LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 University of California. 
 
 GIF"T OF 
 
 JA / v^rr-.,....<n \li/u^.<Los*^..a 
 
 r, HP% 
 
Zbc TUniversits of Gbfcago 
 
 FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER 
 
 ON THE 
 
 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 IN THE GREEK DIALECTS 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts 
 
 and Literature in Candidacy for the Degree 
 
 of Doctor of Philosophy 
 
 (DEPARTMENT OF SANSKRIT AND INDO-EUROPEAN 
 COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY) 
 
 BY 
 
 IVY KELLERMAN 
 
 or the r 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 £SUforn\£, 
 
 Press or 
 
 The New Era Prihtirg Compact 
 
 Lancaster. Fa. 
 
 1904 
 
INTKODUCTTOK 
 
 A systematic treatment of dialect syntax is not as yet included 
 in the abundant literature in the field of Greek dialectology. The 
 most striking instances of variation from the usage of literary 
 Greek are mentioned in general treatments of Greek syntax like 
 Brugmann's grammar, the Kuhner-Blass grammar, etc., and many 
 points are noted in treatments of individual dialects. But no- 
 where are these peculiarities brought together and placed in their 
 dialectic and chronological relations, and no complete collections 
 of examples have yet been made. Moreover, it is not only in- 
 stances of divergent usage that are worthy of study, but the 
 amount of agreement between the dialects and literary Greek 
 should also be observed. It is quite as important to note whether 
 this or that point of syntax is an independent development in 
 one or more dialects, or whether it proves to be a peculiarity in- 
 herited from early Greek, and panhellenic like certain phenomena 
 in inflection and phonology, or lastly whether it is sufficiently 
 similar to the use of the cognate word in other languages to be 
 thought an inheritance from Indo-European. In each case, of 
 course, the chronology and the possibility of the Attic influence 
 must be taken into account. 
 
 In the following paper the syntax of certain prepositions of 
 allied meaning is considered. In Chapter I avrC and irpo are 
 compared throughout the dialects ; in Chapter II irrre'p, afx^t, and 
 Kepi, and in Chapter III <rvv, fierd and 7reSa. Complete collec- 
 tions of examples have been attempted, and all the uses of these 
 prepositions which occur in the dialects are noted. In Chapter 
 IV the peculiarities of usage of additional prepositions in various 
 dialects are gathered together, from the obviously independent 
 dialectic development of air6 and i/c with the dative in Arcado- 
 Cyprian to the use of irapd with the accusative for the dative 
 which seems to characterize Greek in general at earlier or later 
 stages in the dialects and in literature. 
 
 1 
 
 J fkfJA 
 
Z SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS. 
 
 The basis of the collection of examples is Collitz' Sammlung 
 der Griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften (cited as SGDL), supple- 
 mented by later publications for certain dialects, as Hoffmann's 
 Griechische Dialekte (cited as Hofl\), Dittenberger and Purgold's 
 Inschriften von Olympia (cited as 01. V.), various Corpus col- 
 lections, and recent magazines, etc. For the brief outlines of the 
 syntax of cognate prepositions, use has been made of the lexicons 
 and grammars available for each language, the enumeration of 
 which seems superfluous. Likewise it seems unnecessary to give 
 a complete list of the abbreviations used for the various works 
 consulted in regard to the Greek. The ordinary ones are em- 
 ployed (except that Brugmann's Kurze Vergleichende Gramma tik 
 is referred to as K. Vergl. Gr. and the Kuhner-Blass grammar as 
 K-BL), and it is hoped that no references are given so briefly as 
 to be unintelligible. 
 
 The date of each example, except in Cyprian, where no dating 
 has been attempted, is given in brackets immediately after the 
 citation of its source. 
 
 In conlusion an expression of thanks is due Dr. Carl Darling 
 Buck, at whose suggestion this paper was undertaken, and under 
 whose advice it has been completed. 
 
CHAPTEE I. 
 
 CLVTl, 7Tp6. 
 
 Cognates: 1. ami: Skt. anti (cf. I below), Goth, and, OHG. 
 ant, AS. and, Lith. ant. The meaning in Goth, and OHG. is 
 " along, over," and in Lith. "upon, over," the development of 
 each of which is as yet unexplained. 
 
 2. irpo: Skt. pra, Lat. pro, Goth, fra, OHG. fora (furi), AS. 
 for (fore), Lith. pra (pro), OB. pro (pra). In Skt, Goth., 
 Lith. and OB. this appears only as a verbal prefix. 
 
 I. Place. 
 
 Sanskrit anti is with one exception uniformly considered an 
 adverb, meaning "opposite, in front of, near," as R.Y. 1, 176, 1, 
 gatrum anti na vindasi, "You find no foe before you." The 
 Petersburg lexicon gives a single example of its use as a preposi- 
 tion, namely, Bhagavatapurana in 5 aD dakalpadruma, mugdhar 
 prabhitavadupeyatur anti matroh, "subject to foolish fear the 
 two approached before the two mothers." 
 
 This is ignored by Brugmann and by Delbriick, who expressly 
 state that there is no occurrence of the preposition with cases, 
 and evidently it is not an example important enough for any 
 conclusions to be based upon. 
 
 The idea "in front of" is given in Sanskrit by words kindred 
 to pra in origin, as puras, etc., and by other altogether different 
 expressions. Examples of puras with the accusative, genitive and 
 ablative respectively are : R. Y. 5, 82, 8, ya ime ubhe ahani para 
 ety aprayucchan svadhir, "who goes before these two — day and 
 night, attentive, fair-minded," Qak. p. 62, line 23 (Bohtlingk, 
 after stanza 103), tatah praviganti gautamlsaJiitah — puragcaisam 
 kancuki, "then enter the companions of Gautami, and before 
 them the attendant," P. Y. 3, 53, 22, na gardabham puro agvdn 
 nay anti, "they do not place the ass before the horse." Examples 
 
 3 
 
4 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 of purastdt in a similar use are R. V. 3, 8, 2, samiddhasya graya- 
 mdnah purastdd brahma vanvdno ajaram, suvlram, " Placed be- 
 fore the enkindled face, awakening prayer, ageless, powerful/' 
 and Ag. Grhy. 1, 11, 6, tasya \_pagoh~] purastdd ulmukam haranti, 
 1 1 In front of the victim they bear a blazing stick. ' ' Puratas is 
 used only adverbially, and purd has no local meaning, unless it 
 may be suggested in examples like the following : R. V. 8, 44, 30, 
 purd 'gne duritebhyah purd mrdhrebhyah, have, pra na ayur vaso 
 tira, " extend our life, Agni, keeping it, wise being, far off from 
 {%. e., in front of) misfortunes and foes. ,, 
 
 An example of agre in the sense of "in front of " is Pane. 286, 
 tasyd agre nicihsipa [sc. pallavdni], "he cast the young shoots 
 down before her," and of agratas, as Pane. 274, tau pitroragrato 
 vihasantau — ucatuh, "the two, laughing in the presence of the 
 fathers, — told," etc. Still other expressions are shown in the 
 use of samaksam, as Kathas. 4, 79, satyam samaksam asmdham 
 anendngxkrtam dhanam, "forsooth in our presence the deposit 
 was promised by him," samipa, as K~ala 1, 15, tasydh samipe tu 
 nalam pracacarisuh , "in her presence they praised Nala, " sarh- 
 mukhe, as VikramorvacJ Act II (a Prakrit passage after stanza 
 11), edam bhuanganimmoam via sammuhe no nivadidam, "this 
 like a cast-off snake skin fallen down before us." 
 
 Latin ante takes the accusative, as Plaut. Amph. 292, sed quis 
 est homo quern ante aedis video hoc noctisf But the archaic use 
 seems to have been that of the ablative, according to Servius ad. 
 Eel. 1, 29 (post longo tempore), antiqui enim post, ante, circum 
 etiam ablativo jungebant, and Pompeius 278, 21K, ante, post, 
 propter, praeter, cum sint accusativae prepositiones — tamen apud 
 maiores nostros inveniuntur etiam ablativae. Puta non dubitat 
 Pacuvius dicere 'ante templo.' Brugmann suggests that the 
 accusative is due to the use of this case with post, the opposite of 
 ante. 
 
 In comparing ante and pro, it seems that ante is preferred in 
 the local meaning. It denotes that one has something in front 
 of him, while pro means that he has the object behind him and is 
 protecting it, or similar ideas which lead easily to a figurative 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 5 
 
 development. The proof of a local use of pro in early times is 
 slight. Pro moene occurs in Naevius, but there is no example 
 from comedy. Yet this is doubtless due to chance, for expres- 
 sions like pro rostris, contione, tribunali, etc., common in classical 
 times, must have been previously in fairly general use. Besides 
 the simple meaning "in front of," shown in Cic. Phil. 3, 11, 27, 
 sedens pro aede, etc., a further development is shown in the force 
 1 ' on the front part of, ' ' and then u on, ' ' which is seen in Tac. A. 
 14, 30, stabat pro litore acies, or Cic. Fam. 3, 8, 21, pro tribunali 
 cum aliquid ageretur, etc. The related preposition prae had a 
 local sense in early Latin only in the expression prae manu, used 
 by the comedians. An example from Cicero is Phil. 2, 12, prae 
 se pugionem tulit. In later Latin it gained ground, as Liv. 1, 7, 4, 
 prae se armentum agens, although it never becomes a common 
 usage, and does not seem to appear in the Romance languages. 
 Another preposition to express "in front of" is coram, which was 
 only an adverb in ante-classical times, the first examples of its 
 use as a preposition being Cic. Pis. 6, 12, coram genero meo and 
 Fam. 13, 6, a, 1, credo te memoria tenere me et coram P. Cuspio 
 tecum locutum esse. It does not occur elsewhere in classical prose, 
 or in Livy, or the poets, and is never very common. A pud is 
 occasionally used in the sense of coram, as Cic. Verr. 2, 20, verba 
 apud senatum fecit, Plaut. Amph. 591, miseriast servo bono apud 
 erum qui vera loquitur. (For the Romance development of apud, 
 cf. Chapter III, pp. 51 f. 
 
 In the Romance languages ante remains the regular preposition 
 in this meaning, whether in the simple form or compounded with 
 other prepositions. 
 
 Faur and Faura (Skt. puras, Grk. irapd) are the nearest syn- 
 tactic equivalents of irpo to be seen in Gothic. Faur in the local 
 meaning has however the sense of irapd with the accusative, and 
 faura often equals efnrpoo-Qev, Kara with the accusative, and irapd 
 with the dative and accusative. But there are some examples of 
 faura in the sense of irp6, as Mark 1, 2, sai, ih insandja aggilu 
 meinana faura pus, saei gamanweip wig peinana faura pus, l&ov 
 airocneXkQ) rbv dyyeXov /jlov irpb irpoa-dyrrov gov, o? KaTa<TK€vd<T€i rrjv 
 
6 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 oBov efnrpoaOev gov. The use of a phrase rather than the simple 
 preposition is seen in Mark 2, 12, usiddja faura andwairpja 
 allaize, i^rfKdev ivavriov irdvrcDv. 
 
 In Old High German these two prepositions faur and faura 
 are represented by fora. That Gothic faur represents two Indo- 
 European forms is seen from its parallelism in some respects with 
 Old High German furi (from *peri), which originally had a local 
 meaning, being used with the accusative to denote direction, as 
 ni haban waz ih gisezze furi inan, i i I have nothing which I could 
 set before the man, ' ' while fora with the dative expresses rest, as 
 ih antluhhu duri fora imu, "I open the door before him. " In 
 modern German these two prepositions again fell together to some 
 extent and suffered interchange of meanings, so that by a new 
 distinction fiir was crowded out except in derived uses, and vor 
 became the regular local and temporal preposition. But examples 
 of the retention of fiir in the local sense occur, as dass ich gleich 
 fur die rechte schmiede ginge (Goethe). In Anglo-Saxon for 
 and fore occur side by side, as C. P. 134, 2, hit sie — forsewen for 
 monna eigum, ' ' Let it become — despised before men 's eyes, ' ' and 
 Be. 568, 25, hine eadmodlice on eorpan astrehte fore done B, "he 
 prostrated himself humbly on the earth before that B," Be. 520, 9, 
 paet hi segen fore him baeron aet gefeohte, "that they bore in 
 battle the standards before him." Compounds of the temporal 
 and adverbial foran also occur, as Jos. 8, 22, he feaht him wid- 
 foran, i i he fought before him, ' ' Jos. 3, 6, gad aetforan pam folce, 
 "he walked on in front of the people," Mark 6, 14, daet hi — 
 toforan him asetton, l ' gave them — to set before them, ' ' Mark 1, 2, 
 nu ic asende minne engel be foran pinre ansyne, ' ' behold I send my 
 messengers before thy face. ' 9 An example resembling the Latin 
 sedit pro tribunali (cf. above p. 5) is perhaps to be seen in John 
 19, 13, saet aetforan domselle, "sat down in the judgment seat." 
 In Early English for occurs, as Beow. 722, he for eaxlum gestod 
 Denige frean, "he stood before the shoulders of the Danes' lord." 
 An example of the simple foran is Cynewulf, Crist, 341 (Grein.), 
 Nu we on paet beam foran breostum stariad, "Now we see the 
 child on (=before) thy breast." Of the compounds of foran, 
 
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 7 
 
 aetforan was soon given up. An example from Middle English 
 is Layamon I, 288, atforan al his folhe he his hinehelm onfeng, 
 "Before all his people he received his helmet. " Toforan re- 
 mained longer, as Alis. 2989, afterward tofore my sight On a treo 
 they schole beo pyght. An example of afore is Ipom. 873, she 
 gan down falle On swonne, afore hyr maydens alle. This last 
 preposition remains in the older literature and dialectically in 
 Modern English. The Early English before, as R. of 04. p. 86, 
 a crois — ys men bifore hym bere, became the regular preposition 
 for this meaning in Modern English, all the other compounds, 
 except afore ('fore), being completely crowded out, and for re- 
 maining only in figurative senses. I 
 
 In Early English and "with, against" (cf. Gothic, p. 3) shows 
 also the meaning " before,' ' as Cd. 1, half don dream and heora 
 ordfruman, i i had joy before their creator. ' ' 
 
 In Lithuanian the idea of "in front of " is expressed by de- 
 rivatives from nouns or adverbs. Firm, which corresponds etymo- 
 logically to ttp&tos and Skt. purvas, is used, although rarely, as 
 Mark 1, 2, asz siuncziu savo angelq, pirm tavqs, i * I send my angel 
 before you. " Presz (a strengthened form of pre) sometimes 
 shows this meaning, as presz Jcq nusiimti, ' ' to take off the hat be- 
 fore one. " A compound of this preposition with akis "eye" is 
 used in the locative case, as jis sto mdno pryszahy, "he stands 
 before me," and the same idea is expressed by po ahiu ("under, 
 before the eyes of") as Mark 2, 12, iszejo po ahiu visit, "he went 
 out before them all. ' ' Words which sometimes have the meaning 
 "in front of" are tes (a shortened form), from the adjective tesus 
 i i straight, erect, ' ' as tes butu l ' before the house, ' ' though its usual 
 sense is that of ' ' opposite, ' 9 and szale, a locative of the noun szalis 
 "side," as szale buto "before (beside) the house." This latter 
 expression is similar to the use of pre l i beside, J ' in examples like 
 pre buto, "before the house," etc. 
 
 The only preposition in Old Bulgarian which means "before" 
 is predu, as Mark 1, 2, azu posulya anfdu moi predu litsemu 
 tvoimu, a7ro(TT€\\(o rbv ayye\6v fiov irpo irpoadyirov gov, and Mark 
 2, 12, izide predu visemi, i^rjXOev evavrlov ttolvtcdv. In Modern 
 
8 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Russian the same word appears, in the forms predu, peredu, predo 
 and peredo, used with the accusative and the instrumental. 
 
 Literary Greek seems to show but one example of the use of ami 
 in a local meaning, namely Xen. An. 4, 7, 6, (to %<a>p£ov iari) Baav 
 iriruai 8ia\enrovo~avi /xeydXais, av& &v eo-Trj/coTes avSpes t( av 
 irdaxoiev; the only occurrence of it in the Attic inscriptions is CIA. 
 II, 835, 68 [320-317] bawtBes T/sefc, iv ah eve linreifi; zeal cnfKlrrpi 
 ami tov Mtvoravpov. Derivatives from the preposition and other 
 words take its place to some extent, as ivamiov, common from 
 Homer on, avria and amCov, chiefly poetic and Ionic (avrlov is 
 hardly to be found in Attic prose), am a (poetic) and the later 
 and less common evami, cnrevavTi, ivayrrtov, /caTevayrriov, etc. On the 
 other hand, irpo is very common in the local meaning, as Od. 24, 
 468 riyepiOovro irpb ao~Teos, Thuc. 3, 75, rrjv irpb tov 'Hpatov, etc. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2607, 4 [240-239], ami Be tov x^porexvlov to 
 Trpoaicdviov io~TaT(o. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, I, 40 [middle 5th cent.], Kakfav ami 
 fiaiTvpow Bvfav €7rl tuu va5>i. This expression is common in the 
 early inscriptions.* An example of Ivami (=€vami) occurs SGDI. 
 5125, A, 2 [ca. middle 5th cent.]. Likewise in Delphian in the 
 later inscriptions evami and evamlov occur, as SGDI. 2072, 17, 26 
 [198]. 
 
 2. 7T/30. 
 
 Ionic. Mitth. 20, 242, 14 [Roman], KaOiepaxrev — tcl irpb tt?9 
 oliclas ipyao~Tr}pia. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3339, 109 [1st half 4th cent], 6 8k Top. irpb tov 
 afiaTov Kelpevov rjvi/ce. Other examples are SGDI. 3340, 113 
 [1st half 4th cent.], CIGP. et Ins. 841, 23 [end 3rd cent.]. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3755, 11 [after 3rd cent.], t6B]c to yjrd^crfjLa 
 iaTaXa \l6C\vo\ Oereo irpb tov ayopavop,[iov. Cf. also IGIns. I, 
 1, 8 [pre-Roman], 
 
 *SGDI. 4991, II, 28, 32; III, 46, 55; XI, 53; 4998, II, 9; 4986, 4, 10 [both 
 in middle 5th cent.], 4992, 1, 7, 5072, b, 10 ["aus guter Zeit"]. Also 4991, 
 VIII, 55, ireWev [dv]rt k<5<7/k[(j]v. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. V 
 
 Theran. SGDI. 4772, 4 [4th cent], ' Ay oprjiois Be [8]e{irvoy teal 
 /a[/o]a irpb rod aafirjLOV, 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3636, 30 [end 4th cent.], etc] arrevEec fcv\i/ca oXvov 
 KeKpafievov [ir^po rod [/3oo']<?. 
 
 For a discussion of clvti and nrpo in this use, cf . the general 
 comparison of the two prepositions given under figurative uses, 
 III, p. 13, and for a chronological summary of the local in com- 
 parison with temporal uses, cf. II, p. 13. 
 
 3. irp6 = 7T/30?. 
 
 Ionic. CIGS. I, 235, 45 [ca. 387], KaOevBeLv—Toxs fih av8pas 
 iv rol irpb 770O? rod ftcofiov, Ta? 8k yvvcurcas iv rol irpb kaire^pr}^ . . . 
 
 This seems to be unparalleled in the dialects and in literary 
 Greek, although somewhat similar phrases are perhaps to be seen 
 in such expressions as II. 4, 382, oi 8' iirel ovv &xpvro I8e irpb 68ov 
 iyevovro. 
 
 II. Time. 
 
 The temporal meaning " before' ' is expressed in Sanskrit to 
 some extent by the same prepositions which occur in the local 
 sense. The only example of puras expressing time given in the 
 Petersburg lexicon is Qak. 189, tava prasddasya purastu sam- 
 padah, "before your favor [goes] blessing. " An instance of 
 purastdt is Ait. Br. 3, 29, tasmdt dditydrambhamam — purastdt 
 tasya yajaty, — "therefore the beginning is with the Adityas — at 
 the commencement of it one sacrifices, — " etc. There is one ex- 
 ample of puratas in a temporal sense (given as adverbial in the 
 Petersburg lexicon), namely, MBh. 1, 8404 puratah hrcchrakdlasya 
 dhimdnjdgarti purusah, "before a season of danger a man is 
 watchful over his thoughts. " Purd is fairly common in this 
 meaning, as ~R. V. 2, 28, 5, ma mdtrd gdry apasah purd ritoh, 
 "do not break the measure of the work before the time. " The 
 most frequent prepositions in this sense are however the words 
 prak and piirvam, from the adjectives prdnc and purva, as 
 Kathop. 4, 6, yah piirvam tapaso jdtamadbhyah purvamajdyata, 
 "the first-born from the penance, who was created before the 
 waters,' ' and Qak. 118, prdgantariksagamandt, "before flying off 
 into the sky. ' ' 
 
10 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 In Latin ante is used, as Plaut. Amph. 602, ante lucem a portu 
 me praemisisti domum. This is in widespread use, and pro does 
 not occur in a temporal sense. The same distinction remains in 
 the Komance languages, a third preposition in Italian being prima, 
 as prima di pranzo. 
 
 Of Gothic faura and four, only the latter is used in a temporal 
 sense, as Matth. 8, 29, qamt her faur met bahvjan unsis? ^\0e? 
 &8e irpo Kaipov fiaaavLaai r)pas\ and Matth. 26, 75, patei faur 
 hanins hruk prim sinpam afaikis me, on irpiv aXmropa <f>covr}o~ai 
 rpU cnrapvrjo-y /*€. In Old High German fora is the only form of 
 the preposition fora, furi found in the temporal meaning, as dher 
 aer fora dhir was, l i who in olden times was before you, ' ' and fora 
 themo itmalen tage, ' ' before that solemn day. ' ' This distinction 
 remains in Modern German, vor being the temporal preposition, 
 as vor M org ens, vor drei Wochen, etc., while fur does not occur in 
 such a sense. In Anglo-Saxon for occurs, as Wulfstan 96, 7, da 
 de waeron fordferede for hund gearum, "when they went away 
 a hundred years ago (= before)," but this soon gave way in 
 favor of various prepositions consisting of compounds of -foran, 
 used without distinction in meaning, as shown in the following 
 examples: Sax. Chr. 1010, Aetforan Andreas maessandaeg pa 
 com he her, i i before the festival of St. Andrew he came hither. ■ ' 
 Sax. Chr. 1106, Waeron gesewen twegen monan — toforan pam> 
 dcege, l * Two moons were seen before that day. " Wulfstan 96, 10, 
 nu we paene fyrst nabbad, pe pa haefdon, pe widforan us waeron, 
 "now we do not have the time which they had who were before 
 us." Sax. Chr. 894, pa gegaderade sio laf — micelne here onforan 
 winter, "then the remnant gathered together — a great army be- 
 fore the winter,' ' Psa. civ, 15, he him snoterne be foran sende 
 ceryst, i l he sent first a wise [man] before him. ' ' !Not all of these 
 compounds are found in Early English. Aetforan disappeared, 
 but toforan remained somewhat longer, as P. Ploughm. 7683, 
 Lyneris toforan us useden to make, — etc., and onforan, as Ipom. 
 619, By halfe yere afore the day, That it be know ferre and nere. 
 Be foran is fairly common, as R. of Gl. p. 27, Hire lord was kyng 
 bifore hire ten yer. Of these Modern English shows before as 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 11 
 
 the regular temporal preposition, afore occurring only in dialectic 
 and early examples. The use of for to express duration of time 
 or in general expressions like "for the first time, " — etc., occurs 
 in Early English, as P. Ploughm. 688, to dwelle there for evere, 
 but not in Anglo-Saxon. The resemblance of the usage to that of 
 French pour, Italian per, Spanish por is clear, and shows that it is 
 probably borrowed from this Romance development. 
 
 Anglo-Saxon has still another preposition to express the tem- 
 poral meaning "before," namely aer (Goth, air, OHG. er, etc.), 
 as Matth. 8, 29, come du hider aer tide us to preagenne, "Hast 
 thou come hither before the time to test us % } 9 An Early English 
 example is Alis. 344, aboute mydnyght, ar the day, the forms in 
 which it appeared being er, ar, or. In Modern English it remains, 
 in the form ere, but only in poetic language. 
 
 In Lithuanian pirm is the only temporal preposition expressing 
 "before," as tax pirm szesziu nedeliu nusidave, "that happened 
 six years ago." Old Bulgarian uses predu, as Supr. 201, 17, 
 predu sunumu molitvy tvoryase, "before sleep he offers prayer," 
 though no example in a temporal force seems to occur in the codex 
 Marianus, where instead prezde is used, as Matth. 8, 29, priselu 
 esi semo prezde vremene mqcitu nasu, fjXOes foSe irpb /caipov 
 Baaavlacu rjp>a<;; 
 
 In literary Greek the regular usage is that of 77730, as Od. 15, 24, 
 7rpo ydfxoLO, Xen. Cyr. 5, 5, 39, irpo helirvov, etc. A development 
 to a temporal force in cWt, as in the two dialect examples quoted 
 below, does not occur. 
 
 1. ami. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2561A, 45 [early 4th cent.], ayev Bk TweX- 
 \ala avrl /reVeo?. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3636, 43 [end 4th cent.], irpo [ayopev] ere* ayvev- 
 eaSai yvvaiKv; teal a[v8po]<; avrl wktos. 
 
 With these examples is to be compared the Hesychian gloss avr 9 
 erow rov avrov eT09* Aa/cwz^e?, although the Laconian inscriptions 
 show no such use of avri. The meaning in both these examples is 
 * l before the end of, ? J consequently * * during the year, the night. ' * 
 
12 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Hicks JHS. 9, 336 compares Theognis 344 Solrjv S' avr > avlcov 
 avlas, but 1 ■ grief upon grief, ' ' the translation of Liddell and Scott, 
 is undoubtedly the meaning here, so that the example evidently is 
 not parallel to these dialect uses. 
 
 2. irpo. 
 
 Ionic. Eev. d. Phil. 25, 166 [350-325], r[bv] Sevrepov a/cdfa- 
 [rb]v [fJLrjvos'] Tavpei&vos irpb €wca8[o?. 
 
 Thessalian. SGDI. 345, 43 [after 214], ra -^a^Ur^aTa to re 
 vir(ir)pb [t] a? yev6fievo(v) koX to rafi(o)v. Pick I. c. reads vtt{tt)po- 
 Ta?, doubtless with the same meaning intended as if the words 
 were separated (as by Hoffmann, Michel, Herwerden and others). 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2501, 37 [380], tyaKeiadav irpb Uvd [t ] a>v 
 oTivfc tea Secomai. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4689, 11 [90], iv tgh kvheKarm fitjvC, irpb t&v 
 p,v<TTr\pUov. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3052, 19 [end of 3rd or beginning of 2nd 
 cent.], iv] tgh ^.erayenvU&i pa)vi irpb tos oe[/caTa?. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3294, 4 [Roman], <£tXo [r«/iw?] ^€Yurr(a)<? 
 irapa<T% [oWa] a>? ovSeU t&v irpb a [vt\ ov. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3749, 48 [220-200], m& vrparcuMu-— 
 X°>P*S V oaoL irpb raoSe Ta? GVvdrjKa*; ifjecrTparev/cavTi. 
 
 Theran. SGDI. 4706, 161 [end 3rd cent], irpb rov rav avvoBov 
 rjpev irpb afiepdv 8e/ca. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, I, 2 [middle 5th cent.], irpb hbas w 
 ayev. 
 
 In all of the dialects from which examples are here given* there 
 are other instances as well. The frequency of irpo in the temporal 
 sense is quite in contrast with the small number of examples of its 
 occurrence in other uses, and of the occurrence of ami in any use. 
 (Elsewhere throughout this chapter all the examples of irpo and 
 ami that occur are quoted. ) The only example of irpo of especial 
 interest here is from Delphian, its date being about the same as 
 that of the example of ami given above. Doubtless it may be 
 
 *The only example from Boeotian is in a section composed in Attic, namely 
 SGDI. 488, 26 [223-197]. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 
 
 13 
 
 assumed that Delphian retained the early Greek use of both these 
 prepositions in this force. A summary of the occurrence of ami 
 and 7r/)o in the temporal and local uses is given in the following 
 table : 
 
 
 Place 
 
 Time 
 
 
 avri 
 
 irpd 
 
 avri 
 
 irp6 
 
 Ionic 
 
 
 Roman 
 
 
 350 
 
 Thessalian 
 
 
 
 
 after 214 
 
 Delphian 
 
 240-239 
 
 
 early 4th cent. 
 
 380 
 
 Laconian 
 
 
 
 
 90 
 
 Megarian 
 
 
 
 
 end 3rd or begin- 
 ning 2nd cent. 
 
 Argive 
 
 
 first part 4th cent. 
 
 
 Eoman 
 
 Rhodian 
 
 
 after 3rd cent. 
 
 
 220-200 
 
 Theran 
 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 
 end 3rd cent. 
 
 Coan 
 
 
 end 4th cent. 
 
 end 4th cent. 
 
 
 Cretan 
 
 middle 5th cent. 
 
 
 
 middle 5th cent. 
 
 III. Figurative Uses. 
 
 The figurative developments of ami and irpd in literary Greek, 
 and of their equivalents in other languages, are here disregarded 
 except when they are parallel to the usages in the dialects shown 
 by the examples given under the four following headings. 
 
 A general comparison of the use of these two prepositions in 
 Greek with that in Latin, the only other language which keeps 
 both in their original significance, shows the tendency of develop- 
 ment to be exactly the opposite in Greek from what appears in 
 Latin. In Greek the local meaning is given by irpo, with the 
 exception of the two Attic and two dialect examples of clvtC quoted 
 I, 1, p. 8. In Latin it is given by ante. For the temporal mean- 
 ing as well Greek uses nrrpo, the only appearance of ami being in 
 two dialects and a Hesychian gloss (cf. II, 1, p. 11). Latin uses 
 ante. But in figurative developments, while Latin uses pro, 
 Greek shows ami, with the exception again of two dialects quoted 
 below, and certain limited developments in Attic, where the force 
 remains close to the local meaning, in expressions of protection 
 and defence. (In Attic in the meaning "for the advantage of, " 
 it is not so common as wre'p. In Representation the idea "in 
 the interest of " is always present; it rarely denotes equivalence 
 
14 
 
 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 like avri, as Soph. El. 495, trpo r<av8e, and is common in com- 
 parisons, as alpeladaC tl irpo twos.) It is interesting to note that 
 of the two dialects which show avri in a local meaning, Delphian 
 has also avri in a temporal sense, beside an example of irpo of 
 almost as early date, and Cretan has instances of irpo in a figura- 
 tive meaning. Again, the parallelism to Latin shown in the fig- 
 urative use of irpo in Laconian is emphasized by the Hesychian 
 gloss referred to above, indicating a temporal use of avri in that 
 dialect. This suggests that prehistoric Greek had both preposi- 
 tions in general use in all three meanings, but the specialization 
 had advanced so far at the time of the separation that only five 
 dialects (including Attic) varied from the development uniformly 
 shown in the other dialects and in literary Greek, and show ex- 
 amples parallel to those which appear in Latin as the regular 
 development in that language. These facts are given in tabular 
 form below, the parentheses indicating lack of importance because 
 of late date or (in Attic) because of the rarity of examples. For 
 the sake of completeness, the uses in the other languages are also 
 given here briefly, the summary showing that on the whole *pro 
 or words of kindred etymology were preferred not only in one or 
 two of these three uses, as in Greek and Latin, but in all of them. 
 
 
 Local. 
 
 Temporal. 
 
 Figurative. 
 
 Sanskrit 
 
 puras, etc. 
 faur, faura 
 
 pura, etc. 
 faur 
 
 sthane, etc. 
 
 Gothic 
 
 faur, faura 
 
 Lithuanian 
 
 pirm 
 
 pirm 
 
 uz 
 
 Old Bulgarian 
 
 predii 
 
 predfi, prezde 
 
 za, pro 
 
 Latin 
 
 ante 
 
 ante 
 
 pro 
 
 Greek (except as 
 
 
 
 
 below) 
 
 (avri), irpd 
 
 np6 
 
 avri, (npo) 
 
 Delphian 
 
 avri 
 
 avri, 7rp6 
 
 avri 
 
 Laconian 
 
 
 [awf], (np6) 
 
 avri f rrpd 
 
 Coan 
 
 ttp6 
 
 avri 
 
 avri 
 
 Cretan 
 
 avri 
 
 rrpo 
 
 Tcp6 
 
 1. avri. 
 a. Instead of. 
 Sanskrit expresses this idea without the aid of prepositions, by 
 8thana, "place," in the locative, either independently or at the 
 end of compounds, and by similar methods. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 15 
 
 In Latin pro is used, as Cato ap. Front, p. 149, nunquam ego 
 argentum pro vino congiario — disdidi. Other means of giving 
 the idea are suggested by the following examples: Cic. Inv. 2, 
 49, 144, haec filium suum sibi praemii loco deposcit, Plaut. Rud. 
 814, vos respondetote istinc istarum vicem, Plin. 31, 10, 46, §115, 
 in pane salis vico utuntur nitro. In the Romance languages pro 
 in this use seems to have disappeared, and only phrases occur, as 
 French a sa place, an lieu de, en place de, Italian in luogo di, in 
 vece di, and Spanish en lugar de, en vez de. It happens, doubt- 
 less by accident only, that there is no example of a preposition of 
 this meaning in the Gothic material which is extant. In Old 
 High German furi and fora occur, as daz ih unreht ne finde jure 
 reht, "that I never find wrong in place of right, n and fora enu 
 im ist Jciridono uunilust, "they have instead of law the pleasure 
 of desires. ' f Umbi is also used, as sie gaben mir ubel umbe guot, 
 i ' they gave me evil for good. ' • Modern German uses phrases, as 
 an Stelle jemandes, and statt and anstatt from the old noun Statt. 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon for is used, as Matth. 2, 22 Archelaus rixode 
 on Judea peode for daene Herodem, "Archelaus ruled over the 
 Judean people in place of that Herod. " Phrases also occur, as 
 Sax. chr. 693, Brihtwald gehalgode Tobian on his steall, "Briht- 
 wald hallowed Tobias in his stead, ' ' etc. The same use of phrases 
 remains, as Maundev., p. 67, Thei ete it in stede of spice, and 
 Ms. b. Halliw. (v. stede) songe a balad o-stede of the masse. In 
 the later language in place was often substituted for instead, corre- 
 sponding to the French a la place, and the expression in lieu is 
 borrowed directly from the French en lieu. 
 
 In Lithuanian the conjunction uziot expresses this idea, as 
 bernas (u)ziot dirb$s megt, "the boy sleeps instead of working." 
 The simple uz has rather the meaning of "in behalf of " (cf. Ch. 
 II, III, p. 34) and the use of veto, as Tcalb'eh mdno vetoje, "speak 
 for me" is a Germanism. Old Bulgarian shows the phrase vu- 
 mesto, as Matth. 2, 22, slusavi ze yalco Archelai tsetvuyetu vu 
 Iudei vu Iroda mesto, a/cov<ra<; Be otl 'A^^eXao? fiaoikevei hrl t?}? 
 'IouSata? clvtI 'HpcoSov. 
 
 In literary Greek and the Attic inscriptions clvti is the regular 
 
16 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 preposition, as Od. 20, 307 ami ydfioio rdfov, Time. 1, 129, rbv 
 iroXefiov (W elprjvr)? /JLeraXa/ijSdpeiv, CIA. I, 469, 2 [before 403], 
 ami ydfiov irapa 6e<av tovto Xa^ovai ovofia. With personal objects 
 irpo is also used, as Xen. An. 7, 6, 36, aypvtrvelv irpo twos, but, 
 more frequently than either ami or irpo, xnrep is used in this sense, 
 the development for irrrep and irpo being from the meaning "in 
 behalf of." Cf. Ch. II, III, p. 34. 
 
 a. With impersonal objects. 
 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 128, 4 [end 4th cent.], Xd-^rerai ra yepea ra 
 avTa teal kodXtjv ami [t] (?})? cjpns. 
 
 Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 5, a(v)rl ray fjLiaO&v Kal a(v)rl ra v^pmv 
 Bofevai — Ta[\avTOv] — rj Bvfdvoi vv a(v)rl tg> apyvpoov rwBe tw 
 Ta\\dvT(ov] — tov x®pov. Similar expressions occur also in lines 
 10 and 17. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2561A, 18 [early 4th cent], ra /ca/ca ami 
 7<ov ayaO&v [Bofievj. The same phraseology occurs in SGDI. 
 2501, 9 [380]. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4680, 27 [2nd cent.], e]t Bel BiaBoOrffiev tov 
 alrov rm [x/° e ] ^ av ^X 0VTL ^ * a * "" [ 00 " 0< » e°" T * aTroBoTeos o-t] to? ami tov 
 BiaBoOemos. 
 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 623, 4 [1st cent. B. C. or A. D.], 
 avrl Be daXirtopav \6r\ica yovevai 70W?. This is evidently an epic 
 imitation, as is also the following example. 
 
 Cretan. Mon. Ant. XI, 475 no. 2, 5 [3rd or 2nd cent], avrl 
 ydfiov yoepbv fieXos eta^e Oprjvwv crrepvov afieTprrrtoi ire [i>] dei reipo- 
 fieva. 
 
 yS. With personal objects. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 1832, 11 [173], el Be ti avQp&invov yevovro 
 irepi nva twv kolvcov — efaXeaOeov aXXov avT avrov — el Be firj OeXot 
 'AfjLvvra? rj 2c»T?;/3t%09 ami t<ov airoyevofie'vcov — avvefyaipelo-dai. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4689, 6 [90], av Be w M M* ofivveiv, — 
 aXXov ami tovtov tcXapcoadTCO. 
 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. 1062, 3 [Koman], eirl lepeo<; 'Ep]fia- 
 igkov tov Mdp/cov — avT avrov Be 6 irarrjp Map/cos 'Epfiaiaicov. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 17 
 
 This distinction between the use with impersonal and personal 
 objects has been made in order to facilitate a comparison of amC 
 in the latter with irpo and xnrip in legal representation, where a 
 parallelism is evident. For a fuller statement and a tabular- 
 summary, cf . under inrep, Ch. II, III, 3, pp. 34 ff. 
 
 b. In return for. 
 
 Latin expresses this by pro, as Caes. B.G. 6, 16, pro vita hominis 
 nisi hominis vita reddatur, non posse deorum immoHalium numen 
 placari. In Italian per is used, as comprare, vender e per mille 
 lire. The phrase in contraccambio is also used, as ma tu fammi un 
 piacere in contraccambio di queste lodi. French uses pour, as 
 faire troc pour troc, and also phrases, as en retour de. Spanish 
 shows por, as comprar, vender, dar por cien dablones. 
 
 In Gothic und (related to eare, Delphian erne, cf. K. Yergl. Gr. 
 §907 anm.) is used, as Matth. 5, 38, augo und augin jah tunpu 
 und tunpau, bfyOakfibv avrl 6cj>0a\/jLov teal oBovra ami bBomos. Faur 
 corresponds usually to vire'p, but the meaning "in return for" is 
 perhaps to be seen in examples like Cor. 1, 15, 3, ei Xristus gaswalt 
 faur frawaurhtins unsaros, otl X/moto? airiOavev xnrep r<av dfiapncov 
 rjficjp. In Old High German the same use occurs, as ist arhaban 
 fora Jcinnizidu dera sinera listi, "he is praised in return for the 
 science of his art." In Anglo-Saxon for is used, as Matth. 5, 38, 
 eage for eage and top for tep, bfyOaXfwv avrl 6<f>0a\fjiov teal bBoma 
 ami oBovtos. Early English shows the same usage, as P. Ploughm. 
 253, for thi rightful rulyng Be rewarded in hevene. In Anglo- 
 Saxon wid and mid give the same idea, with words of weighing,, 
 selling, etc., as Exod. 21, 24, tod wid ted, "tooth for tooth," Exod. 
 21, 36, gilde oxan mid oxan, "he shall pay ox for ox." 
 
 Lithuanian uses uz, as Matth. 5, 38, ah\ uz ahi, ir danti iiz danti, 
 i ' an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth. ' ' In Old Bulgarian 
 vuzu is used, as John 1, 16, priyechomu blagodeti vuzu blagodeti, 
 'eXdfiouev teal x<*>pw uvtI %a/^TO?, and also za, as Matth. 5, 38, oho 
 za oho i zabu za zqbu, 6<f)6aXfibv ami 6<f>0a\fiov teal oBovra avrl 
 oSoWo?. 
 
 In literary Greek ami is the only preposition used, as II. 23, 
 
18 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 650, col Be Oeol Tcov8 y avrl x^P lv — Solev; Lysias 106, 38, clvtl iroCa^ 
 euepyeo-Las; the same is true of the dialects, as far as examples 
 occur, so that this may be considered a general Greek usage. 
 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 79, 7 [early 5th cent], 0/3777? 5' a[z/T]' ayadfy 
 Eug) [wf\ S77? To'oe fiv [77/4] a — i7r€o-T7]o~ev. 
 
 Thessalian. BCH. 13, 392, no. 11, 6 [Roman], avff oaiov 
 ^rt/^9 — ttjvo^ e\a%ov %dpi,Ta. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 797, 2 ["iiltere und jungere Zeichen neben 
 einander"], epycov avr* ayaO&v fivafi' avedei/ce toSc. 
 
 Xaconian. SGDI. 4660, 2 [Roman], tovto — dyaXfia clvtI 
 Ka\(ov epycov Xaaro YlovkvftUo. The same epigram occurs in 01. 
 V, 450 in an honorific decree concerning the same personage. It is 
 also suggested by Fougeres BCH. 20, 145, for a restoration of a 
 fragmentary inscription of equally late date from Mantinea. 
 
 Corinthian. CIGP. et Ins. I, 365, 4 ["recentior"], avff &v 
 Xakicelrjv r^vS' eltcova dtftcafiev avSpos. 
 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 800, 3 ["aetati remotissimae ,, ], 
 toOto — fepyoDv clvt* ay[a]d<ov Krjirdfiepov i^eT4\ear{a)av. Similar 
 examples are ib. 1099, 3 [400], 1117, 3 [192], 1475, 7 [Roman]. 
 
 c. hi distributive sense, with a word of payment. 
 Arcadian. Hoff. I, 29, 24 [1st half 4th cent], et k? av irapa- 
 fia^evy BvaOnv ra? KeXe [u#] co ras KatceLfievav Kar 1 ' AXeav, rpis oSekb? 
 6<j)\i [v av] tI fe/cdarav. The meaning evidently is ' i shall pay 
 three obols for each ( wagon )." This is undoubtedly a develop- 
 ment from the use of clvtl to mean i ' in return for, ' ' with words 
 of buying, selling, etc. For other ways of expressing the idea, cf. 
 under virdp^ ch. II, III, 4, a, p. 40. 
 
 d. In a sense approaching that of purpose. 
 Coan. SGDI. 3624b, 59 [ca. 205], Tlofnm Zcoirvpov—avTi tov 
 olvov XHHHH. Similar expressions occur in ib. c, 27, 33, and 
 probably also in the fragmentary line ib. a, 55. The phrase o~vv 
 toll TLfJLtu tov olvov X is found in ib. b, 42. Elsewhere the brief 
 sentences give merely the proper names and the amount of money 
 contributed. Newton, Ins. Br. Mus. II, p. 113, comments "This 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 19 
 
 contribution was mostly in money, but also in kind, as appears 
 from the mention of wine. " According to this, the commonly 
 accepted view, the translation of the passage in question would 
 be, ' ' Fourteen hundred drachmas in the form of wine. ' ' But for 
 this no syntactic parallels can be adduced. (The only other ex- 
 ample of ami in Coan is in a temporal sense, cf. II, 1, p. 11, and 
 there is but one of 7rpo, in a local meaning, cf. I, 2, p. 9.) The 
 Homeric use of avri to express equivalence, followed by later uses 
 like that in Hdt. 4, 75, tovto <t<\>i ami Xovrpov i<rn, ' i serves as 
 (i. e., instead of) a bath," etc., are not similar. Consequently, 
 since Newton's interpretation is not supported by literary or 
 dialectic parallels, and does not give to ami a meaning which can 
 be derived easily from the known uses of the preposition, it is per- 
 haps best given up. A more legitimate translation seems to be 
 * * Fourteen hundred drachmas for wine. ' ' This meaning of ' i for 
 wine" (i. e., "to buy wine"), comes naturally enough from the 
 common meaning "instead of," which must undoubtedly be the 
 basal force. Likewise it suits the general context of the inscrip- 
 tion, and especially the phrase in b, 42, quite as well as does 
 Newton *s interpretation. 
 
 2. 7r/3o, In behalf of. 
 
 For the expression of this idea in other languages, cf. under 
 V7rejp, Ch. II, III, pp. 33 f., and for comment on the following ex- 
 amples the subdivisions 2, p. 36, and 3, p. 39. Cf. also pp. 13 5. 
 
 a. In dedication. 
 Heraclean. SGDI. 4630 [ca. 4th cent.], HurTcata irpb avravTas 
 teal 9 A<j>po8iTia$ hopteas aveOv/ce. 
 
 b. In representation. 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, I, 43 [5th cent.], cnroheiicodTG) — rj avrk 
 rj a\o<; irpo tovtco. Other examples occur 4992, III, 5, 4985, 14. 
 
CHAPTEE II. 
 
 inrep, a/JL<f>i, irepL 
 
 Cognates: 1. wre'p. Skt upari, Lat. super, Goth, ufar, OHG. 
 ubir, AS. ofer. 
 
 2. afjuj>L Skt. abhi-tas (cf. below p. 24), Lat am, amb-, OHG. 
 umbi, AS. ymbe, Gall, ara&i- (a verbal prefix). 
 
 3. irepi Skt. pari (OP. pariy), Lat. per, Goth, /air-, OHG. 
 /£r-, Lith. per. OB. pre-. (Cf. also p. 25, footnote.) 
 
 I. Place. 
 A. Above (v7T€p). 
 
 In Sanskrit upari is most frequent with the accusative in this 
 sense, as E. V. 4, 31, 15, asmdJcam uttamam krdhi gravo devesu 
 surya varsisiham dydm ivopari, "make our glory highest among 
 the gods, Surya, highest above heaven. " With the genitive its 
 use is post-Vedic, as Katy. (Jr. Sutra 7, 3, 31, dalcsinasya, bhruva 
 upari, "above the right eyebrow.' f With the locative it is of 
 rare occurrence, but one example, E.V. 6, 85, 3, being given by 
 the Petersburg lexicon. Another is doubtless Kathas. 1, 3, 58, 
 uparyantahpurah sd ca ratnamityabhiracyate, "and she is pre- 
 served like a jewel above {i. e., in the upper story of) the seraglio. " 
 
 The instrumental seems to be used (so K. Vergl. Gr. §592, 2) 
 in an example quoted under the genitive uses in the Petersburg 
 lexicon (where bhumyd upari is assumed as the first stage), 
 namely, E.V. 10, 75, 3, divi svano yatate bhumyopari, "in the 
 heaven and over the earth the sound pervades. " The derivative 
 uparistat has the same meaning, but is found only with the geni- 
 tive (except in the Qat. Br., where the accusative also occurs), 
 as Qat Br. 5, 4, 1, 14, uparistacchirsitah, "over his head." 
 
 In Latin super commonly occurs with the accusative, as Caes. 
 B.C. 2, 10, super lateres coria indacuntur. Its use with the 
 ablative in this sense is rare and poetic, as Hor. Odes 3, 1, 17, 
 
 20 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 21 
 
 ensis qui super cervice pendet. Supra is used with only the accu- 
 sative, as Cic. N.D. 2, 37, 95, si essent qui sub terra semper 
 habitavissent — nee exissent umquam supra terrain, Plaut. Pers. 
 819, ille qui supra nos habitat. The Romance usage is the same. 
 Trench sur (representing both super and supra)* is common, as 
 un oiseau qui plane sur la riviere, and les villes qui sont sur la 
 Seine. Examples from Italian are i nuvoli sopra le nostre teste, 
 and veleggiano sul lago. From Spanish may be given tortolilla 
 sobre el olmo. 
 
 An instance of Gothic ufar translating vwep does not seem to 
 occur, but it frequently has the meaning "above" or "over" 
 where the Greek expresses the idea by altogether different words, 
 as in the formula Matth. 6, 14, atta izwar sa ufar himinam, o 
 Trarrjp 6 ovpdvios, and Matth. 27, 45, warp riqis ufar allai airpai, 
 iyevero <tkoto<; eirl waaav ttjv yfjv. Examples of its use with the 
 accusative are Eph. 4, 10, jah saei usstaig ufar allans himinans, fcal 
 6 avafias wrepdveo irdvT&v twv ovpavwv, John 6, 1, galaip Jesus ufar 
 marein, airrfKdev 6 'lrjcrovs irepav tt)? dakdaaris, Luke 4, 39, jah, 
 atstandands ufar ija gasoh pisai brinnon, fcal eVto-Ta? iirdvco avTrjs 
 
 €7r€TL/JL7)(T€V T(p 7Tf/3€Tft). 
 
 From Old High German examples of this preposition are ih 
 hepfu mina hant ubar sis, i i I lift my hand over them, ' 9 and also, 
 ubar allu gibirgu iudeno uuardun gimarit alia thisu uuort, i ' Over 
 all the mountains were all these words told." It is common in 
 
 *An exceedingly common meaning in this preposition is that of "upon," as 
 ecrire sur du papier , etc. This is seen in Italian also, as sulfa (supra la) tavola, and 
 in Spanish. Such a development in sense is a natural one, if the object beneath be 
 thought of as in immediate contact with the one over it, and it is not infrequently 
 seen in the prepositions meaning "above." An instance from Sanskrit is Kathas. 
 10, 122, tenopari turamgasya grhltdm tarn nrpatmajam apacyacea, " and he beheld that 
 princess held by him upon his horse." The same use occurs in Latin, as Cic. Leg. 
 2, 26, 66, super terrae tumulum noluit quid statui, nisi columellam, Verg. Aen. 1, 295, 
 saeva sedens super arma, Eel. 1, 80, fronde super viridi, and in Old High German, as 
 reganot ubar rehte inti ubar unrehte, " he rains upon the just and the unjust." This 
 development does not seem to occur in vKcp, etci being used instead. Likewise 
 Gothic uses only ana. Modern German auf, Anglo-Saxon on (an), o (a), uppon, 
 uppan, Lithuanian aM, and Old Bulgarian na. 
 
22 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Modern German, as Die WolJce steht iiber dem Berge, etc. An- 
 other frequent expression is oberhalb, from ob- (no longer an 
 independent word) and Halb "side" (cf. ausserhalb, etc.). 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon ofer is used with the dative, to express rest 
 above or over an object, as Bo. 366, 14, hi wuniap nu ofer poem 
 tunglum, "they dwell now above the stars," and with the accusa- 
 tive to express motion, in a similar situation, as Matth. 27, 45, 
 Waeron geworden pystru ofer ealle eordan, "there was darkness 
 over all the land." Bufan (—be ufan "from above") is simi- 
 larly used with the dative and accusative as Or. 20, 24, licgad 
 bufan eordan on hyra husum, "they lie above ground in their 
 houses," Or. 106, 16, ponne iugon hie heora hraegl bufan cneow, 
 i * They drew their clothing above their knees. ' ' Both these pre- 
 positions appear in Early English, as Chauc. C.T. 2045, over his 
 head ther schyneth two figures, Alis. 3610, And of the sadil cast 
 him, saun faile, Over his croupe and his hors taile, and Maundev. 
 p. 298, Theise folk gon als wel undir the watir of the see, as thei 
 dow above the land alle drye, Layamon III, 34, Ardur braeid heze 
 sceld buuen his haelme. The compound a-bufan was not in use in 
 Anglo-Saxon, but appears in Early English quite as often as the 
 simple bufan, and becomes the regular form in Modern English, 
 'bove occurring only as an abbreviation. Anglo-Saxon and English 
 alone show two prepositions, over and above, for these closely asso- 
 ciated ideas which in other languages are expressed as a rule by 
 the one preposition. 
 
 In Lithuanian the meaning of irrre'p is given by the preposition 
 corresponding etymologically to 7rept, namely, per, as per rubezin 
 eiti, "to go over the boundaries," and also by secondary forma- 
 tions, as in anapus upes vaiskas sustojo, "the host went over the 
 river," and by the locative of the noun virszus "that which is 
 above, ' ' as virszul zemes dangus, i l over the earth is the heaven, ' ' 
 etc. 
 
 Old Bulgarian uses nadu, a secondary formation from na 
 ( = 6,vd, etc. Cf. K Vergl. Gr. §§580, 602), as Luke 4, 39, 
 i stavu nadu neiyq, zapreti ognu, ical emo-rfc iirdva) aim/? hrerip. 
 rjaev t£ wvpcrqt. This development from the meaning "upon" 
 
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 23 
 
 to that of "over, above/' is the reverse of what appears in some 
 other languages (cf. p. 21 ftn.). For the meaning "over" given 
 by eiri in Greek, but by ufar in Gothic, po (from *pos, K. Vergl. 
 Gr. §613) is used, as Matth. 27, 45, tuma bystu po visei zemi, 
 o-fCOTO? eyeveTO €7rl iraarav rrjv yrjv. 
 
 In literary Greek xrwep with the genitive expresses rest or move- 
 ment over a place or situation, as II. 2, 20, xrrrep /ce<j>a\rj<; arrival, 
 Aesch. Ag. 576, xnrep OaXda-arij'i teal xdovbs 7roTa)/i«/ot?. With the 
 accusative only motion over or above is suggested, as Od. 3, 73, 
 akaXrjade — xnrelp aka y with often the added idea of beyond, as 
 II. 5, 16, xrrrep &fiov rfKvff cuca/cy. The expression of simple ex- 
 tension over or above by the use with the accusative is poetic 
 and late. 
 
 1. With the genitive. 
 
 Ionic. Eev. d. Phil. 25, 166, 32 [350-325], teal eTroitcoSofirja-ei 
 r&xfmt xrrrep 777?. Possibly the fragment Hoff. Ill, 95, 18 [4th 
 cent.], oTnade rPjs av\r)<; xrrrkp to . . . may belong here also. 
 
 Heraclean. SGDI. 4629, I, 113 [4th cent.], nap to dvrofiov 
 tov xrrrep IIai>6Wta? ayovra. Almost the same phrase occurs in 
 line 13. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3025, 17 [242-235], tov Kopv<j>6v tov xrrrep 
 tos 6Bov. Such expressions are frequent throughout this inscrip- 
 tion. 
 
 Corinthian. SGDI. 3246, 6 [3rd or 2nd cent.], AfoviQeoStopov 
 ©EM xrrrep tov Kopeiov. The phrase recurs in lines 8, 20, 29, 31. 
 The meaning of ©EM is probably Bep,a i in view of the late Greek 
 use of this word for military divisions, and the fact that similar 
 abbreviations occur in Attic (Wilhelm, Jahresb. d. Oesterr. Arch. 
 Inst. d. Wien, 3, 46). 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3362, 46 [4th cent.], Ta? fopvas t<x? xrrrep tov 
 lepov 7rapTafi6vTc /cat ray yav. Another example occurs in line 36, 
 and a fragmentary one in line 8. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3758, 152 [2nd cent], tov irapopi%e(rBai ray 
 X&pav virep tov (frpovpfov ou#[e]z> [elprjieoTWi. 
 
24 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 2. With the accusative. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3025, 15 [242-235], tov pd X cv tov— vrrep 
 rav ^KoWeCav airo tov patios tov wrep tclv 'S.KoXXeiav. 
 
 Elean. 01. V, 46, 49 [189-167], dpurpjos [r]a<; x<»P<n to* 
 wrkp to iv . . . 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 4110, 16 [4th or 3rd cent], 6£p*iv Be t& 
 o-raXa? — fiCav Be vrrkp to io~TaTopiov. Another example is SGDI. 
 3758, 163 [2nd cent.], to, Be vrrep tov Xq$ov — eipeiv Hpiavecov. 
 
 The use with the genitive in the dialects is quite in accord with 
 that of literary Greek. But the use with the accusative is parallel 
 to the literary, poetic and late use of this case, for an idea of motion 
 is present in none of the dialect instances. The late date of the 
 examples in this scanty collection permits the assumption of 
 influence by the /coivtf f to which this syntactic phenomenon is 
 doubtless due. In Megarian the case use is quite indiscriminate : 
 in the inscription from which the above examples are quoted, the 
 genitive occurs eleven times and the accusative twice, in contexts 
 that are absolutely parallel. The same careless use is seen with 
 vrroy which appears in line 17 with the accusative and in 22 with 
 the dative. 
 
 B. Around. 
 1. In general. 
 
 The use of the cognates of a^L is exceedingly limited. The 
 early meaning "on both sides of" appears in the Sanskrit abhi- 
 tas* with the accusative, as Qat.Br. 10, 6, 4, 1, etau va agvam 
 mahimdndvabhitah sambabhuvatuh, "these two Mahiman (cups) 
 indeed came to be on both sides of the horse. " This is parallel 
 to the meaning of the chiefly adverbial ubhayatas, as R.V. 9, 86, 
 6, ubhayatah pavamdnasya ragmayah (pari yanti), "on both sides 
 
 *Abhi, which at the first glance seems to be parallel to abhitas, comes instead 
 from the Indo-European *abhi f *bhi } from which Latin oh (?), Gothic bi, Old High 
 German bi (bi), and Old Bulgarian o, obil are derived (K. Vergl. Gr. §§599, C01). 
 This group of prepositions has the meaning "towards," etc., and remains quite 
 distinct from the derivatives of *ambhi, *mbki, except in Gothic and Old Bulgarian 
 (cf. pp. 26 and 40). 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 25 
 
 of the wind the rays (go around)," with which may be compared 
 the Lithanian abypusiai, abyszaliai, "on both sides of. " 
 
 The later sense of ' ' around ' ' is the only one found in the Latin 
 am, which appears only in archaic passages, as Cato, Orig. ap. 
 Macr. 1, 14, 5, am terminum, Charis. 2, p. 205, am fines, am 
 segetes, and has been completely crowded out by circum (cf. 
 below) in independent use, although as a verbal prefix amb- ambi- 
 it is common in all periods. 
 
 Old High German umbi has likewise only the meaning 
 1 i around, ■ ' occurring with the accusative, as tho gisah ther heilant 
 munaga menigi umbi sih, "the Savior saw a great company sitting 
 around him. ' ' This appears in Modern German in the form urn, 
 as Die Erde lauft um die Sonne, etc. 
 
 Anglo-Saxon ymbe with the accusative is fairly common in the 
 meaning " around,' ' as Mark 3, 32, and my eel menigu ymb hine 
 saet, "and many men sat around him," Matth. 3, 4, haefde — 
 fellene gyrdel ymbe his lendenu, "had — a leathern girdle about 
 his loins. ' ' The compound ymbeutan also occurs, as Levit. 3, 2, 
 geotad paet blod ymbeutan paet weofud, "sprinkle the blood 
 round about the altar. ' ' In Early English this preposition gave 
 way before abuten (aboute), as Mark 3, 32, and a company sat 
 aboute hym, and embutan, etc., which was interchangeable in 
 Anglo-Saxon with ymbe and ymbeutan. In Modern English there 
 is no trace of it. 
 
 The only language besides Old Persian showing the cognate of 
 7T€pL in a prepositional use similar to that in Greek is Sanskrit.* 
 It occurs with the accusative, in the local meaning, as E.V. 3, 53, 8, 
 may ah Tcrnvanas tanvam pari svam, "creating shapes around his 
 own body," E.V. 1, 62, 8, sandd divam pari bhumd virupe — 
 yuvati, "Erom of old the two unlike-maidens (go) around heaven 
 and earth." The derivative paritas is also used, with the accu- 
 sative, as A.Y. 10, 7, 38, tasmim chrayante ya uta Ice ca devd 
 vrksasya slcandhah paritah iva gdkhdh, "All the gods rest upon 
 
 *Goth./atr-, OHG.^r-, OB. pre-, are verbal prefixes, Lat. per means "through," 
 Lith. per means " through" or "over" (cf. p. 22). The Old Persian example of 
 pariy, in a figurative use, is quoted p. 41. 
 
26 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 him, like the branches round npon the limbs of a tree, p ' and with 
 the genitive, as R. 2, 87, 33, nigdm atisthdt parito 'sya hevalam, 
 1 ' placed only night around him. ' ' The adverbial samantdt (from 
 sam-\-anta, "having the ends together") occurs with the genitive 
 in this meaning, as Pane. 185, tasya nyagrodhasya samantdt 
 paribhramati, "goes a circle around the banyan tree. " 
 
 The place of afufri and irepC in Greek is filled in Latin by the 
 very common preposition circum (ace. sg. of circus, cf. /e/u'/co?, 
 Early English hring) which is used with accusative, as Cic. Ac. 
 2, 39, 123, terra circum axem se — convertit. Circa is used for 
 circum, as Hor. Odes 1, 3, 10, Mi robur et aes triplex circa pectus 
 erat, but this occurs chiefly after the Augustan period. Circiter 
 is very rarely used of place, as Plaut. Cist. 677, loca haec circiter 
 excidit mihi (cista). Circa is seen in Romance, as Italian vol- 
 geansi circa noi, etc. In French autour de gives this sense, as il 
 va autour de la maison. This is like the use also of intorno in 
 Italian and entorno in Spanish. 
 
 In Gothic hi (cf. p. 24, ftn.) has taken on the meaning of 
 *ambhi *mbhi to quite a large extent, besides the uses in which it 
 corresponds in sense to ek and to erri and Kara with the accusative, 
 and is equivalent in force to irepC, as Mark 3, 32, jah setun hi ina 
 managei, teal iteddwro irepl avrbv o%\o<;, Mark 1, 6, wasup pan 
 Iohannes gawasips — jah gairda filleina hi hup seinana, fy hi 
 'Io)dvr)<; iv&eBvfievos — ical tpavnv Bepaarimjv irepl rr)v 6cr(j>vv avrov. 
 This fusion of meaning in Gothic of the two prepositions which 
 both exist in Old High German (umbi, bi) and Anglo-Saxon 
 (ymbe, be, bi) shows that the lack of a Gothic equivalent in form 
 of umbi, ymbe is not due merely to accident or to lack of material. 
 In Anglo-Saxon beside ymbe and ymbeutan appear embutan, on- 
 butan, abutan, from a (on, be) and utan ("on [that which is] by 
 [the] outside"), as Levit. 1, 5, Aarones suna — offrion paes celfes 
 blod, and geoton embutan paet weofod, "Aaron's sons — shall offer 
 the calf's blood, and sprinkle it around about that altar,' ' Sax. 
 Chr. 1083, pa wreccan munecas lagon onbutan pam weofode, "And 
 the wretched monks lay round about the altar," Sax. Chr. 806, 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 27 
 
 an wunderlic trendel weard ateowed dbutan daere sunnan, "A 
 wonderful circle appeared around the sun." In Early English 
 only abuten {aboute, abeoten, etc.) remains, as Orm. 9229, Hiss 
 girrdell wass off shepess skin abutenn hiss lendess. This is 
 strengthened by round, as Cov. Myst, p. 293, and so rownd abowth 
 the place, and by all, as Alis. 1642, al aboute the riche town. 
 Another English preposition, not in use in Anglo-Saxon, is around, 
 'round (O. Fr. roond = Lat. rotundus), as Depos. of Kich. II, 
 p. 23, that rewlers of rewmes around all the erthe were not yffoun- 
 did, etc., and Cov. Myst, p. 110, I, mercy, have ronne the hevenly 
 regyon rownde. In Modern English about and around are the 
 two prepositions of this meaning which remain in use. 
 
 In Lithuanian the meaning of around is expressed by ape with 
 the accusative, as ape kaklq, uzriszti, "to bind around the neck," 
 ape mestq eiti, ' ' to go around the city. ' ' The derivative apliflk 
 also occurs, as Mark 3, 32, ir zmones sedejo aplink ji, "And men 
 sat around him." 
 
 In Old Bulgarian o (cf. p. 24, ftn.) is used, as Mark 3, 32, 
 i sedease o nemi narodu, /ecu e/cdOwro irepl avrbv $x\o<;. The form 
 obu does not occur in this meaning of ' ' around. " The compound 
 okristu (from o-\-kristu, cf. Lith. skrytis, "the circumference of 
 a wheel") has the same sense, as Matth. 8, 18, uzire ze Isusu 
 minogy narody okrustu sebe, IBwv 8e 6 'I^coO? 7roX\ow o^Xots irepl 
 avrov. A similar compound is okragu (cf. kragu, "circle"). In 
 Modern Russian okrestu and okolo give the same meaning. 
 
 In literary Greek a/j,c{>{ is used chiefly in poetry and in Ionic 
 prose. Except in the common expression ol afi^C riva, etc. (cf . 2, 
 p. 29), the only Attic prose examples (except in Xenophon) are 
 Thuc. 7, 40, and Plato Menex. 242e. In its use with the dative, 
 which is wholly poetic, the early meaning "on both sides of," 
 kept in many compounds as a/i^^aXaTTo?, etc., is still occasion- 
 ally to be seen, as II. 5, 723, although usually the only mean- 
 ing is that of "around," as Od. 12, 395, /epe'a aucj>l ofieXois hreipav. 
 With the genitive its use is rare and poetic, the one prose example 
 being Hdt. 8, 104, a^l TavTrjs rrjs 7ro\to?. The prose use is 
 
28 
 
 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 chiefly that of the accusative, which occurs iu poetry as well, 
 usually with the idea of motion, as II. 2, 461, a^l peedpa itotcovtcu. 
 
 The common preposition in this sense is irepl, which is not only 
 more frequent in the local sense, but has a wider development and 
 use in general. With the genitive it is rare and poetic, as Od. 
 5, 68, avrov rerdwaTO irepl aireiovs y\a<f>vpolo. With the dative 
 it is especially common in statements implying close contact, as 
 II. 2, 416, x i ™ va ^P* o"Trj6ea-(TL Ba'l'gai. This use with words 
 describing clothing is especially frequent in Attic, and is often 
 seen in the Attic inscriptions as well (Meisterh. 3 p. 220). The 
 use with the accusative is common, as Od. 11, 42, ot iroWol irepl 
 fioOpov i<j>OLTO)Vy Dem. 8, 3, $>(\iiriro<; irepl 'ILWijo-itovtov <ov. 
 
 A summary of these uses in Greek and other languages is given 
 briefly in the following table : 
 
 
 ♦ambhi, 
 
 *mbhi 
 
 *peri 
 
 Other Prepositions. 
 
 
 on both sides 
 
 around 
 
 Sanskrit 
 
 Latin 
 
 Romance 
 
 Gothic 
 
 Old High German 
 
 Anglo-Saxon 
 
 Early English 
 Lithuanian 
 Old Bulgarian 
 Greek 
 
 abhi-tas 
 
 (afifi yrith 
 dative) 
 
 am 
 
 umbi 
 ymbe 
 
 pari, paritas 
 
 TTtpi 
 
 sa man tat, etc. 
 circum (circa, etc.) 
 circa, cerca, etc. 
 bi 
 
 around, a- (on- em-) 
 
 butan 
 around, abuten 
 ape 
 o, okrustu, okragu 
 
 a. afi<j>(. 
 Ionic. Mitth. 18, 269, no. 4, 1 [Hellenistic], a/jL<j>l Be rvfi/3ov 
 . . . [KXcijro? eir* ayporepas heifiaTO KaXbv 6Bov' The late date 
 and the metrical form of this inscription render it valueless for 
 any indication of the prose usage in Ionic. It may be merely lack 
 of material that prevents any appearance in the Ionic inscriptions 
 of a use of ap,$i comparable to that of Ionic prose literature (cf. 
 above). But irepl is fairly common, at an early date (cf. below 
 and IV, 2, p. 45, etc.) so that no radical conjectures concerning 
 irepl are possible. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 29 
 
 b. irepi. 
 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 42, 30 [2nd half 5th cent.], t)ow [>]<a)[>o- 
 /-teVou?] \ovcra\ievo\y$\ Tr\e\p\i if\{d)\yra to](v) [xp&Ta £foW](o?) 
 [%]i*7i Ka \_0ap] ois elvai. Another example occurs CIGS. I, 411, 
 6 [ca. 156]. 
 
 Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 27, fiaaikevs /ca? a ittoXls KareOqav i(y) 
 ia(y) 6ibv rav 'Addvav rav irep' 'HBdXiov. 
 
 Thessalian. Eph. Arch. 1901, 125, 29 [4th or 3rd cent.], /cat 
 vefio [/*] evovs ra irepl rbv irvpyov top vttok [a] to> T>}<t>? Mivvrj^, 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 737, 4 [1st half 2nd cent], ev iraml fc]rjpv /cf) 
 [o-] iravo [a] vria [9] yevo/xevas irepl [rav %<»/>] a [?' This is the re- 
 storation of Gaheis, Wiener Studien 34, 280. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3052, 7 [end 3rd or beginning 2nd cent.], 
 Xpr)e((r6(0 Be ical rm irepl to lepo \y ^topou] Tm Ba/ioo-tcot. 
 
 Corinthian. CIGP. et Ins. I, 426, 2 [end 3rd cent], irpdy/xara 
 ra irepl avTov ovra. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3339, 80 [2nd half 4th cent], <T/cevo(f>6po<; — eVel 
 eyevero irepl to BeKao-rdBiov fcareir [e] re. Cf . also examples in line 
 62 and in SGDI. 3340, 29 and 105 of the same date. 
 
 Ehodian. SGDI. 3758, 98 [2nd cent], ra? irepl to /cdpiov 
 Xa>/)a?. Examples also occur in lines 127 and 132. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3618, 9 [3rd cent.], Bia] ra? [/c] a [*o] iraOias ra? 
 yevofie'vas irepl avrofc. 
 
 Cretan. Mus. It. Ill, 630, no. 52, 5 [late], t<z? yevofieva^ 
 irepio~Tdo~io<; irepl rav itoXlv ical t [ov dfibv] B [a] fiov. 
 
 It will be seen that the dialect use is uniformly that of the accu- 
 sative (except cf. 2 below). For the Cyprian example Hoffman 
 (I, p. 73) suggests that the genitive is possible. But since such a 
 use would be unusual for even literary Greek, it is especially im- 
 probable in a dialect where the genitive is used so little as in 
 Cyprian, since it is supplanted by the dative with this and other 
 prepositions (cf. Ill, 1, b, p. 35, and ch. IV, I, 2, p. 71). 
 
 2. Giving the eponymous officer. 
 
 This subdivision is made for the purpose of comparison with the 
 use of avp and fierd to give this idea. A table summarizing the 
 
30 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 occurrence of these four prepositions is given Ch. Ill, I, 2 a, 
 p. 62. Latin shows a similar variation between cum and circum, 
 with a preference for the latter. 
 
 a. afJuf)L 
 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 554, 2 [5th cent], ^ rct]v &a>Xhv 
 r\ov\ awp 'Apuro-Tcova fj t^v(?) avvaprvovTas. Meister, I.F.Anz. 
 I, 202, considers apiamv the title of an officer of the Argive gov- 
 erning body, reasoning that ol afifi apCarwva is equivalent to 
 ol Bafiiopyoi (Et. M. 265, 45) = ol oySo^Kovra (Thuc. 5, 47) = a 
 /8a>X<x aevrepa (SGDI. 3277, 15). The usual interpretation is 
 that 'Apia-nova is a proper name. This dialect seems to retain ap><f>l 
 in use more than the other dialects or Attic. In this example it is 
 parallel to Attic use, but its appearance is the more interesting in 
 view of the fact that it appears in prose in a figurative use also. 
 Cf. IV, 1, b, p. 44. 
 
 h. irepl. 
 
 Ionic. Rev. d. Phil. 36, 301, no. 2, 10 [4th cent.], avaypatyai 
 tow veoiroias tov? irepl AlveairjXrjv. 
 
 Arcadian. Michel, Recueil 190, 8 [3rd cent.], to? o-Tparayos 
 to? irepl ^ipaiiav. 
 
 Thessalian. SGDI. 1332, 30 [Roman], to] pa [iin]fjL€X[ec]fia 
 yeveadai [to*? rayols t]oZ? irep QiXoXaov Eo/xc [yeiov. 
 
 Phocian. CIGS. Ill, 61, 22 [Roman], r&v irepl QlXcova 2a><n- 
 Kpdrov*; Kai Ad/Mova Zcoirvpov ap'ypvTOiv. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2502, 159 [336-326], a fiovXa airehaice rol 
 irepl m MeXdvamov. Similar expressions are frequent throughout 
 this inscription, and occur also in SGDI. 2138, 1 [150-140]. 
 
 Elean. Jahresh. d. Oesterr. Archaeol. Inst, in Wien I, 199, 8 
 [middle 4th cent.], t&v irepl Hvppowa Ba/uopycw. Other examples 
 occur SGDI. 1172, 1 [1st half 3rd cent], and Ol. V, 406, 407 
 [both 1st cent], 46, 14, 67 [189-167]. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4516, 9 [2nd or 1st cent.], bratveaai e\/>o>ov? 
 tov? irepl IlaaiTe'Xr). Other examples are SGDI. 4544, 20 [195], 
 Eph. Arch. 1900, 159, no. 2, 23, and probably also the fragment 
 in SGDI. 4549, 6 [3rd cent]. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 31 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3087, 34 [ca. 1st cent.], r&v irepl ILav/jiatcov 
 ^kvOolv ve<OTepi1;dvT(DV. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3364b, 5 [ca. 150], eSofe tols TrarpuDTaJis rots* 
 7r€[pl] Uo\[v/jL]va(TTov. Other examples occur in lines 32, 35, 39.. 
 
 Ehodian. SGDI. 3758, 70 [2nd cent], t&v irepl rbv rvpavvov. 
 This same phrase also occurs in lines 72, 78, 110 of the same 
 inscription. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4940, 18 [late], eirl koct/hov t&p irepl QCkovfipo- 
 tov rbv HivOvfJidxco. 
 
 With the exception of Arcadian, none of these examples are 
 especially early, and in most cases it can be suggested that the 
 Koivf) influence may have something to do with the appearance of 
 the usage. A different idiom is shown in Laconian SGDI. 4530, 
 35 [1st half 2nd cent.], rol e<j>o]poi rol inl a-rpaTayco He^o^ai/eo?, 
 (also 4567, 33 [ca. 1st cent.]). In Argive these examples show 
 merely the crowding out by irepl of aa<f>L, the original and doubt- 
 less normal dialect usage (cf. above). 
 
 II. Measure. 
 
 The development to this sense in Sanskrit upari is shown by 
 examples like K.V. 3, 54, 23, krodho mamapurvo dhairyasyopari 
 vardhate, "fresh anger grows over (i. e., beyond) my forbear- 
 ance/ ' and Kathas. 1, 16, 167, tarn — devindm upari prasahya 
 krtavan, "exalting her at one bound above his queens. " The 
 same meaning is given by the use of pari as R.V. 2, 23, 17, vig- 
 vebhyo hi tva bhuvanebhyas pari tvastajanat, "the creator brought 
 you forth with preference over all beings. ' ' 
 
 In Latin super occurs in this use, but is not frequent until after 
 the Augustan period, as Quint. 11, 3, 169, super modum ac paene 
 naturam. The same usage is seen in Romance, as French beaux 
 et jolis sur tous les compagnons, Italian mi preme sopra ogni altra 
 cosa, Spanish me costo sobre cien reales. 
 
 Gothic uses ufar, as Matth. 10, 37, saei frijop attan aippau 
 aipein ufar mi~k, 6 (f>i\obv irarepa t) fjiarepa virep ifie, and Old High 
 German shows ubar in the same use, as thie thar minnot sun odo 
 
32 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 iohter ubar mih, "who ever loves son or daughter above me." 
 This remains in Modern German also, as Darum liebe ich dein 
 Gebot uber Gold, etc. Anglo-Saxon shows the same use of ofer, 
 as Legg. Aelfred 2, ne lufa pu odre fremde godas ofar me, "Do 
 not love other strange gods more than me." This is more fre- 
 quent in Anglo-Saxon than in Early English, where above (which 
 is not used in this sense in Anglo-Saxon) appears beside it. Ex- 
 amples of both are Alis. 6689, over alle men I the desire, and P. 
 Ploughm. 5180, Do-best is above bothe, A bisshopes peer. The 
 two prepositions appear together, as Seujn Sages 1799, over alle 
 bestes above, which usage is seen in Modern English over and 
 above, etc. The Modern English use of beyond (AS. begeondan, 
 Goth, jaind) does not occur in Early English, nor likewise that 
 of past, which was not yet a preposition in Early English. 
 
 In Lithuanian per is used, as ta hv'etha per m'er grazi, "this 
 flower is beautiful beyond all measure. " Old Bulgarian seems 
 to express the idea without the aid of prepositions. In Luke 6, 
 40, where Gothic has ufar, both Old Bulgarian and Greek use the 
 comparative. In Matth. 10, 37, pace, equivalent in sense to 
 jiaXKov, is used, although the Greek here shows virep. 
 
 In literary Greek this use of virep with the accusative is com- 
 mon, as Xen. Cy. 1, 24, t<h? virep ra aTparevatfia err) yey ovocri. It 
 occurs sometimes in poetry with the genitive also, as Pind. Isthm. 
 2, 36, opyav HeLVOKparr)? virep avOpcoircov yXv/celav ea-^ev. Except in 
 the common Attic and Herodotean expressions irep\ iravnk, iroXXov, 
 irXeCovos, irXeio-Tov, bXCyov iroieladai^ fjyefoBai, etc., the use of the 
 genitive with irept to give this idea is chiefly poetic, as II. 5, 325, 
 ov irepl Trdo-T)? Tlev ofinXuciris. P. de Saussure suggests (Mem. 7, 
 87) that irepi in this use is different from irepi meaning around, 
 and is instead a variant form from *uperi, which in such com- 
 bination became either virep irdmcov or irepi irdvrcov. 
 
 1. virep. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4568, 40 [86], e^apiaavio rai iroXei airb tov 
 4<f>eiXofievov xpijfjLaros virep ^t\ta? /cal irevraKoaias Spa^fta?. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. S3 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 4320, 3 [2nd or 1st cent.], eir&ty [M] v [v6- 
 Kp]iro<; — 8e8afio<ri€v [/ceo] ? cttj xnrep ra etteo&i. 
 
 2. irepl. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 489, 35 [end 3rd cent], aXX 1 a7re%t ttclvtcl 
 Trepl Tramcy; ktj airoSeSoavOi rrj itoXl tv exovres ra? 6/JLoXoyLas. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2677, 5 [189-8], /cal irepl irXeCarov 7tol€l/jl€- 
 vo$ tclv ttotI tov? deovs evaefieiav. The same phraseology occurs 
 SGDI. 2682, 19 [140-100], and 2737, 5 [155]. 
 
 Aetolian. SGDI. 1413, 7 [192-159], irepl irXelo~Tov iroLovfievo? 
 tclv ttotI tow; deovs evaefteiav. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3417, 17 [82],aXXa7T€/3[l] tt(\>Vtou [ttoiov]- 
 fi[evo<; to o-v~\fi<l>€pov rot? 7roX[n-at?]. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3752, 11 [2nd cent.], 6 oa/t<>? tclv t€ (tt)o(tI) 
 tou[? 0eois~\ evaefieiav irepl irXeio-Tov iroLOVfJLevos. 
 
 These examples of both vrrep and irepl are exactly parallel to the 
 literary use, and their late date, together with the fact that in three 
 of the dialects irepl occurs in the one phrase irepl irXelo-Tov, is evi- 
 dence for the assumption that they show merely /coivrj syntax. The 
 Boeotian example of irepl is somewhat different, the sense of irepl 
 iravros apparently being i l entirely, ' ' and this may show an inde- 
 pendent dialectic development. 
 
 III. In behalf of. 
 
 Sanskrit upari is not used in this sense, except perhaps in ex- 
 amples like Pane. 214, 6, anyathd tavopari prdyopaveganam 
 Jcarisyami, i t Otherwise I shall sit and wait for death on your ac- 
 count. ' ' Nor are uparistdt, pari and paritas found in this use. 
 
 Latin uses pro,, as Hor. Od. 3, 2, 13, dulce et decorum est pro 
 patria mori, Cic. Tusc. 4, 19, 43, Convenit dimicare pro legions, 
 which appears also in Romance, as French Melpomene et la gloire 
 out combattu pour moi, Italian andate la per me, Spanish asito por 
 me companero. 
 
 Gothic uses faur, as John 15, 13, maizein pizai friapwai manna 
 ni habaip, ei hvas seiwala seina lagjip faur frijonds seinans, 
 
34 SYNTAX OF SOME PEEPOSITIONS 
 
 uei^ova ravTT}<; aydirrjv ovSeU ep^et, Xva Tt? tt)V -\frvxv v avrov Ojj virep 
 T<t)v <f>L\<ov avTov. This remains in Old High German, as fure den 
 singet er sus, i ' for him he sings sweetly. ' ' TJmbi is also used, as 
 salig sint die umbi reht dhtunga leident, " Blessed are they who 
 suffer for righteousness' sake. " These are seen in Modern Ger- 
 man um, as Was thut man nicht urn's liebe Geld, and fur, as Er 
 hat viel fur mich gelitten. 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon for is used, as John 15, 13, Naefd nan man 
 maran lufe donne deos ys, daet hwa sylle his lif for his freondum, 
 and this remains in Early English, as ib. No man hath more love 
 than this, that ony man putteth his soule for his frendis. The 
 phrase in behalf of, common in Modern English, does not appear 
 in Anglo-Saxon, but from Anglo-Saxon behealfe "at the side of" 
 Early English developed this use, with in, on and of prefixed, as 
 Maundev. p. 225, commanded hem on Goddes behalve immortalle, 
 Town. M. p. 73, of my behalf thou shalle hyr grete, Ipom. 1247, 
 I the pray in my byhalfe that thou say. 
 
 In Lithuanian uz is used, as jis uz mane hentejo, "he suffered 
 in my behalf. " This shows a development exactly the reverse 
 of that in Greek and Teutonic, for uz means "behind." It gains 
 the meaning ' ' in behalf of, representing, ' ' from the idea of stand- 
 ing behind something or some one, in contrast thus to vrpo "in 
 front of," and vwep "over." In Old Bulgarian za is used, as 
 John 15, 13, bolisq, seyq lubive niJctoze (ne) imatu, da Mo dusa 
 svoya polozitu za drugy svoy$, fiei^ova Tavrns aydirnv ovBeU e%€t, 
 Xva rt? T7)v ^vyr)v avrov 0rj inrep tS)v <j>l\cov avrov. 
 
 In literary Greek rrpo has a limited use, as II. 22, 110, okeadai 
 rrpb 7to\t;o5, Hdt. 7, 134, irpb tt}? 27raoT?7? airoOvrjO-KeLV, but inrep 
 with the genitive is much more common, as Isoc. 4, 75, tow tor 
 (Tcofiaacv inrep tt}? c E\\aSo? TrpoKivZwevo-avras. 
 
 1. In general (inrep). 
 a. With the genitive. 
 
 Ionic. AJArch. 1896, 189, no. 2, 14 [ca. 100], avveriXei— 
 Qvalav — inrep tcov iraihcov teal Ttov tyijQcov. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 35 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 255, 18 [late], 6Vra— to;? re UoXluBo^ 'A0am? 
 irapaKeXevarav virep Ta? 7ro\to?. 
 
 Thessalian. Hoff. II, 18, 25 [after 200], NL/cdrovp Mmo-e'ato? 
 xrrrep 'A(f)po8iaia<; AatyLta^eta? T02E<I> cnreCkevdepovadeiv airo Aat- 
 pax 01 QeipofiaxeLOi to? yLvopevos t& ttoXl kclt tov vofJLOv apyvpioi o~tcl- 
 Teipas BeKdire^ire. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2520, 11 [231-230], tow Be UpafivdfjLo[va^~\ 
 — rav iirinikuav xrrrep avrcov TroLe\la6ai. 
 
 Locrian. CIGS. Ill, 1064, 3 [3rd cent.], &y teal ' kplvTapxos 
 Trdrpas virep clottS? aeipas wXero. 
 
 Arrive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 1485, 47 [4th cent.], irrrep Mvp/xa/co? 
 irap' 'AOavdSa xnrepapLepCav airrfvL/ee AafJLo<f>dvr}<? TLvdcovL lapol HHH. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 4262a, 39 [3rd cent.], Aa/AoVpto? ' ApurTofiov- 
 Xov (y)7re/o<t> auToO teal tcov vlfov F. 
 
 Calymnian. SGDI. 3590, 4 [ca. 205], leal xrrrep rwv vl&v v. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3639, 10 [end 4th cent.], Oxjovtl] xrrrep Ta? 
 7ro'\to? — [t<z]&> lapeaxTvvav. A less fragmentary example is 3624a, 
 37 [190], Aio/cXfjs AeaBdfAavros teat xrrrep tov vlov 'Bevorifiov XX. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 5149, 15 [end 2nd cent.], irrrep Be rovBe tw— 
 ivypocjxo — aTroa-TTjXdvTcov ot re Kvdxriot, — irpeiyeiav. 
 
 Other examples occur in all the dialects quoted. This collection 
 seems small because so many of the examples of this meaning are 
 classified farther, and placed under following headings. 
 
 b. With the dative. 
 
 Arcadian. Michel, Eecueil 190, 3 [3rd cent.], dvBpes ayaOol 
 eyevovro fiaxo/ievoL irrrep toll to:? 7ro'\to? eXevOepCai. On the equiva- 
 lence of this dative to the genitive in the other dialects and literary 
 Greek, cf. Ch. IV, I, 2, p. 71. 
 
 c. With the accusative. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2615, 7 [270-260], aTroXeXvoSaL Be rav ttoXlv 
 cltto T(bv pvalcov TrdvT(ov y cov eTreicdXeL <PlX [to-Tt ] cov xrrrep rav ttoXlv 
 cLTToreTelicev vty &v e<j>aTO eppva-LcurTCLL xnrep rav ttoXlv. Other ex- 
 amples are 1409A, 11 [250-221] (with which cf. 2520, 11, quoted 
 above under a), and 2642, 57 [158]. Examples are frequent. 
 
36 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Aetolian. CIGS. Ill, 485, 12 [3rd cent], <r] vvev&o/cevvrcov inrep 
 Tap, [ttoXlv. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4689, 68 [90], ean Se a Set irapexeiv— inrep 
 tois 7rpcoTO/jLV(TTa<; apva? kicaTOV. 
 
 Corinthian. 3195b, 2 [3rd cent], . . . ol hucaaral KaX kolvoX 
 cvSokov . . . KaX inrep tclv ttoXlv t<ov avv\SiK(ov. . . . 
 
 A similar usage is indicated for Phocian, Locrian, and Argive 
 by the occurrence in these additional dialects of inrep with the 
 accusative expressing legal representation, a development of the 
 general use of * * in behalf of, ' ' cf . 3, p. 39. The use of inrep with 
 the accusative in this sense of "in behalf of" does not occur in 
 literary Greek. 
 
 2. In dedications. 
 
 This division is made in order to compare with inrep the less 
 common irepl and 77700' in this meaning. In the Attic inscriptions, 
 only inrep occurs, as CIA. II, 3, 1440 [end 5th cent], Qpvvoyv — 
 inrep AtoyvtfaTov tov vov aveOrj/cev €7rl Nlko8t]/jlov Updo*?, and ib. 1485 
 [end 4th cent], evgdpievot inrep t<ov TraiS<av y etc. 
 
 a. inrep 
 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 143, 1 [387-347], IrparoKXr}^ virep irajpo^ 
 tov eavrov AeivoaTpaTOv — 'AttoWcovi 'lrjrpm ave'drj/ce. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 413, 10 [after 369], 'Afi]vvTa[s] — /cara/3a[? 
 ez/] t [o a] v \jp~\ ov inrep avrb<; avTco aveOeace . . . [/r] Ocaru 
 
 Phocian. CIGS. Ill, 130, 3 [4th cent], TloaetScopi— ^ wo\k 
 ev^a/ievrj tovoS' aveOrjKe rjixiOeovs o-corrfpa*; inrep irpoyovcov re KaX 
 avrtav. 
 
 Locrian. CIGS. Ill, 319, 1 [Koman], AaiTei/Mx; 'A[pio-ro7rei- 
 Oovs inrep tov vlov\ clvtov ' ApiGTOTr\el6ov<;. 
 
 Arrive. SGDI. 3339, 56 [2nd half 4th cent.], ovtos Xafiuv— 
 [XPll xaTa '\ &°" T ' avOefiev t<oi Oem ek ^iriSavpov inrep au[ro{)] ovtc 
 a[7r]eSi8ov TCLVTCL. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3824A, 5 [1st half 2nd cent], Aap.d>va£— inrep 
 Ta? yvvaitcbs KaX KXewraTpa KaX ®ev<f>dv€ia Aa/MovaKTOS inrep ra$ 
 HaTpw; deoU. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 37 
 
 Theran. SGDI. 4706, 20 [end 3rd or beginning 2nd cent.], 
 Kal 6e/jL6v /ecu virep clvtov a)? Kal virep tov Trarpos Kal tov aBe\cf)ov tov 
 re avBpiovTa teal to rjpSaov. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3722, 10 [ca. 240], 'kpurrfov 'A/>t<rrtWo? — Kal 
 virep tov vlov (A)aio-TpctTov Kal virep tcls dwyarpas KXcltlov. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 5062, 1 [4th cent.], 'AttoWoWo? vrrep KaXki- 
 p-d'ypv 'AprefuBi, ^(OTelpai. 
 
 In all these dialects except Boeotian and Locrian there are other 
 examples besides the ones qnoted. 
 
 b. irepi. 
 
 Cyprian. SGDI. 45, 'A/ko-to^gw tw 'OvacrtQa) vevgdfievos irepi 
 iraiBl TWi HepaevTcu vveOrj/ce. On the equivalence of this dative to 
 the genitive in other dialects and literary Greek cf. Ch. IV, I, 
 2, p. 71. 
 
 Thessalian. SGDI. 346 [ca. 200], kirrovoeto^; bvedeiKe to[0] 
 II ot€lB [a] vi rrep tov 7ra[i]8[o]? kvTOv6o\i. 
 
 Coan. PH. 77 [Roman], iraTp(poc[j; 7rep~\l ra? Nwaa tov [_Bd~]- 
 fiov vlov. In Coan this late example of irepi and also PH. 78 and 
 79 are parallel to PH. 77 and 80, which show exactly the same 
 wording except that virep is used. This is doubtless due to the 
 interchangeable use of the two prepositions to express reference at 
 this time (Cf. IY, p. 44). 
 
 The meaning of irepi in these examples is not necessarily syn- 
 onymous with that of virep in similar contexts, as intimated by 
 Fick in his comment on the Thessalian example (SGDI. 346, 
 notes : "irep stent im Sinne von virep" ). More accurately a paral- 
 lel usage is indicated, the final idea being reached from a different 
 starting point from that of virep. This use of irepi is doubtless a 
 development from the causal force of the preposition in expres- 
 sions like II. 12, 243, a/juvvecrOai irepi ircvrp^. Perhaps the middle 
 ground between such a meaning and the simple idea of reference 
 is shown in the following three examples : 
 
 Lesbian. Hoff. II, 98 [1st part 2nd cent.], 'ka-KXairio IcoTrjpi 
 irepi vyeiax. 
 
38 
 
 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Elean. SGDI. 1171 [4th cent.], FaXe&w irepl bfiovoiap (cf. the 
 simple genitive in 01. V, 245). 
 
 Corinthian. SGDI. 3184, 4 (=1564)[?], 'ETrt/eot^Tat] . . . 
 77? 'A/A/S/3a/cta[Ta?] Ad Naau ical Aw [covcll] irepl vyueia^ avrov [/cat] 
 t&v v7rapxpvT(0v. 
 
 The following table gives a chronological comparison of the 
 occurrences of these two prepositions, showing also the one ex- 
 ample oitrpo in this sense (cf. Ch. I, III, 2, a, p. 19) : 
 
 
 vjre'p 
 
 nepC 
 
 trpo 
 
 Ionic 
 
 387-347 
 
 
 
 Cyprian 
 
 
 early 
 
 
 Thessalian 
 
 
 ca. 200. 
 
 
 Boeotian 
 
 after 369 
 
 
 
 Phocian 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 
 
 Locrian 
 
 Roman 
 
 
 
 Heraclean 
 
 
 
 ca. 4th cent. 
 
 Argive 
 
 2nd half 4th cent. 
 
 
 
 Rhodian 
 
 1st half 2nd cent. 
 
 
 
 Theran 
 
 end 3rd or begin- 
 ning 2nd cent. 
 
 
 
 Coan 
 
 ca. 240 
 
 Roman 
 
 
 Cretan 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 
 
 3. In representation (irrrep). 
 a. With the genitive. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 488, 52 [223-197], irapelav oinrep ra? tto- 
 \ [t] 05 7ro\€fiap%oi Ka<f)i(r68<opo<;. — Other examples occur in line 
 97 and in SGDI. 482, 6 [end of 3rd cent.]. 
 
 Phocian. CIGS. Ill, 119, 5 [4th cent.], <nn&uaf\e<uU \yirep 
 <Pepr]To]<; eaTG><C> a [5] eta. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 1701, 8 [150-140], /cvpia earn avo-avrav 
 avkeovaa /cal a\Xo? deXcov irrrep Aop/ci8o$. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4642, 6 [3rd cent], irpo<rTarev4\T(o'] he 6a- 
 OTt? Ka XPy£v c virep Tlerpalas eb? iXevde'pas idcras. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3636, 25 [end 4th cent], ayopevei ov Ka r)i 6 /3oxk y 
 r) a\\o? xrrrep Kr]vov ivBe^Lo[^. 
 
 b. With the accusative. 
 Phocian. SGDI. 1548a, 4 [1st part 2nd cent.], fir) tcaTa$o[v\i- 
 
 £d<TT(0 flT)T€ a\Xo? VTT€p TOITTOV? flTjOcfc. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 
 
 39 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 1740, 5 [170], (rvvevhoiceomos rov vlov ^rpa- 
 tovlkov teal v7T€p 'AyadotcXr} rov vlov Zco'iXov. 
 
 Locrian. SGDI. 1474, 5 [1st cent], %eip6ypa$ov KpiToBd[p,o~\v 
 AcopoOeov Ae\<j)Ov virep Zco7rvpav M.evdv [8] pov 'AfifaarcriBa irapovaav 
 Kal tceXevovaa [y ypd<f>€ij v vwep avrdv. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3299, 2 [Roman], KaXXL/cpdro[v<;~] 'Apyeia tw 
 eai/ra? crvfiftiov (y7r)€p rap ttoXlv aperas eveica. 
 
 Examples with the accusative are frequent in Phocian and Del- 
 phian, and there are two others in Locrian and in Argive, but all 
 of them unfortunately are of late date. A comparison of these 
 examples of inrip with those of ami denoting i ' instead of ' f (with 
 personal object), and of irpo (cf. Ch. I, III, 1, pp. 16 n\, and 2 h, 
 p. 19) indicates that the general dialect tendency is parallel to 
 that of literary Greek in preferring vwep. (The use of the accusa- 
 tive with virep has been commented upon p. 36.) The three in- 
 stances of ami are of the same date as those of vrrep in the same 
 dialects, or later, and the Cretan instances of irpo show a usage to 
 be expected from the retention in the same dialect of its parallel 
 ami in a use opposite to the usage in literary Greek (cf. Ch. I, 
 III, pp. 13 f.). The following table summarizes these facts in 
 briefer form: 
 
 
 ivri 
 
 *p6 
 
 vnep 
 
 
 
 
 With;Gen. 
 
 With Ace. 
 
 Boeotian 
 
 
 
 223-197 
 
 
 Phocian 
 
 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 1st part 2d cent. 
 
 Delphian 
 
 173 
 
 
 150-140 
 
 170 
 
 Locrian 
 
 
 
 
 1st cent. 
 
 Laconian 
 
 Roman 
 
 
 3rd cent. 
 
 
 Argive 
 
 Roman 
 
 
 
 Roman 
 
 Coan 
 
 
 
 end 4th cent. 
 
 
 Cretan 
 
 
 5th cent. 
 
 
 
 4. In a distributive sense, with words of payment. 
 
 a. With impersonal object. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 802, 8 [in the younger alphabet], /erf tw/i 
 wpocrcrTaTdoov ofieXov vrrep eK^arov BpaftfJiav, vrrep rremafcariav Spa- 
 Xftav. This is the restoration of Haussoulier, Eev. d. Phil. 22, 
 362. 
 
40 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 4110, 31 [4th or 3rd cent], » 8e tea irpo^ara 
 io-fidXrji, awoTeia-dTG) irrrep e/cdarov 7rpoj3drov 6/3e\bv 6 iafiaXcbv. 
 
 This idea is expressed by ami in Arcadian, which shows an in- 
 stance closely parallel to the above Rhodian example. Cf. Ch. I, 
 III, 1, c, p. 18. A third method of giving this force is shown by 
 the Heraclean use of irapd in SGDI. 4629, I, 121 [4th cent.], 
 al 8e Ka p>rj 7T€(f>VT€VfccovTL /car tcl yey pa fifieva, KaTehucdadev Trap fxev rav 
 ekalav 8eica vdfjia)*; apyvplco Trap to cfrvrdv heKaarov, Trap 8e rds dixTreXw? 
 8vo fivas dpyvplco Trap rav a^olvov heKaarav. Cf . also lines 143 and 
 172. The literary usage is that of Kara, as Dem. 815, 11, /care 
 ras ireme Kal eiicocn pivas Tremanocrlm 8pa%/jLa<; elcr<f>epeiv. 
 
 b. With personal object. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, XI, 43 [middle 5th cent.], a^TjOaiBe 
 irrrep ft[e]i/ t&j [7ra]T/3o? ra Trarpma, irrrep 8e Ta? ftarpo? to, 
 fiarpwia. The meaning of this is shown by the following free 
 translation which includes some of the preceding sentences: "If 
 a person dies in debt or with a lost case at law, if the heirs to whom 
 the property falls are willing to assume the loss and the debt to 
 the creditors, the heirs shall have the property. But if they are 
 unwilling, the property shall belong to the winners of the suit or 
 to the creditors, but the heirs shall suffer no other loss. And for 
 the father's (debts or loss) his property is to be mulcted, and for 
 the mother 's likewise hers. ' ' Elsewhere throughout the inscrip- 
 tion, with other verbs of legal action, the simple genitive is used, 
 as in IX, 31, I, 39, etc. (Cf. Baunack, Inschr. v. Gortyn, p. 85, 
 for list of examples. ) The force of irrrep is peculiar here, although 
 there is no doubt about the sense of the passage. 
 
 IV. Reference. 
 
 The only parallels to Greek afx$C in this sense are found in 
 Teutonic and Old Bulgarian. From a syntactic point of view 
 Gothic bi may be included among the cognates of afufrl (cf. p. 26). 
 This preposition is extremely common, as Luke 3, 15, pagkjandam 
 allaim — bi Iohannen, 8iaXoyi^op,evcov Trdmcov — irepl rov 'leodvvov. 
 Old High German umbi is used in the same sense, as in haubide 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 41 
 
 dhes libelles ist chiseriban umbi mih, "In the beginning of this 
 book is written about me. ' ' In Modern German it is common, in 
 the form um, as um etwas wissen, etc. In Anglo-Saxon ymbe 
 occurs, as Beow. 353, ic — frinan wille — ymb pinne sid, "I will 
 ask concerning your expedition. ' ' The compound ymbutan is not 
 used in this sense in Anglo-Saxon, but occurs in Early English, as 
 Met. 8, 14, hi ne gesawon sundbuende, ne ymbutan hi ne herdon, 
 "they did not see the sound-dwellers nor did they hear about 
 them. " Corresponding to Gothic bi Anglo-Saxon also shows be, 
 as Luke 3, 15, eallum on hyra heortan pencendum be Johanne, 
 "all men mused in their hearts of John, ,, and likewise Early 
 English, as P. Ploughm. 9197, so I seye by yow riche. There is 
 but little trace of this use in Modern English. An example is 
 Merch. of Ven. 1, 2, How say you by the French lord. The com- 
 pound aboute does not occur in Anglo-Saxon. Its first appearance 
 in Early English is in 1230, as Ancren Riwle 344, Hu hire stout 
 abuten vleschliche tentaciuns, and becomes one of the commonest 
 prepositions to give this meaning in Modern English. 
 
 Old Bulgarian uses for this meaning o, which may also be con- 
 sidered here (cf. p. 24, ftn.). An example is Luke 3, 15, pomys- 
 lyeyqstemi visyemi — o Joanye, 8ia\oyi£ofj,ev<0v irdirroyv — irepl rod 
 '\<odvvov. In Hussian secondary formations are used, but in Bo- 
 hemian o with the locative still gives this meaning. 
 
 Although Sanskrit does not show pari in this sense, the one 
 instance of the word in Old Persian is in such a meaning, namely, 
 Bh. I, 54, naiy adarsnaus cisciy pastanaiy pariy Gaumatam, "no 
 one dared to say anything about Gaumata. " Latin circa, the 
 syntactic equivalent of irepC y is frequent in post- Augustan prose, as 
 Quint. 10, 5, 5, circa eosdem sensus certamen. This use persists 
 in the Romance languages, as Italian circa il noto affare, Spanish 
 acerca de esta circumstancia (beside the later expressions, Italian 
 intorno, Spanish en torno, at rededor), Ptg. acerca, ao redor, em 
 torno, and French autour de. 
 
 Sanskrit upari is used in this meaning, as Hitop. p. 73, 18, 
 ayam svdmi tavopari vikrtabuddhi, "that master being of altered 
 mind about you. J ' Judging from the use and meaning in Latin, 
 
42 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Romance and Germanic of the cognates of this preposition (cf. 
 below), it may be assumed that the idea of reference developed 
 from the meaning "over, upon,'' rather than that of "above. M 
 Additional evidence for this assumption may be given by the fact 
 that Gothic ufar which means "over, above, M but not "upon," 
 is not used in the meaning " concerning, ' ' while ana, meaning 
 "upon," is thus used. 
 
 Latin super to express reference belongs at first to colloquial 
 language only, being entirely avoided by Caesar, and occurring in 
 Cicero only in the letters. Later it becomes frequent. In this 
 sense it is always used with the ablative (in contrast to the use 
 of the accusative in the local meaning, cf. p. 20). An example 
 is Cic. Att. 16, 6, 1, hac super re scribam ad te Rhegio. In the 
 Romance languages this becomes one of the most common preposi- 
 tions for this meaning, as Italian parleremo sopra 'I vostre affare, 
 French Us disputent sur telle question, and Spanish disputarse 
 sobre una cose. 
 
 The use of the preposition in Old High German is shown by 
 lukkiu urchunde uber mih ze sagenne, "to speak false testimony 
 about me. ' ' In Modern German uber is the commonest preposi- 
 tion to give this meaning, as uber etwas sprechen, etc. In Anglo- 
 Saxon ofer is rarely used in this sense. An example is Luke 19, 
 41, hi veop ofer hig, "he wept over it." ~No instance seems to 
 be available from Early English, but in Modern English its use 
 is fairly common. 
 
 An instance of the use of a preposition of totally different 
 origin from the three Greek ones under consideration is shown by 
 Lithuanian, where ape is the regular preposition, as Mark 1, 30, 
 if tojaus jam ape j(l pasake. Sometimes uz is less correctly used, 
 as nesirupink uz man\ i i grieve not about rae." 
 
 This is more striking in Latin, where Reference is most com- 
 monly expressed by de, as Cic. Lael. 1, 1, multa narrare de Laelio. 
 This is shown also in the Romance languages, as Italian pensare, 
 giudicare.di una cosa, Spanish pensar, disputar de una cose, 
 French parler, discourir d' une chose. This is the only instance 
 in which a preposition of altogether different original force is 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 
 
 43 
 
 conspicuously preferred to the words meaning "around, over, " 
 which exist beside it and are also used to give the idea of refer- 
 ence. In de the starting point is what is emphasized. Before 
 stating the Greek usage in regard to afi<f>{, irepl and irrrep, it may 
 be of interest to contrast with the parallel prepositional uses of 
 their equivalents in other languages the expression of reference 
 by other prepositions of different original meaning. This can be 
 most briefly suggested by the following table in which the preposi- 
 tions are arranged according to their literal meaning, so as to show 
 the line of development to this figurative sense : 
 
 
 around 
 
 over 
 
 upon 
 
 towards 
 
 from 
 
 behind 
 
 Greek 
 
 hfupi 
 
 Tzepi 
 
 vrrip 
 
 (eiri) 
 
 (elc , n P 6c) 
 
 
 
 Sanskrit 
 
 
 (OP. 
 pariy) 
 
 upari 
 
 adhi 
 
 abhi 
 
 
 
 Latin 
 
 
 circa 
 
 super 
 
 
 ad 
 
 de 
 
 
 Romance 
 
 
 circa, 
 cerca 
 
 sobra, 
 sur 
 
 
 
 de, di 
 
 
 Gothic 
 
 bi 
 
 
 
 ana 
 
 (do) 
 
 
 
 O. H. German 
 
 umbi 
 
 
 ubar 
 
 
 
 fona 
 
 
 Mod. German 
 
 um 
 
 
 iiber 
 
 (an) 
 
 
 von 
 
 
 Anglo-Saxon 
 
 ymbe, be 
 
 
 ofer 
 
 on, upon 
 
 
 
 
 Early English 
 
 ymbutan, be 
 
 
 
 on, upon 
 
 
 of 
 
 
 Mod. English 
 
 about, (by) 
 
 
 over 
 
 on, upon 
 
 (anent) 
 
 of 
 
 
 Lithuanian 
 
 
 ape 
 
 
 
 
 
 UZ 
 
 Old Bulgarian 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 In literary Greek a/x</>t is as limited in this use as in the local 
 meaning. With the genitive it is almost wholly poetic, occurring 
 once in Herodotus, 6, 31, aficjA KpCaios t£>v fivrjarrjpoav roaavra 
 iyevero, and in Homer but once, Od. 8, 267, ap^l ^tXoT^ro? aefoeiv. 
 In Pindar and Euripides it is more frequent. With the dative it 
 is commoner, as Hdt. 3, 32, an<j>l rat 6avara> avrrjs &£o? \eyerai 
 X070?, and with the accusative also, as Aesch. Suppl. 246, eXpyicas 
 aficf>l Koafiov ayjrevSrj \6yov> and the formulas afujn fiol awe, aval;, 
 etc., used by the dithyrambic poets. 
 
 The usual preposition for this meaning is wept. It occurs with 
 the dative with words denoting care, anxiety, etc., so that it ap- 
 proaches a causal force, as II. 10, 240, eSSeiaev Be irepi ^avdq> Meve- 
 Xaa), Thuc. 1, 60, Beicrcu irepl ra x^PW* With the genitive it is 
 very common, as Thuc. 4, 22, \eyeiv tcai atcoveiv irepl two?, and 
 
44 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 often becomes a mere periphrasis, as Plato Ap. 19c, eX rt? 7repl rcov 
 tolovtcdv <ro(f)6<; i<rri. From the use with the accusative to express 
 literal or figurative occupation near or around some object, as the 
 Homeric irepl Bopira iroveladai and Attic a/xeXcos i%elv irepl re 
 (riva), etc., the idea of reference in general arose, as Xen. An. 3, 
 2, 20, dfiaprdveiv irepl riva, Plato Crit. 50d, ol vofioi ol irepl tow 
 ydfwvs. This less immediate meaning of reference is however 
 often given by the use of the genitive as well, and the difference 
 is but slight. Cf. Plato Euthyphro 3b, tccuvoTOfieiv irepl to, Oela 
 and 5a, Kauvorofielv irepl tojv Oelcav. In the Attic inscriptions irepl 
 with the accusative interchanges with ek and irpo<; in such expres- 
 sions as in CIA. II, 581 [320], faXoTCfila? tt}? irepl rrjv iravwx®a 
 rrp irepl tovs deovs. The use of virep to express reference is a 
 development from its meaning of "in behalf of, in the interest 
 of," etc., and in good Attic prose it is not so colorless as irepl 
 but retains to some extent the idea of interest (K.-Bl. 3 §435). 
 It is most common in the orators, as Dem. 6, 35, fify irepl t<ov 
 Sitcalcov /L1778' virep ra>v e^co 7rpa<yp,dTa>v elvai ttjv fiovXrjv, aU' virep 
 tS)v ev Ty %ay>a. A Homeric example is II. 6, 524, virep aeOev 
 ataxe 1 cikovo). In the Attic inscriptions (Meisterh. 3 p. 222) the 
 confusion in use with irepl with the genitive became general after 
 about 300, as CIA. 33, 307, 5 [290], irepl $>v airayyeXXei 6 ay&vo- 
 Oen?; virep rS)v dvaiGiv. 
 
 1. ClfMptl. 
 
 a. With the dative. 
 
 Cretan. SGDL 4991, I, 17 [middle 5th cent], tU 67 *' ap<f>l 
 ScoXwc /moXuovtl (fycovlovre: fbv fe/caTepo? rjfiev. The reason for this 
 case use may lie in the fact that this is the only example in which 
 the preposition has a personal object Cf. ib. I, 2, o? /c' eXevdepm 
 $1 Bo)Xa)i fieXXei avfafieoXev. 
 
 b. With the accusative. 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 557, 7 [ca. 3rd cent], 'ATualat e]8o^e 
 reXel [at] e [y tool tov Av/celov re/ievei] firj [S] ' lir [y] eveaOai — a/xcfrl 
 to tou Av/cel[ov . . . ol o-Tparayjol KplT(o[y . . . 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 45 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, VI, 26 = IX, 19 [middle 5th cent.], 
 ai Be k? 6 avrificoXos dirofjLcoXrjc av<f>l rb %/0?}o? &i K* dv<j>Lfico\L(ovTt. 
 Similar expressions occur also in V, 46, VI, 52, 4998, IV, 16 
 [middle 5th cent], and 5044, 24 [ca. 280]. Except for the ex- 
 ample in Argive to give the eponymous officer (cf. I, B, 2, a, p. 
 30) these are the only instances in the dialects of a/x</>t, which 
 gave way before irepl here as in literary Greek. The example 
 from Argive is interesting, as being almost a century later than 
 the earliest instance of irepl in this sense. Cf. the table of afi<f>L 
 and virep, p. 50. 
 
 2. lT€pL 
 
 a. With the genitive. 
 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 105B, 24 [ca. 475], ocrns— fj [ti k\okov 
 fiovkevoi irepl T^wi^cov tov gvvov elB(b<; — diroWvcrOai, 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 281 A, 16 [333], icplva\i \i\ev avrov /epvirra 
 ylra<f)L(T€L ofioo-avras ireppj davdroo. 
 
 Thessalian. Hoff. II, 70, 3 [6th or 5th cent], aX(X)' avde irep 
 yds rdaBe iro\(\)6v dpiarevcov Wave. 
 
 Boeotian. CIGS. I, 3054, 8 [Roman], crovveofio [Xoyeto-avj to 
 irepl ra>v Baveico . . . — [/ea#(w? d 7ro]Xt? 7repl ovrcov i-yfracftirraro. 
 
 Phocian. SGDI. 1547, 8 [2nd cent], irepl Be r&v irporepov 
 d(f)eL/JLe[vcov e\e]v6epcov — d avrd %ap,ia eara). 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2561A, 4 [1st half 4th cent], raye[v]ce<o 
 8i[/ea&o$ ic]ard rovv vojjlovs — ical rots — irep rwv ' AireXkafav. 
 
 Aetolian. SGDI. 1411, 7 [ca. 193], rd tyafylaiiara — irepl 
 7rdvr(ov rtav <$>i\av6pdyir<i)v /card/iova elfiev. 
 
 Elean. SGDI. 1149, 4 [ca. 500], crvveav h? a\(\)dkoK rd r 
 a\(X)a /cal irdp iroXe/xco. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4430, 2 [221], iroOoBov iroirjcafievov Aa/uWo? 
 — Ttepl 7rpoi;€VLa<;. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3025, 3 [242-235] , Kara rdBe etcplvav toI 
 Meyapels — irepl t<z? %o>pa? a? dficfyeWeyov /cal [irep] I rov *2e\\avvo [y. 
 
 Corinthian. SGDI. 3175, 2 [later than the early inscriptions], 
 o? irepl rd<$ avrov 7a? Odve ftapva/jievos. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3340, 116 [2nd half 4th cent], a^ra irepl 
 iraiB(ov evicaBevB^ovaa ivvirvtov elBe. 
 
46 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3749, 5 [ca. 220], cvveveyteelv 'PoW ica 
 'YepairvrvCou; ra Bogavra irepl ras cv^/ia^ia?. 
 
 Calymnian. SGDI. 3591a, 41 [2nd or 1st cent.], *<» rk 
 aXXa [irdvra'j itolovvt(o roi irpoardrai irepl tclv eyiiaprvpiav. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3620, 2 [Eoman], irepl 2>v ' AXitcapvacraeis — 
 [aQiovirri Bofiev avrols dvayopevaiv. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 5125A, 11 [after middle 5th cent], irepl Be 
 tw fuarS) at </>G>i/[wt? . . . 
 
 Examples are numerous in all the dialects quoted except Boeo- 
 tian. 
 
 b. With the dative. 
 
 Arcadian. Inschr. v. Magnesia 38, 46 [ca. 207], ol vofioypdfoi 
 — hnhei^avrcDv toll iroXei, o>9 o* iroXlrai ftovXevcr(o)vTai irepl toivL 
 
 Cf. the use of the dative here with that with diro and e/c, Ch. 
 IV, I, 2, p. 71. An example of partial encroachment upon this 
 by the genitive usage of the tcoivrj is shown in line 8 of the same 
 inscription, ical diroBovrcov — teal irepl reav Xoiireov irdvrtov BiaXe%- 
 0€<r(Ti. The dative participle is anacoluthic, agreeing logically 
 with diroBovrcov, and irdvaiv must be taken with r<av Xotir&v. 
 
 c. With the accusative. 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 96, 4 [357], eirel dvrjp dyaOcx; [eyevero ir~]epl 
 
 TT)V ITOXlV T7)V 'HLpv[6pal ] 0)1/. 
 
 Arcadian. SGDI. 1222, 32 [Pre-Koman], el [S'] dv t<[?] . . . 
 itcrjTOi t<ov irepl ret epya av , . . tear el Be tl. 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 304A, 17 [319], eyever^o Bk teal irepl rav 
 (TiToBetav dvrj[p dyados. 
 
 Cf. also ib. 311, 26 [Roman], eiraiVTjv Aaffeava iraieras eovra 
 retfias dfyov teal Bid rav Xolirov fiev irepl tov ftcov aepvoraTa. 
 
 Phocian. SGDI. 1552a, 17 [ca. 3rd cent], irapatcaXelv avrbv— 
 [ — dyadojv yiveaOai — [irepl toxs iroXiras. (Only restored ex- 
 amples occur.) 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2820, 2 [170-157], dvrjp dyaOos eVn irepi 
 rav iroXiv t<ov AeX<f>S)v. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4544, 6 [195], cnrovBds teal <f>CXoTiiila<; ovOev 
 eXXehreov irepl irdaav ^pelav (av) Tvy)(dvei T49 e^ow. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 47 
 
 Corinthian. SGDI. 3195b, 8 [3rd cent.], avaXcofidrcov awnro- 
 hucov . . . Trjpioyv a irepl rav Kopxype^avt 
 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 784, 4 [369], afyicotievos e? Tpo&va 
 irepC re rav a(orr}pCav Tax x ( *P a<; dyaOo? io~Tt. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 4154, 44 [3rd cent.], dv$pe$ dyadol eyevovro 
 irepl rd lepd rd Aivhlcov. 
 
 Calymnian. SGDI. 3585, 24 [4th cent.], evvoias dv tytov Biare- 
 \el irepl to 7r\\_r}6o<; t&v Ka\] vfivuov. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3613, 4 [3rd cent,], dvrjp dyado? e<rri irepl tov 
 Sdfwv tov Ktota)!/. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 5058, 32 [3rd cent.], t]ovs wpy? k [at /ca] 
 Tivas dWovs VGTepov dedo^fijeda fj ire\_pl Td diva] rj xepl Ta iroX- 
 [m] ted. 
 
 There are other examples in all the dialects quoted. This usage 
 is quite parallel to that of irepl with the accusative in literary 
 Greek and especially in the Attic inscriptions, for the same varia- 
 tion between irepi, ek and irpos referred to above occurs throughout 
 the dialects also. (Sometimes the idea is expressed by the dative 
 without a preposition, e. g. } Phocian CIGS. Ill, 223, 3.) A 
 very forced instance is seen in Lesbian, in the second example 
 given above. The example from Delphian shows the regular 
 phrase in the manumission decrees in referring to the death of 
 the master. 
 
 3. virep. 
 
 Ionic. CIGS. I, 314, 2 [1st part 3rd cent.], /ecu Xeycov /eai 
 irpdiTcav [t] d avfjL(f)6povTa virep tt}? 7ro\€a>?. 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 281C, 11 [306], o jSiwr/W *AX#^/w--H 
 
 7r[poo-er']a^€ ['Epe] <7tW icplvai virep T€ [' Aycoj viinr [a> K~\al [Evpvo~- 
 iXd] a). 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 488, 120 [223-197], Tav tc avvypacfyov, dv 
 e[Sa)]/cav owrep [o]£/tgh> tcov xpecfidTonv. 
 
 Phocian. CIGS. Ill, 98, 6 [after 196], vnep 8k t&v dXXav 
 dirdvr[oyv t<x vo/iifia tcXtj Xjafifidvecv Bolqotoik kcu <3>G>/cet? Trap* 
 dXXrj[X<ov . . . 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2506, 37 [277], oVt dv ex^vri [dyadbv irpd- 
 a^creiv virep tojv irepl tov Alowo~ov T^eyyLTWV. 
 
48 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Locrian. SGDI. 1502, 10 [2nd cent.], irpovoiav i [Vot] rjcravro 
 Kara kqivov r [a] v apurrav virep Ta? avvoBov iSiv \je~\ yynav. 
 
 Elean. 01. V, 47, 21 [after 164], t[* opC\ a tcl re[ff] e[yra] virep 
 rav Kpi[crQa>fi fievrj Kvpia — yeyev [r)/JL€~\va^ teal irpore [/?] ov tcpiaios 
 — [yire]p rav[ra<; ra]? %a>/>a? virep a? \yvv hiafyepovrai] . . . 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4568, 6 [86], airovBfc zeal faXoTififo ov6ev 
 evXelirovTes virep &p teal — a iroXis — avioxs i/coo-firjaev Tt/*afc. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3010, 17 [306], tow? ayaBov n irpdaaomas rj 
 Xoyeoi rj epym virep Ta9 ttoXios. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3339, 41 [2nd half 4th cent], Trafc a<j>covo<; 
 (t)[/cera9 a(f>L^/ceTO efc to lapbv virep <f>cova$. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 4254, 9 [211], virep irpo%evia<i At? fUfrpCm Ato- 
 Botov Ivpa/coo-tm. This concludes the prefatory sentence of an 
 honorific decree. 
 
 Theran. SGDI. 4706, 255 [end 3rd or beginning 2nd cent.], 
 ravra Kvpia earto, irXav virep ^taXvceo)?* virep Be tovtov fir) e^era) 
 e^ovalav firjOefc. 
 
 Calymnian. SGDI. 3585, 20 [ca. 4th cent.], teal Xeyeiv teal 
 irpdaaeiv ra Be'ovra virep rod [irXrjdov] (? t)ov KaXv/ivuov. 
 
 Coan. Mitth. 23, 447, no. 1, 4 [middle 3rd cent.], virep wy Ka\i 
 P^aaiXevs [Ilro] Xefiaios eypa-\jre virep aviov e\y i]iri<TToXai [^]^ 
 eire/jLyjre — virep ra? 6vcrl\a<$. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 5040, 57 [2nd cent.], virep Be t<ov irpoyeyovoroyv 
 — aBi/cq/jLciTcov — irotrja'da'dcov rav Biefjayayav oi — Koa/101. 
 
 Examples are numerous in all the dialects quoted. A compari- 
 son of the examples of virep with those of irepC with the genitive 
 shows the same conflict to exist which appears in the Attic inscrip- 
 tions. The tendency in each dialect is a general one, not at all 
 due to the use of one or the other preposition with any particular 
 phrase.* For the dialects as a whole, the same statement may be 
 
 * For example, irpeopevu and related words occur with rcepi in three dialects, Les- 
 bian Hoff. II, 121, 6 [2d half 3d cent.], Boeotian BCH. 19, 314, no. 1, 24 [after 3d 
 cent.], and Cretan Mon. Ant. I, 45C, 29 [ca. 183], The same words are found with 
 virip in inscriptions from Arcadia, BCH. 20, 124, no. 2, 283, Thessaly BCH. 13, 379, 
 no. 2, 14, Boeotia BCH. 19, 314, no. 1, II, 25, and in Argive SGDI. 3290, 21, all 
 of Roman times. An examination of the use with words of speaking and of judg- 
 ing shows the same results. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 49 
 
 made which Meisterhans gives in regard to Attic, namely, that the. 
 earliest instances of xnrep — irepi occur about 300 (cf. Lesbian,, 
 Megarian, Calymnian, above). Thereafter this use becomes more 
 and more common. In the latter examples the influence of the- 
 KOLvrf was undoubtedly a factor. Since there are no instances of 
 irrrep in this use at a time earlier than that in which such an Attie 
 use of it existed, it is idle to consider whether the force might have 
 developed in the dialects from any other meaning of virep than 
 that of "in behalf of, " from which it arose in literary Greek. 
 (Cf. Sanskrit, Latin, Anglo-Saxon, etc., above.) As long as there 
 is no evidence to the contrary, its origin may be assumed to have 
 been the same in the dialects as in literary Greek and the Attic 
 inscriptions. 
 
 There is but little of interest to note in regard to the individual 
 dialects. The preference for irepl (in all uses) in Lesbian, re- 
 marked upon by Ahrens p. 151 (and reiterated by Pomtow, Jhb. 
 f. Phil. 127, 324), with evidence from the literature, is not seen 
 in the inscriptions, the date of the earliest example of virep 
 in this use being earlier than that of irept, and the preponderance 
 of examples being also in favor of virep. (In other uses virep 
 occurs once, in a late example expressing " in the interest 
 of, ' ' and irepl occurs once, in a dedication, which seems to be the 
 sole instance in support of Ahrens' statement. Cf. pp. 35, 
 37). There is but one late example of irepi in Boeotian, but virep 
 is frequent. This assumption of a definite preference for virep 
 in this dialect accords with the appearance of v*4p earlier than 
 irepC in a Megarian inscription whose orthographic peculiarities 
 Bechtel accounts for by suggesting Boeotian influence (SGDI. 
 3010). If this suggestion is correct, a syntactic influence may 
 then be thought of also, as one reason for this Megarian use of 
 virep. 
 
 The following table summarizes for each dialect the facts given 
 above : 
 
50 
 
 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 
 ap.<pL 
 
 irepi 
 
 vitip 
 
 Ionic 
 
 
 ca. 475 
 
 1st part 3rd cent. 
 
 Arcadian 
 
 
 ca. 207 (with dative) 
 
 
 Lesbian 
 
 
 middle 2nd cent. 
 
 306 
 
 Thessalian 
 
 
 Gth or 5th cent. 
 
 
 Boeotian 
 
 
 Roman 
 
 223-197 
 
 Phocian 
 
 
 2nd cent. 
 
 after 196 
 
 Delphian 
 
 
 1st half 4th cent. 
 
 277 
 
 Aetolian 
 
 
 ca. 193 
 
 
 'JLocrian 
 
 
 
 2d cent. 
 
 iElean 
 
 
 ca. 500 
 
 after 164 
 
 Laconian 
 
 
 221 
 
 86 
 
 Me^arian 
 Corinthian 
 
 
 242-235 
 
 306 
 
 
 Later than the early 
 
 
 
 
 inscriptions 
 2nd half 4th cent. 
 
 
 Argive 
 
 ca. 3rd cent. 
 
 2d half 4th cent. 
 
 Rhodian 
 
 
 ca. 220 
 
 211 
 
 Theran 
 
 
 2nd or 1st cent. 
 
 end 3rd or begin- 
 ning 2nd cent, 
 ca. 4th cent. 
 
 Calymnian 
 
 
 
 Coan 
 
 
 Roman 
 
 middle 3rd cent. 
 
 Cretan 
 
 middle 5th cent. 
 
 after middle 5th cent. 
 
 2nd cent. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 (rvv, /jLerdy irehd. 
 
 Cognates : 1. <tvv ({&). No certain cognates. But cf. below. 
 
 2. fierd. Goth, mip, OHG. mit, As. raid. 
 
 3. ireSd. Arm. ?/e£, Lett. £>ez. 
 
 The principal other sociative prepositions are : 
 
 1. (*som, etc.) Skt. sam-, sa- (prefix only), saha (Av. hada, 
 OP. hada), samam, smat, etc., OB. s#- (prefix only), su, sun-. 
 
 Lith. and Lett, sar (prefix only), OPr. sen, Grk. dfia, 6/jlov are 
 related. The phonetic connection of Lith. sil, Lett, su with this 
 group is not clear. They are placed by some (Kretschmer, KZ. 
 31, 416) with Greek <rw, with the addition also of OB. su. But 
 the latter can come without difficulty from *som. 
 
 2. (*Jco, *kom) Lat. con- (prefix only), cum (Osc.-Umbr. com), 
 O. Ir. con, co. Gothic shows a trace of this in handugs "wise," 
 from *kom-dho. Cf. perhaps also Grk. kolvo<s from *komios. 
 
 In connection with the syntactic rivalry between crvv and fierd 
 it is of interest to note some instances from other languages where 
 the regular sociative preposition has been encroached upon or even 
 driven out entirely by another preposition not originally sociative. 
 In Latin poetry and post- Augustan prose simul is used in place of 
 cum. This doubtless arose from the use of simul cum = una cum, 
 as Plaut. Amph. 754, qui — istanc tecum conspicio simul, etc., but 
 it has made no serious inroad upon cum, which is still the usual 
 sociative preposition in all the Romance languages except French, 
 where it remains only in composition. The beginning of its dis- 
 appearance here may be traced back to Gallic Latin, in which the 
 use of apud for con appears as early as Sulpicius Severus (ca. 365- 
 425 A. D.), as Yita Martini 23, Angelos apud se loqui solere 
 dicehat (Geyer, Archiv. fur Lat. Lex. II, 26fi\). That apud 
 really has the sense of cum here, and not that of coram as in Latin 
 cf. Ch. I, p. 5), is shown by the use of cum with loqui in similar 
 
 51 
 
52 SYNTAX OF SOME PHEPOS1TIONS 
 
 phrases by the same writer, as Dial. I, 25, cum iste angeli loque- 
 bantur, etc. The conflict between the two prepositions resulted 
 finally in Old French in the victory of apud, which became od, 
 from *avod, *aod. At the same time the adverb avuec (avoec, 
 etc.), from original apud + hoc was in use, and this assumed the 
 role of od, an example from the eleventh century being Ch. d. Eol. 
 XIII, avoec ice plus de cinquanie chars, and superseded it so 
 entirely that avec appears as the regular sociative preposition in 
 Modern French. 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon accompaniment was expressed by mid, whose 
 cognates are still in use in other Germanic languages. But wip 
 (Goth, wip-ra, OHG. widar) "against, towards,* ' was parallel 
 in use to mid in expressions like "fight, contend against (with), 
 be friendly towards (with), speak to (with)," etc. Again, since 
 the step in meaning from "opposite, against" to "beside" was 
 an early one, wip came to be used with personal objects in the 
 sense of apud, thus showing another parallelism to mid, which had 
 gained the force of apud through its meaning "among" (cf. the 
 reverse use of apud for cum in Latin above). From such asso- 
 ciations the idea of accompaniment arose gradually in wip, as 
 C. P. 352, 4, cydde daet he nolde habban nane gemodsumnesse 
 wip da y felon, ' ' announced that he would have no association with 
 the wicked." This meaning was limited to the use with the 
 dative and accusative, although in the sense of "against" wip 
 occurs with the genitive and instrumental as well as with the two 
 former cases. In Early English wip became quite as common a 
 sociative preposition as mid. The variation in use was due chiefly 
 to locality and dialect, the north and east losing mid as early as 
 1200, but other regions showing both words in use, wip having 
 also at times an instrumental sense, in which use the loss of mid 
 was hastened by the encroachment upon it of durh and of by. 
 Examples from the fourteenth century are K. of Gl. p. 17, mid 
 hym he hadde a stronge axe, but P. Ploughm. 1398, gaf hem 
 rynges with rubies. In Modern English wip has gained the 
 mastery so completely as to become the only sociative preposition. 
 The sole trace of mid is to be seen in the compound midwife. 
 
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 53 
 
 The use of crvv and perd in literary Greek has been made the 
 subject of careful study by Tycho Mommsen in Beitrage zu der 
 Lehre von Griechische Prapositionen.* His point of view is 
 stylistic throughout, the main thesis being that the use of crvv 
 is poetic, and that of fierd a prose characteristic. It is shown by 
 convincing statistics that in Attic prose writers except Xenophon 
 a-vv is very rare in comparison with fierd (Thuc. 34: 401, Iso- 
 crates 0: 216, Plato 29: 509, Demosthenes 12: 266, Aristophanes 
 9: 330, etc. Cf. p. 356), and is almost altogether limited as fol- 
 lows : It occurs in stereotyped phrases like avv 6e<o y (e. g., Plato 
 Thaeat. 151b), a-vv o7r\ot?, (e. g., Thuc. 2, 90, 6), etc., which may 
 be differentiated from a general sociative use by the fact that they 
 express helpful accompaniment, as nearly as the meaning can be 
 defined. A parallel to this is to be seen in the Lithuanian su 
 devil and su de, equivalent to English ' ' Goodbye. ' ' Cf . also the 
 German Geh mit Gott, etc. The Latin equivalent is rather the 
 inscriptional quod bene felix faustumque sit, but cum is also used, 
 as Cato K.K. 141, 1, cum divis volentibus quoque bene eveniat, 
 and the use remains in Italian, as va con buona ventura, or state 
 col buono di. Secondly, it occurs in phrases standing in close 
 attachment to a noun, and indicating a closely related but usually 
 subordinate object, as Thuc. 5, 74, 3, (aireOavov) real 'AOvvaicov 
 %vv AlyLvi]Tai<; hia/coaiou This is called by Mommsen the ' ' in- 
 clusive" use, which seems the best term available, although it is 
 obvious that in many instances the avv cannot properly be trans- 
 lated ' i including. ' ' Such a meaning is often given in other lan- 
 guages by the addition of some strengthening word, as in Latin 
 una cum, Italian insieme con, Lithuanian drauge su (the usual 
 
 * In this work the usage of the Attic inscriptions is also given, and statistics for the 
 occurrence of the prepositions in question in certain works containing dialect inscrip- 
 tions, namely the old Corpus, Roehl's Ins. Gr. Ant., and two volumes of the new 
 Corpus (IG. Sept. I and IG. Sic. etlt.). But these are given without examples, 
 and no attempt is made at a classification by dialects. Moreover this covers only a 
 small part of the dialect material now extant. It is to supply this deficiency in 
 Mommsen' s work that the present collection of dialect examples has been made. 
 But it must be admitted that the number of occurrences of the two prepositions in 
 genuinely dialectic material is astonishingly meagre, so much so that for many dia- 
 lects no conclusion of their preference for one or the other preposition is warranted. 
 
54 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 expression for even general accompaniment), Anglo-Saxon aet- 
 gaedere mid, German zusammen mit and mit sammt, etc. 
 
 Only the inclusive use of <rvv is found in the Attic inscriptions 
 also, where the preposition is even limited to a use with objects 
 other than persons (Mommsen p. 497, Meisterh. 3 p. 221), 
 though in many later prose writers and in inscriptions of the 
 Roman period a freer use of avv is revived. That this state of 
 affairs is really a limitation of a former more general use of crvv y 
 to be considered side by side with the encroachment of p^rd 
 (cf. below), is shown by the widespread use of a-vv in compounds, 
 and by the usage of Homer and later poets, where it is a frequent 
 preposition until Euripides, who has v*erd with the genitive almost 
 as much as o"w, the figures being cvv 197, y^rd 101. The ex- 
 istence of <rvv denoting general accompaniment in several dialects, 
 as shown by the examples given below, is an additional argu- 
 ment for considering the limitation simply an Attic phenomenon. 
 
 The original meaning of fierd was that of ' l amid, among, 9 ' from 
 which the sense of " with" arose in Greek independently from Ger- 
 manic The close relation of the two ideas is emphasized by the re- 
 verse development in Anglo-Saxon and Early English of with to 
 the meaning "among" as Bo. 41, 4, Omerus, se goda scop, mid 
 Grecum selest was, " Homer, that good poet, was best among the 
 Greeks," and Alis. 3324, Justere he is with the beste. This 
 is common in Modern English. In Homer perd still means 
 "among,"* as shown by the fact that it occurs with the plural 
 only, and with collective singulars in the six examples T 50, 
 156 ayopf), X 49 (TTpaTq>, \ 449 &»Bp&p apiOficp, 4> 503 a-Tpo<f>d\iyyi 
 Koviiyiy O 118 KeurOai ofiov ve/cvecrai /acO' alfiari zeal fcovfyaiv. The 
 case use in Homer is practically that of the dative, representing 
 here the locative, there being but Hve examples of the use with the 
 
 * Mommsen assumes a still earlier meaning of "between," because of the Homeric 
 examples fierd x^poiv with ix Elv (very common) and other verbs (E 344, 6 372, x 10) 
 fitTa yafuptiAyoiv N 200, etc., suggesting that the limited idea of position between two 
 objects was broadened to the sense of "among more than two (i e., several) objects." 
 Such an extension is in itself natural enough (cf. the development of apfi) but there 
 is not sufficient evidence that the original meaning was restricted. 
 
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 55 
 
 genitive, namely N 700, 3> 458, ft 400, k 320, ir 140, all of the 
 plural number. The genitive use is equally rare in the succeeding 
 poets (the only instances are Hesiod, Theog. 392, Stesichor. ( ?) 
 fr. 32, Theogn. 1065, Simon, fr. 84, 1, Aesch. Prom. 1067), until 
 Sophocles and Euripides, where it becomes very frequent. It is 
 the regular construction in prose. Herodotus shows fierd with 
 the genitive almost as often as <rw (avv 72, fierd 64), although 
 never with the singular of inanimate objects, and only twice with 
 the plural of such words, the context of even these two examples 
 suggesting the meaning of personal objects. In many of the 
 examples the meaning "among" may still be seen, and of the 
 twenty-seven instances of his use of the singular with f^erd 
 twenty-one are in the phrase oi fierd rtz/o?, and three in tcoifidaOeu 
 (evSeiv) fierd t«/o?, which shows a very restricted usage. But in 
 the Attic writers from Thucydides on there is no such distinction 
 between the use of the singular or plural with fJ^rd or its occur- 
 rence with animate or inanimate objects, and perd with the geni- 
 tive almost entirely crowds out <rvv. This is the case in the Attic 
 inscriptions also. Whether the dialects show any limitation to 
 the use with plurals and collective singulars is doubtful, but what 
 encroachment upon (rvv exists is probably due in most cases to the 
 influence of the /coivrj ( c f. below). The case use is always that 
 of the genitive, except in Arcadian, where, as shown by its use 
 with other prepositions (cf. Ch. IY, I, 2, p. 71), the appearance 
 of the dative is to be regarded as an independent dialectic phe- 
 nomenon. 
 
 The original meaning of irehd was that of l ' behind, after, ' ' as 
 shown by the use of its cognates Armenian yet "after, " Lettic 
 pez "according to, after (i. e., in search of)," and its obvious 
 derivation from the word for "foot," Skt. pad, Grk. 7rou?,etc. In 
 its use with the accusative it would become synonymous with perd 
 with the accusative, whose force of "after" came through the 
 meaning "into the midst of." The meaning "with" of irehd 
 may be simply a further result of this agreement with perd in the 
 sense of "after," as held by Brugmann, Gr. Gram. §503 "Ver- 
 mutlich wurde wehd zunachst in der Bedeutung 'hinter etwas her' 
 
56 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Synonym von fierd und die partielle Ubereinstimmung im Ge- 
 brauch fuhrte durch Synkretismus zu einer vollstandigen, ' ' or it 
 may have arisen independently of /xera.* 
 
 In view of the former possibility, a restricted use of irehd 
 might be looked for, but there is no evidence of it. The only 
 inscriptional example of irehd in Lesbian is in the meaning 
 1 * after' ' (cf. p. 69), but, aside from the fact that Sappho shows 
 it in both senses, this cannot be regarded as anything but acci- 
 dental, and the same must be said of Theran, where also the only 
 example means " after' ' (cf. p. 70). The reverse accident, in 
 fact, is seen in Arcadian, Boeotian, etc., where the only examples 
 are in the meaning i ' with. ' ' The two prepositions are apparently 
 quite synonymous, and the use of one or the other fs merely a 
 question of dialect. Literary Greek shows ireSd in Aeolic and 
 Doric, and in passages in tragedy, etc., composed in Doric. 
 Kretschmer, KZ. 31, 449, suggests for Attic ireravpov (Ionic and 
 Euboean irerevpov) a derivation from irerd and the stem of avpa 
 (cf. TreSaopo?).- Elsewhere it is found only in the dialects given 
 below. There is no evidence of the co-existence of both preposi- 
 tions in the same dialect. Whenever ftera appears in an inscrip- 
 tion of a dialect which also has iredd it is late enough to be 
 attributed unhesitatingly to the influence of the Koivr) y although in 
 some cases 7re$d was not entirely crowded out by this kolvtj 
 influence until Roman times. The dialect occurrences of irehd 
 are as follows: 
 
 Lesbian shows but one example, SGDI. 213, 20 [390], spoken 
 of above. The earliest instance of perd is SGDI. 281A, 12 [after 
 334]. In Arcadian the only example is in the abbreviated form 
 [tt] 4, as restored by Keil in the Mantinean inscription in Nachtr. 
 d. Konigl. Ges. d. Wiss. 1895, 353, 16 [early 5th cent.]. This 
 is supported by the proper name H[e]8ap{Tco SGDI. 1247 (front), 
 
 * The least probable view is that of Osthoff, in Geschichte des Perfects im Indo- 
 german. p. 574, which is just the opposite of Brugmann's, namely, that the force of 
 "after" in tredd is taken over from fiera, because the cognates of the latter show an 
 early use with the accusative in Old High German, Old Norse, and Anglo-Saxon, 
 and because the influence of fier& on iredd is shown in the name of the month 
 TLerayeirvioc (cf. on Megarian, etc., below). 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 57 
 
 B, 10. There is no example of fierd. In Boeotian TreSd is fre- 
 quent, as SGDI. 489, 5, 22 [end 3rd cent], etc. The occur- 
 rence of fierd in the same inscription is evidently due to /coivr) 
 influence. Megarian shows only a trace of 7reSd in the name of 
 the month UerayeLTvicoi SGDI. 3052, 19 [end 3rd or beginning 
 2nd cent.]. The t in this is not a phonetic development, but evi- 
 dently due to the Attic form MerayeiTvio*;. In line 10 of the 
 same inscription p [ereo-Ti occurs, the p being somewhat uncertain, 
 and there is an example of perd as an independent preposition of 
 about the same date, namely, 3078, 11 [2nd cent]. For this 
 juxtaposition of irera- and perd cf. also Coan below. Argive has 
 no independent use of irehd * but several compounds occur, namely, 
 TreBdfoupoL SGDI. 3265, 2, 3269, 8; 7reSa<£op [a ? ] SGDI. 3325, 
 276; IleSaK/HTo? SGDI. 3282, 3, and v&m> (~penfr) SGDI. 
 3277, 18. These are all of early date, the latest being probably 
 irebmv, which is to be placed after 405 B. C. The earliest in- 
 stances of At€ra date from the second half of the fourth century, 
 as SGDI. 3339, 20, etc. In Khodian y&rd is the only form in 
 which the preposition occurs, as SGDI. 3749, 87 [ca. 220], etc., 
 but the name of the month HeSayetrvios (and TleTayeiTvtos) is com- 
 mon, t From Thera there is one example of 7re8a, SGDI. 4772, 2 
 [4th cent.], and two a century later of perd both in the same 
 inscription, SGDI. 4706, 4, 110 [end 3rd cent]. Cf. under 
 Lesbian above. Calymnian shows fierd only in the compound 
 Uerayeirvm, SGDI. 3601, 1, Ditt. Sylloge 865, I, 1, 868, III, 8, 
 none of these being of early date. Examples of f^rd from about 
 the same time occur, as SGDI. 3585, 35 [ca. 323], etc. The same 
 situation exists in Coan, irehd appearing only in HerayeiTvios 
 SGDI. 3634b, 22, c, 17 [2nd or 3rd cent]. In line 16 of part 
 a, Paton and Hicks restore irehayeini] v{o)v, where perhaps Trerayei- 
 
 *Kretschmer, KZ. 31,449, quotes ncr 'IkeIu from SGDI. 3246, 37, 39, but this is 
 too doubtful an example to be of value. Blass (SGDI., 1. c.) and Kaibel (IGSic. 
 et It. no. 217) do not attempt to give a reading of the passage, although both quote 
 Stephanus' suggestion ttet' iKela {bprj.) 
 
 \Jle6ayeiTVLog SGDI. 4245, 144, 161, 192, 231, 298, 311, 469, 622. IGIns. I, 
 1080, 1104, 1152, 10 ; 1159, 6 ; 1220, 16 ; 1414, 4. Uerayehvcoc SGDI. 4245, 250. 
 Ditt. Sylloge 373,5. 
 
58 
 
 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 tp]v(o)v would be more correct. (For the complete inscription, 
 of which SGDI has only a and part of b, cf. PH. 37.) By the 
 side of this compound yerd occurs in the same inscription, in line 
 29 of b. Cf. Megarian above. Cretan shows only irehd in the 
 early inscriptions, as SGDI. 4991, III, 27 [middle 5th cent.], 
 etc., and instances occur as late as 167 B. C, in SGDI. 5150, 14, 
 etc. The first appearance of yerd seems to be in the second cen- 
 tury, as SGDI. 5040, 34, etc. These detailed statements show 
 that TreSa is found in the five dialects Arcadian, Lesbian, Boeotian, 
 Theran and Cretan, taking precedence chronologically in each case 
 of the earliest example of fterd. In Argive there are several com- 
 pounds of irehd indicating its previous independent existence in 
 this dialect, and the name of the month corresponding to Attic 
 MeTayeiTvi&v gives similar evidence for Megarian, Rhodian, 
 Calymnian, and Coan. This is summarized in the following 
 table : 
 
 
 fieri 
 
 ireSa 
 
 Compounds of irefia 
 
 Arcadian 
 
 
 early 5th cent. 
 
 
 Lesbian 
 
 after 334 
 
 390 
 
 
 Boeotian 
 
 end 3d cent. 
 
 end 3d cent. 
 
 
 Theran 
 
 end 3d cent. 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 
 Cretan 
 
 2d cent. 
 
 middle 5th cent. 
 
 
 Argive 
 
 2d half 4th cent. 
 
 
 before 405 
 
 Megarian 
 
 2d cent. 
 
 
 end 3d or beginning 2d cent. 
 
 Rhodian 
 
 ca. 220 
 
 
 no absolute dates 
 
 Calymnian 
 
 ca. 323 
 
 
 late 
 
 Coan 
 
 3d or 2d cent. 
 
 
 3d or 2d cent. 
 
 I. Accompaniment. 
 
 1. ovv. 
 a. Helpful {cf. p. 53 above). 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 177, 6 [355], MavaacbWov fih (rood euros o~vv 
 t&iM. Perhaps Hoff. 59 [560], to'S' ayaX] pa— [//,' ireXeacre 
 avu vlov ' ' A] p^e/3/ioi; o-o [</>] ifyra/ (Frohner's restoration) may also 
 be placed here. But no other editor reads a preposition in the 
 text, so the example is at all events a doubtful one. 
 
 Cyprian. SGDI. 120, 4, rt\(X)^a 'Ovaa-iycUo tw ' A7ro'\(X)a>w 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 59 
 
 tw MaytpLd) ovedw/ce, crv(y) Tv^a. Cf . iv tv%cu and v Tvx a > Ch. IV, 
 III, 3, p. 78. 
 
 b. Inclusive (cf. p. 53 above). 
 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 131, 2 [ca, 450], XapfiaverG) Be t&v Ovo/jlcvcov 
 o-^eXo? ev, bnolov av OeXrjt,, crvv t[tji] 6cr<f>vt. There are other later 
 examples. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 489, 38 [end 3rd cent.], elfiev iroTiBeBofiivov 
 Xpovov Rvj3(o\v hrivo^iCa^ feria irenapa fiovecrcri, crovv Xirirvs Sia/cartr)? 
 ft/can TrpoftcLTVS crovv rjyvs xwCkfyfi, Cf. also BCH. 14, 379, no. 
 29, 11 [before end 3rd cent.]. 
 
 Locrian. SGDI. 1500, 1 [229], nrarpb^ apt,£rj\oio HoXutptrov 
 via crvv Urirm Bepiceo. This is in such artificial language (in a 
 metrical inscription) that it is of little value. 
 
 Heraclean. SGDI. 4629, I, 89 [4th cent], apiO^bs opcov — hrra 
 crvv T(ot €7rl ra? 7r\eu/)ta8o?, hrl Be ras TpiaicovTaireBa) oktq) crvv rm 
 T€T/!3a)<t> pcoLy — eirl Be Ta> — hrra crvv rcot, Trap rav fiv!3\lvav p.acryakav. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3052, 28 [end of 3rd or beginning 2nd 
 cent.], [t£/a]<x lepeoretas crvv eKaTocrrai k\cu Tpta/co] o-Tat Bpa^fial 
 irevTaKLCf^iXiai. 
 
 Corinthian. CIGP. et Ins. I, 203, 11 [Koman], tovs £a>/iote 
 crvvjw 7repi,ft6\q) koi irpovdo). There are other examples of similar 
 date. 
 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 823, 9 [4th cent], eirl toll rofiai tov 
 arvKoficiTa, Trap . . . [<r]w Tafc irvaXicri. There are other ex- 
 amples of this date and later. 
 
 Calymnian. SGDI. 3591b, 26 [2nd or 1st cent], ra viroXonra 
 T(bv xprjfJLciTcov tovtcov a yiverai crvv t[o]k<oi. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3624b, 41 [ca. 205], KXem'a? ical Ev^fi/3por[o<; 
 to~\ I ®ev [£] cbpov crvv toll Tifiat, tov oXvov X. 
 
 c. Giving the eponymous officer. 
 Locrian. SGDI. 1478, 46 [1st half 5th cent], XaXetW tow crvv 
 
 ' AvTL<f>CLTa fOlKt]Tai\. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 4119, 3 [3rd cent], nrpocrTaTavV^ t&v crvv 
 UeccncrTpci[T(OL. Later examples are SGDI. 3751, 2, 8 [ca. 170], 
 3842, 4, 4239, 4, 14 and 3754, 1. 
 
60 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Theran. SGDI. 4706, 1 [end 3rd cent], eirl tyopwv tcov avv 
 <&oifioTe'\£i. A similar phrase occurs in lines 109 and 270. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3624b, 29 [ca. 205], irpoardTai ro\ avv X[a]p(- 
 v<o[l. Another example occurs SGDI. 3630, 5 [ca. 3rd cent.], 
 and later ones in SGDI. 3678, 3679, 3680 and PH. 156, 159. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, V, 6 [middle 5th cent], oV 6 A10\a\- 
 Xeu(9) arapTO? i/coa/uov oi avv Kv[\]\m. 
 
 These examples suggest that in this use, as well as in those of 
 the two preceding categories, <rvv remained longer than in that of 
 general accompaniment. There is no other instance of a-vv in 
 Locrian, except a late example in the inclusive use (cf. above), 
 and in the same inscription perd is used in almost an inclusive 
 sense (cf. below, p. 63). In Theran and Coan there are no other 
 examples of a-vv and Cretan shows no other instance of avv in the 
 Gortynian code, although there are fragmentary examples of about 
 the same date in the meaning of general accompaniment (cf. be- 
 low). The use of crvv in giving the eponymous officer is very 
 frequent in the later Cretan inscriptions. For the contrast be- 
 tween a-vv and p>erd in this usage cf. p. 62, where a comparison 
 with the usage of af4<f>{ and irepi to give the same idea is also made. 
 
 d. In general. 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 112 [660-610], IIa(/*)/fo 6 <?o\o<f>a>vio<i avv 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 321, 1 [130 A. D.], ore avv rr) Zepaarr) 2a/9et'- 
 vtjl iyevofirjv iraph t© Mepvovi. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3045A, 11 [end 6th cent], ... a xPVP"™ 
 [e? Meyapa hf\aviro) avv ra> Meyap[ei. This is the restoration 
 of Dittenberger and Purgold in 01. V, 22. Another example, 
 with the preposition partly restored, occurs in B, 22, of the same 
 inscription. 
 
 Corinthian. SGDI. 3188, 6 [archaic], Ifyaft/LteV??? — avv odp,- 
 [a>]t rooe aa/JLa fcaaiyvijTOio irovrjdri. 
 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 917, 10 [4th cent], ra lap[(o]fiaTa— 
 7r^fJL7T€a[6a^L avv rat, t[wi/] ^inoavpltov \ir6fi\iraL. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4992, IV, b, 5 [middle 5th cent], . . . a$<o at 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 61 
 
 tea Xrjt avv fiaiTvpa [i. A similar fragmentary example of some- 
 what later date is SGDI. 5092, 3, 4. For a discussion of these 
 examples cf. under perd, p. 64. An example of avv which may 
 perhaps indicate the Rhodian usage occurs in the beginning of the 
 Abou-Simbel inscription, the Ionic portion of which has been 
 quoted above (Hoff. Ill, 112). For the complete inscription cf. 
 Rohl IGA. no. 482. The sentence in question is Tavra kypasjrav, 
 rol avv ^afifiarlxv ©€o/c\(e )o? eirXeov. Since there are Doric phe- 
 nomena here, and since some of the following sentences are un- 
 doubtedly Rhodian (so given SGDI. 4109a), the assumption that 
 Rhodian syntax is shown may not be altogether unwarranted. 
 
 2. fierd. 
 
 a. Giving the eponymous officer. 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 304A, 45 [319-317], avdypayfrai Be rofe 
 ra/JLias tois fier* 'HpatcXeiTG) to yfrd^ia-fia, 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2504A, 5, p. 934 [344-352], lepofivvfiovovvrcov 
 T(Ofx fxera Aa [o^pv Kai ®P a [pvSdov. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3777, 4 [75], Tip,a(Be)vTa (nr[b tov kolv\o\v 
 Twi/] /4€*r' a(y)r \ov o~v\ varpar [ei><ra/x.] ev [a>] v. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 5015, 25 [after 183], af & h? airoaravTi Top- 
 tvvi fiev ol 7reS' ' Ap%e [fidyp /copfioi — [Kvcoaoi Be <*(/>' & h? amo^a- 
 tclvti ol 7rcS' JLvpvOOevla tcopfioi. 
 
 The date of these examples is in each dialect later than that of 
 the first occurrence of fierd to express general accompaniment. 
 Consequently they are of interest only in comparison with the 
 examples of avv (cf. p. 64) and of irepi and a/JL<f>i (cf. Ch. Ill, 
 I, B, 2, p. 30 f.) in giving the eponymous officer. The material 
 is however so scanty that with the exception of Delphian, Argive, 
 Rhodian and Cretan no dialect shows examples of the use of 
 more than one of these prepositions in such a use. In Delphian 
 the example of nerd is somewhat earlier than that of 7re/3/, and 
 possibly its use with a word of religious import like lepofivvfMovovv- 
 tcov suggests also that it is the more formal and archaic usage. 
 The Rhodian instances of irepi and p>eTa are so late that they are 
 
62 
 
 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 of little importance. The Cretan example of nreSd is interesting 
 because the phrase t&v <tvv 'Apx€fid%m occurs in the opening lines 
 of the same inscription. Doubtless the use of irehd is due to the 
 general encroachment upon <rvv which was prevalent at this time 
 in the dialects. This is supported bj the fact that o-vv occurs in 
 a forced and unnatural phrase in giving the eponymous officer in 
 a still earlier inscription, SGDI. 5007, 4 [3rd cent.], suggesting 
 that by this time the composer was awkward in his use of it 
 The facts are shown in summarized form in the following table : 
 
 
 anfr 
 
 irept 
 
 avv 
 
 On t"rt 
 
 Ionic 
 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 
 
 Arcadian 
 
 
 early 
 
 
 
 Lesbian 
 
 
 
 
 319 
 
 Thessalian 
 
 
 Roman 
 
 
 
 Phocian 
 
 
 Roman 
 
 
 
 Delphian 
 
 
 336-326 
 
 
 344-332 
 
 Locrian 
 
 
 
 1st half 5th cent 
 
 
 Elean 
 
 
 middle 4th cent. 
 
 
 
 Laconian 
 
 
 1st or 2nd cent. 
 
 
 
 Megarian 
 
 
 1st cent. 
 
 
 
 Argive 
 
 5th cent. 
 
 150 
 
 
 
 Rhodian 
 
 
 2nd cent. 
 
 3rd cent. 
 
 75 
 
 Theran 
 
 
 
 end 3rd cent. 
 
 
 Coan 
 
 
 
 205 
 
 
 Cretan 
 
 
 late 
 
 middle 5th cent. 
 
 183 
 
 b. In general. 
 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 177, 12 [355], iXeyteOemos 8e teal Qvcraov— 
 real Kpt,devTO<; (ruvaSt/ceiv fiera Mctvfoa. 
 
 JSTachr. d. Konigl. Ges. d. Wiss. 1895, 353, 16 
 cent.], el a\vo(riai /ca/cpidfj rj t<ov ^rj^dr^v \pr~\k toZ? 
 For an example of similar phraseology cf. Locrian 
 
 Arcadian. 
 
 [early 5th 
 foucidrcu [s. 
 below. 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 281 A, 12 [after 334], tc\v Se woXiv teal tc\ 
 I/O [a] $iapTrdaai<; fiera t<ov Xaiarav iverrpj^ae. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 705, 2 [355-346], iroXe/xov tov] e7ro[\efiiov] 
 Bo«btoI ire [8c\ t&v (rvfifid)((ov 7r] ot tg>? aaeftlovras. For complete 
 examples of later date cf. SGDI. 488, 153 [223-197], etc. 
 
 Phocian. SGDI. 1539, 28 [after 181], trwBi [*] a\el 8k 6 Upo- 
 Ta\ila<; fiera, r&v ap^ovTcov t^? Si/cas. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 63 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2502, 133 [353-325], irpoaipeTol wrb rav 
 ttoXios ftera Ta? fiovXas 'Etv fJL&vBas. 
 
 Aetolian. SGDI. 1413, 6 [197-159], nde/iev] dy&vxs teal 
 QvcrCas ra ''A.Odva ra Ni/ca(f>6pG) fiera tcov aBeX<j>cov ical tov Bdfiov* 
 
 Locrian. SGDI. 1478, 43 [1st half 5th cent.], XPVf jLaTa *nafia- 
 TO<f>ayelaTai to pepo? fiera foi/ciarav. Biofioo-ac hop<pov tov vojiiov. 
 The meaning of this much discussed passage* is probably that 
 suggested by Kohl, IGA 321 "bonaque eius publicantur, pars cum 
 servis. ' ' 
 
 Elean. 01. V, 45, 7 [306], toI Be crTpaTayol eirtfie [Xei'adcov 
 peTci] Ta[$ /3]ou\a9. 
 
 Keraclean. SGDI. 4629, I, 124 [4th cent.], to)?— iroXiavotiw 
 — iroOeXofieva)^ peT* avTO? avTcov — Be/ca avBpas. 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4568, 50 [86], igeo-Tco qlvtoIs iTri/caOfjo-Oai 
 fjL€Ta tu>v i<f>6pc0v ev irpoeBpiai. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3087, 8 [ca. 1st cent], HaXdtcovBe tov^kv- 
 Bav fiao-ikuos al<f>viBi(a<; e7n/3aX6vTO<; /lera 6%Xov nroXXov. 
 
 Corinthian. SGDI. 3206, 132 [3rd or 2nd cent], iyBave^eaBcj 
 fi€Ta tov aXXov apyvpiov kclOw hrdvw yeypaTTTai. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3342, 50 [early 2nd cent.], eXvaev d>Blva Ato? 
 7rat? /xera M [o] ipav Aa^etrt'? Te Mala ayavd. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3749, 87 [ca. 220], toI Be alpeBevTes fieTa t&v 
 7rapayeyev7]fi€va)v ef 'lepaTrvrv [a?] irpea^evrdv optcigdvTcov. 
 
 Theran. SGDI. 4706, 4 [end 3rd cent.], TaBe &€0€to— -'Ettuc- 
 Tryra Tpivvov fieTa /cvpiov 'Tirepei'Bovs tov (dTacrvXeovTOt. 
 
 Calymnian. SGDI. 3592, 5 [2nd or 1st cent], . . . v tcls 
 Bifca? a? eBi'/cafe . . . peTa hrvrpoirtov <S>t\i . . . 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3619, 11 [ca. 265], eTnfieXrjBevTa) Be /cat Ta? ow- 
 yopevcno? tov aTe<f>dvov ftera tov aywvoBera. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, III, 27 [middle 5th cent], Ta Te F k 
 avras eyev — tea [I t [o> Kapnrc [w] tw evB [o] Oev ireBa t<ov eirifiaXXov- 
 [rcov] fjiolpav Xa%e[y. 
 
 Except in Arcadian and Elean, each of which shows but one 
 
 *Cf. Roberts, Introd. to Grk. Epigraphy p. 354, Vischer, Eh. Mus. 26, 72, 
 Gilbert, Griech. Staats-Alt. II, 40 ftn., Meister, Ber. Konigl. Sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 
 1895, 325, etc. 
 
64 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 example of fierd, the preposition appears at least two or three times 
 in each of the dialects quoted above. An examination of these 
 examples in comparison with those of <rvv in the same use given 
 on p. 60 shows that in the dialects /-texa crowded out <rvv to a less 
 extent than in Attic. In many cases the date of the earliest in- 
 stance of fieTa is late enough that the preference for this preposi- 
 tion may be due to icoivr\ influence, and only Arcadian, Locrian and 
 Oretan show early examples of it. In Arcadian the paucity of 
 material prevents ascribing to anything but accident the fact that 
 there is no example of <rvv, as well as the fact that the one example 
 of nerd happens to be with the plural. The same must be said of 
 Locrian, in which avv occurs but once, in the usage where the 
 eponymous officer is given by the use of the preposition, and the 
 only early examples of perd in this use, both with the plural, are 
 found in this same inscription.* Since, however, one of these in- 
 stances of fierd (quoted above, p. 60) expresses such close connec- 
 tion as to recall the inclusive use of <rvv (as does also the Arcadian 
 example of M^Ta), some encroachment upon <rvv may be indicated. 
 In Cretan there are ^ve early examples of 7reSd (SGDI. 4991, 
 III, 27, X, 49, 4985, 5), three of which are with the plural, and 
 one with a collective noun, in contrast to one example of <rvv with 
 the eponymous officer, in the Gortynian code, and two fragmentary 
 examples of general accompaniment of about the same date. In 
 later inscriptions ireBd is common, but crvv occurs only in giving 
 the eponymous officer, in which use it is frequent. Perhaps some 
 slight restriction in the use of the latter preposition may be as- 
 sumed here. Ionic, Megarian, Corinthian, Argive and Khodian 
 show early examples of the use of <rvv to express general accom- 
 paniment. The Ionic example is of interest as a parallel to the 
 frequent use of crvv in Ionic writers, as Herodotus, etc., and to the 
 Ionicism of Xenophon in this point. The epic style of the Corin- 
 thian example detracts from its value as an index to the prose 
 usage of the dialect. Theran and Coan show later instances of 
 
 ♦The other examples of firrd are SGDI. 1504A, 4 [ca. 299], and three restored 
 passages, SGDI. 1504BA, 4, 1505, 2 [3rd or 2nd cent.], and CIGS. Ill, 269 [2nd 
 cent.] in all of which the plural is used. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 
 
 65 
 
 (tvv in this use, the example from Thera being in the same in- 
 scription which furnishes the earliest example of fierd. A limita- 
 tion of (tvv to the inclusive use seems to be evident in Boeotian. 
 But the inscriptions are late enough to prevent any certainty that 
 it is an independent dialectic phenomenon, and it may be merely 
 an indication of the influence of Attic which is perhaps seen in 
 some other points (cf. p. 49). Heraclean and Calymnian may 
 perhaps agree with Boeotian in this respect, but the lack of ma- 
 terial does not permit anything more than the suggestion of this 
 possibility. That Cyprian shows no example of f^erd and none 
 of a-vv except in the use of helpful accompaniment is doubtless 
 accidental, in view of the scarcity of material. That (tvv existed 
 here in other uses is shown by the example of this preposition 
 expressing instrument or manner (cf. II, p. 68). Likewise Del- 
 phian has an example from the early fourth century, and Elean 
 one of the sixth century, of a-vv in this instrumental use (cf. p. 
 68), which shows that stress can not be laid upon the lack of ex- 
 amples of the preposition expressing general accompaniment. 
 The following table gives the above facts in summarized form : 
 
 
 <rvv 
 
 fierd 
 
 
 Help- 
 fuf 
 
 Inclusive. 
 
 Giving Eponymous 
 Officer. 
 
 General. 
 
 
 Ionic 
 
 355 
 
 (560?) 
 
 ca. 450 
 
 
 660-610 
 
 355 
 
 Arcadian 
 
 
 
 
 
 early 5th cent. 
 
 Cyprian 
 
 early 
 
 
 
 
 
 Lesbian 
 
 
 
 
 130 A. D. 
 
 after 334 
 
 Boeotian 
 
 
 end 3d cent. 
 
 
 
 355-346 
 
 Phocian 
 
 
 
 
 
 after 181 
 
 Delphian 
 
 
 end 1st cent. 
 
 
 
 353-325 
 
 Aetolian 
 
 
 
 
 
 197-159 
 
 Locrian 
 
 
 229 
 
 1st half 5th cent. 
 
 
 1st half 5th cent. 
 
 Elean 
 
 
 
 
 
 306 
 
 Heraclean 
 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 Megarian 
 Corinthian 
 
 
 end 3d cent. 
 
 
 end 6th cent. 
 
 ca. 1st cent. 
 
 
 
 
 archaic 
 
 3d or 2d cent. 
 
 Argive 
 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 
 4th cent. 
 
 early 2d cent. 
 
 Rhodian 
 
 
 
 3d cent. 
 
 (660-610) 
 
 ca. 220 
 
 Theran 
 
 
 
 end 3d cent. 
 
 end 3d cent. 
 
 end 3d cent. 
 
 Calymnian 
 
 
 2d or 1st cent. 
 
 
 
 2d or 1st cent. 
 
 Coan 
 
 
 ca. 205. 
 
 ca. 205 
 
 ca. 205 
 
 ca. 265 
 
 Cretan 
 
 
 
 middle 5th cent. 
 
 middle 5th cent. 
 
 middle 5th cent. 
 
66 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 II. Manner. 
 
 The use of a sociative preposition to express manner is occa- 
 sionally found in Sanskrit, as R.V. 3, 12, 6, Indragnl, navatim 
 puro ddsapatnir adhunutam sakam ehena karmaiid, "Indra and 
 Agni, you have shaken ninety demon-ruled cities with one act," 
 and R. V. 10, 32, 3 jaya patim vahati vagnund sumat, "the wife 
 leads the husband home with a joyous cry. ff (This is the only 
 occurrence of sumat as a preposition, but in Avestan mat is com- 
 mon, as Yasna 11, 4, 5, Ys. 57, 26, etc.) In Latin cum occurs 
 except in common phrases (where no preposition is used), as Cic. 
 Fin. 4, 22, 61, cum summa tua dignitate, and this use of the so- 
 ciative preposition remains in the Romance languages. In Gothic 
 mip is common, as Mark 4, 16, suns mip fahadai nimand ita, evdeoos 
 fi€Ta x a P^ Xafifidvovaiv avrov, and mit is used in Old High Ger- 
 man, as mit freuuij mit heilu leven, "to live with joy, with good 
 fortune, " and in Modern German as well. Anglo-Saxon uses 
 mid, as Be. 68, 2, selle mid eadmedum his waepn, "Let him with 
 humility give up his weapons. M It occurs with the dative also, 
 as well as with the instrumental shown in this example, and, in 
 the phrase mid ryht, with the accusative. An example from Early 
 English is R. of GL, p. 24, tdk hire forp wip hym mid gret honour 
 ynowz, but wip becomes the regular preposition in this use as 
 elsewhere, as Alis. 1121, wip gret leore and wip gret schond. 
 Lithuanian sometimes uses sit as Mark 4, 16, tojaus tu su dzaugs- 
 mu priima, "immediately receive it with gladness/' but this is 
 less correct than the use of the participle modifying the subject 
 of the verb. In Old Bulgarian su is sometimes used, as Mark 4, 
 16, abie su radostiyq priemlyatu e, evBeay; fiera x a pfc ^dufiavovaiv 
 olvto'v. 
 
 Greek literature shows this usage with perd as Plato, Apol. 34c, 
 ItceTeveiv fierk Satcpvcov, Gorg. 526c, oalay; /cal /act' a\r)0eCas. It 
 does not occur in the Attic inscriptions of the classical period, but 
 is common later, as CIA. II, 334a, 1, b, 12 [270-262], /*er' 
 aafaXetas, etc. Examples of vvv expressing manner are not fre- 
 quent. Thucydides shows six examples of its use with abstracts, 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 67 
 
 as 1, 84, 2, fw> iiraivw (cf. Mommsen, p. 376). Plato has sev- 
 eral instances in evidently poetic passages, as Pol. IV, 424e, 
 <tvv 7ro\\rj aaeXyeCa. Examples of crvv in a meaning that is partly 
 manner partly instrumental occur in poetry, as Od. 5, 293, crvv 
 ve<f>e\€€cri tcakxrfyev yalav, Aesch. Sept. 885, hirjWa'xOe crvv <7t£a/?o>, 
 but in prose and in Attic inscriptions the simple dative takes its 
 place for the instrumental sense. 
 
 1. /JLCTCi. 
 
 Ionic. Hoff. Ill, 13B, 13 [394], & (w) [owfcrfl] a* £*X*V 
 'Afivvra/j, /j,7]8e Xa\/aS[ea? %®pt]"? etcaTepovs, aWd fiera /wa[? 
 yv<bfjLri<;. This is the reading of all editors but Hoffmann, who 
 prefers fiLa [v yvca^v, because elsewhere throughout the inscrip- 
 tion there is no Atticism as the a in fuas must here be (Smyth, 
 Ionic Dialect, p. 339). But to admit an Atticism in the phonetic 
 character of the inscription is probably safer than to assume with- 
 out additional evidence such a syntactic variation from the usage 
 of literature and the other dialects. 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 304A, 28 [319-317], t' d\\a irpdacru /mct' 
 evvolas. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2072, 22 [198], nrapa^evelv — fierd irdaa^ 
 evvoias. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3089, 3 [Roman], i/CT€v<o<; teal TrpoQvpxm /cai 
 fie\rd 7rap]p7)(ri a? i^prj/juaTL^ev. 
 
 Argive. CIGP. et Ins. I, 1, 9 [ca. 200], 8[i/caic#;~] Trpocrevrjvey- 
 fjLevov ttclctlv fjierd tt}? 7rdar)<; Kadapei \oTrf\ to?. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3750a, 15 [ca. 201], p^rd irdaa^ enrovhd^ kgl\ 
 (juXoTifA [ta?] ciir [o] KpCvacrOaL avrofc. 
 
 Calymnian. SGDI. 3569, 3 [4th or 3rd cent.], irdvra irpdaawv 
 
 Bl€T€T€\€K€ TOLL TZaTpL^L /JL€TCl IT [a] <Ta? €VVOLCL$. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 5016, 16 [after 183], brLTe\ed6evTa>v he tov- 
 t(o[v] 7reS[a Ta?]^hwi/ Olcov evvoLas. 
 
 Of the eight dialects which show p>erd in this use, Ionic, Les- 
 bian, and Megarian furnish but one example each, Rhodian two, 
 and Calymnian three. The earliest instance is dated 394, and 
 most of the others are much later, so that it is not certain whether 
 
68 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 the usage was a general Greek one, or is widespread because of the 
 influence of the kocvtj. 
 
 2. avv. 
 
 Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 28, ftaaiXexs kcl<s a ttto'Xi? tcaredqav l(v) 
 ra(y) BCov — avv op/cois. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 25 61 A, 20 [early 4th cent.], eSoge—avfju fa- 
 <£ot?. The same phraseology, except that the singular is used, 
 occurs in SGDI. 2615, 3, 2621, 3 (restored), 2624, 4, 2627, 1, 
 2844, 2845. Cf. Sect -ra? yfrdfov in 2642, 43, etc. 
 
 Elean. SGDI. 1156, 4 [6th cent.], igaypecov zeal iviroicov avv 
 /3(oXal TrevTcifcaTicov afXaveco? ical ociuoi ttXwQvovti. 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3342, 63 [ca. 200], avvavrrjaas avv cnrXoiaiv 
 Xaairo fievo? ^pvaeois. 
 
 It will be seen that the Elean example in this list expresses 
 manner only so far as accordance, i ' with the consent of, ' ' may be 
 thus classified. The remaining three examples might almost as 
 well be placed under a category of instrumental uses. (Cf. the 
 literary and Attic use of avv above.) Since this is quite in con- 
 trast with the clearcut meaning to be found in most of the ex- 
 amples of A*€Ta, it may be of interest to state briefly here the 
 methods of expressing instrument in other languages. Usually 
 the simple instrumental case (Latin ablative, Gothic dative) 
 serves this purpose, but the same sociative prepositions which are 
 used to express manner are found sometimes also expressing instru- 
 ment, except in Sanskrit, where the variation may doubtless be 
 referred to the fact that this language possesses a rather large 
 number of sociative prepositions. Sanskrit saha sometimes 
 occurs, as Kathas. 37, 62, prajvalyagnirii sahendhanaih "having 
 caused the fire to burn with fuel. ' 9 Latin shows cum in this use 
 in ante-classical, poetic and scientific literature, as Cat. 98, 3, cum 
 lingua linger e, Verg. Aen. 9, 816, cum suo gurgite accepit venien- 
 tem (fluvius), and the same usage appears in the Eomance lan- 
 guages, with Italian con, French avec, etc. In Gothic mi(> is 
 rarely used, as Matth. 26, 72, afaiaih mi(> aipa swarands, r)pvf)aaTo 
 ikcra opKov, but the preposition is more common in Old High Ger- 
 
IN THE GKEEK DIALECTS. 69 
 
 man, as mit fiuru brennen, "to burn with fire" and its use is 
 regular in Modern German. Anglo-Saxon regularly uses mid, 
 as Or. 158, 32, mid ane stane ofworfen, "struck with a stone/ ? 
 the dative and accusative occurring, as well as the instrumental. 
 The Modern English use of with to express this is seen in Early- 
 English also, as K. of Gl. p. 174, pe hynng was above yarmed 
 wyp haubert noble and ryche. The occasional use of su in Lithu- 
 anian is a Germanism due to the influence of mit. Old Bulgarian 
 sometimes uses su, as Matth. 26, 72, otuvruze se su kletvoyq, 
 r)pvr)<rcno fierd op/cov. 
 
 III. fierd "after." 
 
 Greek seems to be the only language which developed the tem- 
 poral meaning ' ' after" in a sociative preposition. (For the origin 
 of the sense of "after" in fierd cf. p. 55 above). Mommsen 
 (1. c, p. 42) points out that yard often means "after" in order 
 or series in certain parts of the Odyssey (frequently in the eleventh 
 book), but has not yet taken on a temporal sense. In later Greek 
 literature this use is common, especially in the phrases p^rd ravra, 
 etc. In the dialects quoted below examples are fairly frequent, 
 except in Ionic and Phocian in each of which there are but two, 
 and in Boeotian and Megarian which each give but one. (The 
 dialects show no examples of the local use which might be ex- 
 pected to occur.) 
 
 Ionic. CIGS. I, 298, 20 [ca. 270], irp6]croBov — tt/hwtoi? pLer[a 
 ra Xepd. 
 
 Lesbian. SGDI. 213, 20 [390], apxei irporav^ 6 ireSd KoXwvov, 
 e[/Lt <l>]w/cat Be 6 ireSd ' Kpi'tr [t] ap^ov. 
 
 Boeotian. CIGS. I, 339, 1 [Boinan], irapa^eivacav rbv eviavjov 
 (Km? Ka fier 1 JLv/3oi<7/cov dpyei. 
 
 Phocian. CIGS. I, 228, 2 [2nd cent.], rdv /ca,Ta/3]o[\dv rdv] 
 TplrcLv TrvXalas \oTTG>pi,v\ a? ra? perd rdv ^ovkap^iav T. . . 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 2561A, 40 [ca. 400], /carayopeiTO) ev rat 
 aXiai toll /JLerd fiov/cdTia. 
 
 Locrian. SGDI. 1478, 13, [1st half 5th cent.],-™ 6p 9 ov—eird- 
 yeiv /JLerd Tpidcpovra ferea. 
 
70 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4689, 29 [90], h Be toll tto^ttcll dyeLarco 
 MvaaiaTpaTO*; — fiera Be ravra al irapdevoL. 
 
 Megarian. SGDI. 3078, 11 [2nd cent.], /cal e<f>oBov iirl rdv 
 (3ov\dv teal rov BdpLov 7r/oarot9 p,erd rd lepd. 
 
 Corinthian. SGDI. 3206, 56 [3rd or 2nd cent.], e/x m™> Ev- 
 
 /C\€L(0L TOM fJL€Td TTpVTdVLV 'ApUTTOfieVT). 
 
 Argive. SGDI. 3339, 20 [2nd half 4th cent], fierd 8i tovto 
 — igekOovo-a. 
 
 Rhodian. SGDI. 3749, 30 [220], el Be tea pLerd top yey pap- 
 
 fievOV XpOVOV pL€T<nre p,7r<DVTCLL. 
 
 Theran. SGDI. 4772, 2 [4th cent.], 'AprapLLTLov TerdpraL TreS' 
 ItcdBa OvaeovTL lapov. 
 
 Calymnian. SGDI. 3585, 35 [ca. 320], irodoBov ttotI rdv 
 i/c]fc\r]<TLav puerd rd l(e)pd. 
 
 Coan. SGDI. 3720, 11 [3rd or 2nd cent.], tol re XolttoI toI 
 [/t]€T« ravra alpevpLevoi. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, II, 13 [middle 5th cent], al Be ica 
 BeBap,v\a~\p,evav 7re8' apuepav [o]$€\oi>, al Be K? ev vvttl } Bv 68e\6v<;. 
 
CHAPTEK IV. 
 
 Peculiarities Shown by Various Other Prepositions 
 in Certain Dialects. 
 
 I. Odd case uses. 
 1. civev? with the accusative, in Elean. 
 SGDI. 1157, 8 [archaic], . . . Ta? avevs ficoXav ical Zapov 
 irXaOvovra. Although the literary uses and the inscriptional oc- 
 currences of this preposition outside of Elean are uniformly with 
 the genitive, this development to an accusative use is a natural one, 
 in view of the Greek fondness for this case which becomes so 
 evident in the later language. (Cf. irapd with the accusative for 
 the dative and 7rpo? with the accusative for the genitive, II, 3, 4, 
 pp. 75 and 76.) The cognate prepositions in Germanic occur 
 with the accusative only, as Goth. John 15, 5, patei inuh mik ni 
 magup taujan ni waiht, ort, %a>/3t? i/iov ov 8vva<r0€ iroielv ovhev, 
 and OHG. dno mih, " without me." This might suggest that 
 the Elean use is a retention of an early construction instead of an 
 independent dialectic development. 
 
 2. airo and e/c with the dative, in Arcado-Cyprian. 
 a. airo. 
 
 Arcadian. Rohl, Im. 2, 6, 22 [archaic], airexoiiivw; /car&ppev- 
 repov yevo? rjvai a/xara irdvra anv to* Upol. 
 
 SGDI. 1222, 4 [Pre-Roman], iv apApais jpial airv rat av to 
 aSi/CTj/Mi yevrjTOi. 
 
 Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 8, v hvfdvoi — airv ral $a& ral fiaaiXefos 
 — to(z/) x&pov. 
 
 SGDI. 59, 3, BadXpafi] 6 'AfiiSfiiTuccov tg> ' Ait6\(\)(opi to> Afiv- 
 tc\m a<fi &t fol Ta? ev^wXa? en-en^e. 
 
 b. etc. 
 Acradian. SGDI. 1222, 49 [Pre-Roman], to> fiiv epydrav 
 iaSeWovre; e? toZ epyoi. A compound occurs in line 54, tto9 ral 
 e7re5 toI epyoi yeypapfi^evai crv\ yypdcj> [ot. 
 
 71 
 
72 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Cyprian. SGDI. 60, 5, Bopevai e£ tcol foc/ccoi tcol /3aoY\e/ro? #a? 
 ef rai ttt6\i]l apyvpco rd[Xavrov] d rd[\avTOV. Similar expres- 
 sions occur in lines 11 and 24. 
 
 An instance of this construction seems to occur also in a dialect 
 which, except for this example, shows practically no material for 
 the study of its prepositions, namely, in Pamphylian, SGDI. 
 1267, '4, S'jqaKetcpafjLevciy; if- eiriTri[8']ija4S ttoXlv at. . . . 
 
 This construction of airo and e/c does not occur in literary 
 Greek, and is to be considered an independent dialectic develop- 
 ment within Arcado-Cyprian (cf. Brugmann, Gr. Gram. pp. 398, 
 437). The general preference here for the dative rather than 
 the genitive is shown by the. use oitrepi and irrre'p also with this 
 case. (Cf. Ch. II, III, 1. b, p. 35 ; IV, 2. b, p. 46 ; and Ch. Ill, 
 I, 2, b, p. 62.) Delbriick in Brugmann 's Grundriss III, p. 668, 
 suggests as a possible reason for this development the influence of 
 iv with the dative. But no cause is apparent for the suscepti- 
 bility of these dialects alone to the influence of a preposition so 
 common everywhere as iv. 
 
 II. Odd meanings in common case uses. 
 
 1. iiri with the genitive for the dative, in Boeotian. 
 
 CIG. 1625, 66 [Roman], 6 Be — TavpoOvrrjaras Aa tg> fieyio-Tcp 
 e\rl t?)? 7ro\€»9. There is one example of this construction in an 
 Attic inscription (Meisterh. 3 p. 217), namely, CIA. 732, 2 
 [after 307], o-Te#] ai/o? ifi ob rd Bvo [TT. 
 
 2. Kara with the genitive for the accusative, in Locrian. 
 
 SGDI. 1508, 9 [2nd cent.], iv(f>aiveT[a) Be 6 OeXcov ttot rd]v 
 (Sovkdv, naff 5)v tca\ ra? iv<f>avi'a<s. 
 
 SGDI. 1479, 15 [5th cent.], at h? 6 fa<roro9 ttot top paarrov 
 Bucdty)Tai tca(r) Ta? <rvv/3o\d<;. 
 
 SGDI. 1478, 1 [1st half 5th cent.], hf NatnraicTov Ka(r)rMt 
 diripoLKia. 
 
 SGDI. 1478, 33 [1st half 5th cent], tovs eirifoicpov; iv 
 NavTraterov rdv Bitcav irpoBucpov dpecnai 7to(t)tou? Bi/cao-Tijpas, dpeoTcu 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 73 
 
 ical ho/iev iv 'QiroevTi Kara /reo? avra/iapdv. Aocpp&v rcov "Tiroicva/ii- 
 Sicov TrpoarTcLrav KaTaarraaaL, . . . 
 
 The first three examples are evidently quite similar. The fre- 
 quent Kara rdv avfifioXdv of the Delphian inscriptions (SGDI. 
 1715, 5, 1718, 9, etc.) and also a Locrian manumission decree 
 SGDI. 1477, 5, k] ard to o~v/ifio\ov are compared in support of the 
 singular number which the reading of the genitive makes possible 
 in the second example. 
 
 The acceptance of the genitive for the third example, and the 
 interpretation tcatyr&vhe — Attic /card rdBe avoids the harsh ellipsis 
 which the reading of the accusative brings about. For to assume 
 a reading rovSe, standing for rdvhe rdv vo'/jlov (Vischer, Rh. Mus. 
 26, 46), is to admit what Dittenberger CIGS. Ill, p. 85, urges 
 "a Graecarum sermone aliena est. M Rohl, IGA. 321, proposed 
 the reading ica(r) ro'vSe d^yearrco top vo/iov ^irifOLKia^ supposing the 
 omission on the stone due to the carelessness of the engraver, while 
 the emendation tca(r) tovSc (tov vo'/jlov) is the suggestion of Bursian, 
 Litt. Centralblatt 1870, 155. Curtius, Studien 2, 446, adopted 
 the genitive, but compared examples which are not parallel, as 
 Ar. Ran. 101, 6/ivvvac icaO' Up<bv y etc. 
 
 In regard to the fcard fios of the last example given above, 
 various suggestions have been made. The interpretation of f eo? 
 as genitive singular of the pronoun of the third person, construed 
 with Kara like the Attic accusative with Kara. (= icaO? eawdv), 
 is supported by the three other Locrian examples of this construc- 
 tion, but is rendered difficult by the context. Rohl, IGA. 321, 
 inserts after hucacnr/pas the words ical 86/iev iv 'Ottocvti Kara 
 peoDv avra/iapov ical, and reads Ao/cpov rdv ^TiroKva/il^iov in the 
 accusative, translating "coloni Nau pactum proficiscentes prae 
 ceteris litem instituunto coram iudicibus et contra se permittunto 
 Opunto uno die, et instituito et contra se permittito litem Opunte 
 uno die Locrus Hypoknemidius. ' ' Meister, Ber. K. Sachs. Ges. 
 d. Wiss. 1895, 317 fi\, improves upon this by interpreting /card 
 feo? in the light of the other Locrian examples (comparing Hdt. 
 7, 158, to /car' v/iea<s rc'Se diravra vtto ftapftdpoiai ve/ieTai, for the 
 
74 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 meaning) and translating "Der Hypoknemidische Lokrer soil sich 
 also dem in Opus klagenden Mfoucos soviel auf ihm an- 
 kommt, am selben tage stellen," thus avoiding any addition to 
 the text. But in the same publication for 1896 he returns, p. 43, 
 to Rohl's interpretation "contra ae," because of Wackernagel 's 
 contention that Kara peos is not parallel to Ka{r)T(ovoe, and his 
 reminder that "bei Processen in Opus ein Lokrer nur als Be- 
 klagter sein konne, " and considers the whole passage 7to(t)tou? 
 SitcaaTrjpas dpea-rai epanaleptic. 
 
 The flaw in Meister's first suggestion is, as pointed out by 
 Danielsson, Eranos 3, 69, his interpretation of dpecrai differently 
 in lines 32 and 34. He states, p. 324, that Mfcav apeaTai = Attic 
 Siktjv \axelv, expressing the relation of the accuser to the judge, 
 while (rdv hUav) dpecrai teal Bofiev he interprets, in the light of 
 Hymn. e« r E/3/i. 312, So? Be hiicqv koX oYfo irapd Zrjvl Kpovicovi, 
 etc., as expressing the opposing relations of the two parties to each 
 other. His second view gives the same meaning to the second 
 apeo-rat, as to the first, but brings in an equally grave difficulty by 
 making Bofiev correlative to apeo-rat; and that the accused could 
 present himself for trial upon the day of the accusation, no matter 
 how great distances must be travelled to accomplish this, is absurd, 
 even if there were no other trouble with this interpretation. Dit- 
 tenberger, CIGS. Ill, p. 87, concluded that tcarafeos must be an 
 unknown word, or contain an engraver's error. Three attempts 
 at emendation have been made. Oikonomides, the first editor of 
 the inscription, read Kara f e(r)o?, which has been rather generally 
 adopted, but cannot be very satisfactorily interpreted. Rieden- 
 auer, Hermes, 7, 111, proposed Kara \xp\^ "in Bedurfniss- 
 falle, ,, which is neither parallel to the Homeric examples he 
 adduces, nor satisfactory in itself. E. Meyer, Forsch. zu Alt. 
 Gesch. I, 303, suggested kclt* ,a/reo? and Danielsson, Eranos 3, 72, 
 takes this up again and advocates it, considering afeo? or a/reo? 
 the genitive of a stem ape*-, apoa- "morning," and making the 
 phrase serve merely for closer definition of avra^iapdv, equivalent 
 in sense to ew rr)v avpiov. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 75 
 
 3. irapd with the accusative for the dative, in eight dialects. 
 
 Thessalian. SGDI. 345, 13 [214], fieairohi tee ovv koI irepos 
 eirivoelaovfiev a%Lo$ rol iratf d/ifie irokneviiaTos. Another ex- 
 ample occurs in line 18. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 489, 8 [end 3rd. cent.], Ta? aovyvpdcjxty; t&s 
 /cifievas irap TZvcppova. Examples are frequent throughout this in- 
 scription and SGDI. 488 [223-197]. Others are SGDI. 482, 17 
 [end 3rd. or beginning 2nd. cent.], and GIG. 1570, 28 [ca. 71]. 
 
 Phocian. SGDI. 1547, 4 [2nd. cent.], a<\>Cr)Ti — rd ?8ia aw/iara 
 i\ev[depa] — koX 7rapa/ca,TaT[{dr)TL] ira\jpa tow] Oeovs icai top 'Aotc- 
 Xairtov. Other examples occur in SGDI. 1555 [Koman]. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 1698, 14 [148-100], a wvd irdp 'ATeun'Bav. 
 This construction is frequent throughout the manumission decrees. 
 Cf. SGDI. 1717, 3, 1718, 18, 1726, 3, etc. Examples occur also 
 in 2502, 1, 125 [336-326]. 
 
 Aetolian. Journ. Hell. Stud. 13, 340, no. 2, 10 [ca. 198], 
 a cava irapd tow dpxovras. Other examples are ib. no. 3, 4 ; 5, 6 ; 
 6, 11; 8, 10; 9, 7 [Roman]. 
 
 Elean. SGDI. 1172, 5 [1st. half 3rd cent.], Aafio/cpdrrjp 
 'Ayrjropop T eve Stop ireiroXnevKcbp Trap* a fie. ^ 
 
 Laconian. SGDI. 4566, 17 [100-90], real Scerf xpo'vov a\ya<r- 
 Tpetf>d~\fievo<; irap' a fie ev tc ral Te^yai rd 8ifccu[a e7roLr}<r']e roi<s 
 Xpet'av exovo-LV. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 4991, III, 7 [middle 5th. cent.], 6W/eo-<u rdv 
 yvval/c* airofioaai rdv "ApTefiiv Trap* ' AfivicXalov Trap' rav To/ccrt'civ. 
 Other examples are SGDI. 5151, 8 [before 189], 5150, 9 [after 
 167], 5019, 7 [3rd. cent.]. 
 
 The use of irapd with the accusative for the dative is a rather 
 widespread phenomenon in later Greek, in both the literature 
 and the inscriptions. This is in accordance with the general late 
 Greek encroachment of the accusative (cf. Hatzidakis, Neu-Griech. 
 Gram., p. 204, Thumb, Neu-Griech. Volkssprache, p. 120). Upon 
 irapd cf. Eau, Curtius Studien 3, 64ff., and Boeckh, CIG. I, p. 
 726. 
 
 In the above Thessalian examples dfifie is sometimes taken as 
 dative, since vfilv corresponds to it in both instances in Philip's 
 
76 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 letter, but the formal difficulty in such an interpretation is more 
 serious than the variation in syntax which the accusative reading 
 entails. 
 
 The Cretan example quoted is rather puzzling because of the 
 uncertainty as to the number of deities implied. Blass, SGDI. 
 vol. Ill, p. 272, ventures no farther than to note that ' Afiv/cXaiov 
 is evidently Apollo. Baunack, Inschr. v. Gortyn, p. 99, translates 
 "bei der Artemis <indem sie>an das Amyklaion, an die Bogen- 
 gottin<herantritt>. ,, The preposition is however unusual for 
 such a meaning, and, partly for this reason, Comparetti, Mon. 
 Ant. Ill, 173, suggests that there must be three deities by whom 
 the oath is taken, the third one being perhaps the equivalent of 
 BpiTojiapTis. The preposition is however equally difficult with 
 this interpretation. In the other Cretan examples of oaths (all 
 of the third century or later ),* no preposition is used in any in- 
 stance, although the list of deities is often very long. 
 
 4. 7r/oo? with the accusative for the genitive, in Elean. 
 
 SGDI. 1151, 11 [archaic], o/xoo-avres 7to(t) tov 0eov tov 'OXvv- 
 \ttiov. 
 
 SGDI. 1156, 3 [archaic] , otl Sotceoi /ca(X)\iT€poy; e^v 7To(t) tov 
 0[e]6v. 
 
 SGDI. 1153, 6 [archaic], al ©V t*? avXatrj, pepprjv avrov 7to(t) 
 tov At a. 
 
 This construction accords with the Elean use of avevs and irapd 
 with the accusative (cf. 1, 1, p. 71, and II, 3, p. 75), although here 
 a fusion of constructions may exist, due to the possibility of using 
 either trp o? with the genitive, in oaths and expressions like the 
 examples given above, as II. 19, 188, emopicelv 7r/oo? haipLovos, 
 or the accusative without a preposition, as II. 14, 271, vvv fiot, 
 ofwaaov adaTOV Srvyo? v8a>p. 
 
 There is some uncertainty as to the interpretation of the third 
 example. Ahrens, Philol. 38, 388, compares Anth. Pal. VII, 
 
 ♦SGDI. 4952 A, 15, 5023, 12, 5024, 60, 70, 5039, 11, 5041, 13, 19, 5058, 2, 5075, 
 73, 5120, 15, 5147b, 5. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 77 
 
 433, IX, 61, eppe iro& > AiSav the meaning then being "Be under 
 the protection of Zeus, no longer of mankind. " But to invoke 
 the protection of a god for a criminal laid under a curse is strange, 
 as urged by Dittenberger 01. V, p. 30, who remarks that the 
 meaning demanded by the context is rather "Be an outlaw in his 
 relations with Zeus. " Danielsson, Eranos 3, 136, translates "Er 
 soil zum Zeus hin ins Elend gehen, ' ' comparing Bohl, IGA. 8, 5, 
 TprjToo Kal BafMevecra-0(o eV? 'Adavai'av. The example is made more 
 perplexing by the fact that Elean shows an instance in evidently 
 a somewhat similar meaning with 7rpd? with the genitive, namely 
 Jahresh. d. Oesterr. Arch. Inst, in Wien I, 199, 4, <j>evyeT<a 
 7to(t)t<o Atop rmXvfiTraiG) aX^iarop. With this latter example 
 Danielsson compares the Attic <f>evyeiv if 'Apei'ov irdyov, suggest- 
 ing that Zeus may have been KaOdpaLos in Olympia. 
 
 III. Odd choice of prepositions. 
 1. airo for vtto in Delphian and Elean. 
 
 Delphian. SGDI. 1684, 5 [150-140], aweBoTo — (r&fiayvvaifceiov 
 — kcl6<&; eirlareva-e KaWiKpareca rav a>vav tcol detoi, icfS wire i\ev$- 
 epav elfiev Kal av€<f>a7rrov airo Trdvrcov. 
 
 Elean. SGDI. 1172, 31 [1st half 3rd cent], to Be ^afro-pa 
 to yeyovop airo rap /3<o\ap ypa(f>ev ey ^aX^c^a avaredai iv to lapov. 
 
 This construction is so common in the Delphian manumission 
 decrees that there are but three examples of the use of vn-o in this 
 phrase, namely, SGDI. 1895, 6, 1911, 7, 1932, 8, all of the same 
 date, 156-151. The Elean instance occurs in an inscription in 
 which vtto is used for dating (cf. 4, p. 79). Dittenberger 01. V, 
 p. 35, restores xnro in SGDI. 1159, 6 [1st half 5th cent.], kuttS 
 tw fteofico a7rofT)\[f}(rTcu vxo t<m]z/ 7rpo%evcov Kal tw ta[/>]a[o? . . ., 
 which is perhaps similar to the above examples. 
 
 2. €7tl in epitaphs, in four dialects. 
 
 Boeotian. SGDI. 901 [early], eirllloXvapc roe dpi. Examples 
 are numerous. Cf. SGDI. 902, 909, etc. 
 
78 SYNTAX OF SOME PREPOSITIONS 
 
 Phocian. SGDI. 1515 [early], eVl Md/crjn. eirl KaXkol. Ex- 
 amples are numerous. Cf. SGDI. 1527, 1532, etc. 
 
 Locrian. CIGS. Ill, 307 [early], brl Mtm'Sa, dvhpl iroOelva 
 Bdfico Koi 7r\[aTi']Gt? ical </>tXot?. Another example is CIGS. Ill, 
 264 [5th cent]. 
 
 Cretan. SGDI. 5137 [late], eVl <S>t\a [t] 2a>o-a> ^iridercb ®pa- 
 aayopa a yvvd fivafielov. 
 
 In the Attic sepulchral inscriptions no preposition is used. 
 The name, parents, etc., of the deceased are briefly enumerated, 
 or an epigram is used. In the Latin inscriptions no preposition 
 occurs, the proper name being prefaced by Dis Manibus, written 
 in full, as OIL. VI, 10559, Dis Manibus Acutiae Chloe, or abbre- 
 viated, as CIL. VI, 17608, Dis Man., or CIL. VI, 17616, D. M. 
 
 In Delphian, which might be expected to show a usage similar 
 to that in Phocian, only six epitaphs occur, two of which are 
 non-dialectic. No preposition is used, except in a metrical non- 
 dialectic example, CIG. I, 1722, 2 [late], iraihov hrl <f>0ifiepov. 
 
 3. v for €7rl in Cyprian. 
 
 a. With the dative. 
 SGDI. 74, 3, AqaiOeju ran 6e<a tg> ' Atto '(\)\(ovi dveOrjiee v rvxa. 
 
 b. With the accusative. 
 
 SGDI. 123, 6, KaT€0t}av BXe^o>^(?) vfe\6<ov (?) v E<f>o5o? v oapvv 
 'H8a\*W vnrTrjpav, 
 
 This preposition is to be compared with Skt. ud, Goth, ut, 
 OHG. uz, (K. Vergl. Gr. § 591). It appears in no other dialect, 
 having been crowded out by hri y except in the general Greek com- 
 pound vo-Te/005. • In Cyprian the compounds v€vl*dfi€vo<;, vfcus and 
 vxhp^v also occur (SGDI. 45, 60). Kretschmer KZ. 31, 415, 
 takes v(v) for avv, like the Hesychian gloss #77*/*°* * crvWafirj, 
 etc., (for list cf. Hoff. I, p. 201), and the expression <ri>(v) rvxa 
 does occur SGDI. 120, 4, but in SGDI. 60, 28, the one other 
 occurrence of avv in this dialect, the <r is written. The commoner 
 phrase is l(v) rvxai, found in SGDI. 28, 31, 37, etc. 
 
IN THE GREEK DIALECTS. 79 
 
 4. vtto in dating in Elean. 
 
 01. V, 36 [365—363], irp6[^\evoL — avrol tca[l ye~\vo<; ^etcvoovtoL 
 vtto [*E\Xa] vohucav 'AyiaBos <E>A,[a>i/] Av ko/jltj [S] eo? Ba#v\[Xo? 
 KX] eo/xa^G). 
 
 01. V, 44, 6 [4th. cent.], d^pcv^at irpo^evov teal evep<y[erav 
 avrov tcal~\ etc [7] ovo [y~\ ? . . . tov Eu [<£] a [i^t] t[Sa . . . v\iro 'EX- 
 Xaz^o [8] t [/cai> . . .] Ttfiatverov . . . 
 
 SGDI. 1172,2 [1st. half 3rd. cent.], Beo/> ri^a • i/Tro'EXXai/o- 
 Sitcav rvv irepl Awr^vXoz/. 
 
 The accusative rather than the genitive is to be looked for in 
 expressions denoting time with vtto, but the use of any preposition 
 is unusual, the ordinary method of giving a date in an inscription 
 being the use of the genitive absolute. Sometimes e7rt' is used, 
 one late inscription showing this in Elean also, namely 01. V r 
 52, 49 [ca. 135]. 
 
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