XT THE HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES HUBERT H. BANCROFT r- X BANCROFT LIBRARY V O L. I. CENTRAL AMERICA VOL, I. 15 01 -15 3O ' , PROSPECTUS OF THE LITERARY WORKS OP HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT SAN FBANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1882. ... ,-. THE LITERARY WORKS OF HUBEET HOWE BANCROFT. THE AUTHOR. Mr Bancroft was born at Granville, Ohio, in 1832. His parents were from New England, and he was early trained in all the stern doctrines of the Puri tans. Working on the farm during summer, and attending school in winter, the time passed by, until in his sixteenth year he went to Buffalo, and entered the store of a bookseller. There he remained four years, until 1852, when he was sent by his employer to open a bookstore in California. The death of his patron disconcerted his plans, and it was not until 1856 that the business was begun on Montgomery street, in San Francisco. Though extremely fond of books, he was a diligent man of business, and applied himself early and late to place his establishment in the first rank on the Pacific Coast. His habits of industry never left him, and when he entered the field of letters, he carried with him not only the pecuniary means essential to the achievement of great results, but those common-sense views which spring from practical business experience, and which literary men so often lack. BANCROFT'S WORKS. THE LIBRARY. Hardly had Mr Bancroft begun his business career in San Francisco when he saw that much valuable information relating to the Pacific Coast was being lost, was dropping out of existence for want of some one to save it. Having from the first a penchant for publishing, and feeling a growing need of this lost Knowledge in the preparation of books for the press, be began instinctively to gather and preserve it. First he went over his stock and placed by them selves all books and pamphlets on California and Oregon. Then from all parts of the country he brought in material, gradually extending the area of his territory, until the western half of North America was embraced within its limits. Then he went East, and to Europe, to see what could be gathered there; and this he did many times, with much diligence, and at great expense. Both business and Library having assumed con siderable proportions, in 1869 Mr Bancroft erected a large building on Market street, and moved into it, the Library being placed on the fifth floor. There it remained, subject to no small risk from fire, until 1881, when Mr Bancroft purchased a large lot on Valencia street, built in the middle of it a two-story and basement brick building, 40 by 60 feet, covered all the openings with strong iron shutters, and in it placed his books, maps, and manuscripts, which by this time numbered 35,000, besides 400 files of Pacific Coast newspapers. There they now stand, building and books, a monument to the elevation of mind and patient devotion of the collector. The plain exterior of the substantial structure is somewhat relieved by the trees and flowers which sur round it; the interior is conveniently arranged, and well lighted and ventilated. The main library and working room is on the second floor. Here also is THE LIBRARY. 5 the historian's private study, a large apartment facing the south and east, with light softened by tints agree able to the eye, and tastefully furnished. Four tables covered with historical notes, arranged in the order required by the writer for immediate use, occupy the floor; at one of these the historian may sit and write, at another he may stand. At one end is a case filled with manuscript ready for the printer, while on the walls are hung, beside maps for constant use, certifi cates of degrees conferred and memberships of learned societies. Three rooms in the rear are used by as many of Mr Bancroft's staff, while the remainder occupy the main hall. The Library walls are filled with shelving nine tiers high, containing four classes of books. Most of the space is occupied by works alphabetically arranged, each volume bearing a num ber, and the numbers running .consecutively from 1 to 12,000, which constitutes the first class. The second class is that of rare books, three hundred volumes set apart by reason of their great value, not merely pecuniary, though each volume will bring from $40 to $400 in the book markets of the world, but literary value as standard authorities, bibliographic curiosities, specimens of early printing, and rare linguistics. Not one of these volumes but is worthy of careful study, particularly the earliest products of the Mexican press, and the first books, printed in California. The third class is composed entirely of manuscripts, in 1200 volumes of three subdivisions relating respect ively to Mexico and Central America, to California, and to other Pacific States. There are here many curious and valuable sixteenth -century records of Mexican affairs ; but the Calif ornian is attracted more particularly to the Californian manuscripts, number ing nearly 600 volumes. Here he is shown, first, the public archives of the State, and of its chief towns, from 1769 to 1847, in 76 volumes, copied and extracted from 500 tomes, and no end of packages of original records, preserved by the United States government, G BANCROFT'S WORKS. and by the various counties; then 6J. volumes of Mission Archives, copied from the writings of the old padres, and supplemented by several bulky volumes of originals; next 100 large volumes of private archives, most precious of all, consisting of some 5000 original papers collected from native Californian and pioneer iUinilies. The number of volumes gives no idea of the value of this collection, since each one would furnish from 10 to 50 documents heretofore wholly unknown, each of which by itself would send the enthusiastic local annalist into ecstasies. Two hun dred volumes of original narratives from memory by as many early Californians, native and pioneer, writ ten by themselves or taken down from their lips by Mr Bancroft's agents, constitute a valuable and unique mass of historic data; and finally a miscellaneous col lection, 130 volumes strong, completes the Californian manuscripts. The thoughtful visitor is impressed particularly with the ideas, first, that it would be folly to attempt the writing of an exhaustive history without this material; and secondly, that for no other country in the world does there exist so perfect a collection of material for its earliest annals. The fourth class is that made up of 450 works of refer ences, bibliographies, etc. This makes a total of 13,950 volumes, which were placed on this upper floor immediately on completion of the building. Descending by a wide, open stairway, which practi cally throws the whole Library into one room, the visitor finds on the side- wall shelves of the lower de partment 104 sets, aggregating 10,000 volumes. These sets are conveniently lettered and numbered in a man ner that renders each work readily accessible, but which need not be described in detail here. They consist of large collections of voyages and travels, and of documents, periodicals, legislative and other public productions of the different states and territories, col lections of laws and legal reports, California supreme court "records and briefs, scrap-books, almanacs, di- THE LIBRARY. 7 rectories, folios, bound volumes of pamphlets, and other miscellaneous matter. Here may be noticed Lord Kingsborough's famous folios on Mexican an tiquities; a splendid set of the United States Explor ing Expedition in 27 volumes, quarto and folio; the tomes of photographs and engravings on Mexican and Central American ruins by Charnay, Waldeck, Du- paix, and others; 130 volumes of Judge Ben Hayes' historical collection on Southern California; works in Russian on Alaska, and the Ross colony; and some thousands of Mexican sermpnes in 60 volumes. Of no inconsiderable importance is a set of Papeles Varios, in 216 volumes, including some 3000 Mexican pamphlets, largely political in their nature, and invaluable for historic purposes. This grand set has been formed by uniting a dozen smaller ones collected by as many prominent Mexicans in past years. On the rear or western wall are the United States government docu ments, numbering 2000 volumes. Three lofty double tiers of shelving which extend across the room from north to south are loaded with the bulky files of 400 Pacific States newspapers, before mentioned, amount ing if a year of weeklies and three months of dailies be counted a volume to over 4000 volumes. It is a somewhat unwieldy mass, but indispensable to the local historian. In this room is a huge case with drawers for maps, geographically arranged, and also cases containing card indexes and catalogues, which have been prepared with great labor, and which for working purposes are found infinitely preferable to any system of classifying books on the shelves. Amongst the first labors of the librarian after removal was to copy the card catalogue into an imperial folio volume of 1400 pages, and place in each volume the book mark of 'THE BANCROFT LIBRARY/ Maps and historic prints fill all not otherwise occupied space on the walls; scattered about on top of the book-cases, and elsewhere, are some aboriginal relics and curiosities which have at various times been presented to the 8 BANCROFT'S WORKS. Library by its admirers, but Mr Bancroft makes no effort to collect in this direction. The basement of the building is used for storage of fuel, of stereotype plates, and other articles. The Library is still grow- in-- at the rate of about 1000 volumes a year. It is clearly evident to every intelligent person that the creation of this Library was an important event in the annals of the country. Nothing approaching it in originality, value, and magnitude has ever been accomplished in America, even by a state, a govern ment, or a society. None but a private individual could have collected this material; none but a man of ability, wealth, and literary enthusiasm qualities which we rarely see combined could have remained capable and constant during the long series of years necessary to such a development. If a state or so ciety would vote and supply the money, which they would be backward about doing even if they could; and if the officers of the state or society did not sUul or misapply it; where would be found a compe tent person ready to devote thirty years of his life in the quiet, persistent effort necessary? Who would have tramped the whole world, searching every nook and corner of it for additions to an accumulation of facts? And when all printed material had thus been brought from the four quarters of the earth, the work was only just begun. There were a thousand, five thousand witnesses to the early history of this coast yet living, whom, as before intimated, Mr Bancroft resolved to see and question, all of them possible; and a thousand he did see, and a thousand his assistants saw, and wrote down from their own mouths the vivid narratives of their experiences. Then there were the government and family archives which he gathered or copied, and the thousands of stray documents he hunted and filed away for safe keeping. And after many years were thus spent, and many thousands of dollars, to erect a substantial edifice for the accommo dation and preservation of this priceless material AUTHORSHIP. 9 has the thing ever been done in any such way as this before ? No one with money could go into the market and buy such a collection ; all the money in the United States could not reproduce it were it scattered or de stroyed. Like the mammoth trees of California, such a Library is a growth, a development; it cannot be made to order, or spoken into existence. A visitor writing in an Eastern journal says :-^" As I left The Bancroft Library, it was with a conviction that the institution visited is one whose existence marks an era in the history of our far West. I know of no other private library anywhere for which a sep arate edifice has been erected. I doubt if there be another building used like this exclusively as a lite rary workshop. Certainly there is none such where there is no hope of pecuniary gain from the product of the labor done." And a Californian writes: "For a private individual, a man of business, to collect 35,000 volumes on a special subject, and to erect a building to hold it, and preserve it from fire, at a cost of not less than $150,000; to go further, and devote his time and income to the profitless task of placing accurately on record his country's history, is a remarkable and unprecedented thing. We are glad and proud that it is in our state of California that such an evolution is to be noted. Mr Bancroft we suppose is after fame, and makes no claim to philanthropic motives; yet such a man, if it be a desirable thing that a country's history should be written, seems very like a public benefactor." THE WORK. It was not until after several years had elapsed from the beginning of the collecting, nor until the Library numbered over 12,000 volumes, that Mr Bancroft entertained serious thoughts of authorship. But during the process of collecting there had arisen in him a strong desire for production. He wished 10 BANCROFT'S WORKS. during his life-time to see his collection utilized. By the year 18G8 this desire became so strong in him that he determined to place in his brother's hands the active management of the business, retaining his interest in it nevertheless, and to devote the re mainder of his life to literary pursuits. It seemed due to science, to history, and to phi losophy, that information concerning a new and rapidly developing country, information of vast im portance to its occupants and to mankind everywhere, should not be simply hoarded by its possessor, but should be made the common property of all. Here were many measures of valuable knowledge brought together, but this knowledge was in such a shape as to be of little value to any one; being scattered through these thousands of volumes in half a dozen different languages, buried in illegibly written manu scripts, and mixed with an immense mass ,of useless ui id irrelevant matter, with petty personal narratives, voyages and travels, and local history, unimportant alike to the general reader and to the scholar. While life is so short, and there is so much to be learned, while mankind are hurrying forward so rapidly, and books and inventions are multiplied, the searcher after information wants his facts brought before him in a clear, compact, and well-arranged form, so that he may obtain them fully and quickly. Hence it was that Mr Bancroft concluded that he could do no better work, none that would more benefit mankind or reflect higher credit on himself, than to sift this material and bring together and arrange these facts HI a series of at 'once compact and exhaustive works. In other words, he determined to write and publish a number of books, with this new Western Coast as the basis of them all, taking up one subject after another, such as its native races, its history, and the like, and to continue his labors as life and health should be spared The obstacles were great, but so were his resolu- AUTHORSHIP. 11 tion and his courage. Unused to literary labor, all was experiment with him at first, yet he planned boldly, and brought large resources to his aid. Real izing fully how little one laborer alone could accom plish in such a field, he sought to utilize the labor of others. But being himself at a loss how to start the work, he found it difficult to direct others. And thus passed a year, two years, nearly all of which were in one sense lost; for he was obliged to try at least a hundred persons unable to render him any assistance for every one who finally proved of value. As competent persons were secured, he set about indexing the subject-matter of his whole collection. Selecting some thirty or forty subjects which approxi mately embraced all real knowledge historical, eth nographical, biographical, and physical he made an index of the whole mass as one would index a single book; thereby enabling the writer on any one of these topics to follow his subject through this other wise trackless sea of knowledge. A stranger views with astonishment, as he inspects the Library, a great number of queer-looking paper bags, such as are used by grocers, seemingly out of place in a library, until informed of their use. The contents of these bags represent labor which cost not less than $80,000, consisting, as they do, of millions of notes and refer ences made by Mr Bancroft's assistants, all working upon the same model, so that what ten or a hundred authors have said on each individual topic and inci dent may be brought before him at one time. It was here ascertained by experience that in no other way could notes be so conveniently arranged, or so compactly classified. Money has been mentioned once or twice in this connection. Although there are some things money cannot buy in which category we may safely place the enthusiasm and application of which were engen dered the literary labors of Mr Bancroft and al though money cannot write books, yet a lavish expen- 1-j BANCROFT'S WORKS. diture during a long term of years has been absolutely essential to this achievement. During the fifteen years of active operation, in addition to the cost of his Library, his Library Building, and his own per sonal efforts and outlays, Mr Bancroft has spent not ] >s than $300,000 in indexing, note-taking, making references, and in classifying, sifting, and arranging materials for his Literary Works. Yet this he counts as nothing. He has never for a moment regretted it. He might economize in some things, but not in this. The money was spent in a good cause. He did not indulge in literature for gain; he was too experienced a publisher to imagine for a moment that work of this kind would pay pecuniarily. Not that he was opposed to pay, or would think any the less of his work if it did pay; but he knew it to be contrary to the nature of things that there should be profitable returns from such expenditure. He will get back Avhat he can in the publication of his work, but he is perfectly satisfied to be out several hundred thousand dollars. He expected nothing less. What he wants, and all he wants, is a just and proper appreciation of what he has done on the part of good and intelligent men everywhere, and that is being done to his entire -faction, as innumerable of the highest testimo nials from all parts amply assure us. When Mr Ban croft gave to the world the first fruits of his literary toil, in a work of 5 vols. 8vo, entitled The Native Races of the Pacific States, the magnitude of the undertak ing, and the great labor of which it bore the marks, created a veritable surprise in the reading and scien tific world; and not only this, but the author's faith ful research, fair treatment of other writers cited, modest pretensions, and graceful, vigorous literary style won for him the warmest praise from scholars on every side. No work of its solid class in the past fifty years has been so extensively and so favorably r-\ tewed by the critics at home and abroad. But this by no means filled the measure of his am- AUTHORSHIP. 13 bition. It was history, and that alone of the first order, that would satisfy him. Indeed, the Native Races was more the result of accident a lucky one as it proved than of design. It happened in this way. After giving up making an encyclopedia, which was Mr Bancroft's first idea, he seated himself to write history. Beginning with the coming of Rodrigo de Bastidas upon the isthmus of Panama, then and thereafter whenever Europeans touched the country in any of its several parts, they encountered the ab origines, whom the historian could neither wholly pass by nor at once portray. The consequence was a separate work describing them, which, to what should follow, was at once independent and intro ductory. This being done, Mr Bancroft went on with his History of the Pacific States, carrying it to successful completion. This, indeed, is a series of full and complete histories from the coming of Euro peans to the present time, and comprises Central America; Mexico; New Mexico and Arizona; Cali fornia; Utah and Nevada; The Northwest Coast; Oregon; Washington, Idaho, and Montana; British Columbia; and Alaska. After the History comes the California Pastoral, being interesting and vivid sketches of life in California under the Mission re gime. California Inter Pocula treats of the abnor mal proceedings during the flush times. The work entitled Popular Tribunals makes the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance the central figure. In the Literary Industries the author gives details concern ing his life work, and his life experiences. Further descriptions of all these works are given in their several Prospectuses. HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES o c /; A ,v V 4 3TV* 2> A C I />' 7 (' THE WORLD .-The white part showing THE PACIFIC STATES. \ HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES OF NORTH AMERICA. BY HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME I. CENTRAL AMERICA VOL. I. 1501-1530. SAN FRANCISCO : A. L, BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1882. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of tho Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Rights Reserved. HISTOKY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. BY HUBERT H. BANCROFT. In about Twenty-eight Volumes, Octavo, averaging 700 pages each, with Maps and Illustrations. VOL8. I. II. III. VOLS. IV.-IK. VOLS. X.-XL VOL. XII. VOLS. XIII.-XIX. VOL. XX. VOL. XXL VOLS. XXII.-XXIII. 'VOLS. xx iv. -xxv. VOL. XX VI. VOL. XXVII. VOL. XXVIII. HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA. HISTORY OF MEXICO. HIST. OF THE NORTH MEXICAN STATES. HISTOR Y OF NEW MEXICO AND ARIZONA . HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. HISTORY OF NEVADA. HISTORY OF UTAH. HISTORY OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. HISTORY OF OREGON. HISTORY OF WASHINGTON, IDAHO, AND MONTANA. ' HISTORY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, HISTORY OF ALASKA. TURNING to the Preface of the Native Races we find expressed some of the ideas of Mr Bancroft respect ing his work in his own words. " In pursuance of a general plan involving the pro- (5) 6 BANCROFT'S WORKS. duction of a series of works on the western half of North America," he writes, "I present this delinea tion of its aboriginal inhabitants as the first. To the immense territory bordering on the western ocean from Alaska to Darien, and including the whole of Mexico and Central America, I give arbitrarily, for want of a better, the name Pacific States. Stretch ing almost from pole to equator, and embracing within its limits nearly one twelfth of the earth's surface, this last Western Land offers to lovers of knowledge a new and enticing field; and, although hitherto its several parts have been held somewhat asunder by the force of circumstances, yet are its occupants drawn by nature into nearness of relationship, and will be brought yet nearer by advancing civilization; the common oceanic highway on the one side, and the great mountain ramparts on the other, both tend ing to this result. The characteristics of this vast domain, material and social, are comparatively un known and are essentially peculiar. To its exotic civilization all the so-called older nations of the world have contributed of their energies; and this com posite mass, leavened by its destiny, is now working out the new problem of its future. The modern history of this West antedates that of the East by over a century, and although there may be apparent heterogeneity in the subject thus territorially treated, there is an apparent tendency toward ultimate unity. "Of the importance of the task undertaken, I need not say that I have formed the highest opinion. At present the few grains of wheat are so hidden by the mountain of chaff as to be of comparatively little benefit to searchers in the various branches of learn ing ; and to sift and select from this mass, to extract HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 7 from bulky tome and transient journal, from the archives of convent and mission, facts valuable to the scholar and interesting to the general reader; to arrange these facts in a natural order, and to present* them in such a manner as to be of practical benefit to inquirers in the various branches of knowledge, is a work of no small import and responsibility." And in the Preface to the History of the Pacific States, which will bear the closest perusal, there is set forth much that we wish to know regarding this work, as well as the work in general. It reads as follows : PREFACE. During the -year 1875 I published under title of TJie Native Races of the Pacific States, what purports to be an exhaustive research into the character and customs of the aboriginal inhabitants of the western portion of North America, at the time they were first seen by their subduers. The present work is a history of the same territory from the coming of the Euro peans. The plan is extensive and can, be here but briefly ex plained. The territory covered embraces the whole of Central America and Mexico, and all Anglo-American domain west of the Rocky Mountains. First given is a glance at European society, particularly Spanish civilization at about the close of the fifteenth century. This is followed by a summary of maritime explora tion from the fourth century to the year 1540, with some notices of the earliest American books. Then, 8 T, AXCROFT'S WORKS. Aiming with the discoveries of Columbus, the Europe are closely followed as one after jmnthcr they find and take possession of the coun try in its several parts, and the doings of their successors are chronicled. The result is a HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES OF NORTH AMERICA, under the following general divisions: History of Central America; History of Mexico; History of the North Mexican States; History of New Mexico and Arizona; History of Calif nm>a; History of Nevada; Hist- of Utah; History of the Northwest Coast; History of Oregon; History of Washington, Idaho, and Mon ti; History of British Columbia, and History of Alaska. Broadly stated, my plan as to order of publica tion proceeds geographically from south to north, as indicated in the list above given, which for the most part is likewise the chronological order of conquest and occupation. In respect of detail, to some extent I reverse this order, proceeding from the more gen eral to the more minute as I advance northward. The difference, though considerable, is however less in reality than in appearance. And the reason I hold sufficient. To give to each of the Spanish- American provinces, and later to each of the federal and inde pendent states, covering as they do with dead mo notony centuries of unchanging action and ideas, time and space equal to that which may be well employed in narrating north-western occupation and empire- building would be no less impracticable than profit less. It is my aim to present complete and accurate tories of all the countries whose events I attempt to chronicle, but the annals of the several Central American and Mexican provinces and states, both HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 9 before and after the Revolution, run in grooves too nearly parallel long to command the attention of the general reader. In all the territorial subdivisions, southern as well as northern, I treat the beginnings and earliest development more exhaustively than later events. After the Conquest, the history of Central America and Mexico is presented on a scale sufficiently com prehensive, but national rather than local. The north ern Mexican states receive somewhat more attention in regard to detail than other parts of the republic. To the Pacific United States is devoted more space comparatively than to southern regions; and of the latter, California, in respect to local and personal detail, is regarded as the centre and culminating point of this historical field. For the History of Central America, to which this must serve as special as well as general introduction, I would say, that beside the standard chroniclers and the many documents of late printed in Spain and else where, I have been able to secure several valuable manuscripts nowhere else existing. Something from the Maximilian and Ramirez collections, and all of Mr E. G. Squier's manuscripts relating to the sub ject fell into my hands. Much of the material used by me in writing of this very interesting part of the world has been drawn from obscure sources, from local and unknown Spanish works, and from the somewhat confused archives of Costa Rica, Hon duras, Nicaragua, San Salvador, and Guatemala. Material for the history of western North America has greatly increased of late. Ancient manuscripts of whose existence recent historians never knew, or 10 BANCROFT'S WORKS. which were supposed to be forever lost, have been brought to light and printed by patriotic men and intelligent governments. These fragments supply many missing links in the chain of early events, and illuminate a multitude of otherwise obscure parts. My efforts in gathering material have been con tinued, and since the publication of The Native Races fifteen thousand volumes have been added to my col lection. Among these additions are bound volumes of original documents, copies from public and private archives, and about eight hundred manuscript dicta tions by men who played their part in creating the history. Most of those who thus gave me their testimony in person are now dead; and the narratives of their observations and experiences, as they stand recorded in these manuscript volumes, constitute no unimportant element in the foundation upon which the structure of this western history in its several parts must forever rest. To the experienced writer, who might otherwise regard the completion of so vast an undertaking within so apparently limited a period as work super ficially done, I would say that this History was begun in 1869, six years before the publication of The Native Races; and from that time to the present, thirteen years, in addition to my own labors I have had con stantly employed as my assistants not less than ten competent persons, and at times twice that number. Among these as the most faithful and efficient I take pleasure in mentioning Mr Henry L. Oak, Mr William Nemos, Mr Thomas Savage, Mrs Frances Fuller Vic tor, and Mr Ivan Petroff, of whom, and of others, I at length elsewhere. HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 11 Of my methods of working I need say but little here, as I describe them more fully in another place. Their peculiarity, if they have any, consists in the employment of assistants, as before mentioned, to bring together by indices, references, and other devices, all existing testimony on each topic to be treated. I thus obtain important material, which otherwise, hav ing but one life-time to live, I could not control. Completeness of evidence will by no means ensure a wise decision from an incompetent judge; yet the wisest judge will gladly avail himself of all attainable testimony. It has been my purpose to give in every instance the fullest credit to the sources of informa tion, and cite freely such conclusions of other writers as differ from my own. I am more and more con vinced of the wisdom and necessity of such a course, by which, moreover, I aim to impart a certain biblio graphic value to my work. The detail to be encom passed appeared absolutely exhaustless, and more than once I despaired of ever completing my task. Pre paratory investigation occupied tenfold more time than the writing. I deem it proper to express briefly my idea of what history should be, and the general line of thought that has guided me in this task. From the mere chronicle of happenings, petty and momentous, to the historico-philosophical essay, illustrated with here and there a fact supporting the writer's theories, the range is wide. Neither extreme meets the requirements of history, however accurate the one or brilliant the other. Not to a million minute photographs do we look for practical information respecting a mountain range, nor yet to an artistic painting of some one strik- 12 BANCROFT'S WORKS. ing feature. As between the two extremes, equally to be avoided, the true historian will, whatever his inclination, be impelled by prudence, judgment, and duty from theory toward fact, from vivid coloring to ward photographic exactness. Not that there is too much brilliancy in current history, but too little fiact. An accurate record of events must form the founda tion, and largely the superstructure. Yet events pure and simple are by no means more important than the institutionary development which they cause or ac company. Men, institutions, industries must be stud ied equally. A man's character and influence no less than his actions demand attention. Cause and effect are more essential than mere occurrence; achieve ments of peace outrank warlike conquest; the condi tion of the people is a more profitable and interesting subject of investigation than the acts of governors, the valor of generals, or the doctrines of priests. The historian must classify, and digest, and teach as well as record; he should not, however, confound his conclusions with the facts on which they rest. Sym metry of plan and execution as well as rigid conden sation, ahyays desirable, become an absolute necessity in a work like that wh'ich I have undertaken. In respect of time and territory my field is an immense one. The matter to be presented is an intricate com plication of annals, national and sectional, local and personal. That my plan is in every respect the best possible, I do not say; but it is the best that my judgment suggests after long deliberation. The ex tent of this work is chargeable to the magnitude of the subject, and the immense mass of information gathered, rather than to any tendency to verbosity. There is scarcely a page but has been twice or thrice HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 13 rewritten with a view to condensation; and instead of faithfully discharging this irksome duty, it would have been far easier and cheaper to have sent a hun dred volumes through the press. The plan once formed, I sought to make the treatment exhaustive and symmetrical. Not all regions nor all periods are portrayed on the same scale; but though the camera of investigation is set up before each successive topic at varying distances, the picture, large or small, is finished with equal care. I may add that I have at tached more than ordinary importance to the matter of mechanical arrangement, by which through title- pages, chapter-headings, and indexes the reader may expeditiously refer to any desired topic, and find all that the work contains about any event, period, place, institution, man, or book; and to each topic I have aimed to give an encyclopedic exactness. We hear much of the philosophy of history, of the science and signification of history; but there is only one way to write anything, which is to tell the truth, plainly and concisely. As for the writer, I will only say that while he should lay aside for the time his own religion and patriotism, he should be always ready to recognize the influence and weigh the value of the religion and patriotism of others. The exact -histo rian will lend himself neither to idolatry nor to de traction, and will positively decline to act either as the champion or assailant of any party or power. Friendships and enmities, loves and hates, he will throw into the crucible of evidence to be refined and cast into forms of unalloyed truth. He must be just and humble. To clear judgment he must add strict integrity and catholicity of opinion. Ever in mind 14 BANCROFT'S WORKS. should be the occult forces that move mankind, and the laws by which are formulated belief, conscience, and character. The actions of men are governed by proximate states of mind, and these are generated both from antecedent states of mind and antecedent states of body. The right of every generation should be determined, not by the ethics of any society, sect, or age, but by the broad, inexorable teachings of nature ; nor should we forget that standards of morality are a freak of fashion, and that from wrongs begotten of neces sity in the womb of progress has been brought forth right, and likewise right has engendered wrongs. He should remember that in the worst men there is much that is good, and in the best much that is bad; that constructed upon the present skeleton of human nature a perfect man would be a monster; nor should he for get how much the world owes its bad men. But alas ! who of us are wholly free from the effects of early training and later social atmospheres ! Who of us has not in some degree faith, hope, and charity ! Who of us does not hug some ancestral tradition, or rock some pet theory ! As to the relative importance of early history, here and elsewhere, it is premature for any now living to judge. Beside the bloody battles of antiquity, the sieges, crusades, and wild convulsions of unfolding civ ilization, this transplanting of ours may seem tame. Yet the great gathering of the enlightened from all nations upon these shores, the subjugation of the wilderness with its wild humanity, and the new empire- modeling that followed, may disclose as deep a signifi cance in the world's future as any display of army movements, or dainty morsels of court scandal, or the HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 15 idiosyncrasies of monarchs and ministers. It need not be recited to possessors of our latter-day liberties that the people are the nation, and rulers its servants. It is historical barbarism, of which the Homeric poems and Carlovingian tales not alone are guilty, to throw the masses into the background, or wholly to ignore them. "Heureux le peuple dont 1'histoire ennuie," the French used to say; as if deeds diabolical were the only actions worthy of record. But we of this new western development are not disposed to exalt brute battling overmuch; and as for rulers and generals, we discover in them the creatures, not the creators, of civilization. We would rather see how nations origi nate, organize, and unfold; we would rather examine the structure and operations of religions, society re fineries and tyrannies, class affinities and antagonisms, wealth economies, the evolutions, of arts and indus tries, intellectual and moral as well as aesthetic culture, and all domestic phenomena with their homely joys and cares. For these last named, even down to dress, or the lack of it, are in part the style which is the man, and the man is the nation. With past history we may become tolerably familiar; but present developments are so strange, their anomalies are so startling to him who attempts to reduce them to form, that he is well content to leave for the moment the grosser extravagancies of antiquity, how much soever superior in interest they may be to the average mind. Yet in the old and the new we may alike from the abstract to the concrete note the genesis of history, and from the concrete to the abstract regard the analysis of history. The his torian should be able to analyze and to generalize; yet his path leads not alone through the enticing fields of speculation, nor is it his only province to 16 BANCROFT'S WORKS. pluck the fruits and flowers of philosophy, or to blow brain-bubbles and weave theorems. He must plod along the rough highways of time and development, and out of many entanglements bring the vital facts of history. And therein lies the richest reward. "Shakspere's capital discovery was this," says Ed ward Dowden, "that the facts of the world are worthy to command our highest ardour, our most resolute action, our most solemn awe; and that the more we penetrate into fact, the more will our nature be quick ened, enriched, and exalted." That the success of this work should be propor tionate to the labor bestowed upon it is scarcely to be expected ; but I do believe that in due time it will be generally recognized as a work worth doing, and let me dare to hope fairly well done. If I read life's lesson aright, truth alone is omnipotent and immortal. Therefore, of all I wrongfully offend, I crave before hand pardon ; from those I rightfully offend, I ask no mercy; their censure is dearer to me than would be their praise. While on the subject of history-writing, and Mr Bancroft's conception of it, see what he says in a note at the end of Chapter IV., Volume I., History of Central America. The note is a criticism on the writings of Washington Irving, with incidental ref erence to Prescott, and to their treatment of the characters of Columbus, Ferdinand, and Isabella. It says : The highest delight of a healthy mind, of a mind not diseased either by education or affection, is in receiving the truth. The greatest charm in ex pression, to a writer who may properly be placed in the category of healthful, Is in telling the truth. It is only when truth is dearer to us than tradition, or 18 !', AXCROFT'S WORK-. Proud as I am of the names of Prescott and Irving, at whose shrines none worship with profounder admiration than myself; thankless as may be the task of criticising their classic pages, whose very defects shine with a steadier lustre than I dare hope for my brightest consummations; still, forced by my subject, in some instances, into fields partially traversed by them, lean neither pass them by nor wholly praise them. In justice to my theme, in justice to myself, in justice to the age in which I livo, I must speak, and that according to the light and the perceptions given me. Mr Irving's estimate of the value of honesty and integrity in a historian may be gathered from his own pages. ' ' There is a certain meddlesome spirit, " he writes, "which, in the garb of learned research, goes prying about the traces of history, casting down its monuments, and marring and mutilating its fairest trophies. Care should be taken to vindicate great names from such . pernicious erudition. It defeats one of the most salutary purposes of history, that of furnishing examples of what human genius and laudable enterprise may accomplish. " Now, if conscientious inquiry into facts signifies a meddle some spirit; if the plain presentment of facts may rightly be called perni cious erudition; if the overthrow of fascinating falsehood is mutilating the trophies of history; if fashioning golden calves for the worship of the simple be the most salutary purpose of history; then I, for one, prefer the meddle some spirit and the pernicious erudition which mutilates such monuments to the fairest trophies of historical deception. Again: "Herrera has been ac cused also of flattering his nation; exalting the deeds of his countrymen, and softening and concealing their excesses. There is nothing very serious in this accusation. To illustrate the glory of his nation is one of the noblest offices of the historian; and it is difficult to speak too highly of the extraordinary enterprises and splendid actions of the Spaniards in those days. In softening their excesses he fell into an amiable and pardonable error, if it were indred an error for a Spanish writer to endeavor to sink them in oblivion." When a writer openly avows his allegiance to falsehood, to amiable falsehood, to falsehood perpetrated to deceive in regard to one's own country, about which one professes to know more than a stranger, nothing remains to be said. Nothing remains to be said as to the veracity of that author, but much remains to be said concerning the erroneous impressions left by him of the persons and events coming in the way of this work. With what exquisite grace, with what tender solicitude and motherly blind ness to faults Mr Irving defends the reputation of Columbus ! Is the Genoese a pirate, then is piracy "almost legalized;" is he a slave-maker, "the customs of the times" are pleaded; without censure he lives at Cordova in open adul tery with Beatriz Enriquez, and there becomes the father of the illegitimate Fernando; a bungling attempt is made to excuse the hero for depriving the poor sailor of the prize offered him who should first see land; Oviedo is charged with falsehood because he sometimes decides against the discoverer in issues of policy and character; Father Buil was "as turbulent as he was crafty" be cause he disagreed with the admiral in some of his measures; the most extrav agant vituperation is hurled at Aguado because he is chosen to examine and report on the affairs of the Indies; Fonseca is denounced as inexpressibly vile because he thwarts some of the discoverer's hare-brained projects; and so with HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 19 regard to those who in any wise opposed him, while all who smiled on him were angels of light. All through his later life when extravagant requests were met by more than the usual liberality of royalty, Irving is petulantly complaining because more is not done for his hero, and because his petulant hero complains. And this puerile pride from which springs such petulance the eloquent biographer coins into the noble ambition of conscious merit. Though according to his own statement the madness of the man increased until toward the latter end he was little better than imbecile, yet we are at the same time gravely assured that "his temper was naturally irritable, but he subdued it by the magnanimity of his spirit." The son Fernando denies that his father once carded wool; Irving does not attempt to excuse this blem ish because his readers do not regard work as ignoble. Now it is not the toning-down of defects in a good man's character that I object to so much as the predetermined exaltation of one historical personage at the expense of others utterly debased under like premeditation. Did Mr Irving, and the several scores of biographers preceding and following him, parade the good qualities of Bobadilla, Roldan, and Ovando as heartily as those of their hero, the world would be puzzled what to make of it. We are not accustomed to such statements. Unseasoned biography is tasteless, and we are taught not to expect truth, but a model. We should not know what these writers were trying to do if they catalogued the misdemeanors of Columbus and his brothers with the same embellishments applied to Aguado, Buil, and Fonseca; telling with pathetic exaggeration how the benign admiral of the ocean sea was the first to employ bloodhounds against the naked na tives; how he practised varied cruelties in Espanola beyond expression bar barous; and how he stooped upon occasion not only to vulgar trickery, but to base treachery. On the other hand, with those who seek notoriety by attempting to degrade the fair fame of noble and successful genius because more credit may have been given by some than is justly due, or by affecting to disbelieve whole narra tives and whole histories because portions of them are untrue or too highly colored, I have no sympathy. Books have been written to prove, what no one denies, that centuries before Columbus other Europeans had found this continent, and that thereby the honor of his achievement is lessened of which sentiment I fail to see the force. So far as the Genoese, his works, and merits are concerned, it makes no whit of difference were America twenty times before discovered, as elsewhere in this volume has been fully shown. Prescott was a more exact writer than Irving, though Prescott was not wholly above the amiable weakness of his time. In the main he stated the truth, and stated it fairly, though he did not always tell the whole truth. The faults of his heroes he would speak, though never so softly; he seldom attempted entirely to conceal them. He might exaggerate, but he neither habitually practised nor openly defended mendacity. Prescott would fain please the Catholics, if it did not cost too much. Irving would please every body, particularly Americans; but most of all he would make a pleasing tale; if truthful, well; if not, it must on no account run counter to popular preju dice. The inimitable charm about them both amply atones in the minds of many for any imperfections. Since their day much new light has been thrown _>0 BANCROFT'S W01 ! K 3. upon the subjects treated by them, but not enough seriously to impair the value of their works. In their estimates of the characters of Ferdinand and Isabella, relatively and respectively, these brilliant writers are not alone. They copied those who wrote before them; and those who came after copied them. It has been the fashion these many years, both by native and foreign historians, to curse Ferdinand and to bless Isabella, to heap all the odium of the nation and the times upon the man and exalt the woman among the stars. This, surely, is the more pleasant and chivalrous method of disposing of the matter; but in that case I must confess myself at a loss what to do with the facts. None but the simple are deceived by the gentle Irving when he insinuates "she is even somewhat bigoted;" by which expression he would have us under stand that the fascinating queen of Castile was but little of a bigot. Again: " Ferdinand was a religious bigot; and the devotion of Isabella went as near to bigotry as her liberal mind and magnanimous spirit would permit" that is to say, as the plan of Mr Irving's story would permit. Quite as well as any of us Irving knew that Isabella was one of the most bigoted women of her bigoted age, far more bigoted than Ferdinand, who dared even dispute the pope when his Holiness interfered too far in attempting to thwart his ambi tious plans. She was, indeed, so deeply dyed a bigot as -to allow her ghostly confessor to overawe her finest womanly instincts, her commonly strict sense of honor, justice, and humanity, and cause her to permit in "Spain the horrible Inquisition, the most monstrous mechanism of torture ever invented in aid of the most monstrous crime ever perpetrated by man upon his fellows, the coercion and suppression of opinion. Fair as she was in all her ways, and charming fair of heart and mind and complexion, with regular features, light chestnut hair, mild blue eyes, a modest and gracious demeanor she did not scruple, for the extermination of heresy, to apply to such of her loving subjects as dared think for themselves the thumb-screw, the ring-bolt and pulley, the rack, the rolling-bench, the punch, the skewer, the pincers, the knotted whip, the sharp- toothed iron collar, chains, balls, and manacles, confiscation of property and burning at the stake; and all under false accusations and distorted evidence. She did not hesitate to seize and put to death hundreds of wealthy men like Pecho, and appropriate to her own use their money, though her exquisite womanly sensibilities might sometimes prompt her to fling to the widows and children whom she had turned beggars into the street a few crumbs of their former riches. This mother, who nursed children of her own and who should not have been wholly ignorant of a mother's love, turned a deaf ear to the cries of Moorish mothers as they and their children were torn asunder and sold at the slave mart in Seville. Thousands of innocent men, women, and children she cruelly imprisoned, thousands she cast into the fiery furnace, tens of thousands she robbed and then drove into exile; but it was chastely done, and by a most sweet and beautiful lady. We can hardly believe it true, we do not like to believe it true, that when old Rabbi Abarbanel pleaded before the king for his people, "I will pay for their ransom six hundred thousand crowns of gold," Isabella's soft, musical voice was heard to say, "Do not take it," her confessor meanwhile exclaiming "What ! Judas-like, sellJesus!" Besides, thrice six hundred thousand crowns might be secured by not accept- HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 21 ing the ransom. And yet this was the bright being, and such her acts by Prescott's own statements, cover them as he will never so artfully, whose practical wisdom, he assures us, was " founded on the purest and most exalted principle," and whose "honest soul abhorred anything like artifice." Isabella was unquestionably a woman of good intentions; but with such substance the soul-burner's pit is paved. Prescott throws all the odium of the Inquisition on Torquemada, and I concur. The monk's mind was the ashy, unmelting mould in which the wom an's more plastic affections were cast. But then he should be accredited with some portion of the virtues that adorned the character of Isabella, for he was the author of many of them. To be just, if Isabella is accredited with her virtues, she must be charged with her crimes. And if the queen may throw from her shoulders upon those of her advisers the responsibility of iniquity permitted under her rule, why not King Ferdinand, who likewise had men about him urging him to this policy and to that ? True, we excuse much in woman as the weaker, and very justly so, which we condemn in the man of powerful cunning. But Isabella was not exactly clay in the hands of those about her; or if so, then praise her for her imbecility, and not for any virtue. But she could muster will and spirit enough of her own upon occa sion witness her threat to kill Pedro Giron with her own hand rather than marry him, and the policy which speaks plainly her sagacity and state-craft in the selection of Ferdinand, and in the strict terms of her marriage contract which excluded her husband from any sovereign rights in Castile or Leon. Most inconsistently, indeed, in reviewing the administration of Isabella, at the end of three volumes of unadulterated adulation Prescott gives his heroine firmness enough in all her ways; independence of thought and action suffi cient to circumscribe the pretensions of her nobles; and she "was equally vigilant in resisting ecclesiastical encroachment;" "she enforced the execution of her own plans, oftentimes even at great personal hazard, with a resolution surpassing that of her husband." When, however, she signed the edict for the expulsion of the Jews, the excuse was that "she had been early schooled to distrust her own reason." But why multiply quotations ? The Ferdinand and Isabella of Prescott is full of these flat contradictions. We all know that when carried away by feeling women are more cruel than men; so Isabella under the frenzy of her fanaticism was, if possible, more cruel than Ferdinand, whose passions were ballasted by his ambitions. Her feelings were with her faith; and her faith was with such foul iniquity, such inhuman wrong as should cause her euphemistic apologists to blush for resorting to the same species of subterfuge that makes heroes of Jack Sheppard and Dick Turpin. Again, murder and robbery for Christ's sake suits the devil quite as well as when done for one's own sake. And here on earth, to plead in a court of justice good intentions in mitigation of evil acts nothing extenuates in the eyes of any righteous judge. Therefore there is little to choose between those of whom it may be said: Here is a man who perfidiously robs, tortures, and murders his fellow-beings by the hundred thousand in order to glorify himself, and extend and establish his dominions; and, Here is a woman who perfidiously robs, tortures, and murders her fellow-beings by the hundred thousand in order to glorify herself, her priest, her religion, and extend and establish the P> AX CROFT'S WORKS. dominions of her deity. At the farthest, and in the minds of the eloquent biographers themselves, the relative refinement and nobility of the two char acters must turn wholly upon one's conception of the relative refinement and nobility of earthly selfishness and heavenly selfishness. What can we say then, if we make any pretensions to fairness in por traying historical personages, in excuse for Isabella that cannot as rightfully be said in excuse for Ferdinand ? For even he, whom sensational biographers array in such sooty blackness in order that the satin robes of Isabella may shine with whiter lustre, has been called in Spain the wise and prudent, and in Italy the pious. Of course there were differences in their dispositions and their ambitions, but not such wide ones as we have been told. He was a man, with a man's nature, cold, coarse, stern, and artful ; she a woman, with a woman's nature, warm, refined, gentle, and artful. He was foxlike, she feline. Opposing craft with craft, she jealously 'guarded what she deemed the interests of her subjects, and earnestly sought by encouraging literature and art, and reforming the laws, to refine and elevate her realm. He did precisely the same. In all the iniquities of his lovely consort Ferdinand lent a helping hand ; man could do nothing worse ; and all the world agree that Ferdinand was bad. And yet, in what was he worse than she? Both were tools of the times, incisive and remorseless. To the ecclesiastical tyranny of which they were victims they added civil tyranny which they imposed upon their subjects. Ferdinand was the greatest of Spain's sovereigns, far greater than Charles, whose fortune it was to reap where his grandfather had planted. It was Ferdinand who consolidated all the several sovereignties of the Penin sula, save Portugal, into one political body, weighty in the affairs of Europe. He was ambitious ; and to accomplish his ends scrupled at nothing. There was no sin he dared not commit, no wrong he dared not inflict, provided the proximate result should accord with his desires. He was less bound by superstition than the average of the age; he was thoughtful, powerful, princely. Both were personages magnificent, glorious, who achieved much good and much evil, the evil being as fully chargeable to the times, which placed princes above promises and religion, above integrity and humanity, as to any special depravity innate in either of them. And what was the im mediate result of it; and what the more distant conclusion; and how much after all were Spaniards indebted to these rulers? First Spain enwrapped in surpassing glories ! Spain the mistress of the world, on whose dominions the sun refuses to go down. Fortunate Ferdinand ! Thrice amiable and virtuous Isabella! And next? Do we not see that these brilliant successes, these gratified covetings are themselves the seeds of Spain's abasement? Infinitely better off were Spain to-day, I will not say had she not driven out her Moors and Jews, but had she never known the New World. How much soever of honor Isabella may have brought upon herself by her speculations in part nership with the Genoese, for the self-same reason, resulting in the great blight of gold and general effeminacy that followed, Spam's posterity might reasonably anathematize her memory could they derive any comfort there from. In regard to that much-lauded act of Isabella's in lending her assistance to Columbus when Ferdinand would not, there is this to be said. First, no HISTORY OF THE. PACIFIC STATES. 23 special praise is due her for assisting the Genoese ; and secondly, she never assisted him in the manner or to the extent represented. Santangel and the Pinzons were the real supporters of that first voyage. Isabella did not pawn her jewels; she did not sell her wardrobe, or empty her purse. But if she had, for what would it have been? It makes a pleasing story for children to call her patronage by pretty names, to say that it was out of pity for the poor sailor, that it was an act of personal sacrifice for the public good, that it was for charity's sake, or from benevolence, for the extension of knowledge or the vindication of some great principle only it is a very stupid child that does not know better. Clearly enough the object was great returns from a small ex penditure; great returns in gold, lands, honors, and prosely tings a species of commercial and political gambling more in accordance with the character as commonly sketched of the "cold and crafty Ferdinand," whose measureless avarice and insatiable greed not less than his subtle state-craft and kingly cunning would have prompted him to secure so great a prize at so small a cost, than with the character of an unselfish, heavenly-minded woman. And were it not for the danger of being regarded by the tender-minded as ungal- lant, I might allude to the haggling which attended the bargain, and tell how the queen at first refused to pay the sailor his price, and let him go, then called him back and gave him what he first had asked, more like a Jew than like even the grasping Ferdinand. In conclusion, I feel it almost unnecessary to say that Columbus, Isabella, and all those bright examples of history whose conduct and influence in the main were on the side of humanity, justice, the useful, and the good, have my most profound admiration, my most intelligent respect. All their faults I freely forgive, and praise them for what they were, as among the noblest, the best, the most beneficial to their race though not always so, nor always intending it of any who have come and gone before us. And I can hate Bobadilla, Roldan, and others of their sort, all historical embodiments of injus tice, egotism, treachery, and beastly cruelty, with a godly hatred; but I hope never to be so blinded by the brightness of my subject as to be unable to see the truth, and seeing it, fairly to report it. In addition to the complete information contained in the Preface, a brief glance at the books is all that is required to give a very fair idea of the work. VOLUME I. This is Vol. I. of both the History of the Pacific States and the History of Central America. It opens with a picture of European civilization toward the close of the sixteenth century, Spanish society being more fully presented, all ending in a comparison of the people of Europe with the people of America. 24 r.AXCiiorrs WOB All voyages of discovery from the earliest times to the year 1540 are next given in a Summary of Mari time Discovery. In the 87 pages devoted to this subject is compressed the knowledge found nowhere else in less than 87 volumes, and yet the subject is made so clear, and the matter so well presented, that the reader is satisfied with what he has learned and is ready to go on to the fuller details of the voyages of the Spaniards to America in the succeeding chap ters. After the discoveries of Columbus in his first three voyages are given, Kodrigo de Bastidas, the first Spaniard to touch the continent of North America, is followed in his adventures along the Darien Isthmus and at Espafiola. The fourth voyage of Columbus is then given, and the character of the man delineated. A chapter on the Administration of the Indies de scribes the earliest Spanish society and government in America. After this are given the mad pranks of those two fiery cavaliers Alonso de Ojeda and Diego de Nicuesa in their attempts to establish settlements on the mainland of America. The adventures of Yasco Nunez de Balboa are related, how he outwitted the lawyer Enciso by being carried on board the vessel in a cask, how he finally beat the learned man with his own weapon, and finally drove him from his gov ernment, and how he discovered the Pacific Ocean, carried ships across the Isthmus and floated* them in the bay of Panama, and was at last infamously de stroyed by old man Pedrarias. Gil Gonzalez Davila also carried the material for ships across the Isthmus and discovered the Pacific Coast northward as far as Nicaragua. After a time he met bands of Spaniards coming down from Mexico, those who had gone with Cortes to conquer Montezuma's empire, and they fell to fighting each other. In this way is given the con quest of Central America in each of its several parts at various times. The Conquest of Peru is likewise briefly but graphically given, that scheme having originated at Panama". HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. -25 VOLUME II. The famous and infamous doings of the Buccaneers are portrayed in this volume, together with the full history of the country during the rule of the viceroys, which lasted for more than two centuries. VOLUME III. What might be called the modern history of Cen tral America is presented in this volume. The yoke of Spain thrown off, independent states were formed, and republican governments established. Revolution be came chronic. This is the only successful attempt ever made toward a complete history of Central America. VOLUME IV. The fourth volume of the History of the Pacific States is Vol. I. History of Mexico. Opening with the discoveries of Cordoba and Grijalva, the brilliant conquest by Cortes is displayed, which fills half the volume. Prescott devoted three volumes to this short epoch, and to a description of the aborigines, which latter is much more fully and thoroughly given in the Native Races. After the fall of Montezuma, conquest is followed into the regions on every side; also the establishing of missions, and the organization of governments. And so on through the successive volumes the history of the country is told clearly, concisely, yet fully and truthfully. " The enterprise is startling in its magnitude," writes the editor of an eastern journal, " greater by far than any man has ever undertaken before in the nature of historical research; impossible of accomplishment, at first thought; but our faith grows as we see what has been done and how it is being done. For many years Mr Bancroft has been engaged upon this work, with 26 BANCROFT'S WORKS. an average force of ten or twelve competent assist ants, besides a small army at times of men and women and boys employed to copy, to sort notes, to paste scraps, to arrange newspapers, or in some other purely mechanical capacity. The methods by which the his torian utilizes the services of his corps of assistants are too complicated to be fully explained ; but the aim is to find and extract from each book, manuscript, or newspaper every item of information that it contains respecting each particular topic to be treated; and the result is that the author has before him at each successive step all the information that his library contains. Without this division of labor in prelim inary research Mr Bancroft could not obviously look forward to anything but failure. With it, and with the aid of several competent collaborators, though the work advances slowly, he confidently expects success. Already there is manuscript enough practically ready for the printer, though still open for revision and for such changes as the discovery of new evidence may render necessary, to nearly complete the work, the hardest part of which was long since done. So much hitherto accomplished argues well for what the future may bring forth." Little remains to be added to this Prospectus of the History of the Pacific States by the Publishers. Every part of it, every state, every nation, is inde pendently and impartially treated. The citizen of California, of Oregon, of Mexico, of Central America, of New Mexico and Arizona, of Utah and Nevada, of British Columbia, and of Alaska may each rest assured that the section in which he is specially inter ested has been as thoroughly studied, and its incidents as carefully recorded as if the author had written nothing else. The whole work has been several times written, and several times revised before publication. Even after it was in type, every statement and every reference was compared with the original authority, and if wrong, corrected, that it might stand as abso- HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 27 lately free from errors as is possible for human efforts to be. It is claimed by the Publishers for this work : First. That it is a complete history of the western half of North America, including all of Mexico and Central America, an area equal to one twelfth part of the earth's surface, whereon are working out for themselves problems as important as any affecting the human race. Second. That it is condensed into the smallest pos sible number of volumes consistent with the vast amount of information given, all the relevant knowl edge contained in twenty-five thousand volumes being compressed* into twenty-eight volumes. Third. That by none other than a mind drilled at once to business and to literature could this work have been achieved. It demanded the unity of a di versity of talents. It could never have been effected by the mere order of any government or society. It required ability and wealth, an enthusiastic personal devotion, and a lavish expenditure of money. It re quired competent help which only business experience could gain and properly utilize. Fourth. That having been undertaken at a period late enough for the country to have a history, and not so late but that the fullest knowledge might be obtained from its beginning; and being three fourths of it matter entirely new, which does not exist else where in the English language, or even in print; and having had expended upon it an amount of time, in telligent labor, and money unparalleled in the annals of literature, it will forever stand as the most thorough historical work hitherto accomplished for any nation or section of the globe. Fifth. Therefore the history of the world must be incomplete without the knowledge herein contained; drawn as it has been, not only from all printed matter extant, but from masses of unpublished manuscripts; from the national, ecclesiastical, and commercial ar- 28 BANCROFT'S WORKS. chives of the Pacific and of the Atlantic states; of Mexico, Central America, and Canada; of Spain, Italy, France, Germany, and Great Britain; and, most important of all, from the mouths of more than one thousand personages who have acted their parts in creating the history here written. Gracta* aJhos -v po.ay.fii. -N AND TIERRA. FIRME I GreeirwiclL tt2 HISTORY OP CENTRAL AMERICA, CHAPTEK I. INTRODUCTION. SPAIN AND CIVILIZATION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIX TEENTH CENTURY. GENERAL VIEW TRANSITION FROM THE OLD TO THE NEW CIVILIZATION HISTORICAL SKETCH OF SPAIN SPANISH CHARACTER SPANISH SOCI ETY PROMINENT FEATURES OF THE AGE DOMESTIC MATTERS THE NEW WORLD COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS EARLI EST VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY. How stood this ever changing world four hundred years ago ? Already Asia was prematurely old. Ships skirted Africa; but, save the northern seaboard, to all but heaven the continent was as dark as its stolid in habitants. America was in swaddlings, knowing not its own existence, and known of none. Europe was an aged youth, bearing the world -disturbing torch which still shed a dim, fitful light and malignant odor. Societies were held together by loyalty and super stition; kingcraft and priestcraft; not by that coop eration which springs from the common interests of the people. Accursed were all things real; divine the unsubstantial and potential. Beyond the stars were laid out spiritual cities, each religion having its own ; under foot the hollow ground was ^dismal HIST. CEN. AM., VOL. I. 1 2 INTRODUCTION. with the groans of the departed. Regions of the world outlying the known were tenanted by sea-monsters, dragons, and hobgoblins. European commerce crept forth from walled towns and battlemented buildings, and, peradventure escaping the dangers of the land, hugged the shore in open boats, resting by night and trembling amidships by day. Learning was but illuminated ignorance. Feudalism as a system was dead, but its evils remained. Innumerable bur dens were heaped upon the people by the dominant classes, who gave them no protection in return. Upon the most frivolous pretexts the fruits of their industry were seized, and such as escaped seigneurial rapacity were appropriated by the clergy. It was a praise worthy performance for a hundred thousand men to meet and slay each other in battle fought to vindicate a church dogma, or to gratify a king's concubine. Self-sacrifice was taught as a paramount duty by thousands whose chief desire seemed to be the sac rifice of others. Then came a change. And by reason of their revised Ptolemies, their antipodal soundings and New Geographies, their magnetic needles, printing-machines, and man-killing imple ments, their Reformations and revivals of learning, the people began in some faint degree to think for themselves. But for all this, divine devilishness was everywhere, in every activity and accident. God reigned in Europe, more especially at Rome and Madrid, but all the world else was Satan's, and de stroying it was only destroying Satan. Under the shifting sands of progress truth incu bates, and the hatched ideas fashion for themselves a great mind in which .they may find lodgment; fashion for themselves a tongue by which to speak ; fashion for themselves a lever by which to move the world. The epoch of which I speak rested upon the con fines of two civilizations, the Old and the New. It TRANSITIONAL EPOCH. 3 was a transition period from the dark age of fanati cism to the brightness of modern thought; from an age of stolid credulity to an age of curiosity and skepticism. It was a period of concretions and crys tallizations, following one of many rarefactions ; super stition was then emerging into science, astrology into astronomy, magic into physics, alchemy into chemistry. Saltpetre was superseding steel in warfare ; feudalism, having fulfilled its purpose, was being displaced by monarchical power; intercourse was springing up between nations and international laws were being made. Even the material universe and the realms of space were enlarging with the enlargement of mind. Two worlds were about that time unveiled to Spain, an oriental and an occidental; by the capture of Constantinople ancient Greek and Latin learning was emancipated, and religion in Europe was revo lutionized ; while toward the west, the mists of the ages lifted from the ocean, and, as if emerging from primeval waters, a fair new continent, ripe for a thousand in dustries, stood revealed. This was progress indeed, and the mind, bursting its mediaeval fetters, stood forth and took a new survey. With the dawn of the sixteenth century there appeared a universal awakening throughout Christendom. Slumbering civilization, roused by the heavy tread of marching events, turned from dreamy incantations, crawled forth from monastic cells and royal prison-houses of learning, and beheld with wonder and delight the unfolding of these new mys teries. The dust and cobwebs of the past, sacred to the memory of patristic theologies and philosophies which had so long dimmed the imagination, were disturbed by an aggressive spirit of inquiry. The report of exploding fallacies reverberated throughout Europe; and as the smoke cleared away, and light broke in through the obscurity, there fell as it were scales from the eyes of the learned, and man gazed upon his fellow-man with new and strange emotions. 2 INTRODUCTION. with the groans of the departed. Regions of the world outlying the known were tenanted by sea-monsters, dragons, and hobgoblins. European commerce crept forth from walled towns and battlemented buildings, and, peradventure escaping the dangers of the land, hugged the shore in open boats, resting by night and trembling amidships by day. Learning was but illuminated ignorance. Feudalism as a system was dead, but its evils remained. Innumerable bur dens were heaped upon the people by the dominant classes, who gave them no protection in return. Upon the most frivolous pretexts the fruits of their industry were seized, and such as escaped seigneurial rapacity were appropriated by the clergy. It was a praise worthy performance for a hundred thousand men to meet and slay each other in battle fought to vindicate a church dogma, or to gratify a king's concubine. Self-sacrifice was taught as a paramount duty by thousands whose chief desire seemed to be the sac rifice of others. Then came a change. And by reason of their revised Ptolemies, their antipodal soundings and New Geographies, their magnetic needles, printing-machines, and man-killing imple ments, their Reformations and revivals of learning, the people began in some faint degree to think for themselves. But for all this, divine devilishness was everywhere, in every activity and accident. God reigned in Europe, more especially at Rome and Madrid, but all the world else was Satan's, and de stroying it was only destroying Satan. Under the shifting sands of progress truth incu bates, and the hatched ideas fashion for themselves a great mind in which ,they may find lodgment; fashion for themselves a tongue by which to speak ; fashion for themselves a lever by which to move the world. The epoch of which I speak rested upon the con fines of two civilizations, the Old and the New. It TRANSITIONAL EPOCH. 3 was a transition period from the dark age of fanati cism to the brightness of modern thought; from an age of stolid credulity to an age of curiosity and skepticism. It was a period of concretions and crys tallizations, following one of many rarefactions ; super stition was then emerging into science, astrology into astronomy, magic into physics, alchemy into chemistry. Saltpetre was superseding steel in warfare ; feudalism, having fulfilled its purpose, was being displaced by monarchical power; intercourse was springing up between nations and international laws were being made. Even the material universe and the realms of space were enlarging with the enlargement of mind. Two worlds were about that time unveiled to Spain, an oriental and an occidental; by the capture of Constantinople ancient Greek and Latin learning was emancipated, and religion in Europe was revo lutionized; while toward the west, the mists of the ages lifted from the ocean, and, as if emerging from primeval waters, a fair new continent, ripe for a thousand in dustries, stood revealed. This was progress indeed, and the mind, bursting its mediaeval fetters, stood forth and took a new survey. With the dawn of the sixteenth century there appeared a universal awakening throughout Christendom. Slumbering civilization, roused by the heavy tread of marching events, turned from dreamy incantations, crawled forth from monastic cells and royal prison-houses of learning, and beheld with wonder and delight the unfolding of these new mys teries. The dust and cobwebs of the past, sacred to the memory of patristic theologies and philosophies which had so long dimmed the imagination, were disturbed by an aggressive spirit of inquiry. The report of exploding fallacies reverberated throughout Europe; and as the smoke cleared away, and light broke in through the obscurity, there fell as it were scales from the eyes of the learned, and man gazed upon his fellow-man with new and strange emotions. 4 INTRODUCTION. For centuries reason and religion had been chained to the traditions of the past; thought had traveled as in a tread-mill; philosophy had advanced with the face turned backward; knight-errantry had been the highest type of manhood, and Christianity had ab sorbed all the vices as well as the virtues of mankind. The first efforts of scholastics in their exposition of these new appearances, was to square the accumu lative information of the day with the subtleties of the schools and the doctrines and dogmas of the past. The source of all knowledge, and the foundation of all science, fixed and unalterable as the eternal hills, were in the tenets of the Church, and in the Holy Scriptures as interpreted by the Fathers. Any con ception, or invention, or pretended discovery that might pass unscathed this furnace-fire of fanaticism was truth, though right and reason pronounced it false. Any stray fact which by these tests failed sat isfactorily to account for itself was false, though by all the powers of soul and sense men knew it to be true. All the infinite unrest of progressional humanity, the deep intuitive longings of the creature in its struggle to touch the hand of its Creator, went for nothing beside the frigid lessons taught by the tradi tional sanctity of an Anastasius or a Chrysostom. I do not mean to say that all darkness and nes cience were swept away in a breath, or that knowl edge fell suddenly on mankind like an inspiration; it was enough for some few to learn for the first time of such a thing as ignorance. Although the change was real and decisive, and the mind in its attempt to fathom new phenomena was effectually lured from the mystic pages of antiquity, there yet remained enough and to spare of bigotry and credulity. Searchers after the truth saw yet as through a glass darkly; the clearer vision of face to face could only be attained by slow degrees, and often the very attempt to scale the prison-house walls plunged the aspirant after higher culture yet deeper into the SPANISH HISTORY. 5 ditch; but that there were any searchings at all was no small advance. Shackles were stricken off, but the untutored intellect as yet knew not the use of liberty; a new light was flashed in upon the mental vision, but the sudden glare was for the moment bewildering, and not until centuries after was the significance of this transitional epoch fully manifest. It may be possible to exaggerate the importance of this awakening; yet how exaggerate the value to western Europe of Greek literature and the revival of classic learning, of the invention of printing, or the influence for good or evil on Spain of her New World discoveries ? Our history dates from Spain, at the time when Castile and Aragon were the dominant power of Europe. Before entering upon the doings, or passing judgment upon the character, of those whose fortunes it is the purpose of this work to follow into the forests of the New World, let us glance at the origin of the Spaniards, examine the cradle of their civiliza tion, and see out of what conditions a people so unlike any on the globe to-day were evolved. Far back as tradition and theory can reach, the Iberians, possibly of Turanian stock, followed their rude vocations, hunting, fishing, fighting; guarded on one side by the Pyrenees, and on the others by the sea. Next, in an epoch to whose date no approxima tion is now possible, the Celts came down on Spain, the first wave of that Aryan sea destined to submerge all Europe. Under the Celtiberians, the fierce and powerful compound race now formed by the union of Iberian and Celt, broken indeed into various tribes but with analogous customs and tongues, Spain first became known to the civilized world. Then came the commercial and colonizing Phoenician and planted a settlement at Cadiz. After them the Carthaginians landed on the eastern shore of the Peninsula and founded Carthago Nova, now Cartagena. The power G INTRODUCTION. of the Carthaginians in Spain was broken by the Seipios, in the second Punic war, toward the close of the third century B. c.; and yet, says Ticknor, "they have left in the population and language of Spain, traces which have never been wholly oblit erated." The Romans, after driving out the Carthaginians, at tacked the interior Celtiberians, who fought them hard and long; but the. latter being finally subjugated, all Hispania, save perhaps the rugged north-west, was di vided into Roman provinces, and in them the language and institutions of Rome were established. Forced from their hereditary feuds by the iron hand of their conquerors, the Celtiberians rapidly increased in wealth and numbers, and of their prosperity the Empire was not slow to make avail. From the fertile fields of Spain flowed vast quantities of cerealia into the gran ary of Rome. The gold and silver of their metal- veined sierras the enslaved Spaniards were forced to produce, as they in succeeding ages wrung from the natives of the New World the same unjust service. The introduction of Christianity, about the middle of the third century, brought upon the adherents of this religion the most cruel persecutions; even as the Christians in their turn persecuted others as soon as they possessed the power. Some say, indeed, that Saint Paul preached at Saragossa, and planted a church there; however this may be, it was not until the conversion of Constantino that Christianity be came the dominant religion of the Peninsula. The fifth century opens with the dissolution of tho empire of the Romans, for the barbarians are upon them. Over the Pyrenees, in awful deluge, sweep Suevi, Alani, Vandals, and Silingi. The Suevi, in A. D. 409, take possession of the north-west, now Galicia; the Alani seize Lusitania, to-day Portugal; and the Vandals and Silingi settle Vandalusia, or Andalusia, the latter tribe occu pying Seville. Blighted by this barbaric whirlwind, 68 EARLY VOYAGES. waste and building up, building up by laying waste, civilizing as well by war and avarice as by good- will and sweet charity, civilizing as surely, if not as rap idly, with the world of humanity struggling against it, as with the same human world laboring for it. Slowly rattles along the dim present, well-nigh drowned in its own dust; it is only the past that is well-defined and clear to history. SUMMARY OF GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE AND DISCOVERY FROM THE EARLIEST RECORDS TO THE YEAR 1540. Before entering upon the narration of events composing this history, it seems to me important, in order as well properly to appreciate the foregoing Introduction as to gain from succeeding chapters something more than gratified curiosity, that an exposition of Early Voyages should be given, acting powerfully as they did on evolving thought and material develop ment, giving breadth and vigor to intellect, enthusiasm to enterprise, and in elevating and stimulating that commercial spirit which was eventually to depose kings, exalt the people, strip from science its superstitions, from re ligion its cabalistic forms, and by its associations, its negotiations, its adven turous daring, its wars, its alliances, and its humanizing polities, to break the barriers of ancient enmity and bring together in common brotherhood all the nations of the earth. Therefore, I now propose to give a chronological statement of every au thentic voyage of discovery made beyond the Mediterranean prior to 1540, while doubtful and disputed voyages will be discussed according to their relative importance. I shall notice, moreover, such books and charts re lating to America as ,/ere produced during this period, with f ac-similes of the more important maps, to illustrate, at different dates, the progress of discovery. It is my purpose, so far as possible, in the very limited space allowed, to state fairly the conclusions of the best writers on every important point. One word as to the authorities consulted in the preparation of this Sum mary. Of books relating to America, published prior to 1540, there are in all about sixty-five; only twenty-five, however, contain original informa tion; twenty-three are general cosmographical works with brief sections on America compiled from the original twenty-five; while seventeen merely mention the New World or its discoveries, and are therefore of no value in this connection. Of the forty-eight containing matter more or less impor tant, there are over two hundred editions, the earliest of which only, in most instances, will be mentioned, and that without extensive bibliographical notes. These books and charts I notice in chronological order under dates of their successive appearance. The subject of Early Voyages has been so frequently and so thoroughly discussed by able modern writers that it is unnecessary, and indeed im- 82 EARLY VOYAGES. all writings of the time, with fable. Dello Scoprimento deli' Isola Frislanda Eslanda, en Grovelanda, et Icaria, in Ramusio, torn. ii. fol. 230-4; Hakluyfs Voy., vol. iii. pp. 121-8; Bos, Leben der See-Helden, pp. 523-7; Cancettieri, Notizie di Colombo, pp. 48-9; Lelewel, Geog. du moyen dge, torn. iii. pp. 74 et seq. Irving, however, Columbus, vol. iii. pp. 435-40, sees in this voyage only an other of "the fables circulated shortly after the discovery of Columbus, to arrogate to other nations and individuals the credit of the achievement," while Zahrtmann, Remarks on the Voy. to the Northern Hemisphere, ascribed to the Zeni of Venice, in Journal of the Geog. Soc., vol. v. pp. 102-28, London, 1835, claims that the whole account is a fable. The chart by the brothers Zeni, published with the manuscript, is of great importance as the first known map which shows any part of America. It contains internal evidences of its own authenticity, one of which is that Greenland is much better drawn than could have been done from other or ex traneous sources even in 1558. I give from Kohl's fac-simile a copy of the map, omitting a few of the names. ZENO'S CHART, DRAWN ABOUT 1390. There can be little doubt that the countries marked Estotiland, Drogeo, and Icaria possibly Nova Scotia, New England, and Newfoundland owe their position on this chart to the actual knowledge of America, obtained either by a fishing- vessel wrecked there, as stated by the Zeni, or from a tradition preserved since the time of the Northmen. The lines of latitude and longitude were not on the original manuscript chart, but were added by the editors in 1558. Lelewel, Geog. du moyen dge, torn. iii. pp. 79-101, Bruxelles, 1852; Kohl's Hist. Discov., pp. 97-106. FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 93 What Columbus had to contend with at this juncture was not, as I have said, old doctrines oppugnant to any new conception, but the igno rance of the masses, who held no doctrine beyond that of proximate sense, which spread out the earth's surface, so far as their dull conceptions could reach, in one universal flatness ; and the knowledge of courts, whence alone the great discoverer could hope for support, was but little in advance of that of the people. Then the Church, with its chronic opposition to all progress, was against him. The monks, who were then the guardians of learning, knew, or might have known, all that Prince Henry, Columbus, and other earnest searchers had ascertained regarding the geography of the earth; but what were science and facts to them if they in any wise conr flicted with the preconceived notions of the Fathers, or with Church dogmas? " II est vrai," says Humboldt, "que les scrupules theologiques de Lactancc, de St. Chrysostome et de quelques autres Peres de 1'Eglise, contribuerent n MAI IKHAIM'S GLOBE, 1492. pousser 1'esprit humain dans un mouvement retrograde." And again, the African expeditions of the Portuguese had not on the whole been profitable or encouraging to other similar undertakings, and the financial condition of most European courts was not such as to warrant new expenses. Portugal, more advanced and in better condition to embark in new enterprises than any other nation, now regarded the opening of her route to India via the Cape of Good Hope an accomplished fact, and therefore looked coldly on any new venture. Nor were the extravagant demands of Columbus with respect to titles and authority over the ne-w- regions of Asia which he hoped to find, likely to inspire monarchs, jealous of their dignities, with favor toward a penniless, untitled adventurer. Passing as well the successive disappoint ments of Qolumbus in his weary efforts to obtain the assistance necessary to the accomplishment of his project, as his final success with Queen Isabella of Castile, let us resume our chronological summary. 14(3 EARLY VOYAGES. DIEGO RIBKRO'S MAP, 1529. PETER MARTYR, PTOLEMY, AXI> MUXSTER. 117 M> xico, the conquest of the region lying to the north-west of that city. The northern limit of his conquest in 1530-1 was Culiacan, between which and Mexico the whole country was brought under Spanish control by expe ditions sent by Guzman in all directions under different leaders. 7,'< lotion dl S nino di Gvsman, in Ramuio, torn. iii. fol. 331, and abridged in Purc/ias, Hi* PUyrimes, vol. iv. p. 1556; Jornada que hizo ftuilo de Guzman d la A Galicia, in Icazbaheta, Col. de Doc., torn, ii.; Primera relation, p. 288; T> r- cera relation, p. 439; Guarta relation, p. 461; Doc. para Hist: de Mex., serie iii. p. 669; Mota Padilla, Conquista de Nueva Galicia, MS. of 1742; Or Hat. Gen., torn. iii. pp. 559-77; Gil, Memoria, in Boletln de la Soc. Mt.>: Geog., torn. viii. p. 424 et seq. Hakluyt, in his Voyage*, vol. iii. p. 700, states that one William Hawkins, of Plymouth, made voyages, in a ship fitted out at his own expense, to the coast of Brazil in 1530 and 1532, bringing back an Indian king as a curiosity. Peter Martyr, De Orle novo, Copluti, 1530, is the first complete edition of eight decades; and Opus Epistolarum, of the same date and place, is a col lection of over eight hundred letters written between 1488 and 1525, many of them relating more or less to American affairs. In the Ptolemy of 1530, in several subsequent editions, and in M>n<.--f JOLA RACE AND CASTE IN GOVERNMENT INDIAN AND NEGRO SLAVERY CRUELTY TO THE NATIVES SPANISH SENTIMENTALISM PACIFICATION, NOT CON QUESTTHE SPANISH MONARCHS ALWAYS THE INDIAN'S FRIENDS BAD TREATMENT DUE TO DISTANCE AND EVIL-MINDED AGENTS INFAMOUS DOINGS OF OVANDO REPARTIMIENTOS AND ENCOMIENDAS THE SOV EREIGNS INTEND THEM AS PROTECTION TO THE NATIVES SETTLERS MAKE THEM THE MEANS OF INDIAN ENSLAVEMENT LAS CASAS APPEARS AND PROTESTS AGAINST INHUMANITIES THE DEFAULTING TREASURER DIEGO COLON SUPERSEDES OVANDO AS GOVERNOR AND MAKES MATTERS WORSE THE JERONIMITE FATHERS SENT OUT AUDIENCIAS A SOVEREIGN TRIBUNAL is ESTABLISHED AT SANTO DO MINGO WHICH GRADUALLY ASSUMES ALL THE FUNCTIONS OF AN AUDI- ENCIA, AND AS SUCH FINALLY GOVERNS THE INDIES LAS CASAS IN SPAIN THE CONSEJO DE INDIAS, AND CASA DE CONTRATACION LEGIS LATION FOR THE INDIES. WE have seen how it had been first of all agreed that Columbus should be sole ruler, under the crown, of such lands and seas as he might discover for Spain. We have seen how, under that rule, disruption and rebellion followed at the heels of mismanagement, until the restless colonists made Espanola an august i- arum insula to the worthy admiral, and until their majesties thought they saw in it decent excuse for taking the reins from the Genoese, and supplanting him by agents of their own choosing. The first of these agents was Juan Aguado, who was merely a (247) CHAPTEE VI. THE GOVERNMENTS OF NUEVA ANDALUCf A AND CASTILLA DEL ORO. 1506-1510. TlERRA FlRME THROWN OPEN TO COLONIZATION RlVAL APPLICATIONS ALONSO DE OJEDA APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF NUEVA ANDALUCIA, AND DIEGO DE NICUESA OF CASTILLA DEL ORO HOSTILE ATTITUDES OF THE RIVALS AT SANTO DOMINGO OJEDA EMBARKS FOR CARTAGENA BUILDS THE FORTRESS OF SAN SEBASTIAN FAILURE AND DEATH NICUESA SAILS FOR VERAGUA PARTS COMPANY WITH HIS FLEET His VESSEL is WRECKED PASSES VERAGUA CONFINED WITH HIS STARV ING CREW ON AN ISLAND SUCCOR FAILURE AT VERAGUA ATTEMPTS SETTLEMENT AT NOMBRE DE DIGS Loss OF SHIP SENT TO ESPANOLA FOR RELIEF HORRIBLE SUFFERINGS BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF LAS CASAS, OVIEDO, PETER MARTYR, GOMARA, AND HERRERA CHAR ACTER OF' THE EARLY CHRONICLERS FOR VERACITY. THE voyages of Bastidas and Columbus completed the discovery of a continuous coast line from the gulf of Paria to Cape Honduras. In 1506 Juan Diaz de Solis, a native of Lebrija, and Vicente Yanez Pinzon took up the line of discovery at the island of Guanaja, where the admiral had first touched, and proceeding in the opposite direction sailed along the coast of Hon duras to the westward, surveyed the gulf of Honduras and discovered Amatique Bay, but passed by without perceiving the Golfo Dulce which lies hidden from the sea. The object still was to find the much-de sired passage by water to the westward. Continuing northerly along Yucatan, and finding the coast trend ing east rather than west, they abandoned the under taking and returned to Spain. Meanwhile Juan Ponce de Leon was enriching himself by the pacifi- VOL. I. 19 (289) CHAPTER VII. SETTLEMENT OF SANTA MARIA DE LA ANTIGUA DEL DARIEN. 1510-1511. FRANCISCO PIZARRO ABANDONS SAN SEBASTIAN MEETS ENCISO AT CARTA GENA HE AND HIS CREW LOOK LIKE PIRATES THEY ARE TAKEN BACK TO SAN SEBASTIAN VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA BOARDS ENCISO 's SHIP IN A CASK ARRIVES AT SAN SEBASTIAN THE SPANIARDS CROSS TO DARIEN THE RIVER AND THE NAME CEMACO, CACIQUE OF DA RIEN, DEFEATED FOUNDING OF THE METROPOLITAN CITY PRESTO, CHANGE ! THE HOMBRE DEL CASCO UP, THE BACHILLER DOWN VASCO NUNEZ, ALCALDE NATURE OF THE OFFICE REGIDOR--COLMENARES, IN SEARCH OF NICUESA, ARRIVES AT ANTIGUA HE FINDS HIM IN A PITIABLE PLIGHT ANTIGUA MAKES OVERTURES TO NICUESA THEN REJECTS HIM AND FINALLY DRIVES HIM FORTH TO DIE SAD END OF NICUESA. WHEN Alonso de Ojeda left San Sebastian for Espanola, he stipulated with Francisco Pizarro, who for the time was commissioned governor, that should neither he himself return, nor the bachiller Enciso arrive w r ithin fifty days, the colonists might abandon the post and seek safety or adventure in other parts. And now the fifty days had passed; wearily and hungrily they had come and gone, with misery an ever present guest ; and no one having come, they dis mantled the fortress, placed on board the two small brigantines left them the gold they had secured trust Francisco Pizarro for scenting gold, and getting it and made ready to embark for Santo Domingo. But though only seventy remained, the vessels could not carry them all; and it was agreed that they should wait awhile, until death reduced their number to the capacity of the boats. VOL. I. 21 (321) 62 INTRODUCTION. senting a state of society not unlike that of European feudalism. From this point, every quality and grade of government presents itself until full-blown mon archy is attained, where a sole sovereign becomes an emperor of nations with a state and severity equal to that of the most enlightened. The government of the Nahua nations, which was monarchical and nearly absolute, denotes no small progress from primordial patriarchy. Like their cousins of Spain and England, the sov ereigns of Mexico had their elaborate palaces, with magnificent surroundings, their country residence and their hunting-grounds, their botanical and zoological gardens, and their harems filled with the daughters of nobles, who deemed it an honor to see them thus royally defiled. There were aristocratic and knightly orders; nobles, plebeians, and slaves; pontiffs and priesthoods; land tenures and taxation; seminaries of learning, and systems of education, in which vir tue was extolled and vice denounced; laws and law courts of various grades, and councils and tribunals of various kinds; military orders with drill, engineer corps, arms, and fortifications; commerce, caravans, markets, merchants, pedlers, and commercial fairs, with a credit system, and express and postal facil ities. They were. not lacking in pleasures and amusements similar to those of the Europeans, such as feasts with professional jester, music, dancing; and after dinner the drama, national games, gymnastics, and gladiatorial combats. They were not without their intoxicating drink, delighting in drunkenness while denouncing it. Their medical faculty and systems of surgery they had, and their burial-men; also their literati, scholars, orators, and poets, with an arithmetical system, a calendar, a knowledge of astronomy, hieroglyphic books, chronological records, public libraries, and na tional archives. The horoscope of infants was cast; the cross was AMERICAN ABORIGINALS. 63 lifted up; incense was burned; baptism and circum cision were practised. Whence arose these customs so like those of their fellow-men across the Atlantic, whom they had never seen or heard of? The conquerors found all this when they entered the country. They examined with admiration the manufactures of gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead, wrought to exquisite patterns with surprising skill. They gazed with astonishment on huge architectural piles, on monumental remains speaking louder than words; on temples, causeways, fountains, aqueducts, and light-houses, surrounded as they were with statues and intricate and costly stone carvings. They found that the Americans made cloth, paper, pottery, and dyes, and were proficient in painting. Their mosaic feather- work was a marvel. There are many points of interest, well worth examination, which I have not space here properly to mention. The interested reader, however, will find all material necessary to careful comparison in my Native Races of the Pacific States. He will there find described conditions of society analogous to feudalism and chivalry; he will find municipal gov ernments, walled towns, and standing armies. There were legislative assemblies similar to that of the Cortes, and associations not unlike that of the Holy Brotherhood. To say that trial by combat some times occurred is affirming of them nothing com plimentary; but upon the absence of the Inquisition they were to be congratulated. Although living lives of easy poverty, the wild tribes of America everywhere possessed dormant wealth enough to tempt the cupidity alike of the fierce Spaniard, the blithe Frenchman, and the sombre Englishman. Under a burning tropical sun, where neither animal food nor clothing was essential to comfort, the land yielded gold, while in hyperborean forests where no precious metals were discovered, the richest peltries abounded; so that no savage in SIGNIFICATIONS OF PROGRESS. 67 mind ; when we consider the progress of even the last half-century, and listen to the present din and clatter of improvement, do we raise our eyes to the future and ask, Whither tends all this ? Whither tends with so rapidly accelerating swiftness this self-beget ting of enlightenment, this massing of human ac quirements ; whither tends this perpetually increas ing domination of the intellectual over the material ? Within the past few thousand years, which are but as a breath in the whole . life of man, we have seen our race emerge from the wilderness, separate from the companionship of wild beasts, and coalesce into societies. We have seen nations cease somewhat their hereditary growlings, and brutal blood -sheddings, and mingle as brethren; we have seen wavy grain supplant the tangled wildwood, gardens materialize from the mirage, and magnificent cities rise out of the rocky ground. Thus we have seen the whole earth placed under tribute, and this mysterious rea soning intelligence of ours elevating itself yet more and more above the instincts of the brute, and assert ing its dominion over nature ; belting the earth with an impatient energy, which now presses outward from every meridian, widening its domain as best it may toward the north and toward the south, build- m equatorial fires under polar icebergs. All this i P j/i i e i and more trom the records of our race we nave seen accomplished, and yet do see it; civilization working itself out in accordance with the eternal purposes of Omnipotence, unfolding under man's agency, yet in dependent of man's will; a subtile, extraneous, unify ing energy, stimulated by agencies good not more than by agencies evil, yet always tending in its re sults to good rather than to evil; an influence beyond the reach or cognizance of man, working in and round persons and societies, turning and overturning, now clouding the sky with blackness and dropping dis order on floundering humanity, but only to be followed by a yet more fertilizing sunshine; laying A HAPPY PEOPLE. 1C5 the latter was granted a family coat of arms. While Columbus was feted by the nobles, and all the worLl resounded with his praises, Martin Alonso Pinzon lay a-dying; the reward for his invaluable services, exceeding a hundred-fold all that Isabella and Ferdi nand together had done, being loss of property, loss of health, the insults of the admiral, the scorn of the queen, all now happily crowned by speedy death. Never had nature made, within historic times, a paradise more perfect than this Cuba and this Hayti that the Genoese had found. Never was a sylvan race more gentle, more hospitable than that which peopled this primeval garden. Naked, because they needed not clothing; dwelling under palm-leaves, such being sufficient protection; their sustenance the spontaneous gifts of the ever generous land and sea ; undisturbed by artificial curbings and corrections, and tormented by no ambitions, their life was a summer day, as blissful as mortals can know. It was as Eden; without work they might enjoy all that earth could give. Disease and pain they scarcely knew; only death was terrible. In their social intercourse they were sympathizing, loving, and decorous, prac tising the sublimest religious precepts without know ing it, and serving Christ far more perfectly than the Christians themselves. With strangers the men were frank, cordial, honest; the women artless and compliant. Knowing no guile, they suspected none. Possessing all things, they gave freely of that which cost them nothing. Having no laws, they broke none; circumscribed by no conventional moralities, they were not immoral. If charity be the highest virtue, and purity and peace the greatest good, then were these savages far better and happier beings than any civilization could boast. That they pos sessed any rights, any natural or inherent privileges in regard to their lands or their lives; that these innocent and inoffensive people were not fit subjects THE QUIBIAN. 219 to be sounded. The Veragua was fcund too shallow for the ships. At the mouth of the Belen was a bar, which however could be crossed at high water; above the bar the depth was four fathoms. On the bank of the Belen stood a village, whose inhabitants at first opposed the landing of the Spaniards ; but being persuaded by the interpreter, they at length yielded. They were a well-developed, muscular peo ple, rather above medium stature, intelligent, and exceptionally shrewd; in fact, in point of native ability they were in no wise inferior to the Spaniards. When questioned concerning their country, they an swered guardedly ; when asked about their gold mines, they replied evasively. First, it was from some far-off mysterious mountain the metal came; then the river Veragua was made to yield it all; there was none at all about Belen, nor within their territory, in fact. Finally they took a few trinkets, and gave the intrud ers twenty plates of gold, thinking to be rid of them. Within a day or two the vessels were taken over the bar, and on the 9th two of them ascended the river a short distance. The natives made the best of it, and brought fish and gold. With an armed force the adelantado sets out in boats to explore the Veragua. He has not proceeded far when he is met by a fleet of canoes, in one of which sits the quibian the king of all that country, having under him many subordinate chiefs. He is tall, well-modelled, and compactly built, with restless, searching eyes, but otherwise expressionless features, taciturn and dignified, and, for a savage, of exception ally bland demeanor. ^We shall find him as politic as 20 Although used by most Spanish and English writers as a proper name, the word quibian is an appellative, and signifies the chief of a nation, or the ruler of a dynasty, as the cacique of the Cubans, the inca of the Peruvians, the aJutu of the Quiche's, etc. Columbus, writing from Jamaica, employs the term el Quibian de Veragua ; and again, Garta de Colon, in Navarrete, Col. <-'e 'Via yes, i. 302, 'Asente" pueblo, y di muchas dadivas al Quibian, que asr llaman al Seuor cle la tierra.' Napione and De Conti write il Quibio o cacico di Bera- gua. See their Biog. di Colombo, 388: ' II Prefetto andd colle barche al mare per entrare iiel fiume e portarsi alia popolazione del Quibio, cosi chiamato da quei popoii il loro Re.' 244 COLUMBUS AT VERAGUA. the slave mart in Seville. Thousands of innocent men, women, and children she cruelly imprisoned, thousands she cast into the fiery furnace, tens of thousands she robbed and then drove into exile; but it was chastely done, and by a most sweet and beautiful lady. We can hardly believe it true, we do not like to believe it true, that when old Rabbi Abarbanel pleaded before the king for his people, ' ' I will pay for their ransom six hundred thousand crowns of gold," Isabella's soft, musical voice was heard to say, "Do not take it," her confessor meanwhile exclaiming "What ! Judas-like, sellJesus!" Besides, thrice six hundred thousand crowns might be secured by not accept ing the ransom. And yet this was the bright being, and such her acts by Prescott's own statements, cover them as he will never so artfully, whose practical wisdom, he assures us, was " founded on the purest and most exalted principle, " and whose ' ' honest soul abhorred anything like artifice. " Isabella was unquestionably a woman of good intentions; but with such substance the soul-burner's pit is paved. Prescott throws all the odium of the Inquisition on Torquemada, and I concur. The monk's mind was the ashy, unmelting mould in which the wom an's more plastic affections were cast. But then he should be accredited with some portion of the virtues that adorned the character of Isabella, for he was the author of many of them. To be just, if Isabella is accredited with her virtues, she must be charged with her crimes. And if the queen may throw from her shoulders upon those of her advisers the responsibility of iniquity permitted under her rule, why not King Ferdinand, who likewise had men about him urging him to this policy and to that ? True, we excuse much in woman as the weaker, and very justly so, which we condemn in the man of powerful cunning. But Isabella was not exactly clay in the hands of those about her; or if so, then praise her for her imbecility, and not for any virtue. But she could muster will and spirit enough of her own updn occa sion witness her threat to kill Pedro Giron with her own hand rather than marry him, and the policy which speaks plainly her sagacity and state-craft in the selection of Ferdinand, and in the strict terms of her marriage contract which excluded her husband from any sovereign rights in Castile or Leon. Most inconsistently, indeed, in reviewing the administration of Isabella, at the end of three volumes of unadulterated adulation Prescott gives his heroine firmness enough in all her ways; independence of thought and action suffi cient to circumscribe the pretensions of her nobles; and she "was equally vigilant in resisting ecclesiastical encroachment;" "she enforced the execution of her own plans, oftentimes even at great personal hazard, with a resolution surpassing that of her husband. " When, however, she signed the edict for the expulsion of the Jews, the excuse was that " she had been early schooled to distrust her own reason." But why multiply quotations ? The Ferdinand and Ixalrlla of Prescott is full of these flat contradictions. Y\ < all know that when carried away by feeling women are more cruel than men; so Isabella under the frenzy of her fanaticism was, if possible, more cruel than Ferdinand, whose passions were ballasted by his ambitions. Her feelings were with her faith; ami her faith was with such foul iniquity, such inhuman wrong as should cause her euphemistic apologists to blush for resorting to the same species of subterfuge that makes heroes of Jack Sheppard and Dick Turpin. FIRST VIEW OF THE SOUTH SEA. 365 on the mysterious southern sea. At an early hour Vasco Nunez was astir, to prepare with thrilling anticipations for the ascent. But sixty-seven, out of the one hundred and ninety Spaniards who within the month had embarked upon this enterprise at Antigua, possessed sufficient strength for the present effort. Departing from the town, their way at first lay through a tangled forest, which fringed the mount ain base, and whose dense foliage hid from view the more distant objects. As they mounted upward into a cooler, drier atmosphere, the vegetation became more stunted, yet the undergrowth was still so thick that the soldiers had to cut a passage with their sabres. Emerging at length into an open space near ano de 1513;' and Herrera, i. x. i. : 'A veynte y cinco de Setiembre, deste aiio, de donde la mar se parecia.' Careful writers following these first authorities also name the day correctly, as Humboldt, Exam. Grit., i. 319, who says: 'Vasco NuQez de Balboa vit la Mer du Sud, le 25 septembre 1513, du haut de la Sierra de Quarequa;' and Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 50 : ' Esto paso el dia 25 de setiembre del ano de 1513 poco antes de medio dia y forma una de las epocas notables en el descubrimiento de la America;' and Quintana, Vidas de Espanoles Celebres, 'Balboa;' 20: ' 25 de setiembre ;' and Chevalier, L'Isthme de Panama, 15: 'Le vingt-cinquieme jour, le 25 septem bre;' and Campbell, Hist. Span. Am., 23: 'the 25th of Septembre;' and Helps, Span. Conq., i. 361: '25th of September;' etc. In the face of which, Irving, Columbus, iii. 198, shows gross carelessness when he writes 'the 2Gth of September.' To support him he has Eamusio, who, Viaggi, iii. 29, falls into a mistake of Peter Martyr's, ' alii ventisei adunque di Settenv bre,' and DuPerier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 139, and, to copy his error, Dalton, Conq. Mex. and Peru, 43, and a host of others. Not quite so often mentioned as Columbus' voyages is this discovery of Vasco Nuiiez, though nearly so. After Oviedo and Las Casas probably Peter Martyr gives the best original account. Herrera copied from all before him. The following popular accounts are most of them meagre and unreliable: NouvellesAn. des Voy. , cxlviii. 1 1-12 ; Goodrich' s Manupon the Sea, 201-8 ; Voyages, NewCol. , i. 180-6 ; World Displayed, i. 153-9; Monson's Tracts, in Churchill's Voy. , iii. 372 ; MarchyLdbores,MarinaEspanola, i. 413-59; Dufey, Resume Hist. Am.,i. 75-86; Gottfriedt, Newe Welt, 239-41; Juarros, Guat., 122; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 66-72; Ogilby's Am., 69- 72; Norman's Hist. Cal., 10-11; Patton's Hist. U.S., 11; Pirn's Gate of Pacific, 99; Hazlitt's Gold Fields, 3; Roberts' Nar. FOT/.,XX.; Isth.Panama,5; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 17; Lallement, Geschichte, i. 25; Bidwell's Panama, 23-7; An- dagoya's Nor., 19; Galvano's Discov., 123-4; Gavanilles, Hist. Espana, v. 290-1; Greenhow'sMem.,22; Farnham's Adv., 119; Fcdix, L' Oregon, 67-8 ; Span. Emp. in Am., 23; Burney's Discov. South Sea, i. 8-9; Niles' S. Am. and Mex., 14-15; Kerr's Col. Voy. , ii. 67-8 ; Cotton's Jour. Geog., no. 6, 84: ; Douglas' Hist, and Pol., 44; Holmes' Annals Am., i. 32-3; Inter-Oceanic Canal and Monroe Doct., 11; Hesperian, ii. 27-33; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 40-1; Harper's Mag., xviii. 469-84; Macgregor's Prog. Am., i. 10-11; Mofras, L'Orer/on, i. 88-9; Ovalle, Hist. Rel. Chile, inPinkerton's Col., xiv. 142-4; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., i. 88-94; Mavor's Am. Hist., xxiv. 52-5; Holinski, Cal., 62-4; Benzoni, Hist. Hondo Nvovo, 47-8; Morelli, Fasti Novi Qrbis, 15; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 20. 366 DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. the summit, a bare eminence was pointed out by the guides, whence the view was said to be unobstructed, and the sea distinctly visible. Viewed prosaically, there was nothing astounding in ascending a hill and taking a look at the ocean. It had been often done elsewhere; it had been often done here. Nor was there any peculiar difference between sea and land here and sea and land elsewhere. But there was that to the minds of the impetuous and impressible Spaniards, there is that to our own minds, in first things and first views of things, our first view, our country's first awakening, that stirs the soul and sets faster beating the heart. Reduced to words, the sentiment is the pleasure the mind derives from improving surprises; it is the joy of development, the ecstasy of evolution. If such be commonly the case, how much more reason had Vasco Nunez de Balboa to be impassioned on this occasion. Behind him was ignominy, perhaps chains and death; before him was glory, immortal fame. And it was meet in him that this ordinarily trivial act should be consummated with a ceremony becoming to one of civilization's great achievements. Ordering a halt, Vasco Nunez advanced alone. His should be the first European eye to behold what there was to behold, and that without peradventure. With throbbing heart he mounted the topmost eminence which crowned these sea-dividing hills. Then, as in the lifting of a veil, a scene of primeval splendor burst on his enraptured gaze, such as might fill with joy an archangel sent to explore a new creation. There it lay, that boundless unknown sea, spread out before him, far as the eye could reach, in calm, majestic beauty, glittering like liquid crystal in the morning sun. Beneath his feet, in furrowed prospect, were terraces of living green, sportive with iridescent light and shade; waving plains and feathered steeps white- lined with flowing waters, here dashing boisterously down the hill- side, yonder winding silent through the SPEECH OF VASCO NUHEZ. 367 sighing foliage to the all-receiving sea. In that first illimitable glance time stood back, the mists lifted, and eternity was there. What wonder if to this Spanish cavalier, in that moment of triumphant joy, visions of the mighty future appeared pictured on the cerulean heights, visions of populous cities, of fleets and armies, of lands teeming with wealth and in dustry. And to Spain should all these blessings and advantages accrue; to Spain through him. Dropping on his knees, he poured forth praise and thanksgiving to the author of that glorious creation for the honor of its discovery. The soldiers then pressed forward, gazed enchanted likewise, and like wise assumed the attitude of prayer; for however devotedly these cavaliers served their devil, they never ceased praying to their god. " There, my friends," exclaimed Balboa, rising and pointing to the prospect before him, " there is the realization of your hopes, the reward of your labors. You are the first Christians to look upon that sea, or to tread its luxuriant shores. The words of the chiv alrous Panciaco concerning the Southern Sea are more than verified; please God so may we find them regarding the riches of its shore. All are yours, I say, yours the glory of laying this celestial realm at your sovereign's feet; yours the privilege of bringing to the only vile thing in it the cleansing properties of our holy faith. Continue, then, true to me, and I promise you honor and wealth to your fullest desire." A shout of approbation, such as the rabble are ever ready with before success, was followed by pledges of fidelity and fair service, to be broken upon the first occasion. And if we may believe old Peter Martyr, who enjoyed this triumph of progress almost as much as the discoverers themselves, Hannibal from the summit of the Alps, pointing to his soldiers the deli cious fields of Italy, displayed no grander conception of his high achievements, past and future, than did Balboa at this moment. A cross was erected, round VALENZUELA JOINS ESPINOSA. 423 The inhabitants melted before the invaders, and it was with difficulty that men could be captured for guides. The Spaniards had not advanced far before they learned that a council had been held by the chiefs confederated for self-protection, to determine whether the gold taken from Badajoz should be returned. Some were in favor of restoring it; but others objected that, this being given up, as much more would be de manded, and since fight they must in either case, it was agreed to do so before surrendering the treasure. It so happened that Diego Albites with eighty men was marching in advance, and coming to a rivulet he espied some Indians hidden under the bank and undertook to capture them. Instantly the country was alive with savages; Albites found himself sur rounded by four thousand of the enemy, wholly cut off from the main body. The Spaniards fought des perately for six hours, and would have been destroyed had not Espinosa appeared and let loose upon the assailants the bloodhounds and the horsemen. Twenty caciques and a host of warriors were slain, and many of the Spaniards were badly wounded. " That night we slept upon the battle-field," says Espinosa, "and next day I threw up a protection of palisades and sent out in search of the cacique Paris." The cunning chief had burned his village and fled, thus leaving the invaders neither gold nor provisions. Albites went out to forage, with instructions to fire a cannon in case of danger. Nine times that night the licentiate heard the report of a gun, and was not a little alarmed for the safety of the captain. Great was his joy, therefore, when early in the morning Yalenzuela appeared with reinforcement of one hundred men from Antigua and informed the licentiate that it was he who had fired the guns while in search of the commander's camp. Espinosa having now three hundred men felt him self strong enough to prosecute discovery according CHAPTER XVII. COLONIZATION IN HONDURAS. 1524-1525, CORTES IN MEXICO EXTENSION OF HIS CONQUESTS FEARS OF ENCROACH MENTS ON THE PART OF SPANIARDS IN CENTRAL AMERICA CRIST6BAL DE OLID SENT TO HONDURAS TOUCHING AT HABANA, HE is WON FROM ALLEGIANCE TO CORTES TRIUNFO DE LA CRUZ FOUNDED OLID AS TRAITOR MEETING WITH GIL GONZALEZ THE WRATH OF CORTES CASAS SENT AFTER OLID NAVAL ENGAGEMENT IN TRIUNFO HARBOR CASAS FALLS INTO THE HANDS OF OLID, WHO is SOON CAPTCTRED BY THE CAPTIVE DEATH OF OLID RETURN OF CASAS TO MEXICO TRUJILLO FOUNDED INTERFERENCE OF THE AUDIENCIA OF SANTO DOMINGO. WHILE certain of the Spaniards were settling themselves in possession of the Isthmus and parts of Central America, others were engaged in like manner elsewhere. Among the latter was Hernan Cortes, who sailed from Cuba, in 1519, for the conquest of Mexico, which was accomplished in 1521. So great was the glory of this achievement, complete details of which will be given in a later volume of this work, that fresh hordes flocked to the banner of its hero, whose further efforts toward conquest in different directions were little more than triumphal marches. On nearly every side his captains found rich provinces and populous settlements which prom ised flattering rewards in tributes, plantations, and submissive slaves; or their ears were filled with reports of still greater cities, still richer territories, further on. From such substance rumor blew its gaudy bubbles, which danced in iridescent hues and ever increasing size before the eyes of the conquerors, (522) OUTLOOK FROM MEXICO. 523 luring them on into the depths of mysterious regions beyond. Insatiate, a world apiece would scarcely satisfy them now. Of the several points toward which expeditions were sent out from the Mexican capital by its con queror, the southern regions seemed in some respects the most alluring. Information came to Cortes of the high culture of the inhabitants in that quarter, of their manifold wealth, their palaces and great cities, all magnified by mystery and distance. Further than this, the possibility, nay, the certainty that Span iards moving northward from the Panama region would soon be in possession there if not forestalled, made delay seem dangerous. Hence it was that Oajaca and Chiapas were quickly made to open their portals; and now the redoubtable Pedro de Alvarado, second only to Cortes himself, was enter ing Tehuantepec to rend the veil which enfolded the Quiche kingdom, and to disclose the splendor of Utatlan. Likewise the northern seaboard to the south of Yucatan claimed attention. This could scarcely now be called an undiscovered country, for Spaniards as well as natives poured into the conqueror's ears the sure truth of what might be expected. There were pilots whose course had led them along the coast of Hibueras, or Honduras, 1 and who charmed their hearers with tales of gold so abundant that fishermen used nuggets for sinkers. In this there was nothing startling to Cortds, however, for since his first entry into Mexico he had received such information touch ing this Honduras country, particularly two provinces, that were but one third true, "they would far exceed Mexico in wealth, and equal her in the size of towns, in the number of inhabitants, and in culture." 2 These reports could not be disregarded. An expe- 1 See chapter iv. , note 6, this volume. * ' Una que Hainan Hueitapalan y en otra lengua Xucutaco .... ocho 6 diez jornadas de aquella villa de Trujillo. Cortes, Cariaa, 469. ' Higueraa y HOdu- ras, que tenian faina de mucho oro y buena tierra.' Oomara, hint. Mex., 233. 620 MARCH OF ALVARADO TO GUATEMALA. And thus are opened the portals of Guatemala, 4 a region within whose parallels centuries rocked the cradle of American civilization, now disclosed by monuments the most imposing of any on the conti nent. The history of their origin is hidden in the re mote past, of which only an occasional glimpse is permitted the investigator. A mighty Maya empire looms forth under the name of Xibalba, founded per haps by Yotan, the culture-hero, and centring round the famous Palenque. A golden age was followed by long struggles with a growing power, which brought about its downfall toward the beginning of our era. The Nahuas now rise into prominence, but some five centuries later disaster falls also on them, and a general breaking-up ensues, leading to mighty migrations and the formation of smaller independent nations, such as the Toltecs, Chichimecs, and Quiches. After this even tradition ceases to speak, save in alluding vaguely to a later foreign immigration. With this come also certain Toltecs, who, after the downfall of their empire in the more northerly Andhuac, seek here an asylum where once again may bloom the culture that, cradled in this very region, now returns with invigorating elements. Mingling with the natives, they stir anew the progress paralyzed by civil wars, infuse fresh spirit into totter ing institutions, and, combining with the aboriginal culture, develop the new era apparent in the art relics of this western plateau. A series of struggles soon ensues, out of which rises in the twelfth or thirteenth century the Quiche empire. Subordinate tribes gradually acquire suffi cient strength, however, to cast off a yoke which has 4 According to Fuentes y Guzman, derived from Coctecmalan that is to say, Palo de leche, milk-tree, commonly called Yerba mala, found in the neigh borhood of Antigua Guatemala. See also Jiiarros, Guat., ii. 257-8. In the Mexican tongue, if we may believe Vazquez, it was* called Quauhtimali, 'rotten tree.' Chronica de Guat., 68. Others derive it from Uhatezmalha, signify ing ' the hill which discharges water ;' and Juarros suggests that it may be from Juitemal, the first king of Guatemala, by a corruption, as Almolonga from Atmuiunga, and Zonzonate from ZezontlatL The meaning of the word would then be 'the kingdom of Guatemala.' Guat., i. 4; ii. 259-60. 636 CONQUEST OF GUATEMALA BEGUN. springs, but the period of refreshment was short. At hand was a yet more formidable native force, led by Prince Ahzumanche, one of the highest among the relatives and officers of the king. The engagement which followed was exceptionably bloody. The Quiche's approached over the extensive plains, and when they had arrived at a position favor able for the Spaniards to make the attack the horse men charged upon them. But the Quiches were better on their guard than before. Recovered from their panic, and animated by the example of their leader, they displayed greater bravery this time, standing the shock unflinchingly, 8 fighting foot to foot, or banded two and three together, endeavoring by their own strength to overthrow the horses, seizing them by mane and tail, and trying to pull them down, and laying hold of the riders to unhorse them. The Spaniards were indeed closely beset, and for a time it seemed by no means certain that victory would finally declare for them. But what naked power could long withstand the steady fire of arquebuse and cross bow, the steady fall of sword-blow and lance-thrust! Relaxing their efforts for a moment, the natives were charged by the cavalry with deadly result, and were trampled under foot by hundreds, and speedily routed. For a league they were followed with great havoc, till they took refuge in a stronghold of the sierra. By pretending flight, however, Alvarado drew them from their position to the open plain, and then wheeled and fell upon them. The carnage for a time was dreadful ; the ground was covered with the mangled bodies of the dead and dying, and the waters of the Olintepec ran crimson with blood. And henceforth the stream was called Xequiqel, that is to say, River of Blood. 9 8 'I aqui hicimos otro alcance mui grande, donde hallamos Gente, que esperaba vno de ellos & dos de Caballo.' Alvarado, Relation, in Barciu, i. 158. See also for a description of this engagement, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix. 9 ' La mucha sangre de Indios que avia corrido en Rios en Xcquikel (que por esso se Ham6 assi).' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524. ' Xcyuiyel, que quiere A MAGNIFICENT PRIZE. 637 Among, the fallen was Prince Ahzumanche, and a number of the nobility and chiefs. The contest being over, the army encamped for the night at the springs before mentioned. The loss to the Spaniards, as usual, was insignificant. 1 10 Let us pause for a moment to review the position of the invaders. They had surmounted with irresist ible progress the coast range, had crossed the summit, fought their way down the, corresponding slopes, and were within a league of Xelahuh, the great stronghold of the Quiches, on their western confines. All the defences to it had been won, the Zacaha fortifications had been carried, passive nature's majestic guardian ship had been overcome, and human opposition had proved futile. Far behind them stood the deadly forest through which they had struggled; over the golden-edged hills, the rugged steep by which they had made their way hither. Around them now were open pine woods, 11 and at their feet the wide culti vated plains of the table-lands on which the sun shed its uninterrupted rays. Dotted with towns and parti colored with maize-fields and orchards, silver-threaded by streams, the landscape displayed before the Span iards the picture of a paradise. And this beautiful realm now lay helpless in the conqueror's grasp, its very air 12 becoming traitorous by refreshing and in- decir rio de sangre.' Juarros, Guat., ii. 250. This last author states that from the river Zamala to the Olintepec six battles were fought, but that this was the most strongly contested and the most bloody. Compare A Ivarado, Relation, in Bartia, 158; Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Fuentes y Guz man, Recordation Florida, MS., 3-4; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229. 10 'Muri6 vn sefior de quatro que son en Vtatlan.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229. Besides Prince Ahzumanche, two principal lords of Utatlan were slain in the battles of the pass the one Ahzol, a great captain, and a relative of the king, and the other Ahpocoh, his shield-bearer, whose office in the army was of the highest. Juarros, Guat., ii. 250; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174. The words Ahzol and Ahpocoh are not, however, patronymics, but titles. 11 The district is called El Pinar by Juarros, Guat., ii. 248; and El Pinal by Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524. 12 ' Corriendo la Tierra, que es tan gran Poblacion como Tascalteque, i en las Labran9as, ni mas, ni menos, i friisima en demasia.' Alvarado, Relation, in JSarcia, i. 158. 638 CONQUEST OF GUATEMALA BEGUN. vigorating the invaders, bracing their nerves and in spiring their hearts to new enterprise. At dawn the Spanish camp was astir; and while the voices of Christian priests chanting praises to God for past victories floated over the hideous battle-field, Christian soldiers were buckling on their armor for the further butchering of helpless human beings who had done them no harm. A hermitage and a town were established at Zacaha, the former under the charge of Friar Francisco Martinez de Pontaza, 13 whose memory was ever after fragrant in those parts, the latter under the direction of Juan de Leon Car- dona. 14 The natives of the subjugated neighborhood finally came in and helped to swell the numbers of the town, which was called Quezaltenango. 15 These measures taken, 16 the army advanced on Xelahuh, 17 only to find it abandoned. The inhabi tants, terror-stricken at the success of the invaders, had fled to the mountains. Alvarado took up his quarters in the deserted city, where for six days he remained, resting and reconnoitring. 18 "Vazquez visited this hermitage at Zacaha in 1690, and there saw a picture of the virgin, which had been brought by the conquerors, and was known as La Conquistadora, for a description of which the reader can consult Clironlca dc Gvat., 9. In his time the shrine was a place greatly revered. It was a current belief that some member of the priestly order, the object of devotion, was interred there, a strong supposition prevailing that the remains were those of the first bishop of Guatemala ; but this is wrong, for Bishop Marroquin died in the Episcopal palace at Guatemala. The remains were probably those of the priest Pontaza. Chronica de Gvat., 8-10, 526. 14 The descendants of this conquistador were still living in the same locality in the time of Vazquez, who describes them as raisers of small stock, as poverty-stricken as the descendants of the conquered natives. Id., 8-9. 13 Four years later the town was removed to the present site. Id., 7-8; Juarroe, Guat., ii. 241. The meaning of the term Quezaltenango is the ' place of the quetzal,' the American bird of paradise, called 'trogon' by the natur alists. The name was of Mexican origin, and was probably applied not only to the district but to the city of Xelahuh. 16 During a stay of two to three days. Fuentes y Guzman, Rvcordacion Florida, MS. 17 Four years later the inhabitants were removed to the new town of QuezaltenangdJ which the Indian population still call Xelahuh. 18 On the authority of a manuscript of sixteen leaves found at San Andres Xecul, a town not far from Quezaltenango, Juarros states that on the second day four caciques humbly surrendered themselves, and owing to their influ ence the inhabitants peaceably returned and tendered allegiance. Guat.,ii. 240-1. No mention of such an event is made by Alvarado, Bernal Diaz, or THE GRAND ARMY. 639 Tecum Umam was an ambitious prince and a brave commander. With no small concern he had seen de feated one after another the forces sent against the foe, and he now resolved to take the field in person. About noon on the seventh day of their sojourn at Xelahuh the Spaniards saw converging to that point from every quarter dense masses of warriors. 19 Well aware that his great strength lay in the cavalry, Alvarado with a large part of his force 20 hastened to occupy an open plain, three leagues in length, at no great distance from the city. Tecum Umam was shrewd enough to comprehend the manoeuvre, and before the last Spaniard was a bow-shot from camp the Quiche army in two principal divisions was upon them. Alvarado had divided his cavalry into two bodies, commanded respectively by Pedro Puerto- carrero and Hernando de Chaves, who were directed to assail at different points one of the opposing bodies when well in position, while the infantry, commanded by himself, were to engage with the other. The onset was terrible. Through and through the dense columns rush the horsemen, heedless alike of the flint-tipped arrow, the javelin with fire-hardened point, and the slung pebble. Resistance was not possible. Plunged through and hurled to earth, crushed beneath the horses' hoofs, the broken ranks of this division sought the protection of the other. Thus half of Tecum's last hope was lost, while the other half was fast dwindling. Early in the combat the Quiche king had recognized Herrera; and Vazquez distinctly states that these four chiefs were won over, with some difficulty, after the final battle and the death of Tecum. Though Brasseur de Bourbourg follows Juarros, I incline to the opinion that the pacification of Xelahuh was subsequent to the battle which is yet to follow. 19 Twelve thousand of whom were from the city of Utatlan. Relation, i. 158. Juarros says the first contingent contained 16,000 men. Guat.,ii. 251. Bernal Diaz gives the whole number as more than 16,000. Hist. Verdad., 174. Herrera uses the indefinite but safe expression ' vn gran exercito de Quazal- tenalco. ' dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix. 20 The numbers are differently given. Alvarado says there were 90 horse men; Juarros, 135 horse; Herrera, that the whole force consisted of 80 horse, 200 infantry, and a strong body of Mexicans. Bernal Diaz uses the general expression, 'with his army.' 640 CONQUEST OF GUATEMALA BEGUN. the conspicuous figure of the mounted Spanish com mander, and as Tecum now saw his forces broken by the cavalry, he determined upon one last desperate effort. Gathering around him a few chosen warriors, he threw himself in person upon Alvarado, and with his own hand so wounded his horse that the Spaniard was obliged to fall back and mount another. A second and a third time the undaunted warrior assailed his superior foe, till pierced by Alvarado's lance he fell, staining with his life-blood the ground he had fought so bravely to defend. It was not often that the heavenly powers deigned to help the poor natives in their dire struggle with the steel-clad Europeans, as was so frequently the case with the Spaniards. The gods usually prefer fighting on the strongest side; but here we find an exception. It is my duty to relate, as a truthful historian, that during the mortal combat between these two -leaders an eagle with great pinions was observed by the Quichd army circling round and round the Spanish commander, ever and anon swooping down upon him, and with beak and claw attacking him about the head. It was the nagual, the guardian spirit of Tecum Umam. But less strong than Santiago or the virgin, it was discomfited at the moment of the monarch's death, and disappeared from the sight of the van quished Quiche's. 21 Contrary to the usual course pursued by natives in warfare, the fall of their commander did not immedi ately disperse the Quiche' warriors, but seemed rather to enrage them ; for the moment after there fell upon the Spaniards such a blinding tempest of javelins as would have delighted the Spartan Dieneces. It was but for a moment, however; it was their last expiring effort, for soon the cavalry came thundering on their flanks, dispersing and slaying after the usual fashion. For two leagues along the plain they were pursued by 21 Such is the legend long retained among the Quichds. Guatemala, Chron- icadela Prov. t i. 13; Brasscur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 641. PERSUASIVE PROSELYTING. 641 the horsemen, who then turned and rode back, repeat ing the carnage over the same field. The slaughter was particularly bloody at a stream on one side of the plain, and the commander proudly refers to it in his despatch. 22 The infantry captured a vast multitude which had taken refuge from the insatiate horsemen on a hill near by. Thus ended another day in the annals of the grand extermination, a day dark indeed for the noble Quiche* nation, but of which European progress and propa gandizing might well be proud. 23 The religion of Christ being thus revealed to these heathen, opportunity was now offered them to come forward and join the fold. Indeed, four captive chief tains 24 of Xelahuh received the intimation that it would be as well for them to cast their lots with the saintly crusaders. Being promised their liberty they submitted to baptism at the hands of the priests Torres and Pontaza. Christian raiment with swords were then given them and they were entertained at the table of Alvarado. 25 After this they were sent out as missionaries to their affrighted brethren, bringing quite a number to a knowledge of the Savior. They also aided in erecting a more suitable hermitage at Zacaha, and in building houses for the Donatis. 26 Nay 22 * I nuestros Amigos, i los Peones hacian vna destruicion, la maior del Mundo, en vn Arroio.' Alvarado, Relation, i. 158. 23 Vazquez asserts that this engagement took place on the 14th of May, 1524, while the despatch by Alvarado reporting the event to Cortds is dated more than a month earlier, April llth. 24 It is difficult to arrive at any approximation to the number of slain during the series of engagements on the Pinar. Vazquez is the only authority who ventures to put down figures. 'Viniendo sobre el Exercito Christiano. . . de trece mil, en trece mil, cada dia, aquellos. . .Barbaros tan imperterritos a la muerte, y al estrago que las Catholicas armas hacian en su numeroso Exer cito, quedando muertos mas de diez, y doze mil infieles, encendiendo en los que quedauan viuos . . . que aporadas con la vertida sangre de sus compafieros avivaban mas su rabia, para embestir con irracional despecho & las Espaiioles. ' Chroinca de Gvat., 5. See also Denial Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159. 25 The names of these caciques, given by Juarros, were Calel Ralak, Ahpop- queham, Calelahau, and Calelaboy, as supplied by the manuscript previously mentioned in note 17, this chapter. 20 So they called the Spaniards, as the soldiers of Alvarado, generally known by the name of Tonatiuh, the initial "X" being changed by the Quiche's into 'D.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524. HIST. CEN. AM., VOL. I. 41 FIGHT WITH THE CHIGNAUTECS. 689 he maintains for some time a desperate struggle, striking with deadly effect upon the enemy. Then he loses his sword, and nothing remains to him but a dagger. It is not in this instance the bravery of the man that astonishes so much as his extraor dinary muscular power. The horse,* by kicking and plunging, prevents capture, while Aguilar, circum scribed by threatening death, exhibits almost super human strength. No blow dealt to kill or stun, no attempt to seize him, can stop the quick stroke of that strong right arm as it drives the keen steel straight into the assailants' vitals. With wounds and ever increasing exertion, however, he grows weaker; but capture signifies immolation. To be gazed at, help less on a heathen altar, an offering to odious gods the thought is horrible and the fatal dagger is still, by swift movements, driven to the hilt. And now the battle cry of Santiago to the rescue I rings in his ears and tells of succor; he hears a leaden sound, as of crushed bone and flesh, and the whistle of descending blades, and knows that help is at hand. Six horsemen have plunged into the unequal contest, and they scatter the swarthy foe like sheep. They gather round their countryman, support his exhausted frame, and carry him wounded and faint to a place of safety. The courage, strength, and skill of this single man, and the valor displayed in his rescue, so impressed the Chignautecs that they retired dis heartened, regarding their efforts of no avail against such beings, 22 and they returned to their homes. The siege had now lasted a month. On the third day after the retrograde movement, which resulted in 2 - In this engagement, for the Indians were pursued after Aguilar's rescue, more than 200 Chignautecs fell, says Juartros. On the side of the Spaniards many Tlascaltccs were slain, among whom were two illustrious chiefs, Juan Xnchiatl and Oeronimo Carrillo the Spanish name of this Indian chief while of the Spaniards themselves a considerable proportion received severe wounds. Gnat., \\. 2So. Besides Aguilar and tne three captains, whose names are given in the text, Fueutes mentions also Gutierre de Robles and Pedro dc Olmos as having greatly signalized themselves in this action. ficcordaciou Florida, MS., 16. HUT. CEN. AM., VOL. I. 44 THE WORKS HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. THE WORKS OF HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME IX. HISTORY OF MEXICO. VOL. I. 1516-1521. SAN FRANCISCO: A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1882. Entered according to Act of Congress In the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Riglits Reserved. HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC STATES HISTORY or THE PACIFIC STATES OF NORTH AMERICA. BY HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME IV. :VE E x i c o VOL. I. 1516-1521. SAN FRANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1882. Entered according to Act of Congress In the Year 1882, by . HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Riglits Reserved. HISTORY OF MEXICO. CHAPTER I. VOYAGE OF HERNANDEZ DE C6RDOBA TO YUCATAN. 1516-1517. A GLANCE AT THE STATE OF EUROPEAN DISCOVERY AND GOVERNMENT IN AMERICA AT THE OPENING OF THIS VOLUME DIEGO VELAZQUEZ IN CUBA CHARACTER OF THE MAN A BAND OF ADVENTURERS ARRIVES FROM DARIEN THE GOVERNOR COUNSELS THEM TO EMBARK IN SLAVE- CATCHING UNDER HERNANDEZ DE CORDOBA THEY SAIL WESTWARD AND DISCOVER YUCATAN AND ARE FILLED ' WITH ASTONISHMENT AT THE LARGE TOWNS AND STONE TOWERS THEY SEE THERE THEY FIGHT THE NATIVES AT CAPE CATOCHE SKIRT THE PENINSULA TO CHAMPOTON SANGUINARY BATTLE RETURN TO CUBA DEATH OF C6RDOBA. DURING the first quarter of a century after the landing of Columbus on San Salvador, three thou sand leagues of mainland coast were examined, chiefly in the hope of finding a passage through to the India of Marco Polo. The Cabots from England and the Cortereals from Portugal made voyages to New foundland and down the east coast of North Amer ica; Amerigo Vespucci sailed hither and thither in the service of Spain, and wrote letters confounding knowledge; Yasco da Gama doubled the Cape of Good Hope; Columbus, Ojeda, Nino, Guerra, Bas- tidas, and Pinzon and Solis coasted the Tierra Firme of Central and South America; Ocampo skirted Cuba and found it an island; Cabral accidentally discovered Brazil; Juan Ponce de Leon hunted for the Fountain of Youth in Florida; Vasco Nunez de VOL. I. 1 2 VOYAGE OF C6RDOBA TO YUCATAN. Balboa crossed the Isthmus and floated his ships on the South Sea. Prior to 1517 almost every province of the eastern continental seaboard, from Labrador to Patagonia, had been uncovered, save those of the Mexican Gulf, which casketed wonders greater than them all. This little niche alone remained wrapped in aboriginal obscurity, although less than forty leagues of strait separated the proximate points of Cuba and Yucatan. Meanwhile, in the government of these Western Indies, Columbus, first admiral of the Ocean Sea, had been succeeded by Bobadilla, Ovando, and the son and heir of the discoverer, Diego Colon, each managing, wherein it was possible, worse than his predecessor; so that it was found necessary to estab lish at Santo Domingo, the capital city of the Indies, a sovereign tribunal, to which appeals might be made from any viceroy, governor, or other representative of royalty, and which should eventually, as a royal audiencia, exercise for a time executive as well as ju dicial supremacy. But before clothing this tribunal with full administrative powers, Cardinal Jimenez, then dominant in New World affairs, had deter mined to try upon the turbulent colonists the effect of ecclesiastical influence in secular matters, and had sent over three friars of the order of St Jerome, Luis de Figueroa, Alonso de Santo Domingo, and Bernardo de Manzanedo, to whose direction gov ernors and all others were made subject. Just be fore the period in our history at which this volume opens, the Jeronimite Fathers, as the three friars were called, had practically superseded Diego Colon at Espanola, and were supervising Pedrarias Ddvila of Castilla del Oro, Francisco de Garay governor of Jamaica, and Diego Velazquez governor of Cuba. It will be remembered that Diego Colon had sent Juan de Esquivel in 1509 to Jamaica, where he was succeeded by Francisco de Garay; and Diego Velaz quez had been sent in 1511 to Cuba to subdue and DIEGO VELAZQUEZ. 3 govern that isle, subject to the young admiral's dic tation ; and beside these, a small establishment at Puerto Rico, and Pedrarias on the Isthmus, there was no European ruler in the regions, islands or firm land, between the two main continents of America. The administration of the religiosos showed little improvement on the governments of their predeces sors, who, while professing less honesty and piety, practised more worldly wisdom; hence within two short years the friars were recalled by Fonseca, who, on the death of Jimenez, had again come into power in Spain, and the administration of affairs in the Indies remained wholly with the audiencia of Santo Domingo, the heirs of Columbus continuing to agi tate their claim throughout the century. It was as the lieutenant of Diego Colon that Ve lazquez had been sent to conquer Cuba; but that easy work accomplished, he repudiated his former master, and reported directly to the crown. Velazquez was an hidalgo, native of Cuellar, who, after seventeen years of service in the wars of Spain, had come over with the old admiral in his second voyage, in 1493, and was now a man of age, experience, and wealth. With a commanding figure, spacious forehead, fair complexion, large clear eyes, well-chiselled nose and mouth, and a narrow full-bearded chin, the whole lighted by a pleasing intellectual expression, he presented, when elegantly attired as was his custom, as imposing a presence as any man in all the Indies. In history he also formed quite a figure. And yet there was nothing weighty in his character. He was remarkable rather for the absence of positive qualities; he could not lay claim even to conspicuous cruelty. He was not a bad man as times went; assuredly he was not a good man as times go. He could justly lay claim to all the cur rent vices, but none of them were enormous enough to be interesting. In temper he was naturally mild 4 VOYAGE OF C6RDOBA TO YUCATAN. and affable, yet suspicious and jealous, and withal easily influenced; so that when roused to anger, as was frequently the case, he was beside himself. Chief assistant in his new pacification was Pan- filo de Narvaez, who brought from Jamaica thirty archers, and engaged in the customary butchering, while the governor, -with three hundred men, quietly proceeded to found towns and settlements, such as Trinidad, Puerto del Principe, Matanzas, Santi Es- piritu, San Salvador, Habana, and Santiago, making the seat of his government at the place last named, and appointing alcaldes in the several settlements. Other notable characters were likewise in attendance on this occasion, namely, the clerigo Las Casas, Francisco Hernandez de C6rdoba, Juan de Grijalva, and Hernan Cortes. Discreet in his business, and burdened by ho coun teracting scruples, Velazquez and those who were with him prospered. Informed of this, above one hundred of the starving colonists at Darien obtained permission from Pedrarias in 1516 to pass over to Cuba, and were affably received by the governor. Most of them were well-born and possessed of means ; for though provisions were scarce at Antigua, the South Sea expeditions of Vasco Nunez, Badajoz, and Espinosa, had made gold plentiful there. Among this company was Bernal Diaz del Castillo,* a soldier of fortune, who had come from Spain to Tierra Firme in 1514, and who now engages in the several expedi tions to Mexico, and becomes, some years later, one of the chief historians of the conquest. Ready for any exploit, and having failed to receive certain repartimientos promised them, the band from Tierra Firme cast glances toward the unknown west. The lesser isles had been almost depopulated by the slave-catchers, and from the shores of the adjoining mainland the affrighted natives had fled to the inte rior. It was still a profitable employment, however, for the colonists must have laborers, and ecclesiastics SLAVE-CATCHING. 5 raw material for their manufacture. The governor of Cuba, particularly, was fond of the traffic, for it was safe and lucrative. Though a representative of royal authority in America, he was as ready as any irrespon sible adventurer to break the royal command. During this same year of 1516, a vessel from Santiago had loaded with natives and provisions at the Guanaja Islands, and had returned to port. While the captain and crew were ashore for a carouse, the captives burst open the hatches, overpowered the nine men who Jiad been left on guard, and sailed away midst the frantic gesticulations of the captain on shore. Reaching their islands in safety, they there encountered a brigantine with twenty-five Spaniards lying in wait for captives. Attacking them boldly, the savages drove them off toward Darien, and then burned the ship in which they themselves had made their en forced voyage to Cuba. As a matter of course this atrocious conduct on the part of the unbaptized demanded exemplary punish ment. To this end two vessels were immediately despatched with soldiers who fell upon the inhabitants of Guanaja, put many to the sword,, and carried away five hundred captives, beside securing gold to the value of twenty thousand pesos de oro. Happy in the thought of a pastime at once so pleasing and so profitable, the chivalrous one hundred cheerfully adventured their Darien gold in a similar voyage, fitting out two vessels for the purpose, and choosing for their commander Francisco Hernandez O de Cordoba, now a wealthy planter of Santi Espiritu. 1 1 In the memorial of Antonio Velazquez, successor of the adelantado, Diego Velazquez, Memorial del net/ociode D.Antonio Velazquez de Bazan, in Mendoza, Col. Doc. Ined., x. 80-6, taken from the archives of the Indies, the credit of this expedition is claimed wholly for the governor. Indeed, Velazquez him self repeatedly asserts, as well as others, that the expedition was made at his cost. But knowing the man as we do, and considering the claims of others, it is safe enough to say that the governor did not invest much money in it. The burden doubtless fell on Cordoba, wha was aided, as some think, by his associates, Cristobal Morante and Lope Ochoa de Caicedo, in making iip what the men of Darien lacked, Torquemada, i. 349, notwithstanding the claims for his fraternity of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., L Ogilby, Hist. Am., 76, RETURN TO CUBA. 11 hostilities of the natives prevented their obtaining the needful supply of water. There being no one else to curse except them selves, they cursed the pilot, Alaminos, for his dis covery, and for still persisting in calling the country an island. Then they left Mala Pelea Bay and re turned along the coast, north-eastwardly, for three days, when they entered an opening in the shore to which they gave the name of Estero de los Lagartos, 11 from the multitude of caimans found there. After burning one of the ships which had become unsea- worthy, C6rdoba crossed from this point to Florida, and thence proceeded to Cuba, where he died from his wounds, ten days after reaching his home at Santi Espiritu. Diego Velazquez was much interested in the details of this discovery. He closely questioned the two cap tives about their country, its gold, its great buildings, and the plants which grew there. When shown the yucca root they assured the governor that they were familiar with it, and that it was called by them tale, though in Cuba the ground in which the yucca grew bore that name. From these two words, according to Bernal Diaz, comes the name Yucatan; for while the governor was speaking to the Indians of yucca and tale, some Spaniards standing by exclaimed, "You see, sir, they call their country Yucatan." 12 11 Pinzon and Solis must have found alligators in their northward cruise, otherwise Peter Martyr could not honestly lay down on liis map of India Be yond the Ganges, in 1510, the baya d' lagartos north of guanase. Mariners must have given the coast a bad name, for directly north of the J?. de la of Colon, the /?:. de lag f tos of Ribero, the Jt:. de layarls of Vaz Dourado, and the /?. de Lagartos of Hood, are placed some reefs by all these chart-makers, and to which they give the name Alacranes, Scorpions. The next name west of Lagartos on Map No. x., Munich Atlas, iaco*tuiua, and on No. xiii. (>.. (ummra, ///'*/. lint., 60, states that after naming Catoche, a little farther on the Span iards met some natives, of whom they asked the name of the town m-ar l>y. Tecteta, was the reply, which means, 'I do not understand.' The Spaniards, 12 VOYAGE OF C6RDOBA TO YUCATAN. The people of this coast seemed to have heard of the Spaniards, for at several places they shouted ' Cas- tilians!' and asked the strangers by signs if they did not come from toward the rising sun. Yet, neither the glimpse caught of Yucatan by Pinzon and Solis in 1506 while in search of a strait north of Gua- naja Island where Columbus had been, nor the pirat ical expedition of C6rdoba, in 1517, can properly be called the discovery of Mexico. 13 Meanwhile Mexico can well afford to wait, being in no haste for those blessed boons European civilization and Christianity are so desirous of conferring. accepting this as the answer to their question, called the country Yectetan, and soon Yucatan. Waldeck, Voy. Pittoresque, 25, derives the name from the native word ouyouckutan, ' listen to what they say. ' The native name was Maya. See Bancroft's Native Races, v. 614-34. There are various other theories and renderings, among them the following: In answer to C6rdoba's inquiry as to the name of their country, the natives exclaimed, ' uy u tan, esto es : oyes como liahlaV Zamncois, Hist. Mej., ii. 228. 'Que preguntundo a estos Indios, si auia en su tierra aquellas rayzes que se llama Yuca .... Respondian Ilatli, por la tierra en que se plantan, y que de Yuca juntado con Ilatli, se dixo Yucatta, yde alii Yucatan.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xviii. Whencesoever the origin, it was clearly a mistake, as there never was an aboriginal designation for the whole country, nor, like the Japanese, have they names for their straits or bays. For some time Yucatan was supposed to be an island. Grijalva called the country [sla de Santa Maria de Remedies, though that term was employed by few. In early documents the two names are united ; instance the instruc tions of Velazquez to Cortes, where the country is called la Ysla de Yucatan Sta Maria de Remedies. On Cortes' chart of the Gulf of Mexico, 1520, it is called Yucatan, and represented as an island. Colon, 1527, and Ribero, 1529, who write Ivcatan; Ptolemy, in Munster, 1530, fucatana; Orontius, on his globe, 1531, lucatans; Munich Atlas, no. iv., 1532-40, cucatan; Baptista Agnese, 1540-50, iucafan; Mercator, 1569, Ivcatan; Michael Lock, 1582, In- coton; Hondius, 1595, Laet, Ogilby, etc., Yucatan, which now assumes penin sular proportions. 13 The term Mexico has widely different meanings under different condi tions. At first it signified only the capital of the Nahua nation, and it was five hundred years before it overspread the territory now known by that name. Mexico City was founded in 1325, and was called Mexico Tenochtitlan. The latter appellation has been connected with Tenuch, the Aztec leader at this time, and with the sign of a nopal on a stone, called in Aztec, re spectively nochtli and tetl, the final syllable representing locality, and the first, te, divinity or superiority. The word Mexico, however, was then rarely used, Tenochtitlan being the common term employed; and this was retained by the Spaniards for some time after the conquest, even in imperial decrees, and in the official records of the city, though in the corrupt forms of Tttmixtitan, Tenustitan, etc. See Libra de Cabildo, 1524-9, MS. Torquemada, i. 293, states distinctly that even in his time the natives never employed any other designation for the ancient city than Tenochtitlan, which was also the name of the chief and fashionable ward. Solis, Conq. Mex., i. 390, is of opinion that Mexico was the name of the ward, Tenoch titlan being applied to the whole city, in which case Mexico Tenochtitlan would signify the ward Mexico of the city Tenochtitlan. Gradually the THE NAME NEW SPAIN. 19 Next they came to a great opening in the shore, t<> which, after Alaminos had examined it in a boat, they gave the name of Bahia de la Ascencion, from the day of discovery. Unable to find a pass in this di rection round the supposed island of Yucatan, they turned back, passed Cozumel, and, rounding the penin sula, arrived at Campeche the 25th, rescuing on their way a woman from Jamaica. Everywhere they beheld the same evidences of high culture seen by Cordoba, the tower-temples and crosses of the Mayas rising from gracefully outlined promontories, and glistening white from behind le- gended hills, leading them every moment to antici pate the discovery of some magnificent city, such as in our day has been revealed to an admiring poster ity; for while the East buries her ancient cities in dust, the West none the less effectually hides hers in foliage. And of the monuments to the greatness of the past, and of the profitless millions here en gendered, who shall speak ? And why do men call nature considerate or kind? Does she not create only to destroy, and bestow blessings and cursings with the same merciless indifference? Surpassingly lovely, she is at once siren, nurse, and sanguinary beldam. This barren border of the peninsula rested under a canopy of clear or curtained sky, and glared in mingled gloom and brightness beside the fickle gulf; and from the irregular plains of the interior came the heated, perfumed air, telling here of tree less table-lands, of languid vegetation, and there of forests and evergreen groves. "It is like Spain," cried one. And so they called the country Nueva Espaiia, 9 which name, at first applied only to the 9 It was the crosses, which the Spaniards here regarded of miraculous origin, more than any physical feature which after all gave the name to these shores. Corti-s established it for all the region under Aztec sway, and under the vice roys it was applied to all the Spanish possessions north of Guatemala, includ ing the undefined territories of California and New Mexico. I/umboldt, i. Pol., i. G-7. and others, have even sln.\vn an inclination to embrace thereun der Central America, but for this there is not sufficient authority. Sec .!/- - 20 GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE MEXICAN GULF. peninsula of Yucatan, finally spread over the whole of the territory afterward known as Mexico. At Campeche, or more probably at Champoton, 10 occurred a notable affray. The fleet anchored toward sunset, half a league from shore. The natives imme diately put on a warlike front, bent on terrible intimi dations, which they continued in the form of shouts and drum-beating during the entire night. So great was their necessity for water that the Spaniards did not wait for the morning, but amidst the arrows, stones, and spears of the natives, they landed the ar tillery and one hundred men before daybreak, another hundred quickly following. But for their cotton armor the invaders would have suffered severely during this operation. Having reached the shore, however, the guns were planted, and the natives dina, Citron, de San Diego deMex., 227; Lopez Vaz, inPnrchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 1432, and GoVfriedt, Newe Welt, 74; also Torquemada, from Herrera, and several standard authors. New Spain was for a long time divided into the three kingdoms of New Spain, New Galicia, and New Leon, each composed of several provinces. Under the administration of Galvez, this division gave way to intendencias, among them Mexico and a few provinces, and New Spain came to be limited in the north by the Provincias Internas, though including for a time at least the Californias. With the independence the name New Spain was replaced by Mexico, less because this term applied to the leading province and to the capital, than because the name was hallowed by associa tion with the traditions of the people, whose blood as well as sympathies con tained far more of the aboriginal element than of the imported. On Colon's map the name is given in capital letters, Nova Spana. Under Nvtva Espana Ribero writes dixose asi por queai/ aquy muclias cosas que ay en espana ay ya mucho trigo qn (leuado de aca entanta cantidad q lo pueden ea cargar para otras paries ay aquy mucho oro de nacimiento. Robert Thorne, in Hakluufs Voy. , carries Hispania Nona east and west through Central America, while Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 455, places La Nova Spagna in large letters across the continent. 10 It is remarkable, as I have often observed, how two eye-witnesses can sometimes tell such diametrically opposite stories ; not only in regard to time and minor incidents, but to place and prominent events. In this instance Diaz the priest is no less positive and minute in placing the affair at Campeche, than is Diaz the soldier, at Champoton. The second-rate authorities, follow ing these two writers who were present, are divided, by far the greater num ber, Herrera among the rest, accepting the statement of Bernal Diaz. Oviedo, who was a resident of the Indies at the time, describes the battle as occurring at Campeche. Perhaps one reason why the soldier-scribe has more adherents than the priest, is because the existence of the narrative of the latter was not so well known. Las Casas affirms, Hist. Ind., iv. 425, that the pilot unin tentionally passed Lazaro's port, or Campeche, and landed and fought at Champoton. ' Llegaron, pues, al dicho pueblo (que, como dije, creo que fue" Champoton, y no el de Lazaro).' THE CITIES AXD THE TEMPLES. 21 charged and driven back with the loss of three Span iards slain and sixty wounded, the commander -in- chief, ever foremost in the fight, being three times struck and losing two teeth. Two hundred were killed and wounded among the natives. The town was found deserted. Presently three ancient Americans appeared, who were kindly entreated, and despatched with presents to the fugitives, but they never re turned. Two nights were spent ashore, the tower and sacred edifices adjacent being used as barracks. Embarking, soon a large opening in the coast was discovered, and entered by Grijalva, the chaplain says, the last day of May. Puerto Deseado 11 the commander called his anchorage, being the desired spot in which might be repaired the leaky ships. The Spaniards thought themselves at first at the mouth of a river, but on further examination, it ap peared to them more like a sea. Whereupon the pilot Alaminos, who, notwithstanding .evidence to the contrary, notwithstanding three days' exploring, left this salt-sheet still landlocked, never ceased in sisting that Yucatan was an island, and he now gravely assured his commander that the great open ing opposite Amatique Bay and Golfo Dulce, or if that were too far, then opposite Chetumal or Ascerir sion, confirmed his suppositions, and settled the matter in his mind that this was the termination of the islands; hence the names Boca de Terminos, and Laguna de Terminos, 12 which followed. The temples 11 Puerto Escondido. On the maps of Colon and Hood it is placed as one of the eastern entrances of the Laguna de Terminos, the former writing p. desendo, and the latter P. dcs'mdo; Gomara places the Laguna de Tcnnlnoa between Puerto Deseado and Rio Grijalva. On Ribero's map, north of Escon dido, is/ i. '-' \\'lii/(|in.'X had instructed his captain to sail round the island of Yucatan. Cortes, in 1519, ordered Escobar to survey this sheet, which was found to be a bay and shallow. Still the pilots and chart-makers wrote it down ;m island. It is worthy of remark that in the earliest drawings, like Colon's, in 1.V27, the maker appears undecided, but Ribero, two years later, boldly severs the ]i< ninsula from the continent with a strait. 8ee GoldschmidCs Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 412-14. The earliest cartographers all write tt.nnino#, Ribero marking a small stream flowing into the lagoon, .ft:, de x piano*. Here also TABASCO. 23 streams. Boldly in the front stood the heights at present known as San Gabriel; beyond continued the flat, monotonous foreground of a gorgeous picture, as yet but dimly visible save in the ardent imaginings of the discoverers. The two smaller vessels only could enter this river of Tabasco, which, though broad, was shallow- mouthed; and this they did very cautiously, advanc ing a short distance up the stream, and landing at a grove of palm-trees, half a league from the chief pueblo. Upon the six thousand 15 natives who here threatened them, they made ready to fire; but by peaceful overtures the sylvan multitude were brought to hear of Spain's great king, of his mighty preten sions, and of the Spaniards' inordinate love of gold. The green beads the natives thought to be stone made of their chalchiuite, which they prized so highly, and for which they eagerly exchanged food. Having a lord of their own they knew not why these rovers should wish to impose upon thorn a new mas ter; for the rest they were fully prepared, if neces sary, to defend themselves. During this interview, at which the interpreters, Melchior and Julian, as sisted, the word Culhua, 16 meaning Mexico, was often mentioned in answer to demands for gold, from 15 It is Las Casas who testifies to 6,000; Bernal Diaz enumerates 50 canoes; Herrera speaks of three Xiquipiles of 8,000 men each, standing ready in that vicinity to oppose the Spaniards, waiting only for the word to be given. 16 Not 'Culba, Culba, Mexico, Mexico,' as Bernal Diaz has it. The na tives pronounced the word Culhua only; but this author, finding that Culhua referred to Mexico, puts the word Mexico into the .mouth of Tabasco and his followers. Long before the Aztecs, a Toltec tribe called the Acol- huas, or Culhuas, had settled in the valley of Mexico. The name is more ancient than that of Toltec, and the Mexican civilization might perhaps as appropriately be called Culhua as Nahua. The name is interpreted ' crooked ' from coloa, bend; also ' grandfather ' from colli. Colhuacan might therefore signify Land of Our Ancestors. Under Toltec dominion a tripartite confed eracy had existed in the valley of Anahuac, and when the Aztecs became the ruling nation, this alliance was reestablished. It was composed of the Acol- hua, Aztec, and Tepanec kingdoms, the Aztec king assuming the title Culhua Tecuhtli, chief of the Culhuas. It is evident that the Culhuas had become known throughout this region by their conquests, and by their culture, supe rior as it was to that of neighboring tribes. The upstart Aztecs were only too proud to identify themselves with so renowned a people. The name Culhua was retained among the surrounding tribes, and applied before Grijalva to the Mexican country, where gold was indeed abundant. 24 GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE MEXICAN GULF. which the Spaniards inferred that toward the west they would find their hearts' desire. Then thuy re turned to their ships. In great state, unarmed, and without sign of fear, Tabasco next day visited Grijalva on board his vessel. He had already sent roasted fish, fowl, maize bread, and fruit, and now he brought gold and feather- work. Out of a chest borne by his attendants was taken a suit of armor, of wood overlaid with gold, which Ta basco placed upon Grijalva, and on- his head a golden helmet, giving him likewise masks and breast-plates of gold and mosaic, and targets, collars, bracelets, and beads, all of beaten gold, three thousand pesos in value. With the generous grace and courtesy innate in him, Grijalva took up a crimson velvet coat and cap which he had on when Tabasco entered, also a pair of new red shoes, and in these brilliant habiliments arrayed the chieftain, to his infinite delight. The Spaniards departed from Tabasco with further assurances of friendship, and two days later sighted the pueblo of Ahualulco, which they named La Rambla, because the natives with tortoise-shell shields were observed hurrying hither and thither upon the shore. Afterward they discovered the river Tonala, which was subsequently examined and named San Antonio; 17 then the Goazacoalco, 18 which they could not enter owing to unfavorable winds; and presently the great snowy mountains of New Spain, and a nearer range, to which they gave the name San Martin, 19 in justice 17 'Deis grosse Fest des heiligen Antonius von Padua fallt auf den 13 Juni, und dies giebt uns also eine Gelegenheit eines der Daten der Reise des Gri jalva, deren uns die Berichterstatter, wie immer, nur wenige geben, genau festzusetzen.' Kohl, Beiden alteaten Karten, 105. Cortes, in his chart of the Gulf of Mexico, 1520, calls it Santo Anton; Fernando Colon, 1.V27, /.'. ' fa Balsa, with the name O, de 8. anlon to the gulf; Ribero, 1529, r: ; Vaz Dourado, R. dedeguaqaqa; Hood, //. ii. 17 In making out the commission Duero stretched every point in favor of his friend, naming him captain -general of lands discovered and to be dis- ADVEXTUBES OF AGUILAR. 83 able sin. So sublime had been his patience and his piety under the drudgery at first put upon him, that he too rose in the estimation of his master, who was led to entrust him with more important matters. For in all things pertaining to flesh and spirit he had been as conscientious as Father Tom's dog or the pope's mule, neither of which would eat until after mass on any Sunday or holiday. To test his wonderful in tegrity, for he had noticed that Aguilar never raised his eyes to look upon a woman, Taxmar once sent him for fish to a distant station, giving -him as sole companion a beautiful girl, who had been instructed to employ all her arts to cause the Christian to break his vow of continency. Care had been taken that there should be but one hammock between them, and at night she bantered him to occupy it with her; but stopping his ears to the voice of the siren, he threw himself upon the cold, chaste sands, and passed the night in peaceful dreams beneath the songs of heaven. 18 Cortes smiled somewhat sceptically at this and like recitals, wherein the sentiments expressed would have done honor to Scipio Africanus ; nevertheless, he was 18 This is in substance the ad ventures of Aguilar, as related at length in Her- rera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vii.-viii. , followed by Torquemada, i. 370-72, and Cocjol- ludo, Hist. Yucathan, 24-9, and prettily, though hastily, elaborated in Irviny's Columbia, iii. 290-301, and other modern writers. On reaching Catoche and finding Ordaz gone, he proceeded to Cozumel, in the hope of finding some of the Spaniards. ' Era Aguilar estudiante quando passo a las Indias, y hombre discrete, y por esto se puede creer qualquiera cosa del,' concludes Herrera, as if suspecting that the version may be questioned. Prudence is shown in the care with which he gradually accustomed himself to the change of food and habits on again joining the Spaniards. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi., relatesthat Aguilar's mother became insane on hearing that her son had fallen among can nibals who brought her the news it is hard to guess and whenever she beheld flesh roasting, loud became the laments for his sad fate. This is repeated in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 22; Martinez, Hist. Nat. Nueva Esp., ii. xxiv. Her rera, who cannot avoid mixing in all the romance possible, makes him search for means to cross the strait. He finds at last a leaky canoe half buried in the sand, and in this frail skiff he and the Indian companion presented by his late master managed to gain the island. Others give him Cortes' messengers for companions. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 18, very reasonably permits him to hire a canoe with six rowers, for he has beads to pay for it, and canoes would riot be wanting, since the island was a resort for pilgrims, particularly at this very time. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 175-76, fails not to recognize, in the com pulsory return of the fleet to Cozumel, and in the finding of Aguilar, the hand of God; and Torquemada, i. 370, eagerly elaborates the miraculous features in the appearance of this Aaron, who is to be the mouth-piece of his Moses. PAINFUL SUSPENSE. 109 The stone, however, was recovered, and consecrated on the summit of the great temple, in 1512, with the blood of over twelve thousand captives. 4 And now Montezuma almost wishes the calamities lie fears were already upon him, so full of dread and dire oppression is he. Priests, chiefs of wards, and other officials, says Tezozomoc, are commanded to ascertain and impart all dreams and strange occur rences relating to a coming people or to the throne. Wise and politic as he is, he does not seem to know that this is only placing himself and his malady at the mercy of the masses. Who could not conjure up visions under such a summons? Some old men immediately come forward with a dream, wherein Huitzilopochtli's image is overthrown and his temple burned to the ground, leaving no vestige. Certain 4 Torquemada assumes that the 12,210 victims comprised also those offered at the consecration of two new templos, Tlamatzinco and- Quauhxicalli. See Native If aces, v. 471. Tezozomoc relates that the laborers, after striving in vain to move the stone from its original site, heard it utter, in a muffled voice, ' Your efforts are in vain ; I enter not into Mexico. ' The incident finds a parallel in the vain effort of Tarquin to remove certain statues of the gods, to make room for Jupiter's temple, and in the firm adherence of Apollo'a head to the ground, shortly before the death of th Roman ruler. But recovering from their alarm, they tried again, and now the stone moved almost of its own accord. Another halt is made, a second oracle delivered, and finally the stone reaches the bridge, where it disappears into the water. Amid the invocation of priests, divers descend in search, only to come back with the report that no vestige of it is to be found ; but there is a fathomless pit extending toward Chalco. While diviners are cudgelling their brains for clues, in comes a messenger to announce that the stone, like the Penates of ^Eneas, had returned to its original site, arrayed in all the sacrificial ornaments. Observing in this occurrence the divine will, Montezuma let the stone remain, and recognizing at the same time a menace to himself, perhaps of speedy death, he ordered his statue to be at once sculptured by the side of his pre decessors, on the rocky face of Chapultepec Hill. Tezozomoc describes the statue. Hist. Mex., ii. 204-7. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS.,ii. 313-27. Clavigero, Sloria Mess. , i. 292-3. Among the troubles which after this fell upon the doomed people arc mentioned: An earthquake in 1513. Codex. Tel. linn., in KinysboroutjtCa Mex. Antitj., v. 154. A locust plague. ' Vieronse gran canti- dad de mariposas, y langostas, quo passauan de buelo hazia el Occidentc.' f/crrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. A deluge in Tuzapan, and a fall of snow which overwhelmed the army en route for Amatlan. While crossing the mountains, rocks and trees came tumbling down upon them, killing a large number, while others froze to death. Ixtlilxochitl places this in 1514. Others say 1510. During the Soconusco campaign, see Native Races, v. 472, the ground opened near Mexico, and threw up water and fish. The Indians interpreted this to signify a victory, but the lord of Culhuacan intimated, with a shake of the head, that one force expelled another, whereat Monte zuma 'a delight somewhat abated. 'Quando prendio Cortes a entrambos, se occordo (Montezuma) muy bien de aquellas palabras. ' JJerrera, ubi sup. CHAPTER IX. THE MIGHTY PEOJECT IS CONCEIVED. MAY,. 1519. SERIOUS DILEMMA OF CORTES AUTHORITY WITHOUT LAW MONTEJO SENT NORTHWARD RECOMMENDS ANOTHER ANCHORAGE DISSENSIONS AT VERA CRUZ PROMPT AND SHREWD ACTION OF CORTES A MUNICI PALITY ORGANIZED CORTES RESIGNS AND is CHOSEN LEADER BY THE MUNICIPALITY VELAZQUEZ' CAPTAINS INTIMATE REBELLION CORTES PROMPTLY ARRESTS SEVERAL OF THEM THEN HE CONCILIATES THEM ALL IMPORTANT EMBASSY FROM CEMPOALA THE VEIL LIFTED THE MARCH TO CEMPOALA WHAT WAS DONE THERE QUIAHUIZTLAN THE COMING OF THE TRIBUTE GATHERERS How THEY WERE TREATED GRAND ALLIANCE, AT this point in his career Hernan Cortes found himself less master of the situation than suited him. The color of his command was not sufficiently pro nounced. He had no authority to settle ; he had no authority to conquer; he might only discover and trade. He did not care for Velazquez ; anything that pertained to Velazquez he was prepared to take. But Velazquez had no legal power to authorize him further. Cortes cared little for the authorities at Espafiola ; the king was his chief dependence ; the king to whose favor his right arm and mother wit should pave the way. Some signal service, in the eyes of the monarch, might atone for slight irregularities ; if he failed, the severest punishments were already come. But where was the service? Had Montezuma granted him an interview, he might make report of that, and find listeners. As it was, he could land and slay a few thousand natives, but his men would waste away and no benefits accrue. Nevertheless, if he could plant (131) 180 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET. valor and discretion they would adventure their li\ With most men beliefs are but prejudices, and opinion.; tastes. These Spaniards not only believed in their general, but they held to a most impetuous belief in themselves. They could do not only anything that any one else ever had done or could do, but they could command the supernatural, and fight with or against phantoms and devils. They were a host in themselves ; besides which the hosts of Jehovah were on their side. And Cortes measured his men and their capabilities, not as Xerxes measured his army, by filling suc cessively a pen capable of holding just ten thousand; he measured them rather by his ambition, which was as bright and as limitless as the firmament. Already they were heroes, whose story presently should vie iu thrilling interest with the most romantic tales of chiv alry and knight-errantry, and in whom the strongest human passions were so blended as to lift them for a time out of the hand of fate and make their fortunes their own. The thirst for wealth, the enthusiasm of religion, the love of glory, united with reckless daring and excessive loyalty, formed the most powerful in centives to action. Life to them without the attain ment of their object was valueless; they would do or die; for to die in doing was life, whereas to live failing was worse than death. Cortes felt all this, though it scarcely lay on his mind in threads of tangible thought. There was enough however that was tangible in his thinkings, and exceedingly troubling. Unfortunately the mind and heart of all his people were not of the complexion he would have them. And those ships. And the disaffected me*n lying so near them, looking wistfully at them every morning, and plotting, and plotting all the day long. Like the Palatinate to Turcnne, like anything that seduced from the stern purposes of Cortes, it were better they were not. This thought once flashed into his mind fastened itself there. And it grew. And Cortds grew with it, until the man and the idea filled all that country, and A- DARING RESOLVE. 181 became the wonder and admiration of the world. Destroy the ships ! Cut off all escape, should such be needed in case of failure ! Burn the bridge that spans time, and bring to his desperate desire the aid of the eternities ! The thought of it alone was daring ; more fearfully fascinating it became as Cortes dashed along toward Cempoala, and by the time he had reached his destination the thing was determined, and he might with Csesar at the Rubicon exclaim, Jacta est alea! But what would his soldiers say? They must be made to feel as he feels, to see with his eyes, and to swell with his ambition. The confession of the conspirators opened the eyes of Cortes to a fact which surely he had seen often enough before, though by reason of his generous nature which forgot an injury immediately it was for given, it had not been much in his mind of late, namely, that too many of his companions were lukewarm, if not openly disaffected. They could not forget that Cortes was a common man like themselves, their superior in name only, and placed over them for the accomplishment of this single purpose. They felt they had a right to say whether they would remain and take the desperate chance their leader seemed determined on, and to act on that right with or without his consent. And their position assuredly was sound; whether it was sensible depended greatly on their ability to sustain themselves in it. Cortes was exercising the arbitrary power of a majority to drive the minority as it appeared to their death. They had a perfect right to rebel; they had not entered the service under any such compact. Cortes himself was a rebel; hence the rebellion of the Velazquez men, being a rebelling against a rebel, was in truth an ad herence to loyalty. Here as everywhere it was might that made right; and, indeed, with the right of these matters the narrator has little to do. Success, sha,me, fear, bright prospects, had all lent their aid to hold the discontented in check, but in NATURE'S GLORIES. regions, and at the close of the second day is read KM I the beautiful Jalapa, 3 a halting -place between tho border of the sea and the upper plateau. There they turn with one accord and look bark. How charming ! how inexpressibly refreshing are these approaching highlands to the Spaniards, so lately from the malarious Isthmus and the jungle- covered isles, and whose ancestor's not long since hud held all tropics to be uninhabitable; on the border, too, of Montezuma's kingdom, wrapped in the soft folds of perpetual spring. Before the invaders are the ardent waters of the gulf, instant in their humane Eilgrimage to otherwise frozen and uninhabitable mds; before them the low, infectious tierra caliente that skirts the lofty interior threateningly, like the poisoned garment of Hercules, with vegetation bloated by the noxious air and by nourishment sucked from the putrid remains of nature's opulence, while over all, filled with the remembrance of streams stained san guine from sacrificial altars, passes with sullen sighs the low-voiced winds. But a change comes gradually as the steep ascent is made that walls the healthful table -land of Andhuac. On the templada terrace new foliage is observed, though still glistening with sun -painted birds and enlivened by parliaments of monkeys. Insects and flowers bathe in waves of burning light until they display a variety of colors as wonderful as they are brilliant, while from cool canons rise metallic mists overspreading the warm hills. Blue and purple are the summits in the dis tance, and dim glowing hazy the imperial heights beyond that daily baffle the departing sun. And <>n the broad plateau, whose rich earth with copious 9 Meaning 'Spring in the Sand.' Rivera, Hist. Jcdapa, i. app.7. 'Ylaprinn ra, jornado fuimos u vn pueblo, que se dize Xalapa.' Bernat D'ntz, Il'mi. I rcfod., 41. But the road was too long for one day's march. I may here observe that Bernal Diaz is remarkably faulty in his account of this march and of the cam paign into Tlascala, and this is admitted by several writers, who never!!: follow him pretty closely. The place is known the world over for its fairs an I productions, particularly for the drug bearing its name, and is famous in the neighboring districts for its eternal spring and beautiful surroundings. HIST. MEX., VOL. I. 13 194 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO. of gold and grain allures to cultivation, all the realm are out of doors keeping company with the sun. From afar comes the music-laden breeze whispering its secrets to graceful palms, aloft against the sky, and which bend to meet the confidence, while the little shrubs stand motionless with awe. Each cluster of trees repeats the story, and sings in turn its own matin to which the rest are listeners. At night, how glittering bright with stars the heavens, which other wise were a shroud of impenetrable blackness. In this land of wild Arcadian beauty the beasts are free, and man keeps constant holiday. And how the hearts of these holy marauders burned within them as they thought, nothing doubting, how soon these glories, should be Christ's, and Spain's, and theirs. The boundary of the Totonac territory was crossed, and on the fourth day the army entered a province called by Cortes Sienchimalen,. wherein the sway of Montezuma w^as still maintained. This made no difference to the Spaniards, however, for the late imperial envoys had left orders with the coast gov ernors to treat the strangers with every consider ation. Of this they had a pleasing experience at Xicochimalco,* a strong fortress situated on the slope of a steep mountain, to which access could be had only by a stairway easily defended. It overlooked a sloping plain strewn with villages and farms, mustering in all nearly six thousand warriors. 5 With replenished stores the expedition began to ascend the cordillera in reality, and to approach the pine forests which mark the border of the tierra fria. March ing through a hard pass named Nombre de Dios, 6 they entered another province defended by a fortress, * Identified with Naulinco. Lorenzana, Vlage, p. ii. 5 Cortes refers to a friendly chat with the governor, who mentioned the orders he had received to offer the Spaniards all necessities. Cartas, 57. 6 ' Por ser el primero que en estas tierras habiaraos pasado. El cual es tan agro y alto, que no lo hay en Espaua otro.' Cortes, Cartas, 57. ' Hoy se llama el Paso del Obispo.'' Lorenzana, ubi sup. 'Ay en ella muchas parras con vuas, y arboles co miel.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 68. IMPORTANT BATTLES. 203 only reply being showers of arrows, darts, and stou ., Cortes gave the " Santiago, and at them !" and charged. The enemy retreated with the face to their pursuers, enticing them toward some broken ground intersected by a creek, where they found themselves surrounded by a large force, some bearing the red and white devices of Xicotencatl. Missiles \\vre .showered, while double-pointed spears, swords, and clubs pressed closely upon them, wielded by bolder warriors than those whom the Spaniards had hitherto subdued. Many were the hearts that quaked, and many expected that their last moment had come; "for we certainly were in greater peril than ever before," says Bernal Diaz. "None of us will escape!" exclaimed Teuch, the Cempoalan chit f. but Marina who stood by replied with fearless confi dence: "The mighty God of the Christians, who loves them well, will let no harm befall them." 28 The commander rode back and forth cheering the men, and giving orders to press onward, and to keep well together. Fortunately the pass was not long, and soon the Spaniards emerged into an open field, where the greater part of the enemy awaited them, estimated in all, by different authorities, at from thirty thousand to one hundred thousand. 29 How long was this to continue, each new armed host being tenfold greater than the last? Yet once again the Spaniards whet their swords, and prepare for instant attack, as determined to fight it out to the death, as Leonidas and his brave Spartans at the pass of Thermopylae. The cavalry charged with loose reins, and lances fixed on a range with the heads of the enemy, opening a way through the dense columns and spreading a confusion which served the lf< rrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. v. A pious conquistador who was present, says Duran, told me that many wept, wishing they had never been born, and cursing the marquis for having led them into such danger. Hint. Jim'.. M^.. ii. 417. 29 Tapia gives the higher and Herrera the lower figure, wliile Ixtlilxochitl makes it 80,000. 204 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO. infantry well. Bernal Diaz relates how a body of natives, determined to obtain possession of a horse, surrounded an excellent rider named Pedro de Moron, who was mounted upon Sedeno's fine racing mare, dragged him from the saddle, and thrust their swords and spears through the animal in all directions. Moron would have been carried off but for the in fantry coming to his rescue". In the struggle which ensued ten Spaniards were wounded, while four chiefs bit the dust. Moron was saved only to die on the second day, but the mare was secured by the natives and cut into pieces, which were sent all over the state to afford opportunity for triumphal celebrations. The loss was greatly regretted, since it would divest the horses of their terrifying character. Those pre viously killed had been secretly buried. The battle continued until late in the afternoon, without enabling the Indians to make any further impression on the Spanish ranks than inflicting a few wounds, while their own were rapidly thinning under the charges of the cavalry and the volleys of artillery and firelocks^ The slaughter had been particularly heavy among the chiefs, and this was the main reason for the re treat which the enemy now began, in good order. 80 Their actual loss could not be ascertained, for with humane devotion the wounded and dead were carried off the moment they were stricken; and in this con stant self-sacrificing effort the Tlascaltecs lost many lives and advantages. Robertson regards with sus picion the accounts of the great battles fought during the. conquest, wherein Indians fell by the score while 30 During the battle one of the late Cempoalan envoys recognized the cap tain who had bound him for sacrifice, and with Cortes' permission he sent him a challenge. The duel was held in front of the armies, and after a tough struggle the Cempoalan, with a feint, threw his opponent off guard, and secured his head, which served as a centre-piece during the Cempoalan vic tory celebration. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. This author also relates that one of the final acts of the battle was the capture by Ordaz, with 60 men, of a pass. 'Les matamos muchos Indios, y entre ellos ocho Capitanes muy principales, hijos de los viejos Caciques. ' Five horses were wounded and fifteen soldiers, of whom one died. The other chronicles admit of 110 dead. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44. SUPERIORITY OF EUROPEAN ARMS. 205 the Spaniards stood almost unscathed, and Wilson ridicules the whole campaign, reducing the Tlascalan population, for instance, to about ten thousand, with a fighting force of less than one thousand men. Such remarks certainly show a want of familiarity with the subject. 31 We have often seen, in the New World wars, a thousand naked Americans put to flight by ten steel-clad Europeans, and I have clearly given the reasons. When we look at the Indians, with their comparatively poor weapons, their unprotected bodies, their inefficient discipline and tactics, whereby only a small portion of their force could be made available, the other portion serving rather as an obstruction, their custom of carrying off the dead, and other weak points, and when we contrast them with the well 81 Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 38-9; Wilson's Conq. Mex., 360-70; Brnzoid, Hint. Mondo Nvovo. 51. It is seldom that I encounter a book which I am forced to regard as beneath censure. He who prints and pays the printer generally has something to say, and generally believes something of what he says to be true. An idiot may have honest convictions, and a knave may have talents, but where a book carries to the mind of the reader that its author is both fool and knave, that is, that he writes only foolishness and does not himself believe what he says, I have not the time to waste in condemning such a work. And yet here is a volume purporting to be A New History of the Conquest of Mexico, written by Robert Aiiderson Wilson, and bearing date Philadelphia, 1859, which one would think a writer on the same subject should at least mention. The many and magnificent monuments which to the present day attest the great number and high culture of the Xahua race, and the testimony to this effect offered by witnesses on all sides, are ignored by him with a contempt that becomes amusing as the pages reveal his lack of investigation and culture. Indeed, the reader need go no further than the introduction to be convinced on the latter point. Another amusing feature is that the work pretends to vindicate the assertions of Las Casas, who, in truth, extols more than other Spanish author the vast number and advanced culture of the natives. In addition to this mistaken assumption, which takes away his main support, he states that Prescott worked in ignorance of his subject and his authorities, and to prove the assertion he produces wrongly applied or distorted quotations from different authors, or assumes meanings that were in ATI' intended, and draws erroneous conclusions. Thus it is he proves to his own satisfaction that Mexico City was but a village occupied by savages of the Iroquois stamp, and that Cortes was the boastful victor over little bands of naked red men. As for the ruins, they were founded by Phoenician colonists in remote ages. Another tissue of superficial observations, shaped by bigotry and credulous ignorance, was issued by the same author under the title of Mt.rico (t ml its Religion, New York, 1853, most enterprisingly reprinted iu the disguise of Mexico: its Peasant* and its Priests, New York, 1856. In common with Mr Morgan, and others of that .-tnmp, Mr Wilson seems to have deemed it incumbent on him to traduce Mr Trescott and his work, apparently with the view of thereby attracting attention to himself. Such men are not worthy to touch the hem of Mr Prescott's garment; they are not worthy of mention in the same category with him. 206 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO. armored Spaniards, with their superior swords and lances, their well calculated movements, and their con certed action carried out under strict and practised officers, and above all their terror-inspiring and rav aging fire-arms and horses how can we doubt that the latter must have readily been able to overcome vast numbers of native warriors? It was soon so understood in Europe. For once when Cortes was in Spain he scoffed at certain of his countrymen for having fled before a superior force of Moors, whereupon one remarked: "This fellow regards our opponents like his, of whom ten horsemen can put to flight twenty -five thousand." In the retreat of the Ten Thousand, who under Cyrus had invaded Persia, we have an example of the inadequacy of numbers against discipline. Though for every Greek the Persians could bring a hundred men, yet the effeminate Asiatic absolutely refused to meet the hardy European in open conflict. ^Eschylus was inspired by personal experience in his play of the Persians when he makes the gods intimate to the wondering Atossa, the queen-mother, that free Athe nians, umvhipped to battle, could cope successfully with the myriads of despotic Xerxes. The poor Americans had yet to learn their own weakness, and to pay dearly for the knowledge. "It well seems that G-od was he who fought for us to enable us to get free from such a multitude," says Cortes. He attempted no pursuit, but hastened to take possession of Tecohuatzinco, a small town on the hill of Tzompachtepetl, 82 where they fortified them selves upon the temple pyramid, and proceeded to celebrate the victory with songs and dances, a per formance wherein the allies took the leading part. T1 Lorenzana, Viage, ix., wherein the appearance of the hill is described as the bishop saw it. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 292; Ca-margo, Hist. Tlax., 146. Other authors differ. 'Teoatzinco, cioe il luogo dell'acqua divina.' Claviyero, Storia Mess., iii. 44. Duran assumes that the battle was for the possession of this place, which he calls Tecoac. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 418,422; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 256. 'Aldea de pocas casas, que tenia vna torrezilla y teplo. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 74. THE VALLEY OF MEXICO. 203 pressing onward against the chilling winds which swept down from its frozen heights, and before Ion- they were tramping through the snow which covered the summit. Here they were cheered by a sight which made them, for the moment at least, forget their hard ships. A turn in the road disclosed the valley of Mexico the object of their toil and suffering stretching from the slope of the forest-clad ranges at their feet as far as the eye could reach, and presenting one picturesque intermingling of green prairies, golden fields, and blooming gardens, clustering round a series of lakes. Towns lay thickly sprinkled, revealed by towering edifices and gleaming walls, and conspicu ous above all, the queen city herself, placidly reposing upon the mirrored surface of the larger water. Above her rose the cypress-crowned hill of Chapultepec, with its stately palace consecrated to the glories of Aztec domination. 23 The first transport over, there came a revulsion of feeling. The evidently dense population of the valley and the many fortified towns confirmed the mysterious warnings of the allies against a pow erful and warlike people, and again the longing for the snug and secure plantations of Cuba found ex pression among the faint-hearted, as they shivered in the icy blast and wrapped themselves the closer in the absence of food and shelter. In this frame of mind the glistening farm-houses seemed only so many troops of savage warriors, lurking amidst the coj> and arbors for victims to grace the stone of sacrifice and the festive board; and the stately towns appeared impregnable fortresses, which promised only to become their prisons and graves. So loud grew the murmur huatl, which skirts Mount Telapon. This was the road recommended by Ixtlilxochitl, leading through Calpulalpan, where he promised to join him with his army; but Cortes preferred to trust to his own arms and to his Tlas- caltoc followers. Torquemada, i. 442. 23 'Dezian algunos Castellanos, que aquella era la tierra para sti bm-iiii dicha prometida, y que mientras mas Moros, mas ganaucia. ' //. rrt ru, tkv. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. CHAPTER XVI. MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA. NOVEMBER, 1519. SOMETHING OF THE CITY THE SPANIARDS START FROM IZTAPALAFAN REACH THE GREAT CAUSEWAY THEY ARE MET BY MANY NOBLES AND PRESENTLY BY MONTEZUMA ENTRY INTO MEXICO THEY ARK QUARTERED IN THE AXAYACATL PALACE INTERCHANGE OF VISITS. FROM Iztapalapan the imperial city of the great plateau could clearly be seen, rising in unveiled white ness from the lake. Almost celestial was its beauty in the eyes of the spoilers ; a dream some called it, or, if tangible, only Venice was like it, with its imposing edifices sparkling amid the sparkling waters. Many other places had been so called, but there was no other New World Venice like this. Sweeping round in sheltering embrace were the green swards and wood -clad knolls on the shore, studded with tributary towns and palatial structures, crowned with foliage, or peeping forth from groves, some venturing nearer to the city, and into the very lake. " We gazed with admiration," exclaims Bernal Diaz, as he compares with the enchanted structures described in the Amadis their grand towers, cues, and edifices, rising in the lake, and all of masonry. Let us glance at the people and their dwellings; for though we have spoken of them at length else where, we cannot in this connection wholly pass them by. Two centuries back, the Aztecs, then a small and (275) 276 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA. despised people, surrounded and oppressed by enemies, had taken refuge on some islets in the western part of the saline lake of Mexico, and there by divine command they had founded the city which, under tin- title of Mexico Tenochtitlan, was to become the capi tal of Andhuac. The first building was a temple of rushes, round which the settlement grew up, spreading rapidly over the islets, and on piles and filled ground. The city was enlarged and beautified by successive rulers, and when first beheld by the Spaniards it had attained its greatest extent one it never again ap proached and was reputed to be about twelve miles in circumference. This area embraced a large suburb of several villages and towns with independent names, containing in all sixty thousand houses, equivalent to a population of three hundred thousand. 1 Four great avenues, paved with hard cement, ran crosswise from the cardinal points, and divided the city into as many quarters, which were again subdi vided into wards. 2 Three of the avenues were connected in a straight line, or nearly so, with the main land by means of smooth causeways, constructed of piles filled up with rubble and debris. The shortest of these was the western, leading to Tlacopan, half a league distant, and bordered all the way with houses. They were wide enough for ten horsemen to ride abreast, and were provided at intervals with bridges for the free fiow of water 8 and of traffic. Near their junction with the city were drawbridges, and breastworks for defence. A fourth causeway, from the Chapultepec summer palace, served to support the aqueduct which 1 The ruins of the old city, clearly traced by Humboldt, showed that it must have been of far greater extent than the capital raised upon its site- by the Spaniards. This is also indicated by the size of the markets and temple courts. The reason is to be found partly in the former prevalence of one-story houses with courts inclosed. 2 For ancient and modern names of quarters see Native Races, ii. 563. "Cortes believed that the waters ebbed and flowed, Carton, 102-3, and Peter Martyr enlarged on this phenomenon with credulous wonder, dec. v. cap. iii. CITY OF MEXICO. 27? carried water from the mountain spring in that vi cinity. Round the southern part of the city stretched a semicircular levee, three leagues in length and thirty feet in breadth, which had been constructed in the middle of the preceding century to protect the place from the torrents which after heavy rains came rush ing from the fresh-water lakes of Xochimilco and Chalco. This levee was the chief resort of the people during the day for bustling merchants and boat crews, during the evening for promenaders, who came to breathe the fresh air soft-blown from the lake, and to watch the setting sun as it gilded the summits of Popocatepetl and his consort. Traffic, as may be supposed, was conducted chiefly by canals guarded by custom-houses, lined with quays, and provided in some places with docks. Upon these abutted narrow yet well lighted cross streets, connected by bridges, and leading to a num ber of open squares, the largest of which were the market-places in Tlatelulco and Mexico proper, wherein as many as one hundred thousand people are said to have found room. Viewed architecturally and singly, the buildings did not present a very imposing appearance, the greater portion being but one story in height. This monotony, however, was relieved to a great extent by the number of temples sacred to superior and local deities which were to be seen in every ward, raised high above the dwellings of mortals, on mounds of varying elevations, and surmounted by towering chapels. Their fires, burning in perpetual adoration of the gods, presented a most impressive spectacle at night. The grandest and most conspicuous of them all was the temple of Huitzilopochtli, which stood in the centre of the city, at the junction of the four avenues, so as to be ever before the eyes of the faithful. It formed a solid stone-faced pyramid about 375 feet lon and 300 feet broad at the base, 27S MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA, 325 l>y 2.")0 feet at the summit, and rose in five super imposed, perpendicular terraces to the height of 8G feet. Each terrace receded six feet from the edge of the one beneath, and the stages were so placed that a circuit had to be made of each ledge to gain the succeeding flight, an arrangement equally suited for showy processions and for defence. Surrounding the pyramid was a battlemeiited stone wall 4800 feet in circumference, and through this led four gates, surmounted by arsenal buildings, facing the four avenues.* The pyramid was quite modern, and owed its erec tion to Ahuitzotl, who for two years employed upon it an immense force of men, bringing the material from a distance of three or four leagues. It was completed in 1486, and consecrated with thousands of victims. The rich and devout brought, while it was building, a mass of treasures, which were "buried in the mound as an offering to the gods, and served sub sequently as a powerful incentive for the removal of every vestige of the structure. The present cathedral occupies a portion of the site. 8 The appearance of the city was likewise improved by terraces of various heights serving as foundation for the dwellings of rich traders, and of the nobles who were either commanded to reside at the capital or attracted by the presence of the court. Their 1 louses were to be seen along the main thorough fares, differing from the adobe, mud, or rush huts of the poor, in being constructed of porous tetzontli stone, finely polished and whitewashed. Every house stood by itself, separated by narrow lanes or by gar dens, and inclosing one or more courts. Broad steps led up the terrace to two gates, one opening on the 4 For a description of the interior see Native Races, ii. 582-8. 'Ramirez and Carbajal Espiuosa define the limits pretty closely with respect to the modern outline of the city, Hist. Mcx., ii. 226-9, and notes in - 'otCa Mex. (eel. Mx. 1843), ii. app. 103; but Alamau, in his Dist-rt., ii. .Mil, etc., enters at greater length into the changes which the site has undergone since the conquest, supporting his conclusions with quotations from the Libro de Cabildo and other valuable documents. MONTEZUMA APPEARS. 285 soiled. The monarch, and his supporters were simi larly dressed, in blue tilmatlis which, bordered with gold and richly embroidered and bejewelled, hung in loose folds from the neck, where they were secured by a knot. On their heads were mitred crowns of gold with quetzal plumes, and sandals with golden soles adorned their feet, fastenings embossed with gold and precious stones. 14 Montezuma was about forty years of age, of good stature, with a thin though well-proportioned body, somewhat fairer than the average hue of his dusky race. The rather long face, with its fine eyes', bore an expression of majestic gravity, tinged with a certain benignity which at times deepened into ten derness. Hound it fell the hair in a straight fringe covering the ears, and met by a slight growth of black beard. 15 With a step full of dignity he advanced toward Cortes, who had dismounted to 'meet him. As they saluted, 16 Montezuma tendered a bouquet which he had brought in token of welcome, while the Span iard took from his own person and placed round the neck of the emperor a showy necklace of glass, in 14 For dress, see Native Rices, ii. 178 et seq. Corte"s gives sandals only to Montezuma, but it appears that persons of royal blood were allowed to retain them before the emperor, as Ixtlilxochitl also affirms. Hist. Chick.. 295 ; Oviedo, iii. 500; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 1121. 15 ' Cenzeiio y el rostro algo largo, 6 alegre. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 67. 'Motec9uma quiere dezir hobre sanudo y graue.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 103; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 502-3. It is from this, probably, that so many de scribe him as serious in expression. A number of portraits have been given of the monarch, differing greatly from one another. The best known is Pres- cott's, taken from the painting for a long time owned by the Coiides de Mira- valle, the descendants of Montezuma; but this lacks the Indian type, and partakes too much of the ideal. Clavigero's, Storia Mess., iii. 8, appears more like him, though it is too small and too roughly sketched to convey a clear outline. Far better is the half -size representation prefixed to Linati, Costumes, which indeed corresponds very well with the text description. The face in Armin, Alte Mex., 104, indicates a coarse Aztec warrior, and that in Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 244-5, an African prince, while the native picture, as given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Alex., ii. 6, is purely conventional. The text description, based chiefly on Bernal Diaz, is not inappropriate to the weak, vacillating character of the monarch. Clavigero makes him nearly 54 years old, and Brasseur de Bourbourg 51 ; but 40, as Bernal Diaz calls him, appears to be more correct. 16 'Ellos y el ficieron asimismo ceremonia de besar la tierra.' Cortes, Cartas, 85. 286 MEETING WITH MOXTEZUMA. form of pearls, diamonds, and iridescent balls, strung upon gold cords and scented with musk. 17 With these baubles, which were as false as the assurances of friendship accompanying them, the great monarch deigned to be pleased, for if every piece of glass had been a diamond they would have possessed no greater value in his eyes. As a further expression of his good- will, Corte's offered to embrace the monarch, but was restrained by the two princes, who regarded this as too great a familiarity with so sacred a person. 18 The highest representative of western power and grandeur, whose fame had rung in the ears of the Spaniards since they landed at Vera Cruz, thus met the daring adventurer who with his military skill and artful speech had arrogated to himself the position of a demi-god. After an interchange of friendly assurances the emperor returnedi to the city, leaving Cuitlahuatzin to escort the general. 19 The procession of nobles now filed by to tender their respects, whereupon the march 17 'De margaritas y diamantes de vidrio.' Id. 'Que se dizen margagitas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 65. 18 Soils assumes that Corte's was repelled when he sought to place the necklace on Montezuma. The latter chides the jealous princes, and permits him. Hist. Mex. , i. 370. ' Pareceme que el Cortes le daua la mano dereclia , y el Monte9uma no laquiso, c se la di6 & Cortes.' Bernal Diaz, 11 int. Vcrdad., 65. This phrase, which applies equally to offering the right hand, has been so understood by those who notice it; but as this would be confusing, Vetan- curt, for instance, assumes improbably that Marina offers her right hand to Montezuma, which he disregards, giving his instead to Cortes. TccUro Mex., pt. iii. 129. 19 Cortts, Cartas, 85. Ixtlilxochitl has it that Cacama was left with him; and Bernal Diaz, that the lord of Coyuhuacan also remained. According to Cortes, Montezuma accompanied him all the way to the quarters in the city, keeping a few steps before. Gomara and Herrera follow this version. But Bernal Diaz states explicitly that he left the Spaniards to follow, allowin ,' the people an opportunity to gaze; and Ixtlilxochitl assumes that he goes in order to be ready to receive him at the quarters. ///'*/. ( 'Inch., 295. It is not prolmble that Montezuma would expose himself to the inconvenience of walking so far back, since this involved troublesome ceremonies, as we have seen, not only to himself but to the procession, and interfered with the people who had come forth to gaze. The native records state that Montezuma at once surrendered to Cortes the throne and city. 'Y se fueron ambos jun tos A la par para las casas rcalos. ' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 23-4. Leading C . into the Toxi hermitage, at the place of meeting, he made the nobles \ presents and tender allegiance, while he accepted also the faith. D 7^., MS., ii. 440-1. 474 LA NOCHE TEISTE. ing their missiles fast and furious, while from the cross-roads issued a swarm, with lance and sword, on Alvarado's flank. Over the water resounded their cries, and cainoes came crowding round the causeway to attack the forward ranks. To add to the horrors of the tumult, several men and horses slipped on the wet bridge and fell into the water; others, midst heart-rending cries, were crowded over the edge by those behind. All the rest succeeded in crossing, however, except about one hundred soldiers. These, it is said, bewildered by the battle cries and death shrieks, turned back to the fort, and there held out for three days, till hunger forced them to surrender and meet the fate of sacrificial victims at the coronation feast of Cuitlahuatzin. 21 The half mile of causeway extending between the first and second breaches was now completely filled with Spaniards and allies, whose flanks were harassed by the forces brought forward in canoes on either side. Dark and foggy as the night was, the outline of the Indian crews could be distinguished by the white and colored tilmatli in which many of them were clad, owing to the coldness of the air. Fearlessly they jumped to the banks, and fought the Spaniards with lance and javelin, retreating into the water the moment the charge was over. Some crept up the road sides, and seizing the legs of the fugitives endeavored to drag them into the water. So crowded were the soldiers that they could scarcely defend themselves; aggressive movements were out of the question. Repeated orders had been transmitted to Magarino to hurry forward the removal of his bridge to the second channel, and, seeing no more soldiers on the opposite bank of the first opening, he prepared to ?1 This native rumor, as recorded in the manuscripts used by Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 476-7, is probably the foundation for Cano's statement, that Cortes abandoned 270 men in the fort. Herrera reduces them to 100. ' Que se boluieron a la torre del templo, adonde se hizierou f uertes tres dias. ' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. HARD FIGHTING. 475 obey, but the structure had been so deeply imbedded in the banks from the heavy traffic that his men labored for some time in vain to lift it, exposed all the while to a fierce onslaught. Finally, after a number of the devoted band had succumbed, the bridge v. released, but before it could be drawn over the cause way the enemy had borne it down at the other end so as .effectually to wreck it. 22 The loss of the bridge was a great calamity, and was so regarded by the troops, hemmed in as they were between two deep channels, on a causeway which in width would hold only twenty men in a line. On all sides were enemies thirsting for blood. Presently a rush was made for the second channel, where the soldiers had already begun, in face of the foe, to cross on a single beam, which had been left intact when the bridge was de stroyed. As this was an exceedingly slow- process, many took to the water, only to receive their death blow at the hands of the watermen. Some were taken prisoners; some sank beneath their burden of gold; the horses found a ford on one side where the water was not above the saddle The canoes, however, were as numerous here as elsewhere, and their occupants as determined ; and the horsemen had the greatest trouble to keep their seats while resisting them. The general, being at the head, suffered most. At one time some Indians seized him by the legs and tried to drag him off. The footing of the horse being so insecure, the attempt ^yould probably have succeeded but for the prompt aid of Antonio de Quinones, and Texmaxahuitzin, a Tlas- caltec, known afterward as Antonio. Olid, who also came to the rescue, was almost overpowered, but managed to free himself by means of backhanded blows from his muscular arm. One of the cavalry, Juan de Salazar, the page of Cortes, then took tho "Bernal Diaz, Hi*t. VerdasL, 106, assumes that the enemy bore it clown before the baggage train had crossed, and that the channel was filled ii sequence with artillery, ba.^age, and dead bodies. Goniara gets the bi across the second breach. Both must be mistaken, however. 476 LA NOCHE TRISTE. lead to clear the way for the rest, only to fall a victim to his zeal. The next moment his master had gained the bank, and thereupon directed the troops by the ford. 23 Thus in the darkness the wild roar of battle con tinued, the commingling shouts and strokes of com batants falling on the distant ear as one continuous moan. The qanoes now pressed on the fugitives in greater number at the ford than in the channel. Sandoval, with his party, had swum the channel before the Mexicans assembled there in great num bers, and was now leading the van down the cause way, scattering the assailants right and left. Little regular fighting was attempted, the Spaniards being intent on escaping and the Mexicans quickly yielding before the cavalry, taking refuge in and. round the canoes. With greater hardihood and success, how ever, they harassed those on foot. On reaching the 'next channel, which was the last, the fugitives found with dismay that it was wider and deeper than the others, and with bitter regret they saw their mistake in not bringing three portable bridges. The enemy was here also gathering in ever increasing force, to watch the death trap. Every effort to clear a passage was stubbornly resisted, and, the soldiers growing more irresolute, a rider was sent to bring Cortes. Before he arrived, however, Sandoval had already plunged in with a number of the cavalry, followed by foot-soldiers, who seized the opportunity to fall into the wake, by either holding on to the trappings of the horses or striking out for them selves. The passage was extremely difficult, and more than one horseman reeled and fell, from the united pressure of friends and foes. Those who followed suffered yet more, being pushed down by comrades, struck by clubs and stones, pierced by spears, or, most 23 Camargo relates the incidents of the passage in detail, and says that Corte"s fell into a hole as the enemy pounced upon him. The two deliverers disputed the honor of having rescued the general. Hist. Tlax., 169. THE DREADFUL BRIDGE. 477 horrible of all, drawn in by dusky boatmen, who care fully guarded them for the dread stone of sacrifice. With five horsemen Corte's led a body of one hun dred infantry to the mainland. Accompanying this force was a number of carriers with treasures secured by the general and his friends. Leaving the gold in charge of Jaramillo, with orders to hold the entrance of the causeway against assailants from the shore, Cortes returned to the channel where Sandoval had taken a stand to keep clear the bank and protect the passage. Tidings coming that Alvarado was in danger, Cortes proceeded to the rear, beyond the second channel, and found it hotly contested. His opportune arrival in fused fresh courage, as with gallant charges he relieved the troops from the terrible pressure. He looked, in vain for many comrades who had been placed at this post, and would have gone in search of them had not Alvarado assured him that all the living were there. He was told that the guns reserved for the rear -had for a while been directed with sweeping effect against the ever growing masses of warriors around them ; but finally a simultaneous attack from the canoe crews on either side, and from the land forces to the rear, impelled by their own volume, had overwhelmed the narrow columns nearest the city, together with their cannon, killing and capturing a large number, and throwing the rest into the panic-stricken condition from which he had just extricated them. Leaving Alvarado to cover the rear as best he could, Corte's hastened to direct the passage of the middle channel. What a sight was there ! Of all the bloody terrors of that dark, sorrowful night, this was the most terrible! A bridge had been wanting, and behold, the bridge was there! With dead and living fugitives the chasm on either side the slippery beam had been filled, 24 and now the soldiers and allii-s 84 * El foso se hinch6 hasta arriba ; y los de la retroguardia pasaron sobre los muertos. Los espafioles que aqui quedaron muertos fueron trescientos, y de los tlaxcaltecas y otros indios amigos fueron mas de dos mil.' Sahaytiii, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 1>. 478 LA NOCHE TBISTE. were rushing, heedless of the groans beneath them, across this gory support, still narrow and full of gaps, to be filled by the next tripping fugitive. Scattered pell-mell on the bank lay the baggage and artillery, abandoned by the fleeing carriers, which, proving only an obstruction, Cortes ordered it thrown into the channel in order to widen the crossing. But the end was not yet. Great as had been the woe, it was yet to be increased at the last and wider channel. Here was indeed a yawning abyss, having likewise a single remaining beam, whose narrow slip pery surface served rather as a snare than a support. 25 The necessarily slow motion of the train had enabled the Mexicans to come up in swarms, and like sharks surround the chasm. Harassed on every side, and with an avalanche rolling against the rear, the re treating thought only of escaping the new danger, and at once. They threw aside their arms and treas ures and plunged in, bearing oiie another down re gardless of any claims of friendship or humanity. And woful to hear were the heart-rending cries from that pit of Acheron. Some begged help of Mary and Santiago; some cursed their fate and him who had brought them to it, while many sank with mute despair into the arms of death; and over all roared the wild cries and insults of the Mexicans. In strong contrast to the panic-stricken men appeared a woman, Maria de Estrada, who, with shield and sword, faced the enemy like a lioness, standing forth among the men as a leader, and astonishing friend and foe with her prowess. 26 Cortes did all he could, as became an able com mander and valiant soldier, to save his men. He was indefatigable in his efforts, being everywhere present, encouraging, guiding, and protecting. Yet his posi tion was most trying; there were that night so many ed,' was his reply, ' and fewer will be left if we return.' Saying this ho lioai i horsemen and a -few foot-soldiers and galloped back. />< . lii*t. IV/v/rr/., 100. But Cortes was not the man to wait in such a w Zamacois makes atonement for a lack of research by inventing doughty deeds for this hero, flint. Mcj., iii. 417-18. <>ng the soldiers contributed in later times by Garay's expo was one Ocampo, who, fond of scandal and pasquinades, libelled many of the THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES OF NORTH AMERICA. BY HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME V. PRIMITIVE HISTORY. SAN FRANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1882. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Rights Reserved. THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. BY HUBERT H. BANCROFT. In Five Volumes, Octavo, numbering in all 4091 pages, with 10 Maps and 425 Illustrations. VOL. I. WILD TRIBES; THEIR MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. VOL. II. CIVILIZED NATIONS OF MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. VOL. III. MYTHOLOGY AND LANGUAGES OF BOTH SAVAGE AND CIVILIZED NATIONS. VOL. IV. ANTIQUITIES AND ARCHITECTURAL REMAINS. VOL. V. ABORIGINAL HISTORY AND MIGRATIONS; INDEX TO THE ENTIRE WORK. As the Europeans first came upon the several parts of America they encountered a strange people, different from any they had ever before seen, of many and diverse nations and languages, yet all wonderfully like each other. There were among them no such decided race contrasts as are found between Africans, Asiatics, and Europeans. At first the wise men of the world did not know what to make of it; but they finally concluded to pronounce them human beings, and to accredit them with a soul. 16} 6 BANCROFT'S WORKS. These Americans were not all equally well condi tioned or equally intelligent. Many of their customs were similar to those of the Europeans, particularly to those of the aboriginal Europeans; the common necessities of man engender common habits and man ners; some of their ways were widely different from those of any other people known ever to have lived on the - earth. There were found on the table-lands of Central America, Mexico, and Peru imperial na tions, but little behind the Europeans themselves in progress. On either side of them, along the shore of the Mexican Gulf and along the Pacific seaboard, more particularly in California, man was low enough in the scale of humanity. So he was at Patagonia; but at Alaska he was shrewder; indeed, the Eskimos belonged to the Asiatic and European Arctic race, rather than to the American Indian proper. It has been the purpose in these five volumes to give a full and accurate description of these peoples; that is those of them occupying the Pacific Coast of North America from Alaska to Panamd, including the whole of Central America and Mexico. They are described as they were first seen by Europeans. Indeed, we had but a brief glance at them before they were gone; it is well for us, therefore, it is creditable to our enlightenment and civilization, that we should gather and preserve all that is known of the Native Races of the New World before it is too late, before tvith the people themselves the knowledge of them sinks into oblivion. And this Mr Bancroft has done; first gathering from every quarter the testi mony of twelve hundred eye-witnesses, conquerors, fur-traders, gold-seekers, travellers and authors, as shown by the list of authorities given, and then sift ing, classifying, and writing it all down in form for permanent preservation. The plan of the five volumes is essentially as fol lows : THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. VOLUME I. THE WILD TRIBES OF THE PACIFIC STATES; THEIR MAN NERS AND CUSTOMS. Of this vast seaboard, stretching from the Arctic Ocean to the river Darien, six territorial divisions are made, and the natives of each division, grouped under appropriate names, are separately described. Begin ning at the north, there are . first the Hyperboreans, or northern people; then the Columbians, or nations whose lands are drained by the Columbia River and its tributaries; followed by the Calif ornians, which term, besides the natives of California, includes the inhabitants of the Great Basin beyond the Sierra Nevada; the New Mexicans come next, which group includes the Town -builders or Pueblos, the Co- manches, Apaches, and the savage tribes of northern Mexico and the peninsula of California; then we have the Wild Tribes of Mexico; and, finally, the Wild Tribes of Central America. Following lin guistic and physical diversities, these six great divis ions are again subdivided into numerous families, nations and tribes, and the whole accurately and minutely described, with constant reference to the sources whence the information is derived. First, with the name and its origin, the territorial ' O ' boundaries of each people are given, and the aspects of the country delineated, with special reference to the influence of nature on man; then the physical peculiarities of the people are portrayed, their gen eral appearance, height, form, complexion, features, cranium, the color and texture of the hair, beard, etc., with the usual attempted improvements on nature, such as decoration, painting, tattooing, nose, lip, and ear piercing and ornamenting, head-flattening and other deformations; then their dress, houses, tents, caves, arbors, and all other attempts to better the 8 BANCROFT'S WORKS. primitive unsheltered condition; next the subject of food is taken up, what is eaten, how it is procured and prepared, which includes hunting, fishing, root- digging, agriculture, and the preservation and cooking of food; their personal habits are then examined; also their weapons, and methods of declaring war, of fighting battles, of treating prisoners and. making peace; their implements, utensils, dishes, saddles, boats, canoes, rafts, and methods of navigation, in addition to which their manufactures of cloth, mats, and pottery, are given; then their wealth, property, and trade, that is, what constitutes native wealth, what their conceptions of rights of property, what their customs in trade and what their currencies are; likewise their arts, such as carving and painting, and their intellectual advancement as manifest in count ing, reckoning time, and observation of celestial bodies ; their government, laws, power and position of chiefs, and punishment of crimes next attract our attention, with the phenomenon of slavery, the slave-trade, and the treatment of slaves; then their family relations are taken up, such as the position of woman, court ship, marriage, polygamy, treatment of wives and children, childbirth, chastity, and prostitution; then their amusements, songs, dances, feasts, smoking, drinking, gambling, horse-racing, and athletic sports: and, finally, their diseases, medicines, treatment of the sick, medicine-men, conjurers or sorcerers, their mourning and burial, concluding their obituary with a summing up of their general character. All this is gone over with every subdivision of every group care being taken not to describe in full the same custom twice, but only to note differences and giyen with a thoroughness, and, notwithstanding its mag nitude, with a minuteness never hitherto approached by any writer on aboriginal peoples. Preceding each of the six groups or great divisions of this volume is a fine copper-plate map of that por tion of the Pacific States embraced within the terri- THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 9 tory of the group, with families, nations, and tribes, newly and accurately set down according to the most reliable authorities, in letters of a size corresponding to variety and species; so that all these maps put to gether represent our whole western seaboard, with the people inhabiting it before it was disturbed by Europeans. At the end of each groupal division a summary of Tribal Boundaries is given, with all the authorities, confirmatory and contradictory, placed side by side, thus enabling the reader to draw his own conclusions in the matter. VOLUME II. THE CIVILIZED NATIONS OF MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMER ICA; THEIR INDUSTRIES, ARTS, AND LITERATURE, THEIR CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS POLITIES, AND THEIR SOCIAL CUSTOMS. Here we have an entirely new field. The people described in the first volume display different degrees of savagism, yet they may all safely be called savages. But on the table-lands of Mexico and Central Amer ica the first Spaniards found nations well advanced in science, art, and literature ; nations that laid out large cities in streets and squares with public market-places ; nations that built magnificent palaces and temples of hewn stone and lime, and left as architectural remains huge monuments and stupendous tumuli; nations well skilled in the working of metals, and whose jewel lers rivaled the Venetian gold-workers of the period; nations that spun and wove delicate textile fabrics, and produced mosaic feather-work that was the marvel of the civilized world; nations that were governed by august potentates, and whose kings and emperors were surrounded with a pomp and courtly etiquette as great as that of any European prince ; nations with a palpably progressive civilization, with civil and relig ious polities of no mean order, and whose institutions 10 BANCROFT'S WORKS. often resembled those of the old world. In this volume are described the orders of society, nobles, priests, and plebeians; the distribution and tenure of lands; the astronomical ideas and calendar system of the Aztecs, Mayas, Quiches, and others; their litera ture, hieroglyphic writings, music and painting; their useful arts, their implements, and manufactures; their sculpture, and working in stones, gold, silver, and jewels; their food, and manner of procuring and pre serving it; their cultivation of the soil, and their eat ing of human flesh; the relations of husband and wife, polygamy, childbirth, and baptism; circumcision, instruction of children, salutation, betrothal, and mat ters relating to private and domestic life; the royal household, the king's state and the position of the nobles ; their systems of government, laws, law-courts, judges, and other officials, court regulations, court costume, matters relating to coronation, election, taxes, taking the census, royal succession, with -the royal palaces and its gardens and buildings; their ceremo nies, feasts, dances, games, smoking, and drinking; their common houses, public buildings, temples, streets, market-places, with the interior of their dwellings; their dress, and ornaments ; their commerce, with the laws and regulations of the market-place ; merchants, merchants' feasts, and the mercantile order; their weapons, offensive and defensive, the equipment of soldiers, declaration and carrying on of war, army reg ulations, army officers, pensions, captives, booty, war councils, war tribunals, and triumphal entries; their auguries, diseases, treatment of the sick, medicinal herbs, curative processes, doctors, and burials. This volume fills a gap in the world's literature. It opens with a masterly essay, Chapter I., on Savagism and Civilization, a subject ill understood even by those who talk much about it. The civilizations of Egypt, Greece, and Rome have been written and re written by a multitude of authors in many THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 11 the civilizations of the Aztecs, Mayas, and Quiches have never before been adequately written in any lan guage. Least of all that is trustworthily written of them is in English; while the early and extensive but chaotic descriptions by the old Spanish chroniclers, and the later investigations of French and German savans are alike inaccessible to most English readers. If the American civilizations were a little ruder than the European which Dr Draper declares they were not, so far as the Spaniards were concerned in the comparison they are surely none the less worthy of being known; indeed, as the tendency of investiga tion now is, every new phase of civilization brought to light is of far more value to science than would be the production of a counterpart to any of the longer known and better understood civilizations of Europe. Curtailed and necessarily misleading descriptions of these societies have been prefixed to numerous his tories of the conquest; but the work of thoroughly collecting all the facts, setting. them in order, and clearly presenting them has never before been at tempted, and it is hoped that this volume will meet a necessity which has long been felt. VOLUME III. MYTHOLOGY AND LANGUAGES OF BOTH SAVAGE AND CIV ILIZED NATIONS. This volume attempts to trace the intricate wind ings of Myths and Tongues throughout our territory. Under the former heading are collected all the tradi tions, beliefs, and strange stories concerning the origin and end of things, the creation of the world, with its men and animals and trees, and all things else therein ; it tells how fire was first made, and how the sun and moon and stars were established in the heavens; how, in days when men and beasts talked together, a great flood came upon the earth, and how the Coyote, the 12 BANCROFT'S WORKS. cunningest of animals, prepared an ark to save him self withal; how the Golden Gate was opened, Mount Shasta made, and how a great wave came from the ocean and formed Lake Tahoe; it gives the origin of Clear Lake, recounts the feats of the Giants of the Palouse River, and tells how native religious philolo gists explain differences in language and the confusion of tongues. It gives the story of Yehl, the creator of the Thlinkeets, and of the Raven and the Dog; it tells how the Coyote stole fire for the Cahrocs, how the Frog lost his tail, how the Hawk and Crow built the Coast Range, and how the mountains of Yosemite were made. From physical myths we proceed to animal , and learn of the ill-omened owl, of tutelary animals and metamorphosed men, of the ogress- squirrel of Vancouver Island, of fallen men and sacred animals; of the serpent, emblem, among other things, of the lightning; of the Danse Macabre and sad death of the Coyote. The next chapters treat of gods, supernatural beings, and worship, of demon- ology and witchcraft, of sacred fires; then the Mexi can religion is taken up, and Tezcatlipoca, Quetzal- coatl, and its numerous other deities described, with the prayers of the worshippers and a description of their bloody sacrifices; and, lastly, the future state with its horror of great darkness or its Valhalla glories is laid bare. The latter part of the volume is devoted to the languages and dialects of this coast, of which there are no less than six hundred. First a tabular classi fication of aboriginal tongues is given, which begin ning at the north proceeds southward, without how ever being confined to territorial boundaries in cases where the dialect is discovered cropping out else where. Then the characteristic individuality of the American tongues is noticed; the frequent occurrence of long words; duplications, frequentatives, and duals; intertribal languages, gesture -languages, jargons or trade languages; the great language families which THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 13 are found principally inland; language in reference to origin, and accidental similarities and coincidences between strange languages. First in order are the Hyperborean languages, Eskimo, Koniagan, Aleut, and Thlinkeet grammars; the great Tinneh family, with its eastern, western, central, and southern divis ions; specimens of and comparisons between these several dialects; comparative vocabulary of the Tin neh family. Taking up the Columbian languages, we have the Haidah grammar; the Nass dialects ; Bella- coola and Chimsyan comparisons; the languages of Vancouver Island; specimens, and Aztec analogies; the Sound languages; the tongues of interior British Columbia, Washington, Oregon, and Idaho, with grammars and specimens; the Chinook jargon. Next come the Californians, with their babel of tongues, of which are given many grammars and original vocabularies, as of the Pomos, Shastas, the dialects of Pitt River, of Russian River, of the Sacramento, San Joaquin, Napa, and Sonoma valleys; of the Olhones and others of San Francisco Bay, the Run- senes and Eslenses of Monterey, and the dialects at the several missions ; of Santa Cruz and other islands, with trans-Pacific comparisons. Crossing the Sierra Nevada, there are the Shoshone languages and their affiliations; the Aztec-Sonora connections ; the Utah, Comanche, Moqui, Kizh, Netela, Kechi, Cahuillo, and Chemehuevi grammars and comparative vocabu laries. Still proceeding southward, we have the lan guages of the Pueblos, and find the Colorado River nations not affiliated with any large families; we examine the Lower Californian tongues with gram matical remarks. Then come the Pima, Opata, and Seri languages, of which grammars and prayers are given in the different dialects, with remarks on their Aztec-Sonora connection. The languages of northern Mexico are then given with grammars and specimens ; after which the Aztec and Otonii languages of central Mexico ; a dissertation on the identity of the Nahuatl, 14 BANCROFT'S WORKS. Aztec, Chichimec and Toltec idioms; testimony of the early missionaries and others as to the richness and beauty of the Aztec tongue; following which are the tongues of the Tarascos, the Miztecs, Zapotecs, Mijes, and others of southern Mexico, and the Huaves of the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Descending to Central America we have the old and illustrious Maya-Quiche family with its multitudinous ramifications, and, last of all, the languages of Costa Rica, Honduras, Nica ragua, and the isthmus of Panamd,. VOLUME IV. MONUMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY; RUINS AND MATERIAL RELICS OF THE PAST, ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS. Ruined cities, palaces, temples, and fortifications; pyramids, mounds, and tombs; weapons, implements, and dishes, of stone, clay, and metal; idols and altars of elaborate sculpture ; hieroglyphic inscriptions, rock- paintings, ornaments, and many articles of unknown use all these the work of native hands before inter course with Europeans have been found scattered over the surface of the Pacific States, examined and described by some five hundred travellers. The results are contained in more than as many books, many of which furnish complete and reliable information about the antiquities of particular regions or localities, but no one work ever published makes any attempt at a thorough description of all. This is what is done in this volume, which describes carefully each of the many thousand relics, by means of information drawn from all the travellers who have seen it. The antiqui ties of each separate region are profusely illustrated by cuts of the most interesting objects, prepared from the most authentic sources. A large map enables the reader to easily locate each important ruin. Two chapters are added on South American antiquitu s and the works of the mound-builders of the eastern THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 15 United States. By such addition this volume in cludes all the relics of any interest and importance in America. Interesting notes on the successive explo rations of different ruins and on the books of the ex plorers are added. The subject is treated geographi cally, proceeding from south to north by states, and classifying the monuments of each state in groups according to their nature. Without noticing here the multitude of smaller relics described, some of the prominent features may be named as follows: the im plements and ornaments of gold, clay, and stone dug from the huacas or tombs of Chiriqui; the many strangely carved idols and the rude cairns or sepul chral stone-heaps of Nicaragua; the regular pyram idal structures and fortifications of Honduras and Salvador, including the wonderful temple and the colossal idols and altars at Copan; in Guatemala are the ruins of Quirigua and Tikal, with the more mod ern Quiche ruins scattered on all the plateaux; Ux- mal, Chichen-Itza, and innumerable ruined cities dot the plains of Yucatan; in Chiapas is Palenque, in many respects the most remarkable American ruin; across the isthmus of Tehuantepec, in Oajaca, are the temples, pyramids, and fortified mounts of Mitla and vicinity; then the remains of Nahua art and skill in the territory of the ancient Aztec empire; Xochi- calco in the south; Misantla, Papantla, and Tusapan in Vera Cruz; the few monuments of Andhuac and surrounding valleys, including the pre- Aztec pyra mids of Cholula and Teotihuacan; the mysterious Quemada of Zacatecas; the Casas Grandes of Chi huahua and on the Gila; and the New Mexican Pue blo ruins of New Mexico. Finally from California northward to Alaska we have only a few trifling relics of savage tribes, but even here the mining-shafts of California have laid bare rude stone implements in connection with the remains of extinct animals, which throw no little light on the much discussed subject of man's age upon the earth. This treatise supplies a 16 BANCROFT'S WORKS. need of the reader with antiquarian tastes who can not procure the many rare and expensive works that treat of the subject. The greatest possible pains has been taken to make this volume fill satisfactorily the place of all; and if its subject be not of the highest interest to the general reader, it is in some respects the most complete of the whole series. VOLUME V. ANCIENT HISTORY, MIGRATIONS, AND ORIGIN OF THE CIV ILIZED NATIONS CONCLUDING WITH A COPIOUS INDEX TO THE WHOLE FIVE VOLUMES. The last volume of the series is devoted to what is known or conjectured of the American people and the American civilization in the past, a topic of the deepest interest, and a fruitful ground- work of theory and speculation. Preceding volumes have "dealt with known facts concerning the aborigines and their actual institutions as observed by Europeans, and collected from all available sources. All the positive knowl edge therein collected is here used to throw light on the darkness of traditional history. Starting with no great theory to support, and making no pretence of reducing the vagueness of tradition to the certainty of historic record, the author tells the aboriginal story as he finds it in the most original and reliable authorities a fascinating tale, illustrated with all the vagaries and quaint conceits of the native mind. The begin ning, progress, and dismemberment of the great Maya empire of Central America, with the more modern Maya-Quiche epoch in Guatemala and Yucatan; the successive Toltec and Chichimec eras of Andhuac, with the more definite and reliable annals of the great Aztec empire, are narrated as a connected whole so far as consistent with the data, and detached historic traditions are introduced wherever they seem most appropriate and intelligible. No authentic native tra- THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. 17 clition is omitted; no over-strained attempt is made to reconcile discordant historic elements, neither is a spirit of misplaced scepticism allowed to reject as use less the fables of the aboriginal annals. The chapters on the question of Origin present a clear statement of the many theories that have been brought forward, with the facts on which they rest. No claim is made that the author has solved a problem which is and must, probably, ever remain insoluble; but the opin ions some resting on absurdity, others on a reason able basis of the many who have solved it to their own satisfaction, are given fully and impartially, leav ing the reader to form his own conclusions. An Index of the whole five volumes will fill some hun dreds of pages at the close and is a prominent feature of the work. Constructed according to the most approved principles, it directs the reader at once to all that the work contains on each minute point treated, and thus by way of the notes, to all that has been written on the Native Races. This Index is a fitting end of a most extensive literary work, and multiplies the practical value of all the matter that precedes it. In it is the name of every tribe, every place, every custom and characteristic, every tongue, every myth, every tradition, and every concrete idea embraced in the whole five volumes, with numerous inversions and cross-references; so that as a work of reference it will be invaluable. Nothing is of greater importance in a standard work of this character than a full and complete Index, which refers the searcher at once to whatever is wanted. Many a good book lies almost worthless for lack of this, and the author of the present volumes has suffered too much in the use of poorly indexed books, not to take good care that his work shall be free from that defect. Thus the indigenous races of this one twelfth part of the earth's surface are portrayed with a compre hensiveness and a completeness hitherto unparalleled in the annals of literature. Not alone are the people, 18 BANCROFT'S WORKS. their physique, their architecture, arts, and industries, their political, social, and domestic life, vividly pic tured, but mind with its inmost workings is analyzed, weird belief and wondrous speech are placed side by side, and incomprehensible conceptions of things in comprehensible are spread out, not as postulates for the support of some preconcerted theory, but as liv ing unadulterated facts, from which the intelligent reader may make his own deductions. As it would be impracticable to enumerate in a Prospectus all the authorities referred to throughout the whole series, a list of the Authorities Quoted in the Native Races alone is given as a specimen. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Abbot (Gorham D.), Mexico and the United States. New York, 1869. Abert (J. W.), Report of his Examination of New Mexico. 1846-7. (30th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Executive Doc. 41.) Washington, .1848. About (Edmond), Handbook of Social Economy. New York, 1873. Acazitli (Francisco de Sandoval), Relacion de la Jornada que liizo. Indios Chichimecas dc Xuchipila. In Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., torn. ii. Acosta ( Joaquin), Compendio Historico del Descubrimiento, etc. de la Nueva Granada: Paris, 1848. Acosta (Josef de), Historia Natural y Moral de las Yndias. Sevilla, 1590. [Quoted as Hist, de las Ynd.] Acosta (Josef de), The Naturall and Morall Historic of the East and West Indies. London, n. d. [1604]. [Quoted as Hist. Nat. Ind.] Adair (James), The History of the American Indians. London, 1775. 4to. Adelung (Johaim Christoph), see Vater (J. S.), Mithridates. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte. Berlin. Alaman (Lucas), Disertaciones sobre la Historia de la Republica Mejicana. Mejico, 1844-9. 3 vols. Alaman (Lucas), Historia de Mejico. Mejico, 1849-52. 5 vols. Alarcon (Fernando), The Relation of the Nauigation and Discouery which Captaine Fernando Alarchon made, [1540.] In Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii. ; Ramusio, Navigationi, torn. iii. ; Teraaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., torn. ix. Album Mexicano. Mexico, 1849. Alcedo (Antonio de), Diccionario Geografico Historico. Madrid, 1786-9. 5 vols. Alegre (Francisco Javier), Historia de la Compafiia de Jesus en Nueva Espaiia. Mexk-o, 1841. 3 vols. Almaraz (Kan: on), Memoria de los trabajos ejecutadosporla Comision Cien- tifica de Pac.iuca. Mexico, 1865. Almaraz (Ramon), Memoria acerca de los Terrenos de Metlaltoyuca. Mex ico, 1866. Alric (Henri J. A.), Dix Ans de Residence d'un missionnaire dans les deux Californies. Mexico, 1866. Alzate y Ramirez (Jose Antonio), Gacetas de Literatiira de Mexico. Mex ico, 1790-4, 3 vols.; and Puebla, 1831. 4 vols. Alzate- y Ramirez (Jose Antonio), Memoria sobre la Naturaleza, etc., de la Grana. MS. Mexico, 1777. America, An Account of the Spanish Settlements in. Edinburgh, 1762. American Annual Register. New York, 1827 et seq. American Antiquarian Society, Transactions and Collections. Worcester, etc., 1820-60. 4 vols. American Ethnological Society, Transactions. New York, 1845-8. vols. i.,iL American Missions, History of. Worcester, 1844. American Notes and Queries. Philadelphia, 1857. American Quarterly Register. Philadelphia, 1848 ct seq. VOL. I, 2 M xviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. American (Quarterly Review. Philadelphia, 1827 et seq. American Register. Philadelphia, 1807 et seq. American Review. New Fork, 1845 et seq. Aincri(|iie (Vnirale. Colonisation du District de Santo-Thomas, Guate mala. Paris. 1S44. Ampere (J. .!.), Promenade en Ame'rique. Paris, 1855. 2 vols. Analcs Mrxicanos de Ciencia. Literature, etc. Mexico, 1SGO. Anderson (Alex. ('.), Hand-Conk and Map of Frazer's and Thompson's Ki\ (!>. San Francisco, [1858]. Andrews (W. S.), Illustrations of the West Indies. London, [1861]. folio. Annates dec Voyages. Paris, 1809-14. 24 vols. Annual of Selentiiic Discovery. Boston, 1850 et seq. Annual Register. London, 1787-1807. 47 vols. Anson (George), A Voyage round the World, 1740-4. London, 1707. 4to. Antiquites Mexicaines. Paris, 1834. folio. 3 vols. Text, 2 vols., each in 2 divisions; plates, 1 vol. Antunez y Acevedo (Rafael), Memorias Historicas. Madrid, 17'.7. Aiiunciacioii ( Juan de la), Doctrina Christiana muy cumplida. En L-iigua Castellana y Mexicana. Mexico, 1575. Anunciacion (Juan de la), Sennonario en Lengua Mexicana. Mexico, }~>~1. Apostolicos Afanes de la Compaiiia de Jesus. Barcelona, 1754. 4to. Aravjo (Ivan Martinez de), Manual de los Santos Sacramentos en el Idioma de Mielinacan. Mexico, 1690. Archenholtz (J. M. von), The History of the Pirates, etc., of America. Lon don, 1807. Arcluvologiu, or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity. London, 1770-1857. 57 v.ls. Arenas (Pedro de), Guide de la Conversation en trois Langues, Franca is, Espagnol et Mexicain. Paris, 1862. Arenas (Pedro de), Voealmlario Manual de las Lenguas Castellana y Mex icana. Mexico, [1583]. Arenas (Pedro de),Vocabulario Manual de las Lenguas Castellana y Mex icana. Puebla, 1831. Arizcorreta (Mariano), Respuesta de Algunos Propietarios de Fincas Riisti- cas, a . Mexico, 1849. Arlegni (Joseph de), Chronica de la Provincia de N. S. P. S. Francisco de Xacatecas. Mexico, 1737. Armin (Th.), Das Alte Mexiko. Leipzig, 1865. Armin (Th.), Das Heutige Mexiko. Leipzig, 1865. Armstrong (Alex.), A Personal Narrative of the Discovery of the N. W. Passage. London, 1857. Arricivita (Joan Domingo), Cr6nica Serdfica y Apost61ica del Colegio do ipaganda Fide de h Arte de Ja Lengua Ndvome, que se dice Pima. (Shea's Linguistics, No. 5.) Propaganda Fide de la Santa Cruz de Queretaro. Mexico, I7i>-. San Augustine, 1862. Athanasius, see West-Indische Spieghel. Atlantic Monthly. Boston, 1858 et seq. Atwater (Caleh)^ Description of the Antiquities of Ohio. In Amer. An- tiq. Soc., Transact., vol. i. Aubin, Memoire sur 1'ecriture figurative. Paris, 1849. Anger (Kdonard), Voyage en Californie. Paris, 1854. Avila (Francisco de), Arte de la Lengua Mexicana. Mexico, 1717. Baegert (Jacob), An Account of the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Califor- nian Peninsula. In Smithsonian Report, 1863-4. Baer (K. E. von), Statistische und Ethnographische Nachrichten iiber die 1 1 ussischen Besitzungeu an der Nordwestkiiste von Amerika. St Peters burg, 1835). Baeza (Bartolom^ del Granado), Los Indios de Yucatan. InRegistro Yuca- teco, torn. i. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xix Baily (John), Central America; describing Guatemala, Honduras, Salva" dor, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. London, 1850. Bain (Alexander), Mind and Body; The Theories of their Relation. New York, 1873. Baldwin (John D.), Ancient America. New York, 1872. Barber (John W. ), and Henry Howe, All the Western States and Territo ries. Cincinnati, 1867. Bdrcena, (J. M. Roa), Ensayo de una Historia Anecdotica de Mexico. Mexico, 1862. Barcena, (J. M. 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In Smithsonian Report, 1854. Carli (Gian-Riualdo), Las Cartas Amencanas. Mexico, 1821-2. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxiii Carochi (Horacio), Compendio del Arte de la Lengua Mexicana . . . . Dis- puesto. . . .per el P. Ignacio de Paredes. Mexico, 1759. Carpenter (Wm. W.), Travels and Adventures in Mexico. New York, 1851. Carranza (Domingo Gonzales), A Geographical Description of . . . .the West Indies. London, 1740. Carriedo ( Juan B. ), Los Palacios Antiguos de Mitla. In Ilustracion Mex icana., torn. ii. Carrington (Mrs M. J.), Absaraka, Home of the Crows. Philadelphia, 1868. Cartari ( Vicenzo), Le vere e nove Imagini de gli Dei delli Antichi. Padoua, .1615. Cartas Edificantes y Curiosas Escritas de las Missiones Estrangeras por algunos missioneros de la Comp. de Jesus. Madrid. 1755-7. 16 vols. Carvalho (S. N.), Incidents of Travel and Adventure in the Far West. New York, 1858. Castaileda de Nagera (Pedro de), Relation du Voyage de Cibola. In Ter- naux-Compans, Voy., serie i., torn. ix. Paris, 1838. Castano de Sosa (Gaspar), Memoria del Desciibrirniento . . . .del Nuevo Reino de Leon. 1590. In Pacheco, Col. de Doc. Ined., torn. iv. Catecismo en Idioma Mixteco. Puebla, 1837. Cathecismo y Suma de la Doctrina Christiana .... por el III. Concilio Pro vincial, 1585. MS. Catherwood (F.), Views of Ancient Monuments in Central America, Chia pas and Yucatan. New York, 1844. folio. Catlin (George), Illustrations of the Manners, Customs and Condition of the North American Indians. London, 1866. 2 vols. Catlin (George), Okeepa. Philadelphia, 1867. Cavo (Andres), Los Tres Siglos de Mexico. Mexico, 1836-8. 4 vols. Chambers' Edinburgh Journal. London, 1834 et seq. Champagnac ( J. B. J. ), Le Jeune Voyageur en Californie. Paris, n. d. Chandless (Win.), A Visit to Salt Lake. London, 1857. Chappe D'Auteroche, Voyage en Californie. Paris, 1772. 4to. Charlevoix (Fr. Xav. de), Histoire de la Nouvelle France. Paris, 1744. 4to. 3 vols. Charnay (Desire), Cites et Ruines Americaines. . . . Avec un Texte par M. Viollet-le-I)uc. Paris, 1863. With folio atlas of photographs. Charpenne (Pierre), Mon Voyage an Mexique. Paris, 1836. 2 vols. Chateaubriand (de), Voyages en Amerique. Paris, n.d. Chaves (G.), Rapport sur la Province de Meztitlan. 1579. In Ternaux- Cornpans, Voy., serie ii., torn v. Chevalier (Michel), L'Isthine de Panama. Paris, 1844. Chevalier (Michel), Du Mexique avant et pendant le Conquete. Paris, 1845. Chevalier (Michel), Le Mexique, Ancien et Moderne. Paris, 1864. Chimalpopocatl (Faustino Galicia,, Disertacion sobre la Riqueza, etc., del Idioma Mexicano. In Museo Mexicano, torn. iv. Chinook Jargon, Vocabulary. San Francisco, 1860. Chipman (C. ), Mineral Resources of Northern Mexico. New York, 1868. Choris (Louis), Voyage Pittoresque autour du Monde. Paris, 1822. folio. Choules (John O.), and Thomas Smith, The Origin and History of Mis sions. New York, 1851. 4to. 2 vols. Cincinnatus, Travels on the Western Slope of the Mexican Cordillera. San Francisco, 1867. Clark (Joseph G. ), Lights and Shadows of Sailor Life. Boston, 1848. Clavigero (Francesco Saverio), Storia della California. Venezia, 1789. 2 vols. Clavigero (Francesco Saverio), Storia Antica del Messico. Cesena, 1780. 4to. 4 vols. Cleveland (Richard J.), A Narrative of Voyages. Cambridge, 1842. 2 vols. Cockburn (John), A Journey Overland from the Gulf of Honduras to the Great South Sea. London, 1735. AUTHOKITIES QUOTED. Codex Mendoza, etc., See Mex. Picture- Writings. Cugnlludo (Diego Lopez), Historia de Yucathaii. Madrid, 1688. folio. Coke (Henry J.), A Ride over the Rockv Mountains. London, 1852. Collinson (II.), Account of the Proceedings of H. M. S. Enterprise, from Behrtng htrait to Cambridge Bay. In Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxv. London, 1855. Coloml*) (Fernando), Historic, della vita, e de' fatti dell' Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo sno Padre. Venctia, 1709. Colon (Fernando), La Historia del Almirante D. Christoval Colon su Padre. 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Leipzig, 1772. Democratic Review. Washington, etc., 1832 et sea. Denkschriften der russischen geographischen Gesellschaft zu St Petersburg. Weimar, 1849 et seq. Derbec, Lettres ecrites de la Calif ornie. In Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851., torn, cxxviii-xxx. De Smet (P. J. de), Letters and Sketches. Philadelphia, 1843. De Smet (P. J. de), Missions de 1'Oregon. London, 1848. De Smet (P. J. de), Oregon Missions and Travels over the Rocky Mount ains. New York, 1847. De Srnet (P. J. de), Voyages aux Montagnes Rocheuses. Lille, 1859. De Smet (P. J. de), Western Missions and Missionaries. New York, 1863. XXVI AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Dewees (W. B.), Letters from an Early Settler of Texas. Louisville, 1852. Diaz (Juan), Itinerario de la Armada del Key Catuliro ;i la Isla !< Yucatan, 1518, en la que f u6 Juan de Grijalva. lu Ira/bak-cta, Col. dr Dor., tom. i.; Teruaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., torn. x. Diaz del Castillo (IJrrnali. Ilistoria \\-rdadcra de la Conquista de la Nueva- Kspaiia. 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FACTS AND THEORIES HYPOTHESES CONCERNING ORIGIN UNITY OP KACE DIVERSITY OF KACE SPONTANEOUS GENERATION ORIGIN OF ANIMALS AND PLANTS PRIMORDIAL CENTRES OF POPULATION DISTRIBUTION OF PLANTS AND ANIMALS ADAPTABILITY OF SPECIES TO LOCALITY CLASSIFICATION OF SPECIES ETHNOLOGICAL TESTS BACES OF THE PACIFIC FIRST INTER COURSE WITH EUROPEANS. Facts are the raw material of science. They are to philosophy and history, what cotton and iron are to cloth and steam-engines. Like the raw material of the manufacturer, they form the bases of innumerable fabrics, are woven into many theories finely spun or coarsely spun, which wear out with time, become unfashionable, or else prove to be indeed true and fit, and as such re main. This raw material of the scholar, like that of the manufacturer, is always a staple article ; its substance never changes, its value never diminishes ; whatever may be the condition of society, or howsoever advanced the mind, it is indispensable. Theories may be only for the day, but facts are for all time and for all science. When we remember that the sum of all knowledge is but the sum of ascertained facts, and that every new 2 ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION. fact brought to light, preserved, and thrown into the general fund, is so much added to the world's store of knowledge, when we consider that, broad and far as our theories may reach, the realm of definite, tangible, ascer tained truth is still of so little extent, the irnpoi tai.ce of every never-so-insignificant acquisition is manifest. Compare any fact with the fancies which have been prevalent concerning it, and consider, I will not say their relative brilliance, but their relative importance. Take electricity, how many explanations have been given of the lightning and the thunder, yet there is but one fact; the atmosphere, how many howling demons have directed the tempest, how many smiling deities moved in the soft breeze. For the one all-sufficient First Cause, how many myriads of gods have been set up; for every phenomenon how many causes have been invented ; with every truth how many untruths have contended, with every fact how many fancies. The profound investigations of latter-day philosophers are nothing but simple and laborious inductions from ascer tained facts, facts concerning attraction, polarity, chemi cal affinity and the like, for the explanation of which there are countless hypotheses, each hypothesis involving multitudes of speculations, all of which evaporate as the truth slowly crystallizes. Speculation is valuable to science only as it directs the mind into otherwise-undis- coverable paths ; but when the truth is found, there is an end to speculation. So much for facts in general ; let us now look for a moment at the particular class of facts of which this work is a collection. The tendency of philosophic inquiry is more and more toward the origin of things. In the earlier stages of intellectual impulse, the mind is almost wholly absorbed in ministering to the necessities of the present ; next, the mysterious uncertainty of the after life provokes inquiry, and contemplations of an eternity of the future command attention ; but not until knowledge is well advanced TENDENCY OF PHILOSOPHIC INQUIRY. 3 does it appear that there is likewise an eternity of the past worthy of careful scrutiny, without which scrutiny, indeed, the eternity of the future must forever remain a sealed book. Standing as we do between these two eternities, our view limited to a narrow though gradually widening horizon, as nature unveils her mys teries to our inquiries, an infinity spreads out in either direction, an infinity of minuteness no less than an infinity of immensity ; for hitherto, attempts to reach the ultimate of molecules, have proved as futile as attempts to reach the ultimate of masses. Now man, the noblest work of creation, the only reasoning creature, standing- alone in the midst of this vast sea of undiscovered truth, ultimate knowledge ever receding from his grasp, primal causes only thrown farther back as proximate problems are solved, man, in the study of mankind, must follow his researches in both of these directions, backward as well as forward, must indeed derive his whole knowl edge of what man is and will be from what he has been. Thus it is that the study of mankind in its minuteness assumes the grandest proportions. Yiewed in this light there is not a feature of primitive humanity without sig nificance; there is not a custom or characteristic of sav age nations, however mean or revolting to us, from which important lessons may not be drawn. It is only from the study of barbarous and partially cultivated nations that we are able to comprehend man as a progressive being, and to recognize the successive stages through which our savage ancestors have passed on their way to civilization. With the natural philosopher, there is little thought as to the relative importance of the manifold works of creation. The tiny insect is no less an object of his patient scrutiny, than the wonderful and complex machinery of the cosmos. The lower races of men, in the study of humanity, he deems of as essential import ance as the higher ; our present higher races being but the lower types of generations yet to come. Hence, if in the following pages, in the array of CHAPTER II. HYPERBOREANS. GENERAL DIVISIONS HYPERBOREAN NATIONS ASPECTS OF NATURE VEGETA TION CLIMATE ANIMALS THE ESKIMOS THEIR COUNTRY PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS DRESS DWELLINGS FOOD WEAPONS BOOTS SLEDGES SNOW-SHOES GOVERNMENT DOMESTIC AFFAIRS AMUSEMENTS DISEASES BURIAL THE KONIAGAS, THEIR PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL CON DITIONTHE ALEUTS THE THLINKEETS THE TINNEH. I shall attempt to describe the physical and mental characteristics of the Native Races of the Pacific States under seven distinctive groups; namely, I. Hyperbo reans, being those nations whose territory lies north of the fifty-fifth parallel; II. Columbians, who dwell be tween the fifty -fifth and forty -second parallels, and whose lands to some extent are drained by the Columbia River and its tributaries; III. Californians, and the In habitants of the Great Basin; IV. New Mexicans, including the nations of the Colorado River and northern Mexico; V. Wild Tribes of Mexico; VI. Wild Tribes of Central America; VII. Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central America. It is my purpose, without any attempt at ethnological classification, or further comment con cerning races and stocks, plainly to portray such customs and characteristics as were peculiar to each people at the time of its first intercourse with European strangers; leaving scientists to make their own deductions, and draw specific lines between linguistic and physiological families, as they may deem proper. I shall endeavor to picture these nations in their aboriginal condition, as seen 3G HYPERBOKEANS. by the' first invaders, as described^ by those who beheld them in their savage grandeur, and before they "were startled from their lair by the treacherous voice of civilized friendship. Now they are gone, those dusky denizens of a thousand forests, melted like hoar-frost before the rising sun of a superior intelligence ; and it is only from the earliest records, from the narratives of eye witnesses, many of them rude unlettered men, trappers, sailors, and soldiers, that we are able to know them as they were. Some division of the work into parts, how ever arbitrary it may be, is indispensable. In deal ing with Mythology, and in tracing the tortuous course of Language, boundaries will be dropped and beliefs and tongues will be followed wherever they lead ; but in describing Manners and Customs, to avoid confusion, territorial divisions are necessary. In the groupings which I have adopted, one cluster of nations follows another in geographical succession; the dividing line not being more distinct, perhaps, than that which distinguishes some national divisions, but suffi ciently marked, in mental and physical peculiarities, to entitle each group to a separate consideration. The only distinction of race made by naturalists, upon the continents of both North and South America, until a comparatively recent period, was by segregating the first of the above named groups from all other people of both continents, and calling one Mongolians and the other Americans. A more intimate acquaintance with the nations of the North proves conclusively that one of the boldest types of the American Indian proper, the Tinneh, lies within the territory of this first group, conterminous with the Mongolian Eskimos, and crowding them down to a narrow line along the shore of the Arctic Sea. The nations of the second group, although exhibit ing multitudinous variations in minor traits, are essen tially one people. Between the California Diggers of the third division and the New Mexican Towns -people of the fourth, there is more diversity ; and a still greater GROUPINGS AND SUBDIVISIONS. 37 difference between the savage and civilized nations of the Mexican table-land. Any classification or division of the subject which could be made would be open to criticism. I therefore adopt the most simple practical plan, one which will present the subject most clearly to the general reader, and leave it in the best shape for purposes of theorizing and generalization. In the first or HYPERBOREAN group, to which this chap ter is devoted, are five subdivisions, as follows: The 7^/ /'- mos, commonly called Western Eskimos, who skirt the shores of the Arctic Ocean from Mackenzie River to Kotzo bue Sound ; the Kontayas or Southern Eskimos, who, com mencing at Kotzebue Sound, cross the Kaviak Peninsula. border on Bering Sea from Norton Sound southward, and stretch over the Alaskan 1 Peninsula and Koniagan i Of late, custom gives to the main land of Russian America, the name Alas ka; to the peninsula, Allaska; and to u large island of the Aleutian Archipelago, UtiaUishka. The word of which the present name Alaska is a corruption, is first encountered in the narrative of Betsevin, who, in 1761, wintered on the peninsula, supposing it to be an island. The author of Neue NachricMen von denen nenentdekteii Jusuln, writes, page 53, ' womit man nach der abgelegen- sten Insul Aliikwi oder AJaclischak iiber gieng.' Again, at page 57, in giving a description of the animals on the supposed island he calls it 'auf d* r Insul Alfiskit.' 'This,' says Coxe, Russian Discoveries, p. 72, ' is probably the same island which is laid down in Krenitzin's chart under the name of Ahtxu.' UnalO8chka*iB given by the author of Rene Nachriclden, p. ^4, in his nar rative of the voyage of Drusinin, who hunted on that island in 1763. At pa.^o 115 he again mentions the 'grosse Insul Ah'iksu.' On page 125, in Glottoff's log-book, 171'4, is the entry: 'Den28sten May der Wind Ostsiidost; man kam an die Insul Alaska oder Alflksa.' Still following the author of Xeue^'ncli- richfan, we have on page 160, in an account of the voyages of Otseredin and Popoff, who hunted upon the Aleutian Islands in 1769, mention of a report by the natives 'that beyond Unimak is said to be a large land Aliischka, the extent of which the islanders do not know.' On Cook's Atlas, voyage 1778, the peninsula is called Alaska, and the island Oonalaska. La Perouse, in his atlas, map No. 15, 1783, calls the peninsula Alaska, and the island OuntiluxLtt. The Spaniards, in the Atlas para el Viaye de las yoletas tiutil y Mexwana, 1792, write Alasvi for the peninsula, and for the island Unalaska' Sauer, in his account of Billings' expedition, 1790, calls the main land Alaska, the peninsula Alyaska, and the island Oonalashka. Wrangell, in Baer's St'ilis- fiscM und eth'nntiraphische Nachrichien, p. 123, writes for the peninsula Alaska and for the island Unal'ischka. Holiuberg, Ethnograph'ixcke Skizzen, p. 78f calls the island Uirtlaschkn and the peninsula A'jaska. Dall, Alaska, p. 529, says that the peninsula or main land was called by the natives .!/'///,>ortion is uncertain, between the other powers.' Mex., vol. i., p. 18. CHAPTER IV. PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS. EXTENT AND INTERIOR OF THE GREAT PALACE IN MEXICO THE PAL ACE OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO THE ZOOLOGICAL COLLECTIONS OF THE NAHUA MONARCHS MONTEZUMA'S ORATORY ROYAL GARDENS AND PLEASURE-GROUNDS THE HILL OF CHA- PULTEPEC NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S COUNTRY RESIDENCE AT TEZCOZINCO TOLTEC PALACES THE ROYAL GUARD THE KING'S MEALS AN AZTEC CUISINE THE AUDIENCE CHAMBER AFTER-DINNER AMUSE MENTSTHE ROYAL WARDROBE THE KING AMONG HIS PEOPLE MEETING OF MONTEZUMA II. AND CORTES THE KING'S HAREM REVENUES OF THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD POLICY OF AZTEC KINGS. In the preceding chapter we have seen how the monarchs were chosen, and anointed, and crowned, and feasted, and lectured; now let us follow them to their homes. And here I must confess I am some what staggered by the recitals. It is written that as soon as the new king was formally invested with the right of sovereignty, he took possession of the royal palaces and gardens, and that these abodes of royalty were on a scale of magnificence almost unparalleled in the annals of nations. How far we may rely on these accounts it is difficult to say; how we are to determine disputed questions is yet more difficult. In the testi mony before us, there are two classes of evidence: one having as its base selfishness, superstition, and patri otism; the other disaffection, jealousy, and hatred. Between these contending evils, fortunately, we may (188) RELIABILITY OF AUTHORITIES. 159 at least approximate to the truth. To illustrate : there can be no doubt that much concerning the Aztec civ ilization has been greatly exaggerated by the old Spanish writers, and for obvious reasons. It was manifestly to the advantage of some, both priests and adventurers, to magnify the power and consequence of the people conquered, and the cities demolished by them, knowing full well that tales of mighty realms, with Christless man-eaters and fabulous riches, would soonest rouse the zeal and cupidity of their most Cath olic prince, and best secure to them both honors and supplies. Gathered from the lips of illiterate soldiers little prone to diminish the glory of their achieve ments in the narration, or from the manuscripts of native historians whose patriotic statements regarding rival states no longer in existence could with difficulty be disproved, these accounts passed into the hands of credulous monks of fertile imagination, who drank in with avidity the marvels that were told them, and wrote them down with superhuman discrimination with a discrimination which made every so-called fact tally with the writings of the Fathers. These writers possessed in an eminent degree the faculty called by latter-day scholars the imaginative in history- writing. Whatever was told them that was contrary to tradi tion was certainly erroneous, a snare of the devil; if any facts were wanting in the direction pointed out by doctrines or dogmas, it was their righteous duty to fill them in. Thus it was in certain instances. But to the truth of the greater part of these relations, testimony is borne by the unanimity of the authors, though this is partly owing to their copying each from the writings of the others, and, more conclusively, by the architectural remains which survived the attacks of the iconoclastic conquerors, and the golden and be- jeweled ornaments of such exquisite workmanship as to equal if not surpass anything of the kind in Europe, which ornaments were sent to Spain as proofs of the richness of the country. At this distance of time it THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. MYTHOLOGY, LANGUAGES. CHAPTER I. SPEECH AND SPECULATION. DlFFEKENCE BETWEEN MAN AND BRUTES MlND LANGUAGE AND SoUL-LAN- GDAGE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE: A GIFT OF THE CREATOR, A HUMAN INVENTION, OR AN EVOLUTION NATURE AND VALUE otf MYTH ORIGIN OF MITH: THE DIVINE IDEA, A -FICTION OF SORCSRY, THE CREATION OF A DESIGNING PRIESTHOOD ORIGIN OF WORSHIP, OF PRAYER, OF SACRIFICE FETICHISM AND THE ORIGIN OF ANIMAL -WORSHIP RELIGION AND MY THOLOGY. HITHERTO we have beheld Man only in his material organism; as a wild though intellectual animal. We have watched the intercourse of uncultured mind with its environment. We have seen how, to clothe himself, the savage robs the beast; how, like animals, primitive man constructs his habitation, provides food, rears a family, exercises authority, holds property, wages Avar. indulges in amusements, gratifies social instincts; and that in all this, the savage is but one remove from the brute. Ascending the scale, we have examined the first stages of human progress and analyzed an incipient civ ilization. We will now pass the frontier which separates mankind from animal-kind, and enter the domain of the immaterial and supernatural ; phenomena which philos ophy purely positive cannot explain. 44 OBIGIN AND END OF THINGS. endeavored to give not only the substance, but also, as far as possible, the peculiar style and phraseology of the original. It is with this primeval picture, whose simple silent sublimity is that of the inscrutable past, that we begin : And the heaven was formed, and all the signs thereof set in their angle and alignment, and its boundaries fixed towards the four winds by the Creator and Former, and Mother and Father of life and existence, he by whom all move and breathe, the Father and Cherisher of the peace of nations and of the civilization of his people, he whose wisdom has projected the excellence of all that is on the earth, or in the lakes, or in the sea. Behold the first word and the first discourse. There was as yet no man, nor any animal, nor bird, nor fish, nor crawfish, nor any pit, nor ravine, nor green herb, nor any tree ; nothing was but the firmament. The face of the earth had not yet appeared, only the peaceful sea and all the space of heaven. There was nothing yet joined together, nothing that clung to anything else ; no thing that balanced itself, that made the least rustling, that made a sound in the heaven. There was nothing that stood up ; nothing but the quiet water, but the sea, calm and alone in its boundaries : nothing existed ; no thing but immobility and silence, in the darkness, in the night. 2 all tribes both white and black; while they were the parents of the Quiche and kindred races only. The course of the legend brings us to tribes of a strange blood, with which these four ancestors and their people were often at war. The narrative is, however, itself so confused and contradictory at points, that it is almost impossible to avoid such things; and, as a whole, the views of Professor Miiller on the Popol Vuh seem just and well considered. Baldwin, Ancient America, pp. 191-7, gives a mere dilution of Professor Miiller's essay, and that without acknowledgment. 2 The original Quiche runs as follows: ' Are u tzihoxic vae ca catzinin-oc, ca ca chamam-oc, ca tzinonic; ca ca zilanic, ca ca lolinic, ca tolona puch u pa cah. Vae cute nabe tzih, nabe uchan. Ma-habi-oc hun vinak, hun chicop; tziquin, car, tap, che, abah, hul, civan, quim, qichelah: xa-utuquel cah qolic. Mavi calah u vach uleu: xa-utuquel remanic palo, u pah cah ronohel. Ma-habi nakila ca molobic, ca cotzobic: hunta ca zilobic; carnal ca ban-tah, ca cotz ca ban-tah pa cah. X-ma qo-vi nakila qolic yacalic; xa remanic ha, xa lianic palo, xa-utuquel remauic; x-nia qo-vi nakilalo qolic. Xa ca chamanic, ca tzininic chi gekum, chi agab.' This passage is rendered by the Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg thus : ' Voi- ci le recit comme quoi tout etait en suspens, tout etait calnae et silencieux; 204: GODS, SUPERNATURAL BEINGS, AND WORSHIP. and I have nothing more to say, only to prostrate and throw myself at thy feet, seeking pardon for the faults of this my prayer; certainly I would not remain in thy displeasure, and I have no other thing to say. The following is a prayer to the same deity, under his. names Tezcatlipuca and Yoalliehecatl, for succor against poverty: our Lord, protector most strong and com passionate, invisible, and impalpable, thou art the giver of life; lord of all, and lord of battles, I present myself here before thee to say some few words concerning the need of the poor people, the people of none estate nor intelligence. When they lie down at night they have nothing, nor when they rise up in the morning; the darkness and the light pass alike in great poverty. Know, Lord, that thy subjects and servants, suffer a sore poverty that cannot be told of more than that it is a sore poverty and desolateness. The men- have no gar ments nor the women to cover themselves with, but only certain rags rent in every part that allow the air and the cold to pass everywhere. With great toil and weariness they scrape together enough for each day, going by mountain and wilderness seeking their food ; so faint and enfeebled are they that their bowels cleave to the ribs, and all their body reechoes with hollowness ; and they walk as people affrighted, the face and the body in like ness of death. If they be merchants, they now sell only cakes of salt and broken pepper; the people that have something despise their wares, so that they go out to sell from door to door and from house to house; and when they sell nothing they sit down sadly by some fence, or wall, or in some corner, licking their lips and gnaw ing the nails of their hands for the hunger that is in them ; they look on the one side and on the other at the mouths of those that pass by, hoping peradventure that one may speak some word to them. compassionate God, the bed on which they lie down is not a thing to rest upon, but to endure torment in; they draw a rag over them at night and so sleep; there they throw down their bodies and the bodies of children that thou hast THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. ANTIQUITIES. CHAPTER I. ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION. MONUMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY SCOPE OF THE VOLUME TREATMENT OF THE SUBJECT SOURCES OF INFORMATION TANGIBILITY OF MATE RIAL RELICS VAGUENESS OF TRADITIONAL AND WRITTEN AR CHEOLOGYVALUE OF MONUMENTAL RELICS, AS CONVEYING POSI TIVE INFORMATION RESPECTING THEIR BUILDERS, AS CORROBORATIVE OR CORRECTIVE WITNESSES, AS INCENTIVES TO RESEARCH COUNTER FEIT ANTIQUITIES EGYPTIAN, ASSYRIAN, AND PERSIAN MONU MENTS RELICS PROVING THE ANTIQUITY OF MAN EXPLORATION OF AMERICAN RUINS KEY TO CENTRAL AMERICAN HIEROGLYPHICS No MORE UNWRITTEN HISTORY. The present volume of the NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES treats of monumental archaeology, and is intended to present a detailed description of all ma terial relics of the past discovered within the territory under consideration. Two chapters, however, are de voted to a more general view of remains outside the limits of this territory those of South America and of the eastern United States as being illustrative of, and of inseparable interest in connection with, my sub ject proper. Since monumental remains in the western continent without the broad limits thus included are 2 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION. comparatively few and unimportant, I may without exaggeration, if the execution of the work be in any degree commensurate with its aim, claim for this treatise a place among the most complete ever pub lished on American antiquities as a whole. In deed, Mr Baldwin's most excellent little book on Ancient America is the only comprehensive work treat ing of this subject now before the public. As a popu lar treatise, compressing within a small duodecimo volume the whole subject of archaeology, including, be sides material relics, tradition, and speculation concern ing origin arid history as well, this book cannot be too highly praised; I propose, however, by devoting a large octavo volume to one half or less of Mr Bald win's subject-matter, to add at least encyclopedic value to this division of my work. There are some departments of the present subject in which I can hardly hope to improve upon or even to equal descriptions already extant. Such are the ruins of Yucatan, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, so ably treated by Messrs Stephens, Gather wood, and Squier. Indeed, not a few relics of great importance are known to the world only through the pen or pencil of one or another of these gentlemen, in which cases I am forced to draw somewhat largely upon the result of their investigations. Yet even within the territory mentioned, concerning Uxmal and Chichen Itza we have most valuable details in the works of M M. Wai- deck and Charnay; at Quirigua, Dr Scherzer's labors are no less satisfactory than those of Mr Catherwood; and Mr Squier's careful observations in Nicaragua are supplemented, to the advantage of the antiquarian public, by the scarcely less extensive investigations of Mr Boyle. In the case of Palenque, in some respects the most remarkable American ruin, we have, besides the exhaustive delineations of Waldeck and Stephens, several others scarcely less satisfactory or interest! n^ from the pens of competent observers; and in a large majority of instances each locality, if not each separate CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. CHAPTEE I. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS, PAGE. Spirit of Inquiry in the Middle Ages Unity of Origin Flood Myths Aboriginal Traditions of Origin Culture Heroes China- Japan Hindustan Tartary The Egyptian Theory The Phoeni cians Votan's Travels The Carthaginians The Hebrew Theory The Mormon Story The Visits of the Scandinavians Celtic Origin The Welsh Scotch Irish The Greeks and Romans The Story of Atlantis The Autochthonic Theory 1 i CHAPTEE II. INTRODUCTORY TO ABORIGINAL HISTORY. Origin and Earliest History of the Americans Unrecorded The Dark Sea of Antiquity Boundary between Myth and History Primi tive Annals of America compared with those of the Old World Authorities and Historical Material Traditional Annals aud their Value Hieroglyphic Records of the Mayas and Nahuas Spanish Writers The Conquerors The Missionaries The Historians Converted Native Chroniclers Secondary Authorities Ethnology Arts, Institutions, and Beliefs Languages Material Monu ments of Antiquity Use of Authorities and Method of treating the Subject 133 CHAPTEE III. THE PRE-TOLTEC PERIOD OF ABORIGINAL HISTORY. Subdivision of the Subject Tzendal Tradition of the Votanic Empire Votan's Book and its Contents as reported by Nunez de la Vega, Cabrera, and Ordonez Testimony of Manners and Cus toms, Religion, Languages, and Monuments of the Civilized Nations respecting the Primitive Maya Peoples The Quiche Record, or Popol Vuh Civilizing Efforts of Gucumatz and his Followers Exploits of Hunahpu and "Xbalanque Conquest of Xibalba Migration from Tulan Zuiva, the Seven Caves Meaning of the Quiche Tradition Nahua Traditions The Toltecs in Tin CONTENTS. ' PAGE. Tamoanchan according to Sahagun The Codex Chimalpopoca Pre-Toltec Nations in Mexico Olmecs and Xicalancas The Quinamcs Cholula and Quetzalcoatl The Totonacs Teotihuacan Otomis, Miztecs, Zapotecs, and Htiastecs The Toltecs in Huehue Tlapallan Migration to Andhuac The Chichiinecs in Amaquemecan Ancient Home of the Nahnatlacas and Aztecs Primitive Annals of Yucatan Conclusions 15G CHAPTER IV. THE TOLTEC PERIOD. The Nahua Occupation of Mexico in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries Condition of Anahuac The Mixcohuas and Chichimec Culhuas The Toltecs at Tulancingo and Tollan Establishment of a Monarchy and Choice of a King, 710-720 A. D. Kingdoms of Culhuacan and Quauhtitlan The Teoamoxtli Prophecies -and Death of Hueman Birth of Quetzalcoatl Foundation of the Empire, 856 A. D. Alliance between Culhuacan, Otompan, and Tollan Reign of Topiltzin Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl at Tollan Ex cesses of Huemac II., or Tecpancaltzin Xochitl, the King's Mistress Fulfillment of the Prophet's Predictions Toveyo's Adventures Plagues sent upon the Toltecs Famine and Pesti lence Reign of Acxitl, or Topiltzin Debauchery of King, Nobles, and Priests Tokens of Diyine Wrath Foreign Inva dersFinal Overthrow of the Toltec Empire 237 CHAPTEE V. THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD . The Chichimecs in Amaquemecan Migration to Andhuac under Xolotl The Invaders at Chocoyan and Tollan Foundation of Xoloc and Tenayocan Xolotl II., Emperor of the Chichimecs Division of Territory The Toltecs at Culhuacan Rule of Xiuh- temoc and Nauhyotl III. Pochotl, Son of Acxitl Conquest of Culhuacan Death of Nauhyotl Huetzin, King of Culhuacan Migration and Reception of the Nahuatlaca Tribes The Acolhuas at Coatlichan and the Tepanecs at Azcapuzalco Nonohuacatl, King of Culhuaean Revolt of Yacanex Death of Xolotl II. Nopaltzin, King of Tenayocan, and Emperor of the Chichimecs Reigns of Achitometl and Icxochitlanex at Culhuacan Tenden cies toward Toltec Culture 289 CHAPTER VI. THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD. CONTINUED. Migration of the Aztecs Nations of Andhuac at Beginning of the Thirteenth Century The Aztecs submit to the Tepanecs Reign CONTENTS. ix PAGE. of the Emperor Tlotzin Quinantziii, King of Tezcuco and Chi- cliimec EmperorTransfer of the Capital Tenancacaltzin usurps the Imperial Throne at Tenayocan The Usurper defeated by Tepanecs and Mexicans Acolnahuacatl proclaimed Emperor Quinantzin's Victories Battle at Poyauhtlan Quinantzin again Emperor Toltec Institutions at Tezcuco Events at Culhuacan Mexicans driven from Chapultepec Alliance between Mexicans and Culhuas Religious Strife Foundation of Mexico Reign of the Emperor Techotl Political Changes Ruin of the Culhua Power Tezozornoc, King of Azcapuzalco Separation of Mexicans and Tlatelulcas Acamapichtli II., King of Mexico Quaquauh- pitzahuac, King of Tlatelulco 321 CHAPTEE VII. THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD CONCLUDED. Aztec History Reigns of Acamapichtli II. and Quaquauhpitzahuac Rebuilding of Culhuacan Huitzilihuitl II., King of Mexico Tlacateotzin, King of Tlatelulco Chimalpopoca Succeeds in Mex ico Funeral of Techotl Ixtlilxochitl, Emperor of the Chichi- mecs Symptoms of Discontent Plans of Tezozomoc, the Te- panec King Secret Council of Rebels Religious Toleration in Tezcuco Conquest of Xaltocan and Cuitlahuac Birth of Nezalm- alcoyotl War between Tezcuco and Azcapuzalco Victories of Ixtlilxochitl Siege and Fall of Azcapuzalco Treachery of Tezo zomoc Fall of Tezcuco Flight and Death of Ixtlilxochitl Te zozomoc proclaimed Emperor Re-organization of the Empire Ad ventures of Nezahualcoytl Death of Tezozomoc Maxtla usurps the Imperial Throne Murder of the Mexican Kings Nezahual- coyotl's Victory Itzcoatl, King of Mexico Acolhua and Aztec Alliance Fall of Azcapuzalco The Tri-partite Alliance, or the New Empire 359 CHAPTEE VIII. THE AZTEC PERIOD. Outline of the Period Revolt of Coyuhuacan Nezahualcoyotl on the Throne of Tezcuco Conquest of Quauhtitlan, Tultitlan, Xo- chimilco, and Cuitlahuac Conquest of Quauhtitlan Destruction of the Records Death of Itzcoatl and Accession of Montezuma I. New Temples at Mexico Defeat of the Chalcas Troubles with Tlatelulco Conquest of Cohuixco and Mazatlan Flood and Six Years' Famine Conquest of Miztecapan The Aztecs conquer the Province of Cuetlachtlan and reach the Gulf Coast Final Defeat of the Chalcas Campaign in Cuextlan Birth of Neza- hualpilli Improvements in Tenochtitlan Embassy to Chicomoz- I CONTENTS. PAGE. toe Death of Montezuma I. and Accession of Axayacatl Raid in Tehuantepec Chimalpopoca succeeds Totoquihuatzin on the Throne of Tlacopan Nezahualpilli succeeds Nezahualcoyotl at Tezcuco Revolt of Tlatelulco Conquest of Matlaltzinco Defeat by the Tarascos Death of Axayacatl 400 ' CHAPTER IX. THE AZTEC PERIOD CONCLUDED. Reign of Tizoc Nezahualpilli defeats the Huexotzincas Ahuitzotl, King of Mexico Campaigns for Captives Dedication of Huitzi- lopochtli's Temple Seventy Thousand Victims Totoquihuatzin II., King of Tlacopan Mexican Conquests Conquest of Totona- capan Aztec Reverses Successful Revolt of Tehuantepec and Zapotecapan Conquest of Zacatollan Anecdotes of Nezahualpilli New Aqueduct, and Inundation of Mexico Montezuma II. on the Throne Condition of the Empire Montezuma's Policy Unsuc cessful Invasion of Tlascala Famine Conquest of Miztecupun Tying-up of the Cycle in 1507 Omens of coming Disaster The Spaniards on the Coast of Central America Trouble between Mexico and Tezeuco Retirement and Death of Nezahualpilli Cacama, King of Acolhuacan Revolt of Ixtlilxochitl Final Cam paigns of the Aztecs The Spaniards on the Gulf Coast Arrival of Hernan Cortes 436 CHAPTER X. HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU, MICHOACAN, AND OAJACA. Early History of the Eastern Plateau The Chichimec-Toltecs Arrival of the Teo-Chichimecs in Anahuac They Conquer and Settle the Eastern Plateau Civil Wars Miscellaneous Events Wars be tween Tlascala and the Nations of Anahuac Early History of Michoacan Wars between Wanacaces and Tarascos Founding of Tzintzuntzan Metamorphosis of the Tarasco Princes Encroach ments of the Wanacaces The King of the Isles Murder of Pa- wacume and Wapeani Reigns of Curatame, Tariacuri, Tangaxoan I., Ziziz Pandacuare, Zwanga, and Tangaxoan II. Origin of the Miztecs and Zapotecs Wixipecocha Rulers of Oajaca The Huaves and Mijes Later Kings and History of Oajaca Wars with Mexico 483 CHAPTER XI. THE QUICHE-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE IN GUATEMALA. No Chronology in the South Outline View Authorities Xba- lanque at Utatlan The Migration from Tulan Balam-Quitzd CONTENTS. xi PAGE. and his Companions Sacrifices to Tohil The Quiche's on Mount Hacavitz The Tamub and Ilocab First Victories Qocavib Founds the Monarchy at Izmachi The Toltec Theory Imag inary Empire of the East Different Versions of Primitive Hist ory The Cakchiquel Migration Juarros and Fuentes Lists of Kings Cakchiquels under Hacavitz Reigns of BalJtm-Conache, Cotuha, and Iztayul, at Izmachi War against the Ilocab The Stolen Tribute Gucumatz, Quiche Emperor at Utatlan Changes in the Government Reigns of Cotuha II., Tepepul, and Iztayul II. Cakchiquel History Conquests of Quicab I. Revolt of the Achihab Dismemberment of the Empire Cakchiquel Conquests Reigns of the last Guatemalan Kings Appearance of the Span iards under Alvarado in 1524 540 CHAPTER XII. MISCELLANEOUS TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA. Scarcity of Historical Data The Tribes of Chiapas The Founders and Heroes of the Chiapanec Nation Wars with the Aztecs The People of the Southern Coast They are vanquished by the Ol- mecs Their Exodus and Journey They settle and separate Juarros' Account of the Origin and later History of the Pipiles Pipile Traditions The Founding of Mictlan Queen Comiza- hual Acxitl's Empire of the East The Cholutecs Various Tribes of Nicaragua Settlements of the Isthmus 603 CHAPTEK XIII. HISTORY OF THE MAYAS IN YUCATAN. Aboriginal Names of Yucatan The Primitive Inhabitants from the East and West Zamna the Pontiff-King The Itzas at Chichen Rules of Cukulcan at Chichen and Mayapan His Disappearance on the Gulf Coast The Cocome Rule at Mayapan Appearance of the Tutul Xius Translation of the Maya Record by Perez and Brasseur Migration from Tulan Conquest of Bacalar and Chi chen Itza Annals Tutul Xius at Uxmal Overthrow of the Cocome Dynasty The Confederacy, or Empire, of Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles Fable of the Dwarf Overthrow of the Tutul Xius Final Period of Civil Wars . . 614 THE NATIVE RAGES OF THK PACIFIC STATES. PEIMITIVE HISTORY. CHAPTER I. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS. SPIRIT OF INQUIRY IN THE MIDDLE AGES UNITY OF ORIGIN FLOOD MYTHS ABORIGINAL TRADITIONS OF ORIGIN CULTURE-HEROES CHINA JAPAN HINDOSTAN TARTARY THE EGYPTIAN THEORY THE PHOENICIANS VOTAN'S TRAVELS THE CARTHAGINIANS THE HEBREW THEORY THE MORMON STORY THE VISITS OF THE SCANDINAVIANS CELTIC ORIGIN THE WELSH SCOTCH IRISH THE GREEKS AND ROMANS THE STORY OF ATLANTIS THE Au- TOCHTHONIC THEORY. When it first became known to Europe that a new continent had been discovered, the wise men, philos ophers, and especially the learned ecclesiastics, were sorely perplexed to account for such a discovery. A problem was placed before them, the solution of which was not to be found in the records of the ancients. On the contrary, it seemed that old-time traditions must give way, the infallibility of revealed knowledge must be called in question, even the holy scriptures must be interpreted anew. Another world, upheaved, as it were, from the depths of the Sea of Darkness, was suddenly placed before them. Strange races, INDEX. The Index refers alphabetically to each of the ten or twelve thousand subjects mentioned in the five volumes of the work, with numerous cross- references to and from such headings as are at all confused by reason of variations in orthography or from other causes. In describing aboriginal manners and customs, the tribes are grouped in families, and each family, instead of each tribe, has been described separately; consequently, after each tribal name in the Index is a reference to the pages containing a de scription of the family to which the tribe belongs; there is also an additional reference to such pages as contain any 'special mention' of the tribe. For example, information is sought about the Ahts. In the Index is found 'Ahts, tribe of Nootkas, i., 175-208; special mention, i., 177, 180-1,' etc. All the matter relating to the Nootka family on pp. 175-203, is supposed to apply to the Ahts as well as to the other tribes of the family, except such differences as may be noted on pp. 177, 180-1, etc. If information is sought respecting the burial rites or any particular custom of the Ahts, a more direct reference to the exact pages will be found under ' Nootkas, ' where the -matter relating to that family is subdivided. The matter in the last three chapters of vol. v. is referred to in the earlier letters of the Index by chap ters instead of pages. No table of abbreviations used is believed to be needed. Aba, iii., 354, see Aoa. Abah (Abagh), Tzendal day, ii., 767; name for Atitlan, v., chap. xi. Abajo Val., Hond., antiq., iv., 70. Aban, Mayapaii ruler, v., chap. xiii. Abbato-tiiineh, Kutchin dialect, iii., 587. Abchuy Kak, Maya god, iii. , 467. Abiquiu, locality of Utahs, i., 465. Abmoctacs, Cent. Cal. tribe, i., 363- 401; location, i., 452. Abo, New Mex., antiq., iv., 663. Abortion, i., 169, 197, 242, 279, 390, 634, 773; ii., 183, 269, 469-70. Abrevadero, Jalisco, antiq., iv., 577. Ac, herb, Yucatan, ii., 698. Acacebastla, locality, Cent. Amer., iii., 760. Acachinanco, locality, Mexico, iii., 298; v., 507. Acagchemems, South Cal. tribe, i., 402-22; location, iii., 162; myth., iii., 162-9, 525. . Acagnikakh, Aleut 1st man, iii., 104. Acalmalcingo (Acahualtzinco, Tla- lixco), Aztec station, v., 323. Acala, city, Chiapas, i., 681. Acalan, city, Guatemala, ii., 650; v., 347. Acalli, canoes, ii., 398. Acamapichtli I. king of Culhuacan, v., 341-54. Acamapichtli II., king of Mexico, v., 354-62, 492. Acanum, Maya god, ii. , 698. Acapichtzin, Toltec hero, v., 213, 246. Acapipioltzin, a Chichimec prince, v., 428, 450-1. Acaponeta, province in Jalisco, i., 609, 671; v., 509. Acapulco, city in Guerrero, i., 678, ii., 109. A cat, Maya god, iii., 467. oo oo 1*3 ; Ooooo ooooo s&5 ^^^^^g^^r<3 1 ^ J rfr v, .,> < ~\ x x < ,\ / \ WN/\-/VA><^ ^ A-AV\ /\ A-^ >W^ V-...V V^g^M I ^4^ v / S?^JL v /\-A v A N ^"' ^ ^A-'/S - /v'A^ ~--m v ' ' ' ' >"-. ^ ur ^ -H: < - THE WORKS OF HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. THE WORKS OF HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME VI, HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA. VOL. I. 1501-1530. SAN FRANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1882, Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT. In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Rights Reserved. CALIFORNIA PASTORAL. CALIFORNIA PASTOEAL BEING SKETCHES OF LIFE AND SOCIETY UNDER MISSION REGIME. BY BY HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. Hue ades, O Galatea; quis est nam ludus in undis ? hie ver purpurenrn ; varies hie flurnina circum fundit humus flores; hie Candida populus antro imminet, et Ienta3 texunt umbracula vites. Hue ades: insani feriant sine litora fluctus. Virgil. SAN FRANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 188-. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT. In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Eights Reserved. PREFACE Having accumulated for that, portion of my History of California relating to the Missions and Mission life a superabundance of material, for some of which it was impossible to find room within the allotted space, of that remaining I have taken the best, and weaving with it some antique foreign facts and later fancies of my own, I have embodied the result in this book, which I call California Pastoral because of the pas toral life then led by the people,- and in contradis tinction to another book, to follow this, which I entitle California Inter Pocula, in which I attempt to set forth some of the wild orgies of the gold-hunt ing bacchanalia. Seldom have been found in civilized societies qualities more 'distinctly opposite than those appearing among the people of California before and after the great gold discovery. Neither of these ex act phases of society can ever be reproduced in the history of nations, for the engendering conditions will be wanting. Therefore it may be well to examine more carefully these two historical episodes while we have the opportunity, for each has its own significance to him who can fathom it. |( CALIFORNIA INTER POCULA CALIFORNIA INTER POCULA A COLLECTION OF CLASSICAL ABNORMITIES. BY HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME I. Pape Satan, Pape Satan, aleppe I Dante. SAN FRANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 188-. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT. In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Rights Reserved. PREFACE. So full of oddities, and crudities, and strange devel opments, consequent upon unprecedented combina tions of nationalities, characters, and conditions, were the flush times of California, that to condense them into the more solid forms of history without to some extent stifling the life that is in them and marring their originality and beauty is not possible. There are topics and episodes and incidents which cannot be vividly portrayed without a tolerably free use of words I do not say a free use of the imagination. Much has been written of the California!! Inferno of 1849 and the years immediately following, much that is neither fact nor fable. Great and gaudy pictures have been painted, but few of them bear much resemblance to nature. Many conceits have been thrown off by fertile brains which have given their authors money and notoriety; but the true artist, who with the hand of a master drawing from life, places before the observer the all- glowing facts, unbesmeared by artificial and deceptive coloring, has yet to appear. No attempt is made in these pages to outdo my predecessors in morbid intensifications of the certain phases of society and character engendered of the times. They contain simple sketches and plain de scriptions, historical rather than fantastical, with no effort toward exaggeration. POPULAR TRIBUNALS POPULAE TRIBU'NALS. BY HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME I. Fiat justitia mat ccelum. SAN FRANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1882. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Rights Reserved. WILLIAM T. COLEMAN, CHIEF OF THE GREATEST POPULAR TRIBUNAL THE WORLD HAS EVER WITNESSED, I DEDICATE THIS WORK. PREFACE. During my researches in Pacific States history, and particularly while tracing the development of Anglo-American communities on the western side of the United States, I fancied I saw unfolding into healthier proportions, under the influence of a purer atmosphere, that sometime dissolute principle of po litical ethics, the right of the governed at all times to instant and arbitrary control of the government. The right thus claimed was not to be exercised except in cases of emergency, in cases where such interfer ence should be deemed necessary, but it was always existent; and as the people themselves were to de termine what should constitute emergency and what necessity, these qualifications were impertinent. Though liable at times to the grossest abuse, I found this sentiment latent among widely spread and intelligent peoples, but in a form so anomalous that few would then admit to themselves its presence among their convictions. It was a doctrine acted rather than spoken, and existing as yet in practice only, never having through formulas of respectability worked itself out in theory. Yet it was palpably present, more often as a regretted necessity, usually denounced in judicial and political circles, though clearly operating under certain conditions to the wel fare of society. J (7) 8 BANCROFT'S WORKS. Finding on these Pacific shores, in a degree superior to any elsewhere appearing in the annals of the race, this phase of arbitrary power as displayed by the many Popular Tribunals here engendered, I pressed inquiry in that direction, and these volumes are the result. It is all history; and though herein I some times indulge in details which might swell unduly exact historical narration, I have felt constrained to omit more facts and illustrations than I have given. These omissions, however, are not made at random, or to the injury of the work, but only after carefully arranging and comparing all the information on the subject I have been able to gather. And the material was abundant. Beside printed books, manuscripts, and the several journals of the period advocating the opposite sides of the .question, I was fortunate enough to secure all the archives of the San Francisco Committee of Vigilance of 1851, and to obtain free access to the voluminous records and documents of the great Committee of 1856. But this was not all. Well knowing that the hidden work ings of the several demonstrations could be obtained only from the mouths of their executive officers, I took copious dictations from those who had played the most prominent parts in the tragedies. From one member I learned what occurred on a given occasion at the point where he happened to be; from another, what was taking place at the same time at another point of observation ; and so on, gathering from each some thing the others did not know or remember. By putting all together I was enabled to complete the picture of what were otherwise a conglomeration of figures and events. At first I found the gentlemen of 1856 exceedingly POPULAR TRIBUNALS. 9 backward in divulging secrets so long held sacred; and it was only after I had given them the most convincing assurances of the strength and purity of my purpose that I obtained their united consent to place me in possession of their whole knowledge of the matter.. Often had they been applied to for such information, and as often had they declined giving it. And for good reasons. They had offended the law; they had done violence to many who -still cherished hatred; they had suffered from annoying and expensive suits at law brought against them by the expatriated; they had disbanded but had not disorganized, and they did not know at what moment they might again be sum moned to rise in defence of society, or to band for mutual protection. From the beginning it was held by each a paramount obligation to divulge nothing. On the other hand the questions arose : Are these secrets to die with you? May not the knowledge of your experience be of value to succeeding societies? Have you the right to bury in oblivion that experi ence, to withhold from your fellow-citizens and from posterity a knowledge of the ways by which you achieved so grand a success? And so after many meetings, and warm deliberations, it was agreed that the information should be placed at my disposal for the purpose of publication. However I may have executed my task, the time selected for its performance was most opportune. Ten years earlier the actors in these abnormal events would on no account have divulged their secrets; ten years later many of them will have passed away, and the opportunity be forever lost for obtaining informa tion which they alone could give. LITERARY INDUSTRIES LITEEAEY INDUSTRIES A MEMOIE. BY HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT, Cannot you tell that? Every fool can tell that. Hamlet. SAN FRANCISCO: A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 188-. Entered according to Act of Congress In the Tear 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT. In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Rights Reserved. PREFACE. This book is a record of things nearest me during an active and eventful life; a record of the failures and successes of a life not wholly good, bad, or indif ferent. Further, and more important, it is a record of certain literary efforts and accomplishments beside which I myself sink to insignificance. As to the spirit and manner of it, whatsoever has come to me that have I written in all frankness and honesty, and let me hope without that affectation of modesty which is the greatest egotism. THE WORKS OF HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. THE WORKS OF HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME VII. HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA. VOL. II. 1550-1800. SAN FRANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1883. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT. In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. All Rights Reserved. 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