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FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER
ON THE
SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS
A DISSERTATION
Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts
and Literature in Candidacy for the Degree
of Doctor of Philosophy
(DEPARTMENT OF SANSKRIT AND INDO-EUROPEAN
COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY)
BY
IVY KELLERMAN
or the r
UNIVERSITY
£SUforn\£,
Press or
The New Era Prihtirg Compact
Lancaster. Fa.
1904
INTKODUCTTOK
A systematic treatment of dialect syntax is not as yet included
in the abundant literature in the field of Greek dialectology. The
most striking instances of variation from the usage of literary
Greek are mentioned in general treatments of Greek syntax like
Brugmann's grammar, the Kuhner-Blass grammar, etc., and many
points are noted in treatments of individual dialects. But no-
where are these peculiarities brought together and placed in their
dialectic and chronological relations, and no complete collections
of examples have yet been made. Moreover, it is not only in-
stances of divergent usage that are worthy of study, but the
amount of agreement between the dialects and literary Greek
should also be observed. It is quite as important to note whether
this or that point of syntax is an independent development in
one or more dialects, or whether it proves to be a peculiarity in-
herited from early Greek, and panhellenic like certain phenomena
in inflection and phonology, or lastly whether it is sufficiently
similar to the use of the cognate word in other languages to be
thought an inheritance from Indo-European. In each case, of
course, the chronology and the possibility of the Attic influence
must be taken into account.
In the following paper the syntax of certain prepositions of
allied meaning is considered. In Chapter I avrC and irpo are
compared throughout the dialects ; in Chapter II irrre'p, afx^t, and
Kepi, and in Chapter III <rvv, fierd and 7reSa. Complete collec-
tions of examples have been attempted, and all the uses of these
prepositions which occur in the dialects are noted. In Chapter
IV the peculiarities of usage of additional prepositions in various
dialects are gathered together, from the obviously independent
dialectic development of air6 and i/c with the dative in Arcado-
Cyprian to the use of irapd with the accusative for the dative
which seems to characterize Greek in general at earlier or later
stages in the dialects and in literature.
1
J fkfJA
Z SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS.
The basis of the collection of examples is Collitz' Sammlung
der Griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften (cited as SGDL), supple-
mented by later publications for certain dialects, as Hoffmann's
Griechische Dialekte (cited as Hofl\), Dittenberger and Purgold's
Inschriften von Olympia (cited as 01. V.), various Corpus col-
lections, and recent magazines, etc. For the brief outlines of the
syntax of cognate prepositions, use has been made of the lexicons
and grammars available for each language, the enumeration of
which seems superfluous. Likewise it seems unnecessary to give
a complete list of the abbreviations used for the various works
consulted in regard to the Greek. The ordinary ones are em-
ployed (except that Brugmann's Kurze Vergleichende Gramma tik
is referred to as K. Vergl. Gr. and the Kuhner-Blass grammar as
K-BL), and it is hoped that no references are given so briefly as
to be unintelligible.
The date of each example, except in Cyprian, where no dating
has been attempted, is given in brackets immediately after the
citation of its source.
In conlusion an expression of thanks is due Dr. Carl Darling
Buck, at whose suggestion this paper was undertaken, and under
whose advice it has been completed.
CHAPTEE I.
CLVTl, 7Tp6.
Cognates: 1. ami: Skt. anti (cf. I below), Goth, and, OHG.
ant, AS. and, Lith. ant. The meaning in Goth, and OHG. is
" along, over," and in Lith. "upon, over," the development of
each of which is as yet unexplained.
2. irpo: Skt. pra, Lat. pro, Goth, fra, OHG. fora (furi), AS.
for (fore), Lith. pra (pro), OB. pro (pra). In Skt, Goth.,
Lith. and OB. this appears only as a verbal prefix.
I. Place.
Sanskrit anti is with one exception uniformly considered an
adverb, meaning "opposite, in front of, near," as R.Y. 1, 176, 1,
gatrum anti na vindasi, "You find no foe before you." The
Petersburg lexicon gives a single example of its use as a preposi-
tion, namely, Bhagavatapurana in 5 aD dakalpadruma, mugdhar
prabhitavadupeyatur anti matroh, "subject to foolish fear the
two approached before the two mothers."
This is ignored by Brugmann and by Delbriick, who expressly
state that there is no occurrence of the preposition with cases,
and evidently it is not an example important enough for any
conclusions to be based upon.
The idea "in front of" is given in Sanskrit by words kindred
to pra in origin, as puras, etc., and by other altogether different
expressions. Examples of puras with the accusative, genitive and
ablative respectively are : R. Y. 5, 82, 8, ya ime ubhe ahani para
ety aprayucchan svadhir, "who goes before these two — day and
night, attentive, fair-minded," Qak. p. 62, line 23 (Bohtlingk,
after stanza 103), tatah praviganti gautamlsaJiitah — puragcaisam
kancuki, "then enter the companions of Gautami, and before
them the attendant," P. Y. 3, 53, 22, na gardabham puro agvdn
nay anti, "they do not place the ass before the horse." Examples
3
4 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
of purastdt in a similar use are R. V. 3, 8, 2, samiddhasya graya-
mdnah purastdd brahma vanvdno ajaram, suvlram, " Placed be-
fore the enkindled face, awakening prayer, ageless, powerful/'
and Ag. Grhy. 1, 11, 6, tasya \_pagoh~] purastdd ulmukam haranti,
1 1 In front of the victim they bear a blazing stick. ' ' Puratas is
used only adverbially, and purd has no local meaning, unless it
may be suggested in examples like the following : R. V. 8, 44, 30,
purd 'gne duritebhyah purd mrdhrebhyah, have, pra na ayur vaso
tira, " extend our life, Agni, keeping it, wise being, far off from
{%. e., in front of) misfortunes and foes. ,,
An example of agre in the sense of "in front of " is Pane. 286,
tasyd agre nicihsipa [sc. pallavdni], "he cast the young shoots
down before her," and of agratas, as Pane. 274, tau pitroragrato
vihasantau — ucatuh, "the two, laughing in the presence of the
fathers, — told," etc. Still other expressions are shown in the
use of samaksam, as Kathas. 4, 79, satyam samaksam asmdham
anendngxkrtam dhanam, "forsooth in our presence the deposit
was promised by him," samipa, as K~ala 1, 15, tasydh samipe tu
nalam pracacarisuh , "in her presence they praised Nala, " sarh-
mukhe, as VikramorvacJ Act II (a Prakrit passage after stanza
11), edam bhuanganimmoam via sammuhe no nivadidam, "this
like a cast-off snake skin fallen down before us."
Latin ante takes the accusative, as Plaut. Amph. 292, sed quis
est homo quern ante aedis video hoc noctisf But the archaic use
seems to have been that of the ablative, according to Servius ad.
Eel. 1, 29 (post longo tempore), antiqui enim post, ante, circum
etiam ablativo jungebant, and Pompeius 278, 21K, ante, post,
propter, praeter, cum sint accusativae prepositiones — tamen apud
maiores nostros inveniuntur etiam ablativae. Puta non dubitat
Pacuvius dicere 'ante templo.' Brugmann suggests that the
accusative is due to the use of this case with post, the opposite of
ante.
In comparing ante and pro, it seems that ante is preferred in
the local meaning. It denotes that one has something in front
of him, while pro means that he has the object behind him and is
protecting it, or similar ideas which lead easily to a figurative
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 5
development. The proof of a local use of pro in early times is
slight. Pro moene occurs in Naevius, but there is no example
from comedy. Yet this is doubtless due to chance, for expres-
sions like pro rostris, contione, tribunali, etc., common in classical
times, must have been previously in fairly general use. Besides
the simple meaning "in front of," shown in Cic. Phil. 3, 11, 27,
sedens pro aede, etc., a further development is shown in the force
1 ' on the front part of, ' ' and then u on, ' ' which is seen in Tac. A.
14, 30, stabat pro litore acies, or Cic. Fam. 3, 8, 21, pro tribunali
cum aliquid ageretur, etc. The related preposition prae had a
local sense in early Latin only in the expression prae manu, used
by the comedians. An example from Cicero is Phil. 2, 12, prae
se pugionem tulit. In later Latin it gained ground, as Liv. 1, 7, 4,
prae se armentum agens, although it never becomes a common
usage, and does not seem to appear in the Romance languages.
Another preposition to express "in front of" is coram, which was
only an adverb in ante-classical times, the first examples of its
use as a preposition being Cic. Pis. 6, 12, coram genero meo and
Fam. 13, 6, a, 1, credo te memoria tenere me et coram P. Cuspio
tecum locutum esse. It does not occur elsewhere in classical prose,
or in Livy, or the poets, and is never very common. A pud is
occasionally used in the sense of coram, as Cic. Verr. 2, 20, verba
apud senatum fecit, Plaut. Amph. 591, miseriast servo bono apud
erum qui vera loquitur. (For the Romance development of apud,
cf. Chapter III, pp. 51 f.
In the Romance languages ante remains the regular preposition
in this meaning, whether in the simple form or compounded with
other prepositions.
Faur and Faura (Skt. puras, Grk. irapd) are the nearest syn-
tactic equivalents of irpo to be seen in Gothic. Faur in the local
meaning has however the sense of irapd with the accusative, and
faura often equals efnrpoo-Qev, Kara with the accusative, and irapd
with the dative and accusative. But there are some examples of
faura in the sense of irp6, as Mark 1, 2, sai, ih insandja aggilu
meinana faura pus, saei gamanweip wig peinana faura pus, l&ov
airocneXkQ) rbv dyyeXov /jlov irpb irpoa-dyrrov gov, o? KaTa<TK€vd<T€i rrjv
6 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
oBov efnrpoaOev gov. The use of a phrase rather than the simple
preposition is seen in Mark 2, 12, usiddja faura andwairpja
allaize, i^rfKdev ivavriov irdvrcDv.
In Old High German these two prepositions faur and faura
are represented by fora. That Gothic faur represents two Indo-
European forms is seen from its parallelism in some respects with
Old High German furi (from *peri), which originally had a local
meaning, being used with the accusative to denote direction, as
ni haban waz ih gisezze furi inan, i i I have nothing which I could
set before the man, ' ' while fora with the dative expresses rest, as
ih antluhhu duri fora imu, "I open the door before him. " In
modern German these two prepositions again fell together to some
extent and suffered interchange of meanings, so that by a new
distinction fiir was crowded out except in derived uses, and vor
became the regular local and temporal preposition. But examples
of the retention of fiir in the local sense occur, as dass ich gleich
fur die rechte schmiede ginge (Goethe). In Anglo-Saxon for
and fore occur side by side, as C. P. 134, 2, hit sie — forsewen for
monna eigum, ' ' Let it become — despised before men 's eyes, ' ' and
Be. 568, 25, hine eadmodlice on eorpan astrehte fore done B, "he
prostrated himself humbly on the earth before that B," Be. 520, 9,
paet hi segen fore him baeron aet gefeohte, "that they bore in
battle the standards before him." Compounds of the temporal
and adverbial foran also occur, as Jos. 8, 22, he feaht him wid-
foran, i i he fought before him, ' ' Jos. 3, 6, gad aetforan pam folce,
"he walked on in front of the people," Mark 6, 14, daet hi —
toforan him asetton, l ' gave them — to set before them, ' ' Mark 1, 2,
nu ic asende minne engel be foran pinre ansyne, ' ' behold I send my
messengers before thy face. ' 9 An example resembling the Latin
sedit pro tribunali (cf. above p. 5) is perhaps to be seen in John
19, 13, saet aetforan domselle, "sat down in the judgment seat."
In Early English for occurs, as Beow. 722, he for eaxlum gestod
Denige frean, "he stood before the shoulders of the Danes' lord."
An example of the simple foran is Cynewulf, Crist, 341 (Grein.),
Nu we on paet beam foran breostum stariad, "Now we see the
child on (=before) thy breast." Of the compounds of foran,
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 7
aetforan was soon given up. An example from Middle English
is Layamon I, 288, atforan al his folhe he his hinehelm onfeng,
"Before all his people he received his helmet. " Toforan re-
mained longer, as Alis. 2989, afterward tofore my sight On a treo
they schole beo pyght. An example of afore is Ipom. 873, she
gan down falle On swonne, afore hyr maydens alle. This last
preposition remains in the older literature and dialectically in
Modern English. The Early English before, as R. of 04. p. 86,
a crois — ys men bifore hym bere, became the regular preposition
for this meaning in Modern English, all the other compounds,
except afore ('fore), being completely crowded out, and for re-
maining only in figurative senses. I
In Early English and "with, against" (cf. Gothic, p. 3) shows
also the meaning " before,' ' as Cd. 1, half don dream and heora
ordfruman, i i had joy before their creator. ' '
In Lithuanian the idea of "in front of " is expressed by de-
rivatives from nouns or adverbs. Firm, which corresponds etymo-
logically to ttp&tos and Skt. purvas, is used, although rarely, as
Mark 1, 2, asz siuncziu savo angelq, pirm tavqs, i * I send my angel
before you. " Presz (a strengthened form of pre) sometimes
shows this meaning, as presz Jcq nusiimti, ' ' to take off the hat be-
fore one. " A compound of this preposition with akis "eye" is
used in the locative case, as jis sto mdno pryszahy, "he stands
before me," and the same idea is expressed by po ahiu ("under,
before the eyes of") as Mark 2, 12, iszejo po ahiu visit, "he went
out before them all. ' ' Words which sometimes have the meaning
"in front of" are tes (a shortened form), from the adjective tesus
i i straight, erect, ' ' as tes butu l ' before the house, ' ' though its usual
sense is that of ' ' opposite, ' 9 and szale, a locative of the noun szalis
"side," as szale buto "before (beside) the house." This latter
expression is similar to the use of pre l i beside, J ' in examples like
pre buto, "before the house," etc.
The only preposition in Old Bulgarian which means "before"
is predu, as Mark 1, 2, azu posulya anfdu moi predu litsemu
tvoimu, a7ro(TT€\\(o rbv ayye\6v fiov irpo irpoadyirov gov, and Mark
2, 12, izide predu visemi, i^rjXOev evavrlov ttolvtcdv. In Modern
8 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Russian the same word appears, in the forms predu, peredu, predo
and peredo, used with the accusative and the instrumental.
Literary Greek seems to show but one example of the use of ami
in a local meaning, namely Xen. An. 4, 7, 6, (to %<a>p£ov iari) Baav
iriruai 8ia\enrovo~avi /xeydXais, av& &v eo-Trj/coTes avSpes t( av
irdaxoiev; the only occurrence of it in the Attic inscriptions is CIA.
II, 835, 68 [320-317] bawtBes T/sefc, iv ah eve linreifi; zeal cnfKlrrpi
ami tov Mtvoravpov. Derivatives from the preposition and other
words take its place to some extent, as ivamiov, common from
Homer on, avria and amCov, chiefly poetic and Ionic (avrlov is
hardly to be found in Attic prose), am a (poetic) and the later
and less common evami, cnrevavTi, ivayrrtov, /caTevayrriov, etc. On the
other hand, irpo is very common in the local meaning, as Od. 24,
468 riyepiOovro irpb ao~Teos, Thuc. 3, 75, rrjv irpb tov 'Hpatov, etc.
Delphian. SGDI. 2607, 4 [240-239], ami Be tov x^porexvlov to
Trpoaicdviov io~TaT(o.
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, I, 40 [middle 5th cent.], Kakfav ami
fiaiTvpow Bvfav €7rl tuu va5>i. This expression is common in the
early inscriptions.* An example of Ivami (=€vami) occurs SGDI.
5125, A, 2 [ca. middle 5th cent.]. Likewise in Delphian in the
later inscriptions evami and evamlov occur, as SGDI. 2072, 17, 26
[198].
2. 7T/30.
Ionic. Mitth. 20, 242, 14 [Roman], KaOiepaxrev — tcl irpb tt?9
oliclas ipyao~Tr}pia.
Argive. SGDI. 3339, 109 [1st half 4th cent], 6 8k Top. irpb tov
afiaTov Kelpevov rjvi/ce. Other examples are SGDI. 3340, 113
[1st half 4th cent.], CIGP. et Ins. 841, 23 [end 3rd cent.].
Rhodian. SGDI. 3755, 11 [after 3rd cent.], t6B]c to yjrd^crfjLa
iaTaXa \l6C\vo\ Oereo irpb tov ayopavop,[iov. Cf. also IGIns. I,
1, 8 [pre-Roman],
*SGDI. 4991, II, 28, 32; III, 46, 55; XI, 53; 4998, II, 9; 4986, 4, 10 [both
in middle 5th cent.], 4992, 1, 7, 5072, b, 10 ["aus guter Zeit"]. Also 4991,
VIII, 55, ireWev [dv]rt k<5<7/k[(j]v.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. V
Theran. SGDI. 4772, 4 [4th cent], ' Ay oprjiois Be [8]e{irvoy teal
/a[/o]a irpb rod aafirjLOV,
Coan. SGDI. 3636, 30 [end 4th cent.], etc] arrevEec fcv\i/ca oXvov
KeKpafievov [ir^po rod [/3oo']<?.
For a discussion of clvti and nrpo in this use, cf . the general
comparison of the two prepositions given under figurative uses,
III, p. 13, and for a chronological summary of the local in com-
parison with temporal uses, cf. II, p. 13.
3. irp6 = 7T/30?.
Ionic. CIGS. I, 235, 45 [ca. 387], KaOevBeLv—Toxs fih av8pas
iv rol irpb 770O? rod ftcofiov, Ta? 8k yvvcurcas iv rol irpb kaire^pr}^ . . .
This seems to be unparalleled in the dialects and in literary
Greek, although somewhat similar phrases are perhaps to be seen
in such expressions as II. 4, 382, oi 8' iirel ovv &xpvro I8e irpb 68ov
iyevovro.
II. Time.
The temporal meaning " before' ' is expressed in Sanskrit to
some extent by the same prepositions which occur in the local
sense. The only example of puras expressing time given in the
Petersburg lexicon is Qak. 189, tava prasddasya purastu sam-
padah, "before your favor [goes] blessing. " An instance of
purastdt is Ait. Br. 3, 29, tasmdt dditydrambhamam — purastdt
tasya yajaty, — "therefore the beginning is with the Adityas — at
the commencement of it one sacrifices, — " etc. There is one ex-
ample of puratas in a temporal sense (given as adverbial in the
Petersburg lexicon), namely, MBh. 1, 8404 puratah hrcchrakdlasya
dhimdnjdgarti purusah, "before a season of danger a man is
watchful over his thoughts. " Purd is fairly common in this
meaning, as ~R. V. 2, 28, 5, ma mdtrd gdry apasah purd ritoh,
"do not break the measure of the work before the time. " The
most frequent prepositions in this sense are however the words
prak and piirvam, from the adjectives prdnc and purva, as
Kathop. 4, 6, yah piirvam tapaso jdtamadbhyah purvamajdyata,
"the first-born from the penance, who was created before the
waters,' ' and Qak. 118, prdgantariksagamandt, "before flying off
into the sky. ' '
10 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
In Latin ante is used, as Plaut. Amph. 602, ante lucem a portu
me praemisisti domum. This is in widespread use, and pro does
not occur in a temporal sense. The same distinction remains in
the Komance languages, a third preposition in Italian being prima,
as prima di pranzo.
Of Gothic faura and four, only the latter is used in a temporal
sense, as Matth. 8, 29, qamt her faur met bahvjan unsis? ^\0e?
&8e irpo Kaipov fiaaavLaai r)pas\ and Matth. 26, 75, patei faur
hanins hruk prim sinpam afaikis me, on irpiv aXmropa <f>covr}o~ai
rpU cnrapvrjo-y /*€. In Old High German fora is the only form of
the preposition fora, furi found in the temporal meaning, as dher
aer fora dhir was, l i who in olden times was before you, ' ' and fora
themo itmalen tage, ' ' before that solemn day. ' ' This distinction
remains in Modern German, vor being the temporal preposition,
as vor M org ens, vor drei Wochen, etc., while fur does not occur in
such a sense. In Anglo-Saxon for occurs, as Wulfstan 96, 7, da
de waeron fordferede for hund gearum, "when they went away
a hundred years ago (= before)," but this soon gave way in
favor of various prepositions consisting of compounds of -foran,
used without distinction in meaning, as shown in the following
examples: Sax. Chr. 1010, Aetforan Andreas maessandaeg pa
com he her, i i before the festival of St. Andrew he came hither. ■ '
Sax. Chr. 1106, Waeron gesewen twegen monan — toforan pam>
dcege, l * Two moons were seen before that day. " Wulfstan 96, 10,
nu we paene fyrst nabbad, pe pa haefdon, pe widforan us waeron,
"now we do not have the time which they had who were before
us." Sax. Chr. 894, pa gegaderade sio laf — micelne here onforan
winter, "then the remnant gathered together — a great army be-
fore the winter,' ' Psa. civ, 15, he him snoterne be foran sende
ceryst, i l he sent first a wise [man] before him. ' ' !Not all of these
compounds are found in Early English. Aetforan disappeared,
but toforan remained somewhat longer, as P. Ploughm. 7683,
Lyneris toforan us useden to make, — etc., and onforan, as Ipom.
619, By halfe yere afore the day, That it be know ferre and nere.
Be foran is fairly common, as R. of Gl. p. 27, Hire lord was kyng
bifore hire ten yer. Of these Modern English shows before as
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 11
the regular temporal preposition, afore occurring only in dialectic
and early examples. The use of for to express duration of time
or in general expressions like "for the first time, " — etc., occurs
in Early English, as P. Ploughm. 688, to dwelle there for evere,
but not in Anglo-Saxon. The resemblance of the usage to that of
French pour, Italian per, Spanish por is clear, and shows that it is
probably borrowed from this Romance development.
Anglo-Saxon has still another preposition to express the tem-
poral meaning "before," namely aer (Goth, air, OHG. er, etc.),
as Matth. 8, 29, come du hider aer tide us to preagenne, "Hast
thou come hither before the time to test us % } 9 An Early English
example is Alis. 344, aboute mydnyght, ar the day, the forms in
which it appeared being er, ar, or. In Modern English it remains,
in the form ere, but only in poetic language.
In Lithuanian pirm is the only temporal preposition expressing
"before," as tax pirm szesziu nedeliu nusidave, "that happened
six years ago." Old Bulgarian uses predu, as Supr. 201, 17,
predu sunumu molitvy tvoryase, "before sleep he offers prayer,"
though no example in a temporal force seems to occur in the codex
Marianus, where instead prezde is used, as Matth. 8, 29, priselu
esi semo prezde vremene mqcitu nasu, fjXOes foSe irpb /caipov
Baaavlacu rjp>a<;;
In literary Greek the regular usage is that of 77730, as Od. 15, 24,
7rpo ydfxoLO, Xen. Cyr. 5, 5, 39, irpo helirvov, etc. A development
to a temporal force in cWt, as in the two dialect examples quoted
below, does not occur.
1. ami.
Delphian. SGDI. 2561A, 45 [early 4th cent.], ayev Bk TweX-
\ala avrl /reVeo?.
Coan. SGDI. 3636, 43 [end 4th cent.], irpo [ayopev] ere* ayvev-
eaSai yvvaiKv; teal a[v8po]<; avrl wktos.
With these examples is to be compared the Hesychian gloss avr 9
erow rov avrov eT09* Aa/cwz^e?, although the Laconian inscriptions
show no such use of avri. The meaning in both these examples is
* l before the end of, ? J consequently * * during the year, the night. ' *
12 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Hicks JHS. 9, 336 compares Theognis 344 Solrjv S' avr > avlcov
avlas, but 1 ■ grief upon grief, ' ' the translation of Liddell and Scott,
is undoubtedly the meaning here, so that the example evidently is
not parallel to these dialect uses.
2. irpo.
Ionic. Eev. d. Phil. 25, 166 [350-325], r[bv] Sevrepov a/cdfa-
[rb]v [fJLrjvos'] Tavpei&vos irpb €wca8[o?.
Thessalian. SGDI. 345, 43 [after 214], ra -^a^Ur^aTa to re
vir(ir)pb [t] a? yev6fievo(v) koX to rafi(o)v. Pick I. c. reads vtt{tt)po-
Ta?, doubtless with the same meaning intended as if the words
were separated (as by Hoffmann, Michel, Herwerden and others).
Delphian. SGDI. 2501, 37 [380], tyaKeiadav irpb Uvd [t ] a>v
oTivfc tea Secomai.
Laconian. SGDI. 4689, 11 [90], iv tgh kvheKarm fitjvC, irpb t&v
p,v<TTr\pUov.
Megarian. SGDI. 3052, 19 [end of 3rd or beginning of 2nd
cent.], iv] tgh ^.erayenvU&i pa)vi irpb tos oe[/caTa?.
Argive. SGDI. 3294, 4 [Roman], <£tXo [r«/iw?] ^€Yurr(a)<?
irapa<T% [oWa] a>? ovSeU t&v irpb a [vt\ ov.
Rhodian. SGDI. 3749, 48 [220-200], m& vrparcuMu-—
X°>P*S V oaoL irpb raoSe Ta? GVvdrjKa*; ifjecrTparev/cavTi.
Theran. SGDI. 4706, 161 [end 3rd cent], irpb rov rav avvoBov
rjpev irpb afiepdv 8e/ca.
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, I, 2 [middle 5th cent.], irpb hbas w
ayev.
In all of the dialects from which examples are here given* there
are other instances as well. The frequency of irpo in the temporal
sense is quite in contrast with the small number of examples of its
occurrence in other uses, and of the occurrence of ami in any use.
(Elsewhere throughout this chapter all the examples of irpo and
ami that occur are quoted. ) The only example of irpo of especial
interest here is from Delphian, its date being about the same as
that of the example of ami given above. Doubtless it may be
*The only example from Boeotian is in a section composed in Attic, namely
SGDI. 488, 26 [223-197].
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS.
13
assumed that Delphian retained the early Greek use of both these
prepositions in this force. A summary of the occurrence of ami
and 7r/)o in the temporal and local uses is given in the following
table :
Place
Time
avri
irpd
avri
irp6
Ionic
Roman
350
Thessalian
after 214
Delphian
240-239
early 4th cent.
380
Laconian
90
Megarian
end 3rd or begin-
ning 2nd cent.
Argive
first part 4th cent.
Eoman
Rhodian
after 3rd cent.
220-200
Theran
4th cent.
end 3rd cent.
Coan
end 4th cent.
end 4th cent.
Cretan
middle 5th cent.
middle 5th cent.
III. Figurative Uses.
The figurative developments of ami and irpd in literary Greek,
and of their equivalents in other languages, are here disregarded
except when they are parallel to the usages in the dialects shown
by the examples given under the four following headings.
A general comparison of the use of these two prepositions in
Greek with that in Latin, the only other language which keeps
both in their original significance, shows the tendency of develop-
ment to be exactly the opposite in Greek from what appears in
Latin. In Greek the local meaning is given by irpo, with the
exception of the two Attic and two dialect examples of clvtC quoted
I, 1, p. 8. In Latin it is given by ante. For the temporal mean-
ing as well Greek uses nrrpo, the only appearance of ami being in
two dialects and a Hesychian gloss (cf. II, 1, p. 11). Latin uses
ante. But in figurative developments, while Latin uses pro,
Greek shows ami, with the exception again of two dialects quoted
below, and certain limited developments in Attic, where the force
remains close to the local meaning, in expressions of protection
and defence. (In Attic in the meaning "for the advantage of, "
it is not so common as wre'p. In Representation the idea "in
the interest of " is always present; it rarely denotes equivalence
14
SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
like avri, as Soph. El. 495, trpo r<av8e, and is common in com-
parisons, as alpeladaC tl irpo twos.) It is interesting to note that
of the two dialects which show avri in a local meaning, Delphian
has also avri in a temporal sense, beside an example of irpo of
almost as early date, and Cretan has instances of irpo in a figura-
tive meaning. Again, the parallelism to Latin shown in the fig-
urative use of irpo in Laconian is emphasized by the Hesychian
gloss referred to above, indicating a temporal use of avri in that
dialect. This suggests that prehistoric Greek had both preposi-
tions in general use in all three meanings, but the specialization
had advanced so far at the time of the separation that only five
dialects (including Attic) varied from the development uniformly
shown in the other dialects and in literary Greek, and show ex-
amples parallel to those which appear in Latin as the regular
development in that language. These facts are given in tabular
form below, the parentheses indicating lack of importance because
of late date or (in Attic) because of the rarity of examples. For
the sake of completeness, the uses in the other languages are also
given here briefly, the summary showing that on the whole *pro
or words of kindred etymology were preferred not only in one or
two of these three uses, as in Greek and Latin, but in all of them.
Local.
Temporal.
Figurative.
Sanskrit
puras, etc.
faur, faura
pura, etc.
faur
sthane, etc.
Gothic
faur, faura
Lithuanian
pirm
pirm
uz
Old Bulgarian
predii
predfi, prezde
za, pro
Latin
ante
ante
pro
Greek (except as
below)
(avri), irpd
np6
avri, (npo)
Delphian
avri
avri, 7rp6
avri
Laconian
[awf], (np6)
avri f rrpd
Coan
ttp6
avri
avri
Cretan
avri
rrpo
Tcp6
1. avri.
a. Instead of.
Sanskrit expresses this idea without the aid of prepositions, by
8thana, "place," in the locative, either independently or at the
end of compounds, and by similar methods.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 15
In Latin pro is used, as Cato ap. Front, p. 149, nunquam ego
argentum pro vino congiario — disdidi. Other means of giving
the idea are suggested by the following examples: Cic. Inv. 2,
49, 144, haec filium suum sibi praemii loco deposcit, Plaut. Rud.
814, vos respondetote istinc istarum vicem, Plin. 31, 10, 46, §115,
in pane salis vico utuntur nitro. In the Romance languages pro
in this use seems to have disappeared, and only phrases occur, as
French a sa place, an lieu de, en place de, Italian in luogo di, in
vece di, and Spanish en lugar de, en vez de. It happens, doubt-
less by accident only, that there is no example of a preposition of
this meaning in the Gothic material which is extant. In Old
High German furi and fora occur, as daz ih unreht ne finde jure
reht, "that I never find wrong in place of right, n and fora enu
im ist Jciridono uunilust, "they have instead of law the pleasure
of desires. ' f Umbi is also used, as sie gaben mir ubel umbe guot,
i ' they gave me evil for good. ' • Modern German uses phrases, as
an Stelle jemandes, and statt and anstatt from the old noun Statt.
In Anglo-Saxon for is used, as Matth. 2, 22 Archelaus rixode
on Judea peode for daene Herodem, "Archelaus ruled over the
Judean people in place of that Herod. " Phrases also occur, as
Sax. chr. 693, Brihtwald gehalgode Tobian on his steall, "Briht-
wald hallowed Tobias in his stead, ' ' etc. The same use of phrases
remains, as Maundev., p. 67, Thei ete it in stede of spice, and
Ms. b. Halliw. (v. stede) songe a balad o-stede of the masse. In
the later language in place was often substituted for instead, corre-
sponding to the French a la place, and the expression in lieu is
borrowed directly from the French en lieu.
In Lithuanian the conjunction uziot expresses this idea, as
bernas (u)ziot dirb$s megt, "the boy sleeps instead of working."
The simple uz has rather the meaning of "in behalf of " (cf. Ch.
II, III, p. 34) and the use of veto, as Tcalb'eh mdno vetoje, "speak
for me" is a Germanism. Old Bulgarian shows the phrase vu-
mesto, as Matth. 2, 22, slusavi ze yalco Archelai tsetvuyetu vu
Iudei vu Iroda mesto, a/cov<ra<; Be otl 'A^^eXao? fiaoikevei hrl t?}?
'IouSata? clvtI 'HpcoSov.
In literary Greek and the Attic inscriptions clvti is the regular
16 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
preposition, as Od. 20, 307 ami ydfioio rdfov, Time. 1, 129, rbv
iroXefiov (W elprjvr)? /JLeraXa/ijSdpeiv, CIA. I, 469, 2 [before 403],
ami ydfiov irapa 6e<av tovto Xa^ovai ovofia. With personal objects
irpo is also used, as Xen. An. 7, 6, 36, aypvtrvelv irpo twos, but,
more frequently than either ami or irpo, xnrep is used in this sense,
the development for irrrep and irpo being from the meaning "in
behalf of." Cf. Ch. II, III, p. 34.
a. With impersonal objects.
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 128, 4 [end 4th cent.], Xd-^rerai ra yepea ra
avTa teal kodXtjv ami [t] (?})? cjpns.
Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 5, a(v)rl ray fjLiaO&v Kal a(v)rl ra v^pmv
Bofevai — Ta[\avTOv] — rj Bvfdvoi vv a(v)rl tg> apyvpoov rwBe tw
Ta\\dvT(ov] — tov x®pov. Similar expressions occur also in lines
10 and 17.
Delphian. SGDI. 2561A, 18 [early 4th cent], ra /ca/ca ami
7<ov ayaO&v [Bofievj. The same phraseology occurs in SGDI.
2501, 9 [380].
Laconian. SGDI. 4680, 27 [2nd cent.], e]t Bel BiaBoOrffiev tov
alrov rm [x/° e ] ^ av ^X 0VTL ^ * a * "" [ 00 " 0< » e°" T * aTroBoTeos o-t] to? ami tov
BiaBoOemos.
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 623, 4 [1st cent. B. C. or A. D.],
avrl Be daXirtopav \6r\ica yovevai 70W?. This is evidently an epic
imitation, as is also the following example.
Cretan. Mon. Ant. XI, 475 no. 2, 5 [3rd or 2nd cent], avrl
ydfiov yoepbv fieXos eta^e Oprjvwv crrepvov afieTprrrtoi ire [i>] dei reipo-
fieva.
yS. With personal objects.
Delphian. SGDI. 1832, 11 [173], el Be ti avQp&invov yevovro
irepi nva twv kolvcov — efaXeaOeov aXXov avT avrov — el Be firj OeXot
'AfjLvvra? rj 2c»T?;/3t%09 ami t<ov airoyevofie'vcov — avvefyaipelo-dai.
Laconian. SGDI. 4689, 6 [90], av Be w M M* ofivveiv, —
aXXov ami tovtov tcXapcoadTCO.
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. 1062, 3 [Koman], eirl lepeo<; 'Ep]fia-
igkov tov Mdp/cov — avT avrov Be 6 irarrjp Map/cos 'Epfiaiaicov.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 17
This distinction between the use with impersonal and personal
objects has been made in order to facilitate a comparison of amC
in the latter with irpo and xnrip in legal representation, where a
parallelism is evident. For a fuller statement and a tabular-
summary, cf . under inrep, Ch. II, III, 3, pp. 34 ff.
b. In return for.
Latin expresses this by pro, as Caes. B.G. 6, 16, pro vita hominis
nisi hominis vita reddatur, non posse deorum immoHalium numen
placari. In Italian per is used, as comprare, vender e per mille
lire. The phrase in contraccambio is also used, as ma tu fammi un
piacere in contraccambio di queste lodi. French uses pour, as
faire troc pour troc, and also phrases, as en retour de. Spanish
shows por, as comprar, vender, dar por cien dablones.
In Gothic und (related to eare, Delphian erne, cf. K. Yergl. Gr.
§907 anm.) is used, as Matth. 5, 38, augo und augin jah tunpu
und tunpau, bfyOakfibv avrl 6cj>0a\/jLov teal oBovra ami bBomos. Faur
corresponds usually to vire'p, but the meaning "in return for" is
perhaps to be seen in examples like Cor. 1, 15, 3, ei Xristus gaswalt
faur frawaurhtins unsaros, otl X/moto? airiOavev xnrep r<av dfiapncov
rjficjp. In Old High German the same use occurs, as ist arhaban
fora Jcinnizidu dera sinera listi, "he is praised in return for the
science of his art." In Anglo-Saxon for is used, as Matth. 5, 38,
eage for eage and top for tep, bfyOaXfwv avrl 6<f>0a\fjiov teal bBoma
ami oBovtos. Early English shows the same usage, as P. Ploughm.
253, for thi rightful rulyng Be rewarded in hevene. In Anglo-
Saxon wid and mid give the same idea, with words of weighing,,
selling, etc., as Exod. 21, 24, tod wid ted, "tooth for tooth," Exod.
21, 36, gilde oxan mid oxan, "he shall pay ox for ox."
Lithuanian uses uz, as Matth. 5, 38, ah\ uz ahi, ir danti iiz danti,
i ' an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth. ' ' In Old Bulgarian
vuzu is used, as John 1, 16, priyechomu blagodeti vuzu blagodeti,
'eXdfiouev teal x<*>pw uvtI %a/^TO?, and also za, as Matth. 5, 38, oho
za oho i zabu za zqbu, 6<f)6aXfibv ami 6<f>0a\fiov teal oBovra avrl
oSoWo?.
In literary Greek ami is the only preposition used, as II. 23,
18 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
650, col Be Oeol Tcov8 y avrl x^P lv — Solev; Lysias 106, 38, clvtl iroCa^
euepyeo-Las; the same is true of the dialects, as far as examples
occur, so that this may be considered a general Greek usage.
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 79, 7 [early 5th cent], 0/3777? 5' a[z/T]' ayadfy
Eug) [wf\ S77? To'oe fiv [77/4] a — i7r€o-T7]o~ev.
Thessalian. BCH. 13, 392, no. 11, 6 [Roman], avff oaiov
^rt/^9 — ttjvo^ e\a%ov %dpi,Ta.
Boeotian. SGDI. 797, 2 ["iiltere und jungere Zeichen neben
einander"], epycov avr* ayaO&v fivafi' avedei/ce toSc.
Xaconian. SGDI. 4660, 2 [Roman], tovto — dyaXfia clvtI
Ka\(ov epycov Xaaro YlovkvftUo. The same epigram occurs in 01.
V, 450 in an honorific decree concerning the same personage. It is
also suggested by Fougeres BCH. 20, 145, for a restoration of a
fragmentary inscription of equally late date from Mantinea.
Corinthian. CIGP. et Ins. I, 365, 4 ["recentior"], avff &v
Xakicelrjv r^vS' eltcova dtftcafiev avSpos.
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 800, 3 ["aetati remotissimae ,, ],
toOto — fepyoDv clvt* ay[a]d<ov Krjirdfiepov i^eT4\ear{a)av. Similar
examples are ib. 1099, 3 [400], 1117, 3 [192], 1475, 7 [Roman].
c. hi distributive sense, with a word of payment.
Arcadian. Hoff. I, 29, 24 [1st half 4th cent], et k? av irapa-
fia^evy BvaOnv ra? KeXe [u#] co ras KatceLfievav Kar 1 ' AXeav, rpis oSekb?
6<j)\i [v av] tI fe/cdarav. The meaning evidently is ' i shall pay
three obols for each ( wagon )." This is undoubtedly a develop-
ment from the use of clvtl to mean i ' in return for, ' ' with words
of buying, selling, etc. For other ways of expressing the idea, cf.
under virdp^ ch. II, III, 4, a, p. 40.
d. In a sense approaching that of purpose.
Coan. SGDI. 3624b, 59 [ca. 205], Tlofnm Zcoirvpov—avTi tov
olvov XHHHH. Similar expressions occur in ib. c, 27, 33, and
probably also in the fragmentary line ib. a, 55. The phrase o~vv
toll TLfJLtu tov olvov X is found in ib. b, 42. Elsewhere the brief
sentences give merely the proper names and the amount of money
contributed. Newton, Ins. Br. Mus. II, p. 113, comments "This
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 19
contribution was mostly in money, but also in kind, as appears
from the mention of wine. " According to this, the commonly
accepted view, the translation of the passage in question would
be, ' ' Fourteen hundred drachmas in the form of wine. ' ' But for
this no syntactic parallels can be adduced. (The only other ex-
ample of ami in Coan is in a temporal sense, cf. II, 1, p. 11, and
there is but one of 7rpo, in a local meaning, cf. I, 2, p. 9.) The
Homeric use of avri to express equivalence, followed by later uses
like that in Hdt. 4, 75, tovto <t<\>i ami Xovrpov i<rn, ' i serves as
(i. e., instead of) a bath," etc., are not similar. Consequently,
since Newton's interpretation is not supported by literary or
dialectic parallels, and does not give to ami a meaning which can
be derived easily from the known uses of the preposition, it is per-
haps best given up. A more legitimate translation seems to be
* * Fourteen hundred drachmas for wine. ' ' This meaning of ' i for
wine" (i. e., "to buy wine"), comes naturally enough from the
common meaning "instead of," which must undoubtedly be the
basal force. Likewise it suits the general context of the inscrip-
tion, and especially the phrase in b, 42, quite as well as does
Newton *s interpretation.
2. 7r/3o, In behalf of.
For the expression of this idea in other languages, cf. under
V7rejp, Ch. II, III, pp. 33 f., and for comment on the following ex-
amples the subdivisions 2, p. 36, and 3, p. 39. Cf. also pp. 13 5.
a. In dedication.
Heraclean. SGDI. 4630 [ca. 4th cent.], HurTcata irpb avravTas
teal 9 A<j>po8iTia$ hopteas aveOv/ce.
b. In representation.
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, I, 43 [5th cent.], cnroheiicodTG) — rj avrk
rj a\o<; irpo tovtco. Other examples occur 4992, III, 5, 4985, 14.
CHAPTEE II.
inrep, a/JL<f>i, irepL
Cognates: 1. wre'p. Skt upari, Lat. super, Goth, ufar, OHG.
ubir, AS. ofer.
2. afjuj>L Skt. abhi-tas (cf. below p. 24), Lat am, amb-, OHG.
umbi, AS. ymbe, Gall, ara&i- (a verbal prefix).
3. irepi Skt. pari (OP. pariy), Lat. per, Goth, /air-, OHG.
/£r-, Lith. per. OB. pre-. (Cf. also p. 25, footnote.)
I. Place.
A. Above (v7T€p).
In Sanskrit upari is most frequent with the accusative in this
sense, as E. V. 4, 31, 15, asmdJcam uttamam krdhi gravo devesu
surya varsisiham dydm ivopari, "make our glory highest among
the gods, Surya, highest above heaven. " With the genitive its
use is post-Vedic, as Katy. (Jr. Sutra 7, 3, 31, dalcsinasya, bhruva
upari, "above the right eyebrow.' f With the locative it is of
rare occurrence, but one example, E.V. 6, 85, 3, being given by
the Petersburg lexicon. Another is doubtless Kathas. 1, 3, 58,
uparyantahpurah sd ca ratnamityabhiracyate, "and she is pre-
served like a jewel above {i. e., in the upper story of) the seraglio. "
The instrumental seems to be used (so K. Vergl. Gr. §592, 2)
in an example quoted under the genitive uses in the Petersburg
lexicon (where bhumyd upari is assumed as the first stage),
namely, E.V. 10, 75, 3, divi svano yatate bhumyopari, "in the
heaven and over the earth the sound pervades. " The derivative
uparistat has the same meaning, but is found only with the geni-
tive (except in the Qat. Br., where the accusative also occurs),
as Qat Br. 5, 4, 1, 14, uparistacchirsitah, "over his head."
In Latin super commonly occurs with the accusative, as Caes.
B.C. 2, 10, super lateres coria indacuntur. Its use with the
ablative in this sense is rare and poetic, as Hor. Odes 3, 1, 17,
20
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 21
ensis qui super cervice pendet. Supra is used with only the accu-
sative, as Cic. N.D. 2, 37, 95, si essent qui sub terra semper
habitavissent — nee exissent umquam supra terrain, Plaut. Pers.
819, ille qui supra nos habitat. The Romance usage is the same.
Trench sur (representing both super and supra)* is common, as
un oiseau qui plane sur la riviere, and les villes qui sont sur la
Seine. Examples from Italian are i nuvoli sopra le nostre teste,
and veleggiano sul lago. From Spanish may be given tortolilla
sobre el olmo.
An instance of Gothic ufar translating vwep does not seem to
occur, but it frequently has the meaning "above" or "over"
where the Greek expresses the idea by altogether different words,
as in the formula Matth. 6, 14, atta izwar sa ufar himinam, o
Trarrjp 6 ovpdvios, and Matth. 27, 45, warp riqis ufar allai airpai,
iyevero <tkoto<; eirl waaav ttjv yfjv. Examples of its use with the
accusative are Eph. 4, 10, jah saei usstaig ufar allans himinans, fcal
6 avafias wrepdveo irdvT&v twv ovpavwv, John 6, 1, galaip Jesus ufar
marein, airrfKdev 6 'lrjcrovs irepav tt)? dakdaaris, Luke 4, 39, jah,
atstandands ufar ija gasoh pisai brinnon, fcal eVto-Ta? iirdvco avTrjs
€7r€TL/JL7)(T€V T(p 7Tf/3€Tft).
From Old High German examples of this preposition are ih
hepfu mina hant ubar sis, i i I lift my hand over them, ' 9 and also,
ubar allu gibirgu iudeno uuardun gimarit alia thisu uuort, i ' Over
all the mountains were all these words told." It is common in
*An exceedingly common meaning in this preposition is that of "upon," as
ecrire sur du papier , etc. This is seen in Italian also, as sulfa (supra la) tavola, and
in Spanish. Such a development in sense is a natural one, if the object beneath be
thought of as in immediate contact with the one over it, and it is not infrequently
seen in the prepositions meaning "above." An instance from Sanskrit is Kathas.
10, 122, tenopari turamgasya grhltdm tarn nrpatmajam apacyacea, " and he beheld that
princess held by him upon his horse." The same use occurs in Latin, as Cic. Leg.
2, 26, 66, super terrae tumulum noluit quid statui, nisi columellam, Verg. Aen. 1, 295,
saeva sedens super arma, Eel. 1, 80, fronde super viridi, and in Old High German, as
reganot ubar rehte inti ubar unrehte, " he rains upon the just and the unjust." This
development does not seem to occur in vKcp, etci being used instead. Likewise
Gothic uses only ana. Modern German auf, Anglo-Saxon on (an), o (a), uppon,
uppan, Lithuanian aM, and Old Bulgarian na.
22 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Modern German, as Die WolJce steht iiber dem Berge, etc. An-
other frequent expression is oberhalb, from ob- (no longer an
independent word) and Halb "side" (cf. ausserhalb, etc.).
In Anglo-Saxon ofer is used with the dative, to express rest
above or over an object, as Bo. 366, 14, hi wuniap nu ofer poem
tunglum, "they dwell now above the stars," and with the accusa-
tive to express motion, in a similar situation, as Matth. 27, 45,
Waeron geworden pystru ofer ealle eordan, "there was darkness
over all the land." Bufan (—be ufan "from above") is simi-
larly used with the dative and accusative as Or. 20, 24, licgad
bufan eordan on hyra husum, "they lie above ground in their
houses," Or. 106, 16, ponne iugon hie heora hraegl bufan cneow,
i * They drew their clothing above their knees. ' ' Both these pre-
positions appear in Early English, as Chauc. C.T. 2045, over his
head ther schyneth two figures, Alis. 3610, And of the sadil cast
him, saun faile, Over his croupe and his hors taile, and Maundev.
p. 298, Theise folk gon als wel undir the watir of the see, as thei
dow above the land alle drye, Layamon III, 34, Ardur braeid heze
sceld buuen his haelme. The compound a-bufan was not in use in
Anglo-Saxon, but appears in Early English quite as often as the
simple bufan, and becomes the regular form in Modern English,
'bove occurring only as an abbreviation. Anglo-Saxon and English
alone show two prepositions, over and above, for these closely asso-
ciated ideas which in other languages are expressed as a rule by
the one preposition.
In Lithuanian the meaning of irrre'p is given by the preposition
corresponding etymologically to 7rept, namely, per, as per rubezin
eiti, "to go over the boundaries," and also by secondary forma-
tions, as in anapus upes vaiskas sustojo, "the host went over the
river," and by the locative of the noun virszus "that which is
above, ' ' as virszul zemes dangus, i l over the earth is the heaven, ' '
etc.
Old Bulgarian uses nadu, a secondary formation from na
( = 6,vd, etc. Cf. K Vergl. Gr. §§580, 602), as Luke 4, 39,
i stavu nadu neiyq, zapreti ognu, ical emo-rfc iirdva) aim/? hrerip.
rjaev t£ wvpcrqt. This development from the meaning "upon"
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 23
to that of "over, above/' is the reverse of what appears in some
other languages (cf. p. 21 ftn.). For the meaning "over" given
by eiri in Greek, but by ufar in Gothic, po (from *pos, K. Vergl.
Gr. §613) is used, as Matth. 27, 45, tuma bystu po visei zemi,
o-fCOTO? eyeveTO €7rl iraarav rrjv yrjv.
In literary Greek xrwep with the genitive expresses rest or move-
ment over a place or situation, as II. 2, 20, xrrrep /ce<j>a\rj<; arrival,
Aesch. Ag. 576, xnrep OaXda-arij'i teal xdovbs 7roTa)/i«/ot?. With the
accusative only motion over or above is suggested, as Od. 3, 73,
akaXrjade — xnrelp aka y with often the added idea of beyond, as
II. 5, 16, xrrrep &fiov rfKvff cuca/cy. The expression of simple ex-
tension over or above by the use with the accusative is poetic
and late.
1. With the genitive.
Ionic. Eev. d. Phil. 25, 166, 32 [350-325], teal eTroitcoSofirja-ei
r&xfmt xrrrep 777?. Possibly the fragment Hoff. Ill, 95, 18 [4th
cent.], oTnade rPjs av\r)<; xrrrkp to . . . may belong here also.
Heraclean. SGDI. 4629, I, 113 [4th cent.], nap to dvrofiov
tov xrrrep IIai>6Wta? ayovra. Almost the same phrase occurs in
line 13.
Megarian. SGDI. 3025, 17 [242-235], tov Kopv<j>6v tov xrrrep
tos 6Bov. Such expressions are frequent throughout this inscrip-
tion.
Corinthian. SGDI. 3246, 6 [3rd or 2nd cent.], AfoviQeoStopov
©EM xrrrep tov Kopeiov. The phrase recurs in lines 8, 20, 29, 31.
The meaning of ©EM is probably Bep,a i in view of the late Greek
use of this word for military divisions, and the fact that similar
abbreviations occur in Attic (Wilhelm, Jahresb. d. Oesterr. Arch.
Inst. d. Wien, 3, 46).
Argive. SGDI. 3362, 46 [4th cent.], Ta? fopvas t<x? xrrrep tov
lepov 7rapTafi6vTc /cat ray yav. Another example occurs in line 36,
and a fragmentary one in line 8.
Rhodian. SGDI. 3758, 152 [2nd cent], tov irapopi%e(rBai ray
X&pav virep tov (frpovpfov ou#[e]z> [elprjieoTWi.
24 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
2. With the accusative.
Megarian. SGDI. 3025, 15 [242-235], tov pd X cv tov— vrrep
rav ^KoWeCav airo tov patios tov wrep tclv 'S.KoXXeiav.
Elean. 01. V, 46, 49 [189-167], dpurpjos [r]a<; x<»P<n to*
wrkp to iv . . .
Rhodian. SGDI. 4110, 16 [4th or 3rd cent], 6£p*iv Be t&
o-raXa? — fiCav Be vrrkp to io~TaTopiov. Another example is SGDI.
3758, 163 [2nd cent.], to, Be vrrep tov Xq$ov — eipeiv Hpiavecov.
The use with the genitive in the dialects is quite in accord with
that of literary Greek. But the use with the accusative is parallel
to the literary, poetic and late use of this case, for an idea of motion
is present in none of the dialect instances. The late date of the
examples in this scanty collection permits the assumption of
influence by the /coivtf f to which this syntactic phenomenon is
doubtless due. In Megarian the case use is quite indiscriminate :
in the inscription from which the above examples are quoted, the
genitive occurs eleven times and the accusative twice, in contexts
that are absolutely parallel. The same careless use is seen with
vrroy which appears in line 17 with the accusative and in 22 with
the dative.
B. Around.
1. In general.
The use of the cognates of a^L is exceedingly limited. The
early meaning "on both sides of" appears in the Sanskrit abhi-
tas* with the accusative, as Qat.Br. 10, 6, 4, 1, etau va agvam
mahimdndvabhitah sambabhuvatuh, "these two Mahiman (cups)
indeed came to be on both sides of the horse. " This is parallel
to the meaning of the chiefly adverbial ubhayatas, as R.V. 9, 86,
6, ubhayatah pavamdnasya ragmayah (pari yanti), "on both sides
*Abhi, which at the first glance seems to be parallel to abhitas, comes instead
from the Indo-European *abhi f *bhi } from which Latin oh (?), Gothic bi, Old High
German bi (bi), and Old Bulgarian o, obil are derived (K. Vergl. Gr. §§599, C01).
This group of prepositions has the meaning "towards," etc., and remains quite
distinct from the derivatives of *ambhi, *mbki, except in Gothic and Old Bulgarian
(cf. pp. 26 and 40).
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 25
of the wind the rays (go around)," with which may be compared
the Lithanian abypusiai, abyszaliai, "on both sides of. "
The later sense of ' ' around ' ' is the only one found in the Latin
am, which appears only in archaic passages, as Cato, Orig. ap.
Macr. 1, 14, 5, am terminum, Charis. 2, p. 205, am fines, am
segetes, and has been completely crowded out by circum (cf.
below) in independent use, although as a verbal prefix amb- ambi-
it is common in all periods.
Old High German umbi has likewise only the meaning
1 i around, ■ ' occurring with the accusative, as tho gisah ther heilant
munaga menigi umbi sih, "the Savior saw a great company sitting
around him. ' ' This appears in Modern German in the form urn,
as Die Erde lauft um die Sonne, etc.
Anglo-Saxon ymbe with the accusative is fairly common in the
meaning " around,' ' as Mark 3, 32, and my eel menigu ymb hine
saet, "and many men sat around him," Matth. 3, 4, haefde —
fellene gyrdel ymbe his lendenu, "had — a leathern girdle about
his loins. ' ' The compound ymbeutan also occurs, as Levit. 3, 2,
geotad paet blod ymbeutan paet weofud, "sprinkle the blood
round about the altar. ' ' In Early English this preposition gave
way before abuten (aboute), as Mark 3, 32, and a company sat
aboute hym, and embutan, etc., which was interchangeable in
Anglo-Saxon with ymbe and ymbeutan. In Modern English there
is no trace of it.
The only language besides Old Persian showing the cognate of
7T€pL in a prepositional use similar to that in Greek is Sanskrit.*
It occurs with the accusative, in the local meaning, as E.V. 3, 53, 8,
may ah Tcrnvanas tanvam pari svam, "creating shapes around his
own body," E.V. 1, 62, 8, sandd divam pari bhumd virupe —
yuvati, "Erom of old the two unlike-maidens (go) around heaven
and earth." The derivative paritas is also used, with the accu-
sative, as A.Y. 10, 7, 38, tasmim chrayante ya uta Ice ca devd
vrksasya slcandhah paritah iva gdkhdh, "All the gods rest upon
*Goth./atr-, OHG.^r-, OB. pre-, are verbal prefixes, Lat. per means "through,"
Lith. per means " through" or "over" (cf. p. 22). The Old Persian example of
pariy, in a figurative use, is quoted p. 41.
26 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
him, like the branches round npon the limbs of a tree, p ' and with
the genitive, as R. 2, 87, 33, nigdm atisthdt parito 'sya hevalam,
1 ' placed only night around him. ' ' The adverbial samantdt (from
sam-\-anta, "having the ends together") occurs with the genitive
in this meaning, as Pane. 185, tasya nyagrodhasya samantdt
paribhramati, "goes a circle around the banyan tree. "
The place of afufri and irepC in Greek is filled in Latin by the
very common preposition circum (ace. sg. of circus, cf. /e/u'/co?,
Early English hring) which is used with accusative, as Cic. Ac.
2, 39, 123, terra circum axem se — convertit. Circa is used for
circum, as Hor. Odes 1, 3, 10, Mi robur et aes triplex circa pectus
erat, but this occurs chiefly after the Augustan period. Circiter
is very rarely used of place, as Plaut. Cist. 677, loca haec circiter
excidit mihi (cista). Circa is seen in Romance, as Italian vol-
geansi circa noi, etc. In French autour de gives this sense, as il
va autour de la maison. This is like the use also of intorno in
Italian and entorno in Spanish.
In Gothic hi (cf. p. 24, ftn.) has taken on the meaning of
*ambhi *mbhi to quite a large extent, besides the uses in which it
corresponds in sense to ek and to erri and Kara with the accusative,
and is equivalent in force to irepC, as Mark 3, 32, jah setun hi ina
managei, teal iteddwro irepl avrbv o%\o<;, Mark 1, 6, wasup pan
Iohannes gawasips — jah gairda filleina hi hup seinana, fy hi
'Io)dvr)<; iv&eBvfievos — ical tpavnv Bepaarimjv irepl rr)v 6cr(j>vv avrov.
This fusion of meaning in Gothic of the two prepositions which
both exist in Old High German (umbi, bi) and Anglo-Saxon
(ymbe, be, bi) shows that the lack of a Gothic equivalent in form
of umbi, ymbe is not due merely to accident or to lack of material.
In Anglo-Saxon beside ymbe and ymbeutan appear embutan, on-
butan, abutan, from a (on, be) and utan ("on [that which is] by
[the] outside"), as Levit. 1, 5, Aarones suna — offrion paes celfes
blod, and geoton embutan paet weofod, "Aaron's sons — shall offer
the calf's blood, and sprinkle it around about that altar,' ' Sax.
Chr. 1083, pa wreccan munecas lagon onbutan pam weofode, "And
the wretched monks lay round about the altar," Sax. Chr. 806,
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 27
an wunderlic trendel weard ateowed dbutan daere sunnan, "A
wonderful circle appeared around the sun." In Early English
only abuten {aboute, abeoten, etc.) remains, as Orm. 9229, Hiss
girrdell wass off shepess skin abutenn hiss lendess. This is
strengthened by round, as Cov. Myst, p. 293, and so rownd abowth
the place, and by all, as Alis. 1642, al aboute the riche town.
Another English preposition, not in use in Anglo-Saxon, is around,
'round (O. Fr. roond = Lat. rotundus), as Depos. of Kich. II,
p. 23, that rewlers of rewmes around all the erthe were not yffoun-
did, etc., and Cov. Myst, p. 110, I, mercy, have ronne the hevenly
regyon rownde. In Modern English about and around are the
two prepositions of this meaning which remain in use.
In Lithuanian the meaning of around is expressed by ape with
the accusative, as ape kaklq, uzriszti, "to bind around the neck,"
ape mestq eiti, ' ' to go around the city. ' ' The derivative apliflk
also occurs, as Mark 3, 32, ir zmones sedejo aplink ji, "And men
sat around him."
In Old Bulgarian o (cf. p. 24, ftn.) is used, as Mark 3, 32,
i sedease o nemi narodu, /ecu e/cdOwro irepl avrbv $x\o<;. The form
obu does not occur in this meaning of ' ' around. " The compound
okristu (from o-\-kristu, cf. Lith. skrytis, "the circumference of
a wheel") has the same sense, as Matth. 8, 18, uzire ze Isusu
minogy narody okrustu sebe, IBwv 8e 6 'I^coO? 7roX\ow o^Xots irepl
avrov. A similar compound is okragu (cf. kragu, "circle"). In
Modern Russian okrestu and okolo give the same meaning.
In literary Greek a/j,c{>{ is used chiefly in poetry and in Ionic
prose. Except in the common expression ol afi^C riva, etc. (cf . 2,
p. 29), the only Attic prose examples (except in Xenophon) are
Thuc. 7, 40, and Plato Menex. 242e. In its use with the dative,
which is wholly poetic, the early meaning "on both sides of,"
kept in many compounds as a/i^^aXaTTo?, etc., is still occasion-
ally to be seen, as II. 5, 723, although usually the only mean-
ing is that of "around," as Od. 12, 395, /epe'a aucj>l ofieXois hreipav.
With the genitive its use is rare and poetic, the one prose example
being Hdt. 8, 104, a^l TavTrjs rrjs 7ro\to?. The prose use is
28
SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
chiefly that of the accusative, which occurs iu poetry as well,
usually with the idea of motion, as II. 2, 461, a^l peedpa itotcovtcu.
The common preposition in this sense is irepl, which is not only
more frequent in the local sense, but has a wider development and
use in general. With the genitive it is rare and poetic, as Od.
5, 68, avrov rerdwaTO irepl aireiovs y\a<f>vpolo. With the dative
it is especially common in statements implying close contact, as
II. 2, 416, x i ™ va ^P* o"Trj6ea-(TL Ba'l'gai. This use with words
describing clothing is especially frequent in Attic, and is often
seen in the Attic inscriptions as well (Meisterh. 3 p. 220). The
use with the accusative is common, as Od. 11, 42, ot iroWol irepl
fioOpov i<j>OLTO)Vy Dem. 8, 3, $>(\iiriro<; irepl 'ILWijo-itovtov <ov.
A summary of these uses in Greek and other languages is given
briefly in the following table :
♦ambhi,
*mbhi
*peri
Other Prepositions.
on both sides
around
Sanskrit
Latin
Romance
Gothic
Old High German
Anglo-Saxon
Early English
Lithuanian
Old Bulgarian
Greek
abhi-tas
(afifi yrith
dative)
am
umbi
ymbe
pari, paritas
TTtpi
sa man tat, etc.
circum (circa, etc.)
circa, cerca, etc.
bi
around, a- (on- em-)
butan
around, abuten
ape
o, okrustu, okragu
a. afi<j>(.
Ionic. Mitth. 18, 269, no. 4, 1 [Hellenistic], a/jL<j>l Be rvfi/3ov
. . . [KXcijro? eir* ayporepas heifiaTO KaXbv 6Bov' The late date
and the metrical form of this inscription render it valueless for
any indication of the prose usage in Ionic. It may be merely lack
of material that prevents any appearance in the Ionic inscriptions
of a use of ap,$i comparable to that of Ionic prose literature (cf.
above). But irepl is fairly common, at an early date (cf. below
and IV, 2, p. 45, etc.) so that no radical conjectures concerning
irepl are possible.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 29
b. irepi.
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 42, 30 [2nd half 5th cent.], t)ow [>]<a)[>o-
/-teVou?] \ovcra\ievo\y$\ Tr\e\p\i if\{d)\yra to](v) [xp&Ta £foW](o?)
[%]i*7i Ka \_0ap] ois elvai. Another example occurs CIGS. I, 411,
6 [ca. 156].
Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 27, fiaaikevs /ca? a ittoXls KareOqav i(y)
ia(y) 6ibv rav 'Addvav rav irep' 'HBdXiov.
Thessalian. Eph. Arch. 1901, 125, 29 [4th or 3rd cent.], /cat
vefio [/*] evovs ra irepl rbv irvpyov top vttok [a] to> T>}<t>? Mivvrj^,
Boeotian. SGDI. 737, 4 [1st half 2nd cent], ev iraml fc]rjpv /cf)
[o-] iravo [a] vria [9] yevo/xevas irepl [rav %<»/>] a [?' This is the re-
storation of Gaheis, Wiener Studien 34, 280.
Megarian. SGDI. 3052, 7 [end 3rd or beginning 2nd cent.],
Xpr)e((r6(0 Be ical rm irepl to lepo \y ^topou] Tm Ba/ioo-tcot.
Corinthian. CIGP. et Ins. I, 426, 2 [end 3rd cent], irpdy/xara
ra irepl avTov ovra.
Argive. SGDI. 3339, 80 [2nd half 4th cent], <T/cevo(f>6po<; — eVel
eyevero irepl to BeKao-rdBiov fcareir [e] re. Cf . also examples in line
62 and in SGDI. 3340, 29 and 105 of the same date.
Ehodian. SGDI. 3758, 98 [2nd cent], ra? irepl to /cdpiov
Xa>/)a?. Examples also occur in lines 127 and 132.
Coan. SGDI. 3618, 9 [3rd cent.], Bia] ra? [/c] a [*o] iraOias ra?
yevofie'vas irepl avrofc.
Cretan. Mus. It. Ill, 630, no. 52, 5 [late], t<z? yevofieva^
irepio~Tdo~io<; irepl rav itoXlv ical t [ov dfibv] B [a] fiov.
It will be seen that the dialect use is uniformly that of the accu-
sative (except cf. 2 below). For the Cyprian example Hoffman
(I, p. 73) suggests that the genitive is possible. But since such a
use would be unusual for even literary Greek, it is especially im-
probable in a dialect where the genitive is used so little as in
Cyprian, since it is supplanted by the dative with this and other
prepositions (cf. Ill, 1, b, p. 35, and ch. IV, I, 2, p. 71).
2. Giving the eponymous officer.
This subdivision is made for the purpose of comparison with the
use of avp and fierd to give this idea. A table summarizing the
30 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
occurrence of these four prepositions is given Ch. Ill, I, 2 a,
p. 62. Latin shows a similar variation between cum and circum,
with a preference for the latter.
a. afJuf)L
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 554, 2 [5th cent], ^ rct]v &a>Xhv
r\ov\ awp 'Apuro-Tcova fj t^v(?) avvaprvovTas. Meister, I.F.Anz.
I, 202, considers apiamv the title of an officer of the Argive gov-
erning body, reasoning that ol afifi apCarwva is equivalent to
ol Bafiiopyoi (Et. M. 265, 45) = ol oySo^Kovra (Thuc. 5, 47) = a
/8a>X<x aevrepa (SGDI. 3277, 15). The usual interpretation is
that 'Apia-nova is a proper name. This dialect seems to retain ap><f>l
in use more than the other dialects or Attic. In this example it is
parallel to Attic use, but its appearance is the more interesting in
view of the fact that it appears in prose in a figurative use also.
Cf. IV, 1, b, p. 44.
h. irepl.
Ionic. Rev. d. Phil. 36, 301, no. 2, 10 [4th cent.], avaypatyai
tow veoiroias tov? irepl AlveairjXrjv.
Arcadian. Michel, Recueil 190, 8 [3rd cent.], to? o-Tparayos
to? irepl ^ipaiiav.
Thessalian. SGDI. 1332, 30 [Roman], to] pa [iin]fjL€X[ec]fia
yeveadai [to*? rayols t]oZ? irep QiXoXaov Eo/xc [yeiov.
Phocian. CIGS. Ill, 61, 22 [Roman], r&v irepl QlXcova 2a><n-
Kpdrov*; Kai Ad/Mova Zcoirvpov ap'ypvTOiv.
Delphian. SGDI. 2502, 159 [336-326], a fiovXa airehaice rol
irepl m MeXdvamov. Similar expressions are frequent throughout
this inscription, and occur also in SGDI. 2138, 1 [150-140].
Elean. Jahresh. d. Oesterr. Archaeol. Inst, in Wien I, 199, 8
[middle 4th cent.], t&v irepl Hvppowa Ba/uopycw. Other examples
occur SGDI. 1172, 1 [1st half 3rd cent], and Ol. V, 406, 407
[both 1st cent], 46, 14, 67 [189-167].
Laconian. SGDI. 4516, 9 [2nd or 1st cent.], bratveaai e\/>o>ov?
tov? irepl IlaaiTe'Xr). Other examples are SGDI. 4544, 20 [195],
Eph. Arch. 1900, 159, no. 2, 23, and probably also the fragment
in SGDI. 4549, 6 [3rd cent].
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 31
Megarian. SGDI. 3087, 34 [ca. 1st cent.], r&v irepl ILav/jiatcov
^kvOolv ve<OTepi1;dvT(DV.
Argive. SGDI. 3364b, 5 [ca. 150], eSofe tols TrarpuDTaJis rots*
7r€[pl] Uo\[v/jL]va(TTov. Other examples occur in lines 32, 35, 39..
Ehodian. SGDI. 3758, 70 [2nd cent], t&v irepl rbv rvpavvov.
This same phrase also occurs in lines 72, 78, 110 of the same
inscription.
Cretan. SGDI. 4940, 18 [late], eirl koct/hov t&p irepl QCkovfipo-
tov rbv HivOvfJidxco.
With the exception of Arcadian, none of these examples are
especially early, and in most cases it can be suggested that the
Koivf) influence may have something to do with the appearance of
the usage. A different idiom is shown in Laconian SGDI. 4530,
35 [1st half 2nd cent.], rol e<j>o]poi rol inl a-rpaTayco He^o^ai/eo?,
(also 4567, 33 [ca. 1st cent.]). In Argive these examples show
merely the crowding out by irepl of aa<f>L, the original and doubt-
less normal dialect usage (cf. above).
II. Measure.
The development to this sense in Sanskrit upari is shown by
examples like K.V. 3, 54, 23, krodho mamapurvo dhairyasyopari
vardhate, "fresh anger grows over (i. e., beyond) my forbear-
ance/ ' and Kathas. 1, 16, 167, tarn — devindm upari prasahya
krtavan, "exalting her at one bound above his queens. " The
same meaning is given by the use of pari as R.V. 2, 23, 17, vig-
vebhyo hi tva bhuvanebhyas pari tvastajanat, "the creator brought
you forth with preference over all beings. ' '
In Latin super occurs in this use, but is not frequent until after
the Augustan period, as Quint. 11, 3, 169, super modum ac paene
naturam. The same usage is seen in Romance, as French beaux
et jolis sur tous les compagnons, Italian mi preme sopra ogni altra
cosa, Spanish me costo sobre cien reales.
Gothic uses ufar, as Matth. 10, 37, saei frijop attan aippau
aipein ufar mi~k, 6 (f>i\obv irarepa t) fjiarepa virep ifie, and Old High
German shows ubar in the same use, as thie thar minnot sun odo
32 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
iohter ubar mih, "who ever loves son or daughter above me."
This remains in Modern German also, as Darum liebe ich dein
Gebot uber Gold, etc. Anglo-Saxon shows the same use of ofer,
as Legg. Aelfred 2, ne lufa pu odre fremde godas ofar me, "Do
not love other strange gods more than me." This is more fre-
quent in Anglo-Saxon than in Early English, where above (which
is not used in this sense in Anglo-Saxon) appears beside it. Ex-
amples of both are Alis. 6689, over alle men I the desire, and P.
Ploughm. 5180, Do-best is above bothe, A bisshopes peer. The
two prepositions appear together, as Seujn Sages 1799, over alle
bestes above, which usage is seen in Modern English over and
above, etc. The Modern English use of beyond (AS. begeondan,
Goth, jaind) does not occur in Early English, nor likewise that
of past, which was not yet a preposition in Early English.
In Lithuanian per is used, as ta hv'etha per m'er grazi, "this
flower is beautiful beyond all measure. " Old Bulgarian seems
to express the idea without the aid of prepositions. In Luke 6,
40, where Gothic has ufar, both Old Bulgarian and Greek use the
comparative. In Matth. 10, 37, pace, equivalent in sense to
jiaXKov, is used, although the Greek here shows virep.
In literary Greek this use of virep with the accusative is com-
mon, as Xen. Cy. 1, 24, t<h? virep ra aTparevatfia err) yey ovocri. It
occurs sometimes in poetry with the genitive also, as Pind. Isthm.
2, 36, opyav HeLVOKparr)? virep avOpcoircov yXv/celav ea-^ev. Except in
the common Attic and Herodotean expressions irep\ iravnk, iroXXov,
irXeCovos, irXeio-Tov, bXCyov iroieladai^ fjyefoBai, etc., the use of the
genitive with irept to give this idea is chiefly poetic, as II. 5, 325,
ov irepl Trdo-T)? Tlev ofinXuciris. P. de Saussure suggests (Mem. 7,
87) that irepi in this use is different from irepi meaning around,
and is instead a variant form from *uperi, which in such com-
bination became either virep irdmcov or irepi irdvrcov.
1. virep.
Laconian. SGDI. 4568, 40 [86], e^apiaavio rai iroXei airb tov
4<f>eiXofievov xpijfjLaros virep ^t\ta? /cal irevraKoaias Spa^fta?.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. S3
Rhodian. SGDI. 4320, 3 [2nd or 1st cent.], eir&ty [M] v [v6-
Kp]iro<; — 8e8afio<ri€v [/ceo] ? cttj xnrep ra etteo&i.
2. irepl.
Boeotian. SGDI. 489, 35 [end 3rd cent], aXX 1 a7re%t ttclvtcl
Trepl Tramcy; ktj airoSeSoavOi rrj itoXl tv exovres ra? 6/JLoXoyLas.
Delphian. SGDI. 2677, 5 [189-8], /cal irepl irXeCarov 7tol€l/jl€-
vo$ tclv ttotI tov? deovs evaefieiav. The same phraseology occurs
SGDI. 2682, 19 [140-100], and 2737, 5 [155].
Aetolian. SGDI. 1413, 7 [192-159], irepl irXelo~Tov iroLovfievo?
tclv ttotI tow; deovs evaefteiav.
Argive. SGDI. 3417, 17 [82],aXXa7T€/3[l] tt(\>Vtou [ttoiov]-
fi[evo<; to o-v~\fi<l>€pov rot? 7roX[n-at?].
Rhodian. SGDI. 3752, 11 [2nd cent.], 6 oa/t<>? tclv t€ (tt)o(tI)
tou[? 0eois~\ evaefieiav irepl irXeio-Tov iroLOVfJLevos.
These examples of both vrrep and irepl are exactly parallel to the
literary use, and their late date, together with the fact that in three
of the dialects irepl occurs in the one phrase irepl irXelo-Tov, is evi-
dence for the assumption that they show merely /coivrj syntax. The
Boeotian example of irepl is somewhat different, the sense of irepl
iravros apparently being i l entirely, ' ' and this may show an inde-
pendent dialectic development.
III. In behalf of.
Sanskrit upari is not used in this sense, except perhaps in ex-
amples like Pane. 214, 6, anyathd tavopari prdyopaveganam
Jcarisyami, i t Otherwise I shall sit and wait for death on your ac-
count. ' ' Nor are uparistdt, pari and paritas found in this use.
Latin uses pro,, as Hor. Od. 3, 2, 13, dulce et decorum est pro
patria mori, Cic. Tusc. 4, 19, 43, Convenit dimicare pro legions,
which appears also in Romance, as French Melpomene et la gloire
out combattu pour moi, Italian andate la per me, Spanish asito por
me companero.
Gothic uses faur, as John 15, 13, maizein pizai friapwai manna
ni habaip, ei hvas seiwala seina lagjip faur frijonds seinans,
34 SYNTAX OF SOME PEEPOSITIONS
uei^ova ravTT}<; aydirrjv ovSeU ep^et, Xva Tt? tt)V -\frvxv v avrov Ojj virep
T<t)v <f>L\<ov avTov. This remains in Old High German, as fure den
singet er sus, i ' for him he sings sweetly. ' ' TJmbi is also used, as
salig sint die umbi reht dhtunga leident, " Blessed are they who
suffer for righteousness' sake. " These are seen in Modern Ger-
man um, as Was thut man nicht urn's liebe Geld, and fur, as Er
hat viel fur mich gelitten.
In Anglo-Saxon for is used, as John 15, 13, Naefd nan man
maran lufe donne deos ys, daet hwa sylle his lif for his freondum,
and this remains in Early English, as ib. No man hath more love
than this, that ony man putteth his soule for his frendis. The
phrase in behalf of, common in Modern English, does not appear
in Anglo-Saxon, but from Anglo-Saxon behealfe "at the side of"
Early English developed this use, with in, on and of prefixed, as
Maundev. p. 225, commanded hem on Goddes behalve immortalle,
Town. M. p. 73, of my behalf thou shalle hyr grete, Ipom. 1247,
I the pray in my byhalfe that thou say.
In Lithuanian uz is used, as jis uz mane hentejo, "he suffered
in my behalf. " This shows a development exactly the reverse
of that in Greek and Teutonic, for uz means "behind." It gains
the meaning ' ' in behalf of, representing, ' ' from the idea of stand-
ing behind something or some one, in contrast thus to vrpo "in
front of," and vwep "over." In Old Bulgarian za is used, as
John 15, 13, bolisq, seyq lubive niJctoze (ne) imatu, da Mo dusa
svoya polozitu za drugy svoy$, fiei^ova Tavrns aydirnv ovBeU e%€t,
Xva rt? T7)v ^vyr)v avrov 0rj inrep tS)v <j>l\cov avrov.
In literary Greek rrpo has a limited use, as II. 22, 110, okeadai
rrpb 7to\t;o5, Hdt. 7, 134, irpb tt}? 27raoT?7? airoOvrjO-KeLV, but inrep
with the genitive is much more common, as Isoc. 4, 75, tow tor
(Tcofiaacv inrep tt}? c E\\aSo? TrpoKivZwevo-avras.
1. In general (inrep).
a. With the genitive.
Ionic. AJArch. 1896, 189, no. 2, 14 [ca. 100], avveriXei—
Qvalav — inrep tcov iraihcov teal Ttov tyijQcov.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 35
Lesbian. SGDI. 255, 18 [late], 6Vra— to;? re UoXluBo^ 'A0am?
irapaKeXevarav virep Ta? 7ro\to?.
Thessalian. Hoff. II, 18, 25 [after 200], NL/cdrovp Mmo-e'ato?
xrrrep 'A(f)po8iaia<; AatyLta^eta? T02E<I> cnreCkevdepovadeiv airo Aat-
pax 01 QeipofiaxeLOi to? yLvopevos t& ttoXl kclt tov vofJLOv apyvpioi o~tcl-
Teipas BeKdire^ire.
Delphian. SGDI. 2520, 11 [231-230], tow Be UpafivdfjLo[va^~\
— rav iirinikuav xrrrep avrcov TroLe\la6ai.
Locrian. CIGS. Ill, 1064, 3 [3rd cent.], &y teal ' kplvTapxos
Trdrpas virep clottS? aeipas wXero.
Arrive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 1485, 47 [4th cent.], irrrep Mvp/xa/co?
irap' 'AOavdSa xnrepapLepCav airrfvL/ee AafJLo<f>dvr}<? TLvdcovL lapol HHH.
Rhodian. SGDI. 4262a, 39 [3rd cent.], Aa/AoVpto? ' ApurTofiov-
Xov (y)7re/o<t> auToO teal tcov vlfov F.
Calymnian. SGDI. 3590, 4 [ca. 205], leal xrrrep rwv vl&v v.
Coan. SGDI. 3639, 10 [end 4th cent.], Oxjovtl] xrrrep Ta?
7ro'\to? — [t<z]&> lapeaxTvvav. A less fragmentary example is 3624a,
37 [190], Aio/cXfjs AeaBdfAavros teat xrrrep tov vlov 'Bevorifiov XX.
Cretan. SGDI. 5149, 15 [end 2nd cent.], irrrep Be rovBe tw—
ivypocjxo — aTroa-TTjXdvTcov ot re Kvdxriot, — irpeiyeiav.
Other examples occur in all the dialects quoted. This collection
seems small because so many of the examples of this meaning are
classified farther, and placed under following headings.
b. With the dative.
Arcadian. Michel, Eecueil 190, 3 [3rd cent.], dvBpes ayaOol
eyevovro fiaxo/ievoL irrrep toll to:? 7ro'\to? eXevOepCai. On the equiva-
lence of this dative to the genitive in the other dialects and literary
Greek, cf. Ch. IV, I, 2, p. 71.
c. With the accusative.
Delphian. SGDI. 2615, 7 [270-260], aTroXeXvoSaL Be rav ttoXlv
cltto T(bv pvalcov TrdvT(ov y cov eTreicdXeL <PlX [to-Tt ] cov xrrrep rav ttoXlv
cLTToreTelicev vty &v e<j>aTO eppva-LcurTCLL xnrep rav ttoXlv. Other ex-
amples are 1409A, 11 [250-221] (with which cf. 2520, 11, quoted
above under a), and 2642, 57 [158]. Examples are frequent.
36 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Aetolian. CIGS. Ill, 485, 12 [3rd cent], <r] vvev&o/cevvrcov inrep
Tap, [ttoXlv.
Laconian. SGDI. 4689, 68 [90], ean Se a Set irapexeiv— inrep
tois 7rpcoTO/jLV(TTa<; apva? kicaTOV.
Corinthian. 3195b, 2 [3rd cent], . . . ol hucaaral KaX kolvoX
cvSokov . . . KaX inrep tclv ttoXlv t<ov avv\SiK(ov. . . .
A similar usage is indicated for Phocian, Locrian, and Argive
by the occurrence in these additional dialects of inrep with the
accusative expressing legal representation, a development of the
general use of * * in behalf of, ' ' cf . 3, p. 39. The use of inrep with
the accusative in this sense of "in behalf of" does not occur in
literary Greek.
2. In dedications.
This division is made in order to compare with inrep the less
common irepl and 77700' in this meaning. In the Attic inscriptions,
only inrep occurs, as CIA. II, 3, 1440 [end 5th cent], Qpvvoyv —
inrep AtoyvtfaTov tov vov aveOrj/cev €7rl Nlko8t]/jlov Updo*?, and ib. 1485
[end 4th cent], evgdpievot inrep t<ov TraiS<av y etc.
a. inrep
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 143, 1 [387-347], IrparoKXr}^ virep irajpo^
tov eavrov AeivoaTpaTOv — 'AttoWcovi 'lrjrpm ave'drj/ce.
Boeotian. SGDI. 413, 10 [after 369], 'Afi]vvTa[s] — /cara/3a[?
ez/] t [o a] v \jp~\ ov inrep avrb<; avTco aveOeace . . . [/r] Ocaru
Phocian. CIGS. Ill, 130, 3 [4th cent], TloaetScopi— ^ wo\k
ev^a/ievrj tovoS' aveOrjKe rjixiOeovs o-corrfpa*; inrep irpoyovcov re KaX
avrtav.
Locrian. CIGS. Ill, 319, 1 [Koman], AaiTei/Mx; 'A[pio-ro7rei-
Oovs inrep tov vlov\ clvtov ' ApiGTOTr\el6ov<;.
Arrive. SGDI. 3339, 56 [2nd half 4th cent.], ovtos Xafiuv—
[XPll xaTa '\ &°" T ' avOefiev t<oi Oem ek ^iriSavpov inrep au[ro{)] ovtc
a[7r]eSi8ov TCLVTCL.
Rhodian. SGDI. 3824A, 5 [1st half 2nd cent], Aap.d>va£— inrep
Ta? yvvaitcbs KaX KXewraTpa KaX ®ev<f>dv€ia Aa/MovaKTOS inrep ra$
HaTpw; deoU.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 37
Theran. SGDI. 4706, 20 [end 3rd or beginning 2nd cent.],
Kal 6e/jL6v /ecu virep clvtov a)? Kal virep tov Trarpos Kal tov aBe\cf)ov tov
re avBpiovTa teal to rjpSaov.
Coan. SGDI. 3722, 10 [ca. 240], 'kpurrfov 'A/>t<rrtWo? — Kal
virep tov vlov (A)aio-TpctTov Kal virep tcls dwyarpas KXcltlov.
Cretan. SGDI. 5062, 1 [4th cent.], 'AttoWoWo? vrrep KaXki-
p-d'ypv 'AprefuBi, ^(OTelpai.
In all these dialects except Boeotian and Locrian there are other
examples besides the ones qnoted.
b. irepi.
Cyprian. SGDI. 45, 'A/ko-to^gw tw 'OvacrtQa) vevgdfievos irepi
iraiBl TWi HepaevTcu vveOrj/ce. On the equivalence of this dative to
the genitive in other dialects and literary Greek cf. Ch. IV, I,
2, p. 71.
Thessalian. SGDI. 346 [ca. 200], kirrovoeto^; bvedeiKe to[0]
II ot€lB [a] vi rrep tov 7ra[i]8[o]? kvTOv6o\i.
Coan. PH. 77 [Roman], iraTp(poc[j; 7rep~\l ra? Nwaa tov [_Bd~]-
fiov vlov. In Coan this late example of irepi and also PH. 78 and
79 are parallel to PH. 77 and 80, which show exactly the same
wording except that virep is used. This is doubtless due to the
interchangeable use of the two prepositions to express reference at
this time (Cf. IY, p. 44).
The meaning of irepi in these examples is not necessarily syn-
onymous with that of virep in similar contexts, as intimated by
Fick in his comment on the Thessalian example (SGDI. 346,
notes : "irep stent im Sinne von virep" ). More accurately a paral-
lel usage is indicated, the final idea being reached from a different
starting point from that of virep. This use of irepi is doubtless a
development from the causal force of the preposition in expres-
sions like II. 12, 243, a/juvvecrOai irepi ircvrp^. Perhaps the middle
ground between such a meaning and the simple idea of reference
is shown in the following three examples :
Lesbian. Hoff. II, 98 [1st part 2nd cent.], 'ka-KXairio IcoTrjpi
irepi vyeiax.
38
SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Elean. SGDI. 1171 [4th cent.], FaXe&w irepl bfiovoiap (cf. the
simple genitive in 01. V, 245).
Corinthian. SGDI. 3184, 4 (=1564)[?], 'ETrt/eot^Tat] . . .
77? 'A/A/S/3a/cta[Ta?] Ad Naau ical Aw [covcll] irepl vyueia^ avrov [/cat]
t&v v7rapxpvT(0v.
The following table gives a chronological comparison of the
occurrences of these two prepositions, showing also the one ex-
ample oitrpo in this sense (cf. Ch. I, III, 2, a, p. 19) :
vjre'p
nepC
trpo
Ionic
387-347
Cyprian
early
Thessalian
ca. 200.
Boeotian
after 369
Phocian
4th cent.
Locrian
Roman
Heraclean
ca. 4th cent.
Argive
2nd half 4th cent.
Rhodian
1st half 2nd cent.
Theran
end 3rd or begin-
ning 2nd cent.
Coan
ca. 240
Roman
Cretan
4th cent.
3. In representation (irrrep).
a. With the genitive.
Boeotian. SGDI. 488, 52 [223-197], irapelav oinrep ra? tto-
\ [t] 05 7ro\€fiap%oi Ka<f)i(r68<opo<;. — Other examples occur in line
97 and in SGDI. 482, 6 [end of 3rd cent.].
Phocian. CIGS. Ill, 119, 5 [4th cent.], <nn&uaf\e<uU \yirep
<Pepr]To]<; eaTG><C> a [5] eta.
Delphian. SGDI. 1701, 8 [150-140], /cvpia earn avo-avrav
avkeovaa /cal a\Xo? deXcov irrrep Aop/ci8o$.
Laconian. SGDI. 4642, 6 [3rd cent], irpo<rTarev4\T(o'] he 6a-
OTt? Ka XPy£v c virep Tlerpalas eb? iXevde'pas idcras.
Coan. SGDI. 3636, 25 [end 4th cent], ayopevei ov Ka r)i 6 /3oxk y
r) a\\o? xrrrep Kr]vov ivBe^Lo[^.
b. With the accusative.
Phocian. SGDI. 1548a, 4 [1st part 2nd cent.], fir) tcaTa$o[v\i-
£d<TT(0 flT)T€ a\Xo? VTT€p TOITTOV? flTjOcfc.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS.
39
Delphian. SGDI. 1740, 5 [170], (rvvevhoiceomos rov vlov ^rpa-
tovlkov teal v7T€p 'AyadotcXr} rov vlov Zco'iXov.
Locrian. SGDI. 1474, 5 [1st cent], %eip6ypa$ov KpiToBd[p,o~\v
AcopoOeov Ae\<j)Ov virep Zco7rvpav M.evdv [8] pov 'AfifaarcriBa irapovaav
Kal tceXevovaa [y ypd<f>€ij v vwep avrdv.
Argive. SGDI. 3299, 2 [Roman], KaXXL/cpdro[v<;~] 'Apyeia tw
eai/ra? crvfiftiov (y7r)€p rap ttoXlv aperas eveica.
Examples with the accusative are frequent in Phocian and Del-
phian, and there are two others in Locrian and in Argive, but all
of them unfortunately are of late date. A comparison of these
examples of inrip with those of ami denoting i ' instead of ' f (with
personal object), and of irpo (cf. Ch. I, III, 1, pp. 16 n\, and 2 h,
p. 19) indicates that the general dialect tendency is parallel to
that of literary Greek in preferring vwep. (The use of the accusa-
tive with virep has been commented upon p. 36.) The three in-
stances of ami are of the same date as those of vrrep in the same
dialects, or later, and the Cretan instances of irpo show a usage to
be expected from the retention in the same dialect of its parallel
ami in a use opposite to the usage in literary Greek (cf. Ch. I,
III, pp. 13 f.). The following table summarizes these facts in
briefer form:
ivri
*p6
vnep
With;Gen.
With Ace.
Boeotian
223-197
Phocian
4th cent.
1st part 2d cent.
Delphian
173
150-140
170
Locrian
1st cent.
Laconian
Roman
3rd cent.
Argive
Roman
Roman
Coan
end 4th cent.
Cretan
5th cent.
4. In a distributive sense, with words of payment.
a. With impersonal object.
Boeotian. SGDI. 802, 8 [in the younger alphabet], /erf tw/i
wpocrcrTaTdoov ofieXov vrrep eK^arov BpaftfJiav, vrrep rremafcariav Spa-
Xftav. This is the restoration of Haussoulier, Eev. d. Phil. 22,
362.
40 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Rhodian. SGDI. 4110, 31 [4th or 3rd cent], » 8e tea irpo^ara
io-fidXrji, awoTeia-dTG) irrrep e/cdarov 7rpoj3drov 6/3e\bv 6 iafiaXcbv.
This idea is expressed by ami in Arcadian, which shows an in-
stance closely parallel to the above Rhodian example. Cf. Ch. I,
III, 1, c, p. 18. A third method of giving this force is shown by
the Heraclean use of irapd in SGDI. 4629, I, 121 [4th cent.],
al 8e Ka p>rj 7T€(f>VT€VfccovTL /car tcl yey pa fifieva, KaTehucdadev Trap fxev rav
ekalav 8eica vdfjia)*; apyvplco Trap to cfrvrdv heKaarov, Trap 8e rds dixTreXw?
8vo fivas dpyvplco Trap rav a^olvov heKaarav. Cf . also lines 143 and
172. The literary usage is that of Kara, as Dem. 815, 11, /care
ras ireme Kal eiicocn pivas Tremanocrlm 8pa%/jLa<; elcr<f>epeiv.
b. With personal object.
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, XI, 43 [middle 5th cent.], a^TjOaiBe
irrrep ft[e]i/ t&j [7ra]T/3o? ra Trarpma, irrrep 8e Ta? ftarpo? to,
fiarpwia. The meaning of this is shown by the following free
translation which includes some of the preceding sentences: "If
a person dies in debt or with a lost case at law, if the heirs to whom
the property falls are willing to assume the loss and the debt to
the creditors, the heirs shall have the property. But if they are
unwilling, the property shall belong to the winners of the suit or
to the creditors, but the heirs shall suffer no other loss. And for
the father's (debts or loss) his property is to be mulcted, and for
the mother 's likewise hers. ' ' Elsewhere throughout the inscrip-
tion, with other verbs of legal action, the simple genitive is used,
as in IX, 31, I, 39, etc. (Cf. Baunack, Inschr. v. Gortyn, p. 85,
for list of examples. ) The force of irrrep is peculiar here, although
there is no doubt about the sense of the passage.
IV. Reference.
The only parallels to Greek afx$C in this sense are found in
Teutonic and Old Bulgarian. From a syntactic point of view
Gothic bi may be included among the cognates of afufrl (cf. p. 26).
This preposition is extremely common, as Luke 3, 15, pagkjandam
allaim — bi Iohannen, 8iaXoyi^op,evcov Trdmcov — irepl rov 'leodvvov.
Old High German umbi is used in the same sense, as in haubide
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 41
dhes libelles ist chiseriban umbi mih, "In the beginning of this
book is written about me. ' ' In Modern German it is common, in
the form um, as um etwas wissen, etc. In Anglo-Saxon ymbe
occurs, as Beow. 353, ic — frinan wille — ymb pinne sid, "I will
ask concerning your expedition. ' ' The compound ymbutan is not
used in this sense in Anglo-Saxon, but occurs in Early English, as
Met. 8, 14, hi ne gesawon sundbuende, ne ymbutan hi ne herdon,
"they did not see the sound-dwellers nor did they hear about
them. " Corresponding to Gothic bi Anglo-Saxon also shows be,
as Luke 3, 15, eallum on hyra heortan pencendum be Johanne,
"all men mused in their hearts of John, ,, and likewise Early
English, as P. Ploughm. 9197, so I seye by yow riche. There is
but little trace of this use in Modern English. An example is
Merch. of Ven. 1, 2, How say you by the French lord. The com-
pound aboute does not occur in Anglo-Saxon. Its first appearance
in Early English is in 1230, as Ancren Riwle 344, Hu hire stout
abuten vleschliche tentaciuns, and becomes one of the commonest
prepositions to give this meaning in Modern English.
Old Bulgarian uses for this meaning o, which may also be con-
sidered here (cf. p. 24, ftn.). An example is Luke 3, 15, pomys-
lyeyqstemi visyemi — o Joanye, 8ia\oyi£ofj,ev<0v irdirroyv — irepl rod
'\<odvvov. In Hussian secondary formations are used, but in Bo-
hemian o with the locative still gives this meaning.
Although Sanskrit does not show pari in this sense, the one
instance of the word in Old Persian is in such a meaning, namely,
Bh. I, 54, naiy adarsnaus cisciy pastanaiy pariy Gaumatam, "no
one dared to say anything about Gaumata. " Latin circa, the
syntactic equivalent of irepC y is frequent in post- Augustan prose, as
Quint. 10, 5, 5, circa eosdem sensus certamen. This use persists
in the Romance languages, as Italian circa il noto affare, Spanish
acerca de esta circumstancia (beside the later expressions, Italian
intorno, Spanish en torno, at rededor), Ptg. acerca, ao redor, em
torno, and French autour de.
Sanskrit upari is used in this meaning, as Hitop. p. 73, 18,
ayam svdmi tavopari vikrtabuddhi, "that master being of altered
mind about you. J ' Judging from the use and meaning in Latin,
42 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Romance and Germanic of the cognates of this preposition (cf.
below), it may be assumed that the idea of reference developed
from the meaning "over, upon,'' rather than that of "above. M
Additional evidence for this assumption may be given by the fact
that Gothic ufar which means "over, above, M but not "upon,"
is not used in the meaning " concerning, ' ' while ana, meaning
"upon," is thus used.
Latin super to express reference belongs at first to colloquial
language only, being entirely avoided by Caesar, and occurring in
Cicero only in the letters. Later it becomes frequent. In this
sense it is always used with the ablative (in contrast to the use
of the accusative in the local meaning, cf. p. 20). An example
is Cic. Att. 16, 6, 1, hac super re scribam ad te Rhegio. In the
Romance languages this becomes one of the most common preposi-
tions for this meaning, as Italian parleremo sopra 'I vostre affare,
French Us disputent sur telle question, and Spanish disputarse
sobre una cose.
The use of the preposition in Old High German is shown by
lukkiu urchunde uber mih ze sagenne, "to speak false testimony
about me. ' ' In Modern German uber is the commonest preposi-
tion to give this meaning, as uber etwas sprechen, etc. In Anglo-
Saxon ofer is rarely used in this sense. An example is Luke 19,
41, hi veop ofer hig, "he wept over it." ~No instance seems to
be available from Early English, but in Modern English its use
is fairly common.
An instance of the use of a preposition of totally different
origin from the three Greek ones under consideration is shown by
Lithuanian, where ape is the regular preposition, as Mark 1, 30,
if tojaus jam ape j(l pasake. Sometimes uz is less correctly used,
as nesirupink uz man\ i i grieve not about rae."
This is more striking in Latin, where Reference is most com-
monly expressed by de, as Cic. Lael. 1, 1, multa narrare de Laelio.
This is shown also in the Romance languages, as Italian pensare,
giudicare.di una cosa, Spanish pensar, disputar de una cose,
French parler, discourir d' une chose. This is the only instance
in which a preposition of altogether different original force is
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS.
43
conspicuously preferred to the words meaning "around, over, "
which exist beside it and are also used to give the idea of refer-
ence. In de the starting point is what is emphasized. Before
stating the Greek usage in regard to afi<f>{, irepl and irrrep, it may
be of interest to contrast with the parallel prepositional uses of
their equivalents in other languages the expression of reference
by other prepositions of different original meaning. This can be
most briefly suggested by the following table in which the preposi-
tions are arranged according to their literal meaning, so as to show
the line of development to this figurative sense :
around
over
upon
towards
from
behind
Greek
hfupi
Tzepi
vrrip
(eiri)
(elc , n P 6c)
Sanskrit
(OP.
pariy)
upari
adhi
abhi
Latin
circa
super
ad
de
Romance
circa,
cerca
sobra,
sur
de, di
Gothic
bi
ana
(do)
O. H. German
umbi
ubar
fona
Mod. German
um
iiber
(an)
von
Anglo-Saxon
ymbe, be
ofer
on, upon
Early English
ymbutan, be
on, upon
of
Mod. English
about, (by)
over
on, upon
(anent)
of
Lithuanian
ape
UZ
Old Bulgarian
In literary Greek a/x</>t is as limited in this use as in the local
meaning. With the genitive it is almost wholly poetic, occurring
once in Herodotus, 6, 31, aficjA KpCaios t£>v fivrjarrjpoav roaavra
iyevero, and in Homer but once, Od. 8, 267, ap^l ^tXoT^ro? aefoeiv.
In Pindar and Euripides it is more frequent. With the dative it
is commoner, as Hdt. 3, 32, an<j>l rat 6avara> avrrjs &£o? \eyerai
X070?, and with the accusative also, as Aesch. Suppl. 246, eXpyicas
aficf>l Koafiov ayjrevSrj \6yov> and the formulas afujn fiol awe, aval;,
etc., used by the dithyrambic poets.
The usual preposition for this meaning is wept. It occurs with
the dative with words denoting care, anxiety, etc., so that it ap-
proaches a causal force, as II. 10, 240, eSSeiaev Be irepi ^avdq> Meve-
Xaa), Thuc. 1, 60, Beicrcu irepl ra x^PW* With the genitive it is
very common, as Thuc. 4, 22, \eyeiv tcai atcoveiv irepl two?, and
44 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
often becomes a mere periphrasis, as Plato Ap. 19c, eX rt? 7repl rcov
tolovtcdv <ro(f)6<; i<rri. From the use with the accusative to express
literal or figurative occupation near or around some object, as the
Homeric irepl Bopira iroveladai and Attic a/xeXcos i%elv irepl re
(riva), etc., the idea of reference in general arose, as Xen. An. 3,
2, 20, dfiaprdveiv irepl riva, Plato Crit. 50d, ol vofioi ol irepl tow
ydfwvs. This less immediate meaning of reference is however
often given by the use of the genitive as well, and the difference
is but slight. Cf. Plato Euthyphro 3b, tccuvoTOfieiv irepl to, Oela
and 5a, Kauvorofielv irepl tojv Oelcav. In the Attic inscriptions irepl
with the accusative interchanges with ek and irpo<; in such expres-
sions as in CIA. II, 581 [320], faXoTCfila? tt}? irepl rrjv iravwx®a
rrp irepl tovs deovs. The use of virep to express reference is a
development from its meaning of "in behalf of, in the interest
of," etc., and in good Attic prose it is not so colorless as irepl
but retains to some extent the idea of interest (K.-Bl. 3 §435).
It is most common in the orators, as Dem. 6, 35, fify irepl t<ov
Sitcalcov /L1778' virep ra>v e^co 7rpa<yp,dTa>v elvai ttjv fiovXrjv, aU' virep
tS)v ev Ty %ay>a. A Homeric example is II. 6, 524, virep aeOev
ataxe 1 cikovo). In the Attic inscriptions (Meisterh. 3 p. 222) the
confusion in use with irepl with the genitive became general after
about 300, as CIA. 33, 307, 5 [290], irepl $>v airayyeXXei 6 ay&vo-
Oen?; virep rS)v dvaiGiv.
1. ClfMptl.
a. With the dative.
Cretan. SGDL 4991, I, 17 [middle 5th cent], tU 67 *' ap<f>l
ScoXwc /moXuovtl (fycovlovre: fbv fe/caTepo? rjfiev. The reason for this
case use may lie in the fact that this is the only example in which
the preposition has a personal object Cf. ib. I, 2, o? /c' eXevdepm
$1 Bo)Xa)i fieXXei avfafieoXev.
b. With the accusative.
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 557, 7 [ca. 3rd cent], 'ATualat e]8o^e
reXel [at] e [y tool tov Av/celov re/ievei] firj [S] ' lir [y] eveaOai — a/xcfrl
to tou Av/cel[ov . . . ol o-Tparayjol KplT(o[y . . .
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 45
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, VI, 26 = IX, 19 [middle 5th cent.],
ai Be k? 6 avrificoXos dirofjLcoXrjc av<f>l rb %/0?}o? &i K* dv<j>Lfico\L(ovTt.
Similar expressions occur also in V, 46, VI, 52, 4998, IV, 16
[middle 5th cent], and 5044, 24 [ca. 280]. Except for the ex-
ample in Argive to give the eponymous officer (cf. I, B, 2, a, p.
30) these are the only instances in the dialects of a/x</>t, which
gave way before irepl here as in literary Greek. The example
from Argive is interesting, as being almost a century later than
the earliest instance of irepl in this sense. Cf. the table of afi<f>L
and virep, p. 50.
2. lT€pL
a. With the genitive.
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 105B, 24 [ca. 475], ocrns— fj [ti k\okov
fiovkevoi irepl T^wi^cov tov gvvov elB(b<; — diroWvcrOai,
Lesbian. SGDI. 281 A, 16 [333], icplva\i \i\ev avrov /epvirra
ylra<f)L(T€L ofioo-avras ireppj davdroo.
Thessalian. Hoff. II, 70, 3 [6th or 5th cent], aX(X)' avde irep
yds rdaBe iro\(\)6v dpiarevcov Wave.
Boeotian. CIGS. I, 3054, 8 [Roman], crovveofio [Xoyeto-avj to
irepl ra>v Baveico . . . — [/ea#(w? d 7ro]Xt? 7repl ovrcov i-yfracftirraro.
Phocian. SGDI. 1547, 8 [2nd cent], irepl Be r&v irporepov
d(f)eL/JLe[vcov e\e]v6epcov — d avrd %ap,ia eara).
Delphian. SGDI. 2561A, 4 [1st half 4th cent], raye[v]ce<o
8i[/ea&o$ ic]ard rovv vojjlovs — ical rots — irep rwv ' AireXkafav.
Aetolian. SGDI. 1411, 7 [ca. 193], rd tyafylaiiara — irepl
7rdvr(ov rtav <$>i\av6pdyir<i)v /card/iova elfiev.
Elean. SGDI. 1149, 4 [ca. 500], crvveav h? a\(\)dkoK rd r
a\(X)a /cal irdp iroXe/xco.
Laconian. SGDI. 4430, 2 [221], iroOoBov iroirjcafievov Aa/uWo?
— Ttepl 7rpoi;€VLa<;.
Megarian. SGDI. 3025, 3 [242-235] , Kara rdBe etcplvav toI
Meyapels — irepl t<z? %o>pa? a? dficfyeWeyov /cal [irep] I rov *2e\\avvo [y.
Corinthian. SGDI. 3175, 2 [later than the early inscriptions],
o? irepl rd<$ avrov 7a? Odve ftapva/jievos.
Argive. SGDI. 3340, 116 [2nd half 4th cent], a^ra irepl
iraiB(ov evicaBevB^ovaa ivvirvtov elBe.
46 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Rhodian. SGDI. 3749, 5 [ca. 220], cvveveyteelv 'PoW ica
'YepairvrvCou; ra Bogavra irepl ras cv^/ia^ia?.
Calymnian. SGDI. 3591a, 41 [2nd or 1st cent.], *<» rk
aXXa [irdvra'j itolovvt(o roi irpoardrai irepl tclv eyiiaprvpiav.
Coan. SGDI. 3620, 2 [Eoman], irepl 2>v ' AXitcapvacraeis —
[aQiovirri Bofiev avrols dvayopevaiv.
Cretan. SGDI. 5125A, 11 [after middle 5th cent], irepl Be
tw fuarS) at </>G>i/[wt? . . .
Examples are numerous in all the dialects quoted except Boeo-
tian.
b. With the dative.
Arcadian. Inschr. v. Magnesia 38, 46 [ca. 207], ol vofioypdfoi
— hnhei^avrcDv toll iroXei, o>9 o* iroXlrai ftovXevcr(o)vTai irepl toivL
Cf. the use of the dative here with that with diro and e/c, Ch.
IV, I, 2, p. 71. An example of partial encroachment upon this
by the genitive usage of the tcoivrj is shown in line 8 of the same
inscription, ical diroBovrcov — teal irepl reav Xoiireov irdvrtov BiaXe%-
0€<r(Ti. The dative participle is anacoluthic, agreeing logically
with diroBovrcov, and irdvaiv must be taken with r<av Xotir&v.
c. With the accusative.
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 96, 4 [357], eirel dvrjp dyaOcx; [eyevero ir~]epl
TT)V ITOXlV T7)V 'HLpv[6pal ] 0)1/.
Arcadian. SGDI. 1222, 32 [Pre-Koman], el [S'] dv t<[?] . . .
itcrjTOi t<ov irepl ret epya av , . . tear el Be tl.
Lesbian. SGDI. 304A, 17 [319], eyever^o Bk teal irepl rav
(TiToBetav dvrj[p dyados.
Cf. also ib. 311, 26 [Roman], eiraiVTjv Aaffeava iraieras eovra
retfias dfyov teal Bid rav Xolirov fiev irepl tov ftcov aepvoraTa.
Phocian. SGDI. 1552a, 17 [ca. 3rd cent], irapatcaXelv avrbv—
[ — dyadojv yiveaOai — [irepl toxs iroXiras. (Only restored ex-
amples occur.)
Delphian. SGDI. 2820, 2 [170-157], dvrjp dyaOos eVn irepi
rav iroXiv t<ov AeX<f>S)v.
Laconian. SGDI. 4544, 6 [195], cnrovBds teal <f>CXoTiiila<; ovOev
eXXehreov irepl irdaav ^pelav (av) Tvy)(dvei T49 e^ow.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 47
Corinthian. SGDI. 3195b, 8 [3rd cent.], avaXcofidrcov awnro-
hucov . . . Trjpioyv a irepl rav Kopxype^avt
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 784, 4 [369], afyicotievos e? Tpo&va
irepC re rav a(orr}pCav Tax x ( *P a<; dyaOo? io~Tt.
Rhodian. SGDI. 4154, 44 [3rd cent.], dv$pe$ dyadol eyevovro
irepl rd lepd rd Aivhlcov.
Calymnian. SGDI. 3585, 24 [4th cent.], evvoias dv tytov Biare-
\el irepl to 7r\\_r}6o<; t&v Ka\] vfivuov.
Coan. SGDI. 3613, 4 [3rd cent,], dvrjp dyado? e<rri irepl tov
Sdfwv tov Ktota)!/.
Cretan. SGDI. 5058, 32 [3rd cent.], t]ovs wpy? k [at /ca]
Tivas dWovs VGTepov dedo^fijeda fj ire\_pl Td diva] rj xepl Ta iroX-
[m] ted.
There are other examples in all the dialects quoted. This usage
is quite parallel to that of irepl with the accusative in literary
Greek and especially in the Attic inscriptions, for the same varia-
tion between irepi, ek and irpos referred to above occurs throughout
the dialects also. (Sometimes the idea is expressed by the dative
without a preposition, e. g. } Phocian CIGS. Ill, 223, 3.) A
very forced instance is seen in Lesbian, in the second example
given above. The example from Delphian shows the regular
phrase in the manumission decrees in referring to the death of
the master.
3. virep.
Ionic. CIGS. I, 314, 2 [1st part 3rd cent.], /ecu Xeycov /eai
irpdiTcav [t] d avfjL(f)6povTa virep tt}? 7ro\€a>?.
Lesbian. SGDI. 281C, 11 [306], o jSiwr/W *AX#^/w--H
7r[poo-er']a^€ ['Epe] <7tW icplvai virep T€ [' Aycoj viinr [a> K~\al [Evpvo~-
iXd] a).
Boeotian. SGDI. 488, 120 [223-197], Tav tc avvypacfyov, dv
e[Sa)]/cav owrep [o]£/tgh> tcov xpecfidTonv.
Phocian. CIGS. Ill, 98, 6 [after 196], vnep 8k t&v dXXav
dirdvr[oyv t<x vo/iifia tcXtj Xjafifidvecv Bolqotoik kcu <3>G>/cet? Trap*
dXXrj[X<ov . . .
Delphian. SGDI. 2506, 37 [277], oVt dv ex^vri [dyadbv irpd-
a^creiv virep tojv irepl tov Alowo~ov T^eyyLTWV.
48 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Locrian. SGDI. 1502, 10 [2nd cent.], irpovoiav i [Vot] rjcravro
Kara kqivov r [a] v apurrav virep Ta? avvoBov iSiv \je~\ yynav.
Elean. 01. V, 47, 21 [after 164], t[* opC\ a tcl re[ff] e[yra] virep
rav Kpi[crQa>fi fievrj Kvpia — yeyev [r)/JL€~\va^ teal irpore [/?] ov tcpiaios
— [yire]p rav[ra<; ra]? %a>/>a? virep a? \yvv hiafyepovrai] . . .
Laconian. SGDI. 4568, 6 [86], airovBfc zeal faXoTififo ov6ev
evXelirovTes virep &p teal — a iroXis — avioxs i/coo-firjaev Tt/*afc.
Megarian. SGDI. 3010, 17 [306], tow? ayaBov n irpdaaomas rj
Xoyeoi rj epym virep Ta9 ttoXios.
Argive. SGDI. 3339, 41 [2nd half 4th cent], Trafc a<j>covo<;
(t)[/cera9 a(f>L^/ceTO efc to lapbv virep <f>cova$.
Rhodian. SGDI. 4254, 9 [211], virep irpo%evia<i At? fUfrpCm Ato-
Botov Ivpa/coo-tm. This concludes the prefatory sentence of an
honorific decree.
Theran. SGDI. 4706, 255 [end 3rd or beginning 2nd cent.],
ravra Kvpia earto, irXav virep ^taXvceo)?* virep Be tovtov fir) e^era)
e^ovalav firjOefc.
Calymnian. SGDI. 3585, 20 [ca. 4th cent.], teal Xeyeiv teal
irpdaaeiv ra Be'ovra virep rod [irXrjdov] (? t)ov KaXv/ivuov.
Coan. Mitth. 23, 447, no. 1, 4 [middle 3rd cent.], virep wy Ka\i
P^aaiXevs [Ilro] Xefiaios eypa-\jre virep aviov e\y i]iri<TToXai [^]^
eire/jLyjre — virep ra? 6vcrl\a<$.
Cretan. SGDI. 5040, 57 [2nd cent.], virep Be t<ov irpoyeyovoroyv
— aBi/cq/jLciTcov — irotrja'da'dcov rav Biefjayayav oi — Koa/101.
Examples are numerous in all the dialects quoted. A compari-
son of the examples of virep with those of irepC with the genitive
shows the same conflict to exist which appears in the Attic inscrip-
tions. The tendency in each dialect is a general one, not at all
due to the use of one or the other preposition with any particular
phrase.* For the dialects as a whole, the same statement may be
* For example, irpeopevu and related words occur with rcepi in three dialects, Les-
bian Hoff. II, 121, 6 [2d half 3d cent.], Boeotian BCH. 19, 314, no. 1, 24 [after 3d
cent.], and Cretan Mon. Ant. I, 45C, 29 [ca. 183], The same words are found with
virip in inscriptions from Arcadia, BCH. 20, 124, no. 2, 283, Thessaly BCH. 13, 379,
no. 2, 14, Boeotia BCH. 19, 314, no. 1, II, 25, and in Argive SGDI. 3290, 21, all
of Roman times. An examination of the use with words of speaking and of judg-
ing shows the same results.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 49
made which Meisterhans gives in regard to Attic, namely, that the.
earliest instances of xnrep — irepi occur about 300 (cf. Lesbian,,
Megarian, Calymnian, above). Thereafter this use becomes more
and more common. In the latter examples the influence of the-
KOLvrf was undoubtedly a factor. Since there are no instances of
irrrep in this use at a time earlier than that in which such an Attie
use of it existed, it is idle to consider whether the force might have
developed in the dialects from any other meaning of virep than
that of "in behalf of, " from which it arose in literary Greek.
(Cf. Sanskrit, Latin, Anglo-Saxon, etc., above.) As long as there
is no evidence to the contrary, its origin may be assumed to have
been the same in the dialects as in literary Greek and the Attic
inscriptions.
There is but little of interest to note in regard to the individual
dialects. The preference for irepl (in all uses) in Lesbian, re-
marked upon by Ahrens p. 151 (and reiterated by Pomtow, Jhb.
f. Phil. 127, 324), with evidence from the literature, is not seen
in the inscriptions, the date of the earliest example of virep
in this use being earlier than that of irept, and the preponderance
of examples being also in favor of virep. (In other uses virep
occurs once, in a late example expressing " in the interest
of, ' ' and irepl occurs once, in a dedication, which seems to be the
sole instance in support of Ahrens' statement. Cf. pp. 35,
37). There is but one late example of irepi in Boeotian, but virep
is frequent. This assumption of a definite preference for virep
in this dialect accords with the appearance of v*4p earlier than
irepC in a Megarian inscription whose orthographic peculiarities
Bechtel accounts for by suggesting Boeotian influence (SGDI.
3010). If this suggestion is correct, a syntactic influence may
then be thought of also, as one reason for this Megarian use of
virep.
The following table summarizes for each dialect the facts given
above :
50
SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
ap.<pL
irepi
vitip
Ionic
ca. 475
1st part 3rd cent.
Arcadian
ca. 207 (with dative)
Lesbian
middle 2nd cent.
306
Thessalian
Gth or 5th cent.
Boeotian
Roman
223-197
Phocian
2nd cent.
after 196
Delphian
1st half 4th cent.
277
Aetolian
ca. 193
'JLocrian
2d cent.
iElean
ca. 500
after 164
Laconian
221
86
Me^arian
Corinthian
242-235
306
Later than the early
inscriptions
2nd half 4th cent.
Argive
ca. 3rd cent.
2d half 4th cent.
Rhodian
ca. 220
211
Theran
2nd or 1st cent.
end 3rd or begin-
ning 2nd cent,
ca. 4th cent.
Calymnian
Coan
Roman
middle 3rd cent.
Cretan
middle 5th cent.
after middle 5th cent.
2nd cent.
CHAPTER III.
(rvv, /jLerdy irehd.
Cognates : 1. <tvv ({&). No certain cognates. But cf. below.
2. fierd. Goth, mip, OHG. mit, As. raid.
3. ireSd. Arm. ?/e£, Lett. £>ez.
The principal other sociative prepositions are :
1. (*som, etc.) Skt. sam-, sa- (prefix only), saha (Av. hada,
OP. hada), samam, smat, etc., OB. s#- (prefix only), su, sun-.
Lith. and Lett, sar (prefix only), OPr. sen, Grk. dfia, 6/jlov are
related. The phonetic connection of Lith. sil, Lett, su with this
group is not clear. They are placed by some (Kretschmer, KZ.
31, 416) with Greek <rw, with the addition also of OB. su. But
the latter can come without difficulty from *som.
2. (*Jco, *kom) Lat. con- (prefix only), cum (Osc.-Umbr. com),
O. Ir. con, co. Gothic shows a trace of this in handugs "wise,"
from *kom-dho. Cf. perhaps also Grk. kolvo<s from *komios.
In connection with the syntactic rivalry between crvv and fierd
it is of interest to note some instances from other languages where
the regular sociative preposition has been encroached upon or even
driven out entirely by another preposition not originally sociative.
In Latin poetry and post- Augustan prose simul is used in place of
cum. This doubtless arose from the use of simul cum = una cum,
as Plaut. Amph. 754, qui — istanc tecum conspicio simul, etc., but
it has made no serious inroad upon cum, which is still the usual
sociative preposition in all the Romance languages except French,
where it remains only in composition. The beginning of its dis-
appearance here may be traced back to Gallic Latin, in which the
use of apud for con appears as early as Sulpicius Severus (ca. 365-
425 A. D.), as Yita Martini 23, Angelos apud se loqui solere
dicehat (Geyer, Archiv. fur Lat. Lex. II, 26fi\). That apud
really has the sense of cum here, and not that of coram as in Latin
cf. Ch. I, p. 5), is shown by the use of cum with loqui in similar
51
52 SYNTAX OF SOME PHEPOS1TIONS
phrases by the same writer, as Dial. I, 25, cum iste angeli loque-
bantur, etc. The conflict between the two prepositions resulted
finally in Old French in the victory of apud, which became od,
from *avod, *aod. At the same time the adverb avuec (avoec,
etc.), from original apud + hoc was in use, and this assumed the
role of od, an example from the eleventh century being Ch. d. Eol.
XIII, avoec ice plus de cinquanie chars, and superseded it so
entirely that avec appears as the regular sociative preposition in
Modern French.
In Anglo-Saxon accompaniment was expressed by mid, whose
cognates are still in use in other Germanic languages. But wip
(Goth, wip-ra, OHG. widar) "against, towards,* ' was parallel
in use to mid in expressions like "fight, contend against (with),
be friendly towards (with), speak to (with)," etc. Again, since
the step in meaning from "opposite, against" to "beside" was
an early one, wip came to be used with personal objects in the
sense of apud, thus showing another parallelism to mid, which had
gained the force of apud through its meaning "among" (cf. the
reverse use of apud for cum in Latin above). From such asso-
ciations the idea of accompaniment arose gradually in wip, as
C. P. 352, 4, cydde daet he nolde habban nane gemodsumnesse
wip da y felon, ' ' announced that he would have no association with
the wicked." This meaning was limited to the use with the
dative and accusative, although in the sense of "against" wip
occurs with the genitive and instrumental as well as with the two
former cases. In Early English wip became quite as common a
sociative preposition as mid. The variation in use was due chiefly
to locality and dialect, the north and east losing mid as early as
1200, but other regions showing both words in use, wip having
also at times an instrumental sense, in which use the loss of mid
was hastened by the encroachment upon it of durh and of by.
Examples from the fourteenth century are K. of Gl. p. 17, mid
hym he hadde a stronge axe, but P. Ploughm. 1398, gaf hem
rynges with rubies. In Modern English wip has gained the
mastery so completely as to become the only sociative preposition.
The sole trace of mid is to be seen in the compound midwife.
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 53
The use of crvv and perd in literary Greek has been made the
subject of careful study by Tycho Mommsen in Beitrage zu der
Lehre von Griechische Prapositionen.* His point of view is
stylistic throughout, the main thesis being that the use of crvv
is poetic, and that of fierd a prose characteristic. It is shown by
convincing statistics that in Attic prose writers except Xenophon
a-vv is very rare in comparison with fierd (Thuc. 34: 401, Iso-
crates 0: 216, Plato 29: 509, Demosthenes 12: 266, Aristophanes
9: 330, etc. Cf. p. 356), and is almost altogether limited as fol-
lows : It occurs in stereotyped phrases like avv 6e<o y (e. g., Plato
Thaeat. 151b), a-vv o7r\ot?, (e. g., Thuc. 2, 90, 6), etc., which may
be differentiated from a general sociative use by the fact that they
express helpful accompaniment, as nearly as the meaning can be
defined. A parallel to this is to be seen in the Lithuanian su
devil and su de, equivalent to English ' ' Goodbye. ' ' Cf . also the
German Geh mit Gott, etc. The Latin equivalent is rather the
inscriptional quod bene felix faustumque sit, but cum is also used,
as Cato K.K. 141, 1, cum divis volentibus quoque bene eveniat,
and the use remains in Italian, as va con buona ventura, or state
col buono di. Secondly, it occurs in phrases standing in close
attachment to a noun, and indicating a closely related but usually
subordinate object, as Thuc. 5, 74, 3, (aireOavov) real 'AOvvaicov
%vv AlyLvi]Tai<; hia/coaiou This is called by Mommsen the ' ' in-
clusive" use, which seems the best term available, although it is
obvious that in many instances the avv cannot properly be trans-
lated ' i including. ' ' Such a meaning is often given in other lan-
guages by the addition of some strengthening word, as in Latin
una cum, Italian insieme con, Lithuanian drauge su (the usual
* In this work the usage of the Attic inscriptions is also given, and statistics for the
occurrence of the prepositions in question in certain works containing dialect inscrip-
tions, namely the old Corpus, Roehl's Ins. Gr. Ant., and two volumes of the new
Corpus (IG. Sept. I and IG. Sic. etlt.). But these are given without examples,
and no attempt is made at a classification by dialects. Moreover this covers only a
small part of the dialect material now extant. It is to supply this deficiency in
Mommsen' s work that the present collection of dialect examples has been made.
But it must be admitted that the number of occurrences of the two prepositions in
genuinely dialectic material is astonishingly meagre, so much so that for many dia-
lects no conclusion of their preference for one or the other preposition is warranted.
54 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
expression for even general accompaniment), Anglo-Saxon aet-
gaedere mid, German zusammen mit and mit sammt, etc.
Only the inclusive use of <rvv is found in the Attic inscriptions
also, where the preposition is even limited to a use with objects
other than persons (Mommsen p. 497, Meisterh. 3 p. 221),
though in many later prose writers and in inscriptions of the
Roman period a freer use of avv is revived. That this state of
affairs is really a limitation of a former more general use of crvv y
to be considered side by side with the encroachment of p^rd
(cf. below), is shown by the widespread use of a-vv in compounds,
and by the usage of Homer and later poets, where it is a frequent
preposition until Euripides, who has v*erd with the genitive almost
as much as o"w, the figures being cvv 197, y^rd 101. The ex-
istence of <rvv denoting general accompaniment in several dialects,
as shown by the examples given below, is an additional argu-
ment for considering the limitation simply an Attic phenomenon.
The original meaning of fierd was that of ' l amid, among, 9 ' from
which the sense of " with" arose in Greek independently from Ger-
manic The close relation of the two ideas is emphasized by the re-
verse development in Anglo-Saxon and Early English of with to
the meaning "among" as Bo. 41, 4, Omerus, se goda scop, mid
Grecum selest was, " Homer, that good poet, was best among the
Greeks," and Alis. 3324, Justere he is with the beste. This
is common in Modern English. In Homer perd still means
"among,"* as shown by the fact that it occurs with the plural
only, and with collective singulars in the six examples T 50,
156 ayopf), X 49 (TTpaTq>, \ 449 &»Bp&p apiOficp, 4> 503 a-Tpo<f>d\iyyi
Koviiyiy O 118 KeurOai ofiov ve/cvecrai /acO' alfiari zeal fcovfyaiv. The
case use in Homer is practically that of the dative, representing
here the locative, there being but Hve examples of the use with the
* Mommsen assumes a still earlier meaning of "between," because of the Homeric
examples fierd x^poiv with ix Elv (very common) and other verbs (E 344, 6 372, x 10)
fitTa yafuptiAyoiv N 200, etc., suggesting that the limited idea of position between two
objects was broadened to the sense of "among more than two (i e., several) objects."
Such an extension is in itself natural enough (cf. the development of apfi) but there
is not sufficient evidence that the original meaning was restricted.
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 55
genitive, namely N 700, 3> 458, ft 400, k 320, ir 140, all of the
plural number. The genitive use is equally rare in the succeeding
poets (the only instances are Hesiod, Theog. 392, Stesichor. ( ?)
fr. 32, Theogn. 1065, Simon, fr. 84, 1, Aesch. Prom. 1067), until
Sophocles and Euripides, where it becomes very frequent. It is
the regular construction in prose. Herodotus shows fierd with
the genitive almost as often as <rw (avv 72, fierd 64), although
never with the singular of inanimate objects, and only twice with
the plural of such words, the context of even these two examples
suggesting the meaning of personal objects. In many of the
examples the meaning "among" may still be seen, and of the
twenty-seven instances of his use of the singular with f^erd
twenty-one are in the phrase oi fierd rtz/o?, and three in tcoifidaOeu
(evSeiv) fierd t«/o?, which shows a very restricted usage. But in
the Attic writers from Thucydides on there is no such distinction
between the use of the singular or plural with fJ^rd or its occur-
rence with animate or inanimate objects, and perd with the geni-
tive almost entirely crowds out <rvv. This is the case in the Attic
inscriptions also. Whether the dialects show any limitation to
the use with plurals and collective singulars is doubtful, but what
encroachment upon (rvv exists is probably due in most cases to the
influence of the /coivrj ( c f. below). The case use is always that
of the genitive, except in Arcadian, where, as shown by its use
with other prepositions (cf. Ch. IY, I, 2, p. 71), the appearance
of the dative is to be regarded as an independent dialectic phe-
nomenon.
The original meaning of irehd was that of l ' behind, after, ' ' as
shown by the use of its cognates Armenian yet "after, " Lettic
pez "according to, after (i. e., in search of)," and its obvious
derivation from the word for "foot," Skt. pad, Grk. 7rou?,etc. In
its use with the accusative it would become synonymous with perd
with the accusative, whose force of "after" came through the
meaning "into the midst of." The meaning "with" of irehd
may be simply a further result of this agreement with perd in the
sense of "after," as held by Brugmann, Gr. Gram. §503 "Ver-
mutlich wurde wehd zunachst in der Bedeutung 'hinter etwas her'
56 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Synonym von fierd und die partielle Ubereinstimmung im Ge-
brauch fuhrte durch Synkretismus zu einer vollstandigen, ' ' or it
may have arisen independently of /xera.*
In view of the former possibility, a restricted use of irehd
might be looked for, but there is no evidence of it. The only
inscriptional example of irehd in Lesbian is in the meaning
1 * after' ' (cf. p. 69), but, aside from the fact that Sappho shows
it in both senses, this cannot be regarded as anything but acci-
dental, and the same must be said of Theran, where also the only
example means " after' ' (cf. p. 70). The reverse accident, in
fact, is seen in Arcadian, Boeotian, etc., where the only examples
are in the meaning i ' with. ' ' The two prepositions are apparently
quite synonymous, and the use of one or the other fs merely a
question of dialect. Literary Greek shows ireSd in Aeolic and
Doric, and in passages in tragedy, etc., composed in Doric.
Kretschmer, KZ. 31, 449, suggests for Attic ireravpov (Ionic and
Euboean irerevpov) a derivation from irerd and the stem of avpa
(cf. TreSaopo?).- Elsewhere it is found only in the dialects given
below. There is no evidence of the co-existence of both preposi-
tions in the same dialect. Whenever ftera appears in an inscrip-
tion of a dialect which also has iredd it is late enough to be
attributed unhesitatingly to the influence of the Koivr) y although in
some cases 7re$d was not entirely crowded out by this kolvtj
influence until Roman times. The dialect occurrences of irehd
are as follows:
Lesbian shows but one example, SGDI. 213, 20 [390], spoken
of above. The earliest instance of perd is SGDI. 281A, 12 [after
334]. In Arcadian the only example is in the abbreviated form
[tt] 4, as restored by Keil in the Mantinean inscription in Nachtr.
d. Konigl. Ges. d. Wiss. 1895, 353, 16 [early 5th cent.]. This
is supported by the proper name H[e]8ap{Tco SGDI. 1247 (front),
* The least probable view is that of Osthoff, in Geschichte des Perfects im Indo-
german. p. 574, which is just the opposite of Brugmann's, namely, that the force of
"after" in tredd is taken over from fiera, because the cognates of the latter show an
early use with the accusative in Old High German, Old Norse, and Anglo-Saxon,
and because the influence of fier& on iredd is shown in the name of the month
TLerayeirvioc (cf. on Megarian, etc., below).
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 57
B, 10. There is no example of fierd. In Boeotian TreSd is fre-
quent, as SGDI. 489, 5, 22 [end 3rd cent], etc. The occur-
rence of fierd in the same inscription is evidently due to /coivr)
influence. Megarian shows only a trace of 7reSd in the name of
the month UerayeLTvicoi SGDI. 3052, 19 [end 3rd or beginning
2nd cent.]. The t in this is not a phonetic development, but evi-
dently due to the Attic form MerayeiTvio*;. In line 10 of the
same inscription p [ereo-Ti occurs, the p being somewhat uncertain,
and there is an example of perd as an independent preposition of
about the same date, namely, 3078, 11 [2nd cent]. For this
juxtaposition of irera- and perd cf. also Coan below. Argive has
no independent use of irehd * but several compounds occur, namely,
TreBdfoupoL SGDI. 3265, 2, 3269, 8; 7reSa<£op [a ? ] SGDI. 3325,
276; IleSaK/HTo? SGDI. 3282, 3, and v&m> (~penfr) SGDI.
3277, 18. These are all of early date, the latest being probably
irebmv, which is to be placed after 405 B. C. The earliest in-
stances of At€ra date from the second half of the fourth century,
as SGDI. 3339, 20, etc. In Khodian y&rd is the only form in
which the preposition occurs, as SGDI. 3749, 87 [ca. 220], etc.,
but the name of the month HeSayetrvios (and TleTayeiTvtos) is com-
mon, t From Thera there is one example of 7re8a, SGDI. 4772, 2
[4th cent.], and two a century later of perd both in the same
inscription, SGDI. 4706, 4, 110 [end 3rd cent]. Cf. under
Lesbian above. Calymnian shows fierd only in the compound
Uerayeirvm, SGDI. 3601, 1, Ditt. Sylloge 865, I, 1, 868, III, 8,
none of these being of early date. Examples of f^rd from about
the same time occur, as SGDI. 3585, 35 [ca. 323], etc. The same
situation exists in Coan, irehd appearing only in HerayeiTvios
SGDI. 3634b, 22, c, 17 [2nd or 3rd cent]. In line 16 of part
a, Paton and Hicks restore irehayeini] v{o)v, where perhaps Trerayei-
*Kretschmer, KZ. 31,449, quotes ncr 'IkeIu from SGDI. 3246, 37, 39, but this is
too doubtful an example to be of value. Blass (SGDI., 1. c.) and Kaibel (IGSic.
et It. no. 217) do not attempt to give a reading of the passage, although both quote
Stephanus' suggestion ttet' iKela {bprj.)
\Jle6ayeiTVLog SGDI. 4245, 144, 161, 192, 231, 298, 311, 469, 622. IGIns. I,
1080, 1104, 1152, 10 ; 1159, 6 ; 1220, 16 ; 1414, 4. Uerayehvcoc SGDI. 4245, 250.
Ditt. Sylloge 373,5.
58
SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
tp]v(o)v would be more correct. (For the complete inscription,
of which SGDI has only a and part of b, cf. PH. 37.) By the
side of this compound yerd occurs in the same inscription, in line
29 of b. Cf. Megarian above. Cretan shows only irehd in the
early inscriptions, as SGDI. 4991, III, 27 [middle 5th cent.],
etc., and instances occur as late as 167 B. C, in SGDI. 5150, 14,
etc. The first appearance of yerd seems to be in the second cen-
tury, as SGDI. 5040, 34, etc. These detailed statements show
that TreSa is found in the five dialects Arcadian, Lesbian, Boeotian,
Theran and Cretan, taking precedence chronologically in each case
of the earliest example of fterd. In Argive there are several com-
pounds of irehd indicating its previous independent existence in
this dialect, and the name of the month corresponding to Attic
MeTayeiTvi&v gives similar evidence for Megarian, Rhodian,
Calymnian, and Coan. This is summarized in the following
table :
fieri
ireSa
Compounds of irefia
Arcadian
early 5th cent.
Lesbian
after 334
390
Boeotian
end 3d cent.
end 3d cent.
Theran
end 3d cent.
4th cent.
Cretan
2d cent.
middle 5th cent.
Argive
2d half 4th cent.
before 405
Megarian
2d cent.
end 3d or beginning 2d cent.
Rhodian
ca. 220
no absolute dates
Calymnian
ca. 323
late
Coan
3d or 2d cent.
3d or 2d cent.
I. Accompaniment.
1. ovv.
a. Helpful {cf. p. 53 above).
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 177, 6 [355], MavaacbWov fih (rood euros o~vv
t&iM. Perhaps Hoff. 59 [560], to'S' ayaX] pa— [//,' ireXeacre
avu vlov ' ' A] p^e/3/ioi; o-o [</>] ifyra/ (Frohner's restoration) may also
be placed here. But no other editor reads a preposition in the
text, so the example is at all events a doubtful one.
Cyprian. SGDI. 120, 4, rt\(X)^a 'Ovaa-iycUo tw ' A7ro'\(X)a>w
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 59
tw MaytpLd) ovedw/ce, crv(y) Tv^a. Cf . iv tv%cu and v Tvx a > Ch. IV,
III, 3, p. 78.
b. Inclusive (cf. p. 53 above).
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 131, 2 [ca, 450], XapfiaverG) Be t&v Ovo/jlcvcov
o-^eXo? ev, bnolov av OeXrjt,, crvv t[tji] 6cr<f>vt. There are other later
examples.
Boeotian. SGDI. 489, 38 [end 3rd cent.], elfiev iroTiBeBofiivov
Xpovov Rvj3(o\v hrivo^iCa^ feria irenapa fiovecrcri, crovv Xirirvs Sia/cartr)?
ft/can TrpoftcLTVS crovv rjyvs xwCkfyfi, Cf. also BCH. 14, 379, no.
29, 11 [before end 3rd cent.].
Locrian. SGDI. 1500, 1 [229], nrarpb^ apt,£rj\oio HoXutptrov
via crvv Urirm Bepiceo. This is in such artificial language (in a
metrical inscription) that it is of little value.
Heraclean. SGDI. 4629, I, 89 [4th cent], apiO^bs opcov — hrra
crvv T(ot €7rl ra? 7r\eu/)ta8o?, hrl Be ras TpiaicovTaireBa) oktq) crvv rm
T€T/!3a)<t> pcoLy — eirl Be Ta> — hrra crvv rcot, Trap rav fiv!3\lvav p.acryakav.
Megarian. SGDI. 3052, 28 [end of 3rd or beginning 2nd
cent.], [t£/a]<x lepeoretas crvv eKaTocrrai k\cu Tpta/co] o-Tat Bpa^fial
irevTaKLCf^iXiai.
Corinthian. CIGP. et Ins. I, 203, 11 [Koman], tovs £a>/iote
crvvjw 7repi,ft6\q) koi irpovdo). There are other examples of similar
date.
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 823, 9 [4th cent], eirl toll rofiai tov
arvKoficiTa, Trap . . . [<r]w Tafc irvaXicri. There are other ex-
amples of this date and later.
Calymnian. SGDI. 3591b, 26 [2nd or 1st cent], ra viroXonra
T(bv xprjfJLciTcov tovtcov a yiverai crvv t[o]k<oi.
Coan. SGDI. 3624b, 41 [ca. 205], KXem'a? ical Ev^fi/3por[o<;
to~\ I ®ev [£] cbpov crvv toll Tifiat, tov oXvov X.
c. Giving the eponymous officer.
Locrian. SGDI. 1478, 46 [1st half 5th cent], XaXetW tow crvv
' AvTL<f>CLTa fOlKt]Tai\.
Rhodian. SGDI. 4119, 3 [3rd cent], nrpocrTaTavV^ t&v crvv
UeccncrTpci[T(OL. Later examples are SGDI. 3751, 2, 8 [ca. 170],
3842, 4, 4239, 4, 14 and 3754, 1.
60 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Theran. SGDI. 4706, 1 [end 3rd cent], eirl tyopwv tcov avv
<&oifioTe'\£i. A similar phrase occurs in lines 109 and 270.
Coan. SGDI. 3624b, 29 [ca. 205], irpoardTai ro\ avv X[a]p(-
v<o[l. Another example occurs SGDI. 3630, 5 [ca. 3rd cent.],
and later ones in SGDI. 3678, 3679, 3680 and PH. 156, 159.
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, V, 6 [middle 5th cent], oV 6 A10\a\-
Xeu(9) arapTO? i/coa/uov oi avv Kv[\]\m.
These examples suggest that in this use, as well as in those of
the two preceding categories, <rvv remained longer than in that of
general accompaniment. There is no other instance of a-vv in
Locrian, except a late example in the inclusive use (cf. above),
and in the same inscription perd is used in almost an inclusive
sense (cf. below, p. 63). In Theran and Coan there are no other
examples of a-vv and Cretan shows no other instance of avv in the
Gortynian code, although there are fragmentary examples of about
the same date in the meaning of general accompaniment (cf. be-
low). The use of crvv in giving the eponymous officer is very
frequent in the later Cretan inscriptions. For the contrast be-
tween a-vv and p>erd in this usage cf. p. 62, where a comparison
with the usage of af4<f>{ and irepi to give the same idea is also made.
d. In general.
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 112 [660-610], IIa(/*)/fo 6 <?o\o<f>a>vio<i avv
Lesbian. SGDI. 321, 1 [130 A. D.], ore avv rr) Zepaarr) 2a/9et'-
vtjl iyevofirjv iraph t© Mepvovi.
Megarian. SGDI. 3045A, 11 [end 6th cent], ... a xPVP"™
[e? Meyapa hf\aviro) avv ra> Meyap[ei. This is the restoration
of Dittenberger and Purgold in 01. V, 22. Another example,
with the preposition partly restored, occurs in B, 22, of the same
inscription.
Corinthian. SGDI. 3188, 6 [archaic], Ifyaft/LteV??? — avv odp,-
[a>]t rooe aa/JLa fcaaiyvijTOio irovrjdri.
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 917, 10 [4th cent], ra lap[(o]fiaTa—
7r^fJL7T€a[6a^L avv rat, t[wi/] ^inoavpltov \ir6fi\iraL.
Cretan. SGDI. 4992, IV, b, 5 [middle 5th cent], . . . a$<o at
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 61
tea Xrjt avv fiaiTvpa [i. A similar fragmentary example of some-
what later date is SGDI. 5092, 3, 4. For a discussion of these
examples cf. under perd, p. 64. An example of avv which may
perhaps indicate the Rhodian usage occurs in the beginning of the
Abou-Simbel inscription, the Ionic portion of which has been
quoted above (Hoff. Ill, 112). For the complete inscription cf.
Rohl IGA. no. 482. The sentence in question is Tavra kypasjrav,
rol avv ^afifiarlxv ©€o/c\(e )o? eirXeov. Since there are Doric phe-
nomena here, and since some of the following sentences are un-
doubtedly Rhodian (so given SGDI. 4109a), the assumption that
Rhodian syntax is shown may not be altogether unwarranted.
2. fierd.
a. Giving the eponymous officer.
Lesbian. SGDI. 304A, 45 [319-317], avdypayfrai Be rofe
ra/JLias tois fier* 'HpatcXeiTG) to yfrd^ia-fia,
Delphian. SGDI. 2504A, 5, p. 934 [344-352], lepofivvfiovovvrcov
T(Ofx fxera Aa [o^pv Kai ®P a [pvSdov.
Rhodian. SGDI. 3777, 4 [75], Tip,a(Be)vTa (nr[b tov kolv\o\v
Twi/] /4€*r' a(y)r \ov o~v\ varpar [ei><ra/x.] ev [a>] v.
Cretan. SGDI. 5015, 25 [after 183], af & h? airoaravTi Top-
tvvi fiev ol 7reS' ' Ap%e [fidyp /copfioi — [Kvcoaoi Be <*(/>' & h? amo^a-
tclvti ol 7rcS' JLvpvOOevla tcopfioi.
The date of these examples is in each dialect later than that of
the first occurrence of fierd to express general accompaniment.
Consequently they are of interest only in comparison with the
examples of avv (cf. p. 64) and of irepi and a/JL<f>i (cf. Ch. Ill,
I, B, 2, p. 30 f.) in giving the eponymous officer. The material
is however so scanty that with the exception of Delphian, Argive,
Rhodian and Cretan no dialect shows examples of the use of
more than one of these prepositions in such a use. In Delphian
the example of nerd is somewhat earlier than that of 7re/3/, and
possibly its use with a word of religious import like lepofivvfMovovv-
tcov suggests also that it is the more formal and archaic usage.
The Rhodian instances of irepi and p>eTa are so late that they are
62
SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
of little importance. The Cretan example of nreSd is interesting
because the phrase t&v <tvv 'Apx€fid%m occurs in the opening lines
of the same inscription. Doubtless the use of irehd is due to the
general encroachment upon <rvv which was prevalent at this time
in the dialects. This is supported bj the fact that o-vv occurs in
a forced and unnatural phrase in giving the eponymous officer in
a still earlier inscription, SGDI. 5007, 4 [3rd cent.], suggesting
that by this time the composer was awkward in his use of it
The facts are shown in summarized form in the following table :
anfr
irept
avv
On t"rt
Ionic
4th cent.
Arcadian
early
Lesbian
319
Thessalian
Roman
Phocian
Roman
Delphian
336-326
344-332
Locrian
1st half 5th cent
Elean
middle 4th cent.
Laconian
1st or 2nd cent.
Megarian
1st cent.
Argive
5th cent.
150
Rhodian
2nd cent.
3rd cent.
75
Theran
end 3rd cent.
Coan
205
Cretan
late
middle 5th cent.
183
b. In general.
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 177, 12 [355], iXeyteOemos 8e teal Qvcraov—
real Kpt,devTO<; (ruvaSt/ceiv fiera Mctvfoa.
JSTachr. d. Konigl. Ges. d. Wiss. 1895, 353, 16
cent.], el a\vo(riai /ca/cpidfj rj t<ov ^rj^dr^v \pr~\k toZ?
For an example of similar phraseology cf. Locrian
Arcadian.
[early 5th
foucidrcu [s.
below.
Lesbian. SGDI. 281 A, 12 [after 334], tc\v Se woXiv teal tc\
I/O [a] $iapTrdaai<; fiera t<ov Xaiarav iverrpj^ae.
Boeotian. SGDI. 705, 2 [355-346], iroXe/xov tov] e7ro[\efiiov]
Bo«btoI ire [8c\ t&v (rvfifid)((ov 7r] ot tg>? aaeftlovras. For complete
examples of later date cf. SGDI. 488, 153 [223-197], etc.
Phocian. SGDI. 1539, 28 [after 181], trwBi [*] a\el 8k 6 Upo-
Ta\ila<; fiera, r&v ap^ovTcov t^? Si/cas.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 63
Delphian. SGDI. 2502, 133 [353-325], irpoaipeTol wrb rav
ttoXios ftera Ta? fiovXas 'Etv fJL&vBas.
Aetolian. SGDI. 1413, 6 [197-159], nde/iev] dy&vxs teal
QvcrCas ra ''A.Odva ra Ni/ca(f>6pG) fiera tcov aBeX<j>cov ical tov Bdfiov*
Locrian. SGDI. 1478, 43 [1st half 5th cent.], XPVf jLaTa *nafia-
TO<f>ayelaTai to pepo? fiera foi/ciarav. Biofioo-ac hop<pov tov vojiiov.
The meaning of this much discussed passage* is probably that
suggested by Kohl, IGA 321 "bonaque eius publicantur, pars cum
servis. ' '
Elean. 01. V, 45, 7 [306], toI Be crTpaTayol eirtfie [Xei'adcov
peTci] Ta[$ /3]ou\a9.
Keraclean. SGDI. 4629, I, 124 [4th cent.], to)?— iroXiavotiw
— iroOeXofieva)^ peT* avTO? avTcov — Be/ca avBpas.
Laconian. SGDI. 4568, 50 [86], igeo-Tco qlvtoIs iTri/caOfjo-Oai
fjL€Ta tu>v i<f>6pc0v ev irpoeBpiai.
Megarian. SGDI. 3087, 8 [ca. 1st cent], HaXdtcovBe tov^kv-
Bav fiao-ikuos al<f>viBi(a<; e7n/3aX6vTO<; /lera 6%Xov nroXXov.
Corinthian. SGDI. 3206, 132 [3rd or 2nd cent], iyBave^eaBcj
fi€Ta tov aXXov apyvpiov kclOw hrdvw yeypaTTTai.
Argive. SGDI. 3342, 50 [early 2nd cent.], eXvaev d>Blva Ato?
7rat? /xera M [o] ipav Aa^etrt'? Te Mala ayavd.
Rhodian. SGDI. 3749, 87 [ca. 220], toI Be alpeBevTes fieTa t&v
7rapayeyev7]fi€va)v ef 'lepaTrvrv [a?] irpea^evrdv optcigdvTcov.
Theran. SGDI. 4706, 4 [end 3rd cent.], TaBe &€0€to— -'Ettuc-
Tryra Tpivvov fieTa /cvpiov 'Tirepei'Bovs tov (dTacrvXeovTOt.
Calymnian. SGDI. 3592, 5 [2nd or 1st cent], . . . v tcls
Bifca? a? eBi'/cafe . . . peTa hrvrpoirtov <S>t\i . . .
Coan. SGDI. 3619, 11 [ca. 265], eTnfieXrjBevTa) Be /cat Ta? ow-
yopevcno? tov aTe<f>dvov ftera tov aywvoBera.
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, III, 27 [middle 5th cent], Ta Te F k
avras eyev — tea [I t [o> Kapnrc [w] tw evB [o] Oev ireBa t<ov eirifiaXXov-
[rcov] fjiolpav Xa%e[y.
Except in Arcadian and Elean, each of which shows but one
*Cf. Roberts, Introd. to Grk. Epigraphy p. 354, Vischer, Eh. Mus. 26, 72,
Gilbert, Griech. Staats-Alt. II, 40 ftn., Meister, Ber. Konigl. Sachs. Ges. d. Wiss.
1895, 325, etc.
64 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
example of fierd, the preposition appears at least two or three times
in each of the dialects quoted above. An examination of these
examples in comparison with those of <rvv in the same use given
on p. 60 shows that in the dialects /-texa crowded out <rvv to a less
extent than in Attic. In many cases the date of the earliest in-
stance of fieTa is late enough that the preference for this preposi-
tion may be due to icoivr\ influence, and only Arcadian, Locrian and
Oretan show early examples of it. In Arcadian the paucity of
material prevents ascribing to anything but accident the fact that
there is no example of <rvv, as well as the fact that the one example
of nerd happens to be with the plural. The same must be said of
Locrian, in which avv occurs but once, in the usage where the
eponymous officer is given by the use of the preposition, and the
only early examples of perd in this use, both with the plural, are
found in this same inscription.* Since, however, one of these in-
stances of fierd (quoted above, p. 60) expresses such close connec-
tion as to recall the inclusive use of <rvv (as does also the Arcadian
example of M^Ta), some encroachment upon <rvv may be indicated.
In Cretan there are ^ve early examples of 7reSd (SGDI. 4991,
III, 27, X, 49, 4985, 5), three of which are with the plural, and
one with a collective noun, in contrast to one example of <rvv with
the eponymous officer, in the Gortynian code, and two fragmentary
examples of general accompaniment of about the same date. In
later inscriptions ireBd is common, but crvv occurs only in giving
the eponymous officer, in which use it is frequent. Perhaps some
slight restriction in the use of the latter preposition may be as-
sumed here. Ionic, Megarian, Corinthian, Argive and Khodian
show early examples of the use of <rvv to express general accom-
paniment. The Ionic example is of interest as a parallel to the
frequent use of crvv in Ionic writers, as Herodotus, etc., and to the
Ionicism of Xenophon in this point. The epic style of the Corin-
thian example detracts from its value as an index to the prose
usage of the dialect. Theran and Coan show later instances of
♦The other examples of firrd are SGDI. 1504A, 4 [ca. 299], and three restored
passages, SGDI. 1504BA, 4, 1505, 2 [3rd or 2nd cent.], and CIGS. Ill, 269 [2nd
cent.] in all of which the plural is used.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS.
65
(tvv in this use, the example from Thera being in the same in-
scription which furnishes the earliest example of fierd. A limita-
tion of (tvv to the inclusive use seems to be evident in Boeotian.
But the inscriptions are late enough to prevent any certainty that
it is an independent dialectic phenomenon, and it may be merely
an indication of the influence of Attic which is perhaps seen in
some other points (cf. p. 49). Heraclean and Calymnian may
perhaps agree with Boeotian in this respect, but the lack of ma-
terial does not permit anything more than the suggestion of this
possibility. That Cyprian shows no example of f^erd and none
of a-vv except in the use of helpful accompaniment is doubtless
accidental, in view of the scarcity of material. That (tvv existed
here in other uses is shown by the example of this preposition
expressing instrument or manner (cf. II, p. 68). Likewise Del-
phian has an example from the early fourth century, and Elean
one of the sixth century, of a-vv in this instrumental use (cf. p.
68), which shows that stress can not be laid upon the lack of ex-
amples of the preposition expressing general accompaniment.
The following table gives the above facts in summarized form :
<rvv
fierd
Help-
fuf
Inclusive.
Giving Eponymous
Officer.
General.
Ionic
355
(560?)
ca. 450
660-610
355
Arcadian
early 5th cent.
Cyprian
early
Lesbian
130 A. D.
after 334
Boeotian
end 3d cent.
355-346
Phocian
after 181
Delphian
end 1st cent.
353-325
Aetolian
197-159
Locrian
229
1st half 5th cent.
1st half 5th cent.
Elean
306
Heraclean
4th cent.
4th cent.
Megarian
Corinthian
end 3d cent.
end 6th cent.
ca. 1st cent.
archaic
3d or 2d cent.
Argive
4th cent.
4th cent.
early 2d cent.
Rhodian
3d cent.
(660-610)
ca. 220
Theran
end 3d cent.
end 3d cent.
end 3d cent.
Calymnian
2d or 1st cent.
2d or 1st cent.
Coan
ca. 205.
ca. 205
ca. 205
ca. 265
Cretan
middle 5th cent.
middle 5th cent.
middle 5th cent.
66 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
II. Manner.
The use of a sociative preposition to express manner is occa-
sionally found in Sanskrit, as R.V. 3, 12, 6, Indragnl, navatim
puro ddsapatnir adhunutam sakam ehena karmaiid, "Indra and
Agni, you have shaken ninety demon-ruled cities with one act,"
and R. V. 10, 32, 3 jaya patim vahati vagnund sumat, "the wife
leads the husband home with a joyous cry. ff (This is the only
occurrence of sumat as a preposition, but in Avestan mat is com-
mon, as Yasna 11, 4, 5, Ys. 57, 26, etc.) In Latin cum occurs
except in common phrases (where no preposition is used), as Cic.
Fin. 4, 22, 61, cum summa tua dignitate, and this use of the so-
ciative preposition remains in the Romance languages. In Gothic
mip is common, as Mark 4, 16, suns mip fahadai nimand ita, evdeoos
fi€Ta x a P^ Xafifidvovaiv avrov, and mit is used in Old High Ger-
man, as mit freuuij mit heilu leven, "to live with joy, with good
fortune, " and in Modern German as well. Anglo-Saxon uses
mid, as Be. 68, 2, selle mid eadmedum his waepn, "Let him with
humility give up his weapons. M It occurs with the dative also,
as well as with the instrumental shown in this example, and, in
the phrase mid ryht, with the accusative. An example from Early
English is R. of GL, p. 24, tdk hire forp wip hym mid gret honour
ynowz, but wip becomes the regular preposition in this use as
elsewhere, as Alis. 1121, wip gret leore and wip gret schond.
Lithuanian sometimes uses sit as Mark 4, 16, tojaus tu su dzaugs-
mu priima, "immediately receive it with gladness/' but this is
less correct than the use of the participle modifying the subject
of the verb. In Old Bulgarian su is sometimes used, as Mark 4,
16, abie su radostiyq priemlyatu e, evBeay; fiera x a pfc ^dufiavovaiv
olvto'v.
Greek literature shows this usage with perd as Plato, Apol. 34c,
ItceTeveiv fierk Satcpvcov, Gorg. 526c, oalay; /cal /act' a\r)0eCas. It
does not occur in the Attic inscriptions of the classical period, but
is common later, as CIA. II, 334a, 1, b, 12 [270-262], /*er'
aafaXetas, etc. Examples of vvv expressing manner are not fre-
quent. Thucydides shows six examples of its use with abstracts,
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 67
as 1, 84, 2, fw> iiraivw (cf. Mommsen, p. 376). Plato has sev-
eral instances in evidently poetic passages, as Pol. IV, 424e,
<tvv 7ro\\rj aaeXyeCa. Examples of crvv in a meaning that is partly
manner partly instrumental occur in poetry, as Od. 5, 293, crvv
ve<f>e\€€cri tcakxrfyev yalav, Aesch. Sept. 885, hirjWa'xOe crvv <7t£a/?o>,
but in prose and in Attic inscriptions the simple dative takes its
place for the instrumental sense.
1. /JLCTCi.
Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 13B, 13 [394], & (w) [owfcrfl] a* £*X*V
'Afivvra/j, /j,7]8e Xa\/aS[ea? %®pt]"? etcaTepovs, aWd fiera /wa[?
yv<bfjLri<;. This is the reading of all editors but Hoffmann, who
prefers fiLa [v yvca^v, because elsewhere throughout the inscrip-
tion there is no Atticism as the a in fuas must here be (Smyth,
Ionic Dialect, p. 339). But to admit an Atticism in the phonetic
character of the inscription is probably safer than to assume with-
out additional evidence such a syntactic variation from the usage
of literature and the other dialects.
Lesbian. SGDI. 304A, 28 [319-317], t' d\\a irpdacru /mct'
evvolas.
Delphian. SGDI. 2072, 22 [198], nrapa^evelv — fierd irdaa^
evvoias.
Megarian. SGDI. 3089, 3 [Roman], i/CT€v<o<; teal TrpoQvpxm /cai
fie\rd 7rap]p7)(ri a? i^prj/juaTL^ev.
Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 1, 9 [ca. 200], 8[i/caic#;~] Trpocrevrjvey-
fjLevov ttclctlv fjierd tt}? 7rdar)<; Kadapei \oTrf\ to?.
Rhodian. SGDI. 3750a, 15 [ca. 201], p^rd irdaa^ enrovhd^ kgl\
(juXoTifA [ta?] ciir [o] KpCvacrOaL avrofc.
Calymnian. SGDI. 3569, 3 [4th or 3rd cent.], irdvra irpdaawv
Bl€T€T€\€K€ TOLL TZaTpL^L /JL€TCl IT [a] <Ta? €VVOLCL$.
Cretan. SGDI. 5016, 16 [after 183], brLTe\ed6evTa>v he tov-
t(o[v] 7reS[a Ta?]^hwi/ Olcov evvoLas.
Of the eight dialects which show p>erd in this use, Ionic, Les-
bian, and Megarian furnish but one example each, Rhodian two,
and Calymnian three. The earliest instance is dated 394, and
most of the others are much later, so that it is not certain whether
68 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
the usage was a general Greek one, or is widespread because of the
influence of the kocvtj.
2. avv.
Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 28, ftaaiXexs kcl<s a ttto'Xi? tcaredqav l(v)
ra(y) BCov — avv op/cois.
Delphian. SGDI. 25 61 A, 20 [early 4th cent.], eSoge—avfju fa-
<£ot?. The same phraseology, except that the singular is used,
occurs in SGDI. 2615, 3, 2621, 3 (restored), 2624, 4, 2627, 1,
2844, 2845. Cf. Sect -ra? yfrdfov in 2642, 43, etc.
Elean. SGDI. 1156, 4 [6th cent.], igaypecov zeal iviroicov avv
/3(oXal TrevTcifcaTicov afXaveco? ical ociuoi ttXwQvovti.
Argive. SGDI. 3342, 63 [ca. 200], avvavrrjaas avv cnrXoiaiv
Xaairo fievo? ^pvaeois.
It will be seen that the Elean example in this list expresses
manner only so far as accordance, i ' with the consent of, ' ' may be
thus classified. The remaining three examples might almost as
well be placed under a category of instrumental uses. (Cf. the
literary and Attic use of avv above.) Since this is quite in con-
trast with the clearcut meaning to be found in most of the ex-
amples of A*€Ta, it may be of interest to state briefly here the
methods of expressing instrument in other languages. Usually
the simple instrumental case (Latin ablative, Gothic dative)
serves this purpose, but the same sociative prepositions which are
used to express manner are found sometimes also expressing instru-
ment, except in Sanskrit, where the variation may doubtless be
referred to the fact that this language possesses a rather large
number of sociative prepositions. Sanskrit saha sometimes
occurs, as Kathas. 37, 62, prajvalyagnirii sahendhanaih "having
caused the fire to burn with fuel. ' 9 Latin shows cum in this use
in ante-classical, poetic and scientific literature, as Cat. 98, 3, cum
lingua linger e, Verg. Aen. 9, 816, cum suo gurgite accepit venien-
tem (fluvius), and the same usage appears in the Eomance lan-
guages, with Italian con, French avec, etc. In Gothic mi(> is
rarely used, as Matth. 26, 72, afaiaih mi(> aipa swarands, r)pvf)aaTo
ikcra opKov, but the preposition is more common in Old High Ger-
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 69
man, as mit fiuru brennen, "to burn with fire" and its use is
regular in Modern German. Anglo-Saxon regularly uses mid,
as Or. 158, 32, mid ane stane ofworfen, "struck with a stone/ ?
the dative and accusative occurring, as well as the instrumental.
The Modern English use of with to express this is seen in Early-
English also, as K. of Gl. p. 174, pe hynng was above yarmed
wyp haubert noble and ryche. The occasional use of su in Lithu-
anian is a Germanism due to the influence of mit. Old Bulgarian
sometimes uses su, as Matth. 26, 72, otuvruze se su kletvoyq,
r)pvr)<rcno fierd op/cov.
III. fierd "after."
Greek seems to be the only language which developed the tem-
poral meaning ' ' after" in a sociative preposition. (For the origin
of the sense of "after" in fierd cf. p. 55 above). Mommsen
(1. c, p. 42) points out that yard often means "after" in order
or series in certain parts of the Odyssey (frequently in the eleventh
book), but has not yet taken on a temporal sense. In later Greek
literature this use is common, especially in the phrases p^rd ravra,
etc. In the dialects quoted below examples are fairly frequent,
except in Ionic and Phocian in each of which there are but two,
and in Boeotian and Megarian which each give but one. (The
dialects show no examples of the local use which might be ex-
pected to occur.)
Ionic. CIGS. I, 298, 20 [ca. 270], irp6]croBov — tt/hwtoi? pLer[a
ra Xepd.
Lesbian. SGDI. 213, 20 [390], apxei irporav^ 6 ireSd KoXwvov,
e[/Lt <l>]w/cat Be 6 ireSd ' Kpi'tr [t] ap^ov.
Boeotian. CIGS. I, 339, 1 [Boinan], irapa^eivacav rbv eviavjov
(Km? Ka fier 1 JLv/3oi<7/cov dpyei.
Phocian. CIGS. I, 228, 2 [2nd cent.], rdv /ca,Ta/3]o[\dv rdv]
TplrcLv TrvXalas \oTTG>pi,v\ a? ra? perd rdv ^ovkap^iav T. . .
Delphian. SGDI. 2561A, 40 [ca. 400], /carayopeiTO) ev rat
aXiai toll /JLerd fiov/cdTia.
Locrian. SGDI. 1478, 13, [1st half 5th cent.],-™ 6p 9 ov—eird-
yeiv /JLerd Tpidcpovra ferea.
70 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Laconian. SGDI. 4689, 29 [90], h Be toll tto^ttcll dyeLarco
MvaaiaTpaTO*; — fiera Be ravra al irapdevoL.
Megarian. SGDI. 3078, 11 [2nd cent.], /cal e<f>oBov iirl rdv
(3ov\dv teal rov BdpLov 7r/oarot9 p,erd rd lepd.
Corinthian. SGDI. 3206, 56 [3rd or 2nd cent.], e/x m™> Ev-
/C\€L(0L TOM fJL€Td TTpVTdVLV 'ApUTTOfieVT).
Argive. SGDI. 3339, 20 [2nd half 4th cent], fierd 8i tovto
— igekOovo-a.
Rhodian. SGDI. 3749, 30 [220], el Be tea pLerd top yey pap-
fievOV XpOVOV pL€T<nre p,7r<DVTCLL.
Theran. SGDI. 4772, 2 [4th cent.], 'AprapLLTLov TerdpraL TreS'
ItcdBa OvaeovTL lapov.
Calymnian. SGDI. 3585, 35 [ca. 320], irodoBov ttotI rdv
i/c]fc\r]<TLav puerd rd l(e)pd.
Coan. SGDI. 3720, 11 [3rd or 2nd cent.], tol re XolttoI toI
[/t]€T« ravra alpevpLevoi.
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, II, 13 [middle 5th cent], al Be ica
BeBap,v\a~\p,evav 7re8' apuepav [o]$€\oi>, al Be K? ev vvttl } Bv 68e\6v<;.
CHAPTEK IV.
Peculiarities Shown by Various Other Prepositions
in Certain Dialects.
I. Odd case uses.
1. civev? with the accusative, in Elean.
SGDI. 1157, 8 [archaic], . . . Ta? avevs ficoXav ical Zapov
irXaOvovra. Although the literary uses and the inscriptional oc-
currences of this preposition outside of Elean are uniformly with
the genitive, this development to an accusative use is a natural one,
in view of the Greek fondness for this case which becomes so
evident in the later language. (Cf. irapd with the accusative for
the dative and 7rpo? with the accusative for the genitive, II, 3, 4,
pp. 75 and 76.) The cognate prepositions in Germanic occur
with the accusative only, as Goth. John 15, 5, patei inuh mik ni
magup taujan ni waiht, ort, %a>/3t? i/iov ov 8vva<r0€ iroielv ovhev,
and OHG. dno mih, " without me." This might suggest that
the Elean use is a retention of an early construction instead of an
independent dialectic development.
2. airo and e/c with the dative, in Arcado-Cyprian.
a. airo.
Arcadian. Rohl, Im. 2, 6, 22 [archaic], airexoiiivw; /car&ppev-
repov yevo? rjvai a/xara irdvra anv to* Upol.
SGDI. 1222, 4 [Pre-Roman], iv apApais jpial airv rat av to
aSi/CTj/Mi yevrjTOi.
Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 8, v hvfdvoi — airv ral $a& ral fiaaiXefos
— to(z/) x&pov.
SGDI. 59, 3, BadXpafi] 6 'AfiiSfiiTuccov tg> ' Ait6\(\)(opi to> Afiv-
tc\m a<fi &t fol Ta? ev^wXa? en-en^e.
b. etc.
Acradian. SGDI. 1222, 49 [Pre-Roman], to> fiiv epydrav
iaSeWovre; e? toZ epyoi. A compound occurs in line 54, tto9 ral
e7re5 toI epyoi yeypapfi^evai crv\ yypdcj> [ot.
71
72 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 5, Bopevai e£ tcol foc/ccoi tcol /3aoY\e/ro? #a?
ef rai ttt6\i]l apyvpco rd[Xavrov] d rd[\avTOV. Similar expres-
sions occur in lines 11 and 24.
An instance of this construction seems to occur also in a dialect
which, except for this example, shows practically no material for
the study of its prepositions, namely, in Pamphylian, SGDI.
1267, '4, S'jqaKetcpafjLevciy; if- eiriTri[8']ija4S ttoXlv at. . . .
This construction of airo and e/c does not occur in literary
Greek, and is to be considered an independent dialectic develop-
ment within Arcado-Cyprian (cf. Brugmann, Gr. Gram. pp. 398,
437). The general preference here for the dative rather than
the genitive is shown by the. use oitrepi and irrre'p also with this
case. (Cf. Ch. II, III, 1. b, p. 35 ; IV, 2. b, p. 46 ; and Ch. Ill,
I, 2, b, p. 62.) Delbriick in Brugmann 's Grundriss III, p. 668,
suggests as a possible reason for this development the influence of
iv with the dative. But no cause is apparent for the suscepti-
bility of these dialects alone to the influence of a preposition so
common everywhere as iv.
II. Odd meanings in common case uses.
1. iiri with the genitive for the dative, in Boeotian.
CIG. 1625, 66 [Roman], 6 Be — TavpoOvrrjaras Aa tg> fieyio-Tcp
e\rl t?)? 7ro\€»9. There is one example of this construction in an
Attic inscription (Meisterh. 3 p. 217), namely, CIA. 732, 2
[after 307], o-Te#] ai/o? ifi ob rd Bvo [TT.
2. Kara with the genitive for the accusative, in Locrian.
SGDI. 1508, 9 [2nd cent.], iv(f>aiveT[a) Be 6 OeXcov ttot rd]v
(Sovkdv, naff 5)v tca\ ra? iv<f>avi'a<s.
SGDI. 1479, 15 [5th cent.], at h? 6 fa<roro9 ttot top paarrov
Bucdty)Tai tca(r) Ta? <rvv/3o\d<;.
SGDI. 1478, 1 [1st half 5th cent.], hf NatnraicTov Ka(r)rMt
diripoLKia.
SGDI. 1478, 33 [1st half 5th cent], tovs eirifoicpov; iv
NavTraterov rdv Bitcav irpoBucpov dpecnai 7to(t)tou? Bi/cao-Tijpas, dpeoTcu
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 73
ical ho/iev iv 'QiroevTi Kara /reo? avra/iapdv. Aocpp&v rcov "Tiroicva/ii-
Sicov TrpoarTcLrav KaTaarraaaL, . . .
The first three examples are evidently quite similar. The fre-
quent Kara rdv avfifioXdv of the Delphian inscriptions (SGDI.
1715, 5, 1718, 9, etc.) and also a Locrian manumission decree
SGDI. 1477, 5, k] ard to o~v/ifio\ov are compared in support of the
singular number which the reading of the genitive makes possible
in the second example.
The acceptance of the genitive for the third example, and the
interpretation tcatyr&vhe — Attic /card rdBe avoids the harsh ellipsis
which the reading of the accusative brings about. For to assume
a reading rovSe, standing for rdvhe rdv vo'/jlov (Vischer, Rh. Mus.
26, 46), is to admit what Dittenberger CIGS. Ill, p. 85, urges
"a Graecarum sermone aliena est. M Rohl, IGA. 321, proposed
the reading ica(r) ro'vSe d^yearrco top vo/iov ^irifOLKia^ supposing the
omission on the stone due to the carelessness of the engraver, while
the emendation tca(r) tovSc (tov vo'/jlov) is the suggestion of Bursian,
Litt. Centralblatt 1870, 155. Curtius, Studien 2, 446, adopted
the genitive, but compared examples which are not parallel, as
Ar. Ran. 101, 6/ivvvac icaO' Up<bv y etc.
In regard to the fcard fios of the last example given above,
various suggestions have been made. The interpretation of f eo?
as genitive singular of the pronoun of the third person, construed
with Kara like the Attic accusative with Kara. (= icaO? eawdv),
is supported by the three other Locrian examples of this construc-
tion, but is rendered difficult by the context. Rohl, IGA. 321,
inserts after hucacnr/pas the words ical 86/iev iv 'Ottocvti Kara
peoDv avra/iapov ical, and reads Ao/cpov rdv ^TiroKva/il^iov in the
accusative, translating "coloni Nau pactum proficiscentes prae
ceteris litem instituunto coram iudicibus et contra se permittunto
Opunto uno die, et instituito et contra se permittito litem Opunte
uno die Locrus Hypoknemidius. ' ' Meister, Ber. K. Sachs. Ges.
d. Wiss. 1895, 317 fi\, improves upon this by interpreting /card
feo? in the light of the other Locrian examples (comparing Hdt.
7, 158, to /car' v/iea<s rc'Se diravra vtto ftapftdpoiai ve/ieTai, for the
74 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
meaning) and translating "Der Hypoknemidische Lokrer soil sich
also dem in Opus klagenden Mfoucos soviel auf ihm an-
kommt, am selben tage stellen," thus avoiding any addition to
the text. But in the same publication for 1896 he returns, p. 43,
to Rohl's interpretation "contra ae," because of Wackernagel 's
contention that Kara peos is not parallel to Ka{r)T(ovoe, and his
reminder that "bei Processen in Opus ein Lokrer nur als Be-
klagter sein konne, " and considers the whole passage 7to(t)tou?
SitcaaTrjpas dpea-rai epanaleptic.
The flaw in Meister's first suggestion is, as pointed out by
Danielsson, Eranos 3, 69, his interpretation of dpecrai differently
in lines 32 and 34. He states, p. 324, that Mfcav apeaTai = Attic
Siktjv \axelv, expressing the relation of the accuser to the judge,
while (rdv hUav) dpecrai teal Bofiev he interprets, in the light of
Hymn. e« r E/3/i. 312, So? Be hiicqv koX oYfo irapd Zrjvl Kpovicovi,
etc., as expressing the opposing relations of the two parties to each
other. His second view gives the same meaning to the second
apeo-rat, as to the first, but brings in an equally grave difficulty by
making Bofiev correlative to apeo-rat; and that the accused could
present himself for trial upon the day of the accusation, no matter
how great distances must be travelled to accomplish this, is absurd,
even if there were no other trouble with this interpretation. Dit-
tenberger, CIGS. Ill, p. 87, concluded that tcarafeos must be an
unknown word, or contain an engraver's error. Three attempts
at emendation have been made. Oikonomides, the first editor of
the inscription, read Kara f e(r)o?, which has been rather generally
adopted, but cannot be very satisfactorily interpreted. Rieden-
auer, Hermes, 7, 111, proposed Kara \xp\^ "in Bedurfniss-
falle, ,, which is neither parallel to the Homeric examples he
adduces, nor satisfactory in itself. E. Meyer, Forsch. zu Alt.
Gesch. I, 303, suggested kclt* ,a/reo? and Danielsson, Eranos 3, 72,
takes this up again and advocates it, considering afeo? or a/reo?
the genitive of a stem ape*-, apoa- "morning," and making the
phrase serve merely for closer definition of avra^iapdv, equivalent
in sense to ew rr)v avpiov.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 75
3. irapd with the accusative for the dative, in eight dialects.
Thessalian. SGDI. 345, 13 [214], fieairohi tee ovv koI irepos
eirivoelaovfiev a%Lo$ rol iratf d/ifie irokneviiaTos. Another ex-
ample occurs in line 18.
Boeotian. SGDI. 489, 8 [end 3rd. cent.], Ta? aovyvpdcjxty; t&s
/cifievas irap TZvcppova. Examples are frequent throughout this in-
scription and SGDI. 488 [223-197]. Others are SGDI. 482, 17
[end 3rd. or beginning 2nd. cent.], and GIG. 1570, 28 [ca. 71].
Phocian. SGDI. 1547, 4 [2nd. cent.], a<\>Cr)Ti — rd ?8ia aw/iara
i\ev[depa] — koX 7rapa/ca,TaT[{dr)TL] ira\jpa tow] Oeovs icai top 'Aotc-
Xairtov. Other examples occur in SGDI. 1555 [Koman].
Delphian. SGDI. 1698, 14 [148-100], a wvd irdp 'ATeun'Bav.
This construction is frequent throughout the manumission decrees.
Cf. SGDI. 1717, 3, 1718, 18, 1726, 3, etc. Examples occur also
in 2502, 1, 125 [336-326].
Aetolian. Journ. Hell. Stud. 13, 340, no. 2, 10 [ca. 198],
a cava irapd tow dpxovras. Other examples are ib. no. 3, 4 ; 5, 6 ;
6, 11; 8, 10; 9, 7 [Roman].
Elean. SGDI. 1172, 5 [1st. half 3rd cent.], Aafio/cpdrrjp
'Ayrjropop T eve Stop ireiroXnevKcbp Trap* a fie. ^
Laconian. SGDI. 4566, 17 [100-90], real Scerf xpo'vov a\ya<r-
Tpetf>d~\fievo<; irap' a fie ev tc ral Te^yai rd 8ifccu[a e7roLr}<r']e roi<s
Xpet'av exovo-LV.
Cretan. SGDI. 4991, III, 7 [middle 5th. cent.], 6W/eo-<u rdv
yvval/c* airofioaai rdv "ApTefiiv Trap* ' AfivicXalov Trap' rav To/ccrt'civ.
Other examples are SGDI. 5151, 8 [before 189], 5150, 9 [after
167], 5019, 7 [3rd. cent.].
The use of irapd with the accusative for the dative is a rather
widespread phenomenon in later Greek, in both the literature
and the inscriptions. This is in accordance with the general late
Greek encroachment of the accusative (cf. Hatzidakis, Neu-Griech.
Gram., p. 204, Thumb, Neu-Griech. Volkssprache, p. 120). Upon
irapd cf. Eau, Curtius Studien 3, 64ff., and Boeckh, CIG. I, p.
726.
In the above Thessalian examples dfifie is sometimes taken as
dative, since vfilv corresponds to it in both instances in Philip's
76 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
letter, but the formal difficulty in such an interpretation is more
serious than the variation in syntax which the accusative reading
entails.
The Cretan example quoted is rather puzzling because of the
uncertainty as to the number of deities implied. Blass, SGDI.
vol. Ill, p. 272, ventures no farther than to note that ' Afiv/cXaiov
is evidently Apollo. Baunack, Inschr. v. Gortyn, p. 99, translates
"bei der Artemis <indem sie>an das Amyklaion, an die Bogen-
gottin<herantritt>. ,, The preposition is however unusual for
such a meaning, and, partly for this reason, Comparetti, Mon.
Ant. Ill, 173, suggests that there must be three deities by whom
the oath is taken, the third one being perhaps the equivalent of
BpiTojiapTis. The preposition is however equally difficult with
this interpretation. In the other Cretan examples of oaths (all
of the third century or later ),* no preposition is used in any in-
stance, although the list of deities is often very long.
4. 7r/oo? with the accusative for the genitive, in Elean.
SGDI. 1151, 11 [archaic], o/xoo-avres 7to(t) tov 0eov tov 'OXvv-
\ttiov.
SGDI. 1156, 3 [archaic] , otl Sotceoi /ca(X)\iT€poy; e^v 7To(t) tov
0[e]6v.
SGDI. 1153, 6 [archaic], al ©V t*? avXatrj, pepprjv avrov 7to(t)
tov At a.
This construction accords with the Elean use of avevs and irapd
with the accusative (cf. 1, 1, p. 71, and II, 3, p. 75), although here
a fusion of constructions may exist, due to the possibility of using
either trp o? with the genitive, in oaths and expressions like the
examples given above, as II. 19, 188, emopicelv 7r/oo? haipLovos,
or the accusative without a preposition, as II. 14, 271, vvv fiot,
ofwaaov adaTOV Srvyo? v8a>p.
There is some uncertainty as to the interpretation of the third
example. Ahrens, Philol. 38, 388, compares Anth. Pal. VII,
♦SGDI. 4952 A, 15, 5023, 12, 5024, 60, 70, 5039, 11, 5041, 13, 19, 5058, 2, 5075,
73, 5120, 15, 5147b, 5.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 77
433, IX, 61, eppe iro& > AiSav the meaning then being "Be under
the protection of Zeus, no longer of mankind. " But to invoke
the protection of a god for a criminal laid under a curse is strange,
as urged by Dittenberger 01. V, p. 30, who remarks that the
meaning demanded by the context is rather "Be an outlaw in his
relations with Zeus. " Danielsson, Eranos 3, 136, translates "Er
soil zum Zeus hin ins Elend gehen, ' ' comparing Bohl, IGA. 8, 5,
TprjToo Kal BafMevecra-0(o eV? 'Adavai'av. The example is made more
perplexing by the fact that Elean shows an instance in evidently
a somewhat similar meaning with 7rpd? with the genitive, namely
Jahresh. d. Oesterr. Arch. Inst, in Wien I, 199, 4, <j>evyeT<a
7to(t)t<o Atop rmXvfiTraiG) aX^iarop. With this latter example
Danielsson compares the Attic <f>evyeiv if 'Apei'ov irdyov, suggest-
ing that Zeus may have been KaOdpaLos in Olympia.
III. Odd choice of prepositions.
1. airo for vtto in Delphian and Elean.
Delphian. SGDI. 1684, 5 [150-140], aweBoTo — (r&fiayvvaifceiov
— kcl6<&; eirlareva-e KaWiKpareca rav a>vav tcol detoi, icfS wire i\ev$-
epav elfiev Kal av€<f>a7rrov airo Trdvrcov.
Elean. SGDI. 1172, 31 [1st half 3rd cent], to Be ^afro-pa
to yeyovop airo rap /3<o\ap ypa(f>ev ey ^aX^c^a avaredai iv to lapov.
This construction is so common in the Delphian manumission
decrees that there are but three examples of the use of vn-o in this
phrase, namely, SGDI. 1895, 6, 1911, 7, 1932, 8, all of the same
date, 156-151. The Elean instance occurs in an inscription in
which vtto is used for dating (cf. 4, p. 79). Dittenberger 01. V,
p. 35, restores xnro in SGDI. 1159, 6 [1st half 5th cent.], kuttS
tw fteofico a7rofT)\[f}(rTcu vxo t<m]z/ 7rpo%evcov Kal tw ta[/>]a[o? . . .,
which is perhaps similar to the above examples.
2. €7tl in epitaphs, in four dialects.
Boeotian. SGDI. 901 [early], eirllloXvapc roe dpi. Examples
are numerous. Cf. SGDI. 902, 909, etc.
78 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS
Phocian. SGDI. 1515 [early], eVl Md/crjn. eirl KaXkol. Ex-
amples are numerous. Cf. SGDI. 1527, 1532, etc.
Locrian. CIGS. Ill, 307 [early], brl Mtm'Sa, dvhpl iroOelva
Bdfico Koi 7r\[aTi']Gt? ical </>tXot?. Another example is CIGS. Ill,
264 [5th cent].
Cretan. SGDI. 5137 [late], eVl <S>t\a [t] 2a>o-a> ^iridercb ®pa-
aayopa a yvvd fivafielov.
In the Attic sepulchral inscriptions no preposition is used.
The name, parents, etc., of the deceased are briefly enumerated,
or an epigram is used. In the Latin inscriptions no preposition
occurs, the proper name being prefaced by Dis Manibus, written
in full, as OIL. VI, 10559, Dis Manibus Acutiae Chloe, or abbre-
viated, as CIL. VI, 17608, Dis Man., or CIL. VI, 17616, D. M.
In Delphian, which might be expected to show a usage similar
to that in Phocian, only six epitaphs occur, two of which are
non-dialectic. No preposition is used, except in a metrical non-
dialectic example, CIG. I, 1722, 2 [late], iraihov hrl <f>0ifiepov.
3. v for €7rl in Cyprian.
a. With the dative.
SGDI. 74, 3, AqaiOeju ran 6e<a tg> ' Atto '(\)\(ovi dveOrjiee v rvxa.
b. With the accusative.
SGDI. 123, 6, KaT€0t}av BXe^o>^(?) vfe\6<ov (?) v E<f>o5o? v oapvv
'H8a\*W vnrTrjpav,
This preposition is to be compared with Skt. ud, Goth, ut,
OHG. uz, (K. Vergl. Gr. § 591). It appears in no other dialect,
having been crowded out by hri y except in the general Greek com-
pound vo-Te/005. • In Cyprian the compounds v€vl*dfi€vo<;, vfcus and
vxhp^v also occur (SGDI. 45, 60). Kretschmer KZ. 31, 415,
takes v(v) for avv, like the Hesychian gloss #77*/*°* * crvWafirj,
etc., (for list cf. Hoff. I, p. 201), and the expression <ri>(v) rvxa
does occur SGDI. 120, 4, but in SGDI. 60, 28, the one other
occurrence of avv in this dialect, the <r is written. The commoner
phrase is l(v) rvxai, found in SGDI. 28, 31, 37, etc.
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 79
4. vtto in dating in Elean.
01. V, 36 [365—363], irp6[^\evoL — avrol tca[l ye~\vo<; ^etcvoovtoL
vtto [*E\Xa] vohucav 'AyiaBos <E>A,[a>i/] Av ko/jltj [S] eo? Ba#v\[Xo?
KX] eo/xa^G).
01. V, 44, 6 [4th. cent.], d^pcv^at irpo^evov teal evep<y[erav
avrov tcal~\ etc [7] ovo [y~\ ? . . . tov Eu [<£] a [i^t] t[Sa . . . v\iro 'EX-
Xaz^o [8] t [/cai> . . .] Ttfiatverov . . .
SGDI. 1172,2 [1st. half 3rd. cent.], Beo/> ri^a • i/Tro'EXXai/o-
Sitcav rvv irepl Awr^vXoz/.
The accusative rather than the genitive is to be looked for in
expressions denoting time with vtto, but the use of any preposition
is unusual, the ordinary method of giving a date in an inscription
being the use of the genitive absolute. Sometimes e7rt' is used,
one late inscription showing this in Elean also, namely 01. V r
52, 49 [ca. 135].
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