the Greeks, and then to rid himself of Antipater. He therefore crossed over to Europe, and marched toward the theatre of war. In Macedonia, he added a large body of troops to his army, which then numbered 110 less than 20,000 foot and 2,500 horse. When Antiphilus heard of the approach of this formidable force, he imme- diately perceived that the siege must be raised : and he seems to have taken his measures with great judg- ment and energy. He fired his camp, sent the baggage and all his useless people to Melitaea, a town on the Enipeus, which lay near his road, and himself, crossing the chain of Othrys, advanced with his unincumbered troops to meet Leonnatus, before he could be joined Diminu- by Antipater. Since the beginning of the siege of Greeif the Lamia, the army of the allies had been much weakened forces. through some of those causes which commonly pa- ralyse the movements of such confederacies. Before the death of Leosthenes, the ^Etolians had obtained leave from him to return home for a time, on some plea, which Diodorus only describes, by the vague DEFEAT AND DEATH OP LEONNATUS. 197 expression, national affairs. l We are left entirely to CHAP. conjecture as to its nature and urgency : but the * term seems equally to exclude the supposition of a festival 2 , and of a hostile inroad 3 , which might other- wise have been probable motives : while it perfectly suits the occasion of an assembly held for the election of magistrates, and the transaction of other public business. 4 There is no reason to suspect the Mto- lians either of lukewarmness or jealousy. Leosthenes himself may have believed that they might be spared for a time, as the blockade could be carried on without them. But he was also compelled to allow many of his other troops to withdraw. They too had, if not public business, private concerns to call them home, and they willingly believed that the end of the contest was already secured, and could not be endangered by their absence. Whether any others arrived from Peloponnesus to supply their place, does not appear : but the army which Antiphilus led into Thessaly was still superior, by 2000 foot, and 1000 horse, to that of Leonnatus. The part of Thessaly where the two armies met, is B. c. 322. not mentioned : it is only described as a plain skirted Dcfeat and .. , i IT death of by hills, and containing some marshy ground. It must Leonnatus. have been that which is crossed by the high road from Macedonia between the Peneus and the Enipeus. The strength of the Greeks lay in their cavalry, which included 2000 Thessalians, the finest troops of the kind then to be found. Leonnatus however, whose gallantry is better attested than his judgment, did not hesitate to engage them with his Macedonian 1 AJO Tivas t9i>tKas xp e ' ias > xvin. 13. 2 As Grauert, Analekten, p. 258. 3 Lukas, Ueber Polybius' Darstdlung des JEtolischen Bundest, p. 64. n. And Schorn, Geschichte Griechenlands, p. 3. 4 This seems to have been first perceived by Droysen (Nachfolg. i. p. 73.). The time agrees perfectly with that at which, as we learn from Polybius (iv. 37.) the jEtolians were used to hold their electoral assemblies : a little after the autumnal equinox. o 3 198 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, horse, which indeed was more numerous than the Thessalians alorie,and may have been so much superior in his opinion to that of the other Greeks, as to render the inequality but trifling. He placed himself at its head, and charged with his wonted valour : but after a short combat, his troops were broken and put to flight, and driven into the marsh, where he himself fell, pierced with many wounds. His body was rescued, and carried to the carnp. The infantry ori both sides appear to have taken no part in the action : but when the victory was decided, and Leonnatus had fallen, the commander of the phalanx judged it pru- dent to decline a battle, and drew off his troops to the higher ground, where they would be safe from the attacks of the cavalry. The Thessalians made some fruitless attempts to disturb them : but the Greeks remained masters of the field, and erected their trophy : the third which they had won since the beginning of the war. To Antipater however the loss which he suffered through the defeat of Leonnatus, was more than com- pensated by the advantage he gained from the death of a formidable rival 1 : though he may not have known the whole extent of his danger. He had fol- lowed the march of the Greeks, and it seems was at no great distance when the battle took place : for the next day he effected a junction with the army of Leonnatus, which immediately acknowledged him as its chief. He now saw himself at the head of a force, before which the allies, but for the superiority of their cavalry, would not have been able to stand. Still, such was the terror inspired by the Thessalian horse, that he did not venture to descend into the plain ; and he had probably already received intelligence of the approach of Craterus. He therefore advanced along 1 So Justin, xm. 5. 15. Antipater . . . morte Leonnati latatus est ; quippe et (Bmvlum sublatum, et vires ejus accessisse sibi gratulabatur. NAVAL WAR. 199 the higher ground on the skirts of the plain toward CHAP. the borders of Macedonia. 1 Antiphilus and Meno . could only watch his movements, and made no at- tempt to obstruct them : but remained in the central vale of Thessaly. In the meanwhile the Athenians, who had under- taken the whole burden of the war on the sea, had been defeated on what they were used to consider as their own element. Diodorus has probably confounded several things in his brief account of this naval war. If we may trust him, the Macedonian fleet had been raised, by some reinforcement of which he gives no account, to 240 sail: the precise number which was to have been equipped by the Athenians, according to their decree : while the fleet with which they finally put to sea, consisted of no more than 170 galleys. The part of this statement which relates to the Mace- donians is certainly very suspicious. 2 But when we remember the strength of the naval armaments which had been sent out by the Athenians during the Pelo- ponnesian war, the effort which they made on this occasion appears, even according to this account, very great. And yet the manner in which Diodorus expresses himself raises a suspicion, that the decree may have been carried into full effect. The Mace- donians, he says, being masters of the sea, the Athe- nians, in addition to the galleys which they had before, fitted out others, so that in all they amounted to 170. And he then relates that the Macedonian admiral 1 Justin (xni. 5. 16.) says, in Macedonian, concessit : which is probably a little beyond the truth. 2 Droysen (Nachf. i. p. 81.) has done strange injustice to Grauert's remark (Analekten, p. 268.) on the suspicious character of these numbers, which had also struck Wesseling : one might almost think, merely for the sake o'f a sneer at the Athenians. It would certainly not be surprising, as Grauert himself observes, that they should not have been able to equip so vast an armament as they had decreed : and if they really fought with a force so much inferior to the enemy's, their spirit is the more admirable. But it is surprising, that the force which they decreed, but failed to raise, should be exactly that which the Macedonians, who are not said to have received any addition to their numbers, brought against them. o 4 200 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Clitus, with his 240 sail, gained two victories over the LVI Athenians, who were commanded by Eetion, and de- stroyed a great number of their ships. The scene of both these sea-fights is laid by Diodorus near the Echinades, that is, off the coast of ^Etolia. But it is certain, that one of them at least took place in the ^Egean near Amorgus, one of the Cyclades. 1 It seems to have been on this occasion that Stratocles had the impudence to arnuse the people with false tidings of a great victory, and to say, when the truth was ascer- tained, that they owed him two days of rejoicing. 2 Clitus, according to Plutarch, celebrated the battle of Amorgus, with extravagant vanity : assuming the name of Poseidon, and the trident. The victory there- fore cannot have been so trifling as Plutarch himself represents it 3 : and we may suspect that it was now the Athenians, having by fresh exertions collected 170 galleys, again sought the enemy, and suffered a second defeat, probably still on the eastern side of Greece, which in so critical a posture of affairs, the Macedonian admiral is not likely to have quitted for the coast of J^tolia. 4 On every supposition the Athenians, in this part of the contest, displayed a degree of spirit and persever- ance quite worthy of their best times ; and the few glimpses which we catch of their proceedings at home, show them in a similar light. It had been with great difficulty that Phocion, as general, had restrained 1 Plut De Fort. Alex. n. 5. 2 Plut. Demetr. 12. Praec. Reip. Ger. 3. 8 Tpfts ?) Tfrrapas 'E\\r)viKa.s avarpfif/as rpt^peis, TIcxTfiStSv avriyopfvOr], Kal "ptaivav tyopfi. Perhaps however the only foundation for this story was a statue or picture which so represented him. 4 Droysen (i. p. 82.) makes a very bold, and I think improbable, supposition, to reconcile Diodorus with Plutarch. He imagines that Clitus, after his victory near Amorgus, sailed round to the western coast, to observe the allies of Athens, and to prevent the JEtolians from marching into Thessaly ; therefore after the autumnal equinox ; that the Athenians followed them with a new fleet, and were again de- feated, off the Echinades. This is really going to a great expense of ingenuity to save the credit of such a writer as Diodorus, who after all remains convicted of gross carelessness. ARRIVAL OF CRATERUS. 201 them from an incursion into Bceotia. He would not CHAP. undertake it without a levy of all the men left under sixty. Soon after, when the Macedonians had become masters of the sea, a squadron was sent, with a strong body of troops, Macedonians as well as mercenaries, under the command of Micio, to invade Attica. He did not now refuse to second the general ardour, but led as strong a force as could be mustered to meet the enemy, who had landed on the eastern coast, not far from Marathon, and was overrunning the country. Plutarch has reported some pointed sayings of Pho- cion, as delivered on this occasion, which seem to show that there was more zeal than discipline among his troops. When advice was obtruded on him, he remarked, that there were many generals, but few soldiers. Leosthenes and Antiphilus were perhaps more fortunate in the men they commanded : for we do not find that they had any cause to complain : or they may have been less addicted to sarcastic speeches. But Phocion himself cannot have been very ill served : for the enemy was defeated, and driven back to his ships with great loss, and Micio was left among the slain. So that even this naval war, though it pro- bably inflicted a severe injury on the Athenians, ter- minated in a manner which reminded them of better days. Not long after, the aspect of affairs in Thessaly was Arrival of again changed by the arrival of Craterus. He had brought, beside the veterans, 4000 heavy armed, 1000 Persian bowmen and slingers, and 1500 cavalry. He probably entered Thessaly by one of the western passes, as this was the direction which Antipater had taken. When they had joined their forces, Craterus resigned the supreme command to his colleague. They then marched down into the plain, where the allies were posted, and encamped near the banks of the Peneus. The Macedonian army now amounted to 202 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, between 40,000 and 50,000 heavy infantry, 3000 . L y~ . light troops, and 5000 cavalry. The Greeks were little more than half as numerous : for the ^Etolians had not returned to the camp, and few reinforce- ments had arrived to make up for the deficiency. They had fought the last time with 22,000 foot : they had now 25,000. The cavalry, though now inferior in number to that of the enemy, was still their main strength, and their sole hope. Diodorus, very con- fusedly, mentions a spirit of insubordination which arose among them from the decrease of their numbers. We may easily believe, that their commanders found it difficult to keep them together, after so many de- sertions, in the presence of so formidable an enemy. It must have seemed almost intolerably hard, that they were to fight at such fearful odds in behalf of those who had shamefully abandoned them. The situation of the generals became every day more em- barrassing. When Antipater drew out his forces to offer battle, they declined it for some days, still hoping that they might be rejoined by those who had left them, or might receive fresh succours, which had no doubt been earnestly solicited. But the approach of Craterus had probably induced all who were luke- warm or wavering to regard the contest as hopeless. No reinforcements arrived : and it became evident to Antiphilus, and Meno, that they must hazard a battle, or soon be deserted by the greater part of their troops. Meno still relied much, and not without reason, on his Thessalian horse. They therefore resolved to Battle of accept Antipater's challenge. The engagement took crannon. p] ace on the plain of Crannon, a little to the west of the road between Larissa and Pharsalus 1 , not far from the foot of a range of low hills which stretch across from the Enipeus to the Peneus. It began, as 1 Leake, Northern Greece, in. p. 365. BATTLE OF CRANNON. 203 before, with the cavalry. That of the Macedonians CHAP. was probably commanded by Craterus, but it was still unable to cope with the Thessalians : and the event of the day might have been similar to that in which Leonnatus fell, if the Macedonians had not now had the advantage of two able and experienced generals. Antipater, who was at the head of the phalanx, when he saw his horse giving way, fell upon the enemy's infantry. They were quite unable to sustain the shock, but still were so ably commanded, that they retreated in good order to the adjacent high ground, and there took up a position from which the Mace- donians vainly attempted to dislodge them. We seem to collect from this fact, that Alexander was still more fortunate in his enemies, than in his officers. But Meno, perceiving the retreat of his infantry, did not venture to prolong the combat, in which he was on the point of gaining a decided victory : he drew off his troops, and the Macedonians remained every- where masters of the field. The Greeks had not lost more than 500 men l : but though the loss was trifling, it was the result of a de- feat : and this, in such circumstances, was inevitably fatal to their cause. Antiphilus and Meno conferred together on the course now to be adopted : whether it was better to wait where they were, on the faint hope of a reinforcement, which might enable them again to meet the enemy in the field, but with great danger of fresh desertions : or should make overtures to Antipa- ter, while they were still at the head of a formidable army. Diodorus intimates that they reluctantly yielded to the emergency 2 : they thought themselves forced to negotiate. Unhappily in this field the 1 Of these it appears that 200 were Athenians : for there can be little doubt that Pausanias (vir. 10. 5.) means the battle of Crannon, the scene of which is also con- founded with Lamia by Polybius (ix. 29.) : though Pausanias elsewhere (x. 3. 4.) distinguishes between Lamia and Crannon. 8 Tco irap6vTi Koupa) ffweil-avTes, xviu. 17. 204 HISTORY OF GREECE. enemy they had to deal with was still more an over- match for them than in the other. Antipater at once Dissolution saw that an opportunity was presented to him of dis- " solving the confederacy without another blow. When the Greek heralds came to him with proposals of peace, he declared that he would enter into no treaty with the confederacy, but was willing to receive envoys from the allied states separately. He knew that this would be an irresistible temptation to each to re- nounce the common cause, that it might make the better terms for itself. But to hasten their resolution, he and Craterus laid siege to some of the Thessalian towns, among the rest to Fharsalus, which the allies were compelled to abandon to their fate. This proof of weakness, and the danger which extorted it, over- powered all reluctance in the inferior states of the confederacy. One after another sent its envoys to the Macedonian camp, and submitted to the terms dic- tated by Antipater, which were unexpectedly mild. Their lenity attracted those who still hesitated, and in a short time all had laid down their arms. The two states which had excited and guided the insurrection, now remained exposed to the conqueror's vengeance, unable to afford any help to one another, unable, had their forces been united, to offer any re- sistance to him. Athens, as she had been first and last in the field, had reason to apprehend the first at- tack, and the most rigorous treatment. Antipater advanced from Thessaly into Boeotia, with the avowed object of laying siege to the city 1 ; and, as his fleet commanded the sea, there appeared no prospect of deliverance, or of relief from the miseries of a protracted blockade, except in timely submission. The only hope of any fate milder than death or slavery rested on Antipater's mercy : but from a man 1 Vit. X. Or. p. 846. E. ATHENIAN EMBASSY TO ANTIPATER. 205 who had boasted of his clemency, and had just ex- perienced such vicissitudes of fortune, this was not an unreasonable ground of confidence. Phocion now had the melancholy pleasure, of exerting the influence he had gained by his long connection with the enemies of his country, in her behalf. For the readiness he showed on this occasion, we may well forgive his gentle reproach ; that if she had followed his counsels, she would not have needed his aid : as in truth if she had followed those of Lycidas, in the Persian war 1 , she would not have become an object of envy and ha- tred, and would perhaps never have been subject to a Macedonian master. The honour of his mediation he shared with Demades, to whom the eyes of all were first turned in this emergency. While the storm of war was rolling toward the frontiers of Attica, De- mades sat aloof, like Achilles, an unconcerned spec- tator, brooding over his dishonour, and could only be induced to interpose by intreaties and gifts. He was a disfranchised man, who had no right to offer his advice. But he was not inexorable ; and, when his franchise was restored to him, proposed a decree which was im- mediately carried, to send envoys, Phocion and himself in the number, with full powers to Antipater. They Embassies found the Macedonian army encamped on the site of Athenians Thebes, and preparing to invade Attica. Phocion's to Anti- first request was, that Antipater would not move P forward, but would conclude the treaty where he was. Craterus thought that Phocion asked too much, when he desired that they should spare their enemies, and continue to burden their friends. But Antipater, taking him by the hand, gently insisted: We must grant this favour to Phocion. He would not however listen even to Phocion on any other point, and would be satisfied with nothing but absolute submission. The Athenians, he observed, had demanded no less 1 Vol. II. 362. 206 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI. Xenocrates and Anti- pater. from him, when he sued for peace. With this answer the envovs returned. 1 tf The people could not recede : for they had no refuge. Another embassy was immediately des- patched, with Phocion at its head, but including a new envoy, whose character, it was hoped, might make a favourable impression on Antipater : the phi- losopher Xenocrates, of whom Plutarch says, that there was no degree of insolence and cruelty which would not, it was supposed, give way before his pre- sence. Antipater was neither insolent nor cruel : but he was not a man to give up a solid advantage for the sake of a philosopher : even if he had not a private dislike to Xenocrates, and did not wish to show his displeasure at the treatment of his friend Aristotle, who had been forced to withdraw from Athens soon after Alexander's death, on a charge of impiety, which was probably a pretext for those who hated and feared him on account of his intimacy and cor- respondence with Antipater : though it would not follow that there was any foundation for the story, that Xenocrates was Aristotle's enemy. Antipater, however, is reported to have behaved to him with 1 Here again Droysen seems to have been misled by his praiseworthy reluctance to part with a single grain of tradition which is not demonstrably false. In Vit. X. Or. it is said that Antipater, after he had taken Pharsalus, threatened to lay siege to Athens, unless the Athenians should deliver up their orators. On this ground, Droysen not merely conjectures, but relates in his text, that the Athenians sent three embassies to Antipater, suing for peace ; the first while he was still in Thes- saly ; and that the answer they received was, that he would lay siege to Athens, unless they delivered up the orators. But in the first place, no ancient author mentions more than two embassies ; and Plutarch, who describes thf whole course of the negotiations so copiously in his Life of Phocion, 26, 27., could hardly have passed over the first. In the next place it is quite inconceivable that, when the Athenians sent to ask on what terms Antipater would grant peace, he should either have mentioned no other condition than this, or have accompanied this demand with a threat. Still more difficult, if possible, is It to believe, that, after he had made this demand to the first embassy, he should have required the Athenians, when they were represented by his friend Phocion, to submit generally to his discretion, as they had before required from him. Surely this answer could only have been re- turned at the beginning of the negotiations, not after he had already specified one condition. It might be known without an embassy, that Antipater meant to be- siege Athens, and that he threatened vengeance against the adverse orators : and this would have been sufficient foundation for the above-mentioned statement. XENOCRATES AND ANTIPATER. 207 studied rudeness, to have withheld from him the or- CHAP. LVT dinary salutation with which he received the other envoys, and to have interrupted him so often in his speech, as at last to compel him to desist. 1 Xeno- crates is said to have observed, that he considered it as an honour to be so treated by Antipater, when he was about to deal so harshly with Athens. The terms finally granted, on which the Athenians were to be admitted into amity and alliance with Macedonia, were, that they should deliver up a number of their obnoxious orators, including Demosthenes and Hy- perides ; that they should limit their franchise by a standard of property ; that they should receive a garrison in Munychia, and pay a sum of money for the cost of the war. Xenocrates is said to have been the only person who murmured at these conditions, and to have remarked, that they were mild for slaves, oppressive for freemen. His colleagues professed to be delighted with their moderation: only with regard to the garrison, Phocion thought proper to intercede. But when Antipater asked him, whether he would engage for the observance of the peace without it, he did not venture immediately to reply. While he paused, Callimedon, the exile, started up, and said : And if he should talk so idly, will you, Antipater, trust him, and change your purpose ? All the articles were accepted by the plenipotentiaries, and ratified by the people ; and soon after the Macedonian garrison marched into Munychia, to settle the interpretation of those which had not been precisely denned. 1 On the other hand there are sundry anecdotes in the Life of Xenocrates in Diogenes Laertius, which seem to indicate that the philosopher was on very friendly terms with Antipater. Antipater is said to have sent him a present of money, which however he would not accept : to have paid him a visit at Athens, when however Xenocrates would not interrupt the discourse he was holding to return his greeting. Even on the occasion of the very embassy to Thebes, Diogenes relates that Xenocrates, who had come to obtain the release of some Athenian prisoners, was invited by Antipater to his table, and replied in the words of Ulysses to Circe, which so pleased Antipater, that he at once released the prisoners. Perhaps from all this we must infer, that Antipater's sternness was confined to the audience on the terms of peace. 208 HISTORY OF GREECE. GHAP. It was remarked, as a contrast which aggravated T vr . the present misery and dejection, that the entrance of the foreign troops took place on the day of the mystic procession to Eleusis : the same on which, ac- cording to the Attic legend, in the Persian war, when Attica was abandoned to the barbarians, the mystic shout, raised by unearthly voices, had announced the Macedonian approaching destruction of the invader. The pre- Munychia? sence of the Macedonian garrison however was chiefly galling, as it constantly reminded the people of its servitude. There was no reason immediately to ap- prehend any of the outrages which Thebes had suf- fered, while it was occupied by Philip's troops : for the command at Munychia had been given to Menyl- lus, a man of humane disposition, and one of Phocion's New Athe- friends, perhaps appointed at his request. The clause Ttitution" m tne trea ty relating to the change which was to be made in the constitution, had probably been expressed at first in general terms, and its import, or Antipa- ter's design, was only fixed when the time came to carry it into effect. If we might lay stress on the lan- guage in which Plutarch reports it, we should be led to conclude, that the Athenians had been induced to expect a revival of the ancient limited democracy, perhaps as it existed in the time of Solon : by which the poorest would indeed have been excluded from several offices, but not from the privileges which they exercised in the assembly and the courts of justice. Hopeless as the condition of the people was, it seems doubtful, whether they would have ratified the treaty, if they had known beforehand how Antipater under- stood it on this point. 1 The new regulation which he 1 Droysen, defending Antipater against Grauert, who describes the measure as a change from democracy to oligarchy, asks (i. p. 93.) whether the government of 20,000 citizens over half a million of people was less oligarchical ? It was, ac- cording to the definition of the ancients, who confined the term oligarchy to a government founded on distinctions of property. The question seems to imply that, because the Athenian constitution limited the franchise one way, according THE CAPITULATION. 209 decreed sounded very moderate, if not necessary or CHAP. just: but its practical effect was, that nearly two- thirds of the citizens were disfranchised, and many transported out of Greece. It provided, that a quali- fication of 2000 drachmas should be required from every citizen, and this has been commonly understood as the entire amount of property of every kind to be possessed by each. If this was the case, it remains an inexplicable mystery one to which the great master of this subject resigns himself as in despair 1 that out of 21,000 persons then exercising the fran- chise, no more than 9000 could be found possessing that sum. It would follow that 12,000 were living nearly in the condition of Lazzaroni : for it appears that the interest of 2000 drachmas at the highest ordinary rate, would have been scarcely sufficient to purchase the mere necessaries of life for a man who had no family to support. We may indeed suppose, though no cause has been assigned for the fact, that the distribution of property had become very unequal at Athens, while its general amount had been much reduced. And yet the accounts we have remaining of the administration of Lycurgus do not suggest the idea of general poverty, but rather of growing pro- sperity. Since that time to Alexander's death, the state had enjoyed uninterrupted peace. The visions of Isocrates, who had represented the conquest of Persia as the beginning of a golden age for Greece, had in this respect been fully realised. A part of the treasures of the East had in fact crossed the ^Egean, and it might have been supposed, that Athens would have shared this benefit, and still more that which to universally received Greek notions, it could be no hardship to limit it in another totally different, and that this ought not to be regarded as an essential change. Least of all can our sympathy with the Athenians be destroyed by generalities and exaggerations, such as Droysen's remark, that one cannot form an adequate conception of the corruption of the Athenian state. It seems quite as possible to go beyond the truth on this subject as to fall short of it. 1 Boeckh, Staatsh.i\.3. Compare iv. 9. VOL. VII. P 210 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, flowed from the increased activity imparted to corn- . merce by Alexander's conquests. It is true that such difficulties could not resist one well-attested fact. But the main fact on which the question here depends is not attested at all. We are not informed how the inquisition was made, nor what objects it included whether, for instance, it took account of the profits derived from any occupation which needed only a very small capital nor whether it related to the whole or only a part that which was liable to taxation of each citizen's property. It has been thought by a high authority a fatal objection to this last supposition, that in this case the standard of property would have been too high. 1 But at least it would not have been too high for Antipater's views : and that which he is commonly believed to have established, would not even have answered the purpose which might have been thought the only reasonable ground for the innovation : to provide that every one who retained the franchise should possess some independent means of decent subsistence. Emigration To the disfranchised citizens Antipater offered a Athens. town and district in Thrace. 'We are not informed where it lay ; but it may easily be supposed that it was riot a maritime position, and therefore could not have been regarded as a desirable settlement. It does not appear that any were compelled to migrate : 2 but the offer seems to show that Antipater wished to remove as many as he could without a display of force : and the prospect at home was gloomy enough to induce many to embrace this alternative. A great number of a higher class were formally banished. 1 Boeckh, iv. 3. 2 Diodorus (xvm. 18.) says that they all migrated. If this had been the case, the ro?y @ov\ofj.fvois would be only the official language. But it is clear from Plutarch (Phoc. 28.), that a part actually remained at Athens. Tet from the manner in which the &TI/J.OI are mentioned by Plutarch (Phoc. 33.), one might be inclined to suspect that they were not allowed to reside in the upper city. THE CAPITULATION. 21 It speaks well for the 9000 who remained in posses- CHAP. sion of the franchise, that Antipater still thought the garrison at Munychia a necessary precaution : but if his only object had been security, it might have been supposed that the presence of the troops would have been a sufficient protection for those who were dis- posed for peace. At least after these measures there was left no plea of necessity to excuse his demand for the blood of the men who had guided the public counsels. Alexander indeed had called for such a sacrifice, but under very different circumstances ; when it might have seemed requisite for his safety; it was the only one he asked ; and still he had been induced to dispense with it. We can hardly acquit Antipater of the charge of a cowardly revenge. If policy required that resistance to Macedonia should be treated as a crime, exile, when return appeared so hopeless, might have seemed a sufficient punishment. And from the manner in which the sentence was exe- cuted, it is but too clear, that it was not merely a concession which he made to the rancour which his Athenian hirelings bore to the sufferers : though it is likely enough that Pytheas, and Callimedon, and De- rnades, encouraged him, in this instance too, to adhere to his purpose. It would have been pleasing to find that Phocion had attempted to divert him from it : especially, if he himself had on former occasions been protected by the eloquence of Demosthenes. 1 In other cases he procured pardon for some who had been con- demned to banishment by Antipater, or prevailed on him to remit the severest part of the penalty, and to let the exiles remain in Greece. It is plain from these instances, though they were not needed to show it, what the real character of the new constitution was : and we are the less tempted to speculate on the mean- 1 So Nepos, Phocion, u. 3. Yet this is rather hard to believe. p 2 212 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI. Persecu- tion of the Orators. ing of Diodorus, when he says, that the 9000 were governed by the laws of Solon. It seems that the contribution which had been mentioned in the treaty was not immediately exacted : perhaps was purposely reserved as an additional security for their good be- haviour. The question about Samos was referred to the king's council, and, by order of Perdiccas, the Athenian colonists were soon after expelled from their possessions. The republic, it appears, was also de- prived of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyrus. Demosthenes and his partners in misfortune had retired from the city before the Macedonian garrison arrived : yet hardly so soon as it was heard that An- tipater was on his march against Athens 1 : for we are informed that, when he demanded them, Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes, made an effort, more honourable to his feelings than his judgment, to induce the people to resist, and, to animate the spec- tators, entered the assembly in armour. It is doubt- ful whether this was before the return of the second embassy : but then Demades proposed a decree, which was passed as a part of the treaty, condemning Anti- pater's victims to death. They had certainly escaped, before they could be arrested under this decree 2 : and their first place of refuge was JEgina. Here Hype- rides, a man certainly, according to the accounts which have come down to us, not estimable in his private character, but one who had never descended to any political apostasy, and who had never been polluted by Macedonian gold, besought Demosthenes to forgive his temporary estrangement, thus appar rently acknowledging the injustice of the charge he had brought against him, and took a last farewell of 1 As Plutarch represents, Phoc. 26. and Demosth. 28. This may seem to favour Droysen's conjecture, but cannot, I think, be admitted to outweigh the objections I have stated against it. 2 It appears from Arrian in Photius (p. 69. b.) that they were already in when the decree was passed. ARCHIAS. 213 him. With them were Aristonicus and HimeraBus, CHAP. also one of the accusers of Demosthenes, and brother of Demetrius the Phalerian, who was destined soon to rise to a bad eminence in the history of Athens. ' As the danger grew more pressing, the friends parted, seeking separate asylums. Aristonicus and Hirnerieus took shelter in the xEaceum. Hyperides, it seems, first sought refuge at the altar of Poseidon in the same island, but afterwards passed over to Pelopon- nesus, and fled to the temple of Demeter at Hermione 2 , once deemed a shrine of awful sanctity. Demosthenes chose the sanctuary of Poseidon in the isle of Calaurea near Troezen. There remained no hope of safety for the fugitives, but in the protection of the gods. But Antipater had taken his measures to render even this safeguard unavailing. It was not in Athens alone that Antipater pursued the friends of liberty to death. To carry out his pur- pose, he had engaged the services of a band of men, who, from their infamous occupation, acquired the title of the EXILE-HUNTEKS. The leader of this pack was an. Italian Greek of Thurii, named Archias. He had been a player, and afterwards, it seems, had studied, perhaps practised, rhetoric : but we find no trace that he was connected with any political party in Greece, where, indeed, as a foreigner, he could scarcely have been admitted into one. He served probably for nothing but his hire : yet he displayed as much zeal in his commission, as if he had been in- stigated by private enmity. He was attended on his circuit by a guard of Thracians, and with their assist- ance dragged most of the Athenian exiles, whom, as the prey for which his master most longed, he had 1 Lucian (Demosthenis Encom. 31.) adds the name of Eucrates, who however is not mentioned either by Plutarch or Arrian. 2 So Suidas, seemingly better informed than either Plutarch (Demosth. 28.) or the author of Vit. X. Or. p. 849. who says he was torn from the statue of the god. p 3 214 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, undertaken to seize himself, from the altars to which he found them clinging. Aristonicus, Himerasus, and Hyperides, were conveyed to Antipater, who was then at Corinth or Cleonas, and the first two at least were immediately put to death. Hyperides, according to the more authentic report 1 , was reserved to be exe- cuted in Macedonia. But all seem to have agreed that Antipater was not satisfied with his blood, but ordered his tongue to be first cut out, and his remains to be cast to the dogs. His bones however were secretly rescued by one of his kinsmen, and carried to Athens, where they were buried in the grave of his fathers. Death of Demosthenes calmly awaited the coming of Archias sthenes. i n * ne temple at Calaurea, well knowing that he should not be sheltered by the sanctity of the place, and pre- pared for his end. He had dreamt, it is said, the night before, that he was contending with Archias in a tragic part: that the judgment of the spectators was in his favour, but that he lost the prize, because he had not been furnished with the outward requisites of the exhibition : an apt illustration at least of his failure in the real contest, which was the task of his life. When Archias came to the door of the temple with his satellites, he found Demosthenes seated. He at first addressed him in language of friendly per- suasion, to inveigle him out of his retreat, and offered to intercede with Antipater in his behalf. Demo- sthenes listened for a time in silence to his bland pro- fessions, but at length replied : Archias , you never won me by your acting, nor will you now by your promises. When the player found that he was detected, he flung away the mask, and threatened in earnest. Now, said Demosthenes, you speak from the Macedonian tripod ; before you were only acting : wait a little till I 1 Of Hermippus, Vit. X. Or. p. 849. B. DEATH OF DEMOSTHENES. 215 have written a letter to my friends at home. And he CHAP. took a roll, as to write, and as was his wont, when he was engaged in composition, put the end of the reed to his mouth, and bit it : he then covered his face with his robe, and bowed his head. According to another report, he was seen to take something out of a piece of linen, and put it into his mouth: the Thracians imagined that it Avas gold. In one way or other, he had swallowed a poison which he had kept for this use. When he had remained some time in this attitude the barbarians, thinking that he was lingering through fear, began to taunt him with cowardice : and Archias, going up to him, urged him to rise, and repeated his offers of mediation. Demo- sthenes now felt the poison in his veins : he uncovered his face, rose, and fixing his eyes on the dissembler, said, It is time for you, Archias, to finish the part of Creon, and to cast my body to the dogs. 1 quit thy sanctuary, Poseidon, still breathing : though Antipater, and the Macedonians, have not spared even it from pollution. So saying, he moved with faltering step toward the door, but had scarcely passed the altar, when he fell with a groan, and breathed his last. His end would undoubtedly have been more truly heroic, though not in the sight of his own generation, if he had braved the insults and torture which awaited him. But he must not be judged by a view of life which had never been presented to him : according to his own, it must have seemed base to submit to the enemy whom he had hitherto defied, for the sake of a few days more of ignominious wretchedness. And even on the principles of a higher philosophy, he might think, that the gods, who were not able to protect him, had discharged him from their service, and per- mitted him to withdraw from a post which he could no longer defend. The ancients saw the finger of Heaven in the fate of the vile instruments of his de- p 4 216 HISTORY OF GREECE. LV\ P ' stru ction. That of Dernades will be afterwards re- lated : Archias ended his days in extreme indigence, under the weight of universal contempt. It was later before Athens was permitted to do justice to the ser- vices of her great citizen, who indeed had never lost her esteem. The time at length came when his nephew Demochares might safely propose a decree, by which the honours of the prytaneum, and of the foremost seat at public spectacles, were granted to his descendants, and a bronze statue was erected in the Agora to himself. It bore an inscription, corre- sponding in its import to the dream which he was said to have had at Calaurea. Had but the strength of thy arm, Demosthenes, equalled thy spirit, Never would Greece have sunk under the foreigner's yoke. The statue itself was believed in Plutarch's time to have confirmed the general persuasion of his inno- cence as to the only charge which ever threw a shade on the purity of his political character. 1 The honours paid to his memory were not confined to Athens. A monument was erected to him in the sanctuary where he died : and both at Calaurea, and in other parts of Greece, he continued, down to the age of Hadrian, and probably as long as the memory of the past sur- vived there, to receive marks of public reverence ap- proaching to the worship of a hero. 2 We are not informed how far Antipater advanced into Peloponnesus. At Corinth it is not improbable, that he may have assembled the mock congress, and again have used its name in the title of his despotic edicts. His presence was not needed to enforce sub- mission to his pleasure. After he had sated his ven- geance, and struck the disaffected with awe, he re- turned to Macedonia, accompanied by Craterus, whose 1 Plutarch (Demosth. 31.) relates the story of the gold deposited in the hands of the statue, as of recent occurrence. Tet it was also told of a statue at Thebes. Plin. N. H. xxxiv. 19. 4. Athenaeus, i. 34. * Pausanias, H. 33. 5. ANTIPATER IN ^ETOLIA. 217 friendship he secured, against the intrigues of Olym- CHAP. pias and his other enemies, by the hand of his daughter . Phila, the most amiable and estimable person of his family. But very soon after the nuptials, as the year invasion of was now verging to a close, the two chiefs set out on Mt ' an expedition against the ./Etolians, the only state of the late confederacy which had not submitted to the conqueror. The army with which he invaded ^Etolia consisted of 30,000 foot, and 2500 horse: an irre- sistible force, since the utmost efforts of the JEtolians could only raise 10,000 men, at least of heavy in- fantry, for the defence of their hearths. But they were mountaineers, not wanting in self-confidence there was indeed rather too much of a Biscayan vein in their character and they relied still more, and with better reason, on the natural barriers and fast- nesses by which their rugged country seemed to be formed for a home of liberty. They made no attempt to propitiate the invader, though wholly unable to withstand him in the field. In this sense of security we probably perceive the main cause which led them to abandon their allies in the latter part of the war. They now forsook all their towns in the open country, and transported their families and rnoveable property from all quarters to the impregnable strongholds which crowned the summits of their highest hills. The Macedonians made some attempts to storm these fortresses, but they had no Alexander at their head, and they were everywhere repulsed with great loss. But a more terrible danger threatened the ^tolians. They had expected that the enemy would withdraw before winter, which in their highlands is often very rigorous, had set in. But the Macedonian generals, though not men of impetuous energy, were not to be diverted from their purposes by such difficulties, from which, in fact, the enemy had more to fear than they. Antipater, it seems, returned to Macedonia, where his 218 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, presence might be necessary to watch the turn of affairs in Asia, and even to secure himself against the royal family: but Craterus remained, with the greater part of the army, in ^Etolia, and ordered his men to prepare for a winter in the field. Amid frost and snow he continued in his position at the foot of the hills on which the enemy had taken refuge. Cut off from all supplies, and even destitute of fuel, they soon began to experience 'the sharpest gripe of cold and hunger. A miserable death seemed their inevitable lot, unless they either descended from their heights, and forced a passage, only to be won by a decided victory, through the Macedonian lines : or accepted such terms of peace as the vindictive and irritated foe might be willing to grant. Yet from this state they were extricated as the Athenians might perhaps have been, if they had stood a siege 1 by the turn which affairs were taking in Asia. The events to which they owed their deliverance will be related in the next chapter. Antipater found it necessary to withdraw his troops from JEtolia, that he might em- End of the ploy them against a more formidable enemy. The jEtolians were probably surprised at the moderation which he showed in the conditions of peace unexpect- edly offered to them : and perhaps, through ignorance of the cause, lost an opportunity of vengeance, which they might have inflicted on his retreating host. They were left, it seems, in complete independence. Anti- pater and Craterus were probably the more liberal in their offers, because they had secretly agreed, as soon as they should have the means, to transport the whole jEtolian nation into a remote region of Asia. 2 Such a measure would certainly have been in the spirit, it may even have been in the letter, of Alexander's posthumous commentaries. 1 As Pausanias thought, vu. 10. 4. 2 Diodorus, xvm. 25. war. 219 CHAPTER LVII. FROM THE END OF THE LAMIAN WAR TO CASSANDER's OCCUPATION OF ATHENS. Insurrection among the Greek Colonists in Asia. Treacherous Massacre. Campaign of Perdiccas against Ariarathes De- struction of Laranda and Isaura. Ptolemy's Power. Con- guest of Cyrene. Alexander's Remains carried to Egypt. Intrigues of Perdiccas. Death of Cynane. Flight of Anti- gonus. Eumenes in command in Asia Minor. Treachery and Defeat of Neoptolemus. Defeat and Death of Craterus and Neoptolemus. Perdiccas invades Egypt. Fruitless At- tempts to cross the Nile. Death of Perdiccas. War in Greece. Mutiny at Triparadisus. Partition of Triparadisus. Situation of Eumenes. Danger of Cleopatra. Antipater's Arrangement with Antigonus. Eumenes defeated, takes Refuge in Nora. His Conference with Antigonus. Defeat of Al- cetas and Attains Death of Alcetas. State of Athens. Intrigues of Demades. His Embassy to Antipater and Death. Antipater's last Will, and Cassander's Intrigues. Eumenes at Nora. His Escape. Operations of Antigonus on the Coast of Asia Minor. Polysperchon and Olympias in correspondence with Eumenes. He espouses their Cause. Prospects of Greece. Polt/sperchon's Policy. Edict of Arri- dceus Philip. Phocion and Nicanor. Arrival of Alexander, Son of Polysperchon. Phocion in the Macedonian Camp. Is sent back to Athens. Sacrificed by Polysperchon. His Trial and Death. Reflections on his political Career. Megalopolis resists Polysperchon. Siege of Megalopolis. Polysperchon repulsed. Victory of Cleitus. His Death. Capitulation of Athens with Cassander. Prospects for Greece. WE must now resume the narrative which we dropped CHAP. at the partition of the empire, and distribution of the provinces, that immediately followed Alexander's death, and relate the events which led to the result mentioned at the close of the preceding chapter, and were pregnant with other more momentous conse- 220 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, quences. One of the first occurrences which marked the administration of Perdiccas after he had esta- blished himself in the regency, was a wound which he inflicted on Greece in a distant corner of Asia : a triumph of the Macedonian arms memorable rather because it prevented than because it produced an important change in the course of affairs, but which serves to illustrate his character, as well as the footing on which he stood. While the struggle which we have seen brought to such a disastrous issue was just beginning in Greece, and the states which took part in it could with difficulty raise a force sufficient to maintain it, a body of Greeks, who, if they had been present in their native land, would probably have thrown their whole weight into the same scale, and might have turned it decisively on the side of freedom, was suddenly swept from the earth. The Greek colo- nists, whom Alexander had planted in the new cities which he founded in the eastern satrapies, had only been detained by fear during his life in what they considered as a miserable exile. None probably of the Greek adventurers who sought their fortune in Alexander's wars had any other thought than to re- turn as soon as they could with their earnings and plunder to settle in Greece. None assuredly could have been induced by any thing but compulsion to fix their abode on the banks of the laxartes, or in the high valleys of the Paropamisus, or on the skirts of the Persian deserts. None could have consented to renounce their liberty for life, and to condemn them- selves to perpetual banishment. Even before Alex- ander's death, some had betrayed the feelings which, as afterwards appeared, animated them all. We have already noticed a revolt which broke out in Bactria, on the false rumour occasioned probably by the wound he received in Multan. It is from Curtius alone that we learn any of the details ; and his narrative is not GREEK MERCENARIES. 221 quite clear. He represents the insurrection as arising CHAP. out of a sedition, for which lie assigns no cause, but in which blood was shed, and which urged them through fear of punishment to open rebellion. But he also men- tions, that their leader Athenodorus, though he as- sumed the title of king, had no other motive than the desire of returning to his country. The mutineers, if they ought to be so called for their end seems to have been only to exercise an indisputable right made themselves masters of the citadel at Bactria, and drew a part of the native population into the revolt. Athenodorus was murdered by one of his officers, who aspired to the command, and who, after some scenes of military tumult, led a body of 3000 out of Bactria, and marched toward Europe. Curtius says that he reached home with them : and it is possible that they were among the troops collected by Leosthenes. But from the language of Diodorus 1 it seems more probable that they wandered about in the East, until Alexander's death became the signal for a general insurrection among their countrymen, who had been impatiently suffering a like confinement. As the intelligence spread from one colony to B. c. 323. another, a concert was formed among those who longed for freedom : they at length united their the" forces, and elected Philo, an J^nianian, for their col . onists in Asia. leader. Their numbers amounted to more than 20,000 foot, and 3000 horse : an army much larger than Antipater, as we have seen, was able to bring against the allies at the beginning of the Lamian war : all men inured to arms by long service in Alexander's campaigns. Perdiccas was justly alarmed at the tidings of this movement, and yet had. no force which he could immediately dispose of, sufficient to sup- press it. He could only spare 3000 foot, and 800 1 xvin. 7. 222 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, horse, at least of his Macedonians, who were draughted LVII. . by lot from his army : these, according to Diodorus, by their own choice, he placed under the command of Pithon, who eagerly coveted the commission, which he saw might enable him to make himself independ- ent of the regent. Perdiccas suspected his views, and met them with a sanguinary precaution : he ordered that no quarter should be given to the insur- gents, and that the spoil should be abandoned to his troops. With Pithon he sent instructions to the satraps of the eastern provinces, to furnish him with 10,000 foot, and 8000 horse. With these forces Pithon marched against the insurgents : but before an engagement took place, he found means to corrupt one of their chiefs, an -ZEnianian named Lipodorus, who commanded a division of 3000 men. During the action, at a critical moment, the traitor drew off his whole brigade to an adjacent height : his desertion created a panic among the rest, and the Macedonians remained masters of the field. Pithon now thought that the season had arrived for the accomplishment of his private design, which was to draw the Greeks by gentle treatment into his own service. He invited them to lay down their arms, under the most solemn assurances that they should be permitted to return in Trea- safety to their several settlements. But when on the cherous faith of his oath they had placed themselves in his massacre. J power, the Macedonians, encouraged by the order of Perdiccas, and greedy of the promised spoil, fell upon them by surprise, and butchered them all. No acts of a brutal soldiery can excite surprise, hardly indig- nation : the whole guilt of this atrocious massacre rests with Perdiccas, who had contrived it in cold blood. 1 Pithon returned to him, deeply disappointed, 1 Droysen (Nachf. i. p. 57.), as if to soften the horror of this tragedy, talks of the guilt of the unfortunate Greeks. Wherein it consisted he thinks it needless to explain. They were happy men, if they had nothing worse on their conscience MOVEMENTS OF PERDICCAS. 223 but dissembling his resentment. It was not very long CHAP. LVII before the hour of retribution came. . About the same time that Antipater was extricated B. c. 322. from his dangerous position at Lamia by Leonnatus, Perdiccas, accompanied by the titular sovereign, set against out on his march to Asia Minor. His first object was to establish Eumenes in his satrapy. Ariarathes had collected an army of natives and foreign auxiliaries, amounting in all to 30,000 foot and 15,000 horse. But one so composed could not withstand troops like those of Perdiccas. Ariarathes was defeated and taken prisoner, with his whole family. The ruthless conqueror ordered them all to be put to a cruel and ignominious death : it was indeed that which Alex- ander had inflicted on Musicanus ; but in that case the barbarity was in some degree palliated by the revolt which provoked it, and by the policy of a terrible warning. Eumenes then received quiet pos- session of Cappadocia : but still continued to accom- pany his patron. Perdiccas next marched into Pisidia on another bloody business, for which indeed he had a fairer plea, but which still afforded fresh indications of his ferocious nature. Balacer, who had been ap- pointed by Alexander general and satrap, to subdue and govern the province, had been killed by the natives 1 : whether in the first struggle for freedom, or in a subsequent insurrection, does not appear. 2 A severe punishment might be necessary. Perdiccas Destruc- decreed that none should suffice but the utter de- randaand" struction of two cities, Laranda and Isaura, which Isaura - had the chief share in the resistance to Balacer. Laranda was stormed, all the men put to the sword, than compliance with one of the best and purest instincts of their nature. It is carrying the doctrine of passive obedience to an extraordinary length, to represent an attempt to escape from captivity as a crime. 1 Diodorus, xvm. 22. 2 Droysen adopts the former supposition, and yet coolly talks of the necessity of humbling them. 224 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. their families reduced to slavery, and the town rased j to the ground. Isaura, a strong, large, and opulent city, made a more vigorous defence. For two days its hardy population, with a great sacrifice of life, re- pelled the assaults of the besiegers. But on the third day the Isaurians found their numbers so much reduced, that seeing themselves unable to hold out much longer, and knowing what they had to expect from the mercy of Perdiccas, they resolved on a deed which might have been called barbarous, if that epithet did not more properly belong to their enemy. They shut up their wives and children, set fire to their houses, and threw all the treasure they could collect into the flames. At the sight of the confla- gration Perdiccas renewed the assault, expecting little resistance, and was surprised to find the Avails defended with the same spirit as before, while the city was burning. After they had once more forced the enemy to retire, the Isaurians threw themselves into the flames which had consumed all that was dear to them. The Macedonians entered the next day, and found only a mass of smoking ruins ; but, when they had quenched the fire, were still able to rake out a rich booty of gold and silver. From Pisidia Perdiccas marched, it appears, into Cilicia, w r here he was at nearly equal distance from the points on which his attention was now chiefly bent. While he remained here, he sent Eumenes, nominally to his own satrapy, but on a mission really concerning the bordering province of Armenia, where Neoptolemus, a man of high birth and rank, who was either satrap, or held a military command there, seemed to be endeavouring to make himself independ- ent. He was not however prepared for resistance, and quietly submitted to Eumenes, who humoured his arrogance and vanity with great address. On this occasion Eumenes began to discover that he could PTOLEMY. 225 not safely rely on his Macedonian troops, who, proud CHAP. and intractable toward their own generals, were pecu- liarly impatient of obedience to a foreign chief. He therefore determined to raise a body of cavalry in his own province, and in a short time, by the promise of extraordinary privileges, collected 6,300 volunteers, and brought them, by sedulous training and the spur of emulation, into such condition as to extort the admiration of the Macedonians themselves. 1 Perdiccas, having thus settled the more urgent affairs of the empire, was at full leisure to direct his undivided attention to his private interests. He could not feel himself secure, still less see his way open to the great end of his ambition, while he was surrounded by so many powerful rivals. There were two who had already shown that they were not disposed to submit to him, even in his character of regent. An- tigonus, as we have seen, had disregarded his orders in the case of Eumenes ; and Ptolemy had given more Ptolemy's than one indication of the light in which he viewed POM his satrapy, or rather had taken several steps to erect it into an independent and powerful kingdom. One of the first acts of his government was to put to death Cleomenes, who had indeed deserved this punishment for his rapacity and tyranny, but suffered it because Ptolemy considered him as a creature of Perdiccas. 2 The fruits of the extortion which Cleomenes had prac- tised with extraordinary ingenuity for many years fell into Ptolemy's hands. They amounted to 8000 talents 3 , and enabled him to collect a strong army of mercenaries, as well as to gain many friends by his munificence. The current story of his illegitimate birth was confirmed by the royal liberality of his nature, which delighted in acts of bounty: and a saying is attributed to him, worthy of Alexander: 1 Plutarch, Eum 4. * Pausanias, i. 6. 3. 3 Diodorus, XVHI. 14. VOL. VII. Q 226 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, that it was letter to make rich, than to be rich. 1 He . LVIL . had not been long in possession of Egypt, before an opportunity offered itself which he readily seized, to make another most important acquisition. We have seen that Harpalus was assassinated in Crete by one of his officers named Thimbron, who thus became master of his treasure and his troops. With these he crossed over to Africa, embraced the cause of a party which had been exiled from Gyrene, and made war with the city. After many vicissitudes of fortune, he seemed at last to be on the point of attaining his object. He defeated the Cyrenaeans in battle, cut off their communication with their port, and reduced them to great distress. The scarcity gave rise to a sedition, in which most of the wealthy citizens were expelled. They perhaps belonged to the party which Thimbron professed to befriend : for some sought his protection. Others, perhaps distrusting the reckless adventurer, applied to Ptolemy for aid. Ptolemy sent them back with a squadron of ships, and a strong body of troops, under the command of Ophelias. On their arrival the exiles in Thimbron's camp attempted to join them in the night, but were detected and cut to pieces : while the party in the city, to save them* selves from their countrymen, entered into alliance with Thimbron. But he was defeated and taken prisoner by Ophelias, and given up to the vengeance of the inhabitants of Teucheira, whose town he had conquest of taken during the war. Most of the Cyrenaic cities cyrene. now submitted to Ophelias : but fresh disturbances which ensued, induced Ptolemy to make an expedition in person to Cyrene. His measures established per- fect tranquillity, and he might now consider this rich country as a province of Egypt. In another transaction of less moment he had come ian, V. H. xm. 1 2. INTERMENT OF ALEXANDER. 227 more directly into collision with Perdiccas, and had CHAP. still more plainly disclosed his aspiring pretensions. . It had been resolved in the council of Babylon, as has been mentioned, to transport Alexander's remains to MgSQ : and ArridaBus, the general, had been charged with the superintendence of the preparations and with the command of the escort. It may be suspected that this arrangement had been contrived by Ptolemy : for Arridasus was his friend, and it enabled him both to conceal his purpose as long as was needful, and then easily to effect it. The funeral car was a wonderful display of art and magnificence, glittering from the vaulted roof to the wheels with ornaments of massive gold, and of the most elaborate workmanship. It was drawn by eighty-four mules, and more than a year was occupied in the journey from Babylon to Syria. At Damascus it appears that a contest arose between ArridaBus and Polemo, an officer in the service of Perdiccas, about the place of destination. It was with great difficulty, and according to some accounts only by force of arms, that Arridasus was able to keep possession of his charge. 1 He may have been aided by Ptolemy, who is said to have advanced as far as Syria with his army to meet the venerable relics. 2 They were first carried to Memphis, and then to Alexander's Alexandria 3 , where they were finally deposited in a caSTto cemetery within the precincts of the palace, which Egypt- was afterwards the burial-place of Ptolemy's suc- cessors. There could be no peace between Perdiccas and a man who showed himself so fit for a throne, and so determined and able to mount it. Both had long fore- seen that their relative positions could only be deter- 1 Arrian in Photius, p. 70. b. ^Elian, V. H. xn. 64. 2 Diodorus, xvin. 28. 3 By Philadelphia, according to Pausanias, i. 7. 1. The other writers, includ- ing Strabo (xvn. 427. Tauchn.), suppose the first Ptolemy to have executed his design. Q2 228 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, mined by a war, and both had been endeavouring to fortify themselves by alliances, particularly with Anti- pater. Perdiccas, it is said, before he felt himself es- tablished in the regency, had solicited the hand of Antipater's daughter, Nicasa : the marriage treaty was concluded, and, when he came down into Asia Minor, Nicaea was sent to meet him. 1 But in the meanwhile a change had taken place in his prospects: they reached to the throne of Macedonia, and to Alex- ander's whole empire, now shared between a simpleton and an infant, who might be easily removed. Anti- pater's alliance might rather obstruct than promote his designs, while a connection with the royal house might give a colour of legitimacy to his usurpation. The alliance recently formed between Antipater and Craterus probably strengthened his resolution. He had made proposals for Cleopatra's hand to Olympias, who had been forced to retire into Epirus, but was eager to return and revenge herself on Antipater. She was no less willing to grant it to Perdiccas than to Leonnatus, and sent the princess over to Asia, to accelerate the negotiation. 2 Perdiccas now deli- berated with his brother Alcetas and Eumenes, which he should accept. Alcetas was fearful of a rupture with Antipater, and advised his brother to fulfil his engagement with Nicaea. Eumenes, who dreaded a coalition between Antipater and Perdiccas, to which he might himself be sacrificed, took the other side, intrigues of Perdiccas however chose a middle course, best suited to his heartless and faithless nature : he resolved to give his hand to Nicaea, but to keep up a correspond- ence with Cleopatra, and to discard her rival as soon as it was safe to drop the mask of friendship with An- tipater. In the meanwhile he made another sacrifice, not less grateful to her and to Olympias, who hated 1 Diodorus, xvm. 23. * Arrian in Photius, p. 70. a. Diodorus, xvm. 23. DEATH OF CYNANE. 229 with all her soul every member of Philip's family ex- CHAP. cept her own children. Cynane, Philip's daughter, whom he had married to his nephew Amyntas, had refused since his death to accept the hand of another, and had lived in retirement, occupied with the edu- cation of her only child Adea, or, as she was after- wards called, Eurydice. She was herself a woman of masculine character and habits, delighting in camps and battle-fields, where she sometimes gave proof of her prowess. She had acquired this taste from her mother, the Illyrian princess Audata, who seems only to have followed the customs of her country, when she trained her daughter to martial exercises : and she educated Eurydice in like manner. 1 Eurydice was now of marriageable age ; and Cynane resolved to unite her to the young king. She entered into no previous negotiations which indeed would have been impracticable, since the measure was equally opposed to the interests of Antipater and of Perdiccas but, relying entirely on her personal influence, de- termined to pass over into Asia, collected a sufficient guard to force her way through a body of troops whom Antipater had sent to intercept her at the crossing of the Strymon, and arrived safely on the other side of the Hellespont. She was proceeding, it appears, toward the camp of Perdiccas, in the hope of gaining his army to her cause, when he sent Alcetas, with a division of his forces, to stop her, and put her to death. 2 She was taken prisoner, but not daunted by the sight of the armed host which surrounded her; and she boldly reproached Alcetas with his ingrati- tude. The Macedonians were moved with compas- Death of sion and respect for Philip's daughter: but their Cynan - 1 Polyaenus, vin. 60. 2 I cannot find, either in Arrian or Polyasnus (vin. 60.) any trace of the alter- native mentioned by Droysen, who says that Alcetas was ordered to bring her alive or dead. As a prisoner she would have been very troublesome to Perdiccas. Q 3 230 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, fierce leader, insensible both to pity and shame, ex- t . ecuted his brother's orders. Eurydice was spared: for it would not have been safe to destroy her : the sympathy of the Macedonians had been too strongly ex- cited on behalf of her mother : and Perdiccas, to still their murmurs, and make her subservient to his ends, consented to marry her to the young king. He had now, he believed, secured Antipater's acqui- escence, and had only to rid himself of Antigonus, and to crush Ptolemy. Antigonus he hoped to en- snare, and gently complaining of his insubordination, summoned him to give an account of his conduct before an impartial tribunal. But Antigonus was aware of his designs against himself, and of his in- trigues with Cleopatra. He met his artifices with politic dissimulation, and publicly professed himself ready to answer any charges that might be brought against him, while he secretly made preparations for B. c. 322. flight. With his young son Demetrius he embarked AnHgonus. 1Ti some f tne Attic ships which had been brought into one of the Ionian ports, and crossed over to Europe, to seek Antipater. From him Antipater learnt the treachery of Perdiccas, and the danger with which he himself was threatened. This was the motive which induced him to make peace with the JEtpli&ns, that he might direct his arms against the more formidable enemy in Asia. At the same time he sent envoys to Ptolemy, to renew their ancient friendship, and to contract a closer alliance against their common foe, which was to be cemented with the hand of Antipater's daughter Eurydice. The flight of Antigonus convinced Perdiccas that he must prepare for immediate war with Antipater, and he now sent Eumenes to Sardis with presents for Cleopatra, arid a message that he had resolved to send Nicaea back to her father, and to give his hand to the princess. Menander, the satrap of Lydia, who appears PREPARATIONS OF PERDICCAS. 231 to have been secretly disaffected to Perdiccas, con- CHAP. veyed intelligence of this transaction to Antigonus. It confirmed the truth of his report, and added an impulse of personal resentment to Antipater's jealousy of his powerful rival. Perdiccas soon heard of his preparations, and found that he must now decide whether he would march in person against Antipater or against Ptolemy, for it had become necessary to wage war with both at the same time. He held a council in Cilicia on this momentous question, in Avhich the arguments on each side were maturely dis- cussed. There was on the one hand the advantage which might be derived from the influence of Olyrn- pias and the royal name, if the war were carried into Macedonia : on the other the fear that in the mean- while Ptolemy might make himself master of Western Asia. 1 Perdiccas determined to attack Ptolemy first, and to commit the defence of Asia to Eumenes. His motive for this choice may have been, that he con- sidered Ptolemy as the more formidable enemy, and hoped that Antipater might be detained in Europe, or prevented from making much progress, until the war should be terminated in Egypt. But it may also be suspected, that he did not feel secure as to the dis- position of his troops, and did not care to risk his own person against the reputation of Antipater and the popularity of Craterus, until the additional force which he might acquire by the conquest of Egypt, should enable him to overpower all opposition. For the war with Antipater and Craterus, his colleagues in the regency, was likely to be viewed by the Mace- donians in a very different light from one waged against a simple satrap, who had disobeyed the royal commands. It was a contest in which even the most complete success, the destruction of his rivals, would 1 Justin, xiii. 6. 1 1. Q 4 232 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII. command in Asia Minor. Treachery and defeat of Neo- ptolemus. be attended with much odium and danger. This danger was for the present at least shifted on Eumenes, whose distrust of Antipater rendered him worthy of perfect confidence, and who had already displayed military talents not inferior to those of Perdiccas himself. Eumenes therefore was invested with a command which, it seems, extended over the whole of Asia Minor. Alcetas and Neoptolemus were joined with him, but in an inferior rank. His instructions as to military operations appear to have left the management of the war entirely to his discretion, with the single limitation that he was not to carry it over into Europe, but to resist, as he could, the threatened invasion. The difficulties which Eumenes had to encounter after the departure of Perdiccas, were even greater than the regent could easily have foreseen. It seemed as if he would hardly be able to retain any of his forces about him. He had sent a detachment to secure the passage of the Hellespont ; but its com- mander was induced by a message from Antipater and Craterus to allow them to land their forces with- out any obstruction. Alcetas declared that, knowing what he did of the temper of the Macedonians, their respect for Antipater, and love for Craterus, he would not undertake to lead them against the enemy. Neo- ptolemus, who had always been jealous of Eumenes, and affected to consider him as a mere man of letters, not fit to command soldiers, entered into a secret cor- respondence with Antipater. Eumenes himself was at the same time solicited by Antipater's envoys to betray his trust : they urged him to be reconciled to Antipater, and not to draw the sword against his old friend Craterus : they promised that he should not only retain the provinces assigned to him by Perdiccas, but should receive an addition of territory, and be placed at the head of a larger army. He answered DEFEAT OF NEOPTOLEMUS. 233 that he would not lay aside his ancient enmity to CHAP. Antipater at a time when he saw Antipater breaking . ' ' . with his old friends : that for Craterus, he was ready to use his efforts to reconcile him on equitable terms with Perdiccas: but that he would resist their ag- gression, and would sacrifice his life rather than his honour. The treachery of Neoptolernus did not long escape his vigilance : and Neoptolernus, finding him- self detected, threw off the mask and drew up his troops, who eagerly embraced his cause, to offer battle. An engagement took place, in which Eumenes gained the victory : but he owed it entirely to his Cappado- cian cavalry, which turned the fortune of the day when it had been nearly lost by the infantry. He made himself master of the enemy's camp, and forced the Macedonian phalanx to lay down their arms and enter into his service. Neoptolernus himself escaped and joined Antipater with about 300 horse. His report, notwithstanding his defeat, was on the whole encouraging, for he declared his belief that the mere si< r ht of Craterus would induce the Macedonians to come over to him in a body. This confidence proved fatal both to Craterus and to himself. Antipater, who was impatient to overtake Perdiccas, or to unite his forces with Ptolemy, sent Craterus and Neoptole- mus against Eumenes, while he himself pursued his march towards Cilicia. Neoptolemus had not exaggerated the popularity Defeat and of Craterus among the Macedonians. Eumenes him- J^ f g self was so well aware of it, that when he heard of and NCO- their approach, he did riot venture to disclose the p truth even to his officers, but gave out that Neo- ptolemus was coming, accompanied by a general named Pigres, at the head of some Cappadocian and Paphla- goriian horse. On the morning of the day when he expected their appearance, he endeavoured to cheer his men with the description of a dream, by which he 234 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, professed to have received a clear intimation of victory the night before : an artifice, it seems, to which he resorted on other occasions, and which is related so as to imply that he was well informed of all that passed in the enemy's camp. 1 Still the great diffi- culty, which would have driven most other men to despair, was how the presence of Craterus could be concealed from his army, when he should be actually in their sight. Even for this purpose however he devised an expedient, which was perfectly successful. He had learned beforehand in which wing Craterus commanded, and on this side he stationed two brigades of cavalry, composed of Thracians, Paphlagonians, and other barbarians, under the command of an Asiatic, named Pharnabazus, and Phosnix, a Greek of Tenedos, who probably did not know Craterus by sight. These he ordered to charge, as soon as the enemy should appear, with the utmost vigour, so as to allow him no time to wheel about, and not to listen to any parley if a herald should be sent toward them. His instructions were obeyed. From the brow of an eminence which afforded the first view of the enemy, they poured down furiously to attack Craterus. He was astonished at the rapidity of the onset, began to believe that he had been deceived by Neoptolemus, yet bared his head, that he might be more easily re- cognized, while he advanced with his wonted courage to encounter their charge. In the combat which ensued, after many feats of prowess, he was pierced through the side by a Thracian, and sank from his horse. For some time he lay unheeded in a lingering agony : he was at length recognised by an officer of Eumenes, named Gorgias, who placed a guard round him to protect him. Meanwhile Eumenes, with a select escort of 300 horse, charged the enemy's right 1 riut. Eum. 6. It was adapted to the enemy's watchword. DEFEAT AND DEATH OF CRATERUS. 235 wing, where Neoptolemus had posted himself. As CHAP. soon as they perceived each other, they engaged, both thirsting for revenge, in deadly conflict. When their horses met, they dropped the reins, seized each other's hands, and fell struggling to the ground. Eumenes rose first, and twice wounded his adversary : the second blow stretched him, seemingly lifeless, at his feet. The victor proceeded, according to the old savage custom, to tear off his armour : but as he bent over the body, Neoptolemus, collecting his failing strength, pierced him in the groin : yet with a hand already unnerved, so that the wound did not prove fatal. Eumenes, though he had received three others in the struggle, was still able to mount his horse, and, after he had stripped his slain enemy, rode off toward the other wing, ignorant of the event which had there decided the fortune of the day in his favour. He now learnt the fate of Craterus, was conducted to the place where he lay, and found him still breathing, and in possession of his senses. He dismounted from his horse, took his dying friend tenderly by the hand, and with tears and bitter invectives against the treachery of Neoptolemus, bewailed the hard destiny which had brought him into this fatal conflict with his old comrade. Hitherto the cavalry alone had been engaged, and after the death of the two chiefs, their broken squad- rons took refuge behind the phalanx. Eumenes, faint from his wounds, and hoping to reap the fruits of victory without further bloodshed, called off his troops from the pursuit by the sound of the trumpet, reared his trophy, and buried the slain. He then sent to propose a parley with the defeated enemy, invited all who would to join his army, but permitted those who might refuse to return whence they came. All accepted his offers, and after the oaths had been interchanged, obtained leave to seek provisions in 236 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, some of the adjacent villages, before they entered his . camp ; but in the course of the following night, they marched away by stealth to rejoin Anti pater, Eumenes made an attempt to overtake them ; but his bodily weakness, and their excellent discipline, com- pelled him to give up the pursuit, and they effected their junction with Antipater in safety. Eumenes had gained a brilliant victory, which raised his repu- tation for ingenuity and hardihood to the highest pitch : but he was doomed to pay dearly for it. Not only were the defeated troops inflamed with the fiercest resentment by the humiliation they had suf- fered, and the loss of their favourite leader, but even among his own the prevailing feeling was one of shame and indignation, which vented itself in deep murmurs against the upstart foreigner, who, by an impudent artifice, had employed the arms of the Macedonians themselves to destroy their most illus- trious general. And in the meanwhile events had taken place in another quarter, which deprived him of the rewards he had reason to expect from Perdiccas. Perdiccas Ptolemy, awaiting the approach of the invading invades * n 1 V J * 1 Egypt. army at Jrelusmm, had taken every precaution to strengthen the natural defences which render Egypt so difficult of access on this side. He had fortified every assailable point, and had laid in ample stores of ammunition. The regent however, when he arrived, soon discovered that he had other difficulties to en- counter, beside those which the nature of the country and his enemy's preparations placed in his way. Al- ready on his march a great number of his officers and men had deserted to Antipater 1 : and he thought it advisable, when he reached Pelusium 2 , to begin with 1 Justin, xin. 8. 2. ad Antipatrum gregatim profugiebant. 2 Tlapayiverai OTTO Aa/*avpbii Kal veoirpsirfys, Pint. Eum. 11. He was however at this time past forty. 254 HISTORY OF GREECE. pass which might have been easily secured. Alcetas and Attalus were encamped in the plain below. Their army numbered no more than 16,000 foot and 900 horse. Alcetas made a desperate attempt to dislodge the enemy from the heights, but was re- pulsed, and with difficulty effected his retreat through the hostile cavalry, with which Antigonus descended to cut him off from the main body. He had scarcely time to form his line of battle, before the enemy poured down in an irresistible mass, with the ad- vantage of higher ground. Terror and confusion spread through his ranks, and excluded every thought but that of flight. Attalus, with Polerno, Docimus, and several others of his chief officers, was taken prisoner. The bulk of the fugitives laid down their arms, and consented to enter the service of Antigonus. But Alcetas with his guards, some slaves whom he had armed 1 , and 6000 of his trusty Pisidians, made good his retreat to Terrnessus. Antigonus im- mediately proceeded to encamp near the place, which was so strong as to defy the assault of the most numerous host. He only desired to become master of the person of Alcetas, and sent to demand him. The elder Pisidians had no wish to endanger their city for the sake of a single stranger : but the young warriors who had served under Alcetas, refused to surrender him, bade him rely on their devotion, and resolved to defend him to the last. 2 The old men now sent a private message to Antigonus, promising to deliver up Alcetas, alive or dead, if he would draw 1 naiStav, Diodor. xvm. 45. Pages, according to Droysen yet they seem the same as the SOV\OL who are mentioned in the next chapter. 3 This contest between the old and the young may perhaps remind some readers of one of Niebuhr's beautiful discoveries in Roman history (vol. i. n. 832. ). Here however we have only a natural result of the difference in age and circumstances. The young men are those of military age. No such explanation presents itself of the feud described by Polybius (iv. 53.) between the irpeffStiraroi and vfcarepoi at Gortys. But so, in the siege of Florence in 1530, we find the giovani and vecchi taking opposite sides. Varchi, Storia Fiorentina, 1. xn. princ. DEATH OF ALCETAS. 255 the younger citizens out of the town by a feigned CHAP. attack. When this had been done, they fell upon r '_, Alcetas, who was left without any guard but his slaves. To avoid capture he slew himself ; and his Death of body placed on a couch was carried out to Antigonus, who ordered it to be mutilated, and at the end of three days marched away. The young Pisidians, in the first transports of their indignation, resolved to fire the town, and retiring to the mountains, to ravage the open country, which acknowledged the authority of Antigonus ; and, though they were di- verted from this design, they did not cease to infest this territory by marauding excursions. The body of Alcetas, which had been left unburied, they honoured with a splendid funeral. By the result of this campaign, Antigonus was brought a great step nearer to the end of his am- bition. His army was now raised to 60,000 foot and 10,000 horse: and there was no limit to the num- bers by which he might augment it, by means of the treasures which it placed at his disposal. He saw no power in Asia that could resist such a force, and might safely, whenever he would, lay aside the cha- racter of a subject, and profess the independence which he actually possessed, and which he was fully resolved to maintain. Yet a lingering feeling of gratitude and respect for Antipater might have in- duced him to dissemble his designs some time longer. But all his scruples were removed by intelligence, which he received before he had repassed the bor- ders of Pisidia, of Antipater's death, and especially of the state in which he had left the affairs of Mace- donia. Antipater had been carried off by the com- bined effects of age and disease. His death gave occasion to very important revolutions both in Asia and in Greece. After the peace which the Athenians had purchased 256 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, so dearly, the city remained as tranquil as Phocion . himself could have desired. The business of the state of public assembly, and of the courts of justice, seldom interrupted the private affairs of the 9000 citizens: when they met, they were no longer agitated by the declamations of any brawling orators. 1 The most simple expression of Phocion's opinion, or of the judgment of his good friend Menyllus, was sufficient to decide every question. Athens, in her more tur- bulent days, had witnessed many combinations be- tween orators and generals for political purposes: but few in which there had been so complete an under- standing between the parties, none so efficacious, as this. His own independence and dignity however Phocion maintained unimpaired. He would neither accept any presents, such as he had declined when offered by Alexander, from Menyllus, or Anti pater, for himself, nor permit his son Phocus to receive any. So that it was remarked by Antipater that, of his two Athenian friends, he could neither prevail on Phocion to take, nor satiate Demades by giving. Phocion ventured even to resist Antipater's will, when he was required to become himself the instrument of some unseemly measure, and sternly observed, that Antipater could not have him at once for a friend, and a flatterer. If there was any thing to disturb the complacency with which Phocion contemplated this calm and orderly state of affairs, it was perhaps the petulance of Demades, who, like a satyr by the side of a heroic person, would be committing some extra- vagance, or making some roguish speech, which tended to destroy the illusion of his graver friend's admini- stration. He not only took pleasure in an ostenta- tious display of his ill-gotten wealth, but was proud of the corruption from which it was derived. When 1 Suidas, &ii/j.d$r]s. Antipater, Karf\vcre TO SiKaffTijpia xal TOVS byuvas. INTRIGUES OF DEMADES. 257 he celebrated the marriage of his bastard Demeas, he CHAP. observed that the wedding-feast was furnished by kings and rulers- Another time he had undertaken to defray the expense of a chorus, and as the law forbad the~ employing of foreign performers under a penalty of a 'thousand drachmas for each, Demades produced a chorus consisting of a hundred foreigners, and exhibited the amount of the penalties a sum sufficient to have preserved fifty citizens from trans- portation with them in the orchestra. It was per- haps during this period, which seemed to realise Plato's ideal of a commonwealth governed by a phi- losopher, that Demades proposed to Phocion to intro- duce the Spartan discipline at Athens, and offered himself to draw up and recommend a decree for that purpose. A Jit advocate indeed, Phocion observed, for Spartan fare, and the institutions of Lycurgus, with that rich cloak, and that scent of perfumes. 1 At bottom however Demades was not entirely sa- intrigues tisfied with Phocion's ascendancy. Though he en- joyed all the license he could wish, his importance in the state, and consequently his opportunities of en- riching himself, were not such as he could have desired. We may collect from the above-quoted saying of Antipater, that Demades was continually applying to him for money, and did not always obtain as much as he asked. Accordingly when the move- ments, and partial success, of Perdiccas appeared to hold out a prospect of a revolution in Greece, Demades turned his eyes toward him as a patron, who might have greater need of his aid, and therefore would probably pay more liberally than Antipater. He re- solved at all events to provide for his own safety, so as not to be involved in Antipater's fall ; and sent a letter to Perdiccas, in which he urged him to appear, 1 Plut. Phoc. 20. VOL. VII. S 258 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, and save Greece, ivhich was hanging by an old rotten - thread. 1 The time was at hand, when his policy and his wit were to cost him dear. It might have been supposed that the government established by Phocion was at least perfectly con- formable to the wishes of the citizens whose franchise had been spared. They were now plagued by no sycophants, taxed for no wars, had no entertainments to provide for a hungry multitude. Yet the garrison at Munychia, which secured the continuance of these blessings, was an eyesore to them. They desired to be rid of it, as eagerly as if they had been impatient of the government which it supported : and Phocion was repeatedly urged to exert his interest with Anti- pater for its removal, as he had induced him hitherto to postpone the exaction of the sum imposed on them at the peace. Phocion however declined to undertake an embassy in which he neither expected nor wished ins embassy to succeed. A call was then made on Demades, as the person next in influence with Antipater : it was an opportunity for earning a bribe; and in an evil hour he accepted the commission, and set out for Macedonia accompanied by his son Demeas. They found Antipater in the last stage of his disorder, but yet strong enough to give audience to the ambassador: and willing perhaps to enjoy his confusion in the scene which was prepared for him. Antipater was in possession of the letter which had been found among the papers of Perdiccas in which Demades had at once betrayed and ridiculed his benefactor. He was introduced into Antipater's presence, and permitted to unfold his business, and urged the pe- tition of the Athenians with his wonted boldness. 1 Scofeiy rovs ''E\\tjvas O7rj> ffairpov /col tra\aiov oi> ica.1 Tpt awe of an invisible presence was felt in some measure by those who thus met ; and the multitude was pre- pared to revere orders, which issued from a place where they might seem to be suggested by Alexander himself: while Eumenes, without prejudice to his authority and influence, could on these occasions preserve the appearance of perfect equality with his officers. While he declined the royal bounty for himself, he made free use of the treasures at Quinda for the public service. He sent his friends to levy troops in the neighbouring provinces of Asia Minor, and in Syria, Phoenicia, and Cyprus, with offers of large pay, which drew many Greeks, as well as Asiatics under his standard. In a short time he had collected 10,000 foot and 2000 horse : so that, with the Argyr- aspids and the troops which he brought with him, his army may have fallen not far short of 20,000 men. The Argyr- Both Ptolemy and Antigonus were alarmed at the progress which he appeared to be making : and both nearly at the same time set similar engines at work against him. Ptolerny sailed in person with an ar- mament to Cape Zephyrium near the mouth of the Calycadnus in Cilicia, and while he staid there, sent a message to the generals of the Argyraspids, urging them not to obey a man who had been condemned to death by the unanimous votes of the Macedonian army: and another to the commanders at Quinda, protesting against their surrender of the treasure, and offering his protection to them if they would resist the demands of Eumenes. Ptolemy however inspired neither fear nor respect sufficient to counterbalance the royal authority, and no attention was paid to his messages. Antigonus sent a confidential agent named O O t_j Philotas to the camp of Eumenes, with a letter ad- dressed to the Argyraspids themselves, and to the EUMENES IN THE EAST. 291 other Macedonians in his service, accompanied by CHAP. thirty Macedonians selected for their volubility and <. J ^ ' . address, with instructions to engage Antigenes and Teutamus, and as many more as they could, by bribes and promises, in a conspiracy against their chief. Teutamus grasped at their offers, and tried to persuade his colleagues to concur with him. But Antigenes had a clearer view of their common interest, and con- vinced Teutamus, that it was not Eurnenes, a fo- reigner, who would never venture to injure them, but Antigonus, whose ambition was ready to level all before it, that should be the object of their jealousy. The letter brought by Philotas was read to the soldiers in the absence of Eumenes, and at first produced a strong impression on their minds. It exhorted them immediately to arrest Eumenes, and put him to death, and threatened that otherwise Antigonus would march against them with all his forces, to punish their dis- obedience. But when ,Eumenes appeared, and read the letter, he made a speech which dissipated their fears, confirmed their loyalty to the royal house, and strengthened their attachment to himself. The oc- currence however admonished him to quicken his preparations for war. He soon after marched into B. 0.317. Phoenicia, to collect a fleet, which might secure the Eumenes command of the sea for Polysperchon, and enable him to transport his forces into Asia, to meet Anti- gonus, whenever he would. Another object of this movement was, it seems, to wrest Syria from Pto- lemy. But before he had accomplished either, he found himself compelled to quit the coast and to retire into the upper provinces, by the approach of Antigonus himself. He had received a warning in the loss of a squadron of Phosnician vessels which was bringing treasure to him from Quinda. It was moored near Cape Rossus, when the fleet of Antigonus was seen sailing by, adorned with trophies of the u 2 292 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAT. Lvur. Is pursued by Anti- gonus. recent victory over Cleitus. Sosigenes, the com- mander of the squadron, was on shore waiting for a calmer sea. The Phoenician sailors plundered the treasure, and surrendered their ships to the enemy. 1 After his victory near Byzantium, Antigonus no longer entertained any fear of an attack from Poly- sperchon. It was not his interest immediately to decide the contest for the possession of Macedonia, but rather to let the two parties spend their strength and waste its resources ; and since Cassander ap- peared now to be quite able to maintain his own cause, there was no further need of his presence near the Hellespont. The preparations of Eurnenes were assuming a threatening aspect ; and after the failure of the attempt made through Philotas, Antigonus se- lected 20,000 infantry and 4000 cavalry from the mass of his forces, and advanced with the utmost speed into Cilicia. He came however too late to overtake Eumenes, who had already set out on his march toward the Euphrates. Antigonus followed him into Mesopotamia, and there put his army into winter quarters. Eumenes took up his in Babylonia 2 , and entered into negotiation with Seleucus and Pithon, who were both at Babylon, to persuade them to join in the defence of the royal authority against Anti- gonus. They professed themselves ready to serve the royal house, but declared that they would never submit to the orders of Eumenes, a condemned cri- minal ; and they sent an envoy to Antigenes and the 1 Polysenus, iv. 6. 9. 2 So Diodorus, xix. 12. But he adds the name of the place, tv rais ovo^a^o- pfvais K.ap<2i> K&/J.CUS. Wesseling remarks : Diceres propter Carrhas ftiisse, mora Abrafiami et Crassi clade nobilitatas, nisi illce (L. xix. 91.) extra liabyloniam, uti erant, locarentur. Droysen has no such scruple, but he takes the place to have been the village mentioned by Diodorus (xvn. 110.), which lay east of the Tigris. But I do not understand why Eumenes, whose object it was to reach Susa as soon as possible, should have recrossed the river, voluntarily exposing himself to the dif- ficulty and danger which he experienced at the passage. Droysen says, that it was to frighten Seleucus and Pithon. But after the failure of the negotiation, this seems hardly an object worth the risk and the delay. CONFEDERACY OF THE EASTERN SATRAPS. 293 Argyraspids, calling on them to depose him from his CHAP. command. But the fidelity of the Macedonians seemed v L y now so secure, that such attempts only afforded a fresh opportunity for the display of their zeal in his behalf. When the season permitted, he resumed his march eastward. His first object was to gain Susa, and make himself master of the treasures remaining there. At the passage of the Tigris he encountered some resistance from Seleucus and Pithon ; though their forces were not sufficient to meet him in open battle. But while he lay on the western side, they cut the bank of a canal and flooded his camp. He was reduced to great danger and distress, until he discovered the bed of another, which he cleared out, and thus drew off the waters. Seleucus was now anxious to deliver his province from this formidable enemy, and consented to a truce, that he might cross the river without molestation : at the same time, he apprised Antigonus of the event, and urged him to advance without delay, before the satraps of the upper provinces should have brought their forces down into his territory. This coalition of the eastern satraps, against which Seleucus sought the aid of Antigonus, had been caused by Pithon's indiscreet ambition. He had put to death satraps Philippus, the satrap of Parthia, and had appointed his own brother, Eudamus, in his room. This violent proceeding, while it betrayed his aspiring views, alarmed all the satraps who had been placed under his authority by the partition of Triparadisus. They formed a league against him, defeated him in battle, and drove him out of Parthia. Even in his own pro- vince, Media, he did not feel secure, and had repaired to Babylon to engage Seleucus in his interest. It is not clear why Seleucus espoused his cause; and still less why Antigonus declared himself on the same side : since neither Pithon nor Seleucus was strong enough u 3 294 HISTORY OF GREECE. TIIAP. ^ o oppose him, and by a different course he might have deprived Eumenes of many powerful allies. Eumenes had transmitted the royal letters to the satraps, who willingly promised obedience, and, ac- cording to his directions, advanced to meet him in Susiana. The principal confederates were Peucestes, the satrap of Persia, Polemo of Carmania, Siburtius of Arachosia, Oxyartes of Paropamisus, who had sent his contingent under the command of Androbazus, Stasander of Aria and Drangiana, who also brought a body of Bactrian troops, and Eudamus, who, after Alexander's death, had assassinated Porus, and made himself master of 120 elephants. Eumenes thus found himself joined by an army of little less than 20,000 foot and 5000 horse, beside the elephants which Eu- damus had brought with him. But in proportion to the magnitude of this reinforcement was the difficulty of preserving harmony and subordination among the leaders. Peucestes, who, as the highest in rank, and as governor of the province which furnished the largest amount of troops, had hitherto held the chief com- mand, was not Avilling to resign it : and Antigenes, as the leader of the veterans who had shared the glory of all Alexander's conquests, would not acknowledge a superior. Eumenes could not venture to urge his own pretensions, and had need of all his dexterity to prevent a fatal rupture between them. He resorted to his old expedient, and persuaded them not to elect any one commander-in-chief, but to deliberate to- gether, with the ceremonies before adopted, as in Alexander's presence. There was however one im- portant advantage which he reserved for himself. Xenophilus, the governor of the citadel at Susa, com- plied with the royal orders, which directed that Eu- menes alone should dispose of the treasure. Erom this he drew six months' pay for the Macedonians, while the satraps maintained their own troops, and ANTIGONUS AT SUSA. 295 secured the attachment of Eudamus by a grant of CHAP. T VTTT 200 talents, nominally to defray the expense of the ^l^^j elephants, which were deemed an arm of peculiar importance. The intelligence of this league induced Antigonus, who was on the point of setting out in pursuit of Eumenes, to wait some time longer in Mesopotamia, to strengthen himself with fresh levies. He then marched to Babylon, and having concluded an alliance with Pithon and Seleucus, and joined their troops to his army, crossed the Tigris, and advanced toward Susa. Eumenes, when he heard of his approach, pre- vailed on the confederates to retreat and to take up a position behind the Pasitigris, extending their lines as far as the coast. To defend this long range of country, he induced Peucestes to send for an additional body of 10,000 bowmen from Persis, which is said to have been collected in a surprisingly short time by a chain of oral signals. On his arrival at Susa, Anti- Antigonus gonus bestowed the satrapy on Seleucus, and, as Xenophilus refused to surrender the citadel, left him with a body of troops to besiege it, while he himself marched forward to the Coprates. The river was not fordable : and he could collect but few transports. In these he sent a division of his army across, but before he could join it with the main body, it was attacked by Eumenes, and completely routed. The fugitives crowded into the boats, which sank under their weight : numbers perished in the river : 4000 were forced to surrender. This disaster induced An- tigonus to fall back on the Eulaeus : and he lost so many of his men on the march, through the heat of the weather, that he resolved to change his route, and pro- ceed to Ecbatana, with the hope, it seems, that the confederacy might be broken up by the danger which threatened the eastern provinces. To avoid the heat, he took the shortest road, which led through the Cos- u 4 290 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Lvnr. Stratagems of Eu- mcncs. scean highlands ; but suffered great loss, and narrowly escaped destruction, from the attacks of the still un- conquered mountaineers. So many of the horses and other beasts had perished in this march, that he was obliged to send Pithon to collect a fresh supply from the Median pastures. His men had begun to murmur at the hardships they had undergone, but were soothed by his liberality, when Pithon returned, bringing not only a number of beasts sufficient to repair their losses, but 500 talents collected for the royal revenue. His movement, as he had foreseen, created per- plexity and discord among the allies. Antigenes, and Eumenes himself, with all who had followed them from the West, thought it most advisable to return, and take advantage of his absence in the maritime provinces. But the satraps, who were alarmed for their own possessions, refused to leave them exposed to the enemy : and Eumenes, seeing that, unless he complied with their wishes, the confederacy would be dissolved, consented to march into Persis. On. their arrival at Persepolis, the army was entertained by Peucestes with a sacrifice in honour of Philip and Alexander, to whom altars were erected by the side of those of the gods, and a magnificent banquet, which so won their hearts, that Eumenes, to preserve his own influence, forged a letter which he pretended to have received from Orontes, satrap of Armenia, a friend of Peucestes, announcing that Olympias had returned to Macedonia, with her grandson, that Cas- sander was slain, and that Polysperchon had crossed over into Asia, with an arrny, and was already in Cap- padocia. All eyes were now turned with respect and anxiety toward Eumenes, as the future dispenser of royal favours and punishments: and he made use of this impression to bring Siburtius, the most intimate friend of Peucestes, to trial ; and forced him to fly for his life. Eumenes however won the good-will of Peu- ILLNESS OF EUMENES. 297 cestcs by friendly words and liberal promises, and, to CHAP. secure the attachment of the officers whom he most suspected, pretended to be in want of money, and bor- rowed large sums of them in the king's name. In the midst of these festivities and rejoicings for imaginary success, the enemy was almost forgotten, when tidings came that Antigonus was on his march toward Persis. Eumenes carried a resolution to ad- vance and give him battle. On the road he was seized uis illness - with illness, the effect, it is said, of unusual intemper- ance at a banquet which he gave, as if to vie with Peucestes ; he was obliged to halt for some days, in great danger, and remained so weak that he let himself be carried in a litter in the rear, while Peucestes and Antigenes commanded in his stead. But when the enemy suddenly came in sight, the foremost ranks of the column halted, and, grounding their arms, refused to proceed until Eumenes should put himself at their head. When he learnt what had happened, he ordered himself to be transported with the utmost speed to the front, and as he approached, causing the curtains of his litter to be withdrawn on each side, waved his hand toward them. They in return greeted him with shouts and the clash of their arms, and loudly ex- pressed their eagerness to meet the enemy, and he immediately began to form his line of battle. Anti- gonus, who had heard of his illness and had quickened his march to take advantage of it, when he observed the dispositions that had been made to receive him, and saw the litter moving from one wing to the other, remarked to his friends with the loud laugh with which he usually accompanied his good things, The enemy's tactics seem to be in that litter : but he imme- diately gave the signal for retreat 1 , and took up a strong position behind a ravine intersected by a river. 1 riuturch, Eum. 14, 15. 298 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Eumenes encamped not far off on the other side. y > Neither general ventured to begin the attack, and they remained several days inactive. 1 During this interval Antigonus made another attempt to gain over the hostile Macedonians and their chiefs by promises that the satraps should retain their provinces, and that the men should be sent back to their country with honour and large donatives, or should be taken into his own service. The Macedonians however still adhered firmly to Eumenes, who exposed the perfidy of his adversary's offers by the fable of the lion, who was persuaded to part with his teeth and claws. Antigonus now found it necessary to decamp, as both armies were suffering from scarcity of provisions. Eumenes divined that his intention was to reach Ga- biene, a district of Elymais, hitherto untouched, and capable of supplying all his wants. He himself had the same object, and gained the start of Antigonus by a stratagem, but afterwards let himself be deceived Battle be- \ n n i s turn, and was obliged to give battle. Their and forces were pretty equally balanced : Antigonus was s ^ ron g er i n cavalry, Eumenes had a greater number of elephants. But after a day's hard fighting, in which Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, for the first time headed a brigade of horse, no decisive advan- tage had been gained on either side. The number of killed and wounded was indeed greater on that of Antigonus; and there prevailed in his army a general consciousness of defeat. Yet he was able to return first to the field and bury his dead, because Eumenes could not prevail on his men to encamp at a distance from their baggage, so that he found it necessary to apply to Antigonus, as conqueror, for leave to bury his slain. But the troops of Antigonus were so dis- 1 Diodorus (xix. 25.)- He seems to know nothing of Plutarch's anecdote, which however appears to be fully entitled to credit. STRATAGEM OF ANTIGONUS. 299 heartened that he resolved to resign possession of CHAP. Gabiene to the enemy, and to take up his quarters . in a distant part of Media, and he detained the herald of Eumenes until he had finished the preparations for his retreat. 1 Eumenes did not think it prudent to pursue him, as his own men needed refreshment and repose; and after a magnificent interment of his slain, in which the widow of an Indian officer mounted the funeral pile, he marched into Gabiene and put his army into cantonments for the winter. The part of Media in which Antigonus wintered, stratagem was within nine days' march of Gabiene by the most g0 nus direct road : but this road led through an arid desert. Antigonus however resolved to attempt to surprise the enemy. He set out in the depth of winter, having spread the belief that Armenia was the object of his expedition, and having ordered the men to provide themselves with victuals for ten days, ready dressed. To ensure secrecy, he forbad them to kindle fires during the night. But the severity of the cold forced them to neglect this prohibition, and when they were within three or four days' march of their destination, the camp-fires betrayed their approach. The tidings were carried with the utmost speed, by couriers mounted on dromedaries, to the head-quarters of the allied satraps, and plunged them into consternation. It seemed certain that Antigonus would fall upon them before they could collect their troops from the villages where they were cantoned, which were spread over a great extent of country. Peucestes proposed to retreat to the opposite extremity of the province, where they might at least re-assemble a part of their force before the enemy came up. Eumenes alone pre- served his presence of mind, and was ready with an expedient to meet the emergency. He saw that the 1 Diodorus, xix. 32. Polysenu?, iv. 6. 10. 300 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, movement proposed by Peucestes was likely to be . attended with a total dissolution of the confederacy, and he undertook to stop the progress of Antigonus long enough to afford them time to bring all their troops together. The desert tract which Antigonus was crossing, in great part level, was bounded on the side of Gabiene by a ridge of high hills. On their summits Eumenes caused a number of fires to be lighted so as to present the appearance of a great encampment. The blaze was seen far and wide ; and Antigonus was warned that his approach had been discovered, and that the enemy appeared to be as- sembled in full force to receive him. As he did not venture to expose his wayworn troops to the chance of an engagement, he turned aside out of the desert, and halted some days to refresh them. During this interval, Eumenes fortified his camp, laid in an abundant stock of provisions, and was rejoined by his whole force except the elephants, which however also reached the camp in safety, notwithstanding an attempt which Antigonus made to intercept them. The two armies remained only a few days within a short distance of each other, before they joined battle. Eumenes now had a great advantage in numbers. His infantry amounted to near 37,000 men ; that of Anti- gonus to no more than 22,000. But the cavalry of Antigonus was nearly 10,000 strong: that of Eu- menes scarcely exceeded 6000. The spirit of his Treachery army was excellent. But on the eve of the battle ofthesa- he discovered, through the information of Eudamus and another officer, who, as his creditors, felt an in- terest in his safety, that the principal satraps, at the instigation of Antigenes and Teutamus, inflamed witli jealousy stronger than ever of his growing popularity, had resolved to get rid of him as soon as he should have won them a victory over Antigonus. He had, it seems, a few friends whom he still trusted, and LAST BATTLE OF EUMENES. 301 with them he is said to have deliberated whether he CHAP. should not abandon his faithless associates, a herd l LVI L , of wild beasts, as he justly called them 1 , and even to have made his will, and burnt such of his papers as might involve the writers in danger after his death. But it seems that he at last determined to commit himself to the goodwill of the troops, who manifested extraordinary zeal. The Argyraspids, notwithstand- ing their age, believed themselves, and were commonly believed to be almost invincible. Just before the signal was raised for the onset, Antigenes ordered a horse- man to ride up within hearing of that part of the enemy's line where the Macedonians were stationed, and to admonish them that they were about to begin an unnatural combat with their fathers : the veterans to whom Philip and Alexander owed all their con- quests, and who would still show themselves worthy of the renown they had earned in so many glorious fields. This address made some impression on the troops of Antigonus : murmurs were heard among them, which showed that they painfully felt its truth: while on the other side the men loudly demanded to be led against the enemy. Antigonus had collected the main strength of his B.C. SIG. cavalry in the right wing, where he commanded in Last battle person with his son Demetrius. To meet this dis- Antigonus position, Eumenes strengthened his left with the best an(1Eu - ' m o menes. part of his cavalry and elephants, and the Argyras- pids, and took his station there together with most of the satraps. His right wing he placed under the command of Philippus, with orders to avoid an en- gagement, and to wait the issue of that which was to begin on his right. The event of the battle however was not determined either by the tactics of the gene- rals, or by the valour of the men, but by the nature 1 ITpb? TOUJ in a dungeon built for the purpose with only one narrow opening for the admission of food. In this state she kept them some days : but then finding that the Macedonians were disgusted by this refinement of cruelty, she ordered the Thracians who guarded them to despatch Philip. For Eurydice she still reserved what she thought a bitterer death. The young queen had not suffered her spirit to be bowed by her reverses. She spoke as boldly as ever, and asserted her right to the throne. While her husband's bleeding corpse lay at her feet, she received a message from Olympias, with a sword, a cord, and a cup of hemlock, bidding her choose which she would. She spoke only to pray that like presents might one day be brought to Olympias: then, having paid such offices as the circumstances permitted to her dead husband, she unclasped her own girdle, and with it put an end to her life. Olympias next gave loose to her vengeance against the family of Antipater. Ni- canor, one of his sons, fell into her hands, and was put to death : and she now propagated the report that Alexander had been poisoned by lollas, whose tomb she demolished. Even these victims did not satiate her: she selected a hundred of Cassander's friends, all men of high rank, and condemned them to death, it seems, without any form of trial. The advice of Eumenes was forgotten : and the effects x 4 312 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, which he foresaw soon attended this reckless in- dulgence of her ferocious passions. Cassander was still in Peloponnesus, engaged in the siege of Tegea, when he received intelligence, perhaps at the same time, of the return and victory of Olympias, and of her bloody dealings with her royal prisoners, and with his own family and friends. His own appetite for revenge was as keen as hers. He had not forgotten the affronts he had suffered from Alexander: but this last injury induced him immediately to lay aside every other care but that of vengeance. Though Polysperchon's son Alexander was in Peloponnesus, ready to take advantage of his absence, and many cities which had recently em- braced his alliance looked to him for protection, he raised the siege of Tegea, and set out for Macedonia. Polysperchon and Olympias expected his coming, and had taken precautions to secure Macedonia from in- vasion. They had engaged the .^Etolians, who were led to espouse their cause, partly by the recollection of Antipater's enmity, and partly by the private in- fluence of Polysperchon, to occupy the pass of Ther- mopyla3 ; and Polysperchon himself crossed the moun- tains of the southern frontier, and took up a position in Perrha3bia. Cassander did not waste his strength in an attempt to dislodge the ^Etolians from Ther- mopyke. He collected a number of small craft from Euboea and Locris, and transported his army across the Maliac gulf into Thessaly. There he divided it into two main bodies, one of which he sent under the command of Callas into Perrhaebia, with orders to keep Polysperchon employed; while with the other he himself pursued his march toward the nearest pass. This mano3uvre entirely disconcerted the plans of Polysperchon and Olympias, who had believed that Macedonia was safe as long as Polysperchon retained his position in Thessaly. Olympias, when it was too OLYMPIAS IN PYDNA. 313 late, sent some troops to seize the pass of Tempe, CHAP. toward which Cassander was moving : it was already occupied by a detachment which he had pushed forward under the command of Deinias. She now saw herself in imminent danger ; and appointing Aristonous to meet Cassander with the forces which Polysperchon had left in Macedonia, she took refuge in Pydna with a great number of royal and noble persons, among whom, beside Roxana and the young prince, were Thessalonice, one of Philip's daughters, and Deidamia, the daughter of ^Eacides. She was attended by a very small force, chiefly the household troops, and by the remainder of the elephants : nor was the town supplied with provisions for a long siege. She however resolved to remain there, not doubting that succours would soon be brought to her in abundance by sea, both from Macedonia and Greece. Cassander, having crossed the mountains, moved directly upon Pydna. He drew a trench round it from shore to shore, and sent for ships, engines, and in Pydna - ammunition, to besiege it both by land and sea. While he was thus engaged, he learnt that ^Eacides was pre- paring to bring succours from Epirus. He therefore sent Atarrhias, with a division of his army, to occupy the passes between Epirus and Macedonia. The Epirots felt no interest in the expedition, and broke out into open mutiny : so that ^Eacides was compelled to make a proclamation, by which all who desired it were allowed to return to their homes ; and so many availed themselves of this permission, that the king found himself unable with his remaining forces to make head against Atarrhias. Even the loyalty of his peaceful subjects was undermined by the seditious language of the men who had quitted his camp. A national assembly was held, in which, by a proceeding never before heard of in the history of Epirus, the 314 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, king was declared to have forfeited his crown. It was Lvm ' transferred to the family of Neoptolemus, a remote branch of the royal line. Pyrrhus, the infant son of jEacides, was with great difficulty and danger pre- served from the pursuit of his enemies, and conveyed to the court of Glaucias, king of Illyria, who afforded him shelter. The authors of the revolution made a treaty with Cassander, who sent Lyciscus to act as regent in Epirus, which thus became devoted to his interest. The partizans of Olympias in Macedonia, who before wavered between hope and fear, were so disheartened by this event, that they dropped the pre- parations which they were making to come to her assistance : and she was soon after deprived of her last remaining hope by the intelligence that the greater part of Polysperchon's troops had been seduced by Callas to abandon their chief, who was obliged to take shelter with the few who adhered to him in the Perrhaebian town of Naxium, where he was closely blockaded by the enemy. The aspiring woman, so lately absolute mistress of Macedonia, was left without a prospect of relief, exposed to the attack of her im- placable foe. The season however was so far advanced that Cas- sander found it impracticable to proceed by the way of assault, and contented himself with maintaining a strict blockade. In the course of the winter the scarcity of provisions began to be severely felt by the besieged, and soon all the horrors of famine appeared in their most terrible form. The soldiers were reduced to a scanty ration, the elephants were fed on saw- dust, and gradually pined away : the horses and beasts of burden were slaughtered for the sake of their flesh. The riders were not permitted to share the common allowance, and they, and at length more and more of the other soldiers, perished of hunger. The barbarians betook themselves to the bodies of the dead: the SURRENDER OF OLYMPIAS. 315 streets were encumbered with corpses, which the sur- CHAP. T \'TTT vivors scarcely retained strength or spirit either to > J ^ ' . bury or to throw over the walls. The hideous spec- tacle and the noisome stench diffused universal de- spondency. Desertions became frequent, and all who repaired to the camp of the besiegers were graciously received by Cassander, who sent them to their homes, where they spread the report of the desperate condition of Olyinpias, which extinguished every hope that might have animated her partizans to make an attempt for her deliverance. As the spring advanced and the famine grew every day more pressing, the soldiers assembled round the palace, and called upon her, since she was no longer able to support them, to permit them to depart. She was obliged to comply with their demand, and at length saw herself so generally abandoned, that she concerted measures for her own escape. A galley was prepared to carry her away with her friends. But before they had embarked, Cassander was apprised of her design, sailed into the harbour, and took the vessel. 1 She was now reduced to utter despair, and sent to negotiate with the con- queror. He at first insisted that she should surrender surrender at discretion, but at length consented to promise that pias. ym her life should be spared. He knew that when he had once made himself master of her person, this con- dition would not long stand in the way of his revenge. After the fall of Pydna, all Macedonia submitted 1 So Diodorus, xix. 50. Polysenus (iv. 11. 3.) tells a different, and less probable story. According to him, tbe vessel was furnished by Polysperchon who, one would think, was hardly in a situation to have done so and intercepted by Cas- sander, who prevailed on the messenger to carry the letter, in which Polysperchon exhorted the queen to make her escape, to Olympias, suppressing the fact of the capture. Olympias repaired by night to the water-side, but not finding the vessel there, concluded, without farther inquiry, that Polysperchon had deceived her, and abandoned herself to despair : a consequence that could hardly have been foreseen ; and it is rather surprising, that Cassander did not carry his stratagem a little farther, man the vessel with a crew of his own, suffer Olympias to embark, and then make himself master of it and her. There is a suspicious resemblance between this and the stratagem by which he soon after certainly attempted to draw her into his power. 316 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. O hi m except Pella, which was held by Monimus, and Amphipolis, to which Aristonous had retired with a considerable body of troops. Monimus however sur- rendered at Cassander's first summons. Aristonous was inclined to hold out, for he had recently gained a victory over Cassander's general Crateuas, and having besieged him in the Bisaltian town of Bedys, had com- pelled him to capitulate on condition that he should lay down his arms. He still hoped for succours either from Eumenes, of whose death, which happened in the preceding winter, he had not yet heard, or from Polysperchon, or Alexander. Cassander however forced Olympias to send him an order to surrender, and with this he complied, on a stipulation for his personal safety: but Cassander, who was jealous of his rank and influence, eluded the fulfilment of the treaty, and instigated some of the family of Crateuas, who resented their kinsman's disgrace, to put him to death. There were still some difficulties to overcome before he could wreak his revenge on Olympias. He did not think it safe openly to violate the pledge which he had given : the pity of the Macedonians might be revived by her misfortunes. He thought it necessary at least to obtain the sanction of his army, and wished that she might herself furnish him with a pretext for her destruction. The first object he easily accomplished. The kinsmen of the numerous victims whom Olympias had sacrificed to her hatred of Cassander, readily un- dertook to accuse her in a general assembly : and as she was absent, and had no one to plead for her, she was condemned to death. -Still this sentence did not release Cassander from his engagement, and he endea- voured to inveigle her into a step by which she would forfeit the benefit of it. . He sent some of his friends to her with a private message, affected to be touched with compassion for her wretchedness, and to appre- DEATH OF OLYMPIAS. 317 hend that he should not be able to protect her from CHAP. .LVIII the fury of the army which had condemned her to t death : he therefore offered to prepare a galley in which she might make her escape to Athens. His plan was, if she fell into the snare, to have her killed at sea, and thus, while he satisfied his hatred, to shift the imputation of breach of faith on her. Olympias however, whether suspecting fraud, or confident in the influence which she believed herself still to retain over the Macedonians, declined the proposal. All that she asked for, was a fair trial before a national assembly, in which she might be heard in her own defence. Cassander became alarmed, lest he should be obliged, by the voice of the people, to grant this demand. He was resolved not to incur the danger which would arise from the public appearance of the aged queen as a prisoner and a suppliant, before the multitude : he therefore sent a party of soldiers 200 men whom he selected as the most willing to render him any service to surround the palace and despatch her. Olympias received warning that she must pre- B. c. si 6. pare for death. She put on her royal robes, and came Death p f forward, leaning on two of her women, to meet the ym soldiers. Even they were so overpowered by the majesty of her presence, and by the numberless great recollections attached to her name, that they could not bring themselves to execute Cassander's order. He was obliged to commit the deed of blood to the persons who had accused her, and who were eager enough for revenge to undertake it themselves. She submitted to her fate with unbending firmness, neither shrinking from their swords nor uttering a word un- worthy of her birth and fortunes. 1 Cassander thus saw himself, in fact, master of 1 So Diodorus (six. 51.), and more expressly, Justin (xiv. 6.). Tausanias (ix. 7. 2.) represents her as stoned to death. 318 HISTORY OF GREECE. Lvm' Macedonia : it remained for him to secure it against ' all other claimants in his own independent posses- sion. It was however not more perhaps with this view, than to gratify his hatred of Alexander, that he resolved to rid himself of Roxana and her son. But this was a step which demanded great caution. The scenes which had lately taken place proved the veneration of the Macedonians for Alexander's me- mory. It was still uncertain how they might receive the tidings of the death of Olympias, and it would not have been safe immediately to follow up the murder of his mother, with that of his widow and child. It seemed prudent also to wait for intelligence of the course which events were taking in the east, before he ventured on this decisive measure. He therefore removed Roxana and the young prince to the citadel of Amphipolis, which he committed to a trusty officer, named Glaucias. He at the same time dismissed the pages and officers who had before at- tended them, and ordered that they should be treated as private persons. This was a sufficient declaration of his intention to exclude Alexander's son from the throne : and his partizans probably repeated all the arguments that had ever been urged against the Marriage of prince's title. But still he required one more legi- timate for himself, which could only be acquired by an alliance with the royal house. For this purpose he fixed his eyes on Philip's daughter Thessalonice, who, though her claims could not be considered equal to those of Cleopatra, might still serve to reconcile the nation to his rule. Their marriage was celebrated not long after the surrender of Pydna, and it was in honour of this princess, and probably in the course of the same spring, that Cassander founded the city which so long bore her name at the head of the Ther- maic gulph : as it was at this time that he founded one named after himself, Cassandrea, in the peninsula POLICY OF ANTIGONUS. 319 of Pallene, which he peopled with emigrants from CHAP. Potidsea and other neighbouring cities, and with a considerable number of families which had survived the ruin of Olynthus. He could have taken no mea- sures more tending to multiply his personal adherents, and to accustom the people to view him as the succes- sor of their ancient princes. Such was the character which he publicly assumed, and in this capacity he ordered the remains of Eurydice, Philip, and Cynane, to be buried in the royal sepulchre at ^Egse, and honoured their memory with funeral games. He was now again at liberty to turn his attention toward Greece, where the state of affairs called for his presence. Alexander had taken advantage of his de- parture from Peloponnesus, to draw several cities into his own alliance, and to seize several strong positions. Polysperchon himself, when he heard of the death of Olympias, and saw that his cause was irretrievably lost for the present in Macedonia, escaped from Naxium, and joining ^Eacides, took refuge with him in .ZEtolia, where he possessed some personal influence, derived, it seems, from family connections. 1 It was highly de- sirable for Cassander to crush these rivals, and to make himself master of Greece, before he should be assailed, as he might expect to be in any case, from another quarter. He therefore strengthened his army with new levies in Macedonia, and early in the summer of 316 set out on his march to Peloponnesus. He found Thermopylae again guarded by the ^Etolians, and was now obliged to force a passage. Though the settlement of Peloponnesus was his main object, there was another of great importance which detained him for some time in Boeotia. His position rendered it expedient for him everywhere as much as possible to gain the goodwill of those whom he wished to govern, 1 Diodorus, xix. 52. Pausanias (v. 6. 1.) calls him an yEtolian, which is explained by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. v. 802. 320 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, and to signalise the beginning of his reign by acts of LVIII . -. beneficence. It seems to have been his aim to invite a comparison between his own conduct and that of his predecessors, on points in which it would turn in his favour : and it was probably in part this motive which induced him to resolve on the restoration of Restoration Thebes. The destruction of that ancient city had of Thebes excited general sympathy in Greece, notwithstanding the insolence with which it had abused its prosperity. To repair the injury which had been inflicted by the Macedonian arms, was a work of humanity and gene- rosity, likely to be generally approved and admired. But Cassander probably had some more special mo- tives and ends. To rebuild what Alexander had destroyed, and to annul the decree by which he had doomed the site of Thebes to desolation, was in itself an undertaking that interested his personal feelings. In a purely political point of view there was much to recommend it. The Boeotian towns indeed, which had rejoiced in the fall of Thebes, and were still in pos- session of her territory, might feel themselves injured by it, and would no longer be so warmly attached to the Macedonian government as they had been. But, on the other hand, Thebes, which might again out- weigh them all, would be entirely devoted not merely to Macedonia, but to the house of her benefactor. She would help to secure the submission of Athens : and, above all, the Peloponnesian states which re- tained their jealousy of Sparta, would hail the event with exultation. On his arrival in Boeotia, Cassander assembled a congress of deputies from the Boeotian towns, informed them of his design, and condescended to request their consent. We do not know what arguments or motives he used, or whether he obtained more than a nominal consent, which could not prudently have been with- held. When this difficulty was removed, he directed RESTORATION OP THEBES. 321 that the work should be begun. The Theban exiles CHAP. returned, to settle again on the hallowed ground: but they had only permission to occupy it ; Cassander did not supply them with the means ; and the under- taking was far beyond the reach of their broken for- tunes. Succours however were brought to them from other quarters, with a zeal which, while it proves the policy of Cassander's plan, makes us regret that the spirit which displayed itself so nobly on this occasion, had not prevailed more uniformly among the Greeks. The Athenians were foremost among those who con- tributed to the work : they built the greater part of the wall : a generous exertion certainly, in behalf of a people whose ancestors had been their bitterest ene- mies, and who had no claims upon them but such as arose out of their common origin, and the service which Thebes had rendered to the national cause in the struggle with Macedonia. Megalopolis and Mes- sene also remembered that they owed their existence to Thebes, and testified 1 their gratitude by pecuniary aid. Contributions were sent even from the Greek cities of Sicily and Italy. The Thebans were con- scious of their altered position : they no longer as- pired to dominion over their Boeotian neighbours, but solicited admission into the league, which Avas headed by their ancient enemies, the Platscans, and sent their sacrifice with the rest to the festival of the great Dasdala, which was celebrated every sixty years, to commemorate the interval during which Plataea lay desolate. 1 From Boeotia Cassander advanced toward Pelopon- nesus. When he arrived at Athens he found that Alexander had fortified the Isthmus, so as to render the approach extremely difficult on this side. He nevertheless proceeded as far as Megara, but there, 1 Pausanias, ix. 3. 6. VOL. VII. Y 322 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, having perhaps more accurately ascertained the LVIII oil J strength of the enemy's position, he caused rafts to be prepared for the elephants, and transports for the troops, with which he crossed over to Epidaurus. He then marched to Argos, and induced it to renounce its alliance with Alexander. Hermione too submitted to him, either now, or a little later. One is surprised to hear that the chief resistance which he had to encounter was in Messenia. Before he could reduce Ithome, he found himself obliged to retire. Doubt- less, intelligence which he had received from the East, seemed to render it necessary for him to return with all speed, to secure his more important interests in Macedonia. Alexander remained in his position at the Isthmus, but could not prevent Cassander from passing his lines, and declined a battle. Cassander left Molycus, with 2000 men, to occupy the passes of Geranea, and pursued his march northward. Antigonus, it appears, before he left Babylon, sent envoys to Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, form- ally to acquaint them with his success, and to express his hopes that their alliance with him might continue uninterrupted. Toward the end of the autumn of 316 he arrived at Mallus in Cilicia, and distributed his army in winter quarters. The treasures at Quinda, still amounting to 10,000 talents, were delivered up to him : and he found that the ordinary revenues of the provinces already subject to him might be esti- mated at 11,000 talents. In the meanwhile Seleucus had reached Egypt, and was perhaps the first to apprise its ruler of the danger he had to apprehend from the enormous power and the grasping ambition of Antigonus. Ptolemy hastened to fortify himself by a closer alliance with the men, whose safety was now inseparably connected with his own. Lysi- machus had by this time firmly established himself in Thrace, though still exposed to formidable attacks PKEPARATIONS OF ANTIGONUS. 323 from his northern neighbours, and was able to render CHAP. LiVIIT important assistance. In the absence of Antigonus a '_, new power had sprung up in Asia Minor. Asander, the satrap of Caria, had extended his dominion far and wide, and had nearly made himself master of Cappadocia. They and Cassander were easily in- duced to send their envoys to accompany those of Ptolemy and Seleucus on a common embassy to Anti- gonus. In the spring of 315 the ambassadors met Negotiation Antigonus on his march into Upper Syria, and com- JjJJJonM municated to him the demands which they were in- and im structed to make. Their masters claimed a share in the fruits of his success, to which they had all in some measure contributed. They proposed that the Hellespont ine Phrygia should be annexed to the sa- trapy of Lysimachus, that Asander should be con- firmed in the possession of Lycia and Cappadocia, Ptolemy in that of Syria, including Phoenicia, that Babylonia should be restored to Seleucus, and that the treasures which Antigonus had brought from the East should be equally shared among all. We hear of no demand on the part of Cassander : he was no doubt satisfied with the possession of Macedonia and Greece. Antigonus replied with a mixture of scorn and indignation 1 , and particularly bade the Egyptian envoys inform Ptolemy, that he would be ready to meet him. The allies probably did not wait for his answer to make the most active preparations for the contest which they must have foreseen to be inevi- table. Antigonus, after his declaration of war, imme- B . c. 315. diately took measures to keep his less formidable Prepar- rivals fully employed, while he himself bent his main force against Ptolemy. He sent an agent to Cyprus, and others to Rhodes, to secure the alliance of these islands, which was of great importance for the creation 1 Appian, Syr. 53. characteristically, ^irtx TL 2 324 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. o f the marine, which was one of his principal objects. He sent his nephew Ptolemasus with a strong body of troops into Cappadocia, to raise the siege of Amisus, which was defending itself against Asander, with in- structions afterwards to proceed to the Hellespont, to guard the passage against Cassander and Lysimachus. He at the same time provided occupation for Cas- sander in Europe : he despatched Aristodemus with a thousand talents to Peloponnesus, to treat with Alexander and Polysperchon, and to levy troops which might enable them to carry on the war against the common enemy ; and he gave directions for the establishment of a chain of signals and post-stations, to maintain the readiest communication with the eastern provinces. He then pursued his march to Phoenicia. The operation on which the success of his plans mainly depended, was to make himself master of its ports, and to form a navy, which should give him the command of the sea. He had little resistance to apprehend in the country : but Ptolemy had carried away all the ships and seamen he found there into Egypt. The sides of Libanus however yielded an inexhaustible supply of timber, and the population of Phoenicia furnished abundance of the best mariners. Tyre alone he found occupied by an Egyptian gar- rison ; and having encamped over against it, while he made preparations for a siege, he sent for the Phoe- nician kings, and the officers who commanded in Syria, and gave his orders for the building of ships, and the collection of magazines of corn for a year's consumption. Three dockyards were speedily estab- lished in Phoenicia at Tripolis, Byblus, and Sidon a fourth on the coast of Cilicia, to which the timber was brought down from Taurus, and another in Rhodes, where his envoy had obtained the people's consent. Eight thousand men were kept employed PREPARATIONS OF ANTIGONUS. 325 in the forests of Libanus alone, and a thousand team CHAP. LiVIII of cattle conveyed the timber to the coast. While these preparations were going on, as Antigonus lay encamped near Tyre, a fleet of a hundred sail, mag- nificently equipped, and executing its manoeuvres with the greatest celerity, appeared in the road. It was commanded by Seleucus, who was on his way from Egypt to the .yEgean, and took the opportunity to make this display of his naval power in the enemy's sight. It excited general uneasiness in the camp of Antigonus, especially among those of his allies who inhabited towns on the coast : What, they asked, would the greatest land-force avail to protect them from ravages and annoyance, while the enemy was master of the sea ? Antigonus bade his friends keep up their spirits: before the summer was over he would put to sea with 500 sail. In Cyprus his mi- nisters found Nicocreon, king of Salamis, and most of the other princes, already gained by Ptolemy: four only, and those among the least powerful, entered into alliance with Antigonus. While his works were proceeding for the siege of Tyre, leaving Andronicus with 3000 men to superintend and protect them, he made an expedition southward, took Joppa and Gaza by storm, incorporated the garrisons with his army, and left troops of his own in their room. In Asia Minor the success of his arms was more rapid. Ptolema3us compelled Asander's general As- clepiodorus to abandon the siege of Amisus, and to evacuate Cappadocia. He then marched into Bi- thynia, where the king Zibcetes, either as an ally of the enemy, or for his private aggrandisement, had laid siege to Astacus and Chalcedon. He too was forced to yield, and to join the cities he had attacked in alliance with Antigonus. From Bithynia Pto- lemteus was called by pressing orders from his uncle to hasten to protect Ionia and Lydia, which were Y 3 326 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, threatened by Seleucus. He found Seleucus engaged . in the siege of Erythra}, and forced him not only to raise the siege, but to withdraw from the coast. Seleucus sailed away to Cyprus, where the state of affairs was sufficiently critical to render his presence desirable. No enemy was now left in Asia Minor but Asander, who was nearly reduced within the limits of his own province, where he might soon find himself attacked both by land and sea. In Greece Aristodemus executed his commission no less ably and successfully. He first sailed to Laconia, and at Sparta, where Cassander was viewed as a hereditary enemy, obtained the sanction of the govern- ment for his levies, which soon amounted to 8000 men. Polysperchon came over from ^Etolia, it seems, to treat with him and his son. Alexander was persuaded to make a voyage to Phoenicia, for the purpose of a conference with Aritigonus, while the old man re- mained at the head of the army. He was so deeply humbled by his reverses, that he consented to accept the title of general of Peloponnesus from Antigonus. &t Tvre ly ^ n Alexander's arrival at the camp before Tyre, Anti- gonus, having concluded a treaty with him, called an assembly to which not only the soldiers but all the strangers in the camp were admitted. It was his wish to give the greatest possible notoriety to its pro- ceedings, as they were designed to make an impression favourable to his cause on the public mind both in Asia and Europe. He himself harangued the multi- tude, and recounted Cassander's misdeeds. Among them he enumerated not only the murder of Olympias, his treatment of Roxana and the young king, the vio- lence with which he had obtained the hand of Thes- salonice, and his assumption of sovereign power in Macedonia, but also his new settlements in Pallene and Boeotia. It was to dishonour the memory of Philip and Alexander, that he had invited the Olyn- ANTIGONUS MADE REGENT. 327 thians, Macedonia's inveterate enemies, into the city CHAP. LVIII which bore his own name, and had rebuilt Thebes. Having thus aroused the indignation of his Mace- donian hearers, he proposed a resolution to be adopted by the army, by which Cassander was declared an enemy unless he should release Roxana and the prince, should demolish his new cities, and in all respects pay due obedience to Antigonus, the lawful commander of the forces, and regent of the empire. This latter title he seems never to have assumed before. It was to be Agency the regarded as a new dignity conferred on him by the vote of the army, to enable him to protect the royal family ; and he would probably not have adopted it, if the confederacy formed against him had been less for- midable, and he had not thought it expedient; to fix the stigma of rebellion and treason on his rivals, and to give an air of legitimacy to his own cause, without which he might have found it difficult to maintain his authority in the upper provinces. It was chiefly to them and to the satraps who still revered the royal name, or considered it as their only safeguard against his ambition, that this part of the decree was addressed. Another part related to Greece. It declared that all the Greek states should be restored to liberty and independence : no Greek city any longer held by a foreign garrison. The object of this concession was clear enough. Polysperchon had tried to win Greece by a democratical revolution : Cassander by an oli- garchical reaction. Antigonus would outbid them both, and attract Greeks of all parties to his side, by the sound most pleasing to every Greek ear. The assembly passed the resolution, and Antigonus sent copies of it to all quarters where it was likely to pro- mote his ends. He then dismissed Alexander with a present of 500 talents, and with hopes, which no one, it seems, knew better how to suggest without any dis- tinct promise. Y 4 328 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Ptolemy endeavoured to counteract the effect of ' i the decree, so far as it related to Greece, by another in which he held out a like promise. This imitation might help to destroy any illusion that had been cre- ated by the original, as it became doubly evident that each was only meant to serve a temporary purpose, state of But the prospect which the new turn of events opened for Greece was, as to the immediate future, gloomier than ever. The unhappy country seemed destined to be the theatre of endless wars, in which party- rancour was combined with the hostility of foreigners to spread bloodshed and desolation over its whole surface. The rivals were all alike strangers, in feeling and interests, to Greece : and their forces were so evenly balanced, as to ensure many destructive alternations of success, while it was impossible to foresee the issue of the struggle. For a Greek who had the good of his country at heart, there was no motive to prefer one side to another, except that a partition of Alexander's empire was a very desirable event, as it fostered hopes of national independence, which would be lost, if the whole should be united in the hands of Antigonus. On the other hand, the power of Cassander might seem no less fatal to liberty. Yet it was difficult to remain neutral ; and a state which took such a position, was perhaps exposed to greater dangers, than if it had actively engaged in the contest. To fight, or be tram- pled on, were the only alternatives. Two frightful examples of the calamities with which this period could not fail to abound, occurred in the course of about a year after Cassander 's last-mentioned return to Macedonia. He had left a man named Apollonides in command of the garrison at Argos. Apollonides had found an opportunity to surprise Stymphalus ; but while he was absent on this expedition, the party in Argos adverse to Cassander invited Alexander to come and take possession of the city, which they STATE OF GREECE. 329 promised to surrender to him. Kelying on his sup- CHAP. port, they openly declared themselves, and it seems appointed 500 of their number, as the new demo- cratical council. Alexander however delayed, and Apollonides, having been apprised of the revolution, reached Argos before him. He found the council assembled in the Prytaneum, and having barred their egress, set fire to the building: the Five Hundred perished in the flames. The rest of the party were more mildly punished with death or banishment. The conduct of Apollonides seems to us inhuman : but there were few among the leading Macedonians of the period who had a right to reproach him with it, or who would not have approved of it : and it is only surprising that a man endowed with so much energy of will in that age commonly admitted as a substi- tute for every good quality should riot have risen higher among his kindred spirits. The other occurrence, which affords a melancholy illustration of the state of Greece, was one of the con- sequences which arose out of the measures taken by Cassander to counteract the operations of Aristodemus. Cassander, when he heard of his arrival in Pelopon- nesus, and of the success of his levies, hoped at first to be able to detach Polysperchon and Alexander from the cause of Antigonus. They, as we have seen, were gained over by Aristodemus : and Cassander found it necessary to make another expedition into Pelopon- nesus. In his passage through Bceotia, he halted for some time at Thebes, to aid the Thebans in the com- pletion of their fortifications, and having ravaged the Corinthian territory, and taken two forts which were occupied by Alexander's garrisons near the Isthmus, he advanced against the Arcadian Orchomenus. After some ineffectual attempts to take it by assault, he was admitted by his partizans : Alexander's friends sought shelter in the temple of Artemis. Their enemies ob- 330 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, tained Cassander's leave to deal with them as they LVIII would. All were torn from the sanctuary, and put to death. Cassander moved forward into Messenia, where, it will be remembered, he had been obliged the year before to leave Ithome in the possession of Alexander's troops. He was still unable to reduce it. His pre- sence, it seems, was again required in Macedonia. On his return through Arcadia, he appointed Damis governor of Megalopolis, and presided at the Nemeari Games in Argolis. But he had no sooner departed, than Alexander and Aristodemus resumed their opera- tions against the Peloponnesian cities which favoured his cause. He again had recourse to negotiation with Alexander, who, shut out from larger views, only desired an independent position in Greece. Cassander now sent Prepelaus to invite him to abandon Anti- gonus, with the offer of the same title which had been recently conferred on his father, and of a force suffi- cient to maintain his authority in Peloponnesus. Alexander accepted this proposal, and declared himself for Cassander. We are not expressly informed that Polysperchon acceded to the treaty : but it appears that he was now considered as Cassander's ally, and he continued to occupy Corinth with a strong body of troops. Aristodemus however, who had retired into ^Etolia, prevailed on the JEtolians to espouse the cause of An- tigoiius, and, crossing the Corinthian gulf with his mercenaries, renewed the war successfully in Elis and Achaia : where he was aided by the impression which the decree of Antigonus had produced on the towns occupied by Cassander's garrisons. Soon after, Alex- ander was assassinated at Sicyon. But his widow Cratesipolis, a woman of royal spirit, who had won the hearts of the soldiers by her liberality, kept the troops together, suppressed a revolt which broke out SUCCESS OF CASSANDER. 331 at Sicyon, and held the reins of government with a CHAP. LVIII vigorous hand. Cassander, it seems, thought her and . Polysperchon able to uphold his interests in Pelopon- B.C. 31 4. nesus, and made an expedition into ^Etolia and Acar- success of nania, where he persuaded the Acarnanians, for the purpose of more effectual union against their southern neighbours, to concentrate their scattered population in three cities, and left Lyciscus with a body of troops to protect them. He then marched northward against the Illyrian king Glaucias, whom he had ineffectually tempted, by a bribe of 200 talents, to deliver up the infant Pyrrhus, defeated him in battle, and compelled him to enter into a treaty, by which he engaged not to molest Cassander's allies. Then, having first reduced and garrisoned Epidamnus, he returned to Macedonia. Having secured his dominions by these barriers on the western side, he was at leisure to turn his atten- tion toward Asia, and it was urgently claimed by the danger which now threatened him from that quarter. Antigonus, eager to complete the conquest of Phoenicia, and to be at liberty for other enterprises, proceeded, as soon as he had collected a sufficient squadron, to blockade the harbours of Tyre. The garrison how- ever held out fifteen months, and, though at last com- pelled by famine to capitulate, obtained honourable terms, being allowed to depart with their baggage. While he was occupied with the siege, Ptolemy had been endeavouring to extend his influence in Cyprus, which after the loss of Phoenicia was doubly important to him. In the first year of the war (216), he sent 3000 auxiliaries to support his ally Nicrocreon, and in the following spring fitted out a larger armament, destined partly for the same purpose. It consisted of 100 galleys commanded by Polyclitus, and 10,000 mercenaries under an Athenian leader named Myr- 332 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, midon : but the whole was placed under the orders of . LVIIL , Ptolemy's brother Menelaus. War in At Cyprus they found Seleucus with his fleet, and Cyprus. concerted the plan of the campaign with him. It was resolved to send Polyclitus with fifty galleys to Pelo- ponnesus, where it was supposed that Alexander and Polysperchon were still acting on behalf of An tigonus : Myrmidon with his troops to Caria, to the relief of Asander, who was pressed by Ptolemaeus ; and that Seleucus and Menelaus should remain with the rest of the fleet at Cyprus, to carry on the war against the princes who had allied themselves with Antigonus. Two of them were forced to submit: Lapithus and Cerynia were taken by storm : but Citium made an obstinate resistance. Polyclitus sailed to Cenchrese, and there hearing of Alexander's alliance with Cas- sander, and seeing no employment for his squadron, set sail for the coast of Pamphylia, where he heard that a fleet commanded by Theodotus, the admiral of Antigonus, was on its voyage from Patara eastward, protected by a body of troops under Perilaus, which moved along the shore. Polyclitus laid an ambuscade for the land-force, and either killed or captured the whole, and took Perilaus himself prisoner. With his squadron, which he had concealed from view behind an adjacent promontory, he at the same time attacked the enemy, as they were about to land to succour their friends on shore, and took all their ships with a great part of the crews, with which he returned triumphantly to Cyprus, and then to Egypt, where Ptolemy munificently rewarded his exploit. This occurrence led to a negotiation between Ptolemy and Antigonus, who sent to ransom Perilaus, and some of the other prisoners, and, it seems, instructed his envoys to propose a personal interview with Ptolemy, who was then at Pelusium. It took place on the con- NAVY OF ANTIGONUS. 333 fines of Egypt and Syria, but we hear no more of it CHAP. than that it was broken off, because Antigonus would . LVnr - . not consent to Ptolemy's demands. Naval After the reduction of Tyre, Antigonus found p w ? rof himself in possession of a powerful navy, though it fell very far short of the numbers he had talked of. With reinforcements from Rhodes and the Hellespont, and some which he found in the ports of Tyre, it amounted to 240 vessels, of various sizes : among which were ninety of four banks of oars, ten of five, and as many of ten. The increase of dimensions in the ships em- ployed in naval warfare, corresponded to the enlarged scale of the contests carried on in this age, and to the growing attention paid to mathematics and to me- chanical inventions. He reserved a squadron of fifty sail, which he designed to send to Peloponnesus. The rest he placed under the command of his nephew Dioscorides, and directed him to cruise about the coasts and islands where he might deem his presence most useful. Cassander was aware that the preparations of Anti- gonus would before long be directed against himself: that as soon at least as he had sjibdued the resist- ance which was still opposed to him in Asia Minor, he would probably make an attack on Macedonia. He therefore, on his return from his expedition to Illyria, sent Prepelaus with a body of troops to Caria, to the aid of Asander, and required his two governors at Athens, Demetrius and Dionysius, to equip a squadron of twenty galleys for the recovery of Lemnos. They obeyed the order, and appointed Aristoteles to the command of the expedition. Seleucus deemed the object sufficiently important to call for his own pre- sence. He joined Aristoteles with his fleet. Yet they could not prevail on the Lemnians to abandon the cause of Antigonus, which they probably regarded as that of their own independence ; they preferred to 334 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, see their territory ravaged, and their town invested. IIL Seleucus then sailed away to Cos, leaving Aristoteles to conduct the siege. But Dioscorides, hearing of his departure, sailed to Lemnos. The superiority of his force must have rendered resistance hopeless. Aris- toteles himself escaped, but most of the ships, with their crews, fell into the enemy's hands. It was late in the autumn before Prepelaus arrived in Caria, and united his forces with those of Asander : and Ptole- masus, supposing that they would not commence ope- rations before the spring, retired into winter-quarters: the earlier, it seems, because he had lately lost his father, and wished to celebrate his obsequies. They sent a division of 8000 foot and 2000 horse under Eupolemus to surprise him. He however was apprised by some deserters of the enemy's approach, collected nearly an equal force from the nearest cantonments, fell on the camp of Eupolemus at midnight, took him prisoner, and forced his troops to surrender. With this occurrence the second year of the war ended. Antigonus, on the whole, had hitherto been gaining ground and strength : for the successes of Ptolemy and Cassander were not to be compared in importance with his conquests in Syria and Asia Minor : and as his resources were almost inexhaustible, he might cal- culate on the continual growth both of his military and naval power. But his marine had not yet, it seems, answered his expectations. More time was requisite to enable him to wrest the command of the sea from Ptolemy. We have seen that Dioscorides, though it appears that he had with him the bulk of his uncle's navy, had not ventured to attack Seleucus, or to attempt to relieve Lemnos, before he heard that Seleucus had sailed away. Yet his numbers cannot have been inferior to the enemy's : and it must be supposed that his crews wanted the practice of the sailors whom Ptolemy had brought from Phoenicia. ANTIGONUS IN THRYGIA. 335 At all events, Antigonus saw that he was not yet in CHAP. a condition to attack Ptolemy in his own dominions with any hope of success. He determined to turn his arms in person against Cassander and Lysimachus, to put an end to the war in Caria, and carry it over into Europe. When he had become master of Macedonia and Greece, it was probable that Ptolemy alone would not be able to resist him much longer. With these views, it appears, he resolved, at the end of 314, to take up his winter quarters in his old pro- vince Phrygia. He left Demetrius in Phoenicia, to watch Ptolemy's movements, with an army of about 12,000 foot and 5000 horse, and 40 elephants, but ap- pointed four experienced officers Nearchus, Pithon the satrap of Babylon, who had recently come down to Phoenicia, Andronicus, and Philippus to aid him with their counsels. In his first attempt to cross mount Taurus, he lost a number of men, and was forced to retreat, through a heavy fall of snow. But having waited for more favourable weather, he cleared the denies and took up his quarters for the rest of the winter at Celama3. In the spring he sent for his fleet from Phoenicia, and on its passage it fell in with a Macedonian squadron of thirty- six sail, which had perhaps been sent to the assistance of Asander, and captured the whole. The first operations of the cam- paign on the land were directed against Asander ; but at the same time an opportunity seemed to present itself for an attack on Lysimachus, who was threat- ened by a formidable confederacy of the Greek cities on the western coast of the Euxine. It was begun by Callatia, which had expelled the Macedonian garrison. This example was followed by Istria, Odessus, and other adjacent towns, and they formed an alliance with several of their Thracian and Scythian neigh- bours. Lysimachus however crossed the Balkan, recovered Odessus and Istria, and, after having de- 336 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, feated an army of Thracians and Scythians, who ^ ni ' , were advancing to the relief of their allies, laid siege B. c.313. to Callatia. Antigonus sent a fleet under Lycon, and siege of a land force commanded by Pausanias, to the aid of the besieged, and induced the Odrysian king Seuthes to revolt from Lysimachus, and to occupy the passes of the Balkan. Lysimachus however, leaving a suffi- cient force at Callatia, marched rapidly with the main body toward the Bosphorus, where Pausanias had en- camped. He dislodged the Thracians from the defiles, and soon after carried a strong position in which Pausanias had entrenched himself, killed the general, and forced all his troops to surrender. A part of them entered into his service. After this check, Antigonus resumed his original plan for the overthrow of Cassander's power in Greece. He now sent Telesphorus with a squadron of fifty sail and a strong land-force to Peloponnesus, with instructions to expel all Alexander's garrisons, and to leave the cities in perfect liberty. The Greeks, whatever they may have thought as to the motives of this proceeding, seem to have been willing to take advantage of it. In a short time all the cities of Peloponnesus were free from foreign tyranny, except Sicyon and Corinth, where Cratesipolis and Poly- sperchon were strong enough to defy both assault and intrigue. In the meanwhile Asander was so vigorously pressed by Antigonus, that he submitted to a treaty, by which he consented to surrender all his troops, to restore all the Greek cities of his pro- vince to independence, and to accept Caria as a grant from Antigonus. He gave his brother as a hostage, but soon after repented of his concessions, recovered his brother out of custody, and sent to implore aid from Ptolemy and Seleucus. Antigonus, indignant at this breach of faith, sent an armament, under Medius and Docimus, to dislodge all his garrisons from the NEGOTIATIONS. 337 cities on the coast ; and while they reduced Miletus, CHAP. T VTTT he himself stormed Tralles, and laid siege to Caunus. lasus in the meantime submitted to Ptolemreus. The whole province, it seems, was nearly in his hands, when his attention was diverted from it by the move- ments of Cassander. Before Caunus fell, though he had sent for the fleet under Medius to co-operate in the siege, he received an embassy from the -ZEtolians and Boeotians. The ^Etolians were in great distress. Cassander's general Philippus had been directed to in- vade ^Etolia ; but while he was ravaging the country, hearing that JEacides had returned to Epirus, had remounted the throne, and assembled a strong army to succour the ^Etolians, he advanced to meet him, defeated him with great slaughter, and took a number of his principal partizans, whom he sent to Cassander. .^Eacides however collected the wrecks of his army, joined the ^Etolians, and again gave battle to Philip- pus, but was once more routed, and slain. The xEtolians abandoned their unfortified cities, and re- tired with their families to their fastnesses, and sent the embassy to Antigonus. The Boeotians, who had probably never forgiven Cassander for the restoration of Thebes, were encouraged by the repeated declara- tions of Antigonus to hope that they might now safely defy his power. Antigonus concluded a treaty with both. But we are surprised to hear, that very shortly after he proceeded to the Hellespont, and had a con- ference with Cassander on terms of peace. Perhaps his motive will be best explained by the pacification which actually took place a year or two after. He could scarcely expect that Cassander would become his ally, unless he were allowed to retain possession of Greece, which Antigonus had engaged to make free. The negotiation must have been a feint, to answer a temporary purpose : it was however soon. VOL. VII. Z 338 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, broken off, and Cassander determined to secure his . ' ^ ' . hold on Greece by a fresh expedition. To have returned to Macedonia, collected an army and invaded Greece by land, would perhaps have re- quired too much time, or have left Macedonia too weak. His immediate object was to make himself master of Euboea, which was especially important to him on account of its vicinity to Thessaly, Boeotia, and Attica : and for this he seems to have thought that the small force he had with him at the Helles- Mostiie pont would suffice. It was with a squadron of no Euripus. tlie moi *e than thirty galleys that he sailed to lay siege to Oreus. Chalcis was already occupied by his troops. He commenced his operations so vigorously, that the place was on the point of falling into his hands, when Telesphorus arrived with twenty galleys and a thousand men from Peloponnesus, and soon after Medius with a ileet of a hundred sail from Asia. Cassander was now assailed in his turn. The enemy burnt a part of his ships which were blockading the harbour, and all would have been lost if they had not been protected by succours which arrived from Attica. With these he was still able to make head against the enemy. But in the course of the summer, Antigonus sent Ptolema3us, with 5000 foot and 500 horse, and a reinforcement of fifty galleys to Medius. They were accompanied by ten galleys which the Rhodians had been induced to furnish for what they considered as the cause of freedom. Ptolema3us entered the Euripus, it seems, from the south, was joined by a body of Bo3otian troops, drew away his fleet from Oreus, and threatened Chalcis ; so that Cassander was forced to raise the siege of Oreus and to move toward Chalcis. Antigonus in the meanwhile advanced toward the Hellespont, and sent for the fleet under Medius, to cross over into Europe and invade Macedonia. This danger compelled Cassander to return to his do- WAR IN GREECE. 339 minions. He left his brother Pleistarchus in com- CHAP. mand at Chalcis, and marched back over land to Macedonia. On his way he took Oropus by storm, engaged Thebes to abandon the Boeotian confederacy, and the Bceotian towns themselves to consent to a truce with him. Antigonus however was compelled to abandon his projected expedition, because the Byzantians, whom he had invited to join him, were induced, by the representations of Lysirnachus, to remain neutral. The season too was now so far advanced, that he thought it prudent to retire into winter-quarters. After Cassander's retreat, Ptole- masus took Chalcis, where, to prove the sincerity of his uncle's professions, he left no garrison, but en- gaged the Eretrians and Carystians in alliance with him, and marched into Attica. The Athenians had already opened a secret negotiation with Antigonus ; and when the forces of Ptolema3us approached the city, expressed their feelings in a manner which induced Demetrius the Phalerian to make a truce with him, and to send envoys to treat with Anti- gonus. Ptolemajus then marched northward, took the Cadmea, and left it in. the hands of the Thebans, and then, in like manner, liberated the Phocian and Locrian towns from the foreign yoke. While these events were taking place in Greece, Ptolemy, having suppressed an insurrection in Cyrene, made an expedition in person to Cyprus, punished Pygmalion, who had been treating with Antigonus, with death, made himself master of most of the cities which were still wavering, and left Nicocreon as his lieutenant in the government of the island. He then sailed along the coast of Syria and Cilicia, made in- cursions into the interior, took arid plundered several of the towns in Upper Syria, and lastly, having re- duced Mallus and ravaged the adjacent country, retired with the booty to his ships, and sailed away z 2 340 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, to Cyprus. Demetrius was roused by this intelli- LVIII . . gence, left Pithon in Phoenicia with the elephants and heavy infantry, and made a forced inarch into Cilicia with his cavalry and light troops. He came too late to overtake Ptolemy, and lost most of his horses through the rapidity of his movements and the lateness of the season (313). B.C. 312. In the following spring Ptolemy, encouraged by his ptok-my in- ^ Q success an d urged by Seleucus, determined to vades Syria. * , ' undertake the conquest of Ccelo-Syria. He advanced to the neighbourhood of Gaza, with an army of 18,000 foot and 4000 horse, partly Macedonians, partly mer- cenaries, and with, it seems, a far greater number of Egyptian troops. Demetrius quickly collected his forces to meet him. His council advised him not to venture a battle, in his father's absence, against so formidable an enemy ; but Demetrius, boiling with youthful impatience, disregarded their admonitions Battle of an d inspired his troops with his own ardour. Thus the battle of Gaza was fought. His numbers appear to have been very inferior to those of the enemy ; but, notwithstanding the valour he displayed at the head of his cavalry, his elephants, on which he had much relied, being entangled in the spikes of an iron palisade invented by Ptolemy for the occasion, be- came the principal cause of his total defeat. His loss amounted to 5000 slain, among whom were Pithon and other officers of high rank, and 8000 prisoners. Gaza, where he had left his baggage, while it opened its gates to his cavalry on his retreat, fell into the hands of the pursuing enemy. He himself escaped to Azotus, and sent a herald to ask permission to bury his dead. The conquerors not only granted this request, but restored all the baggage of his household and the most distinguished prisoners, without ransom: courteously adding, that it was not for the sake of these things they had quarrelled with Antigonus, but SELEUCUS RECOVERS BABYLON. 341 because he had refused to share his conquests with CHAP. the allies who had borne their part in his wars with L Perdiccas and Eumenes, and had unjustly deprived Seleucus of his satrapy. Ptolemy proceeded to reduce the Phoenician cities, one after another, Avhile Deme- trius, having retired to Tripolis, called on his father to return with the utmost speed to his aid, and col- lected his troops from the more distant garrisons. Antigonus affected to be little concerned by Pto- lemy's victory, won, as he said, over a beardless boy : ere long he should have to contend with men : and he soon had the pleasure to hear that his son had surprised Ptolemy's general Cillas, near Myus in Upper Syria, and had taken him prisoner with 7000 men. Demetrius, not to be outdone in generosity, sent Cillas and several of his friends back to Ptolemy without ransom : almost the only examples of a chivalrous spirit which gleam through this dark scene of fierce and treacherous' warfare : though Ptolemy also earned the praise of extraordinary magnanimity, by his mild treatment of Andronicus, who, as governor of Tyre, had grossly insulted him, and afterwards fell into his hands. But the victory of Gaza led to an- other event, which proved in the end fatal to Anti- gonus. Seleucus now thought that the time had arrived when he might recover his satrapy of Baby- Babylon. Ion. Ptolemy lurnished him with no more than 800 foot and 200 horse for this enterprise : but he relied on his popularity at Babylon, and on the omens and prophecies which had announced his high fortune. He was ready, it is said, to have undertaken it alone. His confidence was brilliantly justified by the event. On his march through Mesopotamia he strengthened his little band with a part of the Macedonian colonists at Came; and as he entered his old satrapy, the natives flocked to him from all quarters. The news of the battle of Gaza and of Pithon's death, no doubt z 3 342 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, contributed much to his success. The force left in Babylon appears to have been small ; and Polyarchus, one of the officers of Antigonus, went over to him with a thousand men. Those who remained faithful to Antigonus found resistance hopeless, and took refuge in one of the two citadels, where Diphilus the com- mander held out for some time. Seleucus however took it by storm, and found in it many of his servants and friends who had been confined there after his flight. Before however he had time to assemble any great force, he heard that Nicanor, the military go- vernor of Media, was on his march against him, with an army of 10,000 foot and 7000 horse, collected from Media and Persis. Seleucus, with as much boldness as he showed in the outset of his adventure, advanced to meet him with no more than 3000 foot and 400 horse. He trusted, it seems, partly to stratagem, and partly to the inclination of Nicanor's troops in his favour. In fact, having crossed the Tigris, and kept his little army concealed from view while the enemy approached, he surprised Nicanor's camp in the night : and when Evagrus, the satrap of Persis, had fallen in the tumult that ensued, the Persian troops, and a great number of the rest partly it is said through fear, tnd partly through the offence which Antigonus had given them passed over to his side. Nicanor, fearing lest he himself should be delivered up to Seleucus, fled with a few companions across the desert. That after this victory Seleucus soon made himself master of Media, Susiana, and some adjacent provinces, which probably comprehended Persis, seems easy enough to under- stand ; especially when we remember that the Persians had been deeply offended by Antigonus, and that Se- leucus had been satrap of Susiana a sufficient time to endear himself to some of the inhabitants, and to ren- der his winning character generally known. Soon after he had received the news of his son's vie- DEMETRIUS IN BABYLON. 343 tory at Myus, Antigonus moved to join him in Syria. ' CHAP. Ptolemy deliberated whether he should remain and LVIIL risk a battle, or retire into Egypt. His council decided for the safer course. He carried away all the treasure he could find, and on his retreat dismantled Ace (Acre), Joppa, Samaria, and Gaza. Thus without a blow Antigonus was again in possession of Syria : but SJJ^' under circumstances how altered from those in which he had left it ! He was then master of the East : now it was doubtful whether his authority was acknow- ledged in a single province beyond the Euphrates. Tt was however some time after his return to Syria before he was informed of this change in the posture of his affairs. While he might perhaps have prevented it, he was employing his forces in an expedition against the Arabians of Petra. His object was probably to strike a blow at the commerce of Egypt, which received the spices of Arabia through the tribe which he at- tacked. 1 But his design, whatever it may have been, was foiled by the patient valour of the children of the Desert. Demetrius, who conducted the expedition, was obliged to make an inglorious retreat, and pre- cious time was irredeemably lost. Soon after his return letters arrived from Nicanor, and some of the other governors of the eastern provinces, announcing the events which had occurred there. The accounts they gave of the rapid progress of Seleucus must have surprised and perplexed Antigonus. It was probably B. c. 311. with a twofold motive, to ascertain the real state of Expedition affairs, and to make a display of strength which might rius e e ~ serve to keep up his reputation in the West, that early Bab y'n- in 311 he sent Demetrius with an army of nearly 20,000 men to recover Babylon : but with instructions to return as soon as he should have reduced the pro- vince to obedience. Patrocles, who had been left by 1 See Hilllmann, Handels-geschichte der Griechen, p. 232. z 4 344 HISTORY OF GREECE. Seleucus governor of Babylon, with a very small force, was obliged to quit the capital on his approach. Demetrius however found both the citadels prepared to sustain a siege. He very shortly took one of them ; but the other held out until he thought it necessary to return to Syria. He left Archelaus with 6000 men to prosecute the siege, and to maintain his father's authority in the province: but the license which he gave to his troops to enrich themselves with the spoil of the country, while it strengthened the interest of Seleucus, showed that he himself considered his pos- session as very uncertain. While these important events were taking place in the East, the state of Greece remained unchanged. The only occurrence we find recorded in the interval is that Telesphorus, jealous of the superior rank and authority of Ptolema3us, renounced the service of Antigonus. With somewhat capricious honesty he sent back the squadron with which he had been en- trusted, but kept all the troops he could persuade to share his fortunes, and commenced a predatory war- fare on his own account. Before his treason was known, he made himself master of Elis in the name of Antigonus, and fortified the citadel and gar- risoned the port, Cyllene. He next proceeded to Olympia, plundered the temple, and levied fresh mer- cenaries. He had thus laid the foundation of a little principality. But PtolemaBUS, as soon as he heard of his proceedings, marched into Peloponnesus, took and rased the new fortress at Elis where it seems he found the spoil of Olympia which he restored to the temple and recovered Cyllene. Here again he ad- hered to the principles which his uncle professed, and replaced the Eleans in the unrestricted enjoyment of their city, port, and territory. Cassander had not been able to make any fresh at- tempts to regain the footing he had lost in Greece. He GENERAL PEACE. 345 had been occupied by a war in Epirus, occasioned by CHAP. the accession of Alcetas to the throne, and by an ex- ' pcdition against Apollonia, which, with the aid of the Corey raeans, had expelled his garrison, and formed an alliance with the Illyrian king Glaucias. Epidamnus had also revolted ; and the Apolloniates had collected an army, with which they ventured to give him battle Avhen he appeared before their walls. They gained the day, though, it seems, not any very decided ad- vantage : but it was sufficient, with the lateness of the season, to induce Cassander to return to Mace- donia. After his departure ^Leucas also called in aid from Corcyra, and freed herself from his garrison. The state of affairs in 311 was such as might natu- rally incline the belligerents toward a cessation of p hostilities. The principal of them had suffered checks and losses which rendered their prospects more than ever doubtful. It seems however to have been Cas- sander who made the first overtures of peace : and perhaps he now accepted the terms which he had rejected in the negotiation at the Hellespont; at least the conditions of the treaty were most unfavourable to him, and such as he could not have meant to fulfil. But after his reverses on the coast of the Adriatic, he might wish to gain time for fresh preparations, and to strengthen Macedonia, before he resumed the struggle for Greece. The motives of Antigonus appear clearly enough from the treaty itself. It was agreed that Cassander should retain his authority in Europe, with the title of Strategus, until the young king Alexander came of age. Lysimachus was confirmed in the pos- session of Thrace, Ptolemy in that of Egypt and the adjacent regions eastward and westward. The govern- ment of all Asia was assigned to Antigonus, and the Greeks were declared independent. The great conces- sion made to Antigonus, at a time when so large a part of Asia had actually slipped from his grasp, and 346 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, the omission of the name of Seleucus, have been thought to cast suspicion on the report which Dio- dorus gives of the treaty. But we do not know in what sense the authority of Antigonus in Asia was acknowledged by the other parties ; and they may have been the more willing to enlarge his title, the more they were led by the conquests of Seleucus to hope that he would never be able to enforce it. That Seleucus was not mentioned, seems to show that, as Antigonus was probably unwilling to recognise any of his pretensions, so his allies did not like to limit them. It was perhaps chiefly by the prospect of the aid which might in the course of time be expected from him, that Ptolemy and Lysimachus were induced to enter into the treaty. With Antigonus the principal motive may have been the article relating to Greece. If he could have prevailed on the other parties to execute it, and to withdraw their garrisons from Athens, Corinth, Sicyon, and whatever other towns they still held, he would have acquired a great increase of reputation, and would have been able to resume the war against Cassander with a considerable advantage. Whether the views of the contracting parties were such or not, the treaty was concluded without any sincere intention on any side to execute it, and with dispositions which rendered it certain that the peace would be of no long duration. 347 CHAPTER LIX. FROM THE PEACE OF 311 TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. Murder of Roxana and Alexander JEgus. Revolt of Ptolcmceus and Renewal of Hostilities. Hercules Pretender to the Throne. Treacherously murdered by Polysperchon. Ptolemy's Ex- pedition to Greece. Murder of Cleopatra. Demetrius the Phalerian. Expelled from Athens. Demetrius Master of Athens. Extravagant flattery. Rccal of Demetrius. Siege of Salamis in Cyprus. Sea-fight off Salamis. The new Kings. Expedition of Antigonus against Egypt. He is compelled to retreat. His War with the Rhodians. Rhodes besieged by Demetrius. Demetrius repulsed by Sea and by Land. Makes Peace ivith the Rhodians. Returns to Athens. His Excesses. His Expedition to Peloponnesus. He reduces Sicyon and Corinth. Congress at Corinth. Expedition of Demetrius to the West. Demetrius initiated. Lysimachus crosses over to Asia. Demetrius and Cassander in Thessaly. Movements of Antigonus and Lysimachus. Negotiation between Demetrius and Cassander. Demetrius in Asia. Ptolemy's Operations in Syria. Return of Seleucus from the East. Battle of Ipsus. Death of Antigonus. Flight of Demetrius. Conduct of the Athenians toward De- metrius. Partition. Results of the Battle of Ipsus. CHA1> - THE treaty of 311 was almost immediately followed by a tragical event, which may be considered as the natural consequence of one of its conditions. From Murder of the beginning of the war the young king Alexander and his mother had been kept in close custody at Am- phipolis, without the attendance befitting their rank. Cassander by this treatment had given sufficient evi- dence of his ultimate intentions with regard to them. He probably only waited until the Macedonians should have been reconciled to the spectacle of their degra- dation, and have forgotten them, to rid himself of 318 HISTORY OF GREECE. CII AP. them for ever. The declaration however, which An- LIX . " *' . tigonus made in their favour on his return from the East, may have revived the hopes of those who were still attached to the royal house : and the treaty, which solemnly recognised Alexander's title to the crown, must have excited still more sanguine expecta- tions. The young prince was now about sixteen, the age at which his father had been entrusted with the government of the state, arid the command of armies. His partizans openly expressed their wish to see him immediately released from confinement, and placed on the throne. That they were instigated to this injudicious display of their loyalty, which without any benefit to its object could not but, alarm Cassarider, and put him on his guard, by any secret machinations of Antigonus, seems a very needless conjecture ' : An- tigonus might safely anticipate that the terms of the treaty would produce this effect, and he was probably able to divine its remoter consequences. Cassander hesitated no longer. He ordered Glaucias, with all possible secrecy, to murder Roxana and her son, and to conceal their bodies. The deed however could not remain long unknown. That it gave the highest pleasure to Cassander's rivals, who saw him loaded with all the infamy, while they reaped the fruits of his crime, might have been easily supposed, even if Diodorus had not expressly asserted it. 2 It is only remarkable that none of them appear to have made any show of grief or indignation, much less were in- duced to dissolve the treaty and take up arms against the murderer. B.C. 310. The occasion which led to the renewal of hostilities Revolt of was of a very different kind. It was connected with a^miewli a breach which took place between Antigonus and of hostili- tics 1 Flathe, i. p. 498. 2 xix. 105. Yet it seems to be going rather too far to assert, as Schlosser does (i. 3. p. 420.), that the murder was a secret article of the treaty. RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES. 349 his nephew PtolemaBus. What grounds of complaint C J 1 1 AP- Ptolema3us had against his uncle has not been re- corded ; but it seems more probable that he had been disappointed in his private views, than that he took so deep an interest in the independence of the Greeks as to quarrel with Antigonus on their account. 1 Had that been the case, he would hardly have connected himself with Cassander, whose alliance he sought at the same time that he revolted from his uncle. He had it in his power to do great injury to Antigonus ; for Phoenix, whom he had left in command at the Hellespont, was his devoted friend, and Ptolema3us now sent a body of troops, to reinforce him, and ex- horted him to keep possession of the fortresses and cities of the Hellespontine satrapy, and to pay no regard to the orders of Antigonus. The rivals of Antigonus could not view this event with indifference; and Ptolemy considered it as a favourable opportunity for an attempt to deprive him of the cities on the coast of Asia, and of the islands, which were subject to him, and thus at once to weaken his maritime power, and to shut him out from Macedonia and Greece. The treaty afforded a fair pretext: it had declared that the Greek cities were to be restored to independence: yet a year had elapsed it was now 310 and still Antigonus had not withdrawn any of his garrisons from the towns on the coast of Asia, or from the islands. Antigonus perhaps had scarcely thought of any others but those of Proper Greece. Ptolemy however now sent a squadron under Leo- nidas to the western coast of Cilicia, to dislodge the garrisons of Antigonus from the maritime towns, and at the same time, by means of his envoys, endeavoured to unite those which lay in the territories of Cassander and Lysimachus in the cause of freedom. Antigonus 1 As Schlosser assumes, i. 3. p. 422. 350 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, sent his younger son Philippus against Phoenix, and . LIX- . Demetrius to Cilicia, where he defeated Ptolemy's commanders, and recovered the places which had fallen into their hands. The revolt of PtolemaBus and Phoenix, and Pto- lemy's enterprise, would probably be sufficient to explain why Antigonus made no attempt to arrest the progress of Seleucus in the East, even if this had been one of the purposes for which he concluded the treaty. That he should have so far relied on it, as immediately to set out on an expedition against Se- leucus, as has been conjectured 1 , is in itself highly im- probable : even if it were possible that Diodorus should have passed over such an event in total silence ; as the murder of Alexander must have warned him, that the peace was not likely to last long, and that he was in more danger than ever from Cassander. But it was apparently toward Macedonia that his attention was incessantly directed ; and Alexander's death seems to have suggested a project, by which he hoped to overthrow Cassander, and for which he had perhaps begun to make preparations soon after he heard of iiercuies that event. The young prince Hercules was still fo e the dcr living at Pergamus with his mother Barsine. During throne. the lives of Arrida3us Philip, and Alexander JEgus, he had no pretensions to the throne that could render him an object of jealousy or notice. But he might now be considered as the rightful heir : he had claims, at least, which in the eyes of all loyal Macedonians must have appeared incomparably stronger than those of Cassander, and he might therefore be set up against him with the fairest prospect of success. This engine however was in the hands of Antigonus, and could 1 Droysen (i. p. 399.), who finds a confirmation of his conjecture in Arrian, Ind. 43. and Polyaen. iv. 9. 1. But in the first of these passages Antigonus is not named, and the second may perhaps, as will hereafter be shown, be referred to a different epoch. HERCULES. 351 scarcely have been employed by any one without his CHAP. concurrence. Yet it is not Antigonus, but Poly- ,__ _^ sperchon, hitherto Cassander's ally, who appears as the maintainer of the rights of Hercules. Poly- sperchon, we are informed, sent for the prince from Pergamus, and exerted his own interest in Mace- donia and -ZEtolia with such success, that he collected an army of 20,000 foot and 1000 horse. Even if the plan had been his own, he would probably have com- municated it to Antigonus ; and he was perhaps only Antigonus's secret agent. This supposition is a little confirmed by the facility with which Poly- sperchon abandoned his enterprise. He had advanced with the prince to the town of Trampya, in the district of Stymphsea, on the south-west border of Macedonia, where his own patrimony lay 1 , when Cas- sander met him. The two armies were encamped not far from each other ; and Cassander, alarmed at the indications of popular feeling he perceived, which led him to fear that he should be deserted by his own troops, made secret overtures to Polysperchon ; re- presenting to him that, if he succeeded in his en- terprise, he would sink into a private station as the young king's servant: and offering, if he would change sides, not only to restore all his private pos- sessions in Macedonia, but to share his own authority with him, and to send him with an army to take the government of Peloponnesus. Polysperchon, B.C. 309. whose conduct toward Phocion proved that he was a Treacbe- stranger to every feeling of honour, having calculated dered b y ur the profit of his treachery, consented to sacrifice his ward, and caused him to be either poisoned 2 or strangled 3 at a banquet. Cassander, it seems, re- warded him with a hundred talents, as an earnest of 1 Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 802. 2 According to Tzetzes, and Pausanias, ix. 7. 2. 3 Plutarch, De Vit. Pud. 4. 354 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, branch of the royal house, would have given him as " * ' . good a title as any one now could claim, to the throne of Macedonia. She was probably weary of her long confinement at Sardis, and accepted the offer of his hand as her sole remaining chance of liberty and power. She made no secret of her designs, but openly set out from Sardis to embark for Egypt. Antigonus was apprised of her movements, and or- Murdcrof dered his governor of Sardis to arrest her. Soon cieopatra. a ft e r fresh instructions arrived, in compliance with which the governor caused her to be assassinated by some of her women. Antigonus, to veil his own share in the infamous transaction, punished the wretched creatures with death, and honoured the remains of his unhappy victim with a royal funeral. We may judge of the sincerity of the indignation he had expressed at Cassander's proceedings. Yet Anti- gonus was confessedly one of the better and more noble-minded of Alexander's successors. He now thought it time to make a more vigorous attempt to wrest Greece out of the hands of Ptolemy and Cassander, and thus to open another easier road into Macedonia. Demetrius was eager to undertake the enterprise. He was a youth of ardent spirit, of lively imagination, of inordinate passions : divided, throughout his life, between ambition and the love of pleasure, alike insatiable and ungovernable in each : the Alcibiades of his age. In the midst of his public and private occupations, he found leisure for severer studies, and, if he had not been a statesman and a sol- dier, he might have been renowned as the most expert mechanician of his time. He delighted in the in- vention of extraordinary engines, which exhibited at once the grandeur of his conceptions, and the inge- nuity and skill with which he could carry them into effect. He was captivated by the thought of be- coming the benefactor and patron, rather than the DEMETRIUS THE PHALERIAN. 355 master, of Greece. Athens especially attracted him CHAP. by its name, and by the character of the people, in so . many points congenial with his own. He aspired to the glory of accomplishing their deliverance, of winning their affection, of ruling over them with their free consent. Early in the summer of 307 he set sail from Ephesus with an armament of 250 sail, a_ great store of ammunition, and a treasure of 5000 talents, and steered direct for Athens. It was now more than ten years that Athens had Demetrius the Pha- remained under the government of Demetrius the i er ian. Phalerian, who, under the modest title of Guardian, with the Macedonian garrison and the fear of Cas- sander to support him, in fact exercised unlimited authority. The accounts which remain of his admi- nistration would be perplexing from the appearance of contradiction they present, if the length of the period during which his rule lasted did not enable us to reconcile them. Demetrius was of very low, if not of servile origin 1 : yet he was liberally educated, was a hearer of Aristotle's scholar, Theophrastus, arid diligently cultivated rhetoric, criticism, historical learning, and political philosophy. He was an agree- able speaker, an elegant and voluminous writer. It was perhaps by his literary pursuits that he first recommended himself to the patronage of Cassander, who was so warm a lover of Homer, that he copied out the Iliad and Odyssey with his own hand, and could repeat almost every verse : and one of the mea- sures of Demetrius was to revive the public recitation of the Homeric poems in a new form. 2 For some time after his elevation to power, he appears to have wielded it moderately and wisely. It seems as if he aspired to emulate Solon and Pisistratus. He intro- duced indeed no fundamental changes into the con- , V. H. xn. 43. * Athenaeus, xiv. 12. See Bode, Geschichte der Helknischen Dichtkunst, i. p. 272. A A 2 356 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, stitutlon, but preserved its forms, while he enacted many laws, of which Cicero and other impartial judges speak with great approbation. He adorned the city with useful, if not magnificent buildings 1 : he raised the public revenue to the same amount (1200 talents) as it had reached during the administration of Ly- curgus. A very surprising proof of the general pro- sperity which Athens enjoyed under his sway 2 , is afforded by a census which he took of the population, probably in the year of his archonship 309, from which it appeared that Attica contained 21,000 free- men, 10,000 resident aliens, and the prodigious number of 400,000 slaves. The 21,000 must have included all the citizens who were debarred from the exercise of their franchise by the want of the requisite qualification : their proportion to the rest is not stated : but, since 12,000 were excluded by Anti- pater's regulation, the number of slaves possessed by the remaining 9000 citizens, and by the aliens, must have been enormous : not much less, it would seem, than twenty to each. It is remarkable that sump- tuary laws were among the acts of Demetrius, which we find mentioned. He limited the number of guests at feasts 3 , and, to check the excessive magnificence which was displayed by the wealthy at funerals, or- dered them to be celebrated before daylight. He himself appears to have retained the early simplicity of his habits, and the philosophical frugality of his 1 Kol irpoff6Sois Kai Ka/raffKevais rj#|7j hero to whose presence of mind they were indebted for their victory. Makes peace Notwithstanding this repulse, Demetrius still pro- fessed his intention to continue the siege. But if he was not weary of it himself, his father perceived that it was interfering with more important objects, and might lead to disastrous consequences ; and he di- rected his son to make peace on the best terms he could. Demetrius only waited for an opportunity, and one was soon after presented by the arrival of envoys from Ptolemy and the ^Etolians, who came for the same purpose. Ptolemy it seems with a friendly motive counselled the Rhodians to accept any tolerable conditions from Antigonus. The .ZEto- lians appear to have been impelled by their hostility to Cassander. Both the parties perhaps made some concessions which they had before refused. The Rhodians were allowed to retain their independence, the sole occasion of the long struggle. They con- sented indeed to enter into alliance with Antigonus, but were neither to receive a garrison nor to be forced to join in any expedition against Ptolemy. On the other hand they were to deliver a hundred hostages, whom Demetrius might select, except persons in office. This was not the demand which had roused their resistance. Demetrius retired from the siege in which he had now been engaged a whole year, after an immense loss of treasure and life, without any compensation but the -equivocal title of Poliorcetes (the besieger) : though it was more pro- perly applied to him, than the name of Helepolis to his baffled engine. To the Rhodians there remained the consciousness of heroic efforts in a noble cause, crowned with glorious success: and the pleasing duty, to fulfil their vows to the gods, and testify their gratitude to their benefactors. The theatre and DEFEAT OF CASSANDER. 381 temples rose again in more than their former beauty ; CHAP. statues were erected in honour of Cassander and Lysirnachus. To Ptolemy something more was felt to be due. It is only surprising that the Athenian flattery of Demetrius did not divert them from the thought : but they obtained permission from the oracle of Aminon to confer divine honours on Pto- lemy, and consecrated a piece of ground inclosed by a portico, under the name of the Ptolemseum. Their concluding transaction Avith Demetrius was a singular exchange of courtesy. Before he sailed away, they requested, and it seems obtained, some of his engines, as monuments of his power, and though this may have been only in their thoughts of their own gallantry. While Demetrius was wasting his time and strength against Rhodes, Cassander had been making great progress in the conquest of northern Greece, and obtained possession of Corinth, which he consigned to the care of Prepelaus, and had laid siege to Athens : and Polysperchon had recovered the greater part of Achaia, Arcadia, and Argolis. Demetrius only waited to collect his forces, and sailing direct to Eubcea, entered the Euripus with a fleet of 330 sail in- cluding perhaps the transports and a numerous army. He expelled the Boeotian garrison from Chalcis, and pursued Cassander, who on the news of his ap- proach had raised the siege of Athens, and retreated northward, as far as the Spercheius. Near Ther- mopylae it seems an action took place between them, in which Cassander was defeated, Heraclea surren- dered to the conqueror, and 6000 Macedonians de- serted to him. On his return he received the sub- mission of the Boeotian towns, and as he entered Attica, reduced Phyle and Panactum, which were still held by Cassander's garrisons. These were the presents perhaps not less acceptable than the corn 382 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIX. B. C. 303. His ex- cesses. and timber with which he greeted the Athenians on his entrance into Athens. If his presence did not awaken the same feelings as before, it was hailed with Returns to an appearance of even warmer enthusiasm. It was indeed difficult to invent new honours for him which could seem greater than those he had already re- ceived : but the flatterers imagined that he might be gratified with the profanation of what still remained most venerable in the eyes of the people : and it was decreed, that the Opisthodomus, the hinder cell of the Parthenon, should be assigned as his lodging. But the charm of novelty was past : and he began to be sickened with the incense so prodigally offered. It might seem impossible to insult a people which had so far lost all respect for itself: and Demetrius per- haps did not think that he was giving offence, when he made the freest use of its hospitality, and polluted the sacred dwelling by scenes of the coarsest de- bauchery. The most notorious courtezans of the day were the most decent, the least infamous of the in- mates with whom he shared the temple of the virgin goddess, his elder sister, as he was used to call her ; and it seemed as if the people did not shudder at this desecration of their Holy of Holies. On the contrary, the men who assumed to be its organs, went still a step farther, and proposed temples, and libations, and paeans, for his favourite mistresses, and his vilest pa- rasites: a species of flattery however, in which the Thebans, it seems, had already led the way. 1 Deme- trius himself was surprised rather than pleased, at the excess of their servility. It hurt his self-com- placency to find himself the champion and protector of so degenerate a race : and he was heard to com- plain, that in his day there was no Athenian left who possessed any vigour or dignity of soul. 1 Athenaeus, vi. 62. DEMETHIUS IN ATHENS. 383 Yet indications were not Avanting, which might CHAP. have convinced him that feelings still survived, on which he was recklessly trampling, and which, though they might be stifled, did not cease to suffer: that / o there were men still worthy of the name of Athenians, who were painfully conscious of the public ignominy. A youth named Cleametus, whose father had incurred a penalty of fifty talents, obtained a written order from Demetrius that it should be remitted. The order was obeyed : yet for a moment the spirit of the people seemed to revive, and a decree was passed that no citizen should present a letter from Demetrius. Soon -however it became known that the king had expressed vehement indignation at this faint outbreak of the manly spirit which he affected to regret ; arid Stratocles flew to his post. He alarmed the people with a picture of the consequences that might follow from this rash step, and procured a decree, by which its authors were condemned to death or banishment, with a declaration which recognised the principle of Anaxarchus : that whatever king Demetrius should command, was agreeable to piety and justice. There were still some bold enough to say, that Stratocles must be out of his senses, to propose such extravagant decrees. But Demochares who knew that he was richly rewarded by Demetrius for his infamous ser- vices remarked, that he would not be in his senses, if he were not out of them. 1 This sarcasm on a creature of Demetrius, touching as it did a secret of state-policy, could not be forgiven : a pretext was soon found on which he himself was condemned to exile. So the winter passed away : with the return of nis expe- spring (303) Demetrius started with his usual alac- p l e iopon- 1 Plutarch, Deraetr. 21. /J.aivoiro p.evr' &v el ^ ^aivono. Like the saying ascribed to Themistocles : OTroiAcfyiefl' to d /u$j oHrwAtytefla. 384 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, rity from the lap of pleasure, and again took the field. ' His first object was to recover Peloponnesus from Cassander, Polysperchon, and Ptolemy. The order of his operations is subject to much doubt : but it seems most probable that his first attempts were directed against Sicyon and Corinth. He had already the year before made himself master of Cenchreaa, and this seems to have suggested a stratagem, by which he surprised Sicyon. It appears that he ad- vanced to some distance beyond the Isthmus, and then retreated with the main army to Cenchreas, Avherc he seemed to abandon himself entirely to plea- sure. But he had left a body of mercenaries under Diodorus, with orders to move suddenly on Sicyon from the side of Pellene ; the fleet, or a squadron, which lay in the Corinthian gulf, was directed at the same time to appear before the harbour 1 : and he him- self after a proper interval set out with the rest of his forces to support them. Diodorus, by a sudden night-attack, had taken the lower city : but the gar- rison made good their retreat to the citadel. Not- withstanding its strength the governor Philippus, either terrified by the besieger's engines, or won by his gold, surrendered to Demetrius on condition that the garrison should be allowed to return to Egypt. Demetrius then persuaded the inhabitants to abandon the lower town, and to transfer their dwellings to the table-mount on which the citadel stood, which from the steepness of its sides afforded the advantages of a natural stronghold, while the abundance of water, and the elevated position, rendered it a more agreeable residence. Demetrius rased the old town to the ground, and the new one was carried rapidly forward 1 So Polysenus, iv. 7. 3.; and hence Droysen infers that the fleet had been' ordered to sail round Peloponnesus. As we find no other object assigned for this long voyage, it seems rather improbable, and this feature may have been added fo the stratagem by the narrator. Diodorus makes no mention of the fleet. DEMETRIUS IN PELOPONNESUS. 385 by the labour of his troops. It was for some time CHAP - called after him Demetrias, and the inhabitants, de- lighted with the change in their situation, for which they willingly resigned the dangerous neighbourhood of the sea, honoured him with annual games and sa- crifices as their founder. Their gratitude was the livelier as he left no garrison behind him. He then and co- turned his arms against Corinth. Here he had par- tizans within, one of whom admitted his troops by night through a postern into the city. The garrison continued to hold the two citadels, the Sisypheum and the Acrocorinthus : but when he had stormed the Sisypheum, Prepelaus, despairing it is said of resist- ance, or using this pretext to cover the bribe he accepted 1 , surrendered the impregnable Acrocorinthus on the same terms which had been granted to the garrison at Sicyon. His conduct was on every sup- position dishonourable : yet he appears to have retained his master's confidence. Corinth was a point of too much importance to be risked for the sake of a name : and Demetrius probably suggested the request of the Corinthians which he most readily granted, that he would occupy it with his troops until he should have ended the war with Cassander. After the fall of these places, Polysperchon's garrisons were soon dis- lodged from the Achaian towns. At ,ZEgium Strom- bichus the commander, and eighty of Polysperchon's partizans, were put to a cruel death, for which Strom- bichus alone appears to have given provocation by an insulting defiance of the conqueror. His operations were equally successful in Arcadia, where Mantinea alone offered resistance, and in Argolis. At Argos he made a long stay, not only to celebrate the Herman games, but to solemnise his marriage with the princess Deidamia, whose brother Pyrrhus had been restored 1 According to Plutarch (Dem. 25.) a hundred talents, VOL. VII. C C 386 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, by Glaucias to the throne of Epirus, and, as Cassander's . mortal enemy, was already closely allied in interest congress at with Demetrius. Demetrius was now able to obey connth. fa e directions which he had received from his father before he last quitted Greece : and he collected an assembly of deputies at Corinth, which in its numbers presented the appearance of a national congress. It invested him with the title which had been bestowed on Philip and Alexander at the same place, and voted a body of troops for his war with Cassander. As the time spent in these transactions, and the order in which they succeeded each other, cannot be clearly ascertained \ so the operations of Demetrius, immediately after the congress, which seems to have concluded his campaign in Peloponnesus, are involved in great obscurity. It would have seemed allowable to presume that he returned to Athens for the winter with Deidamia; but we find him elsewhere so early in the ensuing spring, and apparently on his return from a distant quarter, that it is difficult to believe Expedition he had been there only a month or two before. Yet triu^tTthe *t * s near ly certain that in the interval between the west. autumn of 303 and the spring of 302, he made an ex- pedition to the west of Greece, which was in some way connected with the affairs of Leucas and Corcyra, and was in part directed against the ^Etolians, not- withstanding the alliance which he had so lately con- tracted with them. 2 We know indeed that Corcyra had lately fallen into the hands of the Spartan adven- turer, Cleonymus, who had been sent by the parent state to aid Tarentum in her wars with the Lucanians and the Romans : and Demetrius may have been 1 Diodorus (xx. 102, 103.) only relates the operations on the coast of the Corin- thian gulf. Plutarch (Dem. 25.) mentions the other points in a very confused manner. Droysen supposes that Sicyon, Corinth, and Achaia, were the last objects of attack : chiefly, it seems, on account of the expression avexpr)fff and the mention of the fleet in Polya;nus. 2 Athenseus, vi. 62, 63, DEMETRIUS INITIATED. 387 tempted by the opportunity of effecting its deliver- CHAP. ance, and thus establishing his influence there. His rupture with the ./Etolians may have arisen out of his recent alliance with Epirus ; and perhaps such an oc- casion would offer the best explanation of an expedi- tion undertaken at such a season, and at a time when he was preparing to decide his contest with Cassander for the possession of Macedonia. However this may be, toward the end of March, 302, we find him again on his way to Athens, and announcing his approach in a letter to the people with an extraordinary de- mand, which shows that the impression which had been made on him during his second visit had not been weakened by his absence, and that he had learnt to expect, as the price of freedom, unlimited com- pliance with his will. He had conceived a desire to B - c. 302. be initiated in the Eleusinian Mysteries, and to be ad- pe etr i us J initiated. mitted to their last stage : and he now requested that the whole might be despatched in the course of the next month, after which he designed to set out on his expedition to Macedonia. There were two difficulties in the way : the Mysteries called the Lesser, at which the initiations took place, were celebrated in the month Anthesterion, nearly answering to February : the Greater, in Boedromiori, or September, when an- other step was taken by the candidate : but between this and the last, which introduced him to the epopteia the full possession of all the secrets hidden in the recesses of the mystic sanctuary from profane curiosity a year's probation was required by the law which had hitherto been held sacred. But it had already been decreed that the will of Demetrius was the only measure of piety and justice: and Stratocles lighted on an expedient to reconcile it even with the letter of the law in most points. The next month was called Munychion : but a decree might change its name to Anthesterion : and when Demetrius had been initiated, c c 2 388 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP - it might by the same power be transformed into Boe- dromion, and such a candidate might well be allowed to pass at once from the second degree to the last. This motion was carried, notwithstanding the opposi- tion of the chief minister of the Mysteries, the Torch- bearer Pythodorus. Demetrius on his entrance was received with all the honours that could have been paid to a present deity : incense, garlands, libations, sacred hymns and dances. One of the poems sung on this occasion by a chorus, has happily been preserved : less remarkable perhaps for the profaneness of its flat- tery, in which it could not go beyond Stratocles, than for the boldness with which it avows an utter disbelief of the whole established system of religion. The other gods are either far away. Or their ears are lacking, Or else they are not, or they heed not us. Thee we see before us : No form of wood or stone, but flesh and blood : and it proceeds to pray, that he would grant peace to the world, and punish the rapacious JEtolians, who had now begun to infest the distant coasts of Greece. If, after these honours, and the fruition of the mystic vision, Demetrius laid a tax of 250 talents on Athens, and, when it was collected, distributed it among his mistresses for their dressing tables *, or if he permitted them to extort money in his name, we cannot perhaps censure him as ungrateful: but we may reasonably be surprised that he should still have thought that he retained some claims on the gratitude of the Athenians. In the meanwhile Cassander was aware of the -danger that threatened him : he knew that Deme- trius, having made himself master of Greece, meant to bring all his forces to bear on Macedonia, and he felt himself unable to resist the attack. Yet before he prepared for defence, he resolved to try the effect 1 Eh 0-fMriy/j.tt, Plut. Dem. 27. DEMETRIUS IN THESSALY. 389 of an appeal to the moderation or prudence of Anti- CIIA P gonus, and sent to propose terms of peace. The answer was dictated by the consciousness of an overwhelming pOAver: Cassander must submit to the pleasure of Antigonus : there could be no peace be- tween them on any other terms. But Cassander had not sunk so low, and perhaps had only made the ex- periment that he might have a better claim to the aid of his allies. He invited Lysimachus to a conference, and they sent a common embassy to Ptolemy and Seleucus, to represent the danger with which all alike were threatened by the arrogant ambition of Anti- gonus, who, once master of Macedonia, would be able to overpower every rival. But the enemy was too near to let them wait for foreign succours, and they concerted a plan for a diversion, which might paralyse the movements of Demetrius. It was agreed that Lysimachus should cross over into Asia, with a divi- sion of Cassander's forces under Prepelaus, added to his own, to carry on an offensive war with Antigonus, while with the rest Cassander advanced to check the progress of Demetrius. In the spring of 302 Lysi- machus executed his part of the treaty, and having crossed the Hellespont, began a series of operations in Asia Minor, the result of which will be hereafter related. Cassander moved into Thessaly, and sent a detachment forward to occupy Thermopyke. Demetrius had already assembled his land and sea Demetrius forces at Chalcis, and now sailed into the gulf of Pagasa3, and made himself master of Larissa Cremaste, and several places in the south of Thessaly. Cassander strengthened the garrisons of Pherse, and the Pthiotic Thebes, and was still at the head of an army of nearly 30,000 foot and 2000 horse. That of Demetrius was nearly double this number. The contingents of the Grecian states formed its main strength, amounting to 25,000 men : the remainder was composed of 8000 c c 3 390 HISTORY OF GREECE. of Anti- gonus and Lysi- machus. CHAP. Macedonians, 15,000 mercenaries, 8000 light troops, chiefly the pirates who had served him in the war with Rhodes, and 1500 horse. The two armies remained long encamped in face of each other. Cassander from the sense of his weakness must have wished to avoid an engagement : but Demetrius, with fatal and inex- plicable remissness, did not attempt to force him from his position : both we are told waited for tidings from Asia, where, it was seen, the struggle must finally be decided. 1 Demetrius was invited by a party at Pheraa to take possession of the town, and, marching against it with a division of his forces, compelled Cassander's garrison to evacuate the citadel. This was the only Movements use he made of his army in Thessaly. Lysimachus began his campaign with great success on the coast of the Propontis, and, having reduced several of the principal towns, sent Prepelaus to overrun JEolis and Ionia. He prepared to besiege Abydos, but a rein- forcement sent to its aid by Demetrius induced him to abandon this design, and he quitted the coast to 1 Droysen has some judicious remarks on the conduct of Demetrius and Anti- gonus on this occasion. He observes, apparently with good reason, that Demetrius flung away his advantages : that he might have crushed Cassander and Lysimachus, and have enabled his father to meet Seleucus with an irresistible superior force. The superiority of Demetrius however was owing, it must be remembered, to the 25,000 men furnished by Greece. When therefore in a preceding page (179.) Droysen represents the states of Greece as having lost almost all political importance, and observes that, if the Macedonian chiefs still concerned themselves about what the Greeks said, it was merely their ancient renown and their intellectual culture that^rom time to time gave these little states the chimerical importance of powers, while in fact they were of no weight, except as staples of the civilisation which was to be carried over into Asia, as military posts in the struggle of parties, as objects of pity and magnanimity, on which it might be reputable for the possessors of power now and then to bestow the political alms of freedom : this remark must be strictly confined to the individual states, and is only true to the extent, that no one state was of itself any longer politically important. But though in this sense the remark is true, it is one of those half-truths, which are more likely to mislead than to benefit the reader, especially when expressed in such ambiguous language, which might easily tempt him to apply it to the whole of Greece. What the Greeks said, so far as it indicated the side on which they would throw their weight, was still a matter of the greatest political importance. It was not for the sake of a name that the possession of Greece was so eagerly coveted by the Macedonian rulers, and be- came the object of such long and obstinate contests". We see that, in return for the political alms of freedom, the Greeks were able to furnish their benefactor with a force which, properly employed, would have made him master of Alexander's empire. MOVEMENTS OF LYSIMACIIUS. 391 complete the conquest of the Hellespontine Phrygia, CHAP. and then marched against Synnada, which was held . LIX ' ,. by Docimus, the general of Antigonus, and contained large magazines, and a considerable treasure. He prevailed on Docimus to corne over to his side, and thus became master of this important fortress. In the meantime Prepelaus had advanced to Ephesus, which surrendered without resistance. Here he found and released the Rhodian hostages, who had been left there by Demetrius. He did not impose a garrison on the city, but burnt all the ships in the harbour, which were useless while the enemy commanded the sea. Teos and Colophon likewise yielded to him : but Erythra3 and Clazomena3 received succours from Demetrius, which enabled them to repel his attacks, and having ravaged their territories, he moved against Sardis. Here Phoenix imitated the example of Doci- mus, and surrendered the town ; but its impregnable citadel was commanded by Philippus, who remained faithful to Antigonus. Antigonus was still at his new capital on the Orontes, in profound security, arid had made great preparations to celebrate the completion of his work with magnificent games, when he received the un- expected tidings, that Lysimachus had crossed the " Hellespont. He immediately broke up the festival, and, dismissing the competitors and the artists he had collected with royal presents, hastened to the defence of his dominions. He moved by forced marches into Cilicia, and at Tarsus gave three months' pay in ad- vance to his troops, and drew 3000 talents from the treasury at Quinda. He then crossed the Taurus, and entered Cappadocia. The approach of Lysimachus had excited a general revolt in the Upper Phrygia and Lycaonia, but *the presence of Antigonus re- duced both provinces to obedience : and Lysimachus determined to wait for the arrival of Seleucus, to c c 4 392 HISTORY OF GREECE. ^ a ^ c U P a strongly fortified position, and remain on the defensive. Antigonus came up, and, having vainly endeavoured to draw him into an engage- ment, began to intercept his supplies. Lysimachus was forced to decamp, and by a forced march of some fifty miles reached the fruitful plain of Dorylamm, on the banks of the Thimbres and the Sangarius, where he again intrenched himself. But he was pursued by Antigonus, who, finding that he still declined a battle, proceeded to inclose his camp with lines of circum- vallation. Lysimachus, failing in all his attempts to obstruct the progress of the enemy's works, and seeing himself threatened with famine, took advan- tage of a stormy night to withdraw unobserved, and crossed the mountains into Bithynia. Antigonus, when he discovered his escape, attempted to overtake him by a different route, which traversed the plains north of the Sangarius. But it was now late in the autumn : heavy rains broke up the roads, and sub- jected his troops to great hardships and losses : so that he found himself obliged to abandon the pursuit, and to retire into winter-quarters, doubtless in some part of Phrygia. He had hoped to strike a decisive blow before the arrival of Seleucus, who was so far * on his way from the East that he might be expected to appear on the theatre of war very early in the fol- lowing spring. He had now reason to fear that his forces would be unequal to the approaching contest, and he therefore sent a message to Demetrius, direct- ing him to come over to Asia, with all his forces, without delay. Lysimachus took up his winter- quarters in the plain of Salon, in the interior of Bithynia, which was famed for its rich pastures 1 , and he entered into a connection with Heraclea, which enabled him to draw abundant supplies from 1 Strabo, xn. p. 565. DEMETRIUS IN ASIA. 393 the coast of the Euxine. Heraclea was at this time CHAP. governed by Amastris, whom Craterus on his marriage .. L * x ' . with Phila had transferred to its tyrant Dionysius. 1 Her character, no less than her position, rendered her alliance extremely desirable for Lysimachus ; and he solicited and obtained her hand. Demetrius, as soon as he received his father's Negotu orders, which probably arrived not long after he had twe^De- taken Pheroe, entered into negotiation with Cassander, metrius and ' 1-Ti 1 Cassander. and concluded a treaty, which however was not to be valid unless it should be ratified by Antigonus. His object was to prevent Cassander from profiting by his absence : and one of the articles provided that all Greek cities, as well in Europe as in Asia, should remain independent. Cassander, who only wished to be delivered as soon as possible from the presence of his formidable enemy, assented to his proposals : and Demetrius, when he had collected a sufficient number of transports, embarked with all his troops for Asia. He directed his course to Ephesus, and, having en- pemetrius camped near the walls, soon compelled the town to submit, and the garrison to evacuate the citadel, which, in spite of the recent treaty, he occupied with his own troops. He then marched toward the Helles- pont, and recovered most of the places which had fallen into the hands of Lysimachus : and proceeding to the mouth of the Euxine, left 3000 men in a for- tified carnp, with a squadron of thirty galleys, to secure the passage, and immediately afterwards dis- tributed the remainder of his army in winter-quarters among the Hellespontine cities. Cassander no sooner saw the field clear, than he began to recover the places which he had lost in Thessaly : at the same time he sent his brother Pleistarchus, with 12,000 foot and 500 horse, to the aid of Lysimachus. Pleistarchus 1 Memnon ap. Phot. p. 224. a. 394 HISTORY OP GREECE. CHAP, marched to the Bosporus, but finding it guarded by LTX ' the squadron left by Demetrius, he proceeded to Odessus, and collected transports to carry his troops over to Heraclea. But being unable to procure a suf- ficient number of vessels, he divided his army into three bodies, which embarked in succession, himself accompanying the last. The first only arrived in safety : the second was intercepted by the squadron of the Bosporus : and the third was overtaken near the coast of Asia by a storm, in which the greater part were lost. The galley in which Pleistarchus himself sailed, was wrecked ; and he narrowly escaped on a plank. After a short repose at Heraclea, he repaired to the winter quarters of Lysimachus. rtoiemy's During these transactions Ptolemy had not been inactive ; but though he had readily promised his aid to Cassander and Lysimachus, he showed little concern for their interests. He indeed made an expedition into Syria, when Antigonus had left it, but only that he might reduce it under his own dominion. He had made himself master of Ccelo- Syria, and was engaged in the siege of Sidon, when a report was spread, that Lysimachus and Seleucus had been defeated by Anti- gonus and had retreated to Heraclea, and that Anti- gonus was on his march toward Syria. One might be inclined to suspect that Ptolemy himself had forged this news, for the sake of a pretext under which he might decently return to Egypt. The season was probably so far advanced that he could not hope to make himself master of Sidon that year, and he clearly wished to keep aloof from the great struggle which was about to take place, and to reserve himself with imdiminished forces for the conqueror. He therefore pretended to be deceived by the false alarm, hastily concluded an armistice for four months with the Sidonians, and having left garrisons in the conquered cities, returned to his own kingdom. SELEUCUS. 395 The eyes of men were now bent most anxiously on CHAP. the movements of Seleucus. During the interval *'. which had elapsed since his return to Babylon, he had subjected to his rule all the provinces of Alex- ander's empire east of the Euphrates, and it seems had penetrated into India even beyond the limits which Alexander had reached. But this great expe- dition was destined to be known to us only from its results. Scarcely a single fact relating to it has been preserved from oblivion. We learn however that in India he was engaged in war with a powerful prince named Sandrocottus, who from an obscure condition had become the ruler of a mighty empire, but that he afterwards contracted an alliance with him, as the price of which he received 500 elephants. It is pro- bable that he ceded all the conquests made either by Alexander or himself, east of the Indus, and even the territory lying between the upper Indus and the mountains, to his new ally, whose friendship was likely at this period to be more useful to him than the possession of those remote provinces. He foresaw that on his return to the West he should be forced to stake all he had acquired in a struggle with Antigonus : and the embassy of Cassander and Lysi- machus can have done no more than quicken his movements. We do not know where it found him: B.C. soi. but it was already winter, and perhaps the year 301, Return of when he entered Cappadocia, where he halted to wait from the for the spring, having provided his troops with strong East - tents, to winter in the field. He came at the head of 20,000 foot, 12,000 horse, 480 elephants, and more than a hundred war-chariots. Yet it appears that alone he would not have been able to withstand the united forces of Demetrius and Antigonus, and that it could riot have been difficult for them to prevent his junction with Lysimachus, on which the issue of the next campaign would 396 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, mainly depend. The loss of the remaining books of . Diodorus leaves us wholly uninformed as to the movements of the belligerents before the summer, when we find Lysirnachus and Seleucus together, and offering battle to Antigonus and Demetrius. If we might venture to refer a stratagem of Seleucus, re- ported by Polyaenus 1 , which has been supposed to belong to an expedition of Antigonus of which we find no trace in history, to this period, we might con- jecture that, before Demetrius joined his father, Se- leucus had gained some advantage over Antigonus, which, though of no moment in itself, opened a passage for Lysimachus to unite his forces with those Battle of of his ally. It was however near the little town of Ipsus in Phrygia, that the decisive battle took place. The combined forces of Seleucus and Lysimachus in- cluded 64,000 foot, and not less, it seems, than 12,500 horse, besides the elephants and the war- chariots. Those of the rival kings numbered 70,000 foot, 10,000 horse, and 75 elephants. Demetrius was accompanied by the young king of Epirus, who had come as a fugitive to his camp, having been driven from his dominions by a revolt which broke out kindled possibly by the intrigues of Cassander while, believing his authority firmly established, he was on a visit at the court of Glaucias, to be present at a marriage of one of the royal family. Antigonus was now eighty years old. Yet the vigour both of his body and his mind was but little impaired. He had been wont to speak with contempt of the coalition formed against him : it was a flight of sparrows, which he would scatter with a single cast of a stone, and the sound of his voice. He disdained to resort to the arts of negotiation, by which he might perhaps have separated them with a still 1 iv. 9. 1. BATTLE OF IPSUS. 397 slighter effort, if he would have condescended to hold CHAP. out the lure of moderate concessions to each. But he could not bear to part with the thought, which he had so long cherished, and once had so nearly real- ised, of a universal monarchy. Yet now, on the eve of the momentous conflict, he felt his haughty spirit weighed down by forebodings, which he betrayed by a marked change in his air and demeanour. Hitherto in the presence of an enemy, his loud voice, his high language, his ready jests, had been used to inspire his troops with his own never-failing confidence. Now he was observed to be thoughtful, grave, seldom breaking silence. He even presented Demetrius to the army as his successor, and for the first time in his life admitted him to secret consultations in his tent: an indication that he, who had never before disclosed his plans, until he gave his orders, now felt himself in want of advice. Demetrius too in the night before the battle had an inauspicious dream. Alexander had appeared to him, armed for combat ; had asked the watchword, and then declared that he was going over to the enemy. On the morning of the eventful day, Antigonus, as he stepped out of his tent to see his line formed, stumbled and fell prostrate. When he had recovered himself, he lifted his hands to heaven, and implored the gods to give him victory, or death before he was conscious of defeat. The battle seems to have been decided chiefly through the impetuosity of Demetrius and the mass of the enemy's elephants. He had routed the cavalry opposed to him, which was headed by Antiochus, the son of Seleucus. While he was engaged in the pur- suit, the elephants moved forward, and interposed an impenetrable mass between him and the phalanx. Seleucus seized the opportunity to hover with the remainder of his horse on the flank which was left exposed, never coming to a charge, but repeating his 398 HISTOllY OF GREECE. CHAP, threatening demonstrations, until he had thrown it t ' into disorder. It would seem as if he must have had some secret intelligence, which led him to expect the result that ensued. One wing broke away from the rest, and came over to his side. This desertion spread terror and confusion among the ranks. Pyrrhus gave the first proofs of the impetuous valour which he afterwards displayed in so many happier fields, and for a time thought himself victorious: but the day was irrecoverably lost. He was hurried along in the general flight. The prayer of Antigonus seemed to have been heard. He still kept his ground after he had been deserted by all but a few of his officers. As the enemy came up, one of his attendants ex- claimed, It is against you, sir, they are making. Why, who else, replied the old man, should be the mark? Death of But Demetrius will soon be here to the rescue. While he looked round him in vain for his son, a shower of darts fell, and many pierced him at once with mortal wounds. His followers fled, all but a Larissean, named Thorax, who remained by the corpse. It was interred by the victors with royal obsequies. night of Demetrius made his escape from the field accom- >emetriu S . panied by Py^us, with 5000 foot, and 4,000 horse, and directed his march with the utmost speed toward Ephesus. The Ephesians trembled, lest, at a time when he had such urgent need of money, he should be tempted by the treasures of their temple. But it seems that he did not feel himself yet driven to such an expedient, and was only anxious that the sacrilege should not be committed by his soldiers without be- nefit to himself; and on this account put them imme- diately on board the fleet, which lay in the harbour, and sailed away, leaving a garrison under the com- mand of the Ephesian Diodorus. 1 His first care was 1 Probahly the same person who is mentioned by Polysonus, vi. 49. Whether he was the officer whom Demetrius employed in the attack on Sicyon, is doubtful. CONDUCT OF THE ATHENIANS. 399 the discharge of a pious duty, which however hap- CHAP. pened to coincide with his interest. His mother Stra- . LIX ' . tonice had been left by Antigonus at Tarsus: and there was also a treasure which might still be saved from the enemy's hands. He therefore made for Cilicia, took his mother and the treasure on board, and carried them over to Cyprus, where his wife Phila was residing. 1 He was of too sanguine a temper, and had too high an opinion of his own merit, to be easily cast down by any reverse of fortune. He looked to Greece as still his own, and as ground where he might maintain an independent position, until an opportunity should occur for new enterprises. He therefore bent his course to Athens ; there he had left a part of his fleet, including a galley of thirteen banks of oars, the remains of his treasure, and his wife Deidamia: and its situation was the most op- portune for any movements which his prospects might require. But before he reached the coast of Caria, he received intelligence that Diodorus had agreed, for a bribe of fifty talents, to betray Ephesus to Lysi- machus. He therefore steered with a part of his fleet toward Ephesus, and leaving the rest at anchor behind the nearest headland, made for the mouth of the harbour with a single galley, in which a trusty officer, named Nicanor, appeared as commander, while he himself remained below. Nicanor invited Diodorus to a conference on the subject of the garrison, as if apprised of his design, and disposed to second it. Diodorus came to the ship's side in a boat ; Demetrius then made his appearance, sank the boat, took all the crew prisoners, and having landed gained possession of the place. 2 He now struck across the ^Egean toward conduct of Attica : but before he reached it he was destined to a ni !; ns to !~ bitter disappointment. As he passed through the T -i i 1.1. IT! j metnus. Cyclades, he was met by Athenian envoys, who begged 1 Diodorus, xxi. Eclog. i. p. 489. 2 Polysenus, iv. 7. 4. 400 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, him not to proceed toward Athens, since the people had decreed that none of the kings should be ad- mitted within the city, and had escorted his wife Deidarnia, with all the honours due to her high station, to Megara. This treatment, we are informed, wounded Demetrius more deeply than any of his late disasters : he had borne them with serenity and cheer- fulness: but he was almost stunned by this unex- pected blow, and could scarcely recover composure enough to send an answer suited to his altered cir- cumstances, which did not permit him to resent it, gently complaining of their conduct, and requesting that they would restore his ships. This request was granted; and he proceeded to the Isthmus, where he found that the event of the battle had produced as unfavourable an effect on the state of his affairs in Peloponnesus, as it had at Athens. All that can surprise us in the transaction is the degree to which he must have been blinded by inor- dinate vanity, when he expected a different reception from the Athenians. It would seem as if he had for- gotten everything that had occurred since the time when he first presented himself as the liberator of Athens and of Greece : or, as Plutarch suggests, that he remembered only the honours he had received, and not the manner in which he had requited them. If the Athenians had deserved to be treated as the vilest of his slaves, if they had offered their necks, before he trampled on them, if the servility which disgraced them was properly to be attributed to the sentiments of the whole people, and not to the arts of a few of his own parasites, how could he believe that a people so utterly degraded should be capable of such generous constancy, as to adhere to him in his fallen fortunes ? If they still retained so much virtue, and if the old Athenian spirit was not altogether extinct, it was cer- tainly not a friendly welcome, but rather the language THE PARTITION. 40 of indignation, scorn, and loathing, which he would CHAP. have expected, if he had ever viewed his own conduct . LIX in its true light. The behaviour of the Athenians was in every respect wise and becoming, and might have been called noble, if it had been less prudent. After the battle, it remained for the conquerors to Partition, divide the spoil. The dominions of Antigonus were actually in the hands of Seleucus and Lysirnachus, and they alone had achieved the victory. It does not appear that they consulted either of their allies on the partition, though it seems that they obtained the assent of Cassander. They agreed to share all that Antigonus had possessed between themselves. It is not clear on what principle the line of demarcation was drawn, nor is it possible to trace it. But the greater part of Asia Minor was given to Lysimachus. The portion of Seleucus included not only the whole country between the coast of Syria and the Euphrates, but also, it seems, a part of Phrygia and of Cap- padocia. 1 Cilicia was assigned to Cassander's brother Pleistarchus. With regard to Syria however a diffi- culty remained. The greater part of it had, as we have seen, been conquered by Ptolemy: Tyre and Sidon alone were still occupied by the garrisons of Antigonus. Ptolemy had at least as good a right as his ally to all that he possessed : though we do not find sufficient ground to believe, that Syria had been ceded to him by Seleucus, before the last campaign, as the price of his assistance, by formal treaty. 2 Seleucus however began to take possession of it, and when Ptolemy pressed his claims returned an answer, mild in sound, but threatening in its im- 1 Appian, Syr. 55. 2 As Droysen would infer from the argument of the Egyptian ambassadors reported by Polybius (v. 67.), which does not require such an interpretation. It seems indeed hardly to be reconciled with the language of Seleucus in Diodorus ( Mai, ii. p. 43. ) : Siitaiov flvai rovs rfj irapara^tt KpaTriffavras Kvpiovs uirdpx*"' r&v $opvKTi)T>fjs) vff-repov Of PoV\fVfftff6cU TTWS XP T / v Diodor. xx. 111. * Strabo, xvi. p. 355. Tauchn. 404 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP, appear that any compact was made between Cassander and his allies as to the possession of Greece. It was probably understood, that he should keep whatever he might acquire there. It may be doubted, whether the forces of Greece, if they had been united and well directed, would not have been quite sufficient at this time to cope with those of Macedonia. Nor is it likely that any of Cassander's allies would have interfered to promote his aggrandisement. But the only man who could have united the Greeks, as a free people, in resistance to Macedonia, was Demetrius. If he had been worthy of the opportunity which now offered itself, a new era might have been opened for Greece. But he had forfeited the confidence of the nation : no Greek who loved his country could care much whether he or Cassander might prevail. All that was certain was that Greece must shortly become the scene of a fresh contest, in which her strength would be wasted, without a chance of reward or even the illusion of hope. END OF THE SEVENTH VOLUME. LONDON SroTTiswoonEs and SHAIV, New- street- Square. 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