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 THE 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE 
 
 A SKETCH OF THE DIPLOMATIC AND 
 MILITARY HISTORY OF CONTI- 
 NENTAL EUROPE 
 
 FROM THE RISE TO THE FALL OF THE SECOND 
 FRENCH EMPIRE 
 
 BY 
 
 HAROLD MURDOCK 
 // 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 
 
 JOHN FISKE 
 
 
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 BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
 HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 
 
 1889
 
 Copjnig}it, 1889, 
 Bt HAROLD MURDOCK. 
 
 All rights reserved. 
 
 The Siverside Press, Cambridge, U. S. A. : 
 Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 This work, originally undertaken as a recreation, 
 has been completed in its present form in the hope 
 that it may serve the busy public as a helj)ful epitome 
 of the events which have transformed the Europe 
 of 1850 into the Europe of to-day, and also afford 
 a clue to future events as foreshadowed by present 
 complications. While no claim is made to extensive 
 research, yet the works consulted are probably too 
 numerous and voluminous to be perused by most peo- 
 ple in the active pursuits of life. To attempt any- 
 thing more than a sketch of events so recent, while 
 political animosities still run high, and while so many 
 of the principal actors are living, would be a task that 
 few historical students would care to undertake. 
 This book purports to be merely a running narrative, 
 introducing the great leaders and noting the great 
 convulsions of twenty-one years of contemporaneous 
 European history. 
 
 The general style of this work partakes somewhat of 
 that " drum and trumpet " character which Mr. Green 
 deplored, but it ought to be considered that every 
 great change during these years has been wrought by
 
 iv PREFACE. 
 
 force of arms, for whicli diplomacy has served merely 
 as a convenient stei^ping-stone. Cavour's gi-eatest 
 stroke was the entangling of the French emperor in 
 the military alliance of 1859. Bismarck's foreign 
 policy has been directed with a view of drawing his 
 enemies upon the newly whetted Prussian sword. 
 On nearly every battlefield great questions of dynastic 
 and national reconstruction have hung in the balance. 
 Italy woidd scarcely have been united to-day if the 
 Austrians had been directed at Magenta and Solfe- 
 rino by the military genius which moved the Prussians 
 in Bohemia and the Germans in France. The Frank- 
 fort Diet might have been still dozing on the Main if 
 military science had been more carefully studied in 
 the Austrian staff, or if the Prussian crown prince 
 had been remiss on the day of Koniggratz. Metz 
 misrht not have fallen if Bazaine had been alive to his 
 situation on the 14th and 16th of August, 1870, and 
 Alsace and Lorraine might not have become German 
 provinces if Metz had not fallen. Is not one justified 
 in saying that military operations have been the 
 decisive factors in Europe since 1850, that the for- 
 tunes of rulers and of peoples have rested upon such 
 men as Gyulai, Benedek, Moltke, and Bazaine ? 
 
 Possibly too much space has been devoted to the 
 Crimean War, but it was the French emperor's mili- 
 tary bow to Europe, and it affords a glimpse of 
 Korniloff's " Russian Defense," as well as the spec- 
 tacle of England engaged once more in war with a 
 first-rate power. Few have time to read Mr. King-
 
 PREFACE. V 
 
 lake's ponderous volumes, and the first chapters on 
 this war as well as the one on the Eastern Question 
 are largely based upon his work, modified, it is true, 
 by Todleben and Rousset. 
 
 A bibliographical note has been appended, giving a 
 hst of works for the use of those who desire to go 
 deeper into the subject, and to which the author 
 acknowledges his obligation. He has endeavored to 
 express himself with moderation and allow full scope 
 to the judgment of the reader; any more positive 
 decisions belong to future times and the verdict of 
 events. 
 
 Boston, September, 1889.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Introduction by John Fiske xxiii 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EUROPE IN 1850. 
 
 Europe in 18.50. — Louis Napoleon elected President of 
 THE French Republic. — His Previous Career. — The 
 Revolution in Germany, Austria, and Italy. — State of 
 Italy in 1850. — The Attitude of Piedmont. — Tran- 
 quillity OF Russia. — Prestige of the Czar in Europe. 
 
 — The Great Powers in 1850 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE COUP d':^tat. 
 
 The Foreign Policy of France in 1851. — The President's 
 Oath. — Enmity between the President and the As- 
 sembly. — The Speech at Dijon. — St. Arnaud and Mau- 
 PAs appointed to the Ministry. — The 2d of December 
 
 — The President's Proclamation and the Arrests. — 
 Dispersion of the Assembly. — How the Coup d'Etat 
 
 WAS MANAGED. ThE EvENTS OF THE 3d. ThE 4tH OF 
 
 December — State of Affairs on the Boulevard. — 
 The Massacre and its Influence. — Conflict of Testi- 
 mony IN REGARD TO THE MaSSACRE. — ThE PrESIDENT's 
 
 Responsibility. — Disposition of Political Prisoners. — 
 The President sustained by the National Vote. — The 
 Te Deum in Notre Dame. — The President becomes Em- 
 peror "i 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE revival of THE EASTERN QUESTION. 
 
 The French Emperor's Standing in Europe. — He has 
 Recourse to the Eastern Question. — The Quarrel.
 
 Ill CONTENTS. 
 
 OVEK THE Holy Places. — The Attitude of Russia. — 
 The French Ambassador carries his Point. — Wrath of 
 THE Czar. — Nesselrode on the Situation. — Menschi- 
 koff's Mission to Constantinople. — Lord Stratford 
 AS Peacemaker. — Menschikoff's Demand and its Recep- 
 tion BY THE Porte. — Stratfords Position. — European 
 Suspicion of Russia. — Attitude of the Powers on the 
 Eastern Question. — England the most interested. — 
 The Czar's Visit to England in 1844. — " The Sick Man " 
 Interviews and their Result. — Strength of the Czar's 
 Claim to a Protectorate. — Progress of Menschikoff s 
 Mission. — He is opposed by Stratford. — Menschi- 
 koff's Ultimatum. — Stratford's Communication to the 
 Sultan. — Position in which England was placed by 
 it. — Failure of Menschikoff's Mission. — The Russian 
 Army crosses the Pruth. — The Czar's Proclamation. 
 
 — The Vienna Congress. — The War Fever in Turkey. 
 
 — The Franco-English Fleet enters the Sea of Mar- 
 mora — Turkey and Russia at War 16 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 the danubian campaign. 
 
 The Russian Army enters Moldavia. — The Military 
 Blunder of the Czar. — The Turkish Army and its 
 Commander. — The Turks cross the Danube. — Fight- 
 ing ABOUT Kalafat. — The Czar determines upon the 
 Offensive. — The Career of Paskevich. — His Advice 
 TO the Czar. — The Russians cross the Danube. — Siege 
 
 OF SiLISTRIA and FalL OF PasKEVICH. AuSTRIA INTER- 
 FERES. — Retreat of the Russian Army and Battle of 
 
 GlURGEVO GORTSCHAKOFF ABANDONS BUCHAREST. EN- 
 TRY OF THE Turkish and Austrian Armies. — Isolation 
 OF THE Czar in Europe 33 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 the western alliance. 
 
 France and England in 18.53. — Cause of the Emperor's 
 Forwardntiss. — His Influence over the English Gov- 
 
 ERNBIENT. — ThE BatTLE OF SiNOPE. — INJUSTICE OF PUB- 
 LIC Sentiment in England and France respecting it. —
 
 CONTENTS. IX 
 
 The Emperok advocates a Naval Seizure of the Black 
 Sea. — He carries his Point. — Rage of the Czar. — 
 Correspondence between the Emperor and the Czar. 
 — Declaration of War by England and France and 
 Signature of the Treaty of Alliance. — Austria's War- 
 like Attitude. — The Allied Commanders. — Character 
 of Lord Raglan. — The Allies at Constantinople and 
 AT Varna. — Ravages of the Cholera. — Lord Raglan's 
 Views on the Invasion of the Crimea. — The Allies em- 
 babk at Varna for the Crimea 42 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 the invasion of the crimea. 
 
 Popularity op the Conquest of Sebastopol in England. 
 
 — Landing of the Allies in the Crlmea. — The Advance 
 on Sebastopol begins. — Prince Menschikoff seizes the 
 Line of the Alma. — Character of the Position and 
 Strength of the Russian Army. — Menschikoff's Fatal 
 Blunder. — The Battle of the Alma. — The French 
 TURN THE Russian Left Wing. — Progress of the Eng- 
 lish. — Their Advance checked. — The French Flank 
 Attack succeeds. — Retreat of the Russians. — St. Ar- 
 naud's Opinion of the Battle — The Allies continue 
 their Advance. — Their Flank March. — Obtuseness of 
 Menschikoff. — His Letter to Korniloff. — Occupation 
 OP Balaclava by the English. — Death of St. Arnaud. 
 
 — Canrobert opposes the Motion to attack Sebastopol. 
 
 — Probable Result of SUCH AN Attack 53 
 
 Description of Sebastopol — Arrival of Colonel de Tod- 
 
 LEBEN THERE. ThE AlLIED FlEET IS SIGHTED. — EfFECT 
 
 OF THE Battle op the Alma upon Sebastopol. — Men- 
 schikoff's Orders — He retires from the Town with 
 the Army. — Despair of Korniloff and Todleben. — 
 Korniloff accepts the Command of the Garrison. — 
 His Enthusiasm. — The Defenses of Sebastopol. — Kor- 
 niloff's Controversy with Menschikoff. — The Latter 
 induced to send Troops to Sebastopol. — Strength of 
 THE Garrison on October 6. — The Allied Bombardment 
 OF October 17- — Korniloff's Demeanor on that Day. — 
 His Death. — Result of the Bombardment 60
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 balaclava and inkermann. 
 
 The Allied Positions on the Chersonese. — Failttre of 
 THEIR Bombardment. — The Announcement of the Fall 
 OF ISebastopol in London. — Effect of this Report upon 
 THE Armies. — Chagrin of Lord Raglan. — The Siege of 
 Sebastopol begins. — Its Peculiar Character. — The 
 Russian Field Army assumes the Offensive. — Battle of 
 Balaclava and Charge of the Light Brigade. — Results 
 of the Battle. — The Battle of Inkermann. — Its Ir- 
 regular Character and its Results. — The Great 
 Hurricane. — Terrible Suffering and Losses of the 
 Allies. — Public Opinion in Filvnce and England con- 
 cerning THE Campaign 68 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE fall of sebastopol. 
 
 Death of the Czar Nicholas. — Sardinia joins the West- 
 ern Alliance. — Progress of the Allies before Sebas- 
 topol. — Pelissier succeeds Canrobert in Command of 
 THE French Army. — The June Bombardment and First 
 Assault. — Capture of the Mamelon by the French. 
 — Failure of the Second Assault. — Death of Lord 
 Raglan. — Desperate Condition of Sebastopol. — Tod- 
 leben wounded. — The Russians defeated on the 
 Tchernaya. — The Great Allied Assault in Septem- 
 ber. — The French carry- the Malakoff. — Evacuation 
 AND Burning of Sebastopol. — Prince Gortschakoff's 
 Estimate of the Defense. — The French Emperor and 
 the Czar desire Peace. — The Congress of Paris. — 
 Signature of Peace. — Results of the War. — Sar- 
 dinia the only Gainer 81 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 the rise of sardinia. 
 
 The Map of Italy in 1850 — Political State of Sardinia. 
 — The Two Sicilies. — States of the Church. — Tus-
 
 CONTENTS. XI 
 
 CANY. — Parma. — Modena. — Lombardy and Venetia. — 
 Secret Societies. — Young Italy and its Mission. — The 
 Sardinian King and his Policy. — His Parliamentary 
 Trials and Loyalty to the Constitution. — Legislation 
 in the Sardinian Parliament against Clerical Abuses. 
 
 — Advent of Cavour. — The Diplomatic Duel between 
 Sardinia and Austria and its Influence upon Europe. 
 
 — Cavour takes the Helm. — His Dislike for Secret 
 Societies. — His Policy defined. — Throws Sardinia 
 into the Alliance against Russia. — Departure of the 
 Army for the Crimea. — Effect of the War News in 
 Piedmont. — Victor Emmanuel visits London and Paris. 
 
 — Napoleon's Solicitude for Italy. — Is appealed to 
 
 BY Cavour. — Cavour in the Paris Congress .... 96 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 italy and cavour. 
 
 Austria's Influence upon the Italian Governments. — 
 Metternich on Cavour. — Cavour disappointed in Eng- 
 land. — He turns to France as an Ally. — The Orsini 
 Incident. — Cavour appeases the Emperor, and strikes 
 at the Papal Government. — The Conference at Plom- 
 BiEREs. — Cavour jubilant. — Warlike Declarations at 
 the Tuileries and at Turin. — Marriage of Prince 
 Napoleon and the Princess Clotilde. — Cavour im- 
 pels THE Emperor toward War. — Guizot on Cavour. — 
 Signing of the Franco-Sardinian Alliance. — Futile 
 Efforts of the Powers to preserve the Peace. — 
 Austria declares War. — Enthusiasm in Italy. — Na- 
 poleon's Manifesto. — He leaves for the Front. — 
 Concentration of the Armies 110 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. — GENOA TO MILAN. 
 Romantic Character of the Theatre op War. — Unpre- 
 
 PAREDNESS OF THE FrENCH ArMY. ItS OrDER OF BAT- 
 TLE. — Enthusiastic Reception of the French Troops 
 AT Genoa. — Arrival of the Emperor at Genoa. — The 
 Austrian Generalissimo and his Career. — His Timid
 
 xii CONTENTS. 
 
 Tactics. — Combat at Montebello. — The Emperor 
 VISITS the Field. — The Emperor plans a Flank March. 
 — Gyulai deceived. — Battles of Palestro. — Action 
 at Turbigo. — Success of the Flank March. — The Em- 
 peror's Orders for June 3. — Position of the Two 
 Armies at Noon on the 4th. — Battle of Magenta. — 
 The French Guard on the Naviglio Grande. — Anxiety 
 of the Emperor. — Critical Condition of the Guard. — 
 Arrival of Canrobert and Niel. — MacMahon carries 
 Magenta. — Death of Espinasse. — Resume of the Bat- 
 tle 122 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. — SOLFERINO AND VILLA- 
 FRANCA. 
 
 Entry of the French Army into Milan. — The Te Deum. 
 
 — Fighting at Melegnano. — Gy'ulai retreats upon 
 Verona. — The Emperor advances from Milan. — Igno- 
 rance OF each Commander as to the Plans of the 
 other. — The Austrian Army harassed by Conflicting 
 Orders. — It occupies the Heights of Solferino on 
 June 23. — Advance of the French Army on the 24th. 
 
 — Commencement of the Battle of Solferino. — Re- 
 pulse of the Sardinians. — The Emperor arrives on 
 THE Field. — Heavy Fighting at Solferino and on the 
 French Right. — The Lethargy of Canrobert. — Sol- 
 ferino outflanked and abandoned by the Austrians. 
 
 — Failure of Wimpffen to retrieve the Day on the 
 Austrian Left. — Canrobert arrives. — General Ad- 
 vance of the French. — The Emperor at Cavriana. — 
 Firmness of General Benedek. — The French Advance 
 renewed July 1 . — The Armistice and Conference at 
 
 ViLLAFRANCA. — RagE OF CAVOUR. HiS UNDIGNIFIED 
 
 Conduct. — Why the Monarchs made Peace 1.37 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 garibaldi and cavour. 
 
 Disappointment in Italy at the Sudden Termination of 
 the War. — Insurrections in Central Italy. — Dem.\nds 
 OF THE Central Italians. — Attitude of Victor Emman-
 
 CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 UEL. — The Peace of Zurich. — Reconciliation of Ca- 
 vouR and Victor Emmanuel. — Their Battle with the 
 Papal Government. — Napoleon agree.s to a Plebiscite. 
 
 — Central Italy declares for Annexation to Sardinia. 
 
 — The First Itallan Parliament. — Cession of Nice and 
 Savoy. — Revolution in the Two Sicilies. — Garibaldi 
 
 LEAVES FOR SiCILY TO HEAD THE INSURGENTS. — HiS RapLD 
 
 Advance. — He captures Palermo. — Extraordinary 
 Character of his Achievements — Excitement in Turin. 
 
 — The Policy of Cavour. — Garibaldi becomes Head- 
 strong. — He crosses to the Mainland aitd marches 
 upon Naples. — Francis II. abandons Naples. — Entry 
 of the Garibaldians. — Cavour' s Conception of the 
 Crisis. — Sardinian Troops enter Papal Territory. — 
 Battle of Castelfldabdo. — The Sardinians pass the 
 Neapolitan Frontier. — Meeting of Garibaldi and Vic- 
 tor Emjl^nuel. — The Neapolitans vote for Annexation 
 TO THE Italian Kingdom. — Garibaldi's Hatred of Ca- 
 vour. — Cavour's Health gives way, — His Death. — 
 The World's Estimate of Cavouk 156 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 germany in 1850. — the advent of bismarck. 
 
 The German Confederation and the Frankfort Diet. 
 — Old Understandings and Modern Misunderstandings 
 BETWEEN Austria and Prussia. — Austria gains the As- 
 cendency IN Germany. — The Olmutz Incident. — The 
 Crimean War. — Prince William becomes Regent of 
 Prussia. — Change in the Prussian Policy. — The Kai- 
 ser ANNOYED. — The Regent becomes AVllliam I. of 
 Prussia. — His Early Career. — His Struggle with the 
 House of Deputies on the Army Bill. — He calls 
 Bismarck to the Presidency of the Ministry. — Bis- 
 marck's Political Creed. — His Views on the Revolu- 
 tion of 1848 AND the Schleswig-Holstein Question. — 
 His Early Opposition to German Unity. — His Admi- 
 ration of Austria. — Changes wrought in his Views 
 AT Frankfort. — His Contempt for the Diet. — He 
 distrusts Au.stria. — Warns his Government against 
 Austria. — His Course at St. Petersburg and Paris. — 
 Foresees War with Austria, and pushes Army Reform 178
 
 XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XV, 
 
 the rise of prussia. 
 
 The Prussian Army Reorganization and its Reorganizers. 
 
 — Bismarck forces the Measure over the Lower 
 House. — Commencement of the Prusso-Austrian Diplo- 
 matic Campaign. — Prussia misunderstood at Vienna. 
 
 — Bismarck explains her Position. — Alarm of the 
 Austrian Statesmen. — Bismarck's Polish Policy and 
 its Result. — The Schleswig-Holstein Question revived. 
 
 — State op the Quarrel. — The Confederation inter- 
 feres in Behalf of the Duchies. — Bismarck invites 
 Austria to Independent Action. — The Two Powers 
 LAY their Ultimatum upon Denmark. — Firmness of 
 the Danish Government and the Reason for it. — The 
 Allied Armies enter Schleswig- — Evacuation of the 
 Dannewerk by the Danes — Austrian Victory at 
 Oeversee. — The Danish Position at Fredericia and 
 DuppEL. — Bombardment of the Duppel Lines. — De- 
 struction of the Danish Army at Duppel. — Evacua- 
 tion OF Fredericia. — The London Conference. — Re- 
 newed Fighting. — The Peace of Vienna 193 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 BISMARCK VS. AUSTRIA. 
 
 Bismarck's Attitude on the Augustenburg Claim. — His 
 Sudden Change of Front. — Mensdorff"s Blunder. — 
 Bismarck anticipates War. — His Remark at Salzburg. 
 
 — The Conference at Gastein and the Bargain ar- 
 ranged there. — Bismarck's Opinion of the Confer- 
 ence. — He sounds Italy. — Interviews Napoleon at 
 Biarritz. — Napoleon's Views on European iVFFAiRs. — 
 His Ideas respecting the Military Strength of Prus- 
 sia and Austria. — Condition of Affairs in the Elbe 
 Duchies. — Bismarck reopens the Diplomatic Campaign 
 AGAINST Austria. — Austria and Italy begin to arm. 
 
 — Attitude of the Diet on the Dispute. — Bismarck's 
 Bait to Germany. — The Prusso-It.\lian Alliance. — 
 The Prussian Army mobilized. — The Claims of Prussia 
 and Austria presented in the Frankfort Diet. —
 
 CONTENTS. XV 
 
 Prussian Troops enter Holstein. — Bismarck's Propo- 
 sition FOR A New Confederation. — Its Fatlure. — Aus- 
 tria MOVES THE Mobilization of the Federal Army 
 against Prussia. — The Military Situation. — The Diet 
 VOTES to support Austria. — Prussia declares War 
 upon the Petty States. — Prussian Occupation of Han- 
 over, Hesse-Cassel, and Dresden. — Brilliancy of the 
 Prussian Conquest 211 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 the prussians in bohemia. 
 
 The Military Situation on June 20. — Benedek's Plan of 
 Campaign checkmated. — Advance of the Prussians 
 INTO Bohemia. — Combats at Liebenau and Podol, and 
 Defeat of the Austrians. — Capture of Munchengratz 
 BY the Prussians. — Retreat of the Austrians upon 
 GiTSCHiN. — Battle of Gitschin and Rout of the Aus- 
 trians. — Bismarck at Gitschin. — Advance of the Sec- 
 ond Prussian Army into Bohemia under the Crown 
 Prince. — Victories of the Prussian 5th Corps at Na- 
 
 CHOD AND SkALITZ. — DISCOMFITURE OF THE PRUSSIANS AT 
 
 Trautenau. — Battle at Soor won by the Prussian 
 Guards. — Arrival of the Second Army on the Elbe. 
 — Communications restored between the Prussian 
 Armies. — Dilemma of the Austrian Commander. — 
 His Orders to his Army. — His Ignorance of the 
 Prussian Designs. — Character of the Austrian Posi- 
 tion on the Bistritz 224 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 the prussians at koniggratz and before vienna. 
 
 Prince Frederick Charles prepares for Battle. — Night 
 March of the First Prussian Army upon the Bistritz. 
 — Arrival of the King of Prussia at Dub. — Opening 
 of the Battle of Koniggratz. — The Prussians cross 
 THE Bistritz. — State of the Battle at Noon. — Criti- 
 cal Position of the Prussian Left. — Anxiety of the 
 Prussian Staff. — Approach of the Crown Prince to 
 the Field. — He threatens the Austrian Right. — Con-
 
 xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 FUSED State of that Wing and Causes therefor. — The 
 Crown Prince moves upon Chlum. — Capture of Chlum 
 BY the Prussian Guards and its Results. — Benedek's 
 Amazement upon learning of the Fall of Chlum. — He 
 heads his Reserves in the Effort to retake it. — 
 Failure of the Attack. — Total Defeat of the Aus- 
 trian Army. — Heroism of the Austrian Artillery. — 
 Immediate Results of the Battle. — Archduke Aj> 
 brecht assumes Cojimand of the Austrian Armies. — 
 The Prussian Advance upon Vienna. — Benedek's Re- 
 treat. — Battle of Blumenau. — The Armistice . . . 237 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 the overthrow of the german federal army. 
 
 The Campaign in the West. — Critical Situation of the 
 Hanoverian Army. — Indifference of Prince Charles 
 of Bavaria. — Victory of the Hanoverians at Lan- 
 gensalza. — Capitulation of the Hanoverian Army. — 
 Indecision in the Federal Councils. — Advance of the 
 Prussian General Falckenstein upon Frankfort. — 
 Prussian Occupation of Fulda. — Battle of Kissingen 
 and Defeat of the Bavarians. — Defeat of the 8th 
 Federal Corps at Laufach and Aschaffenburg. — 
 Prussian Entry INTO Frankfort. — Junction of Prince 
 Alexander with Prince Charles. — General Manteuf- 
 FEL succeeds Falckenstein. — He marches from Frank- 
 fort. — Indecision of the Federal Comjiander. — Fight- 
 ing ON the Tauber. — Rf.treat of the Federal Army 
 
 upon wijrzburg. bombardment of wurzburg by the 
 
 Prussians. — The Armistice 249 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 the italian campaign of 1866. 
 
 Italian Affairs after the Death of Cavour. — Garibaldi 
 AGAIN. — The Battle at Aspromonte. — Fall of the Ra- 
 TAzzi Ministry. — Fr.\nce and the Roman Question. — 
 Drouyn de Lhi^ys on the Situation. — Transfer of the 
 National Government to Florence. — Joy of the Flob-
 
 CONTENTS. xvii 
 
 ENTiNES. — Declaration of War upon Austria. — Condi- 
 tion OF THE Opposing Armies. — The German Plan for 
 THE Italian Campaign and its Rejection at Florence. — 
 The Italian Army crosses the Mincio. — The Plans of 
 the Opposing Commanders result in a Collision. — The 
 Theatre of Action. — Opening of the Battle of Cus- 
 TOzzA ON the Italian Right. — Fighting at Oliosi and 
 Rout of the Italian Left Wing. — Bold and Success- 
 ful Move of the Italian General Pianelli to check 
 the Austrian Pursuit. — Progress of the Battle in the 
 Centre. — La Marmora's Incapacity. — State of the 
 Battle at Two o'Clock. — Concentric Attack of the 
 Archduke upon Custozza and Retreat of the Itallans. 
 
 — The Italian Army recrosses the Mincio. — Responsi- 
 bility OF La Marmora for the Defeat. — The Archduke 
 Albrecht summoned to Vienna. — Advance of the Ital- 
 ian Army under Cialdini. — Defeat of the Italian 
 Fleet at Lissa. — Degradation of Admiral Persano. — 
 Good Faith of the Italian Government in 1866 . . . 256 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 results of the seven weeks' war. 
 
 The Treaty of Prague. — The Four Great Results of the 
 Seven Weeks' War. — The Federal Reichstag. — Bis- 
 marck AND BeNEDETTI. BiSMARCK AND SoUTH GERMANY. 
 
 The New Era in Austria. — The Transfer of Venetia. 
 
 — Victor Emmanuel in Venice. — Critical Condition of 
 Europe in 1867 269 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 the decline of the french empire. 
 
 Napoleon's Dream is shattered. — The Crisis of his Reign. 
 — Drouyn de Lhuys' Conception of the Crisis. — In- 
 decision OF THE Emperor. — Condition of the French 
 Army in 1866. — The French Government unable to 
 meet the Military Situation. — Benedetti at Nikols- 
 BURG- — Benedetti in Berlin. — Efforts of the Paris 
 Government to indemnify itself through Diplomatic 
 Channels. — Refusal of the French Propositions by
 
 xviii CONTENTS. 
 
 BiSMAKCK. — Policy of Drouyn de Lhuts and his Re- 
 moval FROM Office. — Bisiviarck establishes an Alliance 
 WITH the South German States. — Second Attack of M. 
 Benedetti. — Confidence in Paris over the Success of 
 HIS Mission. — Benedetti's Discomfiture and Return to 
 Paris. — Desperation of the French Government. — 
 The Contemplated Purchase of Luxemburg frustrated 
 BY Bismarck. — Prussia consents to remove her Gar- 
 rison FROM Luxemburg. — Summary of the French Di- 
 plomacy for 1806-67- — The Decline of the Empire. — 
 Paris ln 1867 276 
 
 CHAPTER XXIIL 
 last days of the second empire. 
 
 Europe in the Suthmer of 1870. — The Powers at Peace. 
 
 — Unsettled State of Spain. — Garibaldi in the Field 
 again. — The Battle of Mentana. — Bitter Feeling en- 
 gendered BY it in Italy toward France. — Power of 
 the Empress in the French Councils. — Her Ambition. 
 
 — Efforts of the Emperor to steady his Throne. — 
 The Reorganization of the Army. — Warlike Senti- 
 ment IN Paris. — The Hohenzollern Incident. — The 
 Rage of France. — Excitement in the Corps Leglslatif. 
 
 — M. Benedetti seeks the Prussian King at Ems. — The 
 French Government becomes unreasonable — Insult- 
 ing Demand upon the King of Prussia. — Bismarck's 
 Circular in Reference to it. — Olltvier's Bellicose 
 Speech in the Corps Legislatif. — Enthusiasm in Paris. 
 
 — The EaiPEROR's Misgivings. — His Hopes and Fe.ars. — 
 The Shattering of his Hopes. — Baron Beust's Letter. 
 
 — The Isolation of the French Government in Europe. 
 
 — The Emperor's Proclaiviation and Departure for 
 Metz. — Wretched Condition of Affairs there. — Im- 
 patience OF Paris. — The " Aff^ure " of Saarbruck . 289 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 worth and forbach. 
 
 Delivery of the French Declaration of War at Berlin. 
 — Perfect Preparation of Prussia for War. — Mobiu-
 
 CONTENTS. xix 
 
 ZATION AND ORGANIZATION OF THE PRUSSIAN ArMY. — COM- 
 POSITION OF THE Third Army. — Position of the Con- 
 tending Forces on August 3. — Fight at Weissenburg 
 AND Defeat of the French. — MacMahon prepares to 
 receive an Attack on the Sauer. — His Confidence on 
 THE 5th of August. — Opening of the Battle of Worth. 
 
 — MacMahon is outflanked. — Heroism of the French 
 Cavalry. — Destruction of MacMahons Army. — Hard 
 Fighting on the Saar. — Critical Situation of the Ger- 
 man Force engaged thj:re. — Final Retreat of the 
 French. — Consternation at Metz over the Result of 
 the Day's Fighting. — Despair of the Emperor. — He 
 
 TURNS TO BaZAINE AS A SaVIOUR. BAZAINE ASSUMES THE 
 
 Command under Protest. — He appreciates its Full 
 Import. — He is embarrassed by the Emperor. — The 
 Condition of Affairs at the German Headquarters. — 
 Moltke's Plan. — The March through Lorraine . . 304 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 the august battles before metz. 
 
 The French Retreat upon Verdun begins. — Battle of 
 BoRNY. — Bazaine's Night Visit to the Emperor. — 
 Flight of the Emperor to Gravelotte. — Bazaine visits 
 him there. — Farewell between Bazaine and the Em- 
 peror ON THE Departure of the Latter for Verdun. 
 
 — Position of the Armies on August 16. — General von 
 Alvensleben opens the Battle of Vionville — Char- 
 acter of the Battle and its Results Bazaine takes 
 UP A New Position. — Moltke's Plan for August 18. — 
 The Battle of Gravelotte. — Repulse of Steinmetz. 
 
 — Incapacity of Bazaine. — Second Repulse of Stein- 
 metz. — Canrobert overpowered. — Capture of St. Pri- 
 VAT and Turning of the French Right. — Close of the 
 Battle. — Influence of the Battle upon the Military 
 Situation. — Formation of the Army of the Meuse. — 
 The Siege of Metz begins 320 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 SEDAN. 
 
 Confusion at the French Headquarters at Chalons. — 
 MacMahon's Arrival there. — Result of the Mimtary
 
 XX CONTENTS. 
 
 Councils. — The Paris Cabinet takes a Hand. — Mac- 
 Mahon's Ikkesolution. — Finally concludes to makch 
 UPON Metz. — Strength and Condition of his Forces. 
 — Desperation of the Ministry at Paris. — General 
 Blumenthal on MacMahons Movement. — Moltke 
 
 MOVES TO CHECKMATE HUVI. SITUATION ON THE 27tH OF 
 
 August. — On the 2yTH. — Battle of Beaumont. — Rout 
 OF De Failly's Corps. — Discomfiture of the French 
 7th Corps by the Bavarians. — Terrible Demoraliza- 
 tion OF iLvci\L\HON's Army. — The Retreat upon Sedan 
 AND MacMahon's Telegram to the Ministry. — The 
 Germans close in upon Sedan. — The French Position 
 at Sedan. — First Attack of the GerjVians on Septem- 
 ber 1. — MacMahon wounded. — Splendid Work of the 
 Saxon Artillery. — The Quarrel at the French Head- 
 quarters AND ITS Result. — General de Wimpffen. — 
 Heroism of the French Marines. — Terrible Fighting 
 at Bazeilles. — Awful Effect of the German Artil- 
 lery Fire. — Misery of the Emperor. — The White Flag 
 at Sedan. — The Prussian King on the Heights of 
 Fr^nois. — Napoleon's Letter. — Evening on the Bat- 
 tlefield 329 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 last meetings of bismarck and napoleon- 
 
 The Military Conference at Donchery. — Bismarck's 
 Account of it. — Wimpffen seeks the Eseperor. — The 
 Meeting between the Ejiperor ant) Bismarck as nar- 
 rated by each. — Scene at the Weavers' Cottage. — 
 Signature of the Capitulation. — The Empekok leaves 
 for Belgium 342 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 paris in war time. 
 
 The Early War Days in Paris. — False Report op Vic- 
 tory. — Popular Rage over the Deception. — The Em- 
 press receives the News of Disaster — The Govern- 
 ment contintjes to deceive the Public. — The Empress
 
 CONTENTS. xxi 
 
 •CONVOKES THE CHAMBERS. FalL OF THE OlLTVIER MiUXS- 
 
 TRY. — Palikao. — The Empress at the Tuileries. — De- 
 moralization IN the Palace. — The News of Sedan. — 
 Night Session of the Corps L£gislatif. — The 4th of 
 September. — The Bloodless Revolution and Fall of 
 the Empire. — Flight of the Empress from Paris. — 
 General Trochu. — The Defenses of Paris. — The De- 
 fenders OF Paris. — Regulars, Mobiles, and Nationals. 
 — The Marines and the Fortress Artillery. — Arri- 
 val OF Vinoy's Corps at Paris. — Favre and Bismarck 
 AT Ferrieres. — Paris invested. — Flrst Combats of 
 the Siege. — Dispositions of the Besieging Army. — 
 The Temper of Paris. — More Sorties. — Destruction 
 of the Chateau at St. Cloud. — Insubordination in the 
 National Guard. — Aspect of Paris during the Last 
 Weeks of October. — The Besiegers 350 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 the war in the provinces. 
 
 Strasburg and its Garrison. — The Bombardment. — 
 Burning of Kehl. — Firmness of General Uhrich. — 
 General Werder invests Strasburg. — Final Bombard- 
 ment and Surrender of the Place. — Condition of 
 Metz. — Repulse of Bazaine's Sortie. — Capitulation 
 of Metz. — Bazaine's Culpability. — Complex Nature 
 OF THE Military Problem from the German Standpoint. 
 
 — Vitality of Republican France. — A French Force 
 appears on the Loire. — Its Defeat before Orleans. — 
 
 FORSIATION of the ArMY OF THE LOIRE. — ItS ORGANIZA- 
 TION BY General d'Aurelle de Paladines. — Wins a 
 Victory at Coulmiers. — Retreats upon Orleans. — Con- 
 flict between Gambetta and THE French Commander. 
 
 — Appearance of the French Army of the North. — 
 Prince Frederick Charles marches upon Orleans from 
 Metz. — Advance of the Army of the Loire. — Its 
 Right Wing is beaten at Beaune. — Gambetta insists 
 upon a Continuation of the Advance. — The Left 
 Wing defeated at Loigny and Poupry. — Frederick 
 Charles assumes the Offensive. — The Two Days' Bat- 
 tle in Front of Orleans and Rout of the Army of the
 
 xu CONTENTS. 
 
 Loire. — Chanzy rallies the Left Wing and takes 
 Position at Josnes. — Is attacked by the Grand Duke 
 OF Mecklenburg. — Retreat of Chanzy upon Le Mans. 
 — Inaction of the First Army of the Loire under 
 
 BOURBAKI. — GaMBETTA MARCHES IT EASTWARD. — FRED- 
 ERICK Charles and Mecklenburg concentrate against 
 Chanzy. — Severity of the Weather and Suffering by 
 the Troops. — The Battle before Le Mans and Defeat 
 of Chanzy. — The Second Army of the Loire and its 
 Record. — Destruction of the French Army of the 
 North by Mantecffel. — March of Manteuffel to Wer- 
 der's Succor. — Bourbaki crosses the Swiss Frontier . 368 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 the fall of paris. 
 
 The Eastern and Italian Questions reopened. — The 
 London Conference. — Occupation of Rome by the 
 Italian Army. — The German Foreign Office at Ver- 
 sailles. — Its Attitude on European Questions. — Con- 
 dition OF Affairs in Paris. — Events of the 31st of 
 October. — Temporary Success of the Commune. — Un- 
 reliability OF THE National Guard. — Preparation for 
 the Great Sortie. — The Battle of Champigny. — Its 
 Character and Results. — Increasing Gravity of the 
 Situation in Paris. — Fighting near Le Bourget. — 
 Opening of the German Bombardment. — Abandonment 
 OF Mont Avron by the French. — New Year's in Paims. 
 — The King of Prussia hailed German Emperor at 
 Versailles. — Battle of Buzenval and Retreat of the 
 French. — Favre at Versailles. — Capitulation of 
 Paris and Signature of the AjiansTicE. — The French 
 Assembly meets at Bordeaux. — Appoints Thiers Chief 
 OF THE Executive Power. — Thiers and Bismarck at 
 Versailles. — The Preliminaries of Peace ratified by 
 THE Assembly. — Entry of the German Troops into 
 Paris. — The Peace of Frankfort. — Europe at the 
 Present Day. — Prevalence of Militarism and the 
 Causes therefor 388 
 
 Bibliographical Note 403 
 
 Index 407
 
 LIST OF MAPS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Country feom the Alma to Balaclava 54 
 
 The Campaign in Italy, 1859 ; the Country from Alessan- 
 dria TO Milan 122 
 
 Battlefield of Magenta 130 
 
 The Campaign in Italy, 1859 ; the Country from Milan 
 
 TO Verona 138 
 
 Battlefield of Solferino 144 
 
 Early Operations of the Prussian Armies in Bohemia, 
 
 1866 226 
 
 Battlefield of Koniggratz 238 
 
 Battlefield of Custozza 260 
 
 Environs of Metz 320 
 
 Sedan and Vicinity 336 
 
 Environs of Paris (1870-1871) 350 
 
 Environs of Orleans 374
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 He who is inclined to take optimistic views of hu- 
 man history must contemplate the course of events 
 during the past forty years with genuine satisfaction, 
 for to whatever part of the globe he turns his atten- 
 tion he will find much more to confirm than to dis- 
 credit his hopeful attitude. Everywhere, doubtless, 
 there are difficult and anxious problems to be solved ; 
 the spirit of evil, in one shape or another, goes on 
 rearing its head defiantly ; and the condition of man- 
 kind improves but slowly. Nevertheless, in almost 
 every quarter of the world since 1850 we can point 
 to solid and unmistakable progress. In the depart- 
 ments of scientific discovery and industrial art this 
 has been so conspicuous a fact that to mention it is 
 like uttering a truism. But in political history the 
 illustrations of progress are no less striking. A mar- 
 velous revolution in Japan has transformed the feu- 
 dal regime of the Shogun and daimios into a consti- 
 tutionally governed empire, eager to learn wisdom 
 from every available source. The English rule in 
 India, since the dreadful days of Cawnpore and 
 Lucknow, has been marked by a prosperity unpar- 
 alleled in the history of that teeming population. 
 Australasia is witnessing' the rapid growth of a new 
 English civilization, destined soon to become a valua- 
 ble moral power in the world. With the labors of
 
 xxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Livingstone and Stanley during this same period, a 
 new and more hopeful era has begun in the career of 
 Africa. In the southern parts of South America, on 
 the shoi-es of both oceans, Spanish civilization has 
 assumed a thrifty and progi'essive character, more 
 especially since the triumphs of Montt in Chili and 
 of Mitre in the Argentine Republic (1852-60). As 
 for North America, we need only to remember that 
 1850 was the year in which the Fugitive Slave Law 
 was enacted, with the consent of the foremost Amer- 
 ican statesman then living, who could see no other 
 way of saving the United States from disunion and 
 anarchy. That negio slavery has been abolished, 
 while the spectre of secession has been exorcised, and 
 a reconciliation achieved between states so recently 
 hostile, marks an amount of political progress which 
 may well be set off against the tale of public corrup- 
 tion and extortion of which the daily report is slowly 
 but surely kindling the righteous indignation of a 
 long-suffering people. 
 
 In no part of the world has the improvement in the 
 political situation since 1850 been more striking than 
 in Eurojje. The author of the present book has done 
 well to entitle it " The Reconstruction of Europe." 
 It has been indeed a reconstruction such as one could 
 hardly have dared hope for in the days of Haynau 
 and Radetzky. Yet no intelligent observer could 
 even at that time suppose that the crude adjustments 
 made by sheer military force were likely to prove 
 enduring. It seemed in 1850 as if despotism were 
 triumphant, but appearances were deceitful. Si sera 
 cotdd not conquer, for the stars in their courses were 
 fighting against him. The movement toward consti- 
 tutional freedom and the independence of oppressed
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxv 
 
 nationalities, temporarily checked by the arms of 
 Radetzky and Paskevitch, was a movement that had 
 been gathering strength for more than two genera- 
 tions. For its remote sources we must look back to 
 the middle of the eighteenth century, when English 
 ideas of constitutional liberty, vindicated by Vane 
 and Cromwell and expounded by Locke and Milton 
 yet a century earlier, were at length taken up and in- 
 corporated into the speculations of French philoso- 
 phers whose writings were widely read upon the con- 
 tinent. In deference to the spirit of the age, as 
 represented in various ways by Montesquieu and 
 Voltaire, by the Physiocrats and the Encyclopaedists, 
 the work of reform was begun by crowned philoso- 
 phers and public-spirited despots, such as Frederick 
 of Prussia, Catherine of Russia, Joseph of Austria, 
 and Charles III. of Spain. 
 
 In the country which had become a more coherent 
 nationality than any other upon the continent, which 
 had less enlightenment in its dynasty and more in its 
 people, and which had been brought most closely into 
 contact with English and American ideas, the terri- 
 ble revolution beginning in 1789 at once brought 
 matters to a crisis and inaugurated for the European 
 world the great modern movement of which our 
 author describes the most recent phases. With the 
 French revolutionary propaganda it became a move- 
 ment toward democracy, toward the final abolition of 
 feudalism with its arbitrary privileges for the few 
 and its excessive burdens for the many, toward the 
 fuller participation of the people in the work of gov- 
 ernment and their more efficient protection in the en- 
 joyment of the fruits of their labor. When the gov- 
 ernments of Austria and Prussia in 1792 undertook
 
 xxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to stem the rising tide by invading France, they 
 called into existence a French levee en masse of revo- 
 lutionary soldiers destined forthwith to overrun all 
 Europe, carrying democratic notions with them every- 
 where. When the National Convention published its 
 famous proclamation of November 19, 1792, offering 
 French assistance to all peoples who wished to get 
 rid of their governments, it laid down a revolution- 
 ary programme which Napoleon in very considerable 
 measure carried out. In many respects the policy of 
 the First Empire was a reversal of the policy of the 
 Revolution, and keenly disappointed the generous 
 aims and hopes that had sustained the nobler spirits 
 amid the horrors of that time ; but there were ways 
 in which the Napoleonic conquests, albeit marked by 
 a most shameless and cynical disregard of morality 
 and decency, were beneficial and stimulating to the 
 people of Europe. One of these ways was the tem- 
 porary extension of the new French laws, and of 
 methods of administration connected therewith, over 
 certain regions, especially the so-called Confederation 
 of the Rhine and some parts of Italy. Another was 
 the partial consolidation effected in the same regions, 
 along with the overthrow of a swarm of petty tyrants 
 who were not reinstated in 1815. A third was the 
 spirit of nationality evoked in resistance to Napoleon, 
 especially in northern Germany, under the lead of the 
 noblest statesman of that age, the gallant and glorious 
 Stein. 
 
 The seed sown in these ways had become too deeply 
 rooted in 1815 to be destroyed by the ingenious ar- 
 rangements made at the Congress of Vienna. The 
 next thirty years were, by comparison with what had 
 gone before, a time of profound peace ; yet they wit-
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxvn 
 
 nessecl political and military events characteristic 
 enough as indicating the general drift of affairs. 
 Such events were the establishment of independence 
 by the Spanish colonies in America, the successful 
 revolt of Greece, the unsuccessful revolt of Poland, 
 the troubles in Spain after the death of Ferdinand 
 VII., the uprising which drove Charles X. from 
 France in 1830. The most characteristic feature of 
 tliis period was restlessness. Ideas of reform, aspira- 
 tions after a better state of things, were everywhere 
 in the air. The moral influence of the great Parlia- 
 mentary Reform of 1832, and other contemporaneous 
 reforms in England, such as Jewish and Catholic 
 emancipation and the abolition of the slave-trade, 
 counted for much. The success of democracy on 
 a vast scale in the United States, however dimly 
 aj)prehended by the people of continental Europe, 
 doubtless also counted for much. Increasing com- 
 fort, scientific discoveries, railroads and steamboats, 
 cheaper and more abundant popular literature, were 
 powerful factors in stimulating the revolutionary 
 spirit. The revival of historic studies, the keenly 
 aroused interest in the past, as shown in Guizot and 
 Sir Walter Scott, in the romantic school in poetry, 
 painting, and music, did much to strengthen the 
 growing sense of the sacredness o£ nationality. It 
 came to be more and more generally felt that it was 
 wrong for Greeks and Bulgarians to be trampled 
 down by the ruthless Turk, and for Magyars and 
 Italians to be held in subjection by a ruler at Vienna. 
 It was especially in the Italian peninsula that the 
 aspiration toward political reform was identified with 
 the aspiration toward national unity. Since the ar- 
 rangements of 1815, Austria had held Lombardy and
 
 xxvni INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Venice in subjection, but Austrian control over the 
 peninsula really went much farther than this. In 
 1821 an insurrection against Bourbon tyranny in 
 Naples was suppressed by Austrian bayonets ; and in 
 1831 a revolution in the Papal States was suppressed 
 in the same way. Gradually, therefore, it became 
 apparent to all thoughtful Italians that the only prac- 
 ticable way of putting an end to misgovernment was 
 to unite the population of the peninsula in the effort 
 to throw off the Austrian yoke. The cause of Lom- 
 bardy and Venice must be made the common cause 
 of all Italy. In this conclusion Italian statesmen 
 came to agree, however they might differ as to the 
 means by which the desired end was to be attained ; 
 whether with Mazzini they looked forward to a united 
 Italian Republic, or with Gioberti dreamed of a re- 
 formed and enlightened Papacy taking the lead in 
 dri\ang out those whom bellicose Julius II. used to 
 call " the barbarians," or with Cavour saw clearly 
 that the hope of Italy lay in Piedmont, the one Italian 
 state which combined political freedom with organ- 
 ized military strength. 
 
 Where there is so sound a principle at work as 
 that represented in the policy of Cavour, it is sure to 
 profit by every opportunity that is offered for steady 
 and healthful expansion, as was illustrated in the 
 masterly skiU with which the Italian statesman made 
 use of the French emperor from the time of the Cri- 
 mean war to the time when the people of one Italian 
 state after another elected Victor Emmanuel as their 
 king. But pei'haps the most curiously significant 
 feature in the complex process of European recon- 
 struction is the wholesome Nemesis that has over- 
 taken Austria, and at the cost of a brief military
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxix 
 
 humiliation placed her in the ranks of progressive 
 states. In the clays of our fathers the very name of 
 Austria had a hateful sound. It stood for mean and 
 cruel oppression. A survival of the contemptuous 
 anger with which aU true lovers of liberty then re- 
 garded Austria may still be seen in Mr. Freeman's 
 writings, whenever that great historian has occasion 
 to aUude to her. But the policy to which Metter- 
 nich had devoted his rare abilities provoked reaction ; 
 and Cavour, securing by the sacrifice of Nice and 
 Savoy at first the active help and then the secret 
 connivance of the French emperor, struck the blow 
 which called into existence the Kingdom of Italy. 
 Then in the final phase of the struggle between Aus- 
 trian conservatism and the movement toward German 
 xmity begun by Stein and carried on by Bismarck, the 
 Italian kingdom played its part as an ally of Prus- 
 sia, and brought itself nigh to completeness by the 
 acquisition of Venetia. Austria, driven from the 
 German federation to shift for herself, discovered 
 that she could no longer maintain her footing in the 
 world without granting to Hungary all that Kossuth 
 and his brave companions had vainly contended for 
 in 1849. From the moment that she was thus freed 
 from the deadly burden of peoples held in unwiUing 
 subjection, Austria began to show symptoms of 
 healthy national life. The surgery of 1859 and 1866 
 was sharp but salutary. Then in that year of doom, 
 1870, a united Germany, freed from complications 
 with Austria, made short work with the French em- 
 peror, the greatest sham of the century, and left 
 France humbled and exasperated, but probably in 
 a less unsound condition than at any previous mo- 
 ment since 1789. The Italian kingdom, seizing this
 
 XXX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 opportunity, attained completeness by acquiring the 
 city of Rome and putting- an end to tlie temporal rule 
 of the Papacy. Lastly, the causes of dissension be- 
 tween Germany and Austria, as well as between 
 Austria and Italy, having been removed, we see these 
 great powers leagued together in a triple alliance that 
 bids fair, especially if favored by the wealth and 
 maritime power of England, to serve as a potent 
 guarantee for the maintenance of peace in Europe. 
 Truly the advance since the days of Paskevitch and 
 Eadetzky has been wonderful. 
 
 The tares that the enemy has so industriously sown 
 have not, however, all been uprooted ; some of them 
 are still thrifty and seem likely to prove fruitful in 
 disturbance. Our author, no doubt, does well in 
 bringing his narrative to a close with the victory of 
 Germany over France ; for if he had gone on to treat 
 of the Balkan war of 1878, he woidd have begun 
 upon a chapter of history which, in a peculiar degree, 
 is not yet ended. It is a pity that the beastly Turk 
 coidd not then have been sent over to Brusa, as a pre- 
 liminary step toward improving him off from the face 
 of the earth ; for not until that has been done can we 
 hope to see civilization restored in those beautiful 
 lands which to the historian, the philosopher, and the 
 Christian are fraught with such haUowed memories. 
 But how the ciunberer of the earth can be disposed 
 of without kindling a general European conflagra^ 
 tion is a question that puzzles the wisest statesmen. 
 
 To this Eastern difficulty, which is an old one, the 
 issue of the war between France and Germany unfor- 
 tunately added a new source of probable contention 
 in the future. The Germans deemed it necessary to 
 annex Alsace and Lorraine in order to secure a bet-
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxxi 
 
 ter military frontier in case of any future war with 
 France. By so doing they made it abnost impossible 
 for France to abandon her attitude of enmity toward 
 Germany, and they annexed a hostile population sure 
 to be a source of weakness to Germany, as the pos- 
 session of Venetia had been a source of weakness to 
 Austria. Moreover in doing this they shocked public 
 sentiment, so that if in some future European com- 
 plication France goes to war with Germany in order 
 to recover her lost provinces and free their people 
 from foreign domination, then enlightened 23ublic 
 sentiment in both hemispheres will probably symj)a- 
 thize with France in this one particular, even though 
 it may sympathize with her in nothing else. And 
 this is because the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine by 
 Germany was really a violation of what is the sound 
 basis of the principle of the sacredness of national- 
 ities ; in other words, it was a violation of the sacred- 
 ness of self-government. It was easy to argue that 
 in blood and speech the people of Alsace-Lorraine 
 were almost more German than French, and that in 
 point of history their connection with France was 
 scarcely two centuries old. Such arguments go but 
 little way when confronted with the fact that the 
 people of Alsace-Lorraine — who are among the most 
 intelligent, cultivated, and virtuous people in the 
 world — consider themselves Frenchmen. They love 
 France and hate Germany, and would hail with de- 
 light any such opportunity as was offered to Lom- 
 bardy in 1859 and to Venice in 1866. Their present 
 position immensely increases the difficulty of dealing 
 with the Eastern question. It remains to be seen 
 whether the Germans did wisely in 1871 in allow- 
 ing military considerations to prevail over such grave
 
 xxxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 objections to the forcible severance of these people 
 from France. Perhaps it may by and by appear 
 that in this one instance they made the same sort of 
 mistake that the fii*st Napoleon was so apt to make, 
 in setting a higher value upon sheer brute force than 
 upon the sagacious statesmanship that takes morality 
 and sentiment into the account. Time will show. 
 
 JOHN FISKE.
 
 THE 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EUROPE IN 1850. 
 
 EuKOPE IN 1850. — Louis Napoleon elected President of the 
 French Republic. — His Previous Career. — The Revolu- 
 tion in Germany, Austria, and Italy. — State of Italy in 
 1850. — The Attitude of Piedmont. — Tranquilijty of Rus- 
 sia. — Prestige of the Czar in Europe. — The Great Pow- 
 ers IN 1850. 
 
 In the year 1850 Europe was emerging from the 
 throes of a revolutionary era, with military autocracy 
 generally triiunphant, at the expense of liberal and 
 free ideas. France, Germany, Austria, Denmark, and 
 the Italian states had been shaken by the great popu- 
 lar upheaval, but in France alone was the revolution 
 .sustained. The government of Louis Philippe had 
 fallen, never to rise again. A provisional government, 
 established to direct affairs pending the election of a 
 republican president, was obliged to maintain itself 
 with powder and ball against an insurrection of the 
 Commune in Paris. The Faubourg St. Antoine was 
 mercilessly bombarded, barricaded streets were raked 
 with cannon and musketry, before order was restored, 
 and the government enabled to turn its hand to the
 
 2 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 last act in a Paris revolution, the execution and trans- 
 portation of prisoners. 
 
 The election in December called to the presidency 
 of the new republic Charles Louis Napoleon Bona- 
 parte, the recognized heir of the great Napoleon. He 
 had been elected to the Assembly in June and Sep- 
 tember, and had taken his seat in the latter month, 
 in the face of protests by the faction most warmly 
 attached to the cause of the republic. 
 
 The character and views of Louis Napoleon were 
 not unknown to his supporters. He had always 
 asserted his belief that he was one day to rule over 
 his uncle's empire, and had proved the sincerity of 
 his convictions by twice attempting to seize supreme 
 power by tampering wdth the army. For the latter 
 of these ill-starred attempts he had suffered imprison- 
 ment in the fortress of Ham, but, escaping, had fled 
 to England. When he returned to Paris in 1848 it 
 was virtually to accept at the hands of the people a 
 recall from exile. The prestige of liis name won the 
 votes of lovers of domestic order, while the absurdity 
 of his conduct at Strasburg and Boulogne gained him 
 the support of a less patriotic element, who regarded 
 him as clay to be moulded at will by unscrupvdous 
 potters. The state of affairs in France at the opening 
 of 1850 was without parallel in Europe. The revolu- 
 tion had overthro^Ti Louis Philippe, crushed out a 
 revolution that conspired against itself, established 
 the republic, and crowned its work by choosing an 
 imperial pretender for a republican president. 
 
 Of all the continental governments, those repre- 
 sented in the Germanic Diet at Frankfort had suf- 
 fered most severely. Mobs raged through the streets 
 of Berlin, Dresden, Munich, and Vienna. The Hun-
 
 EUROPE IN 1850. 3 
 
 garlan and Italian subjects of the Kaiser revolted 
 and defeated the troops sent to suppress them. The 
 Kaiser fled from Vienna, the king of Bavaria abdi- 
 cated his throne, while the petty princes of Germany 
 were driven to the promulgation of constitutions, and 
 the adoption of liberal ministries. In the general 
 uprising against absolutism, the Frankfort Diet itself 
 was swept away. It had never been popular with 
 the masses, as it represented the princes, and not the 
 people, of the German states. In its stead there was 
 convened a national assembly, elected by popular suf- 
 frage, whose leading articles of faith were constitu- 
 tional liberty and national unity. Adherence to the 
 latter principle induced it to order Prussian troops 
 to the assistance of the people of Schleswig-Holstein, 
 who were endeavoring to throw off the Danish yoke, 
 while devotion to the former led it to offer to Fred- 
 erick William of Prussia the crown of united Ger- 
 many. Prussia had clearly outstripped Austria in 
 the favor of the German people. Her advocacy of 
 the ZoUeverein which had made Germany a commer- 
 cial unit, and the adoption by Frederick William of 
 certain liberal reforms advocated by the Berlin rev- 
 olutionists, had done much to establish this state of 
 things. Frederick William, however, had never 
 reaUy sympathized with the new views of his subjects. 
 He was a devout believer in his divine right, and in 
 the power of the Austrian army, and furthermore felt 
 a deep veneration for the House of Hapsburg. He 
 mistrusted the wisdom and stability of the Frankfort 
 assembly, and refused its offer of imperial honors. 
 This proved the deathblow of the liberal assembly on 
 the Main. Had Russia remained quiescent, perhaps 
 it might have risen superior to this rebuff. In fact,
 
 4 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 however, tlie Czar placed his troops at the dispo- 
 sal of the Kaiser, and confided to his famous lieu- 
 tenant, Paskevich, the subjugation of Hungary. 
 With his right arm free again, the Kaiser turned to 
 the rectification of affairs in Germany. Despotism 
 took fresh heart, liberal ministries came tmnbling 
 down, and Frederick William, who had been playing 
 fast and loose with the Prussian revolutionists, turned 
 a cold shoulder to their requests. The Prussian 
 troops were recalled from the Elbe Duchies, while 
 Austrian troops succeeded 'them, and reestablished 
 the Danish authority. In the mean time, Paskevich 
 in Hungary, and Radetsky in Italy, had crushed out 
 all opposition. Austria was again dominant, not only 
 in Germany, but in Central Europe and Italy as well. 
 
 The condition in which Hungary and Italy were 
 left by the Russo-Austrian triumph was a deplorable 
 one. While the former was the victim of the stern- 
 est military reprisals, the state of affairs in Italy was 
 even worse. 
 
 With an intensely national spirit animating all 
 classes from the Alps to the Tiber, the Italians for 
 generations had been held asunder by foreign bay- 
 onets. Austria held Venetia and Lombardy as prov- 
 inces of the empire, but her influence extended far 
 beyond their frontiers. The Neapolitans crouched 
 under the Bourbon lash with the might of Austria 
 behind it. Tuscany, Parma, and Modena had their 
 old rulers, who had fled upon the outbreak of 1848, 
 again forced upon them, while the troops of the 
 Kaiser were billeted on their territory. The Pope 
 returned from his retirement in the Neapolitan do- 
 minions under the protection of Austria, the French 
 Republican army having previously occupied Rome.
 
 EUROPE IN 1850. 5 
 
 Even Piedmont, the little northern kingdom, the 
 sole representative of constitutional government in 
 Italy, had suffered from a temporary Austrian occupa- 
 tion consequent upon Radetsky's victory at Novara. 
 But the Piedmontese were not cast down. As Austria 
 stood for despotism in the ijeninsula, so Piedmont had 
 come to stand for constitutional government and Ital- 
 ian regeneration. From the dismal night of Novara, 
 when the broken-hearted Charles Albert abdicated 
 the Sardinian throne to his son, a new era was inau- 
 gurated in Italian history. While the battle-smoke 
 still brooded over the field of Radetsky's greatest vic- 
 tory with evidences of misery and disaster on every 
 hand, Victor Emmanuel had voiced the oath " Per 
 Dio, Italia sara ! " In the presence of the principal 
 dignitaries of the kingdom, he committed himself to 
 the fostering of the liberal institutions of the state 
 and the fvirtherance of the Italian cause. Even as 
 early as 1850, while still reaping the bitter fruits of 
 unsuccessful revolution, the Italian people were com- 
 ing to regard Piedmont as the national David, by 
 whom the giant strength of foreign oppression should 
 one day be broken. 
 
 Throughout this period of turmoil in Europe, the 
 vast realms of the Czar had remained undisturbed. 
 Not certainly that there were no burdens to be light- 
 ened or wrongs to be redressed, but simply from the 
 fact that liberty such as was being fought for in Ger- 
 many, Austria, and Italy had never entered into the 
 conception of the stupid, plodding Russian serf. As 
 for the sprinkling of uneasy, restless agitators, from 
 which Russia is never free, perhaps the memory of 
 Poland and the fear of Paskevich held them back. 
 Russia remained tranquil, a fact that won new pres-
 
 6 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tige for the Czar. The generous, majestic fashion in 
 which he came to the assistance of Austria, and hurled 
 back the Hungarian patriots before his stubborn bat- 
 talions, impressed all Europe with a sense of his great 
 might. While every continental government was 
 employing the full strength of its military arm to 
 preserve or restore order within its territories, the 
 Czar was demonstrating the fact that his armed power 
 was far beyond his necessities. The withdrawal of 
 his troops from Hvmgary was no less imposing than 
 their entry had been. No allusion to compensation 
 lessened its moral influence. Austria was grateful 
 and profuse, while the rest of Europe was awed by 
 the splendid courtesy and boundless power of the 
 northern autocrat. 
 
 The general position of the great European states 
 at the opening of the year 1850 may be summed up 
 briefly as follows : — 
 
 England still remained engrossed in the arts of 
 peace and the doings in the Commons. The reforms 
 for which the continental peoples contended were 
 only those which the English fought for at Naseby 
 and Marston Moor, and had enjoyed for centuries. 
 
 France, emerging from a complication of revolu- 
 tions, was again sailing smoothly, but with the Bona- 
 parte pretender at the helm. 
 
 In the German states, despotism, temporarily in 
 danger, had resumed its sway, with the Diet again 
 established on the Main. Imperialism, reentrenched 
 in Vienna, cast its baleful shadow over Germany, 
 Hungary, and Italy. 
 
 Finally, Russia loomed vast and haughty in the far 
 East, an object of dread and misgiving, and clothed 
 in newly -acquired prestige.
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 THE COUP d'etat. 
 
 The Foreign Policy of France in 1851. — The President's 
 Oath. — Enmity between the President and the Assem- 
 bly. — The Speech at Dijon. — St. Arnaud and Maupas 
 appointed to the Ministry. — The 2d of December — The 
 President's Proclamation and the Arrests. — Dispersion 
 of the Assembly. — How the Coup d'Etat was managed. 
 — The Events of the 3d. — The 4th of December. — State 
 OF Affairs on the Boulevard. — The Massacre and its 
 Influence. — Conflict of Testimony in regard to the 
 Massacre. — The President's Responsibility. — Disposition 
 of Political Prisoners. — The President sustained by the 
 National Vote. — The Te Deum in Notre Dame. — The 
 President becomes Emperor. 
 
 In the year 1851 France was attracting more atten- 
 tion tlian any other of the great powers on account of 
 her conspicuous foreign policy. With an army in 
 Rome as a body-guard to the Pope, and an ambas- 
 sador in Constantinople vigorously claiming the Holy 
 Places at Jerusalem, this policy was strongly sugges- 
 tive of the Crusades. But the fact, above all, that 
 arrested the attention of the world was the unique 
 experiment then in progress of a republican govern- 
 ment, with the heir of the First Napoleon as president. 
 
 Prince Louis entered upon his duties as president 
 of the French republic December 20, 1848. On that 
 day, before the Assembly, he swore " to remain faitliful 
 to the democratic republic," and declared, " My duty 
 is clear. I will fulfill it as a man of honor. I shall
 
 8 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 regard as enemies of the country all those who 
 endeavor to change by illegal means that which all 
 France has established." 
 
 The president and the Assembly were soon at war. 
 The Assembly, or a large proportion of its members, 
 suspected the president of treasonable desigiis against 
 the republic, while he believed that the Assembly was 
 conspiring for his overthrow. A state of affairs like 
 this could not be attended with much good for France. 
 In May, 1851, the president declared at a public ban- 
 quet in Dijon, " The Assembly has given me its co- 
 operation in every means of repression, but has failed 
 me in all the measures which I have devised for the 
 welfare of the people." 
 
 On October 27 AchiUe St. Arnaud, an officer in 
 the French Algerian army, with a bold, venturesome 
 spirit and a reputation by no means stainless,^ was 
 appointed by the president minister of war. On 
 the same day M. de Maupas was appointed prefect 
 of police. Maupas unfortunately had won a reputa- 
 tion which seemed better calculated to bring him 
 under the surveillance of the police, than to place 
 him in charge of its intricate machinery. ^ It cer- 
 tainly could not be regarded otherwise than as a grave 
 danger to France that the army should be imder the 
 orders of an unscrupulous soldier like St. Arnaud, 
 and the police in charge of a character like Maupas. 
 The true significance of these appointments was in- 
 dicated by the events which occurred in Paris between 
 the 1st and 5th of the following December. 
 
 On the morning of Deceml>er 2, 1851, Paris awoke to 
 find its walls blazing with proclamations by the presi- 
 
 ^ Kinglake, chapter xxix.; T^not, pp. 78, 79. 
 2 See Kinglake, chapter xiv.
 
 THE COUP D'ETAT. 9 
 
 dent, declaring that he had dissolved the Assembly, 
 charging' it with being " the hotbed of sedition," that 
 it forged the weapons of civil war, that it imperiled 
 the tranquillity of France, and that he, the president, 
 made the whole people judge between him and it. 
 " I make, therefore, my loyal appeal to the whole 
 nation, . . . and I say if it be your will that the pres- 
 ent state of disturbance continue, choose another to 
 fill my place, for I will no longer retain a power which 
 is ineffectual for good." Parisians found, further- 
 more, that the press had been muzzled, and they 
 learned oidy by word of mouth from the wild stories 
 that circulated upon the boulevards, that there had 
 been wholesale arrests during the night, and that the 
 leading statesmen and soldiers of France were behind 
 prison bars. The vast massing of troops at strategi- 
 cal points proved that some move of unusual impor- 
 tance had been made. A brigade was drawn up on 
 the Quai d'Orsay, another was stationed in the Place 
 de la Concorde, another in the garden of the Tuile- 
 ries, wliile a fourth under Canrobert, with no less than 
 three brigades of cavalry, was located about the palace 
 of the Elysee. 
 
 Later in the morning the Assembly came together, 
 but were ejected by a body of troops, and several of 
 the members arrested. Another attempt was made 
 to hold a session at the mayoralty of the tenth arron- 
 dissement. A resolve was passed that the high-handed 
 acts of the president were a forfeiture of his office. 
 At this juncture General Forey arrived before the 
 building at the head of several battalions. A detach- 
 ment entered the room where the deputies were sitting, 
 and an officer ordered them to disperse. This they 
 refused to do, but upon the seizure of the president
 
 10 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 by the soldiers the whole body declared themselves 
 prisoners, and were marched through the streets to 
 the Quai d'Orsay, henuned in by a cordon of bay- 
 onets. They were confined here through the day, but 
 after dark they were sent, in close vans, some to the 
 fortresses of Vincennes and Mont Valerien, and others 
 to the prison of Mazas. This concluded the first act 
 in the coup d'etat which overthrew the republic 
 and left Louis Napoleon the dictator of France. 
 
 The ministers of the president discharged their 
 duties with such skill and vigor that people were 
 willing to believe they had been chosen with this 
 object in view. Maupas, at the head of the police, 
 isolated the state printing-office during the striking- 
 off of the proclamations dissohdng the Assembly, and 
 arranged with beautiful precision and a brazen dis- 
 regard of law the early morning arrest of the mil- 
 itary and civil leaders of France. The total nmnber 
 of arrests was seventy-eight, and they included all 
 those statesmen who were regarded as most likely 
 openly to combat the bold step of the president and 
 incite the people to resist him. St. Arnaud directed 
 the soldiery against the Assembly, and stationed them 
 in imposing masses through the city, to intimidate 
 those who might feel impelled to protest with the cus- 
 tomary barricade arguments. M. de Morny, generally 
 known as a daring speculator, assumed charge of the 
 home office shortly before light, and the rising sun 
 found him at his post, superintending the vast tele- 
 graphic system which was conveying to the country 
 such accounts of the state of enthusiasm in Paris as 
 the president and his ministers deemed best suited to 
 their interests. 
 
 The second part of the cowp d'Stat^ which drenched
 
 THE COUP D'ETAT. 11 
 
 the boulevards with innocent blood, has cast a shade of 
 horror over the whole transaction that time has been 
 unable to efface. Pai-is is never so reduced in a crisis, 
 whether the cause be just or unjust, that she is bereft 
 of hands to erect and defend barricades in her streets. 
 In the Faubourg St. Antoine an incipient rising on 
 the 2d was suppressed immediately by the troops. 
 The volcanic district from the Hotel de Ville north- 
 ward to the boidevards also showed signs of uneasi- 
 ness, and throughout the morning of the 3d the mil- 
 itary were busy pulling down partially completed 
 barricades and dispersing small bodies of insurgents. 
 There seems to be little question that the army was 
 embittered against the popidace. If this were so, the 
 proclamation circulated by the president through the 
 ranks on the 2d was not calcidated to appease it. 
 He styled the soldiers as " the flower of the nation." 
 He pointed out to them that his interests and theirs 
 were the same, and that they had suffered together in 
 the past from the course of the Assembly. He re- 
 minded them of the years 1830 and 1848, when the 
 army had fought the people in the streets of Paris, 
 and concluded by an allusion to the military grandeur 
 of the Bonapartes. 
 
 During the afternoon of the 3d and morning of the 
 4th the troops remained inactive, pending orders from 
 the minister of war, and in this interval several strong 
 barricades were erected in the restless quarters. On 
 the afternoon of the 4th the boidevards, from the 
 Madeleine to the Rue du Sentier, were occupied by a 
 great body of troops awaiting orders to move east 
 through the Boulevard Bonne Nouvelle upon the bar- 
 ricaded district. The soldiers stood at ease, and the 
 officers lounged about, smoking their cigars. The
 
 12 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 sidewalks, windows, and balconies were crowded vn\h 
 men, women, and children, tliouglitless onlookers of 
 the great military display. Suddenly a single shot 
 was heard. It was fired from a window near the Rue 
 du Sentier. The troops at the head of the column 
 faced sharjjly to the south, and commenced a deliber- 
 ate fusillade upon the crowded walks and balconies. 
 The battalions farther west caught the murderous con- 
 tagion, until the line of fire extended into the Boide- 
 vard des Italiens. In a few moments the beautiful 
 boulevards were converted into a bloody pandemonivmi. 
 The sidewalks were strewn with corpses and stained 
 with blood. The air was rent with shrieks and groans 
 and the breaking of glass, while the steady, incessant 
 rattling of the musketry was intensified by an occa- 
 sional cannon-shot, that brought down with a crash 
 the masonry from some fine facade. This continued 
 for nearly twenty minutes, when a lack of people to 
 kill seems to have restrained the mad voUeys of the 
 troops. If any attempt was made by officers to check 
 their men, it was wholly unavailing, and in some cases 
 miserable fugitives were followed into buildings and 
 massacred. Later in the day the barricades were 
 attacked, and their defenders easily overcome. By 
 nightfall insurgent Paris was thoroughly cowed. 
 
 These alleo'ations, thouo-h conflicting vAxh sworn 
 statements of Republicans and Imperialists, can hardly 
 be refuted. The ejfforts of the Napoleonic faction to 
 portray the thoughtless crowd of the boidevards as 
 desperate and bloody-minded rebels have never been 
 successful, while the opposition so brilliantly repre- 
 sented by the author of " Histoire d'un Crime " have 
 been too fierce and immoderate in their accusations 
 to win public credence. The questions as to who fii'ed
 
 THE COUP D'ETAT. 13 
 
 the first shot, and whether it was fired as a signal for, 
 or a menace against the military, are points on which 
 Frenchmen of different political parties still debate. 
 It is charitable to accept M. Hugo's insinuation that 
 the soldiery were drunk with the president's wine, 
 even though the fact imjilies a low state of discipline 
 in the service. 
 
 To what extent was the president responsible for the 
 boulevard horror ? M. Victor Hugo and M. de Maupas 
 do not agree upon this point, and it seems useless to 
 discuss it. Certain facts are indisputable. We know 
 the army bore small love toward the Parisians, and 
 we know it was in the streets by order of the presi- 
 dent. We know that the latter was in bad company, 
 and playing a dangerous game. We may discard M. 
 Victor Hugo's statement as to the orders issued by 
 the president from the Elysee on the fatal day, but 
 we cannot disguise the fact that the boidevard horror 
 subdued Paris, and crowned his cause with success. 
 In other words, Louis Napoleon was the gainer by the 
 slaughter of unoffending men, women, and children, 
 and in after-years, when referring to the 4th of Decem- 
 ber, he found it for his interest to distort facts, and 
 make figures lie.^ 
 
 There was no deviation from time-honored customs 
 in regard to the treatment of prisoners taken in arms 
 against "the government." Many were executed, 
 while several hundreds were transported to Africa 
 and Cayenne, and so ended the heroic measures that 
 were deemed necessary to shatter the power of the 
 Assembly and place Louis Napoleon and his minis- 
 ters in control of France. 
 
 ^ For a concise and able review of the evidence bearing on the 
 events of the 4th of December, see T^not's Paris in December, 1851, 
 chapter vi.
 
 14 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 But Louis Napoleon had expressly stated in the 
 proclamation that astonished Paris on the 2d that he 
 made the people judge between him and the Assem- 
 bly. The citizens of France were called upon to vote 
 on the 20th and 21st of December "Yes" or "No" 
 to the question as to whether the president should be 
 sustained in the measures he had taken, should be 
 empowered to draw up a new constitution, and should 
 retain the presidential chair for a period of ten years. 
 The army had already voted two weeks previously, 
 indorsing the president with a remarkable unanimity. 
 Furthermore, the vote "No," if successful, provided 
 no substitute for Napoleon, and, leaving the land with- 
 out a legal ruler, would of a certainty plunge it into 
 anarchy. Moreover, many of the provinces were un- 
 der martial law, which, taken in connection with the 
 fact that the police and military machinery was in 
 the hands of the president and his ministry, left but 
 one possible result to the voting. Napoleon was op- 
 posed in a total vote of 8,000,000, by only 640,000. 
 
 On January 1, 1852, the morning after the result 
 of the vote had been officially announced to him at the 
 palace of the Elysee, he repaired to the cathedral of 
 Notre Dame, and there, in the presence of his min- 
 isters and the agents of his schemes, he invoked the 
 di\ane protection and blessing upon his future admin- 
 istration of the affairs of France. 
 
 On January 14, 1852, the new constitution was 
 promulgated, which the plebiscite had empowered the 
 president to frame. It eradicated almost the last 
 jot of republicanism from France. The presidential 
 power was well-nigh absolute, while the popular branch 
 of the government was reduced to impotency. There 
 was only one more step to be taken, and the republic
 
 THE COUP D'ETAT. 15 
 
 would be extinct. Louis Napoleon still retained the 
 title of president. On the 21st of November the 
 people of France voted upon this proposition as 
 framed by the Senate : " The people desire the re- 
 establislunent of the imperial dynasty in the person 
 of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte," etc., etc. On the 1st 
 of December the members of both houses repaired to 
 the shades of St. Cloud, and there officially announced 
 to the president that he had been elected Emperor of 
 France. Since the 14th of the previous January he 
 had been imperial in all but name, but now he stood 
 before the world the legal inhabitant of the Tuileries, 
 " Napoleon the Third, by the Grace of God and by 
 the will of the people. Emperor of the French."
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 THE REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 
 
 The French Emperok's Standing ts Europe. — He has Re- 
 course TO the Eastern Question. — The Quarrel over 
 the Holy Places. — The Attitude of Russia. — The French 
 Ambassador carries his Point. — Wrath of the Czar. — 
 Nesselrode on the Situation. — Menschikoffs Mission 
 TO Constantinople. — Lord Stratford as Peacemaker. — 
 Menschikoff's Demand and its Reception by the Porte. — 
 Stratford's Position. — European Suspicion of Russia. — 
 Attitude of the Powers on the Eastern Question. — 
 England the most interested. — The Czar's Visit to Eng- 
 land IN 1844. — "The Sick SIan" Interviews and their 
 Result. — Strength of the Czar's Claim to a Protector- 
 ate. — Progress of Menschikoff's Mission. — He is op- 
 posed BY Stratford. — Menschikoff's Ultimatum. — Strat- 
 ford's Communication to the Sultan. — Position in which 
 England was placed by it. — Failure of Menschikoff's 
 Mission. — The Russian Army crosses the Pruth. — The 
 Czar's Proclamation. — The Vienna Congress. — The War 
 Fever in Turkey. — The Franco-English Fleet enters 
 THE Sea of Marmora. — Turkey and Russla. at War. 
 
 The influence of the coup cVetat extended far 
 beyond the limits of France. The bold overthrow of 
 the popular assembly was a bitter blow to the friends 
 of constitutional government in all countries, and 
 however satisfactory the results may have been to the 
 despotic continental sovereigns, the methods adopted 
 by the president for their consummation awakened 
 toward him, in every court, a feeling of distrust. In 
 England the news of the coup d'etat was received 
 with mingled feelings of horror and alarm. Lord
 
 REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 17 
 
 Palmerston, then foreign secretary, alone seems to 
 have approved it, and his public defence of his views 
 residted in his withdrawal from the cabinet. 
 
 The French emperor began to appreciate the fact 
 that in all quarters he was looked at askance. He 
 also realized the absolute necessity of making some 
 move that should overshadow the hideous events of 
 the coiq) d'etat. The prestige, and perhaps the ex- 
 istence, of his government depended upon his making 
 himself a prominent figure in European politics. 
 
 For a number of generations in Europe there has 
 been one question that, carelessly or maliciously 
 touched upon, has never failed to stimulate strife and 
 discord among the nations. This is "the Eastern 
 Question," the problem how to settle the disputes, 
 political and religious, in the east of Europe. In 
 1850 it had temporarily ceased to disturb the con- 
 tinental councils, and Europe was rejoicing in a res- 
 pite from the diplomatic strife that always attends 
 its agitation. But Louis Napoleon deliberately ap- 
 plied the torch that kindled Eastern fanaticism, when 
 he instructed the French ambassador at Constantino- 
 ple to demand from the Porte a strict enforcement of 
 the grant in regard to the Holy Places. Lord John 
 Russell accused France directly in a letter to Lord 
 Cowley, then British ambassador at Paris, of inter- 
 rupting the general concord : " Her majesty's govern- 
 ment cannot avoid perceiving that the ambassador of 
 France at Constantinople was the first to disturb the 
 status quo in which the matter rested." 
 
 The Holy Places is the general title applied to 
 those sacred precincts about the Church of the Holy 
 Sepulchre in Jerusalem where tradition has located 
 the scenes of the sufferings, death, and burial of the
 
 18 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Saviour. The dispute for the protectorate of these 
 sacred shrines has been maintained for centuries be- 
 tween the Greek and Latin churches. In the year 
 1740 France, as the champion of the Latin Church, 
 succeeded in obtaining from the Porte a grant of dis- 
 tinguished privileges in regard to these sacred shrines. 
 Later, however, the Greeks pushed their claims with 
 greater zeal than their rivals, and succeeded from 
 time to time in obtaining firmans from the Sidtan, 
 which were in nearly every case opposed to the con- 
 cession. France, as the champion of the Latin cause, 
 silently acquiesced, until the zealous Greeks and the 
 world at large came to regard the grant as null and 
 void. 
 
 The emperor of Russia is the great protector of 
 the Greek Church, and his popularity as a sovereign 
 depends largely upon the zeal he displays in the de- 
 fence of her sacred interests. The Russian people, 
 religious and superstitious, regard the Holy Places of 
 Jerusalem with a veneration wholly incomprehensible 
 to the practical peoples of Western Europe ; and 
 when the French ambassador assumed to revive the 
 grant of 1740, it sent a shudder of pious horror 
 throuofhout the lenath and breadth of the Czar's 
 dominions. 
 
 The French ambassador at Constantinople, upon 
 fuiding his demands refused by Turkish statesmen 
 imbued with fear of Russia, openly threatened the 
 use of a French naval force, and even hinted at a 
 military occupation of Jerusalem. The Russian 
 envoy was less violent, but no less firm, than the rep- 
 resentative of France. Some concessions were made 
 by both sides, until finally the questions in dispute 
 were narrowed down to such points as these : whether
 
 REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 19 
 
 the Latins should possess a key to the great door of 
 the Church of Betlilehem, and the privilege of placing 
 in the Church of the Nativity a silver star with the 
 arms of France. Situated between two fierce fires, 
 the Porte was in a sad quandary. Private guarantees 
 of an assuring nature were made to both ambassadors, 
 but were repeUe'd with demands for public action. 
 The Frenchman pressed his case unflinchingly, and 
 temporarily the fear of the French fleet outweighed 
 the Ottoman di-ead of Russia. On December 22, 
 1852, the silver star with the arms of France, having 
 previously been brought from the sea with great os- 
 tentation, was placed in the sanctuary of the Nativity, 
 and at the same time the long-coveted key passed into 
 the possession of the Latin Church. 
 
 The Czar was in a furious rage, and all Russia was 
 deeply stirred. " To the indignation of the whole 
 people following the Greek ritual," wrote Count Nes- 
 selrode, the Russian chancellor, to Baron Brunnow, 
 " the key of the Church of Bethlehem has been made 
 over to the Latins, so as publicly to demonstrate their 
 religious supremacy in the East. The mischief, then, 
 is done, M. le Baron, and there is no longer any ques- 
 tion of preventing it. It is now necessary to remedy 
 it. The immunities of the orthodox religion wliich 
 have been injured, the promises which the Sultan had 
 solemnly given to the emperor, and which have been 
 ■violated, call for an act of reparation. It is to obtain 
 this we must labor. ... It may happen that France, 
 perceiving any hesitation on the part of the Porte, 
 may again have recourse to menace, and press upon it 
 so as to prevent it from listening to our just demands. 
 . . . The emperor has therefore considered it neces- 
 sary to adopt in the outset some precautionary meas-
 
 20 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ures, in order to support our negotiations, to neutral- 
 ize the effect of M. Lavalette's threats, and to guard 
 himself in any contingency which may occur against 
 a government accustomed to act by surprises." 
 
 There was an ominous movement in the Russian 
 military establishment, and at the time it became def- 
 initely known throughout Europe that three corios 
 d'armee were advancing upon the Pruth, Prince 
 Menschikoff appeared in Constantinople to extort 
 satisfaction from the Sultan for the affront suffered 
 by the Greek Church. France was represented at 
 Constantinople by M. de la Cour, who had succeeded 
 M. Lavalette, and England by Lord Stratford. 
 Menschikoff did not ask for an entire repeal of the 
 privileges just conferred upon the Latins, but de- 
 manded merely counter privileges for the Greeks. 
 Chief among these were the follo^Nang: that the 
 Greeks should have the right to repair the cupola of 
 the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, that they should 
 have the precedence as regards hours of worsliip at 
 the tomb of the Virgin, and that a Greek priest 
 should always preside over the great door of the 
 Church of Bethlehem. To the mind of western Eu- 
 rope the questions in dispute seemed strangely trivial, 
 but the Russian ambassador stood as the mouthpiece 
 of an angry sovereign and millions of pious people, 
 while the Frenclmian represented a master bent on 
 creating some disturbance which might tend to ob- 
 scure the memory of his usurpation. Lord Stratford 
 was the peacemaker, and notwithstanding the obstacles 
 in the way, the dispute was finally settled before the 
 close of April by the general acceptance of Russia's 
 demands. The Greek Church had been vindicated, 
 but the end was not yet.
 
 REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 21 
 
 The Czar was not satisfied witla this reparation, and 
 he also realized that no concessions could render his 
 subjects other than joyfid for an opportmiity to wreak 
 vengeance upon the enemies of the church. He had 
 determined to cripple Turkey, and so place his holy 
 church beyond the possibility of the • repetition of 
 such an indignity. In fact, Menschikoff had taken 
 other instructions from St. Petersburg: than those 
 regarding the Holy Places. No sooner had this dis- 
 pute been cleared away than he demanded an acknowl- 
 edgment by the Porte of the protectorate of the Chris- 
 tian peoples of Turkey, which had been given to the 
 Czars by virtue of the treaty of Kutchuk-Kainardji 
 in 1774. 
 
 The Sultan knew that the acceptance of this would 
 make the Czar the practical ruler over ten millions 
 of his subjects. Menschikoff pushed his demands 
 haughtily, and even fiercely. The ministers of the 
 Porte, while appreciating the results of yielding, also 
 foresaw the disastrous issue attending a conflict with 
 the great northern power. Behind the rough com- 
 mands of the ambassador they coidd hear the low 
 rumble of the Russian military advance, and coidd 
 almost catch the glint of the Muscovite bayonets re- 
 flected in the waters of the Pruth. 
 
 Unsupported, they must have yielded, but an un- 
 looked-for ally came to their aid. Prince Menschikoff 
 soon found himself opposed, not only by the Ottoman 
 ministers, but by the English ambassador as well. 
 Before noticing the progress and result of this dip- 
 lomatic contest, it will be well to glance at the gen- 
 eral attitude of England in regard to the Eastern 
 Question, and realize how it came about that at this 
 time Lord Stratford, in behalf of his government,
 
 22 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 was found standing squarely in the path of Russian 
 ambition as a barrier to the dissolution of the Otto- 
 man Empire. 
 
 Throughout Europe in general, but especially in 
 England, a deep feeling of suspicion prevailed toward 
 the great Muscovite Empire. The suddenness of its 
 rise from a condition of indolent barbarism to the 
 position of a first-rate power in the list of European 
 states had fairly amazed the western nations of slower 
 growth. The disposition of Russia to extend her 
 frontiers in all directions was a serious bugbear to 
 Europe, but the standing menace against Constan- 
 tinople which she had maintained since the days of 
 Peter the Great had always been a terror to English 
 statesmen. The strongest movement on the part of 
 the Russian Empire was toward the south. Political 
 reasons aside, there was a deep-seated longing in the 
 heart of every true Russian to liberate the Christian 
 peoples of the Balkan peninsula from the Moham- 
 medan yoke, and convert the mosques of the Byzan- 
 tine capital into sanctuaries of their sacred church. 
 
 The statesmen of Europe viewed this tendency of 
 the Czar and his people from widely different stand- 
 points. 
 
 Prussia cared but little for the Eastern Question, 
 while Austria, on the other hand, was deeply interested. 
 The Russian path to the Hellespont lay through the 
 Danubian Principalities, and the presence of a Russian 
 force hovering upon her flank was something from 
 the Austrian view never to be permitted. 
 
 France was indifferent to the matter save in a gen- 
 eral way as a Mediterranean power, but England, the 
 most distant power from any scene of trouble in east- 
 ern Europe, was interested far beyond any of the rest.
 
 REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 23 
 
 Though she was regarded as the leading Christian 
 state of Europe, it seemed to her right and satisfac- 
 tory that the fairest lands of the old Byzantine Em- 
 pire should remain the possession of a foreigner and 
 an infidel, whose only achievements had been those of 
 treachery and blood, simply because he had no power 
 to menace her line of Indian conununication. It 
 seemed far better to England that the resources of 
 this fair coimtry should remain imdeveloped, and that 
 its Christian popiJation should be crushed in igno- 
 rance and degradation, than that it shoidd ever pass 
 into the hands of a more energetic owner, with the 
 power to threaten that delicate water-way to India. 
 In short, England's practical Christianity was seri- 
 ously hampered by her anxiety for her possessions in 
 the far East. 
 
 Suspicion of Russia was never wholly at rest in 
 England, but perhaps it was less marked than usual 
 in the period immediately following the Czar's visit 
 in 1844. Every one was charmed with his frank 
 ways and pleasant speeches. Only a few were aware 
 how far his frankness had carried him in his conver- 
 sations with the cabinet ministers in regard to the 
 future of Turkey. He spoke almost tenderly of her, 
 but assured the ministers that however matters might 
 appear upon the surface, the Ottoman power was 
 surely falling to pieces. He regarded it as better 
 for Europe that England and Russia should arrive 
 at some understanding in regard to the disposition of 
 the Porte's dominions before the downfall really came. 
 After his return to Russia he forwarded to the Eng- 
 lish government, tlirough his chancellor, a memoran- 
 dmn or statement of the understanding existing 
 between Russia and England. It was merely a repe-
 
 24 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tition of what he had previously stated in his conver- 
 sations with the Duke of Wellington and Lord Aber- 
 deen. The memorandum, it seems, was never replied 
 to by the English government, but was filed away 
 among the state papers. Nicholas, on the supposi- 
 tion that " silence gives consent," regarded the Eng- 
 lish government as in sympathy ^vith his ideas on the 
 Eastern Question. 
 
 The disjjute in regard to the Holy Places, first en- 
 gendered, as we have seen, by the French ambassador, 
 had awakened the Czar from his temporary lethargy 
 in regard to the fate of the Ottoman Empire. All 
 Russia was burning with religious and patriotic fervor. 
 It was an imperative necessity for the Czar to retrieve 
 the prestige of the church ; was it not also the fitting 
 time to break the Ottoman power in pieces with the 
 weapon which the outraged feelings of his subjects 
 had placed at his command ? 
 
 His influence at Berlin was all powerful, and Prus- 
 sia was his friend. The memory of the Hungarian 
 revolt was not forgotten in Vienna, and he felt secure 
 in the friendship of the yoimg Kaiser. England was 
 engrossed in commercial pursuits and opposed to war, 
 and furthermore her statesmen had been in accord 
 with his views in regard to Turkey for years. France 
 was the only power he had to reckon with, and 
 France unsupported woidd hardly deem it wise to 
 combat his schemes. This was unquestionably the 
 general line of argument that Nicholas was following 
 at the opening of the year 1853. 
 
 On January 9 a ball was given at the palace of 
 the Archduchess Helen in St. Petersburg. Few who 
 mingled in the brilliant throng on that winter's even- 
 ing dreamed that the occasion was destined to become
 
 REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 25 
 
 more famous in the diplomatic than in the social 
 annals of Europe. In the course of the festivities 
 the Czar drew aside with the British ambassador, Sir 
 G. Hamilton Seymour, and in his frank, engaging 
 way dividged his views, as to a sympathetic hearer. 
 The conversation was upon the prosj)ects of Turkey 
 and its speedy downfall, and was renewed again and 
 again during the few days succeeding. " We have 
 on our hands a sick man, a very sick man," said the 
 emperor ; " it will be a gTeat misfortune if, one of these 
 days, he should slijj away from us before the neces- 
 sary arrangements have been made." He declared 
 that he did not desire a permanent Russian occupation 
 of Constantinople and woidd allow no other power 
 that privilege. He preferred that the Christian prov- 
 inces north of the Balkan Mountains shoidd become 
 independent states under liis protection. If England 
 wanted Egypt " he had no objection to ofPer ; " if Can- 
 dia, he would not opj)ose her. He dwelt especially 
 upon the sad condition of the Christian joeoples under 
 Tm'kish ride, and the duty that devolved upon liim 
 to exercise a protecting care over them. This dutj' 
 was made incumbent upon him, he explained, by the 
 treaty of 1774. The Czar sought these conferences 
 for the purpose of acquainting the English government 
 with liis intentions and eliciting a ratification of the 
 views expressed in the memorandum of 1844. The 
 response to his overtures was far different from what 
 he had expected, and chilling in the exti'eme. It was 
 hardly customary. Lord Aberdeen replied, to distrib- 
 ute the possessions of a friendly state still in exist- 
 ence. England had not lost confidence in the stabil- 
 ity of the Turkish government. 
 
 The Czar was enraged at the useless exposure of
 
 26 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 his schemes. At least, he argued, if England is not 
 in sympathy, she will not fight ; the English people are 
 opposed to fighting. Then he dispatched Menschi- 
 koff to Constantinople, literally to force a quarrel, — 
 a quarrel in which the wrongs of the church would 
 be thoroughly revenged, and the hateful dominion of 
 the Sultan overthrown. Thus it was that in the 
 spring of 1853, the integrity of the Ottoman Empire 
 being threatened. Lord Stratford was at Constanti- 
 nople stimrdating the Turkish ministers to resist the 
 demands of Prince Menschikoff and his imperial mas- 
 ter. 
 
 Russia's claim to a protectorate over the Greek 
 Christians was based solely ujDon the treaty of Ku- 
 tchuk-Kainardji. This treaty was forced upon the 
 Sidtan by Catherine II. after her victorious war in 
 1774. The Ottoman power had been thoroughly 
 hmnbled, and by the terms of the treaty Russia 
 gained vast territorial acquisitions and the free navi- 
 gation of Turkish waters. Furthermore this treaty 
 allowed Russia to erect a Christian church in Con- 
 stantinople, to be always under her protection. 
 
 It was in reference to this church that Russia and 
 Europe were openly at variance in 1853. Russia 
 claimed that when the Sultan allowed the right of 
 Russian interference in the case of the Constantinople 
 church, he admitted her claim to do likewise in behalf 
 of all Christians within his dominions. Turkey denied 
 that any such protectorate was implied. A superficial 
 glance at the disputed clauses seems adverse to the 
 Russian view of the case, but it is interesting to note 
 that even among her enemies Russia has found prom- 
 inent defenders of her position.^ Lord John Russell, 
 
 ^ Mr. Gladstone has defended Russia's position in this matter.
 
 REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 27 
 
 perhaps unintentionally, justified the Russian claim at 
 a critical time. In writing to Sir G. Hamilton Sey- 
 mour at St. Petersburg under date of February 9, 
 1853, he said : " The more the Turkish government 
 adopts the rules of impartial law and equal adminis- 
 tration, the less will the emperor of Russia find it 
 necessary to apply that exceptional protection which 
 his imperial majesty has found so burdensome and 
 inconvenient, though no doubt prescribed by duty and 
 sanctioned by treaty." This was j)leasant reading to 
 Nicholas. He had stated to the English ambassador 
 in his famous "sick man" interviews that he was 
 bound by treaty to protect the Christians of the Bal- 
 kan peninsula, and this letter was a virtual acknowl- 
 edgment of his claim. He felt that he could press 
 the Porte without fear of England, Perhaps it was 
 due in some part to this admission of Lord John Rus- 
 sell's that the Czar failed to comprehend for so long 
 a time that Lord Stratford really represented the 
 spirit of the English government. 
 
 Prince Menschikoff had arrived at Constantinople 
 early in March. Lord Stratford arrived upon the 
 5th of April. Count Nesselrode had given the Eng- 
 lish government to understand that Menschikoff's mis- 
 sion concerned solely the question of the Holy Places. 
 The English government thought otherwise, and Lord 
 Stratford soon found that their suspicions were well 
 grounded. In four days he had won the confidence of 
 the Turkish ministry so far as to learn that Menschi- 
 koff had been pressing upon them the Czar's claim for 
 a protectorate, and urging, furthermore, the necessity 
 of strict secrecy in the matter. By the time the dis- 
 pute over the Holy Places had been settled, it had 
 become useless for the Russian ambassador to attempt
 
 28 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 longer to preserve secrecy in regard to tlie more im- 
 portant matter. It was j)lain to him that Lord Strat- 
 ford was aware of the nature of his demands, and that 
 he was responsible for the increasing firmness of the 
 Turkish ministry. He saw, to his chagrin, the terror 
 inspired by his harsh commands and the presence of 
 the army on the Pruth failing to impress the mind of 
 the Sultan under the counsel and support of the Eng- 
 lish ambassador. 
 
 On May 5 Menschikoff, in a haughty note, openly 
 demanded of the Porte an immediate compliance with 
 the requests of the emperor of Russia in regard to 
 the protectorate of the Greek Christians in Turkey, 
 declaring in conclusion that he could not " consider 
 longer delay in any other Hght than as a want of re- 
 spect towards his government, which would impose 
 upon him the most painful duty." This was just one 
 month after Stratford's arrival. The matter had 
 been under active discussion for three weeks, and it 
 was evident that the Russian ambassador was deter- 
 mined to push tilings to a conclusion. 
 
 The Turkish ministry were seriously alarmed at this 
 peremptory summons. They conferred anxiously with 
 Lord Stratford, and sought to obtain from him some 
 pledge of material aid in case they pushed the Czar 
 too far by their opposition. In this they were un- 
 successful ; Stratford counseled them to firmness and 
 patience, and wrote to Menschikoff, pointing out to 
 him the danger of the path in which his imperial 
 master was treading, and the deep stain that he was 
 bringing upon his hitherto just and temperate reign. 
 Menschikoff was immovable, and the Porte was 
 brought to another pitifid strait. As a last resort 
 Stratford requested a private audience with the Sul-
 
 REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 29 
 
 tan, and then informed him that in case the Turkish 
 integrity was seriously threatened, he should order 
 the admiral of the English Mediterranean fleet to 
 hold himself in readin6ss for service. The effect of 
 this communication was electrifying. The quick- 
 witted pashas comprehended its full imjDort. It was 
 something tangible, it smacked of men and guns, and 
 was far more satisfactory than any amount of disin- 
 terested counsel. 
 
 England was rapidly drifting into a critical posi- 
 tion. Lord Stratford had not openly opposed the 
 Russian claims, but the Czar realized that the English 
 ambassador alone stood between him and the accom- 
 plishment of his desires. Stratford rebuked every 
 sign of wavering in the Ottoman councils, and always 
 advocated refusal to the Russian demands. He be- 
 came absolutely responsible for the strength of the 
 Turkish opposition. 
 
 On the 10th Menschikoff received from the Porte 
 a courteous but firm refusal of all his demands regard- 
 ing the protectorate, and after a few days more of 
 fruitless threatening he declared his mission at an end. 
 Before this Lord Stratford had assembled the am- 
 bassadors of the three powers for considtation, and 
 secured their approval of the course so far pursued 
 hj the Ottoman government. On the 21st, taking 
 with him the entire legation, Menschikoff departed for 
 Russia to face the wrath of an angry and disappointed 
 sovereign. 
 
 Upon the receipt of the intelligence of Menschi- 
 koff's failure. Count Nesselrode immediately informed 
 Reschid Pasha that " in a few weeks the Russian troops 
 will receive the order to cross the boundaries of the em- 
 pire, not for the purpose of making war, but in order
 
 30 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 to obtain material guarantees," etc. Almost at the 
 same time with the receipt of Nesselrode's threat, 
 Lord Stratford received from Lord Clarendon a state- 
 ment to the effect that England was " bound to main- 
 tain the independence of Turkey," and that " the use 
 of force was to be resorted to as a last and unavoid- 
 able resource." From this time England was hope- 
 lessly bound to the Porte. The policy of Lord Strat- 
 ford had of necessity brought her to a pass where she 
 was in honor compelled to sustain the Sidtan in any 
 crisis that might arise from the stand he had taken 
 against the Czar. 
 
 On the 3d of July the vanguard of the Russian 
 army crossed the Pruth and entered Moldavia. 
 " Having exhausted all persuasion," declared the 
 emperor to his faitlrful subjects, " we have found it 
 needful to advance our armies into the Danubian 
 Principalities, in order to show the Ottoman Porte to 
 what its obstinacy may lead. But even now we have 
 not the intention to commence war. By the occupa- 
 tion of the principalities we desire to have such a 
 security as will insure us the restoration of our 
 rights." 
 
 However the presence of Russian troops in the 
 principalities might be interpreted by the Czar, it 
 was practically an invasion of the territory of the 
 Porte, and as such formed a good and sufficient casus 
 belli. Lord Stratford, however, held the belligerent 
 party at Constantinople in check, and the ministry 
 were not slow in realizing that their safety depended 
 on the closeness and fidelity with which they followed 
 his instructions. 
 
 Diplomatists did not despair, even after this hostile 
 move of the Czar. The representatives of the four
 
 REVIVAL OF THE EASTERN QUESTION. 31 
 
 powers assembled in Vienna during July for another 
 effort to settle the questions in dispute without war. 
 The fruit of this meetilig was the drafting of an 
 agreement purporting to come from the Sultan. This 
 paper, wliich became famous under the title of " The 
 Vienna Note," practically insured to the Czar the 
 right of a protectorate, thus yielding the chief point 
 of dispute. If there could have been any doubt of 
 this fact, it was dispelled by the extreme eagerness 
 with which the proposals were received by the St. 
 Petersburg cabinet. The note reached Constantinople 
 early in August. Lord Stratford declared it to be 
 a complete acceptance of all Russia's objectionable 
 demands, and under his direction the clauses in regard 
 to the protectorate were amended in such a way as to 
 make it plain that the Sultan, and he alone, should 
 exercise a tender watchfulness over the Greek Chris- 
 tians in his dominions. The note in its altered form 
 was promptly rejected at St. Petersburg. The Vienna 
 Congress came to an end, leaving matters exactly as 
 they stood before its labors began. 
 
 This was the last serious effort made toward the 
 preservation of peace. The war feeling throughout 
 the Moslem population of the Sidtan's dominions 
 grew in intensity day by day. The ministry did not 
 fail to take advantage of this, and to warn the ambas- 
 sadors of foreign courts in Constantinople that the 
 peace of the city and the lives of Christians were 
 seriously jeopardized in consequence. The impres- 
 sion upon the French ambassador was so strong that 
 he openly advocated to his government the expediency 
 of moving the French fleet from Besika Bay to Con- 
 stantinople. This was exactly what the Ottoman 
 ministry wished. The Emperor Napoleon, perhaps
 
 32 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 nothiug loath to force hostilities, called the attention 
 of the British cabinet to the subject, and strenuously 
 lU'ged the policy of sending the allied fleets into the 
 Sea of Marmora. The English government had a 
 respect for treaties, and demurred. Under the treaty 
 of 1841 no war vessel was allowed to enter the Dar- 
 danelles in time of peace. The English cabinet were 
 not certain as to whether the state of affairs between 
 Kussia and Turkey could be regarded as one of war. 
 Omar Pasha, the Turkish commander, had on Octo- 
 ber 8 summoned the Russian forces to evacuate the 
 principalities within fifteen days, and upon the ac- 
 ceptance or refusal of this demand the question of 
 war was hanging. The influence of the French em- 
 peror, however, prevailed, and on the 22d the com- 
 bined fleets steamed through the Dardanelles into the 
 Sea of Marmora, and came to anchor off Constanti- 
 nople. On the next day, Omar Pasha's summons 
 having been disregarded, Turkey was openly at war 
 with Russia.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE DANUBIAN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 The Russian Akmy enters Moldavia. — The Military Blunder 
 OF THE Czar. — The Turkish Army and its Commander. — 
 The Turks cross the Danube. — Fighting about Kalafat. — 
 The Czar determines upon the Offensive. — The Career op 
 Paskevich. — His Advice to the Czar. — The Russians cross 
 THE Danube. — Siege of Silistria and Fall of Paskevich. — 
 Austria interferes. — Retreat of the Russian Army and 
 Battle of Giurgevo — Gortschakoff abandons Bucharest. 
 — Entry of the Turkish and Austrian Armies. — Isolation 
 of the Czar in Europe. 
 
 The Russian army entered Moldavia under com- 
 mand of Prince Gortschakoff, and the advance was 
 made without haste.^ Gortschakoff established his 
 headquarters at Bucharest, where he was received in 
 great pomp by the nobility and functionaries of the 
 church. In a few weeks the advanced posts were on 
 the Danube and the uniform of the Czar was a com- 
 mon sight in the streets of the larger towns. The 
 strength of the army during the first weeks of the 
 occupation was close upon 75,000 men, with 74 guns. 
 
 Upon the declaration of war by Turkey, the power 
 of this army was compromised by the foolish decision 
 
 ^ Prince Mikhail GortsehakofP. He entered the Russian army in 
 1807, took part in the Persian campaign in 1810 and those of 1812-15 
 against France. He also served in the Turkish campaign of 1828, 
 the Polish campaign of 1831, and commanded the Russian artillery 
 against the Hungarians in 1849. He must not be confounded with his 
 brother Prince Peter, who figured as a corps commander at the Alma 
 and Inkermann.
 
 34 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 of the Czar which Nesselrode dispatched to all the 
 European courts on October 31. He declared that 
 notwithstanding the declaration of war the Russian 
 troops would still refrain from the offensive and 
 merely stand in defense of the principalities. This 
 rendered it incumbent uj)on Gortschakoff to cover 
 nearly the whole length of the Danube from Widdin 
 to Galatz, making it possible for the Turks to fall 
 upon his extended line at any point in overwhelming 
 numbers. 
 
 Throughout the negotiations at Constantinople the 
 Porte had been steadily preparing for war, and the 
 fanatical hatred of the Moslem for the Giaour had 
 been thoroughly whetted. When imbued with this 
 religious zeal and ably led, the fierce soldiery of the 
 Sultan have always proved themselves the equals of 
 any in Europe. They are at their best when com- 
 manded by officers of foreign birth and education, 
 and in the campaigns of the Danube in 1853-54 they 
 were officered by representatives of the two peoples 
 principally interested in checking Russian aggression. 
 Omar Pasha, the Ottoman generalissimo, was an 
 Austrian, while in nearly every critical engagement 
 the Turkish soldiers were encouraged to success by 
 volunteers from the service of the English queen. 
 
 Toward the close of October, Omar Pasha had un- 
 der his command in Bidgaria a Turkish array of at 
 least 120,000 men. He was quick to see and improve 
 the advantage offered by the mistake of his enemy, and 
 commenced massing troops at Widdin, situated on the 
 Danube just above the point where its course changes 
 to the east. Opposite Widdin, in Wallachia, is the 
 smaller town of Kalafat, and on October 28 the 
 Turkish force crossed the river and occupied it after
 
 THE DANUBIAN CAMPAIGN. 35 
 
 a short skirmish. The result of the move was to 
 establish a strong Turkish defense squarely upon the 
 Russian flank. Another crossing was made by the 
 Turks 'from Turtukai to Oltenitza, while they also 
 met with temporary success in an attempt from Silis- 
 tria upon Kalarash. 
 
 These were practically the only movements of the 
 year, the approach of winter and the enforced in- 
 activity of the Russians conducing to a temporary 
 lull. About the middle of November, Omar Pasha 
 withdrew his troops from Oltenitza, leaving the force 
 at Kalafat his only large detachment on Wallachian 
 soil. The position of this force was too serious a 
 menace to be left unheeded by the Russian com- 
 mander, who proceeded to mass his available troops 
 in Lesser Wallachia, Aclnnet Pasha, commanding 
 the garrison at Kalafat, determined to anticipate the 
 Russian attack, and on the 6th of January moved 
 with 15,000 men against Citate. A Russian brigade 
 held the village, and had thrown up earthworks in 
 its rear. The Turks attacked the village furiously 
 with the bayonet, and in the streets and lanes a terri- 
 ble conflict took place. The Russians, heavily clothed 
 and accoutred, were soon worsted by their agile ad- 
 versaries, but driven from the streets they threw 
 themselves into the houses and maintained a desper- 
 ate resistance. It was four hours before the last 
 Russian detachment was dislodged, and by that time 
 their supports were at hand. Achmet Pasha brought 
 up his reserves to confront these troops, whose move- 
 ment placed him between two fires and threatened his 
 communications with Kalafat. The Russians ad- 
 vanced in close column under cover of their artillery, 
 and despite their numerical inferiority they finally
 
 36 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 recaptured Citate and compelled the retirement of the 
 Turks upon Kalaiat,^ During the week succeeding 
 there was severe and indecisive fighting, after which 
 the Russians commenced a leisurely retreat toward 
 the east, abandoning finally the object of their ad- 
 vance. 
 
 The Russian situation was by no means promising. 
 The Czar, mortified at the Ottoman successes, deter- 
 mined to relinquish his defensive plan, and inaugurate 
 without delay an invasion of Turkey. To insure suc- 
 cess he called Prince Paskevich, and sought his coun- 
 sel as to the best way to push his battalions to the 
 Bosphorous. Paskevich, then an old man, was an 
 honored soldier and the most successful general that 
 Russia possessed. He first saw service in 1805, and 
 fought in the campaign that ended with the disastrous 
 sunset of Austerlitz. In 1812-14 he was again in 
 the field, participating in the battle of Leipsic and 
 the victoi'ious march to Paris. In 1825 he led the 
 armies of the Czar in a \actorious campaign against 
 the Persians, and in the Turkish campaign of 1828-29 
 he conquered Armenia, subjugating even the great 
 fortresses of Kars and Erzeroum. In 1831, when 
 Poland was in revolt, it was his firm if cruel hand 
 that crushed out the insurrection. In 1848 he en- 
 tered Hvmgary at the head of the imperial troops, 
 and in 1850 the fiftieth anniversary of his entry into 
 the military service was celebrated at Warsaw amid 
 general rejoicing, and the sovereigns of Austria and 
 Prussia created him field marshal in their respective 
 
 ^ This action was reported in Vienna, London, and Paris as a great 
 Turkish victory. Achmet Pasha's course certainly protected Kalafat 
 from an attack, if he cannot be credited with winning a victory in 
 the field.
 
 THE DA NUBIAN CAMPAIGN. 37 
 
 armies. With this event the old soldier would will- 
 ingly have closed his active career, but the summons 
 of the Czar in 1854 found him ready for service as 
 heretofore. Paskevich insisted that it was useless to 
 attempt to cover the length of the Danube, and that 
 Lesser Wallachia should be abandoned. An invasion 
 of Turkey, he contended, was only feasible via Silis- 
 tria and Shumla, and the success of this plan de- 
 pended upon the ability of the imperial troops to re- 
 duce Silistria by the 1st of May. 
 
 The pride of the Czar was touched at having to 
 relinquish any portion of liis "material guarantee," 
 but he yielded nevertheless to the hard counsel of his 
 general. The Russian military establishment entered 
 into vigorous action once again. Heavy masses of 
 troops began to converge upon the Danube toward 
 Silistria, while all through April the Moldavian vil- 
 lagers witnessed the march of fresh battalions pass- 
 ing southward from Russia to the front. 
 
 But the Czar had waited too long, and no amount 
 of energy could now retrieve his failing fortunes. 
 Russia was openly at war with both France and Eng- 
 land, and their fleets had been blockading the Black 
 Sea since the opening of the year. Furthermore, 
 Austria was increasing her army on her eastern fron- 
 tier and the Vienna cabinet left no room for doubt as 
 to its purpose. Paskevich knew well that even if 
 Silistria fell by May 1, if his hardy soldiers succeeded 
 in forcing the intrenched camp at Shumla, and indeed 
 if they should pass the Balkan range in the face of 
 the Ottoman resistance, all this would be but the pref- 
 ace to a sterner conflict beyond. On the plains of 
 Roumelia, if not before, he would have to face the 
 combined strength of England and France. Nor
 
 38 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 was this the worst feature of his dilemma. The Aus- 
 trian army was a yet more fatal menace, possessing as 
 it did the power to break in ujDon his flank. By 
 April 1 the Czar had lost his last chance of pushing 
 his forces within sight of the minarets of St. Sophia. 
 Paskevich entered upon his difficidt task in the hope, 
 perhaj)s, of gaining for Russia a position of some mili- 
 tary advantage, when she might be better prepared to 
 throw her case upon arbitration. 
 
 Silistria, with about 20,000 inhabitants, was a for- 
 tified Bulgarian town on the Danube, forming at this 
 time with Rustchuk and Shumla a formidable military 
 triangle. Its naturally strong defenses had been ren- 
 dered almost impregnable during the year 1853 by 
 the erection of a series of detached forts on the south 
 and southeast. The Turkish attempts to cross the 
 Danube here had been unsuccessfid, and when the 
 Czar removed the restrictions from his troops they 
 forced a passage and laid siege to the town on the Bid- 
 garian side. About the same time the Russians 
 crossed the river lower down near Matchin, and after 
 a little fighting obtained control of that large but 
 unhealthy tract of country known as the Dobrudscha. 
 Omar Pasha, leaving Moussa Pasha with 15,000 men 
 to defend Silistria as best he could, began to concen- 
 trate all his available troops about Shumla. 
 
 Paskevich arrived to superintend in person the 
 siege of Silistria, but May was far advanced before 
 serious operations commenced. The 1st of June 
 found its defenses terribly battered by the Russian 
 artillery, but still stubbornly defended by the soldiers 
 of the Sultan. Paskevich was badly wounded and 
 obliged to relinquish his command, while the gar- 
 rison of Silistria was reduced to extremities. Moussa
 
 THE DA NUBIAN CAMPAIGN. 39 
 
 Pasha was killed on June 2, and the command de- 
 volved upon Hussein Pasha. After this the affairs 
 of the garrison became daily more desperate until the 
 efforts of the besiegers suddenly relaxed.' An influ- 
 ence more potent than Ottoman military succor had 
 come to the dehverance of beleaguered Silistria. 
 
 On the 3d of June Austria had formally sum- 
 moned the Czar to withdraw his troops from the 
 Danubian Principalities. This fell like a death-knell 
 upon the heavy-hearted Autocrat of all the Russias. 
 He had seen his hopes for a conquest of Turkey fad- 
 ing away, and had beheld with pain the wounding of 
 his greatest general and the aimless slaughter of his 
 choicest troops. These were as nothing, however, 
 compared with the ingratitude of Francis Joseph. 
 He had " reckoned " upon Austria because he felt 
 secure of the Kaiser's love.^ 
 
 On the 14th of June the fate of the Czar's cam- 
 paign was finally sealed by the agreement signed 
 between Austria and Turkey, wherein it was declared 
 that " his majesty the emperor of Austria engages 
 to exhaust all the means of negotiation, and all other 
 means, to obtain the evacuation of the Danubian Prin- 
 cipalities by the foreign army which occupies them, 
 and even to employ, in case they are required, the 
 
 1 Lieutenant Nasmyth, an English officer of the garrison, upon 
 whose statements Eng-lish accounts of the siege have been generally 
 founded, estimates the Russian losses at twelve thousand men. Gen- 
 eral Todleben, on the other hand, ridicules the much vaunted defense 
 of Silistria, and declares the Russian casualties during the investment 
 amounted to only twenty-five hundred, or an average of fifty a day. 
 
 2 In one of the sick man interviews with Sir Hamilton Seymour 
 the Czar spoke of his relations with Austria as follows: " You must 
 understand that when I speak of Russia, I speak of Austria as well. 
 What suits one suits the other. Our interests as regards Turkey are 
 perfectly identical."
 
 40 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 number of troops necessary to attain this end." " The 
 number of troops necessary " were already in jDosition 
 awaiting orders to sweep down upon the Russian flank 
 and rear. Furthermore, the green uplands about 
 Varna were already wliitened by the camps of the 
 French and English soldiery. It was clear that the 
 Austrian smnmons was not to be disregarded. 
 
 On the morning of June 23 the weary defenders 
 of Silistria awoke to find the Russian works deserted 
 and their recent occupants across the Danube retreat- 
 ing northward. The troops in the Dobrudscha like- 
 wise began to retire, and soon all the roads leading to 
 the north were crowded by the broken and retreating 
 battalions of the Czar. Omar Pasha, stealing out of 
 his camp at Shumla, cautiously advanced as his foes 
 retired, and on Jvdy 7 the final engagements of 
 the campaign were fought in the neighborhood of 
 Giui'gevo. The Turkish soldiery crossed the river 
 in small detaclunents from Rustchuk, and furiously 
 assailed the retiring Muscovites. On an island close 
 to the Giurgevo shore the fighting was especially 
 fierce, and cost the lives of several English officers 
 who were leading the Ottoman troops. The day's 
 fighting may have served to increase the rapidity of 
 the Russian retreat, but the results were hardly com- 
 mensurate with the loss of life. After these engage- 
 ments Omar Pasha crossed the Danube in force from 
 Rustchuk and moved leisurely upon Bucharest. 
 
 On July 28 Prince Gortschakoff, having already 
 informed the Wallachians that liis troops were to be 
 temporarily withdrawn, broke up his headquarters at 
 Bucharest, and ten days later a Tui-kish army entered. 
 On the 6th of September the principalities were des- 
 tined to imdergo one more humiliation, when the
 
 THE DANUBIAN CAMPAIGN. 41 
 
 Austrian troops under Count Coronini marched into 
 Bucharest. Coronini proclaimed to the Wallachians 
 that his trooj)s came among them as friends, and 
 would xemain only as long as danger existed of a 
 second Russian occupation of the territory of the 
 Porte. 
 
 The Russian Czar, as the summer of 1854 was 
 waning, foimd himseK hopelessly isolated from the 
 consummation of liis dearest schemes. He was openly 
 at war with England, France, and Tui'key, while any 
 move toward Constantinople was sure to be opposed 
 by Austrian as well as Ottoman bayonets. The fleets 
 of England and France controlled the Black Sea, and 
 compelled the retirement of his inferior squadrons 
 under the guns of Sebastoi)ol. It was literally the 
 Czar against all Europe. With anger and sorrow 
 Nicholas realized the bitter truth that with aU his 
 vast army, and the years of careful preparation he 
 had lavished upon it, he stood powerless against these 
 overwhelming odds.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE WESTEEN ALLIANCE. 
 
 France and England in 1853. — Cause of the Emperor's For- 
 wardness. — His Influence over the English Government. 
 
 — The Battle of Sinope. — Injustice of Public Sentiment 
 IN England and France respecting it. — The Emperor ad- 
 vocates A Naval Seizure of the Black Sea. — He carries 
 his Point. — Rage of the Czar. — Correspondence between 
 the Emperor and the Czar. — Declaration of War by Eng- 
 land AND France and Signature of the Treaty of Alliance. 
 
 — Austria's Warlike Attitude. — The Allied Commanders. 
 
 — Character of Lord Raglan. — The Allies at Constanti- 
 nople AND AT Varna. — Ravages of the Cholera. — Lord 
 Raglan's Views on the Invasion of the Crimea. — The Allies 
 embark at Varna for the Crimea. 
 
 The great western powers were at war with Russia. 
 A narrative of the events that preceded the declara- 
 tion of hostilities will help to demonstrate upon whose 
 shoidders should rest the responsibility for this disturb- 
 ance of the continental peace. 
 
 If Stratford's course at Constantinople had bound 
 England to support the Sultan, then France was 
 bound to the support of England. As early as Jan- 
 uary, 1853, the Emperor Napoleon had expressed the 
 opinion to the English cabinet that France and Eng- 
 land together should preserve " the integrity of the 
 Ottoman Empire." On Jidy 8, 1853, Lord Palmer- 
 ston declared in the House of Commons " that Eng- 
 land and France were agreed, that they continued to 
 follow the same policy, and that they had the most
 
 THE WESTERN ALLIANCE. 43 
 
 perfect confidence in each other." The speech from 
 the throne was to the same effect. 
 
 In fact, so vigorously had the Paris government 
 adopted the hereditary English views on the Eastern 
 Question that it actually pushed Lord Aberdeen and 
 his ministers into decisive measures which otherwise 
 they might have been slow to adopt. 
 
 The question naturally arises, Why shoidd France 
 have thrust lierseK so prominently forward in a mat- 
 ter so foreign to her interest as the Eastern Question ? 
 It was not France which was resjoonsible, but the 
 French emperor. It was the same influence that led 
 M. Lavalette to threaten the Porte with fleets and 
 armies during the fii'st debates on the Holy Places. 
 Napoleon was bent on a showy policy, and was willing 
 to enter upon any course that promised prestige for 
 his government. The English people, from the queen 
 downward, had been shocked at his coup cVetat^ and he 
 well knew the moral effect which an English alliance 
 would have upon his standing in Europe. England's 
 " hobby," so to speak, being the Eastern Question, 
 he adopted unreservedly her policy. His gratifica- 
 tion must have been keen when, as the months went 
 by, he found his influence over Lord Aberdeen's 
 cabinet steadily growing, until at last it became all 
 powerful. 
 
 Through the spring of 1853, while Lord Stratford 
 was duelling with Menschikoff at Stamboul, the hand 
 of the French emperor did not prominently appear, 
 and his representative at Vienna agreed to the Note 
 which it was hoped would preserve the peace of Eu- 
 rope. Upon the rejection of this, however, and the 
 entry of the Russian troops into the principalities, 
 while still retaining his representative at the Vienna
 
 44 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Congress, lie commenced to urge warlike measures 
 upon the London cabinet. It was Ids influence that 
 sent the allied fleets to Constantinople on the 2 2d of 
 October, one day before Russia and Turkey were 
 actually at war. 
 
 The presence of a foreign war-flag in the Sea of 
 Marmora was perhaps the most galling affront that 
 Nicholas could suffer. Whether or not there was any 
 immediate connection between this event and the one 
 which followed, the movement of the allied fleets was 
 terribly revenged on the 30th of November. It had 
 been known for several days to the Turkish ministers, 
 and the allied admirals as well, that the Russian fleet 
 was cruising in the Black Sea, and that, if so disposed, 
 it could easily annihilate the inferior Tm-kish squad- 
 ron at Sinope. The Turkish commander at Sinope 
 realized the danger, and repeatedly warned his govern- 
 ment of the great peril in which he stood. Perhaps 
 Turkey, like England and the rest of Europe, was 
 lulled into a sense of security by Nesselrode's declara- 
 tion of October 31, that Russia would " remain with 
 folded arms, resolved only to resist all aggression." ^ 
 At all events, the appeal of the Turkish admiral re- 
 mained unlieeded, while Omar Pasha attracted aU 
 attention by his briUiant operations on the Danube. 
 Early in December the tidings reached Constanti- 
 nople that the Sultan's fleet at Sinope had been de- 
 stroyed ; that four thousand men had been killed, and 
 the town of Sinope itself badly battered by Russian 
 broadsides. The news was received with dismay by 
 the Ottoman government, while in England and 
 
 ^ This expression was used by Nesselrode in conversation with Sir 
 Hamilton Seymour, hut the same idea was embodied in the October 
 circular.
 
 THE WESTERN ALLIANCE. 45 
 
 France it aroused a storm of rage. All England 
 was stirred to its depths, and so unreasonable had 
 popular opinion become that the Czar was univer- 
 sally condemned as having broken his plighted word. 
 He stood before the English peoj)le as a man devoid 
 of honor, with innocent blood upon his hands. The 
 Sinope affair was never dignified by the title of " bat- 
 tle," but was alluded to as a treacherous massacre. 
 English writers of the present day, in cooler blood, 
 candidly admit the distortion of public opinion on 
 this point. In the activity of Omar Pasha, whose 
 achievements on the Danube they applauded to the 
 echo, the public failed to detect any provocation for 
 aggressive measures on the part of the Czar. The 
 presence of the allied fleet at Constantinople was en- 
 tirely overlooked, as was also the fact that the first 
 shot at Sinope had been fired by a Turkish vessel. 
 
 The voice of the nation was for war, and the cabinet 
 with its peaceable hopes and projects came to repre- 
 sent but tamely the spirit of the masses. 
 
 The French government declared the " massacre " 
 of Sinope to be an insult to France, perpetrated as it 
 was almost under the guns of the allied fleet. The 
 English cabinet, while deploring the event, was little 
 inclined to take a decisive step. Lord Palmerston 
 resigned in consequence ; but as December advanced. 
 Napoleon again tried his hand with the London states- 
 men. He urged that a summons should be immedi- 
 ately forwarded to St. Petersburg to this effect, " that 
 France and England were resolved to prevent the rep- 
 etition of the affair of Sinope, and that every Rus- 
 sian ship thenceforward met in the Euxine would be 
 requested and, if necessary, constrained to return to 
 Sebastopol ; and that any act of aggression after-
 
 46 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 wards attempted against the Ottoman territory or 
 flag would be repelled by force." The English cab- 
 inet yielded, and Palmerston returned. Napoleon's 
 responsibility in this move is clearly shown by Lord 
 Clarendon's statement that the government " believed 
 the whole matter might be left to the discretion of 
 the admirals, but they attach so much importance, not 
 alone to the united action of the two governments, but 
 to the instructions addressed to their respective agents 
 being precisely the same, that they are prepared to 
 adopt the specific mode of action now proposed by 
 the government of the emperor." 
 
 In compliance with instructions forwarded from 
 Pai'is and London, the allied fleets entered the Black 
 Sea on the 4th of January, 1854. A few days later 
 the Emperor Nicholas at St. Petersburg was officially 
 informed of the determination to drive his flag from 
 the Euxine. He responded by recalling his legations 
 from Paris and London. If the presence of hostile 
 war-flasfs in the Dardanelles had been a thorn to the 
 Czar, their appearance in the Black Sea could have 
 been little less than maddening. The Black Sea he 
 regarded as his own peculiar property, and in fact, 
 the treaties of 1774 and 1828 had rendered it in aU 
 save name a Russian lake. To see its supremacy 
 snatched from him by the tremendous naval prepon- 
 derance of the western powers was a staggering blow, 
 and from the day that the aUied fleets passed into the 
 Bosphorus there never existed a chance of peace. 
 
 The Emperor of the French now came before Eu- 
 rope in the role of a pacific letter-writer, and posed 
 as a ruler who was being forced into hostilities for the 
 sake of principle alone. His correspondent was the 
 Czar of all the Russias. If you do thus and so,
 
 THE WESTERN ALLIANCE. 47 
 
 the letter implied, peace is assured ; " if you do other- 
 wise, then France as well as England would be obliged 
 to leave to the arbitrament of arms and the chances 
 of war -that which might be decided at once by rea- 
 son and justice." This letter was written with the 
 knowledge and consent of the English government. 
 Useless in any circumstances as a medium of peace, 
 the closing threat only added fuel to the anger of the 
 Czar. " Whatever your majesty may decide," replied 
 Nicholas, after reviewing the letter, " threats will not 
 induce me to recede. My trust is in God and in my 
 right, and Russia, as I can pledge, will prove lierseK 
 in 1854 what she was in 1812." Tliis last reference 
 to the year of the discomfiture of the grand army on 
 the bleak plains of Russia coidd not be lost upon the 
 heir of the First Napoleon. Personal animosity now 
 served to quicken the movements of the Emperor of 
 the French in warlike channels. 
 
 Russia's isolation was complete. The four powers 
 were in full accord as to the evacuation of the princi- 
 palities and the preservation of the " integrity of the 
 Ottoman Empire." Austria was bellicose in the ex- 
 treme, and Prussia, while less aggressive, had entered 
 into an agreement with Austria that bound them both 
 alike for the protection of their respective territories. 
 On the whole, the attitude of Austria, even after the 
 fleets had entered the Euxine, was the most warlike 
 of any of the powers. Her troops were swarming in 
 the Banat and on the Transylvanian frontier, while on 
 February 22 Count Buol, the Austrian chancellor, 
 informed the representative of France at Vienna that 
 " if England and France will fix a day for the evacua- 
 tion of the principaKties, the expiration of which shall 
 be the signal for hostilities, the cabinet of Vienna will 
 support the siunmons."
 
 48 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 On February 27 Lord Clarendon dispatched a 
 special messenger to St. Petersburg via Vienna, where, 
 however, no effort was made to obtain a further pledge 
 of Austria's " support." The summons declared that 
 if the Czar did not pledge himself to evacuate the 
 principalities by the 30th of April, " the British gov- 
 ernment must consider the refusal or the silence of 
 the cabinet of St. Petersburg as equivalent to a dec- 
 laration of war, and will take its measures accord- 
 ingly." A similar message was forwarded from Paris 
 at the same time. The messengers reached the Rus- 
 sian capital on the 13th of March, and on the fifth 
 day after their arrival Count Nesselrode stated that 
 the emperor "thought it unbecoming to make any 
 reply." 
 
 On the 27th of March the Emperor of the French 
 informed the Senate and Assembly that the refusal of 
 his demands by the Czar had placed France in a state 
 of war with Russia. On the same day the queen 
 communicated the situation to Parliament, and on the 
 next issued her declaration of war. On the lOtli of 
 April was signed the treaty of alliance between Eng- 
 land and France that bound them to act harmoniously 
 together for the protection of the Sultan's dominions 
 and the restoration of peace in Europe. They pro- 
 fessed a willingness to receive any other power into 
 their agreement, but were not solicitous in this re- 
 gard. 
 
 The last demand of the western cabinets had been 
 that the Czar should evacuate Molda^'ia and Wal- 
 lachia, and upon his refusal they had taken up arms. 
 Austria had far more interest in securing this evacua- 
 tion than either of the powers which had made it their 
 ultimatum. Austria's hand was upon her sword hilt,
 
 THE WESTERN ALLIANCE. 49 
 
 and apparently she was determined at all hazards to 
 break the Muscovite grip on the Danubian Princi- 
 palities. Perhaps she was nothing loath to find what 
 seemed her own especial task undertaken by the two 
 powers, which, in their hot zeal, never waited to secure 
 even her cooperation. Austria was not destined to 
 fire a shot, but when, after three months of hostilities, 
 she found the principalities still held by the Russian 
 troops, she sternly commanded the Czar to retire. 
 What the summons of the allies, supplemented by 
 three months of military and naval demonstration, 
 had failed to bring about, the command of Austria 
 effected. 
 
 The war fever in England increased steadily after 
 the Sinope affair. For weeks before the declaration 
 of war, preparations for the struggle had been vigor- 
 ously pushed in all the military and naval centres. 
 From time to time troops were forwarded to Malta, 
 while Liverpool, Southampton, and Cork were gay 
 and sad together, as to the strains of martial music 
 the men marched aboard the transports. The first 
 detachment of the enormous fleet destined for service 
 in the Baltic under the command of Sir Charles 
 Napier sailed from Spithead. The Guards departed 
 for Gibraltar late in March, and upon receiving the 
 news of the declaration of war were forwarded to the 
 East. 
 
 In France, too, the war was popular. No French- 
 man is indifferent when an opportunity to achieve 
 martial glory is in prospect. The officer appointed 
 by the French emperor to command his armies in 
 the field was Marshal St. Arnaud, of Algerian and 
 coup cVetat fame. The direction of the forces of the 
 queen was given to Lord Raglan, an honorable gen-
 
 50 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tleman, a brave soldier, and a friend and pupil of the 
 great duke. Lord Raglan's only military experience 
 had been in Wellington's campaigns. He was his 
 aide and military secretary, and lost his arm during 
 the thickest of the fighting about La Haye Sainte on 
 the day of Waterloo. He served as military secre- 
 tary at the Horse Guards from 1827 to 1852, when 
 he was made master general of the ordnance and 
 raised to the peerage. In February, 1854, he was 
 made a general, and in April, at sixty-six years of 
 age, found himself at the head of the army destined 
 for service in the East. Lord Raglan left England 
 on the 10th of April. He called at Paris, and with 
 the Duke of Cambridge was received at the Tuileries 
 by the emperor, presented to Marshal St. Arnaud, 
 and treated to a military pageant on the Champ de 
 Mars. 
 
 French as well as English troops began to congre- 
 gate at Malta, and in the quaint streets of Valetta 
 the Zouave and Higlilander met as friends and gazed 
 in gaping wonder upon each other. Gallipoli was 
 soon fortified by an allied force, and Constantinople 
 itself was thronged with tangible evidence of the great 
 alliance. Guardsmen, cuirassiers, and soldiers of the 
 line jostled each other in the narrow streets, and 
 swarmed in the caf ^s, while the placid sea was alive 
 with the boats of pleasure-loving officers passing to 
 and fro between the camps. 
 
 As summer approached, however, and the situation 
 at Silistria became more and more precarious, the 
 rendezvous at Constantinople was broken up and the 
 troops pushed on to Varna, to be ready if need be, to 
 repel the Russians on the north of the Balkan range. 
 The plans of the western powers do not seem at this
 
 THE WESTERN ALLIANCE. 51 
 
 time to have been clearly defined. If Silistria fell, 
 there would be work enough in Bulgaria, beating 
 back the tide of Russian invasion that would be sure 
 to follow, but while the Russians were held on the 
 Danube, the military councils were at sea. The 
 armies concentrated slowly at Varna, but by the 1st 
 of August at least 60,000 troops were in camp about 
 the town. The green rolling country beyond, with 
 its broad views and glimpses of the blue swelling 
 Balkans, is a feast to the eye, but proved the last 
 glimpse of life to many a stout soldier. Cholera ap- 
 peared in the allied camps during the last of July, 
 and spread rapidly through the ranks. The news 
 had arrived that the siege of Silistria was raised, 
 and the Russians in retreat. There was nothing left 
 to stimidate the heavy-hearted troops, and the gen- 
 erals saw that some change of plan must be imme- 
 diately fixed upon. " We must escape from this 
 sepulchre of Varna," wrote Marshal St. Arnaud. 
 
 The Russians retreating, and the Austrians in the 
 principalities, the nominal end for which the expedi- 
 tion had been sent out was accomplished. The west- 
 ern governments, however, had determined upon a 
 more thorough hmniliation of Russia. It was now 
 that the plan for the invasion of the Crimea was pro- 
 mulgated. It originated among the statesmen in 
 Paris and London, and not among the soldiers in the 
 field. On the 29tli of June the Duke of Newcastle 
 wrote to Lord Raglan advocating the reduction of 
 Sebastopol with a vigor which rendered it tantamount 
 to an order from the government. Lord Raglan, 
 realizing the almost total ignorance that prevailed in 
 regard to the Czar's strength and resources in the 
 Crimea, was opposed to the plan. So were Omar
 
 52 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Pasha and St. Arnaud. Lord Raglan's reply to the 
 Dvdce of Newcastle was that of an honest soldier who 
 disbelieved in the move he felt obliged to make. " It 
 becomes my duty," he said, " to acquaint you that 
 it was more in deference to the views of the British 
 government as conveyed to me in your grace's dis- 
 patch, and to the known acquiescence of the Emperor 
 Louis Napoleon in those views, than to any informa- 
 tion in the possession of the naval and military au- 
 thorities, either as to the extent of the enemy's forces, 
 or their state of preparation, that the decision to make 
 a descent upon the Crimea was adopted." 
 
 The last of August the camp about Varna was 
 broken up and the troops began to embark for the 
 new field of action. The generals were entering upon 
 the new project with doubt and misgiving, but as for 
 the men, the whole mighty Muscovite army possessed 
 no such dread for them as the smiling but pestilential 
 country they were leaving.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE INVASION OF THE CRIMEA. 
 
 Popularity of the Conquest of Sebastopol in England. — 
 Landing of the Allies in the Crimea. — The Advance on 
 Sebastopol begins. — Prince Menschikoff seizes the Line 
 of the Alma. — Character of the Position and Strength 
 of the Russian Army. — Menschikoff's Fatal Blunder. — 
 The Battle of the Alma. — The French turn the Russian 
 Left Wing. — Progress of the English. — Their Advance 
 checked. — The French Flank Attack succeeds. — Retreat 
 of the Russians. — St. Arnaud's Opinion of the Battle — 
 Tete Allies continue their Advance. — Their Flank March. 
 
 — Obtuseness of Menschikoff. — His Letter to Korniloff. 
 
 — Occupation of Balaclava by the English. — Death of 
 St. Arnaud. — Canrobert opposes the Motion to attack Se- 
 bastopol. — Probable Result of such an Attack. 
 
 Description of Sebastopol — Arrival of Colonel de Todleben 
 THERE. — The Allied Fleet is sighted. — Effect of the 
 Battle of the Alma upon Sebastopol. — Menschikoff's 
 Orders — He retires from the Town with the Army. — 
 Despair of Korniloff and Todleben. — Korniloff accepts 
 the Command of the Garrison. — His Enthusiasm. — The De- 
 fenses OF Sebastopol. — Korniloff's Controversy with Men- 
 schikoff. — The Latter induced to send Troops to Sebas- 
 topol. — Strength of the Garrison on October 6. — The 
 Allied Bombardment of October 17. — Korniloff's Demeanor 
 ON that Day. — His Death. — Result of the Bombardment. 
 
 The conquest of Sebastopol was thoroughly popular 
 in England and France outside of military circles. 
 The rage engendered by the Sinope affair was still 
 high, and to the public mind there was a poetic jus- 
 tice in the destruction of the naval port that equipped
 
 54 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 and sheltered the obnoxious Black Sea fleet. " The 
 Times " voiced the popular oj^inion, when it declared 
 that " the grand political and military objects of the 
 war could not be attained, so long- as Sebastoi3ol and 
 the Russian fleet were in existence ; but, if that cen- 
 tral position of the Russian power in the south of the 
 empire were annihilated, the whole fabric, which it 
 had cost the Czars of Russia centuries to raise, must 
 fall to the gromid." 
 
 Toward the middle of September the great allied 
 armada in the Black Sea began to converge upon the 
 northwestern coast of the Crimea. Euj)atoria was 
 oceuj^ied without resistance, and on the morning of 
 the 14th the general debarkation of the troops began 
 at a point fourteen miles south of that town. By 
 the 18th the whole army, comprising 30,000 French, 
 27,000 English, and 7,000 Turks were on Russian 
 soil.i The commanders found themselves in a hostile 
 country, only a score of miles from the famous for- 
 tress of Sebastopol, entirely ignorant as to the strength 
 or whereabouts of their enemy. It was determined 
 to follow the coast in the advance, keeping in commu- 
 nication with the fleet, upon which the armies were 
 dependent for supplies. 
 
 On the 19th the advance commenced, with the 
 Turks on the right close to the sea, the French in the 
 
 ^ The English possessed the only cavalry in the one thousand sabres 
 of the weak division under Lord Lucan. They had five infantry 
 divisions with artillery attached, as follows : First Division com- 
 manded by Duke of Cambridge ; Second Division, by Sir De Lacy 
 Evans ; Third Division, by Sir Richard England ; Fourth Division, 
 by Sir George Cathcart ; Light Division, by Sir George Browne. The 
 French had four infantry di\'isions, commanded as follows : First 
 Division, by General Canrobert ; Second Division, by General Bos- 
 quet ; Third Division, by Prince Napoleon ; Fourth Division, by Gen- 
 eral Foray.
 
 THE COUNTRY FROJI THE ALMA TO BALACLAVA
 
 THE INVASION OF THE CRIMEA. 55 
 
 centre, and the English on the left, with the hostile 
 country on their flank. It was an inspiring pageant, 
 and the men moved over the grassy, rolling country 
 in excellent spirits. That night the army bivouacked 
 a few miles north of the Alma River, and it was 
 rumored through the ranks that the enemy were close 
 at hand. 
 
 Prince MenschikofP,^ commander of the Czar's mili- 
 tary and naval forces in the Crimea, had seized with 
 all his available troops an exceedingly strong position 
 on the heights south of the river Alma. These heights 
 rise abruptly from the river, and, while higher far- 
 ther east, are steepest from a point nearly opposite 
 the village of Almatamack and from there to the 
 sea. Prince Menschikoff regarded this portion of the 
 heights as insurmountable, and consequently neglected 
 to occupy it. A space of two miles thus intervened 
 between the sea and the left of his forces, his entire 
 front extending about three miles. Rather on the 
 left of liis position, opposite the village of Bour- 
 liouk, is a deep ravine through wliich the road from 
 Eupatoria to Sebastojiol passes. This road crosses 
 the Alma at Bourliouk, but Menschikoff destroyed 
 the bridge, and placed his heaviest batteries to cover 
 the ravine, which he regarded as the weak spot in liis 
 position. To defend these lines he had a force aggre- 
 gating nearly 34,000 men.^ It comprised some of 
 the choicest battalions in the Russian establishment, 
 and he was confident in his ability to hold his ground 
 against any force at the disposal of the allies. A 
 good general would certainly have been justified in 
 
 ^ The same who conducted the negotiations at Constantinople. 
 ■^ According to Todleben. Mr. Kinglake figures the Russian 
 strength at 40,000 men.
 
 6G THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 this feeling of assurance, but Menschikoff, when he 
 determined to leave his left protected only by cliffs 
 presumably insurmountable, committed a blunder, to 
 which the result of the battle that followed can be 
 justly attributed. 
 
 The allied armies came within sight of their ene- 
 mies shortly before noon on the 20th. From a height 
 of land that sloped gently into the Alma valley, they 
 coidd see the cliffs beyond capped with artillery and 
 bristling wdth infantry. The English were on the 
 left, the French and Turks on the right as usual. 
 The French commenced the action, and their skir- 
 mishers soon discovered that the heights in their front 
 were not inaccessible. The conflict that ensued for 
 the next three hours has become famous under the 
 title of the battle of the Alma. It has been desig- 
 nated by an eminent English historian as " a big 
 scramble," and this conveys the true idea of the ac- 
 tion. General Canrobert's French division clambered 
 up the heights between Bourliouk and Almatamack 
 almost unopposed. General Bosquet ^ reached the 
 summit of the cliffs farther west from Almatamack. 
 Menschikoff's plan of battle was thrown hopelessly 
 out of joint by these movements, and he dispatched 
 all his available forces to protect his left. IVIeanwhile 
 the English were dasliing bhndly and bravely against 
 the face of the main Eussian position. Avoiding the 
 blazing village of Bourliouk, fired by the Russian out- 
 posts, they pushed tlirough the vineyards, forded the 
 river, and clambered up the heights to get at bayonet's 
 point with their foes. Codrington's brigade was 
 
 ^ Mr. King'lake cites Bosquet as being the only divisional or bri- 
 gade commander in the French army of the East who was not promi- 
 nent in the Paris massacre of the 4th of December.
 
 THE INVASION OF THE CRIMEA. 51 
 
 driven back with awful slaughter, but was supported 
 by the Guards in the nick of time. Prince Gortscha- 
 koif ^ came up with the Vladimir regiment, and the 
 struggle became desperate and stationary in the heart 
 of the Russian position. At tliis crisis the French 
 made their presence severely felt on the Russian flank. 
 Menschikoff had lost all idea of his battle, and his 
 troops began sidlenly to retire. The retreat was a 
 strange mixture of order and confusion. The " big 
 scramble " was at an end, and the French and English 
 rested on the summits they had so gallantly carried. 
 
 It is rarely that a battle reveals such a total lack 
 of generalship as did this. The English claim that 
 St. Arnaud's movements were bungling and left them 
 practically to fight the battle single-handed. The 
 French assert, however, that they saved the English 
 from defeat. ^ St. Arnaud expressed himseH tersely 
 as to both English and Russian generalship : " As 
 Lord Raglan was the pupil of the Duke of Welling- 
 ton, so Prince Menschikoff followed the rules be- 
 queathed by Suvarof to Kutusof ." ^ Fortunately for 
 the allies, generalship was not a necessity for them. 
 The great strength of the Russian position and the 
 acknowledged bravery of the Russian soldiers were 
 wholly neutralized by the gross carelessness and mis- 
 calcidation of MenschikofP. * 
 
 ^ Prince Peter GortsehakofF, brother of Mikhail. 
 
 ^ Todleben a^ees with St. Arnaud, and regards the French move- 
 ments as the decisive ones of the day. He ascribes the Russian de- 
 feat to bad manoeuvring and the inferiority of their muskets, which 
 had only one third the carrying power of the allied weapons. He 
 deplores the machine tactics practiced by the Russians as tending to 
 destroy the self-reliance of the soldier and to render him dependent 
 upon masses. 
 
 8 Rousset, vol. i. p. .3.30. 
 
 * The English loss at the Alma was 2,002 killed and woimded. The
 
 58 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 No pursuit was attempted, the English having but 
 one thousand cavah-y, and the French being wholly 
 destitute of tliis branch of the service. On the 23d 
 the advance recommenced, and the armies encamped 
 that night in the vicinity of the Katscha River. On 
 the next day the march was continued to the Belbek, 
 and from the high ground south of the river the city 
 of Sebastopol, the coveted prize of the expedition, 
 was plainly visible. So near, indeed, had the army ajj- 
 proached to the gTcat stronghold of the Czar that the 
 military councils were rendered spicy by the questions 
 as to how and from what point the city should be ap- 
 proached. The opinion prevailed that the north side 
 had been rendered impregnable by the garrison, and 
 it was determined to make a flank march, and, leav- 
 ing the town on the right, approach it from the south. 
 The route of this march was over a rough, broken 
 country, covered with low, thick woods. The English 
 led the advance, and the army wound about among 
 the hills like an attenuated serpent. On the after- 
 noon of the 25th a detachment of cavaliy and horse 
 artillery debouched upon a broad plateau known to 
 the allies as Mackenzie's farm, and came squarely 
 upon a Russian column moving northeast at right an- 
 gles to their line of march. The surprise was mutual, 
 but the Russians were seized with something like a 
 panic. The English artillery fired a few shots after 
 the fugitives, and the excitement was over. Lord 
 Raglan surmised correctly that the Russian troops 
 were the rear-guard of an army that had just left 
 Sebastopol. It was, in fact, the army of Prince Men- 
 Russians estimated their losses at 5,709 and the French theirs at 1,343. 
 Mr. Kinglake asserts that Lord Raglan considered the French loss to 
 be grossly exaggerated. He placed it at less than 600.
 
 THE INVASION OF THE CRIMEA. 59 
 
 schikoff that for thirty-six hours, during the 25th and 
 26th, had the allies comj)letely in its power. Had 
 Menschikoff taken any measures to learn the where- 
 abouts of his enemy and his line of advance, he could 
 have hopelessly crushed him, as he struggled through 
 the difficult, wooded country. At the very hour, how- 
 ever, when the allied army was painfully defiling 
 within a few miles of his headquarters, he was wi'it- 
 ing these words to Admiral Korniloff in Sebastopol : 
 " Our further movements mil depend upon the posi- 
 tion of the enemy, and it would be therefore desirable 
 to get, from time to time, some information from 
 Sebastopol as to the position of our adversaries. We 
 neither see nor hear anything of the enemy here." 
 
 Delivered again from peril by the carelessness of 
 their opponent, the allied generals pushed on their 
 columns toward Sebastopol. The English occupied 
 Balaclava after a bloodless skirmish with its handful 
 of defenders. This was a gratifying success, as this 
 place had already been settled upon as the base of 
 supplies for the army before Sebastopol. Its harbor 
 is narrow, surrounded by high hiUs, and so deep as to 
 afford access to the largest ships. The highlands of 
 the Chersonese, sloping off on the north into the har- 
 bor of Sebastopol, are traversed from Balaclava by a 
 good road. Ui3on these heights, carpeted with green 
 grass and swept by the pure sea breezes, the English 
 and French began to establish themselves. The clear 
 air cheered and invigorated the men, wasted by fa- 
 tigue and the disease that had followed them from the 
 deadly Bulgarian coast. Marshal St. Arnaud, how- 
 ever, was beyond the reviving powers of the sea winds, 
 and yielding, like many a lesser soldier, to the grim 
 scourge of cholera, was soon overcome by the uni-
 
 60 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 versal conqueror. He was in ill health on leaving 
 France, and on the day of the Alma was barely able 
 to keep his saddle. On the 29th he was taken aboard 
 a French man-of-war, where he expired in a few 
 hours. General Canrobert succeeded to the command 
 of the French armies, and entered upon his duties at 
 a most critical time. The question of assaulting- the 
 city was then under discussion. Lord Eagian was in 
 favor of an immediate attack, and entertained but 
 little doubt of its success. Canrobert, however, was 
 opposed, and advocated awaiting the arrival of the 
 siege trains, when the place could be reduced with 
 less waste of life. 
 
 Canrobert's opinion was based upon sound military 
 grounds and prevailed, but we know at this day that 
 had the allies attacked, either from the north or the 
 south, any time previous to September 29 they could 
 hardly have failed of success. The interval between 
 the battle of the Alma and this date was not lost by 
 the defenders of the town. Thanks to the devotion 
 of soldiers, seamen, and citizens, inspired by the pa- 
 triotic enthusiasm of an admiral, and directed by the 
 splendid genius of a colonel of engineers, its defenses 
 were made well-nigh imj^regnable. The operations 
 of the allies during the last ten days of September 
 were tame indeed compared with the stirring events 
 that occurred within Sebastopol. The skill, energy, 
 and unselfish patriotism displayed by all classes of its 
 defenders certainly deserve some notice. 
 
 II. 
 
 Sebastopol in 1854 had a population of 45,000, of 
 which 38,000 were connected with the army and nayj'. 
 It stood on the southern shore of the roadstead or
 
 THE INVASION OF THE CRIMEA. 61 
 
 great liarbor, a deep cut between the hills extending 
 eastward a distance of three and a half miles from the 
 sea to the mouth of the Tchernaya River. The city 
 was separated from the Karabel suburb on the east 
 by a branch of the larger liarbor known as the " Port " 
 of Sebastopol. The main city was traversed by broad 
 thoroughfares running north and south, while the 
 streets crossing these at right angles were narrower 
 and less pretentious. On the most commanding point 
 of the city stood the building known as the Naval 
 Library, a sort of exchange or kursaal, where the 
 officers of the garrison met for business or social in- 
 tercourse. The Karabel suburb contained the gov- 
 ernment storehouses, barracks, and dock-yards. On 
 the northern side of the roadstead opposite the city 
 there were other military buildings covered by strong 
 sea forts, but almost unprotected from land attacks. 
 
 Under the Emperor Nicholas Sebastopol had be- 
 come strictly a naval port. The Black Sea fleet had 
 its headquarters here, where all the machinery and 
 supplies that would insure its efficiency were to be 
 found. The docks were among the finest in the world, 
 being in many cases hewn out of the solid cliffs. To- 
 ward the sea the place had been rendered impregnable 
 by a chain of magnificent forts and batteries. Against 
 land attacks, however, Sebastopol was almost defense- 
 less. A series of fortifications had been projected to 
 protect the place on the south, but little work had 
 been accomplished at the breaking out of the war. 
 
 Prince Menschikoff steadily refused to credit the 
 idea that the allies would attempt an invasion of the 
 Crimea. He was not, however, left without warnings. 
 As the Danubian campaign approached its disastrous 
 end, Prince Gortschakoff sent a messenger to him
 
 62 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 with a letter calling his attention to the immediate 
 necessity of fortifying Sebastopol on the landward 
 side. The letter also informed Menschikoff that in 
 this work of fortification the messenger would be 
 found a valuable counselor. This messenger was 
 Lieutenant-Colonel de Todleben of the engineers. 
 
 It was the 22d of August when Todleben reached 
 Sebastopol with the letter of his commander. He 
 was well received by Menschikoff until he began to 
 urge too strenuously the fortification of the place. 
 Menschikoff was still unconvinced even by Gortscha- 
 koff's warning, and it is certain that Todleben would 
 have been dismissed from Sebastopol, had not the 
 allied fleet suddenly appeared off the coast. 
 
 The hostile squadrons were first sighted on Septem- 
 ber 12. In the harbor lay the Russian Black Sea 
 fleet, comprising about forty ships of all classes, 
 carrying 1,908 guns, and manned by 18,500 well- 
 disciplined seamen. Leaving this fleet in command 
 of Admiral Korniloff, his chief of staff, Menschikoff 
 proceeded to mass his land forces on the Alma. All 
 the afternoon of the 20th the firing was plainly audi- 
 ble in Sebastoj^ol, and toward night Korniloff and 
 Todleben rode out toward the battlefield. They met 
 the prince returning from the scene of disaster, heav;\^- 
 hearted and almost prostrated with fatigue. His only 
 orders that night were to sink some of the ships across 
 the entrance of the roadstead to prevent the entry of 
 the enemy's fleet. To Korniloff, an enthusiastic naval 
 officer, these were cruel orders. By dawn of the 23d, 
 however, eight fine ships had been scuttled, the har- 
 bor had been closed, and the hearts of thousands of 
 brave seamen had been wrung with sorrow. It was 
 on this day that Menschikoff came to his extraordi-
 
 THE INVASION OF THE CRIMEA. 63 
 
 nary decision to withdraw the army and leave Sebas- 
 topol to its fate. He determined to move northeast 
 and gain possession of the great road to Simpheropol, 
 in order to secure his communication with Russia. 
 Against this Korniloff protested, but the prince 
 assured him of his cooperation against the flank of 
 any enemy that threatened Sebastopol. On the night 
 of the 24th the army withdrew from the town, Men- 
 schikoff leaving General Moller in command of the 
 handfid of militia and gunners. Admiral Nachimoff ^ 
 in command of all the seamen that had been trans- 
 ferred to the south side of the roadstead, while to 
 Korniloff he left the charge of the forces on the 
 north side, against wlaich it was believed the allies 
 woidd move. 
 
 The position in which Sebastopol was left by the 
 withdrawal of the army was a desperate one. The 
 whole garrison, including the seamen landed from 
 the fleet, comprised but 16,000 men, a force wholly 
 inadequate to cope with the allied armies behind half- 
 finished works. Korniloff, a true-hearted, religious 
 patriot, made the best use of his scanty means of de- 
 fense on the north side. He encouraged his men, 
 but to the officers on his staff he openly expressed his 
 hopelessness. " From the north side," he declared, 
 " there is no retreat. All of us who are there will 
 also find our graves." He carefully assigned liis staff 
 officers to positions elsewhere. " I should not like," 
 he said, " to have all fall with me." Colonel Todle- 
 ben was scarcely more hopeful. Speaking of the 
 efforts made by the garrison, he declared that " there 
 remained to them no alternative, but that of seeking 
 to die gloriously at the post committed to their 
 bravery." 
 
 ' This officer commanded the Russian fleet at Sinope.
 
 64 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 It was about noon on the 25th that the officers con- 
 gregated at the Naval Library saw the allied armies 
 marching southward over the heights at the head of 
 the harbor. It was plain at a glance that the north 
 side was not to be molested. Kornilolf immediately 
 threw up the command imposed upon him by Men- 
 schikoff, and passing over to the south side, offered his 
 services to Nachimoff. Later a conference was held 
 between Nachimoff, M oiler, Korniloff, and Todleben. 
 Precedence of rank was disregarded, and influenced 
 only by motives of the purest patriotism, Moller and 
 Nachimoff offered the supreme command of the Se- 
 bastopol garrison to Korniloff, Korniloff accepted, 
 and from that moment, shoidder to shoulder with 
 Todleben, for whom he had conceived a great respect 
 and admiration, he pushed with all his energy the 
 woi'k of defense. Korniloff inspired the men by his 
 piety and enthusiasm, while Todleben turned the 
 energy thus awakened into the most useful channels. 
 The work on the fortifications was pushed with the 
 most unremitting zeal. Soldiers, sailors, citizens, and 
 even women toiled night and day unceasingly. While 
 the engineer grew more and more absorbed in the 
 vast system of defenses he had planned, Korniloff 
 stiU continued anxious. Where was Menschikoff 
 with the army? On the 26th, heavy-hearted and 
 harassed by many cares, he made the entry in his 
 diary, " Of the prince nothing is heard." The next 
 day he had divine service performed in the presence 
 of the soldiers, and then addressed them himself. 
 " Let the troops," he said, " first be reminded of the 
 Word of God, and then I will impart to them the 
 word of the Czar." That evening he seems again to 
 have been overcome by despondency. " Of the prince
 
 THE INVASION OF THE CRIMEA. 65 
 
 nothing- still is to be heard. The evening passed in 
 gloomy thoughts about the future of Russia." 
 
 On the 28th tidings were received from Menschi- 
 koff, but he evinced little inclination to come to the 
 aid of the city. He merely wished to know the 
 whereabouts of the enemy. On the 29th the de- 
 fenses were practically completed, forming a haK 
 circle on the south of the city, four miles in length. 
 On the western side, from north to south, the three 
 sahent points in the lines became known as the Land 
 Quarantine Bastion, the Central Bastion, and the 
 Flagstaff Bastion. On the east side were three other 
 strong works, from south to north, as follows : the 
 Redan, the Malakoff Tower, and the Little Redan.i 
 To arm these fortifications the ships were dismantled, 
 and their great guns brought ashore. The seamen 
 likewise were transferred to the land service, but even 
 with this addition Korniloff knew that the presence 
 of trained troops was a necessity of the situation. 
 
 On the 30th Prince Menschikoff himself appeared 
 on the north side of the harbor, and had an interview 
 with Korniloff, whom he found in command of the 
 place. He reiterated his intention to keep his army 
 aloof, upon which Korniloff, hot with patriotic rage, 
 retorted, " If that takes place, then farewell to Sebas- 
 topol ! " The entry that night in Korniloff' s diary 
 shows that he was brooding over the strange policy 
 of the prince. " To hold Sebastopol with troops is 
 very possible ; nay, it is possible even to hold out long, 
 but without troops — that alters the case ! " 
 
 Korniloff's retort had induced Menschikoff to call 
 a council of war, and ujion hearing this Korniloff 
 
 ^ These are the names by which they were known to the allies and 
 to the world.
 
 6Q THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 determined upon presenting there a written protest. 
 Upon being- informed of this Menschikoff weakened. 
 Whatever the motives that were inducing him to 
 pursue his extraordinary tactics, he was not prepared 
 to let this emphatic paper pass under the eye of the 
 Czar. He yiekled before the council met, and de- 
 tached twelve battalions from his field army to the 
 assistance of the garrison. Korniloff and Todleben 
 coidd now breathe freely for a time, for on October 6 
 25,000 soldiers and 13,000 seamen were ready for the 
 defense of the town. The energy of the defenders 
 never flagged ; and when on the 17th of October the 
 allies opened their bombardment, they were enabled 
 to return a fij-e of equal power. At early dawn the 
 French batteries opened against the western defenses, 
 the English against the lines on the east, while from 
 the sea the men-of-war trained their broadsides upon 
 the coast forts. Shortly after ten o'clock the French 
 batteries were silenced by the explosion of a powder 
 magazine, nor was their fire resumed during the day. 
 Korniloff was early on horseback, riding from 
 work to work, watching the progress of the contest, 
 and encouraging the giinners at their toil. His course 
 could be traced from a distance by the " hurrahs " 
 that greeted him as he passed along. He had an eye 
 for everything. At one moment he was directing the 
 care of the wounded, at another superintending the 
 transfer of some regiment to a place of greater secu- 
 rity, at another arranging for the transportation of 
 water to the men at the front. He exposed his life 
 almost recklessly, and was often on the parapets 
 among the screaming shot, peering through the smoke 
 to detect, if possible, the effect of the Russian fire. 
 It was in vain that his officers entreated him to cau-
 
 THE INVASION OF THE CRIMEA. 67 
 
 tion. To one he replied, " What will the soldiers say 
 of me if they do not see me to-day ? " to another, with 
 a smile, " You can never run away from a shot." Just 
 before noon, as he was lea\dng the Malakoff Tower, 
 he was struck down by a cannon ball. " Now, gen- 
 tlemen," he said to the officers who thronged about 
 him, " I leave you to defend Sebastopol. Do not sur- 
 render it." He was carried to the hospital, where he 
 lived for a short time in great pain. " TeU aU," he 
 said, " it is sweet to die when the conscience is at 
 rest;" then, as the roar of the bombardment feU upon 
 his ears, he prayed again and again, " O God ! bless 
 Russia and the emperor. Save Sebastopol and the 
 fleet." An orderly came into the apartment with 
 the tidings that the English guns were being silenced. 
 Korniloff, summoning all his strength, cried out, 
 " Hurrah ! hurrah ! " and a few moments later ex- 
 pired. 
 
 All unconscious of Korniloff's death, the Russian 
 gunners still toiled at their heated pieces ; and when 
 darkness began to fall it was plain that the allied 
 attack had been a failure. The ships were withdraw- 
 ing, and the English guns alone were left to maintain 
 the unequal contest. No assault had been attempted, 
 and Todleben still hved to direct the defense. The 
 Russian people regard their prolonged and resolute 
 defense of Sebastopol with pride, but they look upon 
 it as something more than a common honor to have 
 been numbered in the garrison during this brief, 
 heroic period of Korniloff's command.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 BALACLAVA AND INKERMAJSTN. 
 
 The Allied Positions on the Chersonese. — Failuke of their 
 Bombardment. — The Announcement of the Fall of Sebas- 
 topol in London. — Effect of this Report upon the Armies. 
 — Chagrin of Lord Raglan. — The Siege of Sebastopol 
 BEGINS. — Its Peculiar Character. — The Russian Field Army 
 assumes the Offensive. — Battle of Balaclava and Charge 
 OF THE Light Brigade. — Results of the Battle. — The 
 Battle of Inkermann. — Its Irregular Character and its 
 Results. — The Great Hurricane. — Terrible Suffering 
 AND Losses of the Allies. — Public Opinion in France and 
 England concerning the Campaign. 
 
 The aUied positions south of Sebastopol formed a 
 half circle. The French held the lines on the west, 
 from a point nearly south of the formidable Russian 
 work known as the Redan. The English positions 
 extended from the Redan to Mt. Inkermann, over- 
 looking the Tchernaya a short distance above its 
 confluence with the harbor of Sebastopol. General 
 Canrobert's judgment having prevailed, intrenching 
 was pushed during the first weeks of October, whDe 
 heavy guns were brought up from the coast. The 
 confidence of the allied commanders in the success of 
 their bombardment increased with every day, and 
 when on the ITtli the batteries opened fire, the least 
 sanguine were inclined to limit the Muscovite defense 
 to three days. By the night of the 17th not only had 
 this confidence disappeared, but aU hope of reducing
 
 BALACLAVA AND INKERMANN. 69 
 
 the place with artillery had gone down with the sun. 
 The naval and military commanders were compelled 
 to admit that they had made no serious impression 
 upon the Russian works, while they had received a 
 return fire at once vigorous and destructive. The 
 next day the bombardment was renewed, and indeed 
 it was not finally relinquished until the 25th ; but 
 after the first day of fruitless powder burning, no 
 decisive results were looked for. 
 
 On the 18th a mail arrived from England with 
 London papers enthusiastically announcing " the 
 fall of Sebastopol." To the men on the shot-swept 
 ridges of the Chersonese these glowing and ill-founded 
 accounts were the most cruel mockeries. Said " The 
 Times : " " The latest dispatches received from our 
 correspondents at Vienna and Paris remove all doubt 
 as to the triumj)h of the allied armies, and the reality 
 of the most splendid achievement of modern warfare, 
 an exploit alike unequaled in magnitude, in rapidity, 
 and in its results. It may now be confidently stated 
 that the forts of Sebastopol fell successively before 
 the combined forces of the assailants ; that at least 
 half of the Russian fleet perished ; that the flags of 
 the allies were waving on the Church of St. Vladimir, 
 and that, on the 26th at latest, Prince Menschikoff 
 surrendered the place. The battles are over, and the 
 victory is won. . . . Never since the days of Napoleon, 
 we may almost say since the days of Caesar, has an 
 exploit of arms been attended with such entire, or 
 such instantaneous, success. The arrival, the sight, 
 and the conquest form parts of one and the same 
 event. The final triumph followed close on the first 
 disembarkation ; and all the anticipated incidents of 
 an arduous campaign — marches, battles, sieges, and
 
 70 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 stormings — have been crowded into a single impulse 
 of onslaught and victory.^ 
 
 So spake " The Times," and from the perusal of 
 such pompous exidtations the British soldier turned 
 again to the reality about him, the air screaming with 
 Russian missiles and the wounded passing to the rear. 
 Lord Raglan was deeply chagrined and mortified 
 that such a rumor should have been circulated as 
 truth in England. On the day of the receipt of the 
 mail he wrote to the Duke of Newcastle as foUows : 
 " I cannot but deplore the ready credence wliich has 
 been given by the public in England to the announce- 
 ment in the newspapers of the capture of Sebastopol ; 
 and indeed it is an injustice to our troops to view the 
 accomplishment of the enterprise as an easy opera- 
 tion, and with the full determination to do everything 
 to insure success, I must still regard it as one of 
 extreme difficulty, and of no great certainty." 
 
 With the abandonment of the idea of the speedy 
 reduction of Sebastopol the allies entered upon " the 
 siege," — a siege, however, in which at times, they 
 themselves were the besieged. By the middle of Octo- 
 ber, as we have noticed, Sebastopol was garrisoned by 
 a force sufficiently large to insure a stout defense of 
 all its works. The allied forces at the same time, in- 
 cluding seamen and marines from the fleet, comprised 
 40,000 French, 25,000 English, and 11,000 Turks. 
 The Sebastopol garrison was left free to communicate 
 
 ^ Mention of this false rumor is found in Prosper M^rim^e's liet- 
 ters to an Incognita. Writing- from Vienna, he says: "We are 
 agitated by news from the Crimea. Is Sebastopol taken ? It is be- 
 lieved so here ; and the Aiistrians, with the exception of a few ancient 
 families who are Russian at heart, congratulate us God grant that 
 the news may not be an invention such as the telegraph delights in 
 when at leisure."
 
 BALACLAVA AND INKERMANN. 71 
 
 with Russia, and open at all times to the receipt of 
 supplies and reiufoi'cements. In other words, unless 
 the allies coidd render Sebastopol untenable by direct 
 assault or the power of their bombardment, its gar- 
 rison had nothing to fear. The 4th Russian army- 
 corps, which had been detained on the Bessarabian 
 frontier through fear of the Austrians in the princi- 
 palities, was moved to the south when it became evi- 
 dent that the Kaiser's government was not for war. 
 As a result, the Sebastopol garrison was again rein- 
 forced, while it was assisted furthermore by the 
 appearance of the field army which Menschikoff so 
 long and fatally mismanaged. With the Sebastopol 
 garrison nearly equal in numbers to the hostile force 
 on the Chersonese, and in perfect communication with 
 a field army of considerable strength, the difficulty of 
 settling at all times the question as to who was be- 
 sieged will be readily appreciated. 
 
 On the 25th of October the Russian field army 
 under General Liprandi, comprising about 25,000 
 men of all arms, advanced from the northeast and 
 east for a demonstration against Balaclava. It was 
 early morning when their movements were first de- 
 scried, and much later when Lord Raglan learned the 
 fact and ordered two infantry divisions down to the 
 plain for the protection of the threatened point. The 
 town itself was covered by the guns of an English 
 frigate, and garrisoned by a force of marines and 
 artillery. On the north, a short distance from the 
 village of Kadikoi, was the camp of the 93d High- 
 landers, while the advanced line of defenses on the 
 Causeway heights, which cross the plain from east to 
 west, was held by the Turks. Against these latter 
 works, preceding their action by a heavy artillery fire,
 
 72 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tlie Russians moved in overwhelming numbers. The 
 Turks, finding themselves unsupported and their line 
 of retreat threatened, were seized with a panic and 
 abandoned their guns. With the capture of these 
 redoubts the affair might have ended but for a chain 
 of accidents that precipitated more useless carnage. 
 
 Upon the flight of the Turks, a portion of the Eng- 
 lish heavy cavalry brigade, under General Scarlett, 
 moved from its position near the western base of 
 the Causeway heights in a southeasterly direction to 
 cover Balaclava. At the same time a heavy column 
 of Russian cavalry, advancing from the northeast, 
 passed over the Causeway heights and down the 
 southern slope, toward the plain where the English 
 cavalry were marching. Notwithstanding his great 
 inferiority in numbers (he had but 300 men) Scar- 
 lett charged the Russians furiously, overthrowing 
 them by the mere impetus of his onset. The discom- 
 fited troops fell back over the ridge, and again the 
 fighting seemed over. 
 
 At this time the Russians still held in force the 
 Causeway heights and the Fedioukine Hills across 
 the valley on the north. At the eastern end of this 
 valley their discomfited cavalry halted and reformed 
 under the protection of some batteries of horse artil- 
 lery. At the western end of the valley, under the 
 heights of the Chersonese, stood the English light bri- 
 gade, nearly 700 strong, under Lord Cardigan, which 
 up to this time had not been engaged. Lord Raglan, 
 from his commanding position on the Chersonese, 
 thought he detected signs of withdrawal among the 
 Russians on the Causeway ridge. Anxious, if possi- 
 ble, to recover the guns lost by the Turks in the morn- 
 ing, he forwarded by Captain Nolan an order to the
 
 BALACLAVA AND INKERMANN. 73 
 
 Earl of Lucan commanding the cavalry division as 
 follows : " Lord Raglan wishes the cavalry to advance 
 rapidly to the front and try to prevent the enemy 
 carrying away the guns. Troop of horse artillery 
 may accompany. French cavalry is on your left." 
 Lord Lucan, it seems, protested against the move- 
 ment in Nolan's hearing. He asked him where and 
 what he should attack. Nolan's reply was not a 
 model of military respect; he asserted that Lord 
 Raglan's orders were positive, and as he rode away, 
 it is said, pointed up the valley, at the farther end of 
 which the Russian guns were located.^ " The guns " 
 that Lord Raglan meant were the captured ones on 
 the Causeway heights, and this had been clearly des- 
 ignated to Lucan in a former order. In some way, 
 however, the orders became hopelessly jumbled in the 
 process of conveyance from Lord Raglan to Lord 
 Cardigan, the general commanding the light brigade. 
 Cardigan certainly failed to comprehend that any 
 other guns were meant than those of the batteries in 
 the valley. Exposed the whole distance to a murder- 
 ous flanking fire, few of his gallant corps reached the 
 hostile guns. Some indeed penetrated beyond and 
 crossed swords with the supporting cavalry, but in 
 fifteen minutes from the moment that the brigade 
 had left its position the scattered survivors were 
 streaming back toward their rendezvous. The corps 
 might have been utterly destroyed but for the timely 
 and brilliant charge of the French 4th Chasseurs 
 d'Afrique against the Fedioukine Hills. This tem- 
 porarily demoralized the Russian artillery stationed 
 
 ^ This is Lord Lucan's description of what passed between Nolan 
 and himself. Nolan accompanied the brigade, and was the first man 
 kUled.
 
 74 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 there, and. left the valley comparatively clear for the 
 retreat of the light brigade.^ 
 
 The Chersonese heights were thronged with mili- 
 tary spectators gazing down upon the battlefield. In 
 fact, the cavalry mancBuvred. all day under the eyes 
 of some of the keenest military critics in Europe. 
 Perhaps the day's work showed that English cavalry 
 generals did not know how to handle their men, but 
 the bold ride of the light brigade tkrough that tem- 
 pest of plunging cannon-shot proved that the men 
 knew how to handle themselves. The French gen- 
 eral Bosquet appreciated the affair in all its phases 
 when he exclaimed, " C'est magnifique ; mais ce n'est 
 pas la guerre." 
 
 Who was to blame for the charge of the light 
 brigade ? To this day opinions differ as to where the 
 weight of responsibility should lie. This much is cer- 
 tain, that Lord Lucan, Lord Cardigan, Lord Raglan, 
 and the memory of Captain Nolan, who fell in the 
 charge, have all suffered in consequence. Further- 
 more, it cost Lord Lucan his command. 
 
 The results of the battle of Balaclava, aside from 
 the disputes it engendered in English military circles, 
 were the loss of the Woronzoff road to the allies, the 
 practical blockade of the English in Balaclava, and 
 the earning of a great prestige for the Enghsh cav- 
 alry soldier. 
 
 This October skirmish proved but the prelude to the 
 grand effort of the Russians to break the allied hold 
 upon the Chersonese. On the evening of November 
 
 ^ The liglit brigade out of 673 men lost 247 killed and wounded. 
 Only 195 horses escaped. The English losses in the day's fighting 
 were about 600 men, the French and Turks losing 200 more. The 
 Russian casualties amounted to 600 men killed and woxmded.
 
 BALACLAVA AND INKERMANN. 75 
 
 4th the English pickets on Mt. Inkermann were warned 
 that some unusual event was taking place among the 
 Russians from the clanging of the Sebastopol bells 
 that was borne along to them on the wind. The even- 
 ing being rainy, nothing could be seen ; and as dawn 
 approached, the fog rising from the dripping valleys 
 settled down upon the Chersonese like a pall. It 
 was scarcely light when the rattle of musketry and 
 the scream of shells announced to the astonished pick- 
 ets that the Russians were upon them. Bewildered 
 by the suddenness of the attack, the English camps 
 sprang qviickly into life. There was no time to form, 
 and in broken detaclunents the half -awakened soldiers 
 moved forward through the mist to where the uproar 
 told them that the enemy was attacking. Colonels 
 lost their regiments, captains their companies, while 
 officers were found in the ranks that day, armed with 
 rifles. In fact, during the battle of Inkermann, from 
 the moment when the Russian shells began to cleave 
 the fog until the hour when the last dropping fire 
 was dying away, there was absolutely no system in 
 the English defense. 
 
 On the Russian side the scheme of attack was 
 boldly conceived and bravely, if clumsily, executed. 
 The movement against Mt. Inkermann was confided 
 to General Dannenburg. One column, under General 
 Soimonoff moved up from the Karabel suburb through 
 the Careenage ravine, while another, under General 
 Pauloff, attacked from the Tchernaya valley on the 
 north. Prince Gortschakoff ^ with 22,000 men oc- 
 cupied the Tchernaya valley toward Kadikoi, with 
 orders to move upon the Chersonese when the English 
 grip upon Mt. Inkermann had been broken. An- 
 
 •* Prince Peter GortschakofF.
 
 76 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 other force under General Timofeieff was detailed to 
 create a diversion from Sebastopol against the French 
 left. Owing to Dannenburg's failure to make any 
 serious impression upon the Inkermann position, 
 Gortschakoff's troops remained inactive through the 
 day.^ The Russians engaged against Mt. Inker- 
 mann comprised nearly 40,000 men,^ and to them 
 were opposed 8,000 English and 6,000 Frenchmen. 
 Owing to the dense mist, it is doubtful if at the time 
 the allies had any idea of the vast odds against which 
 they were contending, while, on the other hand, it is 
 clear that the Russians wholly failed to comprehend 
 the weakness of the forces opposing them. The 
 great numerical superiority of the Russians was 
 largely neutralized by the unfavorable character of 
 the ground, which prevented the cooperation of their 
 columns ^ and allowed the allies to fight on a narrow 
 front. General Soi'monoif's death early in the action 
 paralyzed the Russian right colrman, nor was it rallied 
 again during the day. The battle swayed to and fro 
 upon the heights during the early hours of the morn- 
 ing, and the French regiments arrived not a moment 
 too soon. At noon the Russians practically relin- 
 quished the struggle, retiring all along the line by 
 order of General Dannenburg. 
 
 The battle of Inkermann cost the British in killed 
 and wounded nearly 2,600 men, while the French 
 losses aggregated nearly 1,800. On the other hand, 
 the Russian losses have been computed as between 
 eleven and twelve thousand. This unequal showing 
 
 1 This inaction is alluded to by Todleben in an uncomplimentary 
 manner 
 
 - 34,835 according to Todleben. 
 
 ^ It is questionable if the Russians had 20,000 men engaged at 
 aiiv one time.
 
 BALACLAVA AND INKERMANN. 11 
 
 at least reflects credit upon the stolid bravery of the 
 poorly armed Russian soldier. 
 
 In England Inkermann became renowned as " the 
 soldiers' battle." The private soldiers took the affair 
 in charge and fought it through, unhampered by 
 " generalship." They demonstrated the fact that 
 forty years of enervating peace had failed to eradicate 
 from the national character those indomitable qualities 
 that rendered Wellington's squares impregnable on 
 the slopes of Mt. St. Jean.^ 
 
 Prince Menschikoff was bitterly disappointed over 
 the failure of his crowning effort to crush liis foes. 
 Had his troops succeeded in getting a permanent foot- 
 hold on the Inkermann heights, the allied situation 
 could have been nothing less than desperate. The 
 defeat at Inkermann dissipated his last hope of gain- 
 ing a position on the Chersonese before winter. 
 
 Relieved in a measure by their victory from the 
 danger of Russian aggression, the allies found them- 
 selves called upon to confront other trials and hard- 
 ships. Winter was approaching, and the management 
 of the Russian campaign was slowly drifting into the 
 hands of those two merciless chieftains, " Janvier 
 and re\'Tier." ^ The blue sky had become murky, the 
 bright expanse of the Euxine a leaden gray. The 
 grassy slopes of the Chersonese were transformed 
 into slippery mire, while the white city of Sebastopol 
 appeared black and forbidding through drifting 
 clouds of fog. Everything was cheerless and gloomy. 
 Rain fell incessantly, and the road from Balaclava to 
 
 ^ The battle of Inkermann demonstrated the force of the remark 
 attributed to Marshal Soult, " The British infantry is the finest in 
 the world, but I thank God there is n't much of it." 
 
 ^ The Emperor Nicholas used to say that Russia had two generals 
 upon whom she could always rely, "Janvier and F^vrier."
 
 78 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tlie camps became a slough, in whicli men waded and 
 supply wagons floundered and collapsed. Notwith- 
 standing these surroundings, up to November 14 the 
 tents were fairly dry and habitable. On this day, 
 however, during the early morning hours a great hur- 
 ricane arose. It was accompanied at first with tor- 
 rents of rain, which diminished toward dawn, as the 
 wind increased in violence. The furious blast roared 
 through the camps, literally sweeping away the tents. 
 The men came staggering in from their fatiguing 
 duties in the trenches to find their habitations s:one, 
 and their belongings scattered for miles over the miry 
 plains. The hospital tents went with the rest, and 
 the sick as well as the strong were left unprotected 
 in the gale. 
 
 To the men on the ships at Balaclava and all along 
 the coast it was a trying time. The seas, beating in 
 at Balaclava harbor, brought huge masses of floating 
 debris that told of destruction among the shipping 
 outside. ^ATien the gale subsided it was found that 
 between forty and fifty vessels had been wrecked or 
 disabled and 1,000 lives lost. Eleven transports were 
 lost and with them vast amounts of supplies, including 
 ammunition, medical stores, and warm clothing for 
 the troops. The Henri Quatre, the finest ship in 
 the French navy, was driven ashore near Eupatoria. 
 The losses suffered by the allies through this disas- 
 trovis freak of nature coidd not be reckoned in gold. 
 The men on the heights found themselves almost shel- 
 terless, with nothing but their ragged summer uni- 
 forms to protect them from the wintry blasts. To 
 add to their misery cholera broke out again ^\^th re- 
 newed severity, and the dismal scenes of Bulgaria 
 were repeated. The rain was superseded by sleet and
 
 BALACLAVA AND INKERMANN. 79 
 
 snow, and portions of the trenches were knee-deep 
 with icy water. Fuel was scarce, and provender for 
 the animals as well. The horses died in great num- 
 bers, and their carcasses festered on the plains until 
 they sank out of sight in the mire or were devoured 
 by the hungry dogs which infested the camps. 
 
 Meanwhile in England the people were wrought 
 up to a high pitch of rage and disgust, and it was 
 asserted on all hands that the war had been an un- 
 mitigated failure. The contradiction of the fictitious 
 statement of the fall of Sebastopol was the first blow 
 to the cahn assurance that had existed before. To 
 make matters worse, the Baltic fleet, of which so much 
 had been expected, returned after an experience re- 
 sembling' that of the kino' of France who marched 
 up the hill and down again. The details of the suf- 
 ferings of the soldiers, resulting from the total inca- 
 pacity of the medical and commissary departments, 
 stirred the popular feeling almost to frenzy. Miss 
 Florence Nightingale, a lady of vast experience in 
 hospital affairs, was induced by the government to go 
 to the East and supervise personally a reform in the 
 wretched state of affairs existing in the Crimea and 
 at Scutari. This move allayed but little the public 
 discontent. Parliament met just before Christmas, 
 and a motion to investigate the management of the 
 war was carried by a large majority. As a result 
 Lord Aberdeen's government went out of office, and 
 it devolved upon Lord Palmerston to form a new one. 
 
 It was the habit of the English people during these 
 times to exalt the French military establishment as a 
 model for their government to follow. The French 
 people naturally became magnificently conceited over 
 their admitted superiority. Perhaps the different
 
 80 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 estimate in England and France in regard to the state 
 of their military affairs was owing somewhat to the 
 measure in which free speech was allowed in the two 
 countries. In England every weakness in the army 
 was rutlilessly exposed by an unhampered press. In 
 France disagreeable facts were smothered, or so per- 
 verted by a cringing press as to suit the ends of a 
 government whose existence depended upon success.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. 
 
 Death of the Czak Nicholas. — Sardinia joins the Western 
 Almance. — Progress of the Allies before Sebastopol. — 
 
 PfiLISSIER succeeds CaNROBEKT IN COMMAND OF THE FrENCH 
 
 Army. — The June Bombardment and First Assault. — Cap- 
 ture OF the Mamelon by the French. — Failure of the Sec- 
 ond Assault. — Death of Lord Raglan. — Desperate Condi- 
 tion OF Sebastopol. — Todleben wounded. — The Russians 
 
 DEFEATED ON THE TcHERNAYA. ThE GREAT AlLIED AsSAULT 
 
 IN September. — The French carry the Malakoff. — Evacu- 
 ation AND burning of Sebastopol. — Prince Gortschakoff's 
 Estimate of the Defense. — The French Emperor and the 
 Czar desire Peace. — The Congress of Paris. — Signature 
 op Peace. — Results of the War. — Sardinia the only 
 Gainer. 
 
 Two events of deep import to Europe opened the 
 year 1855. The first was the death of the emperor 
 of Russia, the other the entrance of Sardinia into the 
 Western Alliance, 
 
 The death of the Czar occurred on the 2d of March. 
 The battle of the Ahna was his deathblow, and after 
 that all hope forsook him. The window of liis sick- 
 room commanded the stately splendor of his capital, 
 but his mind still retained the vision of the hostile 
 fleet before Cronstadt, his ear seemed to catch the 
 low moan of his suffering people, and the ominous 
 roar of the Sebastopol cannon. Upon realizing that 
 his end was near, he dictated the telegram for trans- 
 mission to the country, " The emjjeror is dying.'' On
 
 82 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 the 2d of March he delivered these parting words to 
 his son and successor : " All my care, all my endeavors, 
 have been directed for Russia's welfare. I was anx- 
 ious to continue to labor so that I might leave you 
 the empire steadfast and orderly, safe against dan- 
 gers from without, thoroughly prosperous, and at 
 peace. But you see at what a time and under what 
 circumstances I am dying. God has willed it so. 
 You will find the burden hard to bear." A few 
 hours later, with a simple prayer upon his lips, the 
 broken-hearted emperor passed away. 
 
 It was not apparent to the superficial observer what 
 interest Sardinia, one of the smallest of European 
 states, coidd have in the Eastern Question, but com- 
 ing forward at a critical time, her aid was not to be 
 despised. On the 26th of January King Victor Em- 
 manuel signed at Turin the treaty that bound him to 
 furnish 15,000 men for service against Russia. Early 
 in the spring the fu-st detachments sailed for the 
 Crimea, and a few weeks later, under the command of 
 General La Marmora, were in camp side by side with 
 the soldiers of two of the great European powers. 
 
 The first military movements of the year 1855 oc- 
 curred at Eupatoria, where Omar Pasha, in an in- 
 trenched position, worsted a Russian force sent from 
 Sebastopol to dislodge him. This affair concluded 
 Menschikoff's long season of mismanagement in the 
 Crimea and threw the burden of the Russian leader- 
 ship upon Prince Gortschakoif , who had directed the 
 Danubian campaign. 
 
 Meanwhile the siege of Sebastopol was being ac- 
 tively pushed* by the alhes. By the fii*st of March 
 the hospitals were thoroughly renovated, the English 
 commissariat overhauled, and the tliinned ranks rein-
 
 THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. 83 
 
 forced. The severity of the winter had been favora- 
 ble to the allies, inasmuch as by rendering- the roads 
 impassable it checked the flow of Russian reinforce- 
 ments and supplies. During January, February, and 
 March skirmishing frequently occurred, but as the 
 allies i)uslied their siege lines nearer to the Russian 
 defenses, the genius and ceaseless activity of Todleben 
 foiled them at every turn. New redoubts sjjrang up 
 in their front as if by magic, to sweep their path with 
 " mitrail." ^ On the 9th of April the second bom- 
 bartlment of Sebastopol was undertaken. It was a 
 repetition of the events of the preceding fall, and on 
 the night of the 20th, when the firing ceased, nothing 
 had been accomplished. 
 
 On May 16 General Canrobert resigned his com- 
 mand in consequence of iU health.^ The French 
 army at this time numbered 120,000 men. The Eng- 
 lish strength, which during the winter months had 
 fallen as low as 12,000, had been restored to nearly 
 30,000. Beside these there were 50,000 Turks under 
 Omar Pasha and the 15,000 Sardinians under La 
 Marmora. In consequence of their superior strength, 
 
 ^ This is the word used hy Todleben to indicate the cross fire of the 
 defenders of Sebastopol. 
 
 ^ Mr. King-lake asserts in his closing volumes that Canrobert's cau- 
 tious tactics and final resignation were induced by the extraordinary 
 orders of the French emperor, who contemplated going to the Crimea 
 to assume command himself. ' ' No one seems to have divined that 
 the emperor, though a man strangely fond of effecting theatric sur- 
 prises and believed to be intent on the notion of assuming high com- 
 mand at the seat of war, might desire to keep Canrobert's army 
 in a state of restraint, with its fires, as the phrase is, ' banked up,' 
 until the time of his own arrival, when troubles unnumbered and suc- 
 cessive disappointments and the weariness of hope long deferred 
 would be all at once followed by what the play-books call ' flour- 
 ishes,' by victory, conquest, and triumph." — Kinglake, " From the 
 Morrow of Inkerman to the Fall of Canrobert," chap. v.
 
 84 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tlie French had gradually assiuned the defense of the 
 ground occupied by the English during the early days 
 of the campaign. Indeed, by the middle of May the 
 English were only holding a small portion of the al- 
 lied line, with the Redan in their front. General 
 Pelissier,^ who succeeded Canrobert, was anxious to 
 justify his reputation as a brilliant soldier, and the 
 belief became prevalent thi'oughout Europe that some 
 extraordinary efforts would now be made toward 
 breaking down the Russian defense. 
 
 A council of war held early in June decided to 
 reopen the bombardment on the 6th, to be followed 
 by a general infantry assault. Accordingly on the 
 afternoon of the appointed day the cannonade recom- 
 menced, and was maintained through the night to pre- 
 vent the Russians repairing damages. The bombard- 
 ment on the part of the allies was of greater power and 
 better sustained than either of the previous ones, while 
 the Russians maintained a comparatively skiggish fire 
 in response. On the 7th the allied commanders deliv- 
 ered their assault. Pelissier was to direct his main 
 attack against the Mamelon redoubt, a dangerous out- 
 post of the Malakoff, and upon its capture the English 
 were to make a rush for the Quarries under the Redan. 
 All through the afternoon the cannonade languished, 
 and the ti-oops destined for the attack were drawTi up 
 in readiness. At half past six the signal rockets were 
 discharged, and the French columns broke forward 
 with wild cheers. The Russians, lulled into a sense 
 of security by the waning of the bombardment, were 
 
 1 Pelissier, "the short, thickset, resolute Norman," as Mr. King- 
 lake describes him, entirely disregarded the commands of the TuUe- 
 ries. He persisted in handling his army with reference to the enemy 
 in his front.
 
 THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. 85 
 
 taken unawares, and the French bayonets were swarm- 
 ing over the parapets on the Mamelon before they 
 realized that an attack was in progress. Had the 
 French troops been under good conti'ol at this time, 
 their victory might have been cheaply bought. The 
 heat of the charge was upon them, however, and as 
 they clambered over the crest of the hill they saw 
 before them, separated only by a gentle hollow, the 
 shot-scarred Malakoff looming defiantly against the 
 evening sky. They charged down the slope, while its 
 great guns played upon them and the dusk was illu- 
 minated by the flasliing of the Russian musketry. 
 When the rush is on them French troops care little 
 for death-dealing missiles, and it was not till they 
 came close under the deadly work, and, baffled by the 
 abattis and abrupt parapets, found themselves help- 
 less under a galling fire, that the reaction came. A 
 Russian colvimn emerged from the redoubts adjacent 
 to the Malakoff and fell furiously upon them. The 
 retreat became a rout and swept over the crest of the 
 Mamelon, leaving it again in the hands of the Rus- 
 sians. The whole object of the attack seemed lost, 
 and it was with extreme difficulty that the discomfited 
 troops were rallied in the trenches at the foot of the 
 Mamelon. The reserves under General Brunet com- 
 ing up, however, at eight o'clock, just after sunset 
 another attack was made, and when darkness had 
 fallen on the Chersonese, at a terrible cost of life the 
 French had again made themselves masters of the 
 coveted hill. 
 
 Meanwhile Lord Raglan, upon the first capture of 
 the Mamelon, had sent a column of 1,000 men against 
 the Quarries. The conquest was achieved with slight 
 loss, but in defending the position against the Rus-
 
 86 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 sian attacks that followed, the English suffered great 
 slaughter. At intervals throughout the night, the 
 heavy rolling of musketry and the liu'id fiickerings in 
 front of the English lines told the weary soldiery on 
 the heights that the Russians were stiU disputing the 
 possession of the Quarries with their comrades. 
 
 The next morning^ the allied commanders could 
 congratulate themselves upon having made progress, 
 almost the first since the siege began. The English 
 in the Quarries and the French on the Mamelon 
 were within striking distance of the Redan and Mala- 
 koff. 
 
 Pelissier was impatient of delay. On the 15th a 
 council of war was held, and it was determined to 
 strike another blow for Sebastopol. It was to be no 
 affair of outworks this time, but a general assavdt 
 alongf the whole line. The French were to exercise 
 their main strength against the Malakoff, and the 
 English, as usual, against the Redan. The details 
 were arranged with great precision. Upon the cap- 
 ture of the Malakoff a flag was to be displayed on 
 the work as the signal of success, when Lord Raglan 
 would make his assaidt upon the Redan. 
 
 At two o'clock on the morning of the 18th the ex- 
 pectant French infantry was under arms, massed in 
 three strong divisions. The mistaking of a bomb for 
 the signal rocket threw Pelissier's plans into hope- 
 less confusion. The three divisions were beaten in 
 detail, and the whole assault repulsed before it had 
 been ordered. The English, too, failed utterly at the 
 Redan. Their columns became confused in the ad- 
 vance and were beaten back with terrible slaughter. 
 
 To the English commander this was a heavy blow. 
 Worn with care and emaciated by cholera, he was
 
 THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. 87 
 
 unable to rise above the mortification of bis defeat, 
 and bis sorrow at tbe useless sacrifice of so many 
 lives. On tbe 28tb, just ten days after tbe disaster, 
 he passed away. He was succeeded by Sir James 
 Simpson, who bad been sent out by Lord Palmer- 
 ston to investigate tbe management of the campaign. 
 Once again tbe siege settled down into trench work 
 and desultory skirmishing. 
 
 Meanwhile within Sebastopol the Russian leaders 
 realized that events were approaching a crisis. Tbe 
 parallels of tbe enemy had approached close under 
 their main defenses, and the new artillery placed in 
 position against them bad proved of far greater power 
 than any in their possession. Furthermore the de- 
 struction of the great granaries on the Sea of Azov 
 made it necessary to bring their supplies f i-om Russia, 
 and tbe roads were often rendered impassable by the 
 weather. From this and other causes reinforcements 
 were slow in arriving. Tbe army in Sebastopol and 
 its vicinity numbered less than half as many bayonets 
 as the allies. Of the 18,000 seamen who had fought 
 under Korniloff in the previous October only 4,000 
 were left, and on July 11 Admiral Nachimolf their 
 commander was killed in tbe Malakoff Tower. Tod- 
 leben himself was suffering from a severe wound, 
 though he still continued to superintend the defense 
 from a villa in the suburbs.^ 
 
 By August 1 the Russian commanders were at log- 
 gerheads as to whether it were wise to prolong the 
 defense of the city, already badly injured by repeated 
 bombardments. On the 9tb a council of war was 
 
 ^ The personal presence of Todleben had become an inspiration to 
 the garrison. From the day he was wounded the vigor of the defense 
 began to wane.
 
 88 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 held, upon the arrival of General Vrevski from St. 
 Petersburg. The sentiment of the assembly was for 
 a vigorous sortie, and Gortschakoff, while personally- 
 opposed to the measure, issued his orders for an 
 attack upon the Franco-Sardinian positions on the 
 Fedioukine heights in the Tchernaya valley. The 
 object of this attack was to secure control again of 
 the whole valley as far as Kadikoi, and to threaten 
 the allied positions on the Chersonese from the east. 
 That he was almost hopeless of success Gortscha- 
 koff's dispatch to the minister of war proves. " There 
 is no doubt about it. I am attacking the enemy un- 
 der wretched circumstances. ... If things go wrong, 
 it will not be my fault. I have done my best, but 
 the task has been too difficult ever since I came to 
 the Crimea." On August 16 the attack was made at 
 dawn under cover of a dense fog. The rank and file 
 of the Russian army had imbibed something of the 
 hopelessness of their general, and failed to fight as 
 stoutly as usual. Several assaults were made, and at 
 first with some success. Later, Generals Read and 
 Vrevski were killed, and before noon Gortschakoff 
 abandoned the struggle and a general retreat com- 
 menced. This contest, generally known to the allies 
 as the battle of the Tchernaya, was the last aggressive 
 movement of the Russians in the Sebastopol cam- 
 paign. Their next step was of a different nature, the 
 construction of a floating bridge from Sebastopol to 
 the north side of the great harbor. Even the com- 
 mon soldiers could not mistake the meaning of this. 
 Sebastopol was to be given up. Their generals were 
 securing their retreat. 
 
 The long campaign was surely drawing to a close.
 
 THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. 89 
 
 With their vastly superior resources the allied gen- 
 erals were determined at whatever cost to break the 
 Russian defense. On September 5 the allied bat- 
 teries began to rain a destructive tempest of missiles 
 upon forts, town, and suburbs. All through the 6th 
 and 7th the cannonade was steadily maintained, the 
 Russian works were terribly battered, while at night 
 dull, lurid clouds of smoke told of devastation worked 
 in the town itseK. At noon on the 8th the bombard- 
 ment, which had been waning for a few hours, broke 
 out with redoubled violence. This was maintained 
 for about twenty minutes, when suddenly it entirely 
 ceased. Scarcely had the reverberation died away 
 than the pealing of the French bugles rang out upon 
 the air, and the chasseurs and zouaves of MacMahon's 
 division swept up the slope of the Malakoff Hill. It 
 was a rush of only seventy-five feet to the ditch of 
 the tower, wliich had been almost filled by the debris 
 of the bombardment. The Russians were surprised 
 again, and, opposed only by a feeble musketry fire, 
 the French in a twinkling were clambering over the 
 parapets and through the embrasures of the work. 
 General Pelissier, from his position on the Mamelon, 
 scanned with intense anxiety the progress of the 
 struggle. Regiment after regiment swept across the 
 hollow to the support of the troops already engaged, 
 hand to hand, with the defenders of the Malakoff 
 which had cost France so many lives. At last with 
 exultant eyes the French commander descried the tri- 
 color waving from the parapet. " Tenez ! voila mon 
 baton de marechal ! " he exclaimed as he lowered his 
 field-glass.^ 
 
 ^ Pelissier was right. He became a Marshal of France with the 
 title of Due de Malakoff.
 
 90 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 The attacks at all other points had utterly failed. 
 The French were repulsed at the Little Redan, while 
 at the Redan itself the English soldiers, after strug- 
 gling valiantly to a position close under the work in 
 the face of a decimating fire, were compelled to re- 
 treat for lack of supports. 
 
 But the possession of the Malakoff was the posses- 
 sion of Sebastopol. It completely dominated the 
 harbor, the town, and all its important defenses. The 
 Russians, realizing this, made almost superhuman 
 efforts to recapture it. A terrible contest was waged 
 in its passages and inclosures throughout the after- 
 noon, the Russians pushing up heavy columns from 
 the north, while the French supports poured in from 
 the other side. At dusk, however, the Russians were 
 sidlenly retiring. The last fight for Sebastopol had 
 been fought and won. 
 
 With the cessation of the struggle at the Malakoff 
 an almost complete silence reigned. The sky was 
 murky and overcast, and an impenetrable darkness 
 settled upon the country. As the night deepened the 
 muffled tread of marching columns arose from the 
 gloomy town. Then puffs of flame became visible 
 far below, and spreading rapidly they began to dis- 
 pel the darkness and reveal buildings on fire. The 
 crackle and roar of the flames soon became audible 
 on the heights, while the explosion of vast magazines 
 shook the very hills of the peninsula. At midnight 
 Sebastopol was literally in flames. The harbor, the 
 ships, the heights, and ruined forts were all revealed 
 as by day, while the French tricolor, on the Malar 
 koff, as once at Moscow, tossed in the fierce glare of 
 a Russian conflagration. The English outposts found 
 the Redan unoccupied, and soon it became evident
 
 THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. 91 
 
 that the Russians had abandoned their defenses all 
 along the line. Their retreating masses of bayonets, 
 that flashed back the glare of the fire, could be traced 
 passing over the bridge to the north, while the con- 
 stantly recurring explosions in the ill-fated town ef- 
 fectually prevented any interruption with their move- 
 ments. 
 
 When morning dawned the Russians were gone, 
 the ships burned or sunk, and the bridge destroyed. 
 Sebastojiol itself was a smoking waste, scarce a dozen 
 buildings remaining. Well might Prince Gortscha- 
 koff declare, " It is not Sebastopol which we have left 
 to them, but the burning ruins of the town, which we 
 ourselves set fire to, having maintained the honor of 
 the defense in such a manner that our great-grand- 
 children may recall with pride the remembrance of it, 
 and send it down to all posterity." 
 
 With the fall of Sebastopol the campaign in the 
 Crimea came practically to a close, though the Rus- 
 sians still clung to the north side of the harbor and 
 confronted their foes in the Tchernaya Valley. 
 
 With Sebastopol in their possession, and the prose- 
 cution of hostilities still upon their hands, the allied 
 generals were at a loss what course to pursue. An 
 advance into the interior of the bleak and thinly 
 settled Crimea was not an attractive or promising 
 undertaking. The cabinets of London and Paris took 
 the question in hand, while the military men occupied 
 themselves in the destruction of those magnificent 
 docks and fortifications that had rendered Sebastopol 
 famous. 
 
 The Emperor of the French, having awakened in 
 Europe a satisfactory opinion of his military strength,
 
 92 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 was anxious to be rid of the war and gather new 
 laurels as a peacemaker. The English government, 
 on the other hand, was more strongly inclined toward 
 aggi'essive movements. English pride had been 
 touched. The second Baltic expedition under Ad- 
 miral Dundas had returned after bombarding Svea- 
 borg" and executing; a few harmless manceuvres off 
 the Russian coast. The operations in the Black Sea 
 and Sea of Azov had been mostly confined to the 
 destruction of the batteries at Odessa and the reduc- 
 tion of Kertch, Yenikale, and Kiuburn, and there 
 was little in these affairs to gratify the British ambi- 
 tion for naval glory. 
 
 The sentiment of the continent was for peace. 
 Austria at this crisis redoubled her efforts for the 
 achievement of a settlement of the dispute. She 
 found the French emperor in accord with her designs, 
 and the new Czar to be far more pliable than his im- 
 perious father. Alexander II. was not of a warlike 
 temperament, and he regarded peace at this time as an 
 absolute necessity to the empire. The finances were 
 in a terribly reduced and disordered state, the expen- 
 diture of life had been enormous, and he was willing 
 to avail himself of any plan that seemed to afford an 
 honorable retreat. The tidings of the fall of Kars, 
 the celebrated Turkish fortress in Armenia, came as 
 a soothing bahn to the mortified military pride of 
 Russia. In fact, the campaigns in Armenia had been 
 throughout generally favorable to the Russian arms. 
 The capture of Kars was a brilliant consummation of 
 the fighting in Asia, and with this fortress in his pos- 
 session the Czar might reasonably hope for easier 
 terms from the western powers. 
 
 During the last of December Austria submitted
 
 THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. 93 
 
 to the St. Petersburg cabinet proposals for peace. 
 After some bickering over the clauses relative to the 
 supremacy of the Black Sea, on January 16 the 
 Czar accej)ted the propositions entire. On February 
 25 the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Austria, 
 France, Russia, Sardinia, and Turkey convened at 
 the palace of the ministry for foreign affairs in Paris.^ 
 An armistice was concluded between the belligerents, 
 and on March 30, the day before its expiration, the 
 plenipotentiaries waited upon the emperor at the 
 Tuileries, and informed him of the conclusion of a 
 treaty of peace. 
 
 This famous congress discussed and acted upon 
 other matters than those immediately pertaining to 
 the belligerents in the eastern war. Privateering was 
 declared abolished, and the state of affairs in Bel- 
 gium, Greece, and Italy was brought to notice. It 
 was owing to the exertions of Count Cavour that the 
 Italian question was introduced, and forced into a 
 prominence that committed every power to an expres- 
 sion of opinion. This discussion, which practically 
 closed the work of the congress, develoi3ed at least 
 three facts : First, that the French emperor was will- 
 ing to withdraw his troops from Rome ; second, that 
 the Austrian occupation of the Papal States was in no 
 sense beneficial ; and third, that there was no prob- 
 ability that Austria would of her own free will dis- 
 continue that occupation. 
 
 Peace having resumed her sway, the belligerents in 
 the eastern war could count the cost. Russia, it is 
 
 ^ Prussia was not represented at the congress until some days later, 
 when Baron ManteufFel was admitted at the instig'ation of the French 
 emperor This incident gives a striking idea of the relative standing 
 of France and Prussia in Europe in 185(3.
 
 94 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 said, lost 250,000 men by wounds, exposure, and dis- 
 ease, France lost nearly 100,000, England 26,000, 
 Turkey 35,000, and Sardinia 3,000. Russia entered 
 tlie war to maintain her right of protectorate over 
 the Greek Christians in Turkey, to humiliate the 
 Porte, and perhaps destroy it. By the terms of the 
 treaty of Paris she not only failed in this, but lost 
 her nominal protectorate over the Danubian Princi- 
 palities. She also lost her supremacy on the Black 
 Sea, being forbidden to maintain a naval fleet on its 
 waters. She yielded Kars for Sebastopol and other 
 j^oints held by the allies, and was obliged to suffer a 
 loss of territory on her southeastern frontier. Aside 
 from the expenditure in blood and treasure, Russia 
 stood as the principal loser by the war. 
 
 The Emperor of the French had entered the contest 
 for mihtary " glory," and to strengthen the insecure 
 foundations of his throne. He gained the plaudits 
 of an admiring world, which hastened to crown him 
 as the sovereign of the lii'st military power of Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 England had taken up arms to maintain the integ- 
 rity of the Ottoman empire, to curb the ambition of 
 Russia, and to settle the Eastern Question : England 
 was regarded in the light of a power that had gained 
 her ends. 
 
 Turkey fought for self-preservation, and, propped 
 by the strong arms of the western powers, she still 
 lived. Furthermore, she gained admittance into the 
 great family of European states, with all that the 
 dignity implied. The Sultan renewed his old pledge 
 to close the Sea of Marmora to ships of war during 
 times of peace. 
 
 Sardinia fousht to gain the attention and ear of
 
 THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. 95 
 
 Europe. The 8th of April at the Paris congress 
 demonstrated her success. 
 
 This is the way in which the nations were affected 
 by the terms of the treaty of Paris, in the days when 
 the treaty was young. After a lapse of twenty-live 
 years, what are the permanent results achieved by 
 two years of bloodshed in the East ? 
 
 Russia has scoffed at the treaty, and resumed her 
 sway on the Euxine and in the principalities. 
 
 The French emperor sleeps in exile, and the 
 " glory " the world awarded him has passed away in 
 the wreck of his tinsel empire. 
 
 England still frets over the unsettled Eastern 
 Question. 
 
 The " sick man " lives on, but his palsied hand has 
 lost its grip on the north of the Balkan range. 
 
 Sardinia, and Sardinia alone, has proved to be the 
 real gainer by the Crimean war ; for from the day 
 when the gallantry of the Bersaglieri on the heights 
 of the Tchernaya gained Cavour an influential voice 
 in the congress of Paris dates the birth of the king- 
 dom of Italy.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE RISE OF SARDINIA. 
 
 The Map of Italy en 1850. — Political State of Sardinia. — 
 The Two Sicilies. — States of the Church. — Tuscany. — 
 Parma. — Modena. — Lombardy and Venetia. — Secret Socie- 
 ties. — Young Italy and its Mission. — The Sardinian King 
 AND HIS Policy. — His Parliamentary Trials and Loyalty 
 to the Constitution. — Legislation in the Sardinian Par- 
 liament against Clerical Abuses. — Advent of Cavour. — 
 The Diplomatic Duel between Sardinia and Austria and 
 ITS Influence upon Europe. — Cavour takes the Helm. — 
 His Dislike for Secret Societies. — His Policy defined. — 
 Throws Sardinia into the Alliance against Russia. — De- 
 parture OF the Army for the Crimea. — Effect of the War 
 News in Piedmont. — Victor Emmanuel visits London and 
 Paris. — Napoleon's Solicitude for Italy. — Is appealed to 
 BY Cavour. — Cavour in the Paris Congress. 
 
 In the year 1850 Italy had ahnost realized the pre- 
 diction of Prince Metternich as a " mere geographical 
 expression." The divisions of the peninstda remained 
 practically as they had been settled by the treaty of 
 1815. The kingdom of the Two Sicilies comprised 
 all southern Italy, including the island of Sicily. The 
 States of the Church, with the grand duchies of Tus- 
 cany, Parma, and Modena, occupied aU central Italy 
 northward to the Po. The territory of the Sardinian 
 kingdom on the west and the Lombardo- Venetian 
 provinces of Austria on the east carried the Italian 
 frontiers high up among the Alps. 
 
 Of aU these states Sardinia was the only one gov- 
 erned constitutionally by an Italian prince. The
 
 THE RISE OF SARDINIA. 97 
 
 Bourbon dynasty continued to disgrace the throne of 
 the Two Sicilies. The Pope directed the temporal as 
 well as the spiritual affairs of his realm, while the 
 grand dukes followed the standard set by the Vienna 
 government in its administration of its Italian prov- 
 inces. 
 
 The condition of the majority of these states was 
 most deplorable. As for the Two Sicilies, the govern- 
 ment of " King Bomba " had become a scandal to civ- 
 ilization. The history of the state since 1815 had 
 been one dark page of royal perjury and popular in- 
 surrections cruelly suppressed. Twice, in 1820 and 
 in 1848, the unhappy people had seen their hopes 
 strangled by sovereigns whose lack of honor was as 
 notorious as their ingenuity in all manner of oppres- 
 sion and misrule. In only one respect did this for- 
 eign dynasty seem to become nationalized. The in- 
 habitants of the volcanic districts of southern Italy 
 are notoriously careless of the future, and refuse to 
 be taught by hard experience. The dwellers on the 
 slopes and along the base of Vesuvius, after losing 
 their all in some sudden outburst, will rebuild on the 
 same precarious spots. With the smoking mountain 
 in view from his palace windows, perhaps the Bourbon 
 caught this much of the national character. At all 
 events he failed to profit by previous experience, and 
 in the lurid flickerings of discontent that blazed out 
 here and there within his realm, he failed to compre- 
 hend the great popular upheaval that it presaged. 
 So the Neapolitan dungeons swarmed with miserable 
 prisoners arrested on suspicion and committed without 
 trial. So the people sank lower in ignorance and deg- 
 radation, while poverty, villainy, and brigandage 
 grew apace.
 
 98 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 In the States of the Church matters were scarcely 
 better. Pius IX. forfeited the love and confidence 
 of his subjects when, in 1848, he refused to use his 
 troops against Austria and fled into the arms of the 
 Neapolitan king. When under the protection of 
 French bayonets he resumed his rule in Rome, no 
 Italian patriot looked to him for the lightening of the 
 national burdens. With his return the Jesuits again 
 resumed their sway, and the whole state became mis- 
 erably priest-ridden. Liberalism in religion became 
 the worst crime of which a subject of the Pope could 
 be guilty, offenses against the civil law receiving com- 
 paratively slight attention. As a result crime flour- 
 ished, and brigands found another successful field for 
 operation. The papal government was cruel yet 
 weak, oppressive yet inefficient. The subjects of the 
 Holy See were held in check only by the French in 
 Rome and the Austrians in the Legations. 
 
 In Tuscany greater liberty and comfort were en- 
 joyed, thanks to the disposition of the Grand Duke 
 Leopold. But the Tuscans had never forgiven the 
 duke for his course in 1848, when, disregarding their 
 invitation to return to them in peace, he chose to 
 come back with Austrian bayonets and over the wreck 
 of a short-lived constitution. 
 
 In the grand duchies of Parma and Modena the 
 will of Vienna was maintained in a rigorous rule, 
 while the Austrian eagle with whetted beak hovered 
 ever ready within the famous " Quadrilateral." The 
 turbulence of the people of the Lombard o- Venetian 
 provinces necessitated the employment of a vast secret 
 police. The work of this organization in a province 
 charged with conspiracy can be better imagined than 
 described. The Austrian dominion in Lombardy and
 
 THE RISE OF SARDINIA. 99 
 
 Venetia deserves little else than condemnation, and 
 none the less that Austria was one of the leading 
 powers of the civilization of the nineteenth century. 
 
 Such, briefly, was the condition of the Italian states 
 in 1850. It was the old sad story. Wars had swept 
 over the peninsula again and again, only to leave it 
 more hopelessly enslaved. In that year there seemed 
 no ray of light on the horizon to the millions of Ital- 
 ians gazing longingly for the rising of the sun of lib- 
 erty and national regeneration.^ 
 
 One result of the stolid indifference of the rulers 
 to the interests of their peoples was the formation of 
 secret societies. The most celebrated of these was the 
 Carbonari, which, originating in the south of Italy, 
 spread rapidly into the Papal States and northern 
 provinces. It included within its ranks the noble 
 and gifted as well as the ignorant and villainous. 
 The ends to be attained were vague, beyond the over- 
 turning of the existing order of things. No oppor- 
 tunity was to be lost to incite and promote revolution. 
 The torch and stiletto were its legitimate weapons. 
 
 The papal power, finding itself helpless against this 
 hidden danger, had sanctioned the organization of a 
 counter society opposed to its aims. The notorious 
 sect of the Sanfedisti was the result. The character 
 of the work to be accomplished by this organization 
 can be comprehended by a few clauses from their 
 oath. The neophyte swore " to have no pity either 
 on children or old men, and to shed the last drop of 
 the Liberals' blood without regard to sex or rank." ^ 
 
 ^ For a condensed narrative of the terrible state of Italian afPairs in 
 1852 see the letter of Luigi Carlo Farini written in December of that 
 year to Mr. Gladstone. It is appended to vol. iv. of Mr. Gladstone's 
 translation of Farini's Roman State. 
 
 ^ See introduction to Godkin's Victor Emmanuel II. p. xvii.
 
 100 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Fui'tliermore this society, working presumably in the 
 interest of Christ on earth, swore to " implacable ha- 
 tred of the enemies of our Holy Roman Catholic and 
 only true religion." So the subterranean struggle 
 grew fiercer and fiercer, until the whole structure 
 upon which the Roman and Neapolitan governments 
 rested was honeycombed to the core. 
 
 But the most active society in 1850, for the achieve- 
 ment of Italian indejiendence, was known as " Young 
 Italy." It was founded by Joseph Mazzini, and fii'st 
 came into notice about 1831. " Young Italy " had 
 one advantage over the Carbonari inasmuch as it 
 aimed at a definite result, the foundation of an Italian 
 rej)ublic wdth Rome as its capital. " Young Italy " 
 was bitterly opposed to all things monarchical. The 
 numbers of the society increased rapidly, but its move- 
 ments were governed by zeal rather than judgment. 
 The misdirected efforts of its devotees threw serious 
 obstacles in the path of the calmer and more constitu- 
 tional methods of achieving national unity. 
 
 There is but one state that we have failed to notice, 
 the kingdom of Sardinia, including Piedmont, Savoy, 
 Nice, and the island of Sardinia. From the year 1850 
 the history of tliis little state is the history of Italy. 
 In 1848 Charles Albert, king of Sardinia, at the head 
 of his brave and enlightened people, took the field 
 against Austria in the cause of Italian independence. 
 Deserted in the hour of need by Rome and Naples, 
 he sacrificed the blood and treasure of his little state 
 on the altar of Italian freedom. Since the mournful 
 evening when his abdication left the destinies of the 
 kingdom in the hands of his son, Sardinia had taken 
 no step backward. When Victor Emmanuel assiuned 
 the duties his father had laid aside, he found his pec-
 
 THE RISE OF SARDINIA. 101 
 
 pie wearied with the war and heart-broken at its 
 results. At the outset the fidelity of the king to con- 
 stitutional principles was severely tested, the parlia- 
 ment refusing to ratify the treaty of peace he had 
 concluded with Austria at Milan. The terms were 
 by no means light, but he had refused to adopt the 
 one course that woiild have won Austrian leniency, 
 the abolition of constitutional government in his 
 realms. It was a hard position for a young king. 
 On the one hand an easy peace and Austrian protec- 
 tion over his despotism, on the other, harsher terms 
 and a conflict with an injudicious and ungrateful par- 
 liament. His high sense of honor asserted itself in 
 this the first crisis of his reign. He rejected the 
 40,000 bayonets which Marshal Radetzky declared to 
 be at his service, and returned to his capital and hos- 
 tile parliament. 
 
 It became clear immediately that nothing reason- 
 able could be hoped from the Chambers. They were 
 composed largely of " Young Italy," while the judg- 
 ment of many of the wiser heads had become dis- 
 torted by the national misfortunes. The king seized 
 boldly the only course open to him and dissolved the 
 Chambers. Then, calling a new election, he entreated 
 the people to return wise and patriotic representatives 
 for his support. The residt was a more reasonable 
 parliament, which recognized above all that the neces- 
 sities of the state compelled an immediate settlement 
 of peace. The first danger of Victor Emmanuel's 
 reign was over, and constitutional government became 
 more strongly rooted by the ordeal through which it 
 had passed. 
 
 The king and his ministry then turned to the de- 
 velopment of the country, healing the ravages of the
 
 102 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 war, and righting long condoned clerical abuses. 
 The prime minister was the Marquis Massimo d' Aze- 
 giio, a man of intelligence and refinement, who had 
 made himself famous by his exposure of misrule in 
 central Italy, and by his general prominence in mat- 
 ters relating to national unification. For these ten- 
 dencies he was expelled from Tuscany in 1846, 
 returning to Piedmont, his native state. The reor- 
 ganization of the army was confided to General Al- 
 fonzo La Marmora, while Count Siccardi was sent to 
 Rome to discuss reforms of the church in Piedmont. 
 Siccardi found the Pope obdurate and unwilling to 
 yield a jot. Upon his return in February, 1850, and 
 his admission to the cabinet as minister of grace and 
 justice, he brought a bill before parliament abolish- 
 ing the " Foro Ecclesiastico," the courts held by the 
 bishops of the church, and the only ones to which 
 ecclesiastical offenders against the civil law were 
 amenable. In spite of the opposition of Rome the 
 bill was finally carried, and its practical enforcement 
 was soon demonstrated by the arraignment of clerical 
 criminals in the civil courts. 
 
 It was in the fall of 1850 that Count Camillo Benso 
 di Cavour first appeared in the cabinet as minister of 
 agriculture and commerce. He was a true represen- 
 tative of the old Piedmontese aristocracy, had been 
 trained for the army, and later made himself a reputa- 
 tion for great political ability. He had strong liberal 
 tendencies, and was an ardent advocate of English 
 governmental methods. He was a prominent sup- 
 porter of Siccardi' s bill for the abolition of the eccle- 
 siastical courts. His talents were of such an order 
 as to immediately impress the king. Upon the de- 
 cision to tender him a portfolio, the king is reported
 
 THE RISE OF SARDINIA. 103 
 
 to have said laughingly to D' Azeglio, "Look out 
 what you are doing ; Cavour will soon be master of 
 you aU." 
 
 The royal speech at the opening of parliament in 
 November, 1850, evinced no intention of retracing a 
 step taken in the teeth of papal protestation. It was 
 plain that the papal thunders were powerless against 
 the resolution of the king. Already he had earned 
 the title of " II Re Galantuomo," in wliich he gloried 
 through his life. 
 
 The efforts of the Sardinian government toward 
 the development of free institutions received a tem- 
 porary check when the influences awakened by the 
 French coup d'etat swept over Europe. The only 
 popular government of the continent had been over- 
 thrown, and the supreme power seized by a man who 
 appealed to the military traditions of the Bonapartes 
 to stir enthusiasm. The downfall of the French Re- 
 pubhc left Piedmont like a green spot of liberty in 
 the far-spreading desert of European autocracy. 
 
 Austria, already dreading the influence of Turin 
 upon the people of Italy, seized this moment of ap- 
 parent despotic ascendency to terrorize the Sardinian 
 king by protestations and warnings which the BerKn 
 cabinet supported. On December 10, 1851, the Mar- 
 quis d' Azeglio replied, defending the policy of Pied- 
 mont, and concluded in this fashion : " His majesty 
 was unable to forbear observing that the political 
 condition of the two countries governed by the two 
 sovereigns who addressed to him this species of ulti- 
 matmn, appeared to him to stand much more in need 
 of advice than to give them any right to offer their 
 advice to others. The Idng added that he was master 
 in his own house, that he in no way interfered with
 
 104 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 what other sovereigns thought fit to do, and that he 
 desired, on liis part, jjerfect liberty of action; he 
 again expressed his perfect confidence in the efforts 
 by which he continued to supjDort the wise and mod- 
 erate course of his government." 
 
 This was hot shot for the governments of central 
 Europe. It was plain to Austria, as it was to the 
 Pope, that the Sardinian king was incorrigible. She 
 saw trouble in the future, and went on building up 
 her military strength within the Quadrilateral. 
 
 In the fall of 1852 D' Azeglio, wearied with his long 
 contest with the papal authority, resigned his premier- 
 ship, and it devolved upon Cavour to form a new min- 
 istry. Scarcely had he assumed his duties when in 
 February, 1853, he was diverted from his contem- 
 plated task of internal development by an incipient 
 uprising against the Austrian authority in Milan. It 
 was probably the work of " Yoimg Italy," and per- 
 haps the product of Mazzini's plotting brain. The 
 Austrian government, however, laid the charge of 
 being accessory to it at the door of Sardinia. Tliis 
 was indignantly denied by Cavour, who proved the 
 innocence of his government to the satisfaction of the 
 continental courts. 
 
 Cavour had always deprecated the violent methods 
 of the great Italian societies in the cause of freedom. 
 As for " Yormg Italy," it had been from the first a 
 serious embarrassment to the benevolent designs of 
 Sardinia. In former days Charles Albert, upon his 
 refusal to take up arms against Austria at Mazzini's 
 appeal, had found himself compelled to defend his 
 borders against Mazzini's revengeful attack from 
 Switzerland. Cavour deplored lawlessness and assas- 
 sination as political methods, and was especially tena-
 
 THE RISE OF SARDINIA. 105 
 
 cious of maintaining constitutional obligations. The 
 Carbonari and " Young Italy " might be striving for 
 the same end as the Sardinian government, but they 
 struggled on in secret and divergent channels, inspir- 
 ing crime and impeding healthful progress. In the 
 mind of Cavour no less than in Mazzini's, was the 
 picture of a united Italy, but Cavour's sight was 
 clearer and more definite, revealing the House of 
 Savoy dominant on the banks of the Tiber. He be- 
 lieved Piedmont must of necessity be the principal 
 agent in effecting this transformation. " Events have 
 led Piedmont to take a clear and decided position in 
 Italy," he wrote at this time. " That position is not, 
 I am well aware, without danger, and I feel all the 
 weight of the responsibility that in consequence presses 
 on me, but duty and honor alike impose it upon us. 
 As providence has willed that in Italy Piedmont 
 alone should be free and independent, Piedmont ought 
 to use her liberty and her independence to plead be- 
 fore Europe the cause of the unhappy peninsula. We 
 shall not recoil from this perilous task : the king and 
 the country are decided to go through with it to the 
 end." 
 
 In furtherance of this policy, and while using 
 every endeavor to force the Italian question upon 
 the attention of Europe, Cavour went on strengthen- 
 ing his own state for the great duties to which with 
 the approval of the king he had dedicated it. The 
 taxation was overhauled, free trade introduced, rail- 
 ways opened, and bridges built under the encourage- 
 ment of the government. In 1854 the final and 
 decisive blows were struck at clerical abuses. A law 
 of civil marriage was passed, while certain religious 
 corporations were abolished and church property gen-
 
 106 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 erally brought tinder control of the state. Against 
 these measures, as was anticipated, the Pope pro- 
 tested in unison with the local clergy. Cavour was 
 immovable, however, in his consistent adherence to 
 his policy of a " free church in a free state." 
 
 Moreover, during these debates in the Chambers, 
 Cavour's mind was running in other channels. The 
 Crimean war was in progress, winter was approach- 
 ing, and the condition of the allied armies was known 
 to be anything but satisfactory. Piedmont with its 
 well-trained army would be no contemptible succor in 
 a time like this. Cavour was little inclined to run 
 a great risk, but he recognized in the condition of 
 affairs a glorious opportunity. In fact, he favored 
 the sending of a military force to the Crimea to assist 
 the allies. England was knowTi to be desirous of 
 this, and here was an opportunity to win her gratitude 
 and perhaps assistance, later, in his settlement of the 
 Italian question. Furthermore the alliance of Sar- 
 dinia with England and France would accomplish the 
 great purpose of bringing her into friendly sympathy 
 with the two great courts. A successful campaign in 
 the Crimea woidd also raise the " morale " of the 
 Piedmontese army and give it confidence for future 
 service. This consideration had great weight with 
 the king. " Our defeat," he exclaimed, referring to 
 No vara, " was too ignominious, we have need of a 
 little glory to raise us up." There was one other 
 reason, perhaps, that may have influenced Cavour's 
 mind ; a blow at Russia was a blow at European 
 despotism. 
 
 The ministry was opposed to Cavour's bold plan. 
 In the Chambers, too, it provoked bitter criticism. It 
 was represented as ruinous, as suicidal, for a little
 
 THE RISE OF SARDINIA. 107 
 
 state scarcely able to preserve her free institutions 
 against vast hostile influences, to waste her strength 
 in a quarrel in which she had not even a remote in- 
 terest. But Cavour remained steadfast to his purpose, 
 confident in the royal approbation. His firmness and 
 patience were rewarded ; the Chambers supported his 
 project, the treaty of alliance was signed, and the 
 battle-flags of Sardinia again committed to the charge 
 of her devoted soldiery. 
 
 These were trying days for the king. At the open- 
 ing of the year 1855, with the church still heaping its 
 anathemas vipon him, and the strong minority in the 
 Chambers bitterly condemning his folly, the hand of 
 domestic affliction was laid heavily upon him. The 
 treaty of alliance between Piedmont and the western 
 powers was signed on January 10, and within a 
 month of that event the king lost his wife, mother, 
 and his only brother, the Duke of Genoa. These 
 trials aroused the deep sympathy of his people, but 
 they were cited by the church as the punishment of 
 God upon an impious monarch. The king, fatigued 
 and sorrowing, leaned more than ever upon the wis- 
 dom of Cavour. He would have been glad to leave 
 the atmosphere of civil and clerical strife that sur- 
 rounded him, for the head of his army in the East. 
 On April 14, at a review of the troops destined for 
 the Crimea, he bade farewell to General La Marmora 
 with these words : " Ah, general, happy you. You 
 go to fight soldiers. I remain to fight monks and 
 nuns." 
 
 Meanwhile the struggle in the Chambers went on 
 over the Rattazzi bill for the abolition of religious 
 corporations. The clamors of the angry clergy that 
 followed its passage were soon drowned in the en-
 
 108 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tliusiastic acclamations that greeted the tidings of the 
 Franco-Sardinian victory of the Tchernaya. The last 
 note of the opposition was silenced, and no one could 
 question longer that the prime minister's foreign 
 policy had been right. The narrow streets of Genoa 
 and the broad avenues of the royal capital only re- 
 flected the pride and joy that were animating every 
 village and mountain chalet over the news that the 
 gallant soldiers of Sardinia had again proved their 
 valor against one of the first military powers of 
 Europe. 
 
 Cavour determined to strike while the iron was 
 hot, and force Sardinia still more upon the notice of 
 the courts and people of western Europe. It was in 
 furtherance of this policy that in November the king 
 paid a visit to Paris and London. He was received 
 with courtesy and an interest bordering perhaps upon 
 curiosity. It was during his stay in Paris that the 
 king received his first intimation from the lips of the 
 emperor that he was deeply interested in the solution 
 of the Italian question. What did the emperor mean 
 by that inquiry, "Que pent on faire pour Tltalie?" 
 After all, the destroyer of the French republic might 
 become the destroyer of Austrian despotism in Italy. 
 Soon after the return of the king, Cavour, presuming 
 upon the solicitude the emperor had expressed, wrote 
 as follows to him : " The emperor can render immense 
 service to Italy: first, by inducing Austria to do 
 justice to Piedmont and maintain her engagements ; 
 secondly, by obtaining from her a mitigation of the 
 regime that weighs upon Lombardy and Venetia ; in 
 the third place by forcing the king of Naples not to 
 scandalize civilized Europe by a deportment contrary 
 to aU the principles of justice and equity ; in the fourth
 
 THE RISE OF SARDINIA. 109 
 
 place, by reestablisliing- an equilibrum in Italy such 
 as was settled by the treaty of Vienna, that is to say, 
 rendering- possible the removal of the Aiistrians from 
 the Legations and the Romagna ; by placing these 
 provinces under a secular prince, or procuring them 
 the benefit of a laic and independent administration." 
 Then followed the congress of Paris, and it was 
 the French plenipotentiary who opened the way for 
 Cavour's exposure of the evils resulting from the 
 Austrian domination in Italy. Cavour much desired 
 the support of England as a constitutional power of 
 far greater moral weight than the French empire. 
 He was not, however, to be lulled into a sense of false 
 security. While still hoping for signs of tangible 
 encouragement from the reticent statesmen of Great 
 Britain, he never for a moment relaxed that vigilance 
 and marvelous skill which in their subtle development 
 were drawing the French emperor into the position of 
 the champion of Italian unity.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 ITALY AND CAVOUK. 
 
 Austria's Inflxtekce upon the Italian Governments. — Met- 
 
 TEKNICH ON CaVOUR. — CaTOUR DISAPPOINTED IN ENGLAND. 
 
 He turns to France as an Ally. — The Orsini Incident. 
 
 — Cavour appeases the Emperor, and strikes at the Papal 
 Government. — The Conference at Plombijsres. — Cavour 
 JUBILANT. — Warlike Declarations at the Tuileries and 
 AT Turin. — Marriage of Prince Napoleon and the Prin- 
 cess Clotilde. — Cavour impels the Ejipekor toward War. 
 
 — Guizot on Cavour. — Signing of the Franco-Sardinian 
 Alliance. — Futile Efforts of the Powers to preserve 
 the Peace. — Austria declares War. — Enthusiasm in 
 Italy. — Napoleon's Manifesto. — He leaves for the 
 Front. — Concentration of the Armies. 
 
 Though only a small portion of Italian territory 
 was occupied by lier troops, Austria was largely re- 
 sponsible for tbe oppression exercised by tlie despotic 
 rulers tbroughout the peninsula. The tyranny in the 
 Two Sicilies and the bigoted inefficiency of the papal 
 government could not have stood a month without the 
 support of Vienna, The Pope and " King Bomba " 
 relied implicitly upon the material as well as the moral 
 aid of Austria against their rebellious subjects. 
 
 The more rational of the Italian patriots had 
 already begun to pin their hopes to the king of Sar- 
 dinia as a champion. His liberal course, pursued in 
 the face of Austrian opposition, had compelled even 
 the most ardent republicans to acknowledge that there 
 was one monarch in Italy true to his pledge and the
 
 ITALY AND CAVOUR. Ill 
 
 interests of his people. Secret societies had only 
 harassed the despotic governments, and shown them- 
 selves not only incapable of improving opportunities, 
 but propagators of anarchy as well. It began to be 
 realized that to wage a successful battle with the Ital- 
 ian governments supported by the might of Austria, 
 it would be necessary to adopt methods sufficiently 
 honorable to arouse and retain the sympathy of Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 Of course the great societies died slowly, and 
 Cavour, who was constantly replying to Austrian ac- 
 cusations, was sometimes handicapped by the mis- 
 guided zeal of "Young Italy." Nevertheless he 
 always defended his state successfully, turning with 
 teUing force the responsibility of political outrages 
 upon the governments whose intolerance rendered 
 such deeds possible. " We have always followed a 
 frank, loyal jjolicy," he declared in the Chambers, 
 "without duplicity, and as long as we shall be at 
 peace with other potentates we will not employ rev- 
 olutionary means, nor ever seek to excite tumults or 
 rebellions in their states." The energy, skill, and 
 straightforwardness displayed by Cavour in these dis- 
 putes with Austria was not lost upon Europe. Old 
 Prince Metternich could already see the drift of pub- 
 lic opinion setting in against the empire he had so 
 long and faithfully served. An Austrian and an im- 
 perialist to the core, he could not conceal his admira- 
 tion for the Sardinian minister. " Diplomacy is pass- 
 ing away," he is reported to have said ; " there is only 
 now one diplomatist in Europe, and unfortunately he 
 is against us ; I mean M. de Cavour." 
 
 Before the close of 1856 Cavour realized that Eng- 
 land's interests were drawing her closer to Austria, and
 
 112 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 of necessity farther away from tlie championship of 
 Italian freedom. Cavour's creed being undying hostil- 
 ity to Austria, it was plain to him that England could 
 never be his ally in the sense he wished. The loss of 
 England was a heavy disappointment to him, for no 
 support could ever be as satisfactory as that of the 
 great people whose institutions he always held up to 
 his countrymen as worthy of emidation. "Public 
 affairs hold me in very great suspense," he wrote at 
 this time. " Abandoned by England, having in front 
 of us Austria, malevolent and hostile, obliged to strug- 
 gle against Rome and the other Italian princes — you 
 can imagine how difficult our position is. In spite 
 of all, I am not quite discouraged, because I believe 
 that the country is with us." 
 
 The English influence upon Austria tended to bring 
 about certain reforms in Lombardy and Venetia, am- 
 nesty being granted for political offenders and Prince 
 Maximilian appointed viceroy of the provinces. Ca- 
 vour, however, saw in this, as well as in the Kaiser's 
 visit to Venice and Milan that followed, only a tardy 
 effort on the part of the Vienna government to win 
 the loj^alty of its Italian subjects. Cavour had no 
 faith in Austrian reforms ; Austria was a usurper on 
 Italian soil, and her rule could never be endm-ed by 
 the true sons of the fair peninsula. 
 
 Cavour's only hope now was in the Emperor of the 
 French. It is true that the turn of the diplomatic 
 wheel that had estranged constitutional England 
 brought about more friendly relations with despotic 
 Russia, still it was to France that he must look for 
 material support. The emperor's course, since his 
 first profession of interest in the Italian question, had 
 been so consistently friendly as to awaken mthin
 
 ITALY AND CAVOUR. 113 
 
 Cavour the brightest hopes. All the ingenuity and 
 seductive wiles of his diplomacy were now directed 
 toward drawing the Emperor of the French into an 
 alliance with the Sardinian state. 
 
 The unhappy attempt upon the emperor's life in 
 January, 1858, threw a temporary cloud upon the 
 growing cordiality that existed between the courts of 
 Paris and Turin. The crime was traced to Felice 
 Orsini, an Italian agitator, who expiated his guilt 
 upon the scaffold. If the whole matter could have 
 been forgotten with Orsini's death, it would have been 
 to Cavour's liking. There followed, however, a long- 
 series of charges, counter-charges, and denials be- 
 tween the French, English, and Sardinian govern- 
 ments. Orsini had been striving, by means legitimate 
 and criminal, to incite in all quarters hostility to Aus- 
 trian rule in Italy. In England he addressed public 
 meetings, but soon awoke to the knowledge that 
 English enthusiasm woidd never blossom into action. 
 While engaged there, the French emperor visited the 
 queen at the Isle of Wight, and it seems probable 
 that the deluded enthusiast gained the idea that in 
 some way Napoleon was responsible for English in- 
 difference. The attempted assassination on the Rue 
 de r Opera may have been actuated by motives of 
 revenge or for the purpose of frightening the em- 
 peror into hostility to Austria. The correspondence 
 that passed between England and France was ex- 
 tremely bitter. England was denominated by the 
 French press as a den of assassins, while the retorts 
 from England galled the emperor by their uncom- 
 plimentary allusions to his coup d'etat. In contrast 
 with England, the conciliatory tone of Sardinia was 
 extremely marked and agreeable. The king wrote a
 
 114 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 note to tlie emperor, expressing his sorrow and horror 
 at the attempt upon his life, and begging him not to 
 allow the impious deed of an unhappy zealot to influ- 
 ence him to abandon the Italian cause. Nor was this 
 all, for in the Chambers stringent laws were passed 
 in regard to regicide and conspiracy. The charges 
 against Piedmont as a nurser of conspiracies being 
 renewed at this time by the Austrian and Italian 
 courts, Cavour again turned skillfidly at bay. He 
 struck a vigorous blow at the papal power, laying 
 the prevalence of political lawlessness in Italy at the 
 door of the Vatican. The system of expidsion prac- 
 ticed by the pontifical government in regard to its 
 subjects could not, he claimed, fail to be attended by 
 " dreadfid consequences " in filling other states with 
 homeless, discontented, and desperate Italians. " To 
 the measures adopted by the Holy See is to be attrib- 
 uted the extraordinary vitality of the Mazzinian 
 party." 
 
 What seemed at fu'st to be the deathblow to 
 French intervention in Italian affairs was turned by 
 Cavour into an impelling force in the right direction. 
 However much the French emperor was thrown out 
 of conceit with the Italian cause by the explosion of 
 Orsini's bombs, he was completely mollified by the 
 course of the Sardinian government. In fact, so sud- 
 denly did the fierce zeal of the emperor for the op- 
 pressed Italians blaze forth, that for some years it 
 was a prevalent belief in Europe that he was driven 
 forward through fear of other Orsinis that might in- 
 fest his gay capital.^ 
 
 ^ " The truth is that he is determined to oro to war with Austria to 
 propitiate the Italians, and to save his own life from assassination since 
 the attentat of January, 1858. Cavour worked upon this at their inter-
 
 ITALY AND CAVOUR. 115 
 
 An open alliance with Sardinia meant war, and per- 
 haps the emperor thought that it was time to break 
 another lance for his popularity at home. Possibly, 
 too, a war with Austria, as has often been intimated, 
 was one of the great strokes of the policy he had 
 determined upon when he seized his uncle's throne. 
 It is certain that his spleen and jealousy had been 
 whetted by the preponderance of Austrian influence 
 in Italy. His bayonets preserved the peace in Rome, 
 but in the papal councils the will of the Kaiser was 
 more potent than his own. He might style himself 
 " the eldest son of the church," but it had become a 
 hollow title. Whatever his motives, when he turned 
 the face of encouragement to the appeal of Sardinia 
 in behalf of a down-trodden people, he entered upon 
 a course that has entitled him to the gratitude of the 
 civilized world. 
 
 On the 20th of July, 1858, Cavour met the em- 
 peror at Plombieres. The conference was private ; and 
 when they parted, the outside world coidd only surmise 
 as to the topics discussed and the conclusions reached. 
 But though the world was in darkness, a great hght 
 shone upon Cavour's path. He had long looked for- 
 ward to a death grapple with Austrian despotism as 
 a necessity, and he no longer confronted the crisis 
 with only the help of the slender ranks of Piedmont, 
 but he felt beliind him the mighty support of the 
 French military empire. In case of an Austrian 
 attack upon Piedmont, the French army would take 
 the field in her defense. As for aggressive move- 
 ments, they were to be left to the judgment of the 
 
 view at Plombieres last autumn, and persuaded him that taking up 
 the cause of Italy will save his life, forfeited accorditig to the laws of 
 the Carbonari." — Malmesbury's Memoirs of an ex-Minister, p. 466.
 
 116 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 emperor. Already while Europe plodded on, never 
 suspecting war, wliile the Bourbon persecuted and 
 misruled calm in the sense of Austrian protection, 
 while the clergy fumed and conspirators plotted, Ca- 
 vour saw, fair and beautiful, a united Italy, and all its 
 roads converged toward Rome. 
 
 On the 1st of January, 1859, an event occurred 
 that rudely shattered the quiet of Europe. At a re- 
 ception at the Tuileries the French emperor expressed 
 himself as follows to the Austrian ambassador : '' I 
 regret that our relations with your government are 
 not as good as in the past, but I pray you to inform 
 the emperor that my sentiments toward him are not 
 changed." Words like these from the Emperor of 
 the French could not fail to be regarded in all quar- 
 ters as a menace to the peace of Europe. Following 
 close upon tliis came the royal speech at the opening 
 of the Sardinian parliament on January 10. " Our 
 country," declared the king, " though small in terri- 
 tory, has acquired credit in the councils of Europe, 
 because it is great by the ideas it represents, and by 
 the sympathies it inspires. Tliis state of things is 
 not devoid of perils, for while we respect treaties, we 
 are not insensible to the cry of grief which comes 
 up to us from so many parts of Italy." The Cham- 
 ber was crowded ; and as these words were uttered 
 the enthusiasm could no longer be restrained. The 
 room rang with cheers for the king and the House of 
 Savoy. 
 
 The declaration at the Tuileries, followed so closely 
 by the exciting scene in Turin, left no room for doubt 
 that France was pledged to support Sardinia in push- 
 ing the Italian question to a solution. The emperor 
 had always been made to feel a sense of isolation in
 
 ITALY AND CAVOUR. 117 
 
 his intercourse with European monarchs, and had 
 long been anxious to ally himself with some ancient 
 royal line. A match with the House of Savoy was 
 certainly a step in the right direction, and on Janu- 
 ary 29 his cousin Prince Napoleon was married to 
 the Princess Clotilde, daughter of Victor Emmanuel. 
 The union was by no means agi*eeable to the king, 
 but it was urged by Cavour as a portion of the price 
 to be paid for French bayonets in the coming strug- 
 gle. In short, it was a bargain : a few army corps for 
 a princess. The necessities of the state blinded Ca- 
 vour to every other consideration. 
 
 The emperor needed at the last some stimulating 
 influence to drive him forward. When he saw war 
 staring him in the face, he seems to have half re- 
 pented his course. Cavour had been leading him on 
 step by step from encouraging remarks to positive 
 pledges, now craftily picturing Austrian dominance at 
 Rome, and then offering inducements like a tract of 
 country or the hand of a princess. After committing 
 himself at the Tuileries, the Emperor of the French 
 was hopelessly bound to Sardinia, to rise or fall with 
 her fortunes. Cavour was determined to draw the 
 sword, and there was nothing for Napoleon but to 
 support him. " There are," exclaimed M. de Guizot 
 at this time, " but two men upon whom the eyes of 
 Europe are fixed, the Emperor Napoleon and M. de 
 Cavour. The game is being j^layed. I back M. de 
 Cavour." 
 
 The treaty of alliance between France and Sardinia 
 was signed on the 18th of January, but already the 
 startled powers had commenced to exert themselves in 
 the interests of peace. Their efforts were hopeless 
 from the first. Both Austria and Sardinia had been
 
 118 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 pushing their war preparations for weeks, and the 
 first question for the peacemakers was how to effect 
 at least a partial disarmament. Neither Austria nor 
 Sardinia wished to take the first step. As for Cavour, 
 there was nothing he dreaded so much as peace, for 
 he had much to lose and nothing to gain by it. So 
 he claimed he was acting strictly on the defensive, 
 and continued to augment the military strength of his 
 state. A congress was next suggested, but now, to 
 the joy of Cavour, the Austrian government began to 
 raise serious objections. The Vienna statesmen de- 
 cided that in case a congress were held, Sardinia, not 
 being a power of the first class, could not claim admit- 
 tance. Cavour protested, and through the efforts of 
 England, Austria agreed to the admission of Sardinia, 
 but to discuss the question of disarmament alone. 
 Cavour refused this compromise. At last England 
 urged the French emperor to induce Sardinia to dis- 
 arm on condition of her entering the congress on 
 equal terms with the great powers. This proposition 
 was so fair that Cavour was forced to accept it. The 
 Sardinian acquiescence was dispatched from Turin on 
 April 18, and it only remained to secure the approval 
 of Austria. But Austria, hopeless of peace and 
 goaded to rage by the insolence of her petty foe, 
 solved all Cavour' s difficulties by dispatching an ulti- 
 matum to Turin. On April 23 the Austrian am- 
 bassador delivered to Cavour the message of Count 
 Buol, that unless Sardinia should disarm within three 
 days, the Austrian government woidd enforce its de- 
 mands by force of arms. There could be only one 
 response to this. Everything was as Cavour wished 
 it. He still appeared to Europe to be standing 
 purely on the defensive.
 
 ITALY AND CAVOUR. 119 
 
 The enthusiasm with which the declaration of war 
 was hailed was not confined to Sardinia alone. While 
 the well-disciplined strength of that state was being 
 rapidly massed, thousands of volunteers from all parts 
 of Italy poured into Piedmont to offer their aid to 
 " II Re Galantuomo." In fact, the force that Victor 
 Emmanuel led to the field might properly be desig- 
 nated as an Italian army. His proclamation was ad- 
 dressed to the nation. " People of Italy," he ex- 
 claimed, "Austria assails Piedmont because I have 
 maintained the cause of our common country in the 
 councils of Europe, because I was not insensible to 
 your cries of anguish. Thus she violently breaks now 
 the treaties which she never has respected. ... I 
 fight for the right of the whole nation. We confide 
 in God and in our concord ; we confide in the valor of 
 the Italian soldiers, in the alliance of the noble French 
 nation ; we confide in the justice of public opinion. I 
 have no other ambition than to be the first soldier of 
 Italian independence. Viva F Italia ! " 
 
 The excitement in Paris was hardly less intense, 
 though scarcely of so sacred a character as that which 
 animated the Sardinian capital. Immediately upon 
 the declaration of war by Austria, the emperor issued 
 his manifesto to his people. " Austria, by ordering 
 the entry of her armies into the territory of the king 
 of Sardinia our ally, declares war against us ; setting 
 at nought treaties and justice, and menacing our fron- 
 tiers. All the great powers have protested against 
 this aggression. Since Piedmont has accepted every 
 condition proposed for the preservation of peace, we 
 may naturally ask. What inducement can have led to 
 this sudden invasion ? It is simply this : Austria has 
 pushed matters to such an extremity that either her
 
 120 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 dominion must extend to the Alps, or Italy must be 
 free to the Adriatic. . . . Courage, then, and concord. 
 The world shall see yet again that our country has 
 not degenerated. Providence will bless our efforts, 
 for the cause must be holy in the sight of Heaven 
 which rests on justice, humanity, love of comitry, and 
 of independence." 
 
 It was not the moral side of the question that in- 
 spired the thi'ongs on the boulevards and made the 
 streets ring with their plaudits as the emperor passed 
 along. It was rather the romantic gloiy attaching to 
 another contest with Austria on the classic fields of 
 Bonaparte's great victories. Paris was gay in the 
 pomp and music of departing battalions. It pleased 
 the martial spirit of France to hear that the imperial 
 eagles were again climbing the Alps and glittering 
 on the sunny Italian plains. It was not for the ex- 
 cited popidace crying " Vive I'empereur " and " Vive 
 la guerre " to know at that time how slowly and 
 lamely mobilization progressed, and how unprepared 
 after all the emperor was for a trying war. On May 
 10, the day the emperor left Paris for the army, he 
 was to all appearances at the zenith of popularity and 
 power. 
 
 The war manifesto of the emperor of Austria had 
 been issued on April 28, defending the course of 
 his government and regi^etting the necessity that com- 
 pelled him to order his armies over the Sardinian fron- 
 tier. The war was not popvdar in Austria, as it was 
 in France and Piedmont. Austria was too complex 
 internally, with too much discontent at the core, to dis- 
 play great enthusiasm at this time. The hatred of 
 France was the one influence that lent popularity to 
 the Kaiser's project, and in Munich, on their way to
 
 ITALY AND CAVOUR. 121 
 
 the front, the Austrian troops were hailed as the exe- 
 cutioners of the hated Napoleon. 
 
 The three armies converged steadily toward the 
 theatre of carnage, accompanied by their respective 
 sovereigns, each relying on the justice of his cause 
 and the blessing of Heaven upon his arms.
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. — GENOA TO 
 MILAN. 
 
 Romantic Character of the Theatre of War. — Unprepared- 
 
 NESS OF THE FRENCH ArMY. ItS OrDER OF BaTTLE. EN- 
 THUSIASTIC Reception of the French Troops at Genoa. — 
 Arrival of the Emperor at Genoa. — The Austrian Gener- 
 alissimo and his Career. — His Timid Tactics. — Combat at 
 
 MONTEBELLO. — ThE EmPEROR VISITS THE FlELD. — ThE Em- 
 PEROR PLANS A FlANK MaRCH. GyULAI DECEIVED. — BatTLES 
 
 OF Palestro. — Action at Turbigo. — Success of the Flank 
 March. — The Emperor's Orders for June 3d. — Position of 
 the Tavo Armies at Noon on the 4th. — Battle of Magenta. 
 — The French Guard on the Naviglio Grantje. — Anxiety 
 of the Emperor. — Critical Condition of the Guard. — 
 Arrival of Canrobert and Niel. — MacMahon carries Ma- 
 genta. — Death of Espinasse. — RtsuMi; of the Battle. 
 
 The campaign of 1859 in Italy, as the meeting of 
 the first military powers of Europe, was regarded with 
 supreme interest. The pecidiar nature of the French 
 emperor's casus belli, and the historic country in 
 which the scenes were to be enacted, added a tinge of 
 romance to the picture. It was as if the days of Ma- 
 rengo and Rivoli had returned, to read of " Napoleon 
 in Italy " battling with the hosts of Austria. More- 
 over, despite the two sanguinary battles that charac- 
 terized it, the Italian campaign had more of pageantry 
 than is common in modern days of scientific warfare. 
 
 The story must be told to-day in a manner less 
 eulogistic to French generalship, than characterized 
 the works based on official data which appeared be-
 
 Struthera i Co., Kagr's. N. Y.
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. 123 
 
 fore the disasters of Sedan and Metz laid bare the de- 
 fects of the imperial military establishment. Indeed, 
 the Emperor of the French, although he had officially 
 announced to the Vienna cabinet that he should re- 
 gard the passage of the Ticino by an Austrian army 
 as an act of hostility, found himself at a disadvantage 
 upon the acceptance of his gauge. Great confusion 
 attended the mobilization of the army, and matters 
 were especially deplorable in everything pertaining to 
 its equipment. The supply of horses, tents, ammuni- 
 tion, and shoes was found to be insufficient, while the 
 majority of the battalions went to the front with thin 
 ranks. 
 
 Upon issuing his manifesto of war, the emperor 
 declared his intention of taking the field at the head 
 of the Imperial Guard and directing in person the 
 operations of his army. The five corps of the army 
 were commanded as follows : 1st corps, Marshal Bara- 
 guey d'Hilliers ; 2d corps. General MacMahon ; 3d 
 corps. Marshal Canrobert ; 4th corps. General Niel ; 
 5th corps, Prince Napoleon. All these officers had 
 earned more or less distinction in the Crimean cam- 
 paign. Baraguey d'HiUiers had won his baton in 
 the Baltic expedition. Canrobert had commanded 
 the army for several months, and Niel had officiated 
 at his headquarters as the emperor's mouthpiece. 
 Prince Napoleon commanded a division at the Alma, 
 while it was MacMahon' s division that bore the brunt 
 of the fighting at the taking of the Malakoff. Many 
 of the divisional commanders, too, had won laurels on 
 the same field of action. While the 1st, 2d, and 5th 
 corps embarked at Toulon, Marseilles, and Algeria 
 for Genoa, the 3d and 4th passed the Alps by Mont 
 Cenis into Piedmont. There was a grand scramble to
 
 124 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 attain tlie battle-ground, as the Sardinian army was 
 supposed to stand in jeopardy from the overwhehning 
 strength of its foe. 
 
 On April 26 the eager watchers on the ramparts of 
 Genoa descried on the horizon the first French trans- 
 port. A few hours later General Bazaine landed on 
 the quay, and the troops began to disembark. The 
 excitement of the Genoese knew no bounds, and they 
 swarmed about the soldiers with the most extravagant 
 expressions of joy and welcome. Day after day, as 
 the booming cannon announced the arrival of rein- 
 forcements and the chasseurs and zouaves went swing- 
 ing through the streets to their camps, the enthusiasm 
 grew in intensity. Citizens walked the streets arm 
 in arm with the red-trousered soldiery, while in the 
 Acqua Sola and public promenades, the Genoese 
 ladies in spotless white did not shrink from the soci- 
 ety of the jaunty officers of the empire. The enthu- 
 siasm culminated on May 12, when the emperor him- 
 self arrived in the imperial yacht. As he looked 
 about upon the sea of glad faces that surrounded 
 him, and heard the shouts of " Viva Napoleone," he 
 must have felt that here at least was true sincerity : 
 not the fawning of the fickle Paris mob, but the 
 demonstration of a grateful people. Upon landing, 
 the emperor found fresh proofs of the popular joy. 
 The streets were strewn with flowers, and the house 
 fronts were ablaze with the interwined colors of 
 France and Sardinia. As night deepened, the city 
 became transformed. Every window seemed illumi- 
 nated, from the poorest hovels to the stately palaces 
 that in other days rendered Genoa truly " the superb." 
 From the sea the appearance of the terraced city was 
 brilliant in the extreme, while the colored illumina-
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. 125 
 
 tions on the shipping were reflected in the placid mir- 
 ror of the harbor. The emperor left Genoa on the 
 14th, proceeding to Alessandria, in the vicinity of 
 which his army was massing. 
 
 Meanwhile the Austrian commander had utterly 
 neglected to make use of his splendid opportunities. 
 For weeks previous to the final rupture he had been 
 steadily massing his troops in Lombardy, imtil in the 
 last week of April he was able to cross the Ticino at 
 the head of five corps d'armee. What Count Gyulai 
 had achieved to merit his distinction as general of 
 the Kaiser's forces, it is difficult to determine. He 
 won some credit as governor of Trieste in 1848 and 
 as minister of war for a few months previous to 1850. 
 After that he reappeared in Italy as a corps com- 
 mander under Radetsky, and upon the death of that 
 distinguished general he was appointed to command the 
 army in Lombardy. With little reputation as a sol- 
 dier, at sixty years of age he found himself in com- 
 mand of the army advancing on Turin. Had he been to 
 any degree energetic, he might easily have overthrown 
 or masked the Piedmontese army, and by the close of 
 the month been thundering at the gates of Turin. 
 He advanced timidly, however. The absence of foes 
 seemed to alarm him as much as their presence could 
 have done. He became possessed with the idea that 
 his wily antagonists were preparing some trap for the 
 engidfing of his devoted battalions. After occupy- 
 ing No vara and Vercelli he came to a halt ; and 
 while he deliberated upon the situation, the head of 
 Canrobert's corps entered Turin. The first point in 
 the game was lost to the Kaiser. 
 
 On the 19th of May Gyulai withdrew his head- 
 quarters to Garlasco. The king of Sardinia was at
 
 126 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Occimiano, the French emperor at Alessandria. The 
 five Austrian corps held a line from Mortara to Stra- 
 della, the Sardinians being massed about Casale and 
 the French between Voghera and Alessandria. Gyu- 
 lai interpreted the presence of the French in such 
 force about Voghera as an evidence of their inten- 
 tion to attempt the passage of the Po somewhere 
 south of Pavia. In order to better assure himself on 
 this point, he determined to push a reconnoissance 
 against Voghera to test the French strength. On 
 May 20 he dispatched five Austrian brigades under 
 Count Stadion upon this service. Stadion moved in 
 three columns converging toward Voghera. 
 
 General Forey's division of the 1st corps was hold- 
 ing Voghera, supported by tliree regiments of Pied- 
 montese cavalry, and his outposts were in Casteggio 
 and the adjacent villages. The advancing Austrians 
 drove the French from Casteggio through Montebello 
 and Genestrello with slight loss. Forey, with only 
 two brigades at his disposal, would have been justified 
 in declining battle and in standing on the defensive 
 at Voghera. He was little inclined, however, to miss 
 the possibility of winning the first success of the war, 
 and in consequence, what had been intended by the 
 Austrian commander as a mere reconnoissance soon 
 developed into a warm engagement. While General 
 Blanchard's brigade operated against the Austrians 
 on the north of the Montebello road, Forey threw 
 Beuret's brigade against Genestrello. The village 
 was carried at the point of the bayonet, the Austrians 
 falling back in some confusion upon Montebello. The 
 contest for the possession of this village was stubborn 
 and protracted. Driven from the streets after hot 
 bayonet-work, the Austrians made a last stand in the
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. 127 
 
 cemetery on some rising ground just outside the vil- 
 lage. General Beuret was killed at this point, and 
 his troops were roughly handled. The position was 
 finally carried, however, and the Austrians retired in 
 good order upon Casteggio. 
 
 The whole contest, known to the French as the bat- 
 tle of Montebello, was a furious, disorderly scrimmage 
 from the moment that Beuret first pointed his men to 
 Genestrello. There was no system or cohesion either 
 in the attack or defense. Stadion was completely 
 demoralized and glad to retire unmolested. He had 
 mismanaged throughout. He failed to utilize his 
 strong right against Blanchard's brigade, and left 
 Urban's division to bear the brunt of the fighting at 
 Genestrello and Montebello, while a brigade at Cas- 
 teggio and one at Casatisma remained inactive 
 throughout the day. 
 
 The following day the emperor visited the battle- 
 field. He gazed upon the stricken country, upon 
 wheatfields torn and trodden by horses and cannon- 
 wheels, upon dismantled Montebello with its shot- 
 scarred church and wi*eath of fire-withered vines, and 
 upon dead men lying as they fell, the blue and crim- 
 son of his chasseurs thickly interspersed with the 
 white livery of the Hapsburgs. Finally he congrat- 
 ulated Forey, embraced him, and returned to Ales- 
 sandria. 
 
 Gyulai was confirmed in his belief that the French 
 were heading for Piacenza, and would cross the Po 
 south of Pavia. Napoleon, knowing this, determined 
 to profit by it. He decided to execute a long march 
 to the north, carrying his army via Casale and Ver- 
 celli to Novara, and, crossing the Ticino near the lat- 
 ter place, turn the Austrian right and place them at
 
 128 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 a disadvantage for the defense of JVIilan. On May 
 27 his orders to this effect were issued, and on the 
 following day the various corps were on the move. 
 The possession of the railway between Alessandria 
 and Novara proved a great advantage in this enter- 
 prise. The unsuspecting Gyidai still maintained his 
 strength between Moi'tara and Stradella, with his 
 headquarters at Garlasco. On the 30th occurred the 
 battle of Palestro, brought on by an advance of the 
 Piedmontese army eastward from Vercelli. With 
 the approval of the emperor the move was made 
 against the Austrian posts at Casalino, Vinzaglio, and 
 Palestro. Lilia's division of the Austrian 7th corjDs 
 was opposed by the thi-ee Piedmontese divisions of 
 Cialdini, Duraudo, and Fauti. The former dislodged 
 the Austrians from Palestro after a sharp conflict, 
 while his colleagues gained equal success with less 
 difficvdty. On the day following, General Zobel, 
 commander of the Austrian 7th corps, came up 
 with Jellacich's division of the 2d corps to assist in 
 recovering the lost ground. The result was some 
 heavy fighting about Palestro, though the Austrians 
 scarcely had a chance of success against the over- 
 whelming numbers that opposed them. Szabo's bri- 
 gade of Jellacich's division made a desperate effort 
 to seize the river bridges and cut off the Sardinians 
 from their supports. They advanced as far as the 
 bridge of La Bridda, and here the contest became so 
 dubious that the sword of the Sardinian king himself 
 flashed in the smoke of the melee. At the critical 
 moment for the Sardinians the 3d French zouave 
 regiment was brought up to their support. Their 
 impetuous charge carried everji:hing before it, and 
 Szabo was driven from all his positions. At the
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. 129 
 
 same time the Austrian centre and right withdrew 
 from before Palestro and Confienza, General Zobel 
 having learned of the vast strength of the Sardinian 
 supports west of the Tieino. 
 
 The battles of Palestro were the result of question- 
 able strategy on the part of the emperor and the king 
 of Sardinia. It was all-important to them that the Aus- 
 trian commander be kept in ignorance of their north- 
 ward movement, and a demonstration of force in the 
 vicinity of Vercelli was certainly calculated to draw 
 Austrian attention in the very direction in which it 
 was least desired. That the two days' battle was not 
 attended with evil residts to the allies was due largely 
 to Austrian obtuseness. It was not until the 2d of 
 June that Gyulai learned of the presence of the 
 French on his right, and began to hurry his troops 
 northward. On the 3d the action took place in which 
 MacMahon's corps crossed the Ticinio at Turbigo, and 
 wrested the village of Robecchetto from the Austrians. 
 This aroused Gyulai to a full sense of his error, and 
 threw the Austrian camps into a paroxysm of ener- 
 getic preparation. 
 
 On the evening of the 3d the headquarters of the 
 French emperor were at Novara. He was all in the 
 dark regarding the numbers and whereabouts of the 
 enemy. He was aiming for Milan, but was undecided 
 as to the best means of reaching it. The guard was 
 at Trecate and Turbigo, the 2d corps at Robecchetto, 
 and the rest of the army close at hand. The Sar- 
 dinian headquarters were at Galliate. The emperor 
 finally decided upon a plan, and issued his orders 
 accordingly on the evening of the 3d. General Mac- 
 Mahon with the 2d corps was to move in the morn- 
 ing upon Buffalora and Magenta, supported by the
 
 130 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 light division o£ the Guard and the Sardinian army, 
 which was to cross the Ticino at Turbigo. The 3d 
 corps was to remain at Novara with the exception of 
 Picard's brigade, which was ordered to Turbigo. The 
 grenadier division of the Guard was to cross the 
 Ticino at San Martino, while the 4th corps was to 
 move from Trecate to the same place. On the morn- 
 ing of the 4th, however, the emperor changed his 
 mind, and disijatched messengers to Canrobert and 
 Picard to support the Guard at San Martino. 
 
 It was noon when the emperor reached San Mar- 
 tino. The engineers were repairing the stone foot 
 and railway bridge that spanned the river at this 
 point, two arches of which had been blown up by the 
 Austrians. After passing the river, the next obsti"uc- 
 tion was the Naviglio Grande, the great canal that 
 connects Milan with the Ticino and Lake Maggiore. 
 The canal was crossed in this vicinity by four bridges 
 — at Buff alora, at Ponte Nuovo di Magenta, Ponte 
 Vecchio di Magenta, and at Robecco. 
 
 It was plain to the emperor that the Austrians held 
 these villages, though he did not anticipate that they 
 were in force. He determined to await some signal 
 from MacMahon before advancins;. It was a fair sight 
 that his eye dwelt upon, meanwhile, from his position 
 above the Ticino. The sun blazed forth from a cloud- 
 less sky. Before him he coidd trace the line of the 
 canal by the red-roofed villages peering through their 
 wealth of dark foliage. Beyond these, rising above 
 the verdure that clothed the hills, was the bell tower 
 of Magenta. On the northern and southern horizons 
 the Alps and Apennines shone dimly through the 
 haze, seeming to melt into the blue of the heavens. 
 
 Meanwhile the Austrian commander was entirely
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. 131 
 
 innocent of any definite knowledge concerning his 
 foe. Connt Clam Gallas was in command about 
 Magenta, and had at his disposal six brigades of the 
 1st and 2d corps. Three of these brigades were in- 
 trenched at Ponte Nuovo and in the outskirts of 
 Buffalora ; another occupied the heights on the east 
 bank between Ponte Nuovo and Robecco. The other 
 two held Magenta itself. In addition to these, there 
 wei-e two brigades of the 7th corps at Casa Cerella, 
 while the two other brigades of the same corps 
 and the whole of the 3d corps were at Abbiate 
 Grasso. At ten o'clock, the hour when his sentries 
 in the bell tower of Robecco reported the enemy in 
 sight, Gyulai had the bidk of his army well in hand. 
 Napoleon, on the other hand, was at San Martino 
 with a single division, never imagining the magnitude 
 of the forces in his front. He supposed that the ap- 
 proach of MacMahon to Buffalora would compel the 
 retirement of the Austrians from all their positions 
 on the canal north of the railway. About two o'clock 
 the grumbling of artillery toward the north told him 
 that MacMahon was at hand. He determined to accel- 
 erate the movements of the Austrians before him, 
 and ordered an advance upon their positions at Buf- 
 falora, Ponte Vecchio, and Ponte Nuovo. 
 
 The Austrians blew up the bridge at the former 
 place upon the approach of the French, but at Ponte 
 Nuovo they were driven across the canal and from 
 all their defenses on the other bank. They were 
 utterly demoralized by the fury of the French assault. 
 One of the brigades that came up from Magenta to 
 their support was carried away in the general rout. 
 Kinzel's brigade abandoned its positions about Ponte 
 Vecchio, and fell back toward Robecco. The brigade
 
 132 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 at Buffalora was completely isolated. The panic ex- 
 tended to Magenta itself, where the streets became 
 blocked by supply - wagons, artillery, and fugitive 
 soldiers. 
 
 This was the fu'st stage of the battle, but the ad- 
 vantage gained by the French was too great to be 
 maintained by so small a force. The Austrian Gen- 
 eral Reischach came up at the head of two brigades 
 from Casa Cerella, and rallying a few of the broken 
 battalions on the way, fell fiercely upon the French 
 at the bridges. The tide of battle was turned in a 
 twinkling, and it was plain that if left unsupported 
 the Guard must be wholly overthrown at this point. 
 The emj3eror from his post in front of the Ticino 
 contemplated the struggle with a stolid countenance. 
 To requests for supports he could only reply that he 
 had none to send. He betrayed his anxiety to his 
 staff by his frequent interrogations as to the where- 
 abouts of Canrobert and MacMahon. Canrobert had 
 not been signaled, and MacMahon's artillery had be- 
 come silent. All eyes were turned toward Buffalora, 
 but in vain. If MacMahon was beaten, what was to 
 become of the Guard ? Perhaps the doubt flitted 
 through the mind of the emperor as to MacMahon's 
 loyalty. It was the price of his throne that he must 
 always suspect his servants. He looked to the south 
 and there, as if he had not foes enough in front, the 
 head of the Austrian 3d corps could be descried ad- 
 vancing from Robecco between the canal and the 
 Ticino. The emperor seemed dazed and bemldered. 
 It was at this crisis, at about 3.30, that Picard's bri- 
 gade arrived, having come in hot haste through the 
 fields and over crowded roads from Turbigo, inspired 
 by the urgent messages of the emperor and the dis-
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1S59. 133 
 
 tant roar of the battle. Picard threw his brigade 
 into action between Ponte Vecchio and Ponte Nuovo, 
 and for a time the Austrian advance was checked. 
 It was not long, however, before the Austrian 3d 
 corps began to develop its strength against Ponte 
 Vecchio. The French were beaten back, though 
 fiercely contesting every inch of ground. Another 
 crisis arrived. 
 
 It was five o'clock. Marshal Canrobert appeared 
 at San Martino and reported the head of Niel's col- 
 umn close at hand. Half an hour later and the 
 bridge of the Ticino was resounding to the hurried 
 tramp of the long expected battalions. It was Vinoy's 
 division. General Niel rode up to the emperor, who 
 had no order to give, and Vinoy pushed on to the 
 bridges without a halt. The troops continued to 
 defile past . the emperor, and his aides reported the 
 long delayed flood of reinforcements as flowing in a 
 steady stream over the Novara road. Better than 
 all, the air began to throb again to the music of 
 artillery on the north, telling the staff that MacMahon 
 was not beaten, and the emperor that after all he was 
 true. 
 
 At six o'clock Canrobert's corjjs was also arriving, 
 and it was plain to every one save the emperor that 
 the Austrian resistance was weakening. Threatened 
 by MacMahon on the north, they slowly retired from 
 their positions on the canal. The Austrian 5th corps 
 had arrived at Robecco, all ignorant of the state of 
 the contest. They advanced slowly up the west bank 
 of the canal until, finding their path illuminated only 
 by the flashing of the French artillery, they halted 
 for orders. Darkness put an end to the battle, and as 
 it settled down upon the country the French emperor
 
 134 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 was still in his old place, his anxiety unallayed, peer- 
 ing through the darkening air toward Magenta, and 
 glancing ever and anon at the fresh regiments as they 
 poured on to the already crowded banks of the canal. 
 When the firing finally died away he was fearful as 
 to how matters had terminated. Where was Mac- 
 Mahon ? More important still, where were the Aus- 
 trians ? The uncertainty on these points oppressed 
 his mind, and he could glean no intelligence from his 
 staff. He returned to San Martino, and in a room 
 dimly lighted by a smoky candle paced restlessly up 
 and down. He dispatched an orderly toward Ma- 
 genta to learn if possible MacMahon's whereabouts. 
 After a weary period of anxiety the messenger re- 
 turned. He reported that MacMahon had won a great 
 victory, and that Magenta was in his possession. The 
 emjjeror breathed freely again and lay down to rest. 
 
 The movements of MacMahon decided the fate of 
 the day. To incumber the roads as little as possible, 
 he had divided his columns in the morning, sending 
 the division of General Espinasse by a circuitous 
 route on the left. MacMahon, w\\\\ the di^'ision of 
 General Motterouge, advanced rapidly, and about two 
 o'clock engaged the Austrians before Buffalora. Tliis 
 was the cannonading that first attracted the notice of 
 the emperor at San Martino. In his haste, however, 
 MacMahon had advanced regardless of his other divi- 
 sions. A brief survey convinced him that the Aus- 
 trians were in great force before him. Fearing to 
 involve his single division too deeply, he fell back 
 and effected a junction vAi\\ Camou's di^dsion of the 
 Guard. He realized how the cessation of his cannon- 
 ade might be misconstrued by the emperor, and 
 waited impatiently for the approach of Espinasse.
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. 135 
 
 Finally in a paroxysm of anxiety, escorted only by a 
 platoon of horse, lie galloped across country to Mar- 
 callo, where he found Espinasse and urged upon him 
 the necessity of haste. At five o'clock, with his line 
 of battle extending from Bernate to Marcallo and 
 guiding on the bell tower of Magenta still visible 
 through a screen of smoke, MacMahon began his ad- 
 vance. The Austrians had evacuated Buffalora, and 
 the advance of Motterouge's division found the French 
 Guards already in possession. Prince Liechtenstein, 
 who commanded the Austrians on the north of Ma- 
 genta, had oidy a few battalions, already disheartened 
 by hard knocks received at other points. A brigade 
 from Buffalora, in attempting to execute its orders to 
 occupy Marcallo, was taken on the flank by Espinasse 
 and routed. Two fresh brigades at Corbetta re- 
 mained inactive on account of conflicting orders. As 
 a result the French advanced rapidly. While their 
 artillery swept the plain before Magenta, the infantry 
 closed in upon the village, carried the line of the rail- 
 way, and turned the station into a slaughter-pen. The 
 brave survivors of the broken Austrian brigades bar- 
 ricaded the streets of the village, converting every 
 house into a fortress from which the Tyrolese rifle- 
 men fired with unerring aim. Enraged at the mur- 
 derous opposition encountered by his troops, General 
 Espinasse threw himself at the head of the 2d zouave 
 regiment and led them to the charge. He fell mor- 
 tally wounded, but his example electrified the men. 
 In the dubious light they cut their way through the 
 streets and cooperated with the column of General 
 Motterouge in the storming of the cemetery. With 
 Magenta thorougldy in his possession, MacMahon 
 arrested the battle at dark.
 
 136 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 The battle of Magenta consisted of two distinct 
 battles, for the emperor at San Martino and Mac- 
 Mahon on the north did not communicate from morn- 
 ing until after the fighting was over. The Emperor 
 of the French did nothing to merit approbation. He 
 did not plunge into the smoke, sword in hand, as at 
 one time the world was led to believe, but with mud- 
 dled brain and brooding dread w atched from a dis- 
 tance the varying fortune of the day. 
 
 Gyulai comprehended little more of the contest than 
 the emperor. In fact, on the evening of the battle, 
 from his headquarters at Robecco he issued orders 
 for a renewal of the combat to brigades that did not 
 exist, or were scattered over the fields and roads 
 toward Milan. He failed to appreciate the fact that 
 a large portion of the army had been routed, imtil 
 informed by Clam Gallas that the execution of his 
 orders was an impossibility. 
 
 The French soldiers carried away the honors of 
 Magenta. The conduct of the Guard and the few 
 regiments that bore with them the burden of the day 
 shed new lustre upon the military glory of France. 
 That the Austrians, though numerically superior, 
 showed to such poor advantage at many points was 
 due largely to the fact that their battalions were 
 weighted by Italian blood. One brigade composed 
 exclusively of Italian subjects of the Kaiser broke at 
 the first fire. In this war the Italians fought well 
 only under the standard of Italy.
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1859. — SOLFERINO AND 
 VILLAFRANCA. 
 
 Entry op the French Army into Milan. — The Te Deum. — 
 Fighting at Melegnano. — Gyulai retreats upon Verona. — 
 The Emperor advances from Milan. — Ignorance of each 
 Commander as to the Plans of the other. — The Aus- 
 trian Army harassed by Conflicting Orders. — It occupies 
 the Heights of Solferino on June 23. — Advance of the 
 French Army on the 24th. — Commencement of the Battle 
 of Solferino. — Repulse of the Sardinians. — The Emperor 
 arrives on the Field. — Heavy Fighting at Solferino and 
 ON THE French Right. — The Lethargy of Canisobert. — 
 Solferino outflanked and abandoned by the Austrians. 
 
 — Failure of Wimpffen to retrieve the Day on the Aus- 
 trian Left. — Canrobert arrives. — General Advance of 
 THE French. — The Emperor at Cavriana. — Firmness of 
 General Benedek. — The French Advance renewed July 1. 
 
 — The Armistice and Conference at Villafranca. — Rage 
 OF Cavour. — His Undignified Conduct. — Why the Mon- 
 archs made Peace. 
 
 The battle of Magenta compelled the abandonment 
 of Milan by the Austrian.s. The emperor did not 
 appreciate the full extent of the victory until the 6 th, 
 when he met at Magenta the deputation representing 
 the municipality of Milan, who came to offer the 
 crown of Lombardy to the Sardinian king. They 
 reported the city evacuated by the Austrians and 
 awaiting with open arms the arrival of its liberators. 
 The emperor became jubilant. He congratulated the 
 army, and acknowledged the heroism of the Guard
 
 188 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 by conferring the rank of marshal upon its com- 
 mander. As for MacMahon, he not only received the 
 marshal's baton, but was hailed as the conqueror of 
 the day and created Duke of Magenta. 
 
 That night MacMahon's corps bivouacked on the 
 Milan road, with orders to enter the city next day. 
 Consequently at nine o'clock on the morning of the 
 7th, wiih bands playing and flags flying, the first 
 French trooj^s passed into the ancient capital of Lom- 
 bardy. The reception tendered them by the Milanese 
 surpassed the April scenes at Genoa. A little girl 
 offered the marshal a bouquet of flowers, and was 
 lifted to his saddle, where she rode at the head of the 
 column.^ The long pent-up feelings of the populace 
 broke forth into cheers and the wildest demonstra- 
 tions of joy. Men and women saw through their 
 tears the foreign soldiers bronzed by Italian suns 
 and begrimed with the smoke of Austrian cannon. 
 The men who had carried Magenta under a tempest 
 of bullets traversed the streets of Milan under a rain 
 of flowers. All through the day the excitement in 
 tlie city increased. In the public squares the mili- 
 tary bands played patriotic airs long prohibited by 
 the Austrian government. 
 
 Next morning before light MacMahon was again 
 on the march southward, while the head of the 1st 
 corps entered the city, bovuid in the same direction in 
 execution of the imperial orders to " intercept the 
 Austrian army retiring by Binasco and Landriano 
 on Lodi." The emperor and king of Sardinia arrived 
 in the city at early dawn with a small escort. They 
 were soon recognized, and once again the emperor saw 
 
 ^ This incident is alluded to by Mrs. Browning in her poem, 
 Napoleon III. in Italy.
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 139 
 
 in the happy faces that pressed about his cavalcade, 
 and heard in the shouts that burst from thousands of 
 throats, an evidence of popidar enthusiasm and grati- 
 tude. The day following both sovereigns attended 
 service in the cathedral. The tinted rays that fell 
 across the misty nave glanced upon a profusion of 
 military and priestly splendor, as the two monarchs 
 bowed before the altar with its candles gleaming 
 dimly through the smoke of burning incense. In the 
 afternoon appeared the proclamation of the king, 
 accepting the union of Lombardy with his kingdom, 
 and that of the emperor addressed to Italians, urging 
 them to " be nothing to-day but soldiers, to-morrow 
 you will be free citizens of a great country." 
 
 The fmal feature of these four days of jubilation, the 
 happiest perhaps that Milan had kno^vn for centuries, 
 was the performance at the theatre of La Scala. The 
 auditorium was ablaze with the colors of France and 
 Sardinia, gay with rich toilets and briUiant uniforms, 
 while the two monarchs were cheered to the echo. 
 All the officers of the liberating army were not so 
 agreeably entertained during these days as the pa- 
 trons of La Scala, and at the hour when the brilliant 
 audience was assembling, the ambulances from Mele- 
 gnano were rumbling through the streets. 
 
 Marshal Baraguey d'Hilliers, after leaving Milan 
 on the morning of the 8th, had received information 
 from the emperor that the Austrians were at Mele- 
 gnano. The same messenger brought the order for 
 him to assume command of the 2d and 4th corps 
 and dislodge them from that place. The 2d corps 
 was directed to pass east of Melegnano and cut off 
 the Austrian retreat on Lodi. The 4th corps was 
 moving southeast from Corsico. The marshal, with
 
 140 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Bazaine's division of his corps, followed the highway 
 from Milan to Melegnano, with Ladmirault's divi- 
 sion traversing the villages on his left, and Forey 
 those on his right. These dispositions, employing so 
 large a force, seemed to portend a heavy battle. They 
 were, however, merely the result of the ignorance of 
 the French headquarters concerning the position of 
 the Austrians. Three corps cVarmee were moving 
 upon Melegnano defended by a single brigade ! 
 
 The marshal pushed rapidly over the highroad, 
 and at half past five, when he approached Melegnano, 
 both Ladmirault and Forey were still distant. Ac- 
 tuated, perhaps, by the same spirit that induced Forey 
 to risk the action of Montebello, at six o'clock he gave 
 Bazaine orders to carry the village. The Austrians 
 made but slight resistance in the outskirts, but de- 
 fended the streets and houses with their usual tena- 
 city. The French were unable to make the least prog- 
 ress in the face of the murderous fusilades they 
 encountered. But the appearance of Ladmirault's 
 division soon convinced the Austrian General Ber- 
 ger of the uselessness of a longer defense, and he 
 gave orders for the retreat. Great confusion attended 
 this movement, as his men were distributed in small 
 detachments in the houses throughout the %'illage. 
 The French entered the streets and attacked with the 
 bayonet. General Berger, however, transferred his 
 brigade safely to the other side of the Lambro. Here 
 he was joined by Boer's brigade, but upon the appear- 
 ance of MacMahon's corps on the north, the whole 
 column began its retreat upon Lodi. 
 
 This action, so far as the French were concerned, 
 was a blunder. The Austrian commander had deter- 
 mined to evacuate Melegnano, and the French attack
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 141 
 
 only hastened his movements by a few useless hours. 
 The capture of Berger's brigade was all that coiild 
 have justified the action, and this was prevented by 
 the impatience of the French commander, who allowed 
 MacMahon no time to come up and intercept the Aus- 
 trian retreat. 
 
 It was on the day of the fight at Melegnano that 
 Gyulai had finally determined to fall back upon the 
 army which was being concentrated at Verona under 
 the eye of the Kaiser. Reduced in numbers, with the 
 morale of his troops seriously affected by successive 
 defeats, Gyulai was not inclined to risk another battle. 
 He argued that every step in retreat would raise the 
 spirit of his soldiers, as it brought them nearer to the 
 impregnable Quadrilateral and the imperial army at 
 Verona. 
 
 Meanwhile the French emperor had determined in 
 the future to avoid such dangers as he had encoun- 
 tered at Magenta, by keeping his army well together. 
 How to move an army of 160,000 men in one mass 
 was a serious problem to the commissary department. 
 It would be necessary to keep open rapid communica- 
 tion with a distant base of supplies. The Po was 
 dominated by the Austrians, and there was no alter- 
 native for the French but to- hug the railway from 
 Milan to Venice in their advance. The engineers 
 were soon at work repairing the numerous breaks in 
 the line, the troops were all recalled to the vicinity of 
 Milan, and on the 11th the advance was recommenced. 
 The Sardinian army moved on the left of the French 
 and advanced with imprudent zeal. On the 14th 
 Victor Emmanuel had carried his headquarters to 
 Brescia, while the French were just approaching the 
 Oglio, two days' march in the rear. This state of af-
 
 142 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 fairs was by no means agreeable to the emperor. The 
 isolation of the Sardinians was a grave clanger to the 
 whole army. No one laiew where the Austrians 
 were, though it was not doubted that they were re- 
 treating upon the Quadrilateral. 
 
 On the 16th news arrived from Brescia that Gen- 
 eral Garibaldi had encountered an Austrian detach- 
 ment at a little village a few miles east of that place. 
 This intelligence still further disconcerted the emperor 
 and induced him to adopt the precaution of always 
 advancing in line of battle. On the 18th he effected 
 a junction with the Sardinians, establishing his head- 
 quarters at Brescia, while his forces were distributed 
 between Brescia and Bagnolo. 
 
 On the day of the emperor's arrival at Brescia, 
 the Austrian headquarters were at Pozzolengo. The 
 Feldzeugmeister had brought his army in good condi- 
 tion to the Chiese, hoping to induce the Kaiser to 
 take up a strong defensive position in the hiUs about 
 Solferino and Cavriana south of the Lago di Garda. 
 His scheme, however, was overrided at headquarters, 
 where the opinion prevailed that the French would 
 follow the Po to turn the Quadrilateral. On the 15th 
 of June the command had passed to the Kaiser, and 
 on the day following the army was in full retreat 
 toward the Mincio. 
 
 The skirmish near Brescia had shaken the theory 
 in every mind that the allies were following the Po. 
 Could it be possible they were advancing from Milan 
 upon the front of the Quadrilateral ? If this were so, 
 certainly there was no spot so favorable to oppose 
 them as that which Gyulai had suggested. Orders 
 were issued to regain the Chiese, but when they were 
 received the troops were already approaching the
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 143 
 
 Mincio. Again the councils wavered. The old or- 
 ders were renewed, and on the next day the army was 
 crossing the Mincio. On the 19th, owing to the con- 
 fusion of orders, the 1st, 5th, 7th, and 8th corps were 
 still midway between the rivers. Count Schlik went 
 out to assume command of these troops and conduct 
 their retreat on the Mincio. These four corps be- 
 came known as the second army, the remainder formed 
 the first. On the 21st the whole army was in the 
 rear of the Mincio. The headquarters of the first 
 army were at Tormene, of the second at Valeggio. 
 The Kaiser was at Villafranca. The idea steadily 
 gained credence that the French were approaching 
 the front of the Quadrilateral. Their patrols had 
 been seen several times during the retreat, and they 
 were reported in force at Montechiaro. On the 22d 
 a reconnoissance was made toward Rivoltella, Cas- 
 tiglione, and Carpenedolo. There could be no longer 
 any question that the whole French army was on the 
 banks of the Chiese. It was imperative to seize at 
 once the heights about Cavriana to withstand them. 
 The instructions to this effect were hurriedly given, 
 and at nine o'clock on the morning of the 23d the ad- 
 vance began. All that day the troops poured across 
 the Mincio at Valeggio, Ferri, and Goito. At evening 
 the 5th corps bivouacked on the heights about Sol- 
 f erino ; the 1st corps at Cavriana, with one of its bri- 
 gades at San Cassiano ; the 8th corps at Foresto and 
 Volta ; the 3d and 9th corps at Guidizzolo, with their 
 outposts in Medole and at Casa Morino, a farmhouse 
 on the road to Castiglione. The 7th corps was ap- 
 proaching Volta, and the 11th corps was distributed 
 along the road from Cerlungo to Goito. 
 
 From the heights of Solferino the French bivouacks
 
 144 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 could be seen. It was determined to continue the ad- 
 vance the next day and take up a position in front of 
 the hills. The 8th corps was to move upon Lonato, 
 the 5th toward Castiglione, the 1st to Essenta with 
 the 7th in reserve. The 9th corps on the left was to 
 advance by Medole, and the 3d on its right toward 
 Carpenedolo. These last two were to cross the Chiese 
 at Bosco, their left covered by cavalry with the 2d 
 corps in reserve. 
 
 In the mean time the French emperor had become 
 convinced that the Austrians had passed beyond the 
 Mincio. Even the alarming reports of his patrols 
 on the evening of the 23d failed to convince him that 
 anything more formidable than reconnoitring parties 
 were in his front. In the evening the orders for the 
 next day's march were given as usual. The Sardinian 
 army had Pozzolengo for its destination ; the French 
 Guard, Castiglione ; the 1st corps, Solferino ; the 2d, 
 Cavriana ; the 3d, Medole ; and the 4th Guidizzolo. 
 A glance at the map will indicate how the plans of 
 the rival monarchs were unconsciously bringing their 
 hosts into collision. 
 
 The Austrians had the advantage of position in 
 possessing that group of abrupt heights that extends 
 southward from the Lago di Garda to the vicinity of 
 Volta. The " rock " of Solferino, the loftiest and 
 most precipitous of these, was clearly the key to the ad- 
 jacent country. The conspicuous tower that crowned 
 its summit, and appropriately styled " Spia d' Italia," 
 commanded a view for miles in all directions, while 
 on the west it swept to the blue horizon, the green 
 plain diversified by canals, villages, orchards, and 
 mulberry groves. The French emperor committed a 
 grave error in leaving this point unoccupied.
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 145 
 
 In order to avoid the extreme heat of the day the 
 French took up their march soon after midnight. 
 Canrobert crossed the Chiese at Visano and advanced 
 upon Castel-Goffredo via Acqua-Fredda. Niel fol- 
 lowed the highway to Medole. MacMahon moved 
 from Castigiione over the Mantua road. Baraguey 
 d'Hilliers marched straight upon Solferino through 
 the great ravines that admit the roads clambering up 
 the heights to the town. 
 
 Canrobert approached Castel-Goffredo about seven 
 o'clock, and after a brush with the Austrian cavalry 
 took possession of that place. Here he was discon- 
 certed by the receipt of a message from the emperor 
 to the effect that an Austrian corps was reported to 
 have left Mantua for the north on the day previous. 
 From this he inferred that his right flank was en- 
 dangered, and called a halt to await developments. 
 Niel found Medole stubbornly defended.^ He bat- 
 tered it with his artillery, and at seven o'clock carried 
 it at the point of the bayonet. Advancing cautiously 
 toward Guidizzolo the Austrian bivouacks were re- 
 vealed.^ Niel halted and deployed his divisions be- 
 tween Robecco and Casa Nuova on the Mantua road. 
 
 About three o'clock MacMahon from Monte Medo- 
 lano had assured himself that the Austrians were in 
 great force before him, and dispatched a messenger 
 to the emperor with that information. He then dis- 
 lodged the Austrians from the farmhouse of Casa 
 Morino, and, deplopng his divisions on the right 
 and left of the road, awaited word from Niel before 
 advancing. 
 
 Baraguey d'HiUiers, advancing from the northeast, 
 
 ^ Held by two battalions with two cannon. 
 - Bivouacks of the 3d and 'Jth Austrian corps.
 
 146 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 was driAang in the enemy's outposts upon Solferino. 
 At eight o'clock he carried Le Grole. 
 
 With a view to effect an early junction with the 
 French at Solferino, General Durando's division of 
 the Sardinian army moved from Malocco across the 
 hills to the chapel of Madonna delle Scoperte. Gen- 
 erals MoUard and Cucchiari moved southward from 
 Rivoltella by the Strada Lugana upon Pozzolengo. 
 Durando's vanguard, after reaching Madonna delle 
 Scoperte, was surprised by the enemy and compelled 
 to retreat. Their colleagues, after gaining the vicinity 
 of Pozzolengo, were attacked by heavy Austrian col- 
 umns advancing from the south and driven thi-ough 
 San Martino to Rivoltella. 
 
 Such was the state of the battle at eight o'clock. 
 Along a front of twelve miles the French command- 
 ers found themselves confronted by a powerful foe. 
 The corps were acting almost independently of each 
 other. As for the Sardinians, their repulse at Ma- 
 donna delle Scoperte and the presence of the Aus- 
 trians at Solferino left them completely isolated from 
 their allies. 
 
 The messengers of MacMahon and Baraguey d'Hil- 
 liers arrived at the headquarters in Montechiaro 
 about seven o'clock. The emperor was asleep at the 
 time, but before an hour had elapsed his equipage 
 was whirling into Castiglione. There he climbed the 
 staircase of the bell tower and peered westward to 
 the " Spia d' Italia," a silhouette against the morning 
 sky, and southward to where the early mists had 
 given place to white billows of battle-smoke. As to 
 the state of the contest, however, he could gain no idea, 
 and galloped away to MacMahon for information. 
 He found the marshal in the alignments he had taken
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 147 
 
 up after carrying Casa Morino. He also found him 
 reticent. " When I am assui-ed of the cooperation 
 of General Niel, I shall advance on Cavriana," he 
 said. The emperor knew Niel was waiting for Can- 
 robert. He struck the matter at the root by dispatch- 
 ing an order to the latter to hasten his movements on 
 Medole, and then rode away to the 1st corjos, whose 
 progress had been checked in the ravines before Sol- 
 ferino. 
 
 The Austrian General Wimpffen furiously assailed 
 Niel's corps at Guidizzolo. Beaten back from this 
 attack, he formed another line of battle from Guidiz- 
 zolo to the Val de Termine. At nine o'clock the 
 Kaiser reached Volta, and sent orders to Wimpffen 
 to advance toward Medole without delay, in order to 
 relieve the tremendous pressure upon Stadion's corps 
 at Solferino. In fact, that corps was nearly exhausted. 
 The French batteries on the heights west of the vil- 
 lage swept the advance positions with a murderous 
 fire. Stadion had but two brigades of his corps to 
 hold the French in check. One had already been 
 demoralized by the cannonade, and the other two were 
 in pursuit of the Sardinians, who had suffered another 
 repulse. Just before noon the Kaiser directed the 
 1st corps to the aid of the 5th at Solferino, and the 
 7th upon San Cassiano, while he sent another mes- 
 sage to Wimpffen, urging him again to advance, not 
 toward Medole, but in the direction of Castiglione. 
 Wimpffen had his hands full, however. All through 
 the morning his two corps vainly assailed the three 
 divisions of General Niel in line between Robecco 
 and Casa Nuova. In the village, in the orchards, in 
 the inclosures of farm-buildings, and in the fields, 
 the combat was savagely maintained without advan-
 
 148 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tage to tlie Austrians. Niel watched anxiously the 
 fortune of the day, and scanned the country on the 
 southeast for some sign of Canrobert, who was still 
 busily engaged at Castel-Goffredo worrying about his 
 flank.i How long Niel could hold his ground unsup- 
 ported was uncertain. His retreat meant the cutting 
 in two of the French army, and in consequence its 
 utter defeat. 
 
 In the mean time the Emj^eror of the French had 
 become convinced by the reports he had received, and 
 by the clouds of dust among the hills, that the Aus- 
 trians were reinforcing their position at Solferino. 
 He arrived at the conclusion that the battle was to be 
 settled in that vicinity, and that delay was fatal to 
 his cause. He sent a message to the king of Sar- 
 dinia to advance immediately on Pozzolengo, while he 
 held the light division of the Guard to assist the 1st 
 corps. Baraguey d'Hilliers was making superhuman 
 efforts to carry the heights of Solferino. While Gen- 
 eral Bazaine with his division attacked the village it- 
 self, Ladmiravilt stormed the heights on his left, and 
 Forey the positions on Monte Alto and summits south 
 of Solferino. Before the development of this attack 
 the Austrians on Monte Alto had been heaA^ily rein- 
 forced,^ while a few battalions arrived in Solferino 
 itself. Bazaine's columns advanced doggedly up the 
 ravine, but at the entrance of the village were stag- 
 
 ^ Canrobert's action in withholding his aid during' the crisis of the 
 battle deepened the bitterness between Niel and himself that had ex- 
 isted since the Crimean campaign. Matters had reached such a pass 
 in the French army even in 1859 that the generals suspected each 
 other of being capable of actual treason in order to bring disgrace 
 upon a rival. Canrobert's delay seems to have been induced only by 
 that extreme caution that governed all his movements, and prevented 
 his taking a high place among military commanders. 
 
 '^ By the 1st corps.
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 149 
 
 gered by the close fusillades and brought to a halt. 
 Bazaine hurried a battery up the steep incline and 
 opened on the village at short range, but the massive 
 stone houses resisting well the cannonading, the battle 
 became stationary at this point. General Ladmi- 
 rault was also checked, while at Monte Alto Forey's 
 division was beaten back in confusion. The emperor 
 at this crisis sent forward the Guards. They rallied 
 Forey's division, and advanced straight against the 
 heights south of Solferino. They carried the posi- 
 tions. This settled the fate of Solferino, for the Aus- 
 trians there, finding themselves flanked, abandoned 
 the contest and retired from the village. The French 
 following close, the Austrian retreat became a disor- 
 derly flight. In fact, the capture of SoKerino and 
 adjacent heights residted in the ahnost complete dis- 
 persion of the 1st and 5th corps. Moreover, the 8th 
 corps, still engaged with the Sardinians before Pozzo- 
 lengo, was completely isolated from the main Austrian 
 army. 
 
 But the Austrian generals did not despair. Their 
 line of battle was stiU intact from Cavriana to Gui- 
 dizzolo, while the 7th and 11th corps had not yet 
 been engaged. A strong advance upon Castiglione 
 woidd compel the abandonment by the French of 
 their conquests about Solferino. At three o'clock, 
 however, the hopes of the Kaiser received a death- 
 blow in this dispatch from Count Wimpffen : " I have 
 twice taken the offensive, and have engaged my last 
 reserves. I cannot hold out much longer, and find 
 myself under the necessity of beating a retreat under 
 the protection of the 11th corps. I direct the 9th to- 
 ward Goito ; the 3d by Cerlungo on Ferri; the 11th 
 by Goito on Roverbella. I regret that I can report
 
 150 THE RECONSTHUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 nothing more satisfactory to your majesty." There 
 was nothing more to be done, and the Kaiser issued 
 orders for the general retreat. 
 
 Before this time MacMahon had thrown off his 
 lethargy, and was advancing upon Cavriana. He ex- 
 pected the cooperation of Niel, but upon reaching 
 San Cassiano found no sign of him. In conjunction 
 with the Guard on his left he pressed rapidly on to- 
 ward the heights of Cavriana. A change in the Aus- 
 trian tactics prevented NieFs cooperation. Wimpffen, 
 detecting MacMahon's advance, and seeing the road 
 to Castiglione open, determined, despite his message 
 to the Kaiser, to make one final effort to save the day. 
 Niel's men were nearly exhausted by their long con- 
 test with overwhehning nmnbers, and the Austrians 
 gained ground. He was even reduced to the use of 
 cavalry to gain a brief respite for his infantry. Be- 
 tween four and five o'clock the vanguard of Canro- 
 bert's column passed through Medole to his aid. 
 About the same time a furious tempest burst upon 
 the country. The wind that prefaced it swept the 
 dust in blinding clouds across the plains, completely 
 obscuring the operations. The violence of the storm 
 was enhanced by thmider and lightning, as though 
 the elements were in spnpathy mth the fierce pas- 
 sions of wayward humanity. When the clouds broke 
 away the air was cleared of polluting smoke, and the 
 long slanting rays of the sun glittered on the spark- 
 ling foliage of the valley. The battle was then over, 
 Canrobert and Niel were joined, Wimpffen was in 
 retreat, and MacMahon was at Cavriana. Only on 
 the extreme right were the Austrians still in line. 
 There General Benedek with the 8th corps still con- 
 fronted the baffled Sardinians, adding to a fame that
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 151 
 
 a few years later was to place him in command of the 
 armies of his sovereign. Perhaps he hardly deserved 
 all the credit he gained at San Martino. His defense 
 was stubborn and skillful, and to the close of the day 
 he worsted his antagonists. He committed the error, 
 however, of overrating the numbers opposed to him, 
 and refused to dispatch a portion of his forces to the 
 defense of Solferino. Upon finding how the day had 
 gone he began his retreat, regaining the Mincio in 
 perfect order during the night. 
 
 The French made no pursuit. The emperor rode 
 on to Cavriana, and established himself in the house 
 occupied by the Kaiser in the morning. Darkness 
 fell. The army of the second empire slept for the 
 last time on a victorious field.^ 
 
 On the 1st of July the advance was continued. 
 The French army passed the Mincio, and the Sar- 
 dinians invested Peschiera. On the 2d the emperor's 
 headquarters were at Valeggio, while the 1st, 2d, 
 and 4th corps held a line from Castelnuovo through 
 Sommacampagna to ViUafranca. The Guard and 3d 
 corps were at Valeggio, the 5th corps had joined the 
 army at Goito. It seemed plain that another battle 
 was to be fought before Verona. On the 6th of Jidy 
 the emperor issued his orders for the following day 
 with unusual minuteness. The whole army was to 
 be under arms by daybreak. Long before light the 
 eager battalions were awaiting the order to advance, 
 but none came. The morning passed without event, 
 and then early in the afternoon the tidings ran 
 through the astonished ranks that an armistice was 
 to be signed. 
 
 ^ This is a fact, if we disregard the petty successes of the Mexican 
 campaign.
 
 152 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 In fact, the French emperor had decided to make 
 peace. He had turned to Lord Palmerston the day 
 following the battle of SoKerino, inviting his media- 
 tion on the basis of a cession of Lombardy and Parma 
 to Sardinia. Palmerston was in favor of driving Aus- 
 tria from Italy, and would not lend the good offices 
 of his goveriunent to effect any other arrangement. 
 Determined to bring hostilities to a close, Napoleon 
 communicated directly wth the Kaiser at Verona. 
 His note suggesting an armistice was on its way 
 while he was busy issuing his elaborate instructions 
 to the army on the 6th. The next day he received a 
 favorable reply, and on the 8th an armistice was 
 signed. 
 
 On the 11th the two monarchs met at a small house 
 in Villafranca to discuss the preliminaries of peace. 
 The Kaiser was inclined to peace for other reasons 
 than that his army had been beaten in the field. He 
 had entered the contest calm in the assurance that the. 
 Frankfort Diet would never allow him to be stripped 
 of a foot of his Italian territory. With the mobil- 
 ization of the German federal army his confidence 
 had increased ; but when the command of that army 
 passed to the prince regent of Prussia, his feelings 
 underwent a change. He longed to be free from his 
 Italian difficulties, that he might devote his energies 
 to the recovery of Austrian prestige in Germany. 
 Of course the mediation of Prussia was not to be 
 thought of ; that might prove too costly. England was 
 against him, and Russia had not forgiven his aban- 
 donment of her in 1854. Napoleon's note of July 6 
 opened to him a means of escape from his dilemma 
 wdthout mortifying his pride. With both monarchs 
 of one mind, there could be no serious difficulty in
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 153 
 
 coming to an understanding. Napoleon even modi- 
 fied his demands from the shape in which Lord Pabner- 
 ston had disapproved them. He had made no allu- 
 sion to Parma, but only insisted upon the cession of 
 Lombardy. He even compromised on this so as to 
 leave the Austrian Quadrilateral intact. The prelim- 
 inaries were signed in the afternoon. Napoleon was 
 glad to have an end of the fighting, and Francis 
 Joseph had come off much better than he expected. 
 
 There was nothing for the king of Sardinia but to 
 acquiesce in these arrangements. His task was ren- 
 dered doubly hard by the action of Cavour, whose 
 judgment failed him for the first and only time in his 
 diplomatic career. Cavour left Turin immediately 
 upon the receipt of the news of the armistice. He 
 hastened to the Sardinian headquarters, and in the 
 royal presence bitterly denounced the armistice. He 
 stormed against the emperor, and urged the non- 
 acceptance of Lombardy. The king was deeply 
 offended, and naturally was not dissuaded from his 
 course. He signed the preliminaries of peace, but 
 attached the words " pour ce qui me concerne," merely 
 signifying that he accepted Lombardy, but held him- 
 self unembarrassed for future events. Then he re- 
 turned to his capital disgusted with the result of the 
 campaign, and indignant with his minister. Cavour 
 went also to Turin, his rage unabated, to resign his 
 post. Napoleon, in better spirits than either, jour- 
 neyed to Paris, and on the 15th was recreating witliin 
 sound of the plashing fomitain at St. Cloud. 
 
 What influenced the French emperor to abandon 
 the Itahan cause on the Mincio? Was he swerved 
 from his purpose by the carnage of Solferino, by his 
 dread of offending the Pope beyond reconciliation, or
 
 154 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 by his awakening to the knowledge that he was not a 
 general ? Was he alarmed by the attitude of central 
 Italy, that presaged a Sardinia too powerful for the 
 safety of his southern frontier ; did he mistrust the 
 hostility of the German federal army ? These ques- 
 tions were asked by an astonished world. The em- 
 peror's explanation, delivered to the Chambers, July 
 19, was as follows : " Ai-rived beneath the walls of 
 Verona, the struggle was inevitably about to change 
 its nature as weU in a military as in a political aspect. 
 Obliged to attack the enemy in front, who was in- 
 trenched beliind great fortresses and protected on his 
 flank by the neutrality of the surrounding territory, 
 and about to begin a long and barren war, I found 
 myself in the face of Europe in arms, ready to dis- 
 pute our successes or aggravate our reverses. Never- 
 theless the difficulty of the enterprise would not have 
 shaken my resolution, if the means had not been out 
 of proportion to the results to be expected. It was 
 necessary to crush boldly the obstacles opposed, and 
 then to accept a conflict on the Rhine as well as on 
 the Adige. It was necessary to fortify ourselves 
 openly with the concurrence of revolution. It was 
 necessary to go on shedding precious blood, and at 
 last risk that which a sovereign should only stake for 
 the independence of his country. If I have stopped, 
 it was neither through weariness nor exhaustion, nor 
 through abandoning the noble cause wliich I desired 
 to serve, but for the interests of France. I felt great 
 reluctance to put reins upon the ardor of our soldiers, 
 to retrench from my programme the territory from the 
 Mincio to the Adriatic, and to see vanish from honest 
 hearts noble delusions and patriotic hopes." 
 
 If the world had not learned to doubt the sincerity
 
 SOLFERINO AND VILLAFRANCA. 155 
 
 of Louis Napoleon's sayings, it would have rested 
 content with this statement, and accepted earlier the 
 fact that he was induced to sheathe his victorious 
 sword by the strength of the Austrian Quadrilateral 
 and the threatening attitude of the German federal 
 army on the Rhine.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. 
 
 Disappointment in Italy at the Sudden Termination of the 
 War. — Insurrections in Central Italy. — Demands of the 
 Central Italians — Attitude of Victor Emmanuel. — The 
 Peace of Zurich. — Reconciliation of Cavour and Victor 
 Emmanuel. — Their Battle with the Papal Government. — 
 Napoleon agrees to a Plebiscite. — Central Italy de- 
 clares FOR Annexation to Sardinia. — The First Itall^vn 
 Parllament. — Cession of Nice and Savoy. — Revolution in 
 the Two Sicilies. — Garibaldi leaves for Sicily to head 
 the Insurgents. — His Rapid Advance. — He captures Pa- 
 lermo. — Extraordinary Character of his Achievements — 
 Excitement in Turin. — The Policy of Cavour. — Garibaldi 
 BECOMES Headstrong. — He crosses to the Mainland and 
 marches upon Naples. — Francis II. abandons Naples — 
 Entry of the Garibaldians. — Cavour's Conception of the 
 Crisis. — Sardinian Troops enter Papal Territory. — Bat- 
 tle OF Castelfidardo. — The Sardinians pass the Neapol- 
 itan Frontier. — Meeting of Garibaldi and Victor Emman- 
 uel. — The Neapolitans vote for Annexation to the Italian 
 Kingdom. — Garibaldi's Hatred of Cavour. — Cavour's 
 Health gives way. — His Death. — The World's Estimate 
 OF Cavour. 
 
 The statement of the French emperor that Italy 
 must be free to the Adriatic had received a literal 
 acceptance by the Italians, and confidence had grown 
 to certainty as victory after victory crowned the 
 allied arms. The news of the armistice came as a 
 bewildering, crushing blow. It was received first 
 with incredulity, and then with demonstrations that 
 expressed vividly the wrath and disappointment which 
 everywhere abounded.
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. 157 
 
 Venice was in tears. For days tlie eyes of her 
 citizens had been lifted to the belfry of San Marco, 
 for from there they knew that the allied fleets were 
 visible in the Adriatic beyond Lido. When the glad 
 faces of the Austrian garrison betrayed the news from 
 Villafranca, the high confidence of the Venetians gave 
 way to a despair rendered almost paralyzing from the 
 suddenness of the reaction. 
 
 In Piedmont and Lombardy the sympathy for 
 Venice tempered the popular joy. Milan refused to 
 rejoice while Venice, the companion of her long thraU- 
 dom, still remained in chains. The French emperor, 
 upon returning from the front, could not fail to notice 
 the changed temper of Milan and Turin. The French 
 colors were sparingly displayed and where all had 
 been noisy enthusiasm a few weeks before, there was 
 only resentful silence. 
 
 While the war was in progi'ess great events had 
 been taking place elsewhere in the peninsula. Fer- 
 dinand II. of Naples died, and his last moments were 
 embittered by tidings of the battle of MontebeUo. 
 His youthful successor recklessly followed in his steps, 
 turning a deaf ear to the entreaties of his people, and 
 spurning the invitation of Victor Emmanuel to enter 
 the anti-Austrian alliance. 
 
 In Tuscany the people arose, demanding a constitu- 
 tion and an active participation by the Tuscan forces 
 in the war. The grand duke, finding that the spirit 
 of sedition had extended to his own guards, left 
 Florence and fled into the arms of Austria. 
 
 In the Emilian provinces of Parma and Modena 
 the temper of the people necessitated the flight of 
 their rulers. 
 
 Bologna, too, broke into revolt, — Bologna the
 
 158 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 capital of the Papal Legations, that had been held in 
 subjection for ten years by Austrian bayonets. The 
 imperial commander, nevertheless, held his own until 
 the battle of Magenta necessitated his retirement upon 
 the Quadrilateral. The Cardinal Legate, finding his 
 holy office no longer supported by the foreign troops, 
 also withdrew. Military and priestly oppression left 
 Bologna together on the 12th of June. 
 
 Everywhere it was 1848 repeated. In the States of 
 the Church general uneasiness prevailed, and woidd 
 have developed into insurrection at Rome but for the 
 restraining influences of the French garrison. The 
 state of affairs on the Tiber was curious enough. 
 The Pope was praying for Austrian victories, the 
 Romans were longing for French success, and the 
 French soldiery protected the Pope from the Ro- 
 mans. 
 
 In the central Italian states the popular position 
 was strengthened by the presence of a portion of 
 Prince Napoleon's corps, which disembarked at Leg- 
 horn and passed through Tuscany on its northward 
 march. Provisional governments were formed in all 
 the states, and deputations sent to Victor Emmanuel 
 offering him their allegiance. To the representatives 
 of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena he extended en- 
 couragement, but expressed his inabihty to accept 
 their offer until after the conclusion of peace. He, 
 however, sent commissioners in his name to admin- 
 ister their governments and organize their military 
 forces for participation in the war. When the depu- 
 tations from Bologna presented their petition he was 
 forced into a delicate position. It was one thing to 
 undertake the cause of the Tuscans and Emilians, but 
 quite another to interfere in behalf of the subjects of
 
 GARIBALDI AND CA VOUR. 159 
 
 the church. Any move in favor of the people of the 
 Legations was sure to bring down upon him the 
 denunciations of the Vatican. Furthermore, he mis- 
 trusted that his ally, " the eldest son of the church," 
 would not regard such a course with favor. The king, 
 received the deputation cordially, explained his posi- 
 tion frankly, and referred them to the emperor, who 
 was then at Montechiaro planning the march that 
 was to bring on the battle of Solferino. From this 
 visit the deputation returned to Bologna with but 
 little encouragement and somewhat crestfallen. But 
 Cavour had the interest of the Legations deeply at 
 heart. He understood the emperor better than his 
 royal master, and judged him to be lukewarm in the 
 position he had taken. He induced the king to send 
 Massimo d' Azeglio as commissioner to conduct the 
 temporary government at Bologna. The result, so 
 far as the Vatican was concerned, confirmed the ex- 
 pectations of the king. Victor Emmanuel, his army 
 and his people, were condemned by a papal allocution 
 and warned to mend their impious ways, while the 
 papal troops suppressed a rising at Perugia with un- 
 necessary severity and shocking cruelty. 
 
 The treaty concluded at Zurich in November be- 
 tween the ambassadors of France, Austria, and Sar- 
 dinia substantially ratified the preliminaries arranged 
 at Villafranca. Lombardy passed to the king of 
 Sardinia ; Venetia was retained by Austria. The 
 rulers of Modena and Parma were to be restored, 
 the papal power again established in the Legations, 
 while the various states of the peninsula, excepting 
 Sardinia and the Two Sicilies, were to form a con- 
 federation under the leadership of the Pope. Accord- 
 ing to the terms of the treaty Lombardy was the only
 
 160 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 state directly benefited by the war. The emperor, 
 however, had promised Victor Emmanuel that he 
 would not use force to restore the old rulers in cen- 
 tral Italy, and that he would not allow another power 
 to do so. Moreover, in addressing his troops at 
 the close of the war he uttered these words : " Italy, 
 henceforth mistress of her destinies, will only have 
 herself to blame if she does not make regidar prog- 
 ress in order and liberty." ^ This public statement 
 meant something, and perhaps Napoleon was not in- 
 clined to add to the ill repute he had gained in Italy 
 by the abandonment of liis project to carry his con- 
 quering arms to the Adriatic. At all events the 
 position of the emperor simplified matters from the 
 Sardinian point of view, as the people of central 
 Italy showed no inclination to resume the old regime. 
 They maintained their position firmly and consist- 
 ently, despite the decisions of the Zurich Congress, 
 the advice of the French emperor, and the threatening 
 attitude of Naples and Rome. Their representatives 
 were at work in London and Paris endeavoring: to 
 arouse popular spnpathy in their behalf, but the year 
 closed without definite action, leaving the provisional 
 governments in control. In fact, matters were simply 
 drifting, and it seemed imperative to take some vig- 
 orous measures to terminate so abnormal a condition 
 of aifairs. Finally the project of a European con- 
 gress was suggested. There was but one opinion as 
 to who should represent Italy in such an event. The 
 king, piqued at Cavour's course at Villafranca, was 
 little inclined to call upon him, though he had already 
 
 ^ In conversation with Victor Emmanuel, Napoleon also let drop 
 this portentous statement : ' ' Now we shall see what the Italians 
 can do unaided."
 
 GARIBALDI AND CA VOUR. 161 
 
 felt painfully the loss of his guiding mind. The 
 necessity brought about a reconciliation. Cavour 
 made the amende honorable and the coldness be- 
 tween the king and the minister was at an end. He 
 retui-ned to the head of affairs in January. This 
 event was snnultaneous with the removal of M. Walew- 
 ski at Paris and a change in the policy of the French 
 government. The emperor no longer advised the 
 central Italians to accept the return of their rulers. 
 His influence at Rome was exercised to induce the 
 Pope to allow his subjects in the Legations to have 
 their will. 
 
 The months of February and March were prolific 
 in correspondence between Victor Emmanuel and the 
 Pope. The object of the king was to persuade the 
 Holy Father to consent to some arrangement that 
 would satisfy the desires of his people. The tone of 
 his letters was dignified and yet reverential. He ad- 
 dressed the " Most Blessed Father " as a " devoted 
 son of the church," and invariably concluded by re- 
 questing the benediction. As for the Pope, though 
 courteous and kindly of heart, he stood like a rock 
 consistent with his unfailing policy of " non possu- 
 mus.''^ The king's note of February 6 struck the nail 
 squarely on the head by the following proposal, " that 
 taking into consideration the necessity of the times ; 
 the increasing force of the principle of nationality ; 
 the irresistible impidse which impels the peoples of 
 Italy to unite and order themselves in conformity 
 with the model adopted by all civilized nations, an 
 impulse which I believe demands my frank and loyal 
 concurrence, such a state of things might be estab- 
 lished not only in the Homagna, but also in the 
 Marches and Umbria, as would reserve to the church
 
 162 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 its high dominion, and assure to the Supreme Pontiff 
 a glorious post at the head of the Italian nation : 
 while giving the people of these provinces a share in 
 the benefits that a kingdom strong and highly national 
 secures to the greater part of central Italy." In 
 short, the Pope was invited to relinquish his temporal 
 authority. The response was what might have been 
 anticipated. The war between church and state was 
 waxing bitter, and in the end one must suffer. 
 
 The scheme of a European congress was abandoned. 
 With France at his back to neutralize Austria, Ca- 
 vour had nothing to fear. England, too, was unmis- 
 takably friendly ; but despite the disappointment of 
 Villafranca he was still firm in his old theory that 
 Napoleon was the monarch whose whims must be 
 humored. It was in pursuance of this policy that he 
 suggested to the emperor that the central Italians 
 be allowed to settle their fate by plebiscite. This 
 method was to a certain extent a craze with the em- 
 peror. It was the glorious ordinance behind which 
 he had attempted to conceal the blood that stained 
 the boidevards during the days of his coup d'etat. He 
 was the last man who woidd lift his protest against 
 the plebiscite, and Cavour was not surprised at the 
 affirmative reply he received to his proposal.^ The 
 elections took place in March, and by an overwhelm- 
 ing majority the people of Parma, Modena, Tuscany, 
 and the Legations declared for annexation to Sardinia. 
 Austria protested, but could do no more in the face of 
 
 1 " Let the populations vote, and when it is demonstrated that the 
 terms of Villafranca can only he executed in contempt of those prin- 
 ciples of popular rights from which I draw my power, I may change 
 my mind, " — Napoleon to Signor Peruzzi, the Tuscan Envoy, Mazade, 
 p. 231.
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. 163 
 
 England and France.^ Naples followed the Austrian 
 example, while almost simultaneously with the news 
 of the elections there arrived at Turin the papal ex- 
 communication for Victor Emmanuel and his sub- 
 jects. 
 
 On the 2d of April the king opened the new par- 
 liament and addressed liimself to the representatives 
 of 12,000,000 Italians. The natural enthusiasm at- 
 tending the session was seriously dampened by the 
 royal announcement that, subject to the approval of 
 their citizens and the ratification of parliament, Nice 
 and Savoy were to be returned to France. It was, in 
 fact, the concluding installment of the price arranged 
 at Plombieres to be paid for the French troops in the 
 campaign of the previous year. The king was loath 
 to make the sacrifice, and Cavour had acquiesced only 
 after exhausting every expedient. The emperor, mean- 
 while, had insisted, and with reason, upon his inability 
 to spend the blood and treasure of his state without 
 some tangible recompense to satisfy his people for the 
 outlay. Furthermore, as far as Nice and Savoy were 
 concerned, it must be admitted that in race and lan- 
 guage they were more French than Italian. 
 
 General Garibaldi, who sat in the parliament for 
 Nice, was especially prominent in the angry debates 
 that foUowed the king's announcement. Toward Ca- 
 vour, whom he held solely responsible for the trans- 
 action, he conceived a distrust and dislike that he 
 never wholly conquered. When the transfer had 
 been ratified he withdrew to a humble retreat in the 
 island of Caprera, with his heart bitter against the 
 
 ^ " He [Napoleon] informed Prince Mettemieh at Compi^gne, that 
 if Austria crossed the Po, it would be instant war with France." 
 — Mazade, p. 231.
 
 164 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 man who had made him a stranger in liis own house^ 
 But the excitement over the loss of Nice and Savoy 
 was soon diminished by the startling intelligence which 
 arrived of rebellion in the Neapolitan dominions. 
 Naples was mutinous, while in Sicily, Palermo and 
 Messina were in open revolt. Garibaldi's time had 
 come. Leaving Caprera, he made for Piedmont, and 
 hastily organized a band of volunteers to assist in the 
 popular movement. On the night of May 6, with about 
 a thousand enthusiastic spirits, he embarked from 
 the coast near Genoa in two steamers and sailed for 
 Sicily. Cavour in the mean time winked at this 
 extraordinary performance. He dispatched Admiral 
 Persano with a squadron ostensibly to intercept the 
 expedition, but in reality " to navigate between it and 
 the hostile Neapolitan fleet." On the 11th Garibaldi 
 landed safely at Marsala under the sleepy guns of 
 a Neapolitan man-of-war. On the 14fh he was at 
 Salemi, where he issued the following proclamation : 
 " Garibaldi, commander-in-chief of the national forces 
 in Sicily, on the invitation of the principal citizens, 
 and on the deliberation of the free commvines of the 
 island, considering that in times of war it is necessary 
 that the civil and military powers should be united in 
 one person, assumes in the name of Victor Emmanuel, 
 King of Italy, the Dictatorship in Sicily." With 
 his volunteers increased by several hundred " pic- 
 ciotti," as the native mountaineers were called. Gari- 
 baldi routed several Neapolitan battalions in position 
 at Calatafimi, and a few days later had the camp-fires 
 of his rapidly swelling host blazing on the heights 
 above Palermo. Having by skillful manoeuvring 
 among the mountains concealed his numbers and 
 plans from the enemy, on the night of the 26th he
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. 165 
 
 led his forces to the plain, and at dawn attacked the 
 city. After a few hours of street fighting, the Nea- 
 politans were driven back ujion the citadel and royal 
 palace. In revenge for the defeat, the guns of the 
 fleet and the citadel opened a destructive and indis- 
 criminate fire upon the city. The slaughter and 
 misery worked by this terrific bombardment were ter- 
 rible beyond description. Having glutted his thirst 
 for vengeance, the Neapolitan commander concluded 
 an armistice with Garibaldi, and on the 6th of June 
 evacuated all his positions and sailed from the port. 
 In the mean time Garibaldi had been further rein- 
 forced by another detachment of recruits from the 
 north under General Medici. On July 20 the Nea- 
 politan General Bosco was beaten at Milazzo, and so 
 vast had Garibaldi's prestige become that five days 
 later, when Medici summoned Messina, it came to 
 terms without a blow. 
 
 In the eyes of Europe a miracle had been accom- 
 plished. Was it a man or devil who in three months 
 time, with a handfid of desperadoes at his back, could 
 overthrow trained armies, and conquer the fairest 
 province of a great kingdom ? But after all we must 
 now admit that Garibaldi's military acliievements in 
 Sicily, however great in the results they accomplished, 
 have been exaggerated. From the moment he landed 
 at Marsala until he had planted the tricolored flag 
 on the walls of Messina, he was regarded by the sim- 
 ple, superstitious Sicilians as a demi-god, mysterious 
 and all-powerful. He had among his followers men 
 whose pens were mightier than their swords, to whose 
 romantic narrations is due the fact that the world 
 became almost Sicilian in its judgment of him. 
 Whether marching silently over the moonlit moun-
 
 166 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tains, or apart from his followers gazing down from 
 the heights upon the twinkling lights of Palermo which 
 gleamed in the valley, or in the glare of the day con- 
 spicuous in his scarlet shirt amid the battle-smoke of 
 Milazzo, it was all the same. He was invested with 
 a halo that bordered upon the supernatural. 
 
 In reality. Garibaldi had but a contemptible foe 
 to deal with. The Neapolitan army with its impos- 
 ing array on paper of 30,000 bayonets was a mis- 
 erable corps of discontented mercenaries, badly dis- 
 tributed and poorly commanded, whose superstitious 
 natures were overwhelmed by the prestige Garibaldi 
 brought with him from the Alps. After the first ac- 
 tion at Calatafimi they regarded him as the Scottish 
 Covenanters did Claverhouse, as one who had sold him- 
 seK to the devil, and against whom no bullet could pre- 
 vail. Demoralized by these beliefs, and realizing that 
 every Sicilian was their enemy, it is not surprising 
 that Garibaldi's enthusiasts made head against them. 
 Every retreat contributed to this demorahzation, 
 as they were harassed by the people in the villages 
 through which they passed. After Milazzo the Nea- 
 politan army of the south had ceased to exist. It 
 succumbed to hard blows less than to its own inherent 
 worthlessness. It was not destroyed, but rather fell 
 to pieces. 
 
 Perhaps the excitement at Turin during these days 
 was second only to that which animated the great 
 Sicilian cities. The guns of Bomba's fleet at Palermo 
 were no more active than the diplomatic artillery 
 which the courts of Central Europe trained upon the 
 government at Turin. Indeed, as has been tersely 
 expressed, it literally " rained diplomatic notes " in 
 the Sardinian capital. Garibaldi was a subject of
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. 167 
 
 Sardinia, and the men who were overturning Bourbon 
 rule in Sicily were vokinteers from the reahns of 
 Victor Emmanuel. Cavour's position at this time 
 was a trying, delicate, and from some points of view 
 a questionable one. He had publicly exj^ressed regret 
 for Garibaldi's expedition, while privately he encour- 
 aged it. It cannot be denied that the position into 
 which he forced Sardinia at this time was very far 
 from one of strict neutrality or even of candor. He 
 did not conceal, however, the fact that he would be 
 wholly out of sympathy with any movement on the 
 part of his government to protect the worst govern- 
 ment in the peninsula from its just deserts. Cavour's 
 position is revealed clearly in his note to La Farina, 
 the Sardinian envoy at Palermo, under date of June 
 19, " Persano will give you all the aid he can without 
 compromising our banner. It would be a great mat- 
 ter if Garibaldi could pass into Calabria. Here 
 things do not go badly. The diplomatists do not 
 molest us too much. Russia made a fearful hubbub ; 
 Prussia less. The parliament has much sense. I 
 await your letters with impatience." 
 
 Cavour's desire to see Garibaldi in Calabria was 
 changed, a little later. La Farina was at Palermo in 
 behalf of the Sardinian government, to induce Gari- 
 baldi to consent to the immediate annexation of Sicily 
 to tlie new Italian kingdom. This Garibaldi declined 
 to do, preferring to wait until he could lay the entire 
 Neapolitan reahn and Rome as well at the feet of 
 Victor Emmanuel. This altered the aspect of affairs. 
 It was evident that Garibaldi was getting headstrong. 
 It was Cavour's constant solicitiide to keep the Italian 
 question in such a shape as to allow no foreign 
 power a pretext for interference. Garibaldi's design
 
 168 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 against Rome garrisoned by French troops would be 
 almost certain to bring on foreign complications and 
 ruin the cause of Italian unity. It was in conse- 
 quence of this dread that Victor Emmanuel wrote to 
 Garibaldi a congratidatory letter, urging him to de- 
 sist from further operations and not carry the conflict 
 into Calabria. The response, wliile it breathed per- 
 sonal devotion to the king, coidd not be regarded 
 with much pleasure in official circles at Turin. It 
 was written from Milazzo, Jidy 27, and concluded as 
 foUows : " May your majesty therefore permit me this 
 time to disobey. As soon as I shall have finished the 
 task imposed upon me by the wishes of the people 
 who groan under the tyi-anny of the Neapolitan Bour- 
 bon, I shall lay down my sword at your majesty's 
 feet, and shall obey your majesty for the remainder 
 of my lifetime." Garibaldi's followers numbered 
 nearly 20,000 men. The Neapolitan king had been 
 so thoroughly cowed as to proclaim his intention of 
 establishing constitutional liberty within his realms. 
 There was no mistaking that symptom. When a 
 Neapolitan Bourbon proclaimed liberty, he also pro- 
 claimed the fact that his throne was in danger. It 
 was too late, and this despairing effort of Francis II. 
 was scarcely heeded in the whirl of events. 
 
 On August 1 the Garibaldians were massing about 
 Faro, preparatory to crossing to the mainland. The 
 coast opposite was guarded by Neapolitan forts, while 
 hostile men-of-war ceaselessly patrolled the straits 
 from Reggio to Scilla. Garibaldi was reinforced by 
 6,000 men, adventurers of all nationalities, who had 
 been raised by Bertani, his agent at Genoa. Seeing 
 that the Neapolitan vigilance was concentrated upon 
 the troops at Faro, Garibaldi moved the fresh forces
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. 169 
 
 rapidly to the south toward Taormina. On the 19th 
 he embarked from that place, and so completely were 
 the enemy deceived that his whole detachment landed 
 unopposed at Melito. Pushing rapidly up the moun- 
 tains, he gained the heights above Reggio, where the 
 Neapolitan garrison were panic-stricken at finding 
 their position turned. After some fighting the Nea- 
 politan commander surrendered. Some of his troops 
 joined the Garibaldians, while the rest were allowed 
 to embark on their ships. Master now of both banks 
 of the straits, with his numbers still further aug- 
 mented by many thousand enthusiastic Calabrese, it 
 only remained for Garibaldi to advance directly upon 
 Naples. The excitement along his line of march 
 was most intense. In every village where his troops 
 appeared the same spirit was shown. The Bourbon 
 arms upon the public buildings were torn down, and 
 those of Savoy substituted. 
 
 At Naples itself the rioting, which had been par- 
 tially suppressed, broke out afresh upon the news of 
 Garibaldi's appearance at Reggio. When it became 
 known that he was advancing upon the city, the 
 populace passed fairly beyond the control of the 
 authorities. In these early September days the king 
 sat brooding in his palace, and the cheers for Gari- 
 baldi and Victor Emmanuel were borne to his ears 
 on every breeze that stirred the seditious air of his 
 capital. From all quarters the tidings became more 
 alarming. His soldiers were cowed, and in many 
 places were attacked and routed by the national 
 guard. From all the provinces came tidings of suc- 
 cessful revolts. His proclamation of liberty had won 
 him no friends. His ministry had turned against 
 him and characterized as folly the attempt to check
 
 170 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Garibaldi's advance. There was no help for it. His 
 dynasty was crumbling to pieces, and no hand was 
 raised to save it. The recently liberated political 
 prisoners, the beneficiaries of his eleventh hour clem- 
 ency, roamed the streets, their dazed and haggard 
 faces presenting a terrible protest against the long 
 era of misrule. On the evening of September 6 the 
 king embarked on a Spanish ship, and leaving his 
 mutinous navy at anchor in the bay, quit forever those 
 beautiful shores which his race had too long defiled. 
 On the morning of September 7 Garibaldi was at 
 Salerno ; before night he had reached Naples, and its 
 teeming thousands had run mad. The Neapolitan 
 garrison of Castel Nuovo broke out, and rushing 
 down into the streets with shouts of "Viva Gari- 
 baldi " fraternized with the people. Castel Sant' Ehno 
 wrapped itseK in the smoke of its saluting artillery 
 and hoisted the Sardinian flag, a compliment that the 
 Sardinian squadron in the bay acknowledged with 
 thundering broadsides. The Neapolitan fleet went 
 over en masse to Garibaldi, and by him was placed 
 under the orders of the Sardinian admiral. The 
 Garibaldian troops came swarming into the city, 
 some by land and others by sea. For days the roU 
 of drums and blare of bugles told of new arrivals. 
 With little of military precision about them, in mot- 
 ley uniforms, these heroes of Milazzo and Reggio 
 streamed along Santa Lucia and up the Toledo. 
 Italians and foreigners, strong men and boys, they 
 betrayed by eager faces and elastic step the enthu- 
 siasm that animated them. All Naples was out to 
 welcome its liberators. The city, at all times a pan- 
 demonium of uproar and confusion, fairly surpassed 
 herself during the fii-st days of Garibaldi's occupation.
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. 171 
 
 Francis II. had shut himself up in the fortress of 
 Gaeta with the remnants of liis army, holding the 
 line of the Volturno. Garibaldi's vanguard was at 
 Caserta, and he was pushing his forces forward with 
 all rapidity to strike the Bourbon a final blow. 
 
 At Turin the state of unrest continued. Gari- 
 baldi's presence at Naples was attended with grave 
 perils. Of course his designs upon Rome formed the 
 princijjal danger, but his conspicuous inability as 
 an organizer was one of scarcely less gravity. The 
 ignorant subjects of Francis II. were not to be 
 trusted to maintain order among themselves, and 
 Garibaldi was not the man to enforce it. So far the 
 conduct of Naples had been exemplary, but Mazzini 
 was known to be at work forwarding his schemes for 
 a great Neapolitan republic. If left to drift, this 
 state of things might easily develop into anarchy, and 
 anarchy meant foreign interference and the undoing 
 of all the great results of Garibaldi's campaign. 
 Sardinian troops had become a necessity of the situa- 
 tion. " If we do not arrive on the Volturno before 
 Garibaldi arrives at Cattolica, the monarchy is lost, 
 — Italy remains a prey to revolution." That was 
 Cavour's conception of the crisis. There was no time 
 to lose. There could be no difficulty in finding an 
 excuse to enter papal territory. The inhabitants of 
 Umbria and the Marches, who had never ceased to 
 appeal for annexation to the new kingdom, were sup- 
 pressed by an army of foreign mercenaries that the 
 Pope had mustered beneath his banner. That native- 
 born Italians slioidd be held in subjection by hirelings 
 from abroad was certainly a scandalous matter. It 
 was in reality a worse state of things than Cavour 
 had exposed at the Paris Congress a few years before.
 
 172 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Cavour had interceded in vain with the Vatican to 
 alter its course toward its disaffected subjects. At 
 last on September 7, the day Garibaldi entered Naples, 
 he sent the royal ultimatum to Cardinal Antonelli at 
 Kome. "After having applied to his majesty the 
 king, my august sovereign, for his orders, I have the 
 honor of signifying to your eminence that the king's 
 troops are charged to prevent, in the name of the 
 rights of humanity, the pontifical mercenary corps 
 from repressing by violence the expression of the 
 sentiments of the people of the Marches and Umbria. 
 I have, moreover, the honor to invite your excel- 
 lency, for the reasons above explained, to give imme- 
 diate orders for the disbanding and dissolving of those 
 corps, the existence of which is a menace to the peace 
 of Italy." On the 11th the unfavorable reply of 
 Antonelli was received, and the same day the Sar- 
 dinian troops crossed the papal frontier. " Soldiers," 
 exclaimed the king, "you enter the Marches and 
 Umbria to restore civil order in their desolated cities, 
 and to afford the people the opportunity of expressing 
 their wishes. You have not to combat powerful armies, 
 but to free unliappy Italian provinces from foreign 
 bands of mercenaries. You go not to avenge the in- 
 juries done to me and to Italy, but to prevent the 
 bursting forth of popular hatred and vengeance 
 against misrule." 
 
 Every European power except England, which ex- 
 pressed open satisfaction, protested against this action. 
 There was an imposing flight of ambassadors from 
 Turin, and an ominous commotion all along the dip- 
 lomatic horizon. Cavour had not moved, however, 
 without a secret understanding with Napoleon. Fran- 
 cis II. issued his feeble protest from Gaeta, the Pope
 
 GARIBALDI AND CA VOUR. 173 
 
 hurled his excommunication at his despoilers, but 
 with England friendly and France passive Cavour 
 had nothing" to fear. Austria was too much broken 
 by her recent misfortunes to resist, while Russia and 
 Prussia had no interest in the matter that would jus- 
 tify their passing beyond protestations. The Sar- 
 dinian army advanced rapidly in two columns. Gen- 
 eral Fanti seized Perugia and Spoleto, while Cialdini 
 on the east of the Apennines utterly destroyed the 
 main papal army under the French general Lamori- 
 ciere at Castelfidardo. Lamoriciere with a few fol- 
 lowers gained Ancona, but finding that town covered 
 by the guns of the Sardinian fleet, he was compelled 
 to surrender. " The pontifical mercenary corps " be- 
 ing a thing of the past, Cavour could turn his whole 
 attention to Naples. He had obtained from parlia- 
 ment an enthusiastic permission to receive, if tendered, 
 the allegiance of the Two Sicilies. The army was 
 ordered across the Neapolitan frontier, and the king 
 left for Ancona to take command. 
 
 In the mean time on October 1 Garibaldi had in- 
 flicted another severe defeat to the royal Neapolitan 
 army on the Volturno. The Sardinian advance was 
 wholly unimpeded. On the 26th, as the king and his 
 staff were approaching the little village of Teano, 
 they descried a group of horsemen moving toward 
 them. It was Garibaldi and a squadron of his red 
 shirts. The simple soldier rode forward, uncovered, 
 and checking his horse beside the king exclaimed in 
 a voice choking with emotion, " King of Italy." " I 
 thank you," was the reply, and clasping each other's 
 hand, the two remained silent for a minute, gazing 
 into each other's eyes, while their followers stood 
 apart. Then the air was rent by enthusiastic cheer-
 
 174 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ing wliich was caught up by the splendid Sardinian 
 regiments as they went swinging by. 
 
 On November 7 the king entered Naples, and on 
 the following day was waited upon by a deputation to 
 announce the result of the election that Garibaldi 
 had previously decreed. " Sire," said their spokes- 
 man, " The Neapolitan people, assembled in Comitia, 
 by an immense majority have proclaimed you their 
 king. Nine millions of Italians unite themselves to 
 the other provinces governed by your majesty with 
 so much wisdom, and verify your solemn promise that 
 Italy must belong to Italians." 
 
 Then followed an event so sublime as to be without 
 parallel in these times of selfish ambition. Gari- 
 baldi bade farewell to his faithful followers, and, 
 refusing all rewards, passed again to his quiet home 
 in Caprera. The man who for months had been at- 
 tracting the attention of the world by his victories, 
 and who without an army had won a kingdom by the 
 sword, laid his conquest at the feet of the monarch 
 whom he was proud to serve. 
 
 The people of Umbria and the Marches followed 
 the lead of Naples in declaring themselves subjects 
 of Victor Emmanuel. Excej^t for the patrimony of 
 St. Peter surrounding the city of Rome and the Aus- 
 trian province of Venetia, Italy was united under the 
 tricolor. While Garibaldi returned to liis humble 
 life, Cavour went to Turin to resume his labors. For 
 years he had been staggering under the vast weight 
 of public affairs ; and now, while the darling object 
 of his life seemed ahnost accomplished, he felt the 
 burden crushing him down. All these petty states 
 must be amalgamated into one strong nation. There 
 were several budgets to be condensed into one, a com-
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. 175 
 
 plete reorganization of the army to be effected, brig- 
 andage to be broken up, railways to be opened, ruined 
 cities to be restored, education to be provided. Of all 
 the states the Two Sicilies was in the most deplorable 
 condition with the ignorant superstitions of its long- 
 persecuted people. "Northern Italy is made," ex- 
 claimed Cavour ; " there are no longer Lombards, 
 Piedmontese, Tuscans, or Romagnols ; we are aU Ital- 
 ians, but there are still Neapolitans." On the 18tli of 
 February, 1861, the first national parliament repre- 
 senting the north and south met at Turin. Five days 
 before, the last stronghold of Francis II. had capit- 
 ulated, and the enthusiasm ran high. The kingdom 
 of Italy was proclaimed, and the king confirmed as 
 " Victor Emmanuel II., by the grace of God and the 
 will of the nation King of Italy." 
 
 There was no mistaking the temper of the parlia- 
 ment in regard to Rome and Venice. Garibaldi was 
 there with his longing for Rome and his distrust of 
 Cavour unabated. Indeed, his fierce attacks upon 
 the man who had bartered away Nice embittered the 
 early days of the session. Cavour bore patiently the 
 criticism of the fiery patriot. "I know," he said 
 sadly, " that between me and the honorable General 
 Garibaldi there exists a fact which divides us two like 
 an abyss. I believed that I fulfilled a painful duty 
 — the most painful that I ever accomplished in my 
 life — in counseling the king, and proposing to par- 
 liament, to approve the cession of Nice and Savoy to 
 France. By the grief that I then experienced I can 
 understand that which the honorable General Gari- 
 baldi must have felt ; and if he cannot forgive me 
 this act, I will not bear him any grudge for it." 
 
 That a misunderstanding should exist between Ca-
 
 176 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 vour and Garibaldi, both working for a common end, 
 is by no means remarkable. One swept aU Europe 
 with liis searching eye, and guided his pohcy with ref- 
 erence to liis surroundings ; the other defied Europe, 
 and never looked beyond the point of his sword blade. 
 For all this the enthusiastic recluse of Caprera was 
 no more determined that Rome should be the Italian 
 capital than was the prime minister at Tiu-in. While 
 he was being assailed for lukewarmness, Cavour was 
 exhausting every resource to induce Napoleon to with- 
 draw his troops and allow a voluntary Italian solu- 
 tion of the Roman question. The work was almost 
 done. The scheme that a few years before would 
 have provoked a smile in any diplomatic circle in Eu- 
 rope had been perfected almost to the capstone. But 
 the man who had conceived the plan and carried it 
 through its darkest days was not destined to witness 
 its final consummation. Cavour was giving way. On 
 May 29 he was stricken down with a violent illness. 
 On the evening of June 5, when all hope was aban- 
 doned, the king visited his bedside. Upon hearing 
 of the royal presence, Cavour rallied from the stupor 
 in which he lay. " Ah, Maest^," he said with a smile, 
 and murmured a few words of farewell. The next 
 day the confessor was by his side. The face of the 
 dying statesman lightened as he seized his hand, ex- 
 claiming, " Frate ! Frate ! A free church in a free 
 state ! " So with the battle-cry of his great adminis- 
 tration upon his lips, Cavour pa,ssed away. 
 
 To Mazzini belongs the credit of keeping alive the 
 spirit of patriotism; Garibaldi is entitled to the ad- 
 miration of the world as the pure patriot who fired 
 men's souls ; but Cavour was greater than either, and 
 Mazzini and Garibaldi were but humble instruments
 
 GARIBALDI AND CAVOUR. Ill 
 
 in his magnificent plan of Italian regeneration. Mor- 
 alists may quibble over his course in drenching Lom- 
 bardy with French blood ; churchmen will denounce 
 his treatment of the pontifical government at Rome ; 
 but the verdict of posterity will be one of admira- 
 tion for the man who, true to his great doctrines of 
 national unity and the freedom of church and state, 
 worked ceaselessly, unselfishly, regardless of enmity 
 abroad and criticism at home ; who healed schisms 
 among his people, and converted foreigners into 
 allies; who made anarchy and insubordination to 
 serve his ends, until at last, when he laid the burden 
 down, he bequeathed as a legacy to his countrymen 
 a nation fair and strong. 
 
 The universal sorrow in Italy that succeeded the 
 death of Cavour was mingled with misgiving and 
 fear, but for all that the new nation agreed with Mas- 
 simo d' Azeglio, as he wrote through his tears, " If 
 God will, He can save Italy even without Cavour."
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 GERMANY IN 1850. — THE ADVENT OF BISMAECK. 
 
 The German Confederation and the Fkankfokt Diet. — 
 Old Understandings and Modern Misunderstandings be- 
 tween Austria and Prussia. — Austria gains the Ascend- 
 ency IN Germany. — The Olmutz Incident. — The Crimean 
 War. — Prince William becomes Regent of Prussia. — 
 Change in the Prussian Policy. — The Kaiser annoyed. — 
 The Regent becomes William I. of Prussia. — His Early 
 Career. — His Struggle with the House of Deputies on 
 THE Army Bill. — He calls Bismarck to the Presidency 
 OF THE Ministry. — Bismarck's Political Creed. — His Views 
 ON THE Revolution of 1848 and the Schleswig-Holstein 
 Question. — His Early Opposition to German Unity. — 
 His Admiration of Austria. — Changes wrought in his 
 Views at Frankfort. — His Contempt for the Diet. — 
 He distrusts Austria. — Warns his Government against 
 Austria. — His Course at St. Petersburg and Paris. — 
 Foresees War with Austria, and pushes Army Reform. 
 
 The Kaiser, Francis Joseph, returned to Schon- 
 brunn from the seat of war to nurse his wrath against 
 Prussia and the German states. In order to com- 
 prehend the relations existing between Prussia and 
 Austria at this time, it is necessary to glance at the 
 condition of Germany in 1850 and review the events 
 that characterized the ten years succeeding. 
 
 The German confederation was the creation of the 
 Vienna Congress of 1815. It comprised thirty-five 
 sovereign states besides the four free cities of Frank- 
 fort, Hamburg, Lubeck, and Bremen. The pleni- 
 potentiaries of these various governments met at
 
 GERMANY IN 1850. 179 
 
 Frankfort and formed the national Diet or Bund, of 
 which Austria held the permanent presidency. The 
 principal prerogatives of this famous body, renowned 
 abroad for its solemnity and extreme deliberation, 
 were those of declaring war and settling disputes 
 between the states. One of its peculiar features was 
 the system of voting. On ordinary questions seven- 
 teen votes were cast, one each for the eleven larger 
 states, while the others, holding each a fractional vote, 
 made up the remaining six. More weighty questions 
 of constitutional importance were settled by the 
 " Plenum " or " fidl Diet." In this case each state 
 cast at least one vote, while the six large states had 
 six votes, the next five, four votes, and the next three, 
 two votes each. Under this system it will be seen 
 that Austria and Prussia with three quarters of the 
 population represented always less than one sixth of 
 the voting strength in the Diet. This in itself was 
 an anomaly that might have proved serious, had 
 Austria and Prussia united ever been opposed by the 
 voting majority. The minor states, however, never 
 sacrificed their prudence sufficiently to tempt the 
 wrath of their mighty patrons. 
 
 From the first there had been an understanding 
 between the courts of Vienna and Berlin that Prus- 
 sia should supervise the domestic affairs of the con- 
 federation on the condition of her supporting Austria 
 on European questions. The temporary overthrow 
 of the Diet in 1849 was the means of shattering this 
 understanding and establishing a spirit of distrust 
 between the great German powers. The friendly 
 course pursued by Frederick William toward the 
 national assembly, and the evident preference of the 
 German liberals for Prussia, as opposed to Austria,
 
 180 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 stirred tlie anger of the Kaiser and his ministry. To 
 be sure the Prussian king refused the national crown, 
 but in a manner so half-hearted as to indicate that 
 were the experiment repeated under more auspicious 
 circumstances, he would not be found so coy. In- 
 deed, hardly was his refusal pronounced before he 
 commenced to ply the courts of Saxony and Hanover 
 for their support in measures that had imperial ends 
 in view. Early in 1850 a parliament convened at 
 Erfurt at his instigation to discuss national reorgan- 
 ization. By that time Austria had arranged her tur- 
 bulent realms, and was prepared to deal with German 
 affairs. Prince Metternich was in retirement, but 
 the Kaiser had a bold adviser in Schwarzenberg, and 
 one who was little inclined to follow his predecessor 
 in his policy of non-interference in confederate affairs. 
 In fact, the extraordinary position occupied by Prus- 
 sia at this time afforded an excuse for his breaking 
 loose from old traditions. He had no sjnnpathy with 
 the national assembly at Frankfort, and he was de- 
 termined to frustrate Frederick William's scheme at 
 Erfurt. "Prussia must first be abased so that she 
 may afterwards be crushed," were his words at this 
 time. He turned to the southern German states with 
 proposals to restore the old federal diet, and not only 
 succeeded there, but also enticed Saxony and Han- 
 over to his cause. As a result, the Erfurt parliament 
 fell to pieces. Then followed an event which effectu- 
 ally estranged the two great powers of Germany, and 
 threw the controlling influence into the hands of Aus- 
 tria. In the electorate of Hesse the people had 
 revolted against the oppressions of minister Hassen- 
 pflug, whose cause was immediately esjioused by 
 Schwarzenberg. The Hessians apjDealed to Prussia
 
 GERMANY IN 1850. 181 
 
 for protection, and Frederick William asked the Cham- 
 bers for an extraordinary credit to put the army on a 
 war footing. Austria massed troops in Bohemia, and 
 in company with Bavaria invaded Hesse. The Prus- 
 sians upon tliis entered Cassel, and shots were even 
 exchanged between the outposts. The great struggle 
 for German supremacy seemed at hand. But the 
 war cloud dissolved as suddenly as it had arisen. 
 While Europe awaited with breathless intensity the 
 clash of arms, the Berlin cabinet was frantically seek- 
 ing some means of escape from the warlike attitude it 
 had so hastily adopted. Enervated by a long peace, 
 and poorly organized, the Prussian army was in no 
 condition to take the field. " We cannot fight at all, 
 it is impossible for us to prevent the Austrians from 
 occupying Berlin ; " such was the confession of the 
 minister of war. Count Manteuffel hastened to meet 
 Schwarzenberg at Olmiitz, and there acceded to all 
 Austria's demands. Hassenpflug was restored, and 
 so was the federal Diet. War was averted, but Prus- 
 sian prestige had ebbed low. By her interference in 
 Schleswig-Holstein and the espousal of the ministerial 
 cause in Hesse, Austria indicated unmistakably the 
 line of conduct she intended to pursue henceforth in 
 German affairs. The Olmiitz incident was accepted 
 as a proof of her ability to execute her will. Schwar- 
 zenberg openly pronounced against any scheme of 
 national unity that should render the House of Haps- 
 burg subordinate in Germany. In 1851 Austria re- 
 turned to the presidency of the restored Diet amid 
 the servile bowing and scraping of the petty princes. 
 To all intents and purposes at this time Austria con- 
 trolled Germany. She assumed there as in Italy the 
 championship of despotism, the rulers in Modena and
 
 182 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Naples being no more secure of her support than the 
 German princes. In the Diet she used her influence 
 over the smaller states systematically to oppose and 
 outvote Prussia. Upon nearly every question intro- 
 duced the Prussian envoy found himself opposed by 
 an overwhelming and compact opposition. The death 
 of Schwarzenberg in 1852 produced no change in 
 this policy, Count Buol his successor maintaining his 
 methods with relentless energy. In Austria itself the 
 constitution was abolished in January, 1852, the au- 
 thority of the Catholic priesthood reestablished, and 
 Hungary throttled by an irritated military. In 1854 
 the attention of the Vienna cabinet was at length 
 diverted from the prosecution of federal business by 
 the thi-eatening condition of affairs in the east. Prus- 
 sia was thoroughly under the influence of St. Peters- 
 burg, wliile Austria from her geographical position 
 was led into violent hostility to the schemes of the 
 Czar. The majority of the small states were strongly 
 Russian in their sympathies ; and had Prussia been 
 equal to the occasion, she might at this time have 
 found a way out of the galling humiliation to which 
 she had been subjected for three years back. But 
 the memory of Olmiitz was still fresh in Germany, 
 and Austria's prestige so firm that she not only held 
 the petty courts in check, but induced the government 
 of Berlin to sign the treaty in which Austria and 
 Prussia guaranteed each other their respective terri- 
 tories against invasion. 
 
 This event, however, marks perhaps the flood tide 
 of Austria's influence in Germany. Under a milder 
 regime than was enjoyed in the empire, Prussia had 
 made rapid strides in wealth and national develop- 
 ment. Austria, threatened from within by revolu-
 
 GERMANY IN 1850. 183 
 
 tion and menaced from without by great military 
 states, regarded witli alarm the growing tendency in 
 Prussia toward independence and disregard of the 
 will of the majority in the Diet. After Frederick 
 William fell ill in 1857, and the regency was under- 
 taken by his brother William, the Austrian cabinet 
 was brought to a knowledge that Prussia was no 
 longer the creature of Vienna. 
 
 Prince Schwarzenberg had violated the old under- 
 standing between the governments by his policy of 
 German interference, so auspiciously inaugurated at 
 Olmiitz. Prussia returned the compliment by prov- 
 ing to Schwarzenberg' s successor that he could no 
 longer reckon confidently upon the support of Berlin. 
 The war in Italy offered Prussia a rare opportunity 
 to emphasize her position. At first the cause of 
 Piedmont was intensely popular among the German 
 masses, but the interference of France turned the tide 
 of sympathy to Austria. The old hatred of the Napo- 
 leonic dynasty was revived, and the Kaiser became 
 the champion of Germany against French imperial- 
 ism. The federal army was in a state of readiness 
 under the command of the prince regent of Prussia, 
 and after the first Austrian defeats there was a strong 
 party at Berlin which advocated armed intervention 
 in her behalf. The prince regent, however, remained 
 inactive, and refused to move unless his claim to the 
 command of the entire German army shoidd be 
 acknowledged by Austria. The Kaiser had no idea 
 of thus tacitly admitting the supremacy of his rival 
 in Germany. Prussia's assistance was anything but 
 desirable except in the capacity of a vassal state. 
 He patched up liis peace with Napoleon, and hastened 
 to cool his wrath in the shades of Schonbrunn. From
 
 184 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 there he addressed his faithfid subjects, telling them 
 how he had been " bitterly deceived " in his reliance 
 upon the confederation, and how his natural and 
 " most ancient allies " had " obstinately refused to 
 recognize the great importance of the grand question 
 of the day." The defeats of Magenta and Solferino 
 and the independent attitude of Prussia went far to 
 eradicate the influence of Olmiitz and restore the 
 two great German powers to something like an equal 
 footing in the Diet. 
 
 On the 2d of January, 1861, Frederick "William of 
 Prussia died, and the regent succeeded to the throne 
 with the title of William I. Unlike his brother, the 
 new king had devoted himself with enthusiasm to the 
 career of arms. His memory went back to Bliicher's 
 campaigns, and he had entered Paris with the aveng- 
 ing army of that bluff old warrior. He held the 
 command-in-chief of the Prussian army at the time of 
 his assumption of the regency, and realized with pain 
 and mortification its degeneration since he as a boy 
 had won the Iron Cross in its ranks. As regent he 
 had been engaged in one perpetual quarrel with the 
 Prussian Diet for its reorganization. If this body 
 represented truly the spirit of the masses, the love of 
 peace had developed marvelously since the days of the 
 great Frederick. The deputies declaimed against the 
 expense of a military reorganization and ridiculed 
 the idea of its necessity. The ministry of Prince Ho- 
 henzollern fell on this issue, and Hohenlohe formed 
 another which continued the contest. The king 
 dissolved one house, but the people returned another 
 even more strongly opposed to liis military reforms. 
 Enraged by the jDcrsistent opposition he encountered, 
 he rashly appealed to his "divine right," thereby
 
 GERMANY IN 1850. 185 
 
 engendering even more bitter hostility from the lib- 
 eral factions. He was determined to force the meas- 
 ures which he regarded as indispensable to Prussia's 
 welfare "through or over" the Diet. The ministry, 
 it was clear, was not strong enough for the emer- 
 gency. The royal eye swept the country for "an 
 iron man " who valued the " divine right " above the 
 constitution. When it was known in September, 
 1862, that Herr von Bismarck had been recalled from 
 Paris to the presidency of the ministry, the Diet pre- 
 pared itself for a stern struggle. 
 
 Bismarck first came publicly to notice as deputy in 
 the Prussian Diet at Berlin in 1847. Tlu-oughout 
 that stormy period when liberalism was rampant, he 
 mingled fearlessly in the parliamentary melee as a 
 champion of the crown. He listened complacently 
 to the startling announcement of Frederick William, 
 " No power on earth shall ever succeed in moving me 
 to transform the natural relation between sovereign 
 and people into a conventional constitutional one ; 
 and never will I consent that a written document 
 should be allowed to intrude between our Lord God 
 in Heaven and this country, and to take the place of 
 the ancient faith." Such words as these, according 
 to Bismarck's ideas, were fitting for a king to utter. 
 " The Prussian crown," he stated in reply to the ex- 
 treme progressive party in the Diet, " must not allow 
 itself to be thrust into the powerless position of the 
 English crown, which seems more like a graceful and 
 ornamental cupola of the state edifice, than its central 
 pillar of support, as I look ujion ours to be." 
 
 As for the revolutionists of 1848, Bismarck held 
 them in the most supreme contempt. In September, 
 1849, he expressed himself as f oUows : " I am of opin-
 
 186 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ion that the motive principles of the year 1848 were 
 far more of a social than a national kind ; the national 
 movement would have been confined to a small circle 
 of more prominent men, if the ground under our feet 
 had not been shaken by the introduction of a social 
 element into the movement, in consequence of which 
 the lust of the indigent for others' goods, the envy of 
 the less wealthy for the rich, was stirred up by false 
 show. These passions gained ground all the more 
 easily, the more the moral force of resistance in men's 
 hearts was annihilated by a latitudinarianism which 
 had long been nourished from above." 
 
 In regard to the Schleswig-Holstein question, Bis- 
 marck also expressed very decided ideas entirely at 
 variance with those entertained by the liberal party. 
 He expressed his regret in the Chambers " that the 
 royal Prussian troops have been employed to uphold 
 the revolution in Schleswig against its legitimate 
 sovereign the king of Denmark," and later charac- 
 terized this military interference as " an eminently 
 iniquitous, frivolous, disastrous, and revolutionary en- 
 terprise." 
 
 Throughout its short career Bismarck was the un- 
 compromising foe of the national assembly at Fraidi- 
 fort. Referring to the imperial honor which it ten- 
 dered to Frederick William, he sarcastically observed 
 at Erfurt in 1849, "The Frankfort crown may be 
 very brilliant, but the gold which woidd give truth to 
 its brilliancy coidd only be gained by melting dowTi 
 the Prussian cro^vn, and I have no confidence that it 
 could be successfully recast in the mould of that con- 
 stitution." At this time he was a firm unbeliever in 
 any scheme of German unity. He openly accused 
 those of his colleagues who advocated it of a lack of
 
 GERMANY IN 1850. 187 
 
 patriotism. " The scheme for a vuiion annihilates the 
 integrity of the Prussian kingdom," were his words 
 in 1849. He denied the existence of any such desire 
 in the Prussian people, and appealed to the army in 
 proof of his words. " The army," he said, " cherishes 
 no tricolored enthusiasm. It does not feel the want 
 of a national regeneration any more than the rest of 
 the Prussian people. It is content to be called Pi-us- 
 sian. Its hosts follow the black and white banner, 
 not the tricolor ; under the black and white banner 
 they gladly die for their comitry. ... I never yet 
 heard a Prussian soldier sing ' Was ist des Deutschen 
 Vaterland ? ' The people from whom this army is 
 drawn, and who are most tridy represented by the 
 army, feel no desire to see their Prussian kingdom 
 dissolved in the rotten fermentation of South German 
 insubordination. Prussians we are, and Prussians we 
 will remain." 
 
 Tlu-oughout his three years of service as deputy at 
 Berlin and at Erfurt Bismarck played consistently 
 the role of an uncompromising royalist. The position 
 he adopted during these years in regard to German 
 unity and the question of Sclileswig-Holstein is ren- 
 dered conspicuous in the light of his later policy. 
 
 But the most remarkable feature of Bismarck's 
 belief at this time, the one that separated him sharply 
 from the mass of his countrymen, was his admiration 
 for Austria. He protested against the scheme sug- 
 gested at Frankfort for her exclusion from the con- 
 federation on the ground of her not being a German 
 power. " People avoid calling Austria a German 
 power," he said sarcastically, " because she has the 
 good fortune to extend her dominion over other na- 
 tionalities. As far as I am concerned, I would rather
 
 188 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 not admit that because the Slaves and Ruthenlans 
 happen to be subject to Austria, they therefore more 
 especially represent that state, leaving the German 
 element to play the second part. On the contrary, 
 I look up to Austria as the representative of an 
 ancient German jjower." 
 
 His admiration of the southern empire survived 
 unabated even the ignominy of Olmiitz, and in the 
 Prussian chamber in December, 1850, we actually 
 find him justifying the course of the ManteufPel min- 
 istry on that occasion, and making the extraordinary 
 assertion that " Prussia ought to submit itself to Aus- 
 tria in order to combat in union with her a men- 
 acing democracy." 
 
 In 1851 the old Diet reassembled at Frankfort. 
 Frederick William had been reduced to a conciliatory 
 mood, and was willing to placate Austria and con- 
 vince her that his theory of a federal German state 
 under Prussian leadership had been finally aban- 
 doned. In this case, who so fit to represent Prussia 
 at Frankfort as the deputy who defended Austria at 
 Berlin and condoned her course at Olmiitz ? 
 
 Bismarck arrived at Frankfort in April, 1851, the 
 regularly accredited envoy of the Prussian govern- 
 ment to the Diet. He entered upon his duties with 
 the same brusque energy that had characterized him 
 at Berlin, and was not long in making his reputation 
 a national one. Few were better known by sight to 
 the dwellers in the federal capital than the Prussian 
 envoy, his erect figure arrayed in a tight-fitting uni- 
 form of lieutenant of Landwehr. The fife at Frank- 
 fort he found arduous and often irksome. The 
 monotony of parliamentary strife was varied only by 
 diplomatic journeys to Berlin or Vienna. For the
 
 GERMANY IN 1850. 189 
 
 Diet he conceived the most supreme contempt. " I 
 ah'eacly know perfectly well what we shall have ac- 
 complished in one, two, or five years," he wrote during 
 his early days in Frankfort, " and am ready to accom- 
 plish it in twenty-four hours if the others would only 
 be sensible and straightforward for a whole day. . . . 
 I am making tearing progress in the art of saying 
 nothing in a great many words ; I fill several pages 
 with reports as neat and well rounded as leading 
 articles, but if after reading them ManteufPel under- 
 stands one word, his intelligence is greater than mine. 
 Each one behaves as if he believed that the other 
 were crammed full of ideas and plans, if he would 
 only tell them ; and meanwhile not one of us is an 
 atom the wiser as to what will become of Germany." 
 
 As for his Austrian sympathies, a few months of 
 the Diet thoroughly eradicated them. A short time 
 after his arrival we find him on the parade at Frank- 
 fort with a host of official personages, admiring the 
 evolutions of a body of the Kaiser's chosen troops. 
 An Austrian officer approaches him and glancing at 
 his broad chest, almost unadorned by medals, deri- 
 sively inquires as to where he won his orders. The 
 retort was ready. " All of them before the enemy 
 here in Frankfort." And yet this was the man who 
 had made enemies among his own countrymen by his 
 veneration for the House of Hapsburg. 
 
 At the opening of 1853 Bismarck was defiantly 
 opposed to the Austro-German alliance in Frankfort. 
 Even before the expiration of the year 1851 he wrote 
 his misgivings as follows to Berlin : " The attitude 
 of the Vienna cabinet since Austria, having for the 
 moment ai-ranged her domestic affairs, has been once 
 more enabled to meddle with German politics, shows
 
 190 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 that on the whole Prince Schwarzenberg is not satis- 
 fied to reoccuj)y the position accorded to the empire 
 by the federal constitution up to 1848, but desires 
 to utilize the revolution (that all but ruined Austria) 
 as a basis for the realization of far-seeing plans. . . . 
 In any case of divergence between Austria and Prus- 
 sia, as matters now stand, the majority of the federal 
 assembly is insured to Austria." 
 
 In 1856 Bismarck saw clearer, and on April 26 
 wrote as follows to Manteuffel at Berlin, simnning 
 up the state of affairs in Germany. " I only desire 
 to express my con\action that ere long we shall have 
 to fight Austria for our very existence ; it is not in 
 our power to avert that eventuality, for the course of 
 events in Germany can lead to no other result." 
 
 In 1859 he was recalled from Frankfort for the 
 St. Petersburg mission. He took the opportimity to 
 forward to Baron von Sclileinitz, the foreign min- 
 ister, a re&imie of his experiences at the Diet and 
 the conclusions he drew from them. In this docu- 
 ment he confii-ms his views of 1856 by declaring: 
 " I see in our federal alliance that Prussia has an 
 infirmity which sooner or later we shaU have to heal 
 ferro et igne, unless we begin in good time to apply a 
 remedy to it." He also mentioned in this connection 
 certain contingencies in which he might be glad to 
 see " the word German " exchanged " for Prussian " 
 on the royal standard, proving that his life at Frank- 
 fort had also wrought a change in his hostility to the 
 unification of Germany. 
 
 Bismarck went to St. Petersburg, but his mind was 
 far from relinquishing the thoughts that had absorbed 
 it at the Diet. He became fretfid and alarmed after 
 the opening of the Italian campaign lest Prussia
 
 GERMANY IN 1850. 191 
 
 should use the federal army to support Austria. 
 " Our policy is slipping more and more into the wake 
 of Austria," he wrote in a private letter at this time, 
 " and once we have fired a shot across the Rhine 
 there will be an end of the Italo- Austrian war, and 
 in its place a Franco-Prussian war will step on to the 
 stage. Aiter we have taken the burden off Austria's 
 shoidders she will stand by us or not, as it suits her 
 own interests." But his fears proved groundless, and 
 doubtless he entered warmly into the general satisfac- 
 tion that pervaded official circles in St. Petersburg- 
 over Austria's reverses. Furthermore, he was a warm 
 personal friend of Prince Gortschakoff, the Russian 
 chancellor, and perhaps in his presence he touched 
 upon many of the points of his future policy then 
 dimly defined. At all events, from that time until 
 he had reached his final goal, Bismarck had a faith- 
 ful friend and invaluable ally in the Russian chan- 
 cellor. 
 
 Bismarck returned to Prussia in 1861, and had an 
 interview with the king. In the spring of 1862 he 
 was definitely transferred from St. Petersburg and 
 sent as ambassador to Paris. His stay there was 
 abruptly terminated after a few months by his call to 
 the head of the ministry at Berlin. His brief sojourn 
 on the Seine, however, he used to good advantage. 
 The French emperor at this time was a firm believer 
 in the " Piedmontese mission " of Prussia in Ger- 
 many, and there can be no question that Bismarck 
 gained some encouragement from his conferences at 
 the Tviileries. 
 
 Upon his return to Berlin in the autumn, he was 
 somewhat changed from the bluff, outspoken deputy 
 of 1849. While stiU " the king's man," he was will-
 
 192 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ing to concede something to gain the good will of the 
 liberals. He had a policy, however, and he would 
 allow nothing to thwart it. It included among its 
 main features the humiliation of Austria and the 
 reconstruction of Germany under the leadership of 
 Prussia. So far as external influences were con- 
 cerned, he already felt secure in the neutrality of his 
 friends on the Neva, while as for Napoleon he coidd 
 always be tempted by Luxemburg or Belgium. " The 
 policy of France is one of tips," was Bismarck's say- 
 ing.i 
 
 The one indispensable adjunct to the successful 
 prosecution of his plans was a Prussian army of per- 
 fect discipline and invincible strength. This mighty 
 weapon once forged and thorougldy whetted, — then 
 '■''ferro et igne,^^ and an end of Hapsburg domination 
 in Germany. 
 
 1 " La France fait une politique de pourboire."
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 
 
 The Prussian Akmt Reorganization and its REORGANizERa. 
 
 — Bismarck forces the Measure over the Lower House. 
 
 — Commencement of the Prusso-Austrian Diplomatic Cam- 
 paign. — Prussia misunderstood at Vienna. — Bismarck 
 
 EXPLAINS HER POSITION. — AlARM OF THE AUSTRIAN STATES- 
 MEN. — Bismarck's Polish Policy and its Result. — The 
 
 SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION REVIVED. StATE OF THE 
 
 Quarrel. — The Confederation interferes in Behalf of 
 THE Duchies. — Bismarck invites Austria to Independent 
 Action. — The Two Powers lay their Ultimatum • upon 
 Denmark. — Firmness of the Danish Government and the 
 Reason for it. — The Allied Armies enter Schleswig. — 
 Evacuation of the Dannewerk by the Danes. — Austrian 
 Victory at Oeversee. — The Danish Position at Fredericia 
 AND DtJppEL — Bombardment of the Duppel Lines. — De- 
 struction OF the Danish Army at Duppel. — Evacuation of 
 Fredericia. — The London Conference. — Renewed Fight- 
 ing. — The Peace of Vienna. 
 
 Bismarck returned to Berlin to face a house of 
 deputies whose majority judged liim in the light of 
 his performances in 1848-49. The task of army 
 reform had already been confided to two generals, 
 Moltke and Roon, neither of whom at that time pos- 
 sessed scarcely more than a local reputation. The 
 former had witnessed but one campaign, that between 
 the Turks and Egyptians in Syria, while as for Roon 
 he had been even less favored, and was known prin- 
 cipally through his writings on military geography. 
 Nevertheless they possessed the confidence of the gov-
 
 194 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ernment, and according to their own devices and ideas 
 undertook the labor of constructing that mighty en- 
 gine which William I. had declared to be indispensable 
 to the welfare of his people. 
 
 It is needless to say that Bismarck's appearance in 
 the Diet was the signal for a resumption of bitter 
 parliamentary strife, or to trace minutely the contest 
 that was waged through four long years. It was the 
 same state of things that had existed since the old 
 king's death, save that Bismarck was a far different 
 foe for the deputies to deal with than Hohenzollern 
 or his successor had ever been. Indeed, the conflict 
 resolved itself, as Bismarck himself expressed it, 
 into " a struggle between the House of Hohenzollern 
 and the House of Deputies for the dominion of Prus- 
 sia. 
 
 Both parties accused each other of unconstitution- 
 ality. The deputies combated the crown, taking their 
 stand on the letter of the constitution. Bismarck, on 
 the other hand, based his action on what the constitu- 
 tion admitted or implied. He was continually upon 
 his feet, asserting, as of old, the prerogatives of the 
 crown, and fiercely declaiming to the opposition that 
 it could not be shaken by their liheritm, veto. Fi- 
 nally, when the house refused to vote the necessary 
 supplies, Bismarck unhesitatingly adopted the extreme 
 remedy and dissolved it. New elections brought no 
 better results. Month after month the noisy strife 
 went on with threats of impeachment and dissolving 
 diets, but at no time was there any sign of flagging 
 in the activity at the war office. The barrack yards 
 resounded with busy life, as the raw peasantry passed 
 through the grinding-miU that was to discharge them 
 soldiers with a perfect knowledge of the deadly
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 195 
 
 needle-gim. The army question was the one on which 
 the crown and the deputies split, and throughout the 
 contest it must be acbnitted that the crown had its 
 way. 
 
 After all, the strife in the deputies was only inter- 
 esting to Bismarck as it affected through the army 
 his foreign policy. Within a few weeks after his as- 
 sumption of office he opened his campaign against 
 Austria. He squarely inaugurated his policy, when 
 in January, 1863, he informed Count Karolyi, the 
 Austrian ambassador at Berlin, that he was convinced 
 that Prussia's " relations with Austria must unavoid- 
 ably become better or worse." Karolyi refused to 
 take so solemn a view of the state of affairs, and even 
 ventured the belief " that both great powers would 
 revert to their old alliance, whatever might occur, 
 should Austria find herself engaged in a perilous 
 war." Tliis was placing Prussia in exactly the posi- 
 tion that Bismarck had determined she should no 
 longer occupy. He lost no time in assuring the Aus- 
 trian ambassador that his view of the case was "a 
 dangerous error, which, it might be, would only be 
 cleared up at a critical moment and in a manner 
 fraught with calamity to both cabinets." He pointed 
 out that Austria had two courses open to her, either 
 of persisting in her anti-Prussian policy with the sup- 
 port of the smaller states, or of seeking an alliance 
 with Prussia. 
 
 The Vienna statesmen, however, could not as yet 
 believe that Prussia had really passed beyond the 
 possibility of another Olmiitz. They failed to make 
 due allowance for the difference in character between 
 the late king of Prussia and William I., and more- 
 over they were guilty with the world at large of un-
 
 196 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 derrating and misunderstanding the first minister at 
 Berlin. The Austrian cabinet, too, had carried its 
 policy too far to admit of any comjjromise with 
 its principal victim. At all events, Karolyi declared 
 that " the imperial house coidd not possibly renounce 
 its traditional influence upon the German govern- 
 ments." The position of affairs when Bismarck 
 turned to reply was more threatening than at any 
 time since the days preceding Ohniitz. It was noth- 
 ing different, to be sure, from what he had anticipated 
 in the pursuance of his policy, and Moltke and Roon 
 reported their portion of the contract as progressing 
 favorably. With every word suggesting conscious 
 power, Bismarck sarcastically observed "that the 
 alleged traditions of the Austrian imperial house 
 date only as far back as the Schwarzenberg epoch," 
 and concluded by emphasizing the fact that Austria, 
 in her treatment of Prussia, " seemed to be prompted 
 by the assumption that Prussia was more exposed to 
 foreign attacks than any other state, and must conse- 
 quently put up with inconsiderate behavior from those 
 states to which she had to look for support. It would 
 therefore be the aim of the Prussian government, 
 which had at heart the interest of its royal house 
 and its country, to take steps to point out the error 
 in this assumption, if its words and wishes are not 
 regarded." 
 
 As the year 1863 drew to a close, the relations ex- 
 isting between the two great German powers had be- 
 come very far removed from those of cordiality. 
 Austria was irritated and alarmed at the altered pol- 
 icy of her northern neighbor, and longed for the old 
 days of Schwarzenberg and Manteuffel. Bismarck 
 felt that he had carried things so far that it was time
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 197 
 
 to test the edge of the weapon that Moltke and Roon 
 had been pi-eparing. As for his great European 
 neighbors, his relations with them had been steadily 
 improving. The revolution in Poland during the 
 early weeks of the year had proved a lucky dispensa- 
 tion in his favor. His fii-st act was to conclude a 
 military convention with Kussia in the face of the 
 openly avowed Polish sympathies of the deputies. 
 The plan seemed attended with scarcely any danger. 
 If the insurgents were crushed, Prussia merely held 
 her frontiers against the refugees ; if the Russian 
 troops were worsted, then Prussia entered Poland, 
 subdued the insurrection, and later exacted her price. 
 The result demonstrated the ability of Russia to deal 
 with her own rebellions, but the gratitude of Prince 
 Gortschakoff toward the cabinet of Berlin was fervid 
 in its warmth. This was not all that Bismarck gained. 
 Austria earned the redoubled hatred of Russia by her 
 action in throwing open Galicia as a Polish recruiting 
 ground and depot of supplies, while the Emperor of 
 the French conunitted the fatal error of protesting 
 against the Russian course in Poland. Doubtless, 
 too, he would have gone farther, could he have per- 
 suaded England to accompany him. The results of 
 the Polish outbreak, then, were to knit Prussia and 
 Russia closely together, to deepen Russia's hatred for 
 Austria, and to overturn the friendly feelings that had 
 existed between Paris and St. Petersburg and Paris 
 and London. 
 
 Meanwhile, in the north Frederick VII. of Den- 
 mark was busily smoothing Bismarck's path. The 
 Danish tendency for years had been toward the amal- 
 gamation of Schleswig with its own governmental 
 system, and Frederick VII. was led to promulgate a
 
 198 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 new constitution incorporating ScUeswig in the mon- 
 archy. The Schleswig-Holstein question was thus 
 again forced into prominence. By far the greater 
 part of the population of these duchies and of Lauen- 
 burg as well, were German by race and sympathy, 
 and had never yielded themselves cheerfully to the 
 authority of Denmark. Sclileswig formed practi- 
 cally an integral part of the Danish kingdom, while 
 the others were merely governed by the king as duke 
 of Holstein and Lauenburg, in which capacity he was 
 a member of the German confederation. It had 
 been plain for years that nothing would satisfy the 
 people of the duchies but complete independence of 
 Denmark and a closer alliance with the German 
 states. The hope had been entertained that upon the 
 extinction of the old royal line of Denmark, an event 
 apparently of the near future, a loophole would be 
 opened for the accomplislunent of this end. An open 
 letter of Christian VIII. in 1846, combating this idea, 
 engendered serious discontent, which was increased 
 upon his death a few months later, when a new consti- 
 tution was promulgated by his successor. The revolt 
 of 1848 followed. Upon the disarming of the insur- 
 gents by Austria, the Selileswig-Holstein question was 
 left to a conference of the powers that convened in 
 London in 1852. The Danish claims were sustained, 
 and it was provided in case of the failure of the an- 
 cient line of Denmark, that the duchies should fall to 
 Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg- 
 Glucksburg. The other aspirant for the honor was 
 Duke Christian of the Augustenburg line, but he was 
 finally induced to forego his claim for a pecuniary 
 consideration which was paid by Denmark, nor did this 
 act call forth any public protest from his sons. The
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 199 
 
 congress came to an end, and the Schleswig-Holstein 
 question seemed settled. The duchies relapsed into 
 sullen silence, but bided their time. 
 
 The proclamation of Frederick VII. again aroused 
 them from their lethargy. Their outcry found ready 
 acknowledgment from the Frankfort Diet, but inas- 
 much as Schleswig was not included in the German 
 confederation, no decisive steps could be taken in 
 behalf of that duchy. Federal execution, however, 
 was immediately decreed in behalf of Holstein, Han- 
 overian and Saxon troops entering the territory and 
 pushing their outposts to within rifle-shot of the Danes 
 on the Eider. To complicate matters still more, 
 Prince Frederick of Augustenburg denounced his 
 father's concession, and came forward to assert his 
 claim to the dukedom of both Schleswig and Holstein. 
 Then on November 15 Frederick VII. died, and ac- 
 cording to the stipidations of the London treaty the 
 prince of Glucksburg succeeded as Christian IX., 
 king of Denmark and duke of Schleswig and Hol- 
 stein. He was immediately forced by the popular 
 will to ratify the new constitution for Denmark and 
 Sclileswig. 
 
 The long-mooted question of the duchies had thus 
 asstmied a tangled complexity without parallel in its 
 history. Danish and German sentries glowered at 
 each other across the ice-bound channel of the Eider. 
 The prince of Augustenburg was at Kiel receiving 
 the homage of his would-be subjects, and bending his 
 gaze toward Frankfort for an acknowledgment of his 
 right. At Copenhagen the determination was fixed 
 to recover Holstein from the German grij3 ; at Kiel 
 the hope was to wrest Scldeswig from Denmark. In 
 both Copenhagen and Kiel the Frankfort government
 
 200 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 was looked to with confidence, and the two great Ger- 
 man powers regarded with distrust. At Kiel they 
 argued that no good could come from an unprincipled 
 absolutist like Bismarck Schonhausen ; at Copenhagen 
 they believed that he might engender any amount of 
 evil. 
 
 In the mean time Bismarck was busily at work at 
 Berlin. Prussian aggrandizement being his aim, he 
 thought he detected among the sleet clouds of the 
 northern peninsula a chance for his first decisive 
 move. At this time he had determined that the 
 duchies so long in dispute must become the property 
 of his royal master. Had Christian IX. withstood 
 the pressure at Copenhagen, Bismarck might have 
 found difficiilty in so early carrying out his desigpis. 
 Inasmuch as Prussia was a party to the London con- 
 ference, he could hardly have raised a doubt as to the 
 claim of Christian IX. to the dukedom over Schles- 
 wig and Holstein. But the treaty concluded at that 
 conference also stipulated that the duchies shoidd 
 always remain distinct from the Danish monarchy, 
 and the act of Christian IX. in ratifying the incor- 
 poration of Schleswig formed Bismarck's opportunity. 
 A quarrel with the little northern power, with terri- 
 torial compensation at its close, was by no means dis- 
 tasteful to him. It would besides form a rare chance 
 to test the new army. Russia and France being 
 " fixed," he cared nothing for England. Austria was 
 his only fear, and to guarantee Prussia against her 
 enmity he conceived the extraordinary idea of drag- 
 ging her into the contest with him. He argued that 
 Austi-ia's presence in Denmark was preferable to 
 leaving her to mass her strength in the Prussian rear. 
 She would also be in a position to share the oppro-
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 201 
 
 brium wliich a Prussian invasion of Denmark would 
 be sure to arouse in Eurojje. Inasmuch, too, as the 
 Diet was opposed to any military interference in be- 
 half of Schleswig, if Austria could be lured into 
 independent action with Prussia it would almost of 
 necessity bring about a rupture between her and the 
 smaller states. 
 
 The Vienna cabinet fell into the Prussian trap. 
 They dreaded a Prussian annexation of the duchies, 
 and had a dim notion that by following Prussia into 
 Denmark they would be able to prevent this evil. 
 Moreover, a chance might be afforded to restore some- 
 thing of the lustre which the imperial eagles had lost 
 at Magenta and Solferino, 
 
 The state of affairs in South Jutland thus brought 
 Austria and Prussia together. The two powers which 
 seemed on the point of engaging in a death grapple 
 clasped hands, and turned their swords against Den- 
 mark. 
 
 Of course Bismarck met nothing but hostility in 
 the deputies, regarding his alliance with Austria. 
 This fact failed to alter his course a jot, and by 
 December his accord with the Vienna cabinet had be- 
 come so well established, that both powers made a 
 formal demand upon the Diet to insist upon the with- 
 drawal of the new Danish constitution. The Diet 
 refusing to comply, the powers on January 16 laid 
 the demand upon Denmark as their ultimatum. The 
 Copenhagen government declined to accede, and the 
 allied troops immediately entered Holstein, the Prus- 
 sians under Marshal Wrangel and Prince Frederick 
 Charles, the Austrians under General Gablenz. 
 
 The policy adopted at Copenhagen in withstanding 
 the demands of the German powers was dictated by
 
 202 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 other considerations than the undoubted valor of the 
 little Danish army. It was upon outside help that Den- 
 mark depended, upon armed assistance from Russia or 
 England. To the former, from her friendly course in 
 1848^9, the Danes felt they could appeal with confi- 
 dence. But Alexander II. improved this opportunity 
 to display his gratitude to Prussia for her course in the 
 Polish troubles, and Prince Gortschakoff was enthu- 
 siastically Prussian in his conferences with the Eng- 
 lish ambassador at St. Petersburg. The Danes natu- 
 rally felt that the great northern power was cruelly 
 unsympathetic, but they could not claim that she 
 had betrayed them. The same cannot be said of 
 England. To her Denmark looked confidently for 
 aid, and with ample reason. On July 23, 1863, in 
 reply to certain questions touching the probable 
 course of the government in case of a Danish war, 
 Lord Palmerston declared in the English House of 
 Commons, " We are convinced — I am convinced at 
 least — that if any violent attempt were made to 
 overthrow the rights, and interfere with the independ- 
 ence of Denmark, those who made the attempt would 
 find in the result that it would not be Denmark alone 
 with which they would have to contend." This was 
 accepted in Denmark as well as in England as a dec- 
 laration of the position of the English government 
 in case of war, nor is there any reason to suppose that 
 at the time they were uttered these words did not 
 voice accurately the sentiments of the cabinet. Lord 
 John Russell, since 1862, had been busy building up 
 Danish hopes. He advised and instructed the Danish 
 government as to the course it should pursue ; and 
 when the Copenhagen statesmen evinced an inclina- 
 tion to chafe under his guidance, he brought them
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 203 
 
 back by the solemn warning that unless they complied 
 strictly with instructions from London, they need 
 not look to England for support. Declarations like 
 these scarcely admitted of misinterpretation, and 
 Denmark followed blindly the English lead.^ When 
 the war came Palmerston looked about for allies with 
 whom to defend Danish rights. The English ambas- 
 sador sounded the Russian chancellor sufficiently to 
 ascertain that it was useless to proceed farther, while a 
 proposal at the Tuileries was met by a rebuff adminis- 
 tered in payment for the non-compliance of England 
 in the emperor's Polish project. The English gov- 
 ernment had no idea of going to war without an ally. 
 After publicly deploring the hostile and lukewarm 
 attitudes of the Various signers of the London treaty, 
 the Eno^lish statesmen turned their attention to domes- 
 tic affairs, and left Denmark to its fate. 
 
 With Marshal Wrangel's announcement to the 
 Danish commander that he was under orders to occupy 
 the duchy of Scldeswig, and the response of the lat- 
 ter that he was charged to defend the same, the war 
 in Denmark began. The allies crossed the Eider 
 with nearly 60,000 men, of whom 37,000 were Prus- 
 sians and 23,000 Austrians. Prussia sent a division 
 of the infantry of the Guard under General Miilbe, 
 the 6th infantry division of the line under Manstein, 
 and the 13th division under Wintsingerode, two cav- 
 alry brigades, and eighteen batteries of artillery. 
 Austria sent the 6th army corps, with a brigade of 
 cavalry and seven batteries. 
 
 ^ Evidently Bismarck did what he could to stimulate the Danish 
 confidence in England. Count Beust states in his memoirs (vol. i. 
 p. 242) that Bismarck admitted as much to him : "I made the cabi- 
 net of Copenhagen believe that Eng-land had threatened lis with 
 active intervention, if hostilities should ' be opened, although, as a 
 matter of fact, England did nothing of the kind "
 
 204 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 At the Danish war office there was no disposition 
 to belittle the danger which threatened the kingdom. 
 All hopes were pinned to the Dannewerk, where it was 
 hoped the army would hold its grovuid until England, 
 Kussia, or perhaps Sweden could be induced to come 
 to the rescue. 
 
 The Dannewerk was a chain of redoubts and forts 
 extending across Sclileswig from the head of the 
 Schlei Fiord on the east to the village of HoHngsted 
 on the Treen. The length of this hne was nearly 
 fourteen miles, but in order to secure it against a 
 turning movement, it was necessary to guard the 
 shores of the Schlei, and patrol the marshy country 
 from Holingsted to Frederickstadt. Thus the de- 
 fenders of the Dannewerk were obliged to extend 
 their vigilance along a front of nearly sixty miles. 
 Manned by a force of 150,000 men the position might 
 reasonably be regarded as impregnable ; to attempt 
 the defense with less woidd be a perilous undertaking. 
 Neither of the three divisions of the Danish army 
 exceeded 10,000 men on a war footing, and yet it was 
 with this handful that the authorities at Cojjenhagen 
 expected General de Meza to hold the Dannewerk 
 against the armies of two first-rate powers. 
 
 The Danish soldiery, however, had confidence both 
 in the Dannewerk and in themselves, and there was 
 no lack of assurance among the strapping officers 
 who tlironged the streets and hotel cafes of Scldeswig 
 toAvn. The king came down from Copenhagen to 
 inspect the position, and fly the Dannebrog for a few 
 days in the wintry blasts that howled around the tur- 
 rets of Castle Gottorp. He was not long in apjjre- 
 ciating the difficulty of the task De Meza had to per- 
 form. The frozen surface of the Schlei formed the
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA, 205 
 
 principal danger of the position, and a mere glance 
 through the glasses across the bleak sea-indented 
 country at the activity in the Prussian lines was suf- 
 ficient to prove that they saw their advantage. On 
 February 2 Canstein's Prussian brigade carried the 
 Danish advance posts before Missunde at the narrow- 
 est point of the Schlei. On the following day Nos- 
 titz's Austrian brigade made a dash more to the west 
 against the redoubts at Bustrup. Perhaps this latter 
 was intended for nothing but a demonstration, but it 
 sent the Danish bugles ringing through the frosty air 
 all the way to Schleswig, and alarmed the king in the 
 castle on the hill. These two days were sufficient to 
 convince De Meza of the hopelessness of a longer 
 stand at the Dannewerk. The cold weather had trans- 
 formed the marshy country into a fair field for the 
 operation of the allied armies. It seemed imperative 
 that the Danish troops should be withdrawn, and 
 placed on a narrower front. 
 
 It was toward evening on February 5 when orders 
 were circulated for the immediate evacuation of the 
 Dannewerk. It was a terrible humiliation to the 
 Danish officers to abandon thus their celebrated for- 
 tress without a blow, and there were long faces and 
 bitter words among the military devotees of Schles- 
 wig. The king had already left for the north, and to 
 complete the misery the elements conspired against 
 the unhappy Danes. In the midst of a driving snow- 
 storm the retreat began. Rarely have the patience 
 and endurance of an army been more severely tested. 
 Horses and men tugged together at the cannon over 
 ice-coated roads, where to stand against the gale was 
 an arduous task. After forty-eight hours of these 
 hardships, the Danish army began to concentrate at
 
 206 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Sonderburg in the Isle of Alsen, in the rear of the 
 intrenchments of Diippel. The allies pushed the 
 pursuit vigorously, and on the 6th the brigade Nostitz, 
 stumbling over the sKppery roads, came up with two 
 Danish regiments near Oeversee. The contest that 
 ensued was stubborn and sanguinary, and the Aus- 
 trians coidd attribute their victory to their superior 
 elan as well as to their overwhelming numbers. 
 
 From this time the interest in the war centred 
 about Diippel and Fredericia. The latter town, sit- 
 uated at the entrance of the Little Belt, being hemmed 
 in on three sides by the sea, presented a narrow front 
 for land defense. It played a prominent part in the 
 campaign of 1849, and the growth of its defensive 
 works since that time had earned it the title of a for- 
 tress. A portion of the Danish army from the Danne- 
 werk had continued the retreat to Fredericia, and 
 was followed by the Prussian Guard division and the 
 Austrian brigades Tomas and Nostitz. 
 
 The Diippel position was strong and compact. The 
 main works, consisting of ten detached redoubts, ex- 
 tended across the little Sondeved peninsula along the 
 Diippel heights, a distance of a mile and a quarter. 
 These protected the bridge that crossed the narrow 
 Alsen Sound to Sonderburg one mde to the east. The 
 Danish out]30sts were strongly posted in Diippel vil- 
 lage, on the hiU known as the Avnbjerg, and in the 
 forests to the west. There were other defenses nearer 
 the bridge-head and on the Sonderburg side to cover 
 a retreat in case the works on the heights became 
 untenable, while the ironclad Rolf Krake patrolled 
 the waters south of the Sondeved peninsula. 
 
 General de Meza was sacrificed to satisfy the 
 anger that pervaded Copenhagen on account of the
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 207 
 
 abandonment of the Dannewerk, and General Ger- 
 lach succeeded to the command of 18,000 men behind 
 the Diippel defenses. The headquarters were at Son- 
 derburg and the troops billeted in all the neighboring 
 villages, whence they coiild quickly make their way 
 across the bridges and up the heights to where the 
 vast wings of Diippel windmill marked the centre of 
 the Danish position. 
 
 The Prussians settled down to a regular siege with 
 their two infantry divisions supported by a powerful 
 artillery, but for six weeks nothing occurred save 
 occasional skirmishes. The Danes adhered to their 
 defensive tactics, partly on account of their inferior 
 numbers, and still more because they dreaded to 
 risk their clumsy though courageous infantry against 
 their more agile adversaries in the open field. If this 
 latter cause prevailed less at Diippel than at Fred- 
 ericia it was due to the poor esteem in which the 
 Prussian soldiers were held. The Danes hated the 
 Prussians and were little inclined to do them justice. 
 Every day of inaction only increased the contempt of 
 the Danish army for its foes. The Austrians they 
 admitted to be worthy of their steel, but it was with 
 confidence and gladness that the fair-haired soldiers, 
 huddling about their fires on the windy heights, roared 
 like true descendants of the Vikings the martial 
 
 chorus, — 
 
 ' ' Now shall we fight the Prussians again." 
 
 In the mean time the Prussians went about their 
 work leisurely under the eye of Prince Frederick 
 Charles, who established his headquarters in the pic- 
 turesque schloss among the beeches of Graveustein. 
 There was no haste, nor any anxiety displayed to raise 
 the reputation of Prussia as a military power in Dan-
 
 208 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 isli estimation, but as soon as the alternation of cold 
 and thaw was superseded by milder weather and high 
 winds that dried the soil, then activity began, and 
 one by one the ponderous batteries were unmasked to 
 try the range of the Danish positions. A general as- 
 sault was ordered on the Danish advance posts on the 
 Avnbjerg and in Diippel village. The Danes made a 
 courageous stand, but numbers and modern weapons 
 overcame them. The Avnbjerg was carried with a 
 rush, and after a fierce battle about the church, Diip- 
 pel village fell. The Danes returned pluckily to the 
 onset, only to swell their losses. The needle-guns 
 swept the approaches with a ceaseless leaden rain. 
 Night fell and progress was reported at the Prussian 
 headquarters. 
 
 Diippel taught the Danes a lesson in modern small 
 arms. Even before that, they had learned something 
 in regard to modern artillery. The peninsula of 
 Broager, three miles southwest of their main posi- 
 tion, which their engineers had deemed too distant to 
 be of any service to an enemy, had been lined wdth 
 Prussian batteries whose great gnins covered Sonder- 
 burg itself. From the middle of March the Danes 
 had no reason to complain of Prussian inactivity. 
 Day after day the bombardment was continued. The 
 Prussians seemed bent on destroying not only the 
 redoubts, but every shelter beneath which the Danes 
 could find refuge. In every direction villages and 
 farm buildings were in flames. When the new Prus- 
 sian batteries on the Avnbjerg and at Diippel church- 
 yard opened their fire, the effect was terrific. Even 
 at night the fire was maintained, allowing the weary 
 Danes no opportimity to repair damages. Day after 
 day they worked patiently at their smooth-bore guns
 
 THE RISE OF PRUSSIA. 209 
 
 behind breastworks little better tban rubbish, with a 
 buruing towu behind them and an irresistible enemy 
 in their front. It is no discredit to the Danish sol- 
 diers if during the last days of their defense their 
 spirits failed them. 
 
 At last the wiudmiU on the heights, whose wings 
 had fanned so long the sidphurous air was shot away, 
 an event regarded as an evil omen. The Prussians 
 pushed their parallels close under the Danish works, 
 and frequently the roll of the needle-guns was added 
 to the tumult. The Danish officers, driven from the 
 burning streets of Sonderburg, conferred at Ulkebol 
 upon the advisability of abandoning their almost dis- 
 mantled works. The conference was speedily decided 
 by the production of orders from Copenhagen to hold 
 the position to the last extremity. This order was 
 fatal to the Danish army. The moral effect of the 
 terrible cannonade had been most pronounced, and it 
 was everywhere realized that the end was near. 
 
 On the morning of the 18th of April the Prussian 
 infantry suddenly burst from their lines against the 
 Danish left. It was a matter of only a few moments 
 before the Danes were struggling down the hill under 
 the deadly fire of the needle-guns. On the crest of 
 the captured heights the Prussian artiUery went 
 promptly into action. Sublime confusion reigned 
 among the Danes. The attack was unexpected, Ger- 
 lach was ill, there was no one to give orders. The 
 whole Diippel line was abandoned, the batteries in the 
 rear were wholly untenable, while the Rolf Krake was 
 disabled by a sheU before she had fired a gun. When 
 night fell, the remnants of the brave Danish army 
 were scattered through the villages and along the 
 roads of western Alsen.
 
 210 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 The garrison of Fredericia, discouraged by the news 
 from Alsen, evacuated the town and withdrew into 
 Fiinen, leaving all Jutland at the mercy of the in- 
 vaders. 
 
 England in the mean time had been ceaselessly 
 bestirring herseK in behalf of peace, and had invited 
 the five powers to a conference at London. The am- 
 bassadors gathered on the Thames, and an armistice 
 was concluded between the belligerents. Austria and 
 Prussia demanded the establishment of the duchies 
 under the sway of the prince of Augustenburg. 
 Their claims were supported by the congress, and 
 Denmark was advised to relinquish her rights over 
 Holstein-Lauenburg and the German districts of 
 Sclaleswig. To these terms the Danes refused to 
 accede, and resorted once more to arms. What they 
 hoped to gain by this rash step it is difficiilt to see, 
 unless some dim hope yet lingered in Copenhagen of 
 European interference. The fighting that followed 
 was insipid in the extreme. The Austrians overran Jut- 
 land ; the Prussians swarmed through Alsen. Den- 
 mark was beaten to her knees. Finally Prince John 
 was sent to Berlin to sue for peace. PreKminaries 
 were arranged on August 1, and finally ratified by 
 the treaty of Vienna, October 31, according to which 
 the king of Denmark ceded all his rights over the 
 duchies, including the island of Alsen, to the king of 
 Prussia and the emperor of Austria.
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 BISMARCK VS. AUSTRIA. 
 
 Bismarck's Attitude on the Augustenburg Claim. — His Sud- 
 den Change of Front. — Mensdorff's Blunder. — Bismarck 
 
 ANTICIPATES WaR. HiS ReMARK AT SaLZBURG. ThE CON- 
 FERENCE AT Gastein and the Bargain arranged there. 
 
 Bismarck's Opinion of the Conference. — He sounds Italy. 
 — I>TERViEws Napoleon at Biarritz. — Napoleon's Views on 
 European Affairs. — His Ideas respecting the Military 
 Strength of Prussia and Austria. — Condition of Affairs 
 in the Elbe Duchies. — Bismarck reopens the Diplomatic 
 Campaign against Austria. — Austria and Italy begin to 
 ABM. — Attitude of the Diet on the Dispute. — Bismarck's 
 Bait to Germany. — The Prusso-Italian Alliance. — The 
 Prussian Army mobilized. — The Claims of Prussia and Aus- 
 tria presented in the Frankfort Diet. — Prussian Troops 
 
 ENTER HOLSTEIN. — BiSMARCK's PROPOSITION FOR A NeW CON- 
 FEDERATION. — Its Failure. — Austria moves the Mobiliza- 
 tion OF THE Federal Army against Prussia. — The Military 
 Situation. — The Diet votes to support Austria. — Prussia 
 declares Wak upon the Petty States. — Prussian Occupa- 
 tion of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, and Dresden. — Brilliancy 
 of the Prussian Conquest. 
 
 In the London Congress Bismarck had advocated 
 the claims of the prince of Augustenburg, and stated 
 that Prussia and Austria were merely holding the 
 duchies in trust for their lawful ruler. Six months 
 later, however, we find him in the Prussian Diet op- 
 posing the claims of the Augustenburg pretender, 
 and declaring that "his majesty the king and liis 
 majesty the emperor of Austria are the duke of 
 Schleswig-Holstein and Lauenburg." This incon- 
 sistency admits of easy explanation.
 
 212 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Austria and Prussia at London were agreed upon 
 the legality of the Augustenburg claims. Austria 
 backed the prince because she aimed at the establish- 
 ment of another anti-Prussian state in the confedera- 
 tion, with its prince under her influence. Bismarck, 
 on the other hand, never seriously advocated the Au- 
 gustenburg cause, and merely chimed in with the 
 Austrian views so long as it suited his policy. He 
 understood the Vienna government well enough to 
 apjDreciate its designs in regard to the duchies, and 
 on his part was determined to frustrate them. 
 
 Shortly after his return from London, when Aus- 
 tria and the smaller states began to clamor for the 
 recognition of the prince of Augustenburg by the 
 Frankfort Diet, he first showed his hand. He de- 
 clared that other pretenders having arisen, he was in 
 doubt after all of the value of Prince Frederick's 
 claim to the duchies ; indeed, the succession being 
 so doubtfvJ, no lawful ruler could be acknowledged 
 save the king of Denmark. Inasmuch, however, as 
 by the treaty of Vienna the king had ceded his 
 rights to the German powers, the position of affairs 
 was quite clear : " his majesty the king and his 
 majesty the emperor of Austria are the duke of 
 Schleswig-Holstein and Lauenburg." 
 
 This position adopted by Bismarck removed the 
 question from the authority of the confederation. 
 The endeavor of Austria, on the other hand, from the 
 first was to make it a federal matter for the purpose, 
 as of old, of combating her rival with the small states 
 at her back. 
 
 It was on December 13 that Bismarck first def- 
 initely unmasked his desire at Vienna for a Prussian 
 annexation of the duchies. Coimt Mensdorff imme-
 
 BISMARCK vs. AUSTRIA. 213 
 
 diately compromised the moral and federal aspect of 
 the Austrian cause by expressing a tacit compliance 
 with the Prussian proposals, on condition that Austria 
 should be compensated — by the county of Glatz, for 
 instance. This was rejected by Bismarck, who on the 
 22d of February, 1865, came forward with a scheme 
 to recognize the prince of Augustenburg, on the con- 
 dition that the control of the foreign, military, postal, 
 and commercial affairs of the duchies should be super- 
 vised by Prussia. At Vienna they saw no advantage 
 in this scheme over that possessed by a direct annexa- 
 tion, and refused it. From this time on, Bismarck 
 never entertained a shade of doubt that " iron and 
 blood " would settle the dispute. There was a pause in 
 the negotiations, but domestic affairs offered sufficient 
 opportunity for the play of his energy. He had to 
 smooth matters out considerably at home before he 
 coidd proceed to greater lengths. The king himself 
 was the principal impediment with his conscientious 
 scruples against warring with the House of Hapsburg, 
 for which he as a true Hohenzollern entertained a 
 deep veneration and respect. In the sunmier the 
 king went to Carlsbad, where Bismarck followed him. 
 That the royal mind was influenced by his arguments 
 was demonstrated by the fact that Bismarck soon re- 
 opened the discussion with Vienna by a communica- 
 tion more forcible than friendly. 
 
 A few days later he met the president of the Ba- 
 varian council at Salzburg, to whom he spoke glibly of 
 an Austrian war. "Austria cannot sustain a cam- 
 paign," he declared ; " a single blow will suffice, a sin- 
 gle and great battle from the side of Silesia, to obtain 
 satisfaction of the Hapsbvirg." 
 
 The Prussian king, however, was desirous of peace,
 
 214 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 and hastened to Gastein to confer with the emperor 
 of Austria. Thither Bismarck was also summoned 
 to meet Count Blome, and arrange some compromise 
 in regard to the duchies. As a result of the confer- 
 ence a convention was signed on August 14, by which 
 Prussia undertook the provisional government of 
 Schleswig and Austria of Holstein, while both pow- 
 ers " reserved to themselves the common sovereignty 
 over the duchies." Prussia gained the conunand of 
 the long-coveted harbor of Kiel, purchased of Aus- 
 tria her right to Lauenburg, and with it of course 
 another practical admission that the two powers had 
 the right to dispose of their conquest as they pleased. 
 The result of the Gastein convention was certainly a 
 Prussian victory, and King William testified his ap- 
 preciation of the fact by creating Bismarck a count in 
 September. 
 
 A tremendous uproar was engendered in Germany 
 by this cold-blooded bargaining. There were denun- 
 ciations from all quarters, and the Prussian deputies 
 protested with rage and horror. The Prussian policy, 
 however, was influenced by all this no more than in 
 the past. Prussian troops occupied Lauenburg on 
 September 15. The Austrians withdrew into Hol- 
 stein, and the Prussians into Schleswig. General 
 Gablenz was appointed governor of Holstein and 
 General Manteuffel governor of Schleswig. 
 
 Bismarck, at heart, had no faith in the Gastein 
 contract as a preventive of war. He referred to it 
 lightly as a mere " stopping of the cracks," and even 
 while the conference was sitting he was suggesting to 
 the Italian government an alliance against Austria. 
 It was plain that Prussia would have to fight, not 
 only the empire of the Hapsburgs, but the German
 
 BISMARCK vs. AUSTRIA. 215 
 
 confederation as well. It was to overcome the strength 
 of the smaller states that Bismarck had recourse to 
 Italy. Veuetia was the magic word that would send 
 the war fever throbbing through the veins of every 
 true Italian. With Venetia as an inducement the 
 Italian armies were ready at any time to throw their 
 strength against the Quadrilateral. Bismarck found 
 Italy, as he expected, ready and eager to hear more 
 of his project. 
 
 Early in October he turned to sound and inter- 
 rogate the monarch who at the time was believed to be 
 most potent in shaping the destinies of Europe. It was 
 at Biarritz that he met the Emperor of the French, 
 who was rusticating in the companionship of Prosper 
 Merimee. It was certainly a rare trio that in those 
 bright October days strolled along the beach where 
 the blue waters of the Bay of Biscay broke in foam. 
 The emperor was amused with the glibness with which 
 this Prussian count rattled on about the future of 
 Europe. " He is crazy," he whispered to Merimee. 
 The novelist, however, held his own ideas. " M. de 
 Bismarck pleased me. . . . He is deficient in senti- 
 ment, but has a great mind," such was the tenor of 
 Merimee's comments in his letters from Biarritz. 
 Time was to prove whether the emperor or the writer 
 was the most sagacious observer. 
 
 Bismarck left the cliffs and cool breezes of Biar- 
 ritz not without recompense. He found time for busi- 
 ness as well as pleasure, and he went away with the 
 belief that the emperor would be unlikely to interfere 
 in a German war. There can be no question, in fact, 
 that the emperor longed for such an event at that 
 time. He believed he had nothing to fear from Prus- 
 sia. She must of necessity be crushed by the splen-
 
 216 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 did Austrian army, inured to service. A chance 
 would be afforded him to step in and interfere in be- 
 half of Prussia, to Hghten her punishment, and obtain 
 from her grateful statesmen a reward, — the old Rhen- 
 ish frontier, perhaps. Italy's alliance with Prussia 
 gave him too an additional interest in the schemes of 
 the Hohenzollern, for if Napoleon had an unselfish spot 
 in his heart, it was warm toward Italy. He would 
 see that Victor Enunanuel gained Venetia this time. 
 Austria must of necessity acquiesce. After an ardu- 
 ous campaign against Prussia she would not care to 
 ruffle the power which had so recently asserted its 
 superiority at Solferino and Magenta. Altogether 
 Bismarck's plans must have fallen as sweet music 
 upon the ears of the French emperor. There was 
 only one possible contingency in which a German war 
 might affect France unfavorably, a contingency so 
 vague that it seemed hardly worth considering, and 
 that was a Prussian victory. 
 
 The emperor had definite ideas in regard to the 
 relative strength of the European military powers. 
 He held the same views that the cadets at Metz 
 gleaned from the text-books. " The Prussian army, 
 in which service is of very short duration, is nothing 
 but a kind of Landwehr school. It is a magnificent 
 organization on paper, but a very doubtful weapon of 
 defense, and most useless during the fu'st period of 
 an offensive war. Austria, whose population numbers 
 about thirty-seven millions of inhabitants, has a large 
 and sjjlendid army, which is far superior in its organ- 
 ization to the Prussian or Russian armies. After 
 France she occupies the first rank as a military 
 power." Leaving the emperor to his compLicent 
 dreams, Bismarck, hardly less satisfied, reached Ber-
 
 BISMARCK vs. AUSTRIA. 217 
 
 lin fortified for the contest. Sure of Russian friend- 
 ship, French neutrality, and Italian cooperation, he 
 was ready to enter upon his heroic treatment of the 
 Schleswig-Holstein and German questions. 
 
 In the mean time matters in the duchies had been 
 progressing exactly as he expected. In Sclileswig, 
 Manteuffel was upholding Prussian prestige ; in Hol- 
 stein, Gablenz was encouraging agitation in favor of 
 the Augustenburg prince. The Gastein arrangement 
 had simply made matters worse. 
 
 On January 20, 1866, Bismarck forwarded to the 
 Prussian envoy at Vienna a protest against the Aus- 
 trian policy in Holstein. After summing up the va- 
 rious objectionable features of this pohcy, the license 
 allowed the press in attacking Prussia, and the def- 
 erence exercised toward the pretender, the dispatch 
 continued, "All these circumstances make his (the 
 pretender's) mere presence in Kiel a chronic protest 
 against the rights of both sovereigns. . . . His maj- 
 esty the king has a right to demand that this evil be 
 remedied by the expulsion of the prince, if the im- 
 perial government really feels itself unequal to putting 
 a stop to the demonstrations in question." The dis- 
 patch declared in conclusion, " The democratic agita- 
 tion, animated by hatred of conservative Prussia, blos- 
 soms out luxuriantly in the associations and the press. 
 The imperial Austrian government may contemplate 
 this demoralization and corruption of the populace 
 with comparative indifference. Not so we. What- 
 ever may be the decision ultimately arrived at respect- 
 ing the duchies, their condition will always be a matter 
 of importance to Prussia ; and should they become a 
 nucleus of democratic and revolutionary tendencies, 
 it will become Prussia's business to put them in 
 order."
 
 218 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 On February 7 Count Mensdorff in his reply to 
 Count Karolyi stated "that Austria regards each 
 separate question arising within the sphere of her 
 administration in Holstein, as exclusively pendent 
 between herseK and her lord lieutenant, and exempt 
 from interference from any other quarter." Bismarck 
 then took occasion to point out the fact that " Prus- 
 sia's relations to Austria, despite the intimate charac- 
 ter they had assumed during the past year or two, had 
 now been thrust back to the standpoint they occupied 
 before the Danish war, — neither better nor worse 
 than those obtaining with any other power." 
 
 Austria's attitude now became distinctly warlike. 
 On March 10 a council of war was held at Vienna, to 
 which General Benedek was summoned in haste from 
 Verona. Not only was the attitude of Prussia threat- 
 ening, but Italy was actually arming. The council 
 decided upon defensive measures, and orders were 
 issued for the mobilization of the army in Bohemia 
 and Moravia. On the 16th Mensdorff, in a dispatch 
 to the Austrian ambassadors at German courts in- 
 forming them of Prussia's menacing attitude, declared 
 also, " Should the danger of a breach of peace become 
 still more imminent, it would be necessary to take 
 measures promptly and decisively for self-defense. 
 In view of Prussia's threatened attack, these measures 
 could only consist of mobilizing the 7th, 8th, 9th, and 
 10th federal army corps, and placing them in the field 
 side by side with the Austrian army." 
 
 On March 24 Bismarck, to ofPset the effect of this, 
 informed the Prussian ambassadors at German courts 
 that Prussia was in favor of federal reform, and was 
 about to arm in self-defense, that Prussian and Ger- 
 man interests were identical, and that the fall of Prus-
 
 BISMARCK vs. AUSTRIA. 219 
 
 sia meant the fall of G ermany. The dispatch concluded 
 with the question, " Whether and to what extent Prus- 
 sia could count upon assistance from the government 
 addressed, in case she should be attacked by Austria 
 or compelled to make war by umnistakable threats ? " 
 The response of the various governments was gen- 
 erally evasive or hostile, and they referred Prussia to 
 the Diet for a consideration of her plan of federal 
 reform. This latter scheme including, as it did, the 
 longed-for national representation by suffrage, was 
 Bismarck's last trump-card to win over popular sym- 
 pathy. In the mean time he had been pushing things 
 with the government of Victor Emmanuel. On April 
 8 the treaty of alliance was signed, and within a fort- 
 night ratified at both Florence and Berlin. Matters 
 then progressed smoothly toward war. During the 
 last days of March the Prussian regiments in Silesia 
 were reinforced, a fact that occasioned the protest of 
 Count Mensdorff. He denied that Austria was arm- 
 ing against Prussia, and claimed that the strengthen- 
 ing of the imperial forces in Bohemia was due to the 
 supposed imminence of outbreaks among the Jews. 
 Negotiations followed between Berlin and Vienna 
 concerning disarmament. Austria finally agreed to 
 decrease her strength in Bohemia, but insisted upon 
 the necessity of placing Venetia in a state of defense. 
 Bismarck saw in this proposal merely a scheme of the 
 Austrian statesmen to crush Italy and Prussia in 
 detail. He refused to entertain the suggestion, and 
 during the first week in May the question of disarma- 
 ment was suffered to drop. 
 
 By May 1 the whole Austrian mobilization machin- 
 ery was working at its highest pitch, but it was not 
 until a week later that the king of Prussia issued his
 
 220 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 final orders for placing tlie whole army on a war 
 footing. The ease and celerity with which the Prus- 
 sian army was mobilized, however, more than com- 
 pensated for the time which Austria had gained. In 
 fourteen days from the royal order seven Prussian 
 army corps, aggregating 220,000 men, were ready for 
 the field. 
 
 On June 1, in compliance with Bavaria's motion of 
 May 24, the envoys of the various German govern- 
 ments which had armed made their explanations before 
 the Diet. Prussia and Austria of course had done 
 nothing save in self-defense, but the Austrian envoy, 
 after explaining the dispute between his government 
 and that of Berlin, declared that Austria placed the 
 whole question of the duchies at the disposal of the 
 Diet, and furthermore signified that General Gablenz 
 had been instructed to summon the Holstein as- 
 sembly for the purpose of obtaining its wiU as to the 
 future of the duchy. Tliis move was in direct an- 
 tagonism to the Prussian pohcy, and an assertion of 
 a theory that Austria herself had denied by the sale 
 of Lauenburg. Bismarck, adhering to the Vienna 
 treaty and the Gastein agreement, regarded Austria's 
 course in this matter as irreparable, and dispatched a 
 circidar message to the German courts wdth the dec- 
 laration, " Vienna has resolved upon war ; the next 
 thing to be done is to choose the most auspicious 
 moment for beginning it." 
 
 General Manteuffel received orders to enter Hol- 
 stein immediately upon the summoning of the As- 
 sembly by Gablenz. Bismarck's position was briefly 
 this : Austria, having violated the Gastein conven- 
 tion by attempting to make the question of the duch- 
 ies a federal one, had violated and thereby annulled
 
 BISMARCK vs. AUSTRIA. 221 
 
 that convention. The dual occupation must be re- 
 newed, and in consequence Prussian troops were 
 ordered to reenter Holstein. Gablenz summoned 
 the estates for the 11th of June, and on the 8th the 
 Prussian troops crossed the Eider and moved slowly 
 southward, Gablenz, who had but one brigade, fell 
 back to Altona, taking with him the prince of Augus- 
 tenburg. On the 9th Itzehoe, where the assembly was 
 to convene, was occupied by Prussian troops, and on 
 the 11th the assembly hall itseK was placed under 
 guard. On the same evening Gablenz withdrew his 
 forces to Harburg, and disj)atched them by train 
 through Hanover and Hesse to Bohemia. At last 
 the Sclileswig-Holstein question was settled. 
 
 On June 10 Bismarck had submitted to the German 
 governments a constitution for a new confederation, 
 " to consist of those states which had hitherto been in- 
 cluded in the confederation, with the exception of the 
 dominions of the emperor of Austria and the king 
 of the Netherlands." This bold project for the ehm- 
 ination of Austria as a federal power was not gener- 
 ally well received at the petty courts. On the 11th, 
 at an extraordinary session of the Diet, the Austrian 
 ambassador retaliated by moving, in consideration of 
 Manteuffel's " violent self-help " in Holstein, the mo- 
 bilization of the federal army against Prussia. The 
 vote was postponed until the 14th, and in the interval 
 the various governments made their final preparations 
 for war. The Austrians had seven corps in readiness 
 in Bohemia, and the Saxon and Bavarian forces were 
 ready to take the field. The Hanoverian army had not 
 been mobilized, while the troops of Baden, Wiirtem- 
 berg, Nassau, and Hesse Darmstadt, forming the 8th 
 federal corps, were in a very backward state of prepa-
 
 222 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ration. Prussia, however, had thoroughly equipped 
 for service tlu-ee corps in the \dcinity of Gorlitz under 
 Prince Frederick Charles, four in Silesia under the 
 crown prince, three divisions under General Bittenfeld 
 about Halle and Torgau, and a reserve corps at Berlin 
 under General Miilbe. In addition to these there 
 was Manteuffel's division in Holstein, the division of 
 General von Falckenstein at Minden in Westphalia, 
 and another under General Beyer at Wetzlar. It 
 was to the roU of drums and clank of arms that the 
 Diet convened on the 14th. By a vote of nine to six 
 the Austrian motion was sustained. Prussia and 
 Holstein were unrepresented, and Baden was the only 
 one of the large states to oppose the Austrian project. 
 The Prussian ambassador then pronounced the con- 
 federation dissolved and withdrew from the hall. 
 
 That night the wires aU over Germany were loaded 
 with messages of grave importance. Scarcely had 
 the Prussian ambassador at Frankfort turned his 
 back upon the palace of Thurn and Taxis than there 
 went flashing out from Berlin the ultimatiun of Prus- 
 sia to Hanover, Saxony, and Hesse, which had sup- 
 ported the Austrian motion. Its tenor was simj)ly 
 this : in case within twelve hours the governments 
 addressed did not signify their intention to reduce 
 their armies to a peace footing and accept the Prus- 
 sian proposals of June 10, the Berlin government 
 would resort to arms. 
 
 Perhaps these states had not counted upon the 
 efficiency of Prussia's preparations and did not be- 
 lieve it possible that she was in a position to under- 
 take immediate action. At all events they deliberated 
 too long, and on the afternoon of the 15th, no reply 
 having been received to its summons, the Prussian
 
 BISMARCK vs. AUSTRIA. 223 
 
 government declared war. At the same time there 
 went forth from the Leipsiger Strasse the orders to 
 set in motion those j)erfect battalions upon which 
 such time and care had been expended. 
 
 Before daylight on the 16th Manteuffel and Falck- 
 enstein were on the march for Hanover, Beyer's divi- 
 sion was grinding into dust the long road from Wetz- 
 lar to Cassel, while in the east Prince Frederick 
 Charles was over the Saxon frontier. 
 
 On the night of the 16th King George of Hanover 
 abandoned his capital, and with his haK-constructed 
 army retreated to Gottingen. At four o'clock on the 
 afternoon of the next day the tramp of the Prussian 
 troops awoke the echoes of the deserted streets. 
 
 The Hessian army eluded General Beyer by re- 
 treating to Fulda and thence to Frankfort. On the 
 19th, however, the black and white banner was 
 hoisted over Cassel, where the crestfallen elector sul- 
 lenly awaited his conquerors. 
 
 The army of Prince Frederick Charles approached 
 Dresden on the 18th. The Saxons had fallen back 
 upon the Austrians in Bohemia, and that evening the 
 Prussian officers strolled along the Briihl Terrace 
 and gravely saluted each other in the Grosse Garten. 
 
 Thus in four days after the declaration of war by 
 Prussia against Saxony, Hanover, and Hesse, her 
 troops without firing a shot had subjugated and occu- 
 pied those states, captured the Hessian elector, and 
 hopelessly isolated the Hanoverian army at Gottin- 
 gen. It was a brilliant combination, brilliantly exe- 
 cuted, and there was amazement at Paris and at 
 Vienna, yet it was but the first of a series of achieve- 
 ments with which this mighty creation of Moltke and 
 Roon was to astonish the world.
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE PRUSSIANS IN BOHEMIA. 
 
 The Military Situation on June 20. — Benedek's Plan of Cam- 
 paign CHECKIMATED. — ADVANCE OF THE PkUSSIANS INTO BO- 
 HEMIA. — Combats at Liebenau and Podol, and Defeat of 
 
 THE AUSTKL\NS. CaPTUKE OF MiJNCHENGRATZ BY THE PRUS- 
 SIANS. — Retreat of the Austrians upon Gitschin. — Battle 
 OF Gitschin and Rout of the Austrian's. — Bismarck at 
 Gitschin. — Advance of the Second Prussian Army into Bo- 
 hemia UNDER the Crown Prince. — Victories of the Prus- 
 sian 5th Corps at Nachod and Skalitz. — Discomfiture of 
 THE Prussians at Trautenau- — Battle at Soor won by the 
 Prussian Guards. — Arrival of the Second Army on the 
 Elbe. — Communications restored between the Prussian 
 Armies. — Dilemma of the Austrl\n Commander. — His 
 Orders to his Army. — His Ignorance of the Prussian De- 
 signs. — Character of the Austrian Position on the Bis- 
 tritz. 
 
 I. 
 
 The action o£ the Frankfort Diet on June 14 was 
 virtually a declaration of war by the German con- 
 federation against Prussia. On the 17th the Kaiser 
 issued his manifesto to his people, and three days 
 later the Italian government formally declared war 
 against Austria and Bavaria. 
 
 On the 20th the military situation was as follows : 
 the Prussians by their seizure of Saxony had di%aded 
 Germany into an eastern and western battlefield. In 
 the east they had three distinct armies ready for the 
 invasion of Bohemia : the army of the Elbe, compris- 
 ing: three divisions under General Herwarth von Bit-
 
 THE PRUSSIANS IN BOHEMIA. 225 
 
 tenfeld ; the first army, made up of the 2d, 3d, and 4th 
 corps under Prince Frederick Charles ; and the second 
 army under the crown prince, comprising the 1st, 5th, 
 6th, and Guard corps. 
 
 The first army and the army of the Elbe in Sax- 
 ony were under orders to pass into Bohemia by sep- 
 arate routes through the Iron Mountains, and unite 
 on the Iser. 
 
 The second army was to move from Silesia through 
 the mountain passes and gain the left bank of the 
 Elbe. On account of the dangerous character of the 
 hilly country through which this army was to pass, 
 the crown prince was ordered to delay its movements 
 imtil the attention of the Austrian s had become dis- 
 tracted by the ojjerations of Prince Frederick Charles. 
 The total strength of these three armies was 254,000 
 men, of which the first army comprised 93,000, the 
 second army 115,000, and the army of the Elbe 
 46,000. 
 
 In the west Prussia had the divisions of Falcken- 
 stein, Manteuffel, and Beyer in Hesse and Hanover, 
 an aggregate of 48,000 men. In reserve was the 
 corps of General Miilbe at Berlin, in process of mo- 
 bilization. 
 
 The Austrian army of the north, concentrated mainly 
 about Olmiitz and Brunn, comprised the 1st, 2d, 3d, 
 4th, 6th, 8th, and 10th corps, with five divisions of 
 cavalry. To these must be added the 24,000 men of 
 the Saxon army, which had retired into Bohemia 
 before the Prussian advance. These forces, number- 
 ing nearly 270,000 men, were commanded by General 
 Benedek, whose brilliant conduct at Solferino had 
 won him a most exalted reputation as a soldier among 
 his countrymen.
 
 226 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 In the west, opposed to the Prussian armies, was the 
 Bavarian army with its 50,000 bayonets, the troops of 
 Hanover and Hesse, and the 8th federal corps. This 
 made a total strength on paper of 119,000 men, of 
 which, however, the 19,000 Hanoverians were isolated 
 at Gottingen, and the 8th federal corps was only in 
 the first stages of formation. 
 
 It will thus be seen that while both in the east and 
 west the Prussian troops were outnumbered, they 
 were thoroughly prepared, advantageously posted, 
 and armed with a breech-loading weapon. Benedek's 
 corps, on the other hand, were badly distributed, the 
 federal troops only half organized, and the whole 
 dependent upon the muzzle-loading rifle. It must be 
 admitted, therefore, that the situation was decidedly 
 favorable to Prussia, a fact due to the foresight and 
 preparation of her statesmen and the skill and vigor 
 of her generals. 
 
 It had doubtless been Benedek's plan, supported by 
 the Bavarian army, to push through the passes of the 
 Giant Mountains into Saxony, and in company with 
 the army of that kingdom undertake an invasion of 
 Prussia. The extraordinary rapidity of the Prussian 
 advance overthrew his calculations. Saxony passed 
 into the hands of his enemy, and with it the control 
 of the passes through which the Bavarian cooperation 
 was to be expected. Benedek was forced to regard 
 himself as beaten in the first move of the contest, 
 and compelled to stand on the defensive. 
 
 On June 23 the Prussian armies crossed the Saxon 
 frontiers into Bohemia, the fu-st army advancing in 
 three columns with the Elbe army several miles to 
 the west. At daybreak Prince Frederick Charles had 
 notified the Austrian outposts at Reichenberg that
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 THE PRUSSIANS IN BOHEMIA. ITl 
 
 Prussia regarded herself as in a state of war with 
 Austria. A few hours later he had taken his stand 
 by the toll-house on the frontier to review the troops 
 as they entered Austrian territory. The headquarters 
 that night were in the Castle of Grafenstein, the seat 
 of Count Clam Gallas, who had left its retirement to 
 assume command of the 1st Austrian corps in Bohe- 
 mia. The next day Reichenberg, the key to the 
 passes, was occupied by the Prussians without a blow, 
 and the various columns reunited. 
 
 Count Clam Gallas had been ordered by Benedek 
 to hold the line of the Iser from Turnau to Mtin- 
 chengratz, and had at his disposal in the vicinity of the 
 latter place the 1st corps and the Saxons. He had 
 thrown forward one brigade on the north of the Iser 
 with a few companies in advance at Liebenau. It 
 was in the vicinity of this village that the first fight- 
 ing of the campaign occurred on the 26th. The Aus- 
 trians retired before Von Home's Prussian division, 
 maintaining a running fight to Turnau, where they 
 broke the bridge over the Iser and retreated along 
 the road to Podol. Home followed fast, and throw- 
 ing a bridge at Turnau continued the pursuit. 
 
 Podol was a point of great strategical importance, 
 as the railway to Prague crosses the river at that 
 point side by side with the road. It was almost dusk 
 when the Prussian vanguard approached the outskirts 
 of the town. A sharp fight at once commenced, 
 which increased in warmth with the continued arrival 
 of Prussian reinforcements. Podol Avas held by the 
 " Iron Brigade," which had won the title by its sturdy 
 conduct in the Danish war. The action was wholly 
 one of musketry. The Austrians were forced to the 
 village, and from there to the bridgehead, over-
 
 228 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 matched by numbers and the rapid discharge of the 
 needle-guns. Podol, in fact, was the first fair trial of 
 the Prussian weapon, and was terribly satisfactory in 
 its results. Shortly after midnight the Austrians 
 drew off toward Miinchengriitz, leaving the Prussians 
 in imdisputed possession of Podol and the bridges. 
 
 On the same day as the action at Podol communi- 
 cation was reestablished between the first and Elbe 
 armies, and on the 27th the latter, after a sharp skir- 
 mish at Hiihnerwasser, compelled the retirement of 
 the Austrians across the Iser at Miinchengratz, A 
 combined movement was immediately undertaken 
 against that town with the purpose of capturing the 
 whole Austrian force. While Bittenfeld moved from 
 Bohmisch-Aicha and Hiihnerwasser toward Miinchen- 
 gratz, Prince Frederick Charles sent his troops do\^Ti 
 the valley against the same place. He also dispatched 
 the 1st corps from Turnau to turn the Austrian posi- 
 tion on the heights east of Miinchengratz and cut off 
 their retreat on Gitschin. Miinchengratz was captured, 
 but the Austrians escaped, their commander realizing 
 the dangers attaching to a prolonged defense. The 
 whole line of the Iser was thus rehnquished to the 
 Prussians. In five days, and wdth losses aggTCgating 
 hardly 500 men, they had massed four and a half 
 corps in the very heart of the enemy's country. 
 
 Clam Gallas retreated upon Gitschin, and seized a 
 strong position with his left resting on the Anna Berg, 
 his centre on the heights of Brada, and his right ex- 
 tending beyond Diletz east of the Turnau road. On 
 the 29th the Prussians advanced upon Gitschin in 
 four columns, the left from Turnau, the centre from 
 Podol, the right from Miinchengratz, with the army of 
 the Elbe still farther south. About four o'clock Wer-
 
 THE PRUSSIANS IN BOHEMIA. 229 
 
 der's division of the 2d corps forming the Prussian 
 centre began to engage the enemy on the road be- 
 tween Sobotka and Gitschin. About the same time 
 General Tiimpling's division from Turnau encountered 
 the Saxon posts in advance of Brada and Diletz. 
 Werder's troops attacked without delay. The coun- 
 try west of Gitschin is broken by several ravines 
 into which the road dips. Through and over these 
 ravines a desperate fight was maintained, the Aus- 
 trians fighting stubbornly under cover of the woods, 
 but suffering terrible losses when exposed on the 
 open ground to the rapid fire of the Prussians. It 
 was nearly midnight when Werder's men finally ap- 
 proached Gitschin. 
 
 General Tiimpling on the north had succeeded in 
 carrying the village of Podultz, thereby cutting the 
 Austrian right in two. Werder's division, moreover, 
 being well on the road to Gitschin, the retreat of the 
 Austrians in Brada was wholly cut off. The Saxon 
 troops in Diletz retired hastily upon Gitschin under 
 a murderous fu-e, and acted as a rearguard to the dis- 
 comfited army. They held Gitschin until midnight, 
 resisting successfully the efforts of the Prussians to 
 gain the market-place, and then withdi-ew. Gitschin 
 was a better contested action than any of its predeces- 
 sors, and the losses were corresj)ondingly heavy. On 
 the 30th a detachment of Prussian cavalry opened 
 communication with the second army at Arnau on 
 the Elbe. On that same day Bismarck and the king 
 started for the front, leaving Berlin uproariously en- 
 thusiastic over the tidings of victory. Two days later, 
 and " the iron count " was mingling with the military 
 men in Gitschin, himself adorned with the white coat 
 and helmet of the cuirassiers. In the midst of the
 
 230 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 bustle at headquarters lie still found leisure to write 
 his wife, " I have just arrived, the ground is heaped 
 with corpses, horses, and arms. Our victories are 
 much greater than we thought. Send me some 
 French novels to read, but not more than one at a 
 time. May God bless you." 
 
 II. 
 
 In the mean tune the troops of the crown prince 
 had been discharging their duties with the same suc- 
 cess, though at a greater expenditure of blood than 
 their comrades on the Iser. It was on June 20 that 
 the crown prince notified the Austrian outposts of his 
 intention to commence hostilities. His plans were 
 already formed for an advance in three columns. 
 The 1st corps and cavalry division on the right were 
 to move from Landeshut through the mountains to 
 Trautenau. The Guards in the centre were to march 
 from Wiinschelburg via Braunau to occupy the pass 
 at Eypel, while on the left the 5th corps, followed by 
 the 6th, was to move by Reinerz to Nachod. 
 
 On the evening of the 26th the Guards passed the 
 frontier. The 5th corps under Steinmetz occupied 
 the town of Nachod after a slight sldrmish, seizing 
 also the castle commanding the defile, which the Aus- 
 trians with unaccountable negligence had left unde- 
 fended. In the morning, upon resuming the march, 
 the vanguard of this corjDs found itself in the pres- 
 ence of the Austrian 6th corps under General Ram- 
 ming. Finding his way blocked by such superior 
 forces, Steinmetz seized the woods fringing the road, 
 where, partially screened from the Austrian shells, his 
 infantry stood stoutly on the defensive. It devolved 
 upon this detachment in the wood to cover the de-
 
 THE PRUSSIANS IN BOHEMIA. 231 
 
 bouching of the main body of the corps, which was 
 still taiigiecl up in the narrow defile. Thanks to the 
 excellence of their weapons and the presence of the 
 crown prince, who had forced his way to the front 
 through the confusion of the crowded road, their de- 
 fense was successful. The Austrian infantry were 
 unable to face the murderous fire that blazed from all 
 corners of the wood. At last the Prussian corps, 
 having extricated itself from the pass, began to 
 assume the offensive. The general advance was pre- 
 ceded by a cavalry combat in which the Austrian 
 cuirassiers who had been threatening the flank of the 
 wood were overthrown. The Austrian retreat com- 
 menced shortly after, Ramming drawing off in the 
 direction of Skalitz. At that place the Austrian 8th 
 corps was already stationed under the Archduke Leo- 
 pold. There was only time to send the 6th corps to 
 the rear for recuperation when on the 28th General 
 Steinmetz came up with his leading brigades. Skalitz 
 was bravely defended by the Austrian jagers, though 
 they were finally driven across the Aupa. Toward 
 evening the archduke relinquished the heights be- 
 yond, and began his retreat, leaving 4,000 prisoners 
 and eight guns in the hands of the Prussians. On 
 the 29th, after some artillery fighting, General Fes- 
 tetics with three brigades of the Austrian 4th corps 
 abandoned Schweinschiidel, the troops of Steinmetz 
 pushing on the same night to the village of Gradlitz 
 on the Elbe, about two miles from Koniginhof. 
 
 The 1st Prussian corps, forming the right of the 
 second army, did not cross the frontier until dawn on 
 the 27th. The day was intensely warm, and the 
 troops were already somewhat fatigued when shortly 
 before noon they encountered the Austrian outposts
 
 232 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 in front of Trautenau, a hill - girdled town on the 
 Aupa. The Prussians immediately crossed the river, 
 and forced the fighting in the streets of the town. 
 The Austrians, not being in force, slowly retired to a 
 position on the hills beyond. About one o'clock they 
 were dislodged from there, and by three they had 
 relinquished the village of Hohenbruck south of 
 Trautenau and the heights southeast of that place. 
 General von Bonin was so well satisfied with the 
 progress of affairs that he rejected an offer of assist- 
 ance from the 1st division of the Guards, which had 
 halted at Qualitch upon hearing the heavy firing at 
 Trautenau. But Von Bonin was deceived, for about 
 3.30 General Gablenz came up with the other three 
 brigades of the Austrian 10th corps, and fell heavily 
 upon the weary Prussians. By five o'clock the Prus- 
 sians were giving ground in all directions, and the 
 Austrian infantry streamed through Hohenbruck at 
 the charge. Von Bonin bivouacked tliat night on the 
 same ground occupied by his corps in the morning. 
 
 The battle of Trautenau was an Austrian victory, 
 inasmuch as it forced the Prussian corps back into 
 the mountains. The losses of the Prussians, however, 
 were only 1,300 men to the 5,500 of the victors. This 
 contest alone is sufficient to prove the hopeless char- 
 acter of the struggle which Austria was waging with 
 her better armed antasronist. 
 
 After receiving Bonin's refusal of aid on the 27th, 
 the 1st division of the Guards had taken up the 
 march to Eypel. That night the prince of Wiirtem- 
 berg commanding the Guard corps received tidings 
 from the crown prince of the battle at Trautenau with 
 orders to proceed immediately to extricate the 1st 
 corps. Pushing the 1st division rapidly forward with
 
 THE PRUSSIANS IN BOHEMIA. 233 
 
 the 2d a few miles in the rear, the prince of Wiirtem- 
 berg crossed the Aupa early on the 28th and moved 
 toward Koniginhof, This compelled Gablenz who 
 was facing- northward against the 1st corps to change 
 his front, a feat which he skillfully accomplished just 
 in time to receive the attack of the Guards all along 
 the heights of Soor. The attack, however, was suc- 
 cessful, and Gablenz fell back toward Koniginhof. 
 Later in the afternoon the 2d division of the Guards 
 came up, stormed Trautenau, and captured the greater 
 portion of the Austrian brigade engaged there. This 
 opened the way for the advance of the 1st corps, 
 which pushed on to Arnau and fell in with the cav- 
 alry patrols of Prince Frederick Charles. The 
 Guards on the 29th continued their advance, storming 
 Koniginhof, thus completing the union of the second 
 army on the Elbe. 
 
 III. 
 
 Communications were reopened between the three 
 Prussian armies in Bohemia on the 30th of June, or 
 just one week from the time the first battalion passed 
 the frontier. Unquestionably Benedek's plan had 
 been to detain the crown prince in the mountains 
 while with his main army he overwhelmed Prince 
 Frederick Charles. Military critics claim that had 
 Benedek reversed this plan, standing on the defensive 
 on the Iser while he massed his strength against the 
 crown prince, better fortune might have attended the 
 Austrian arms. It is also asserted that Benedek 
 committed a grave error in delaying his attack upon 
 the crown prince's columns until they had debouched 
 from the mountain passes ; that by so doing he left 
 his isolated corps to be beaten in detail by superior
 
 234 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 forces, and exhausted the strength with which he 
 shoidd have succored Clam Gallas on the Iser. It is 
 certainly to the credit of the Austrian commander, 
 that he did not lose his head when the tidings of 
 disaster poured in upon him from all quarters. No 
 sooner had he received information of the actions 
 at MiinchengrJitz and Skalitz than he issued orders 
 for the army to form on a new line, from Josephstadt 
 to Gitschin. For this purpose he urged Clam Gallas 
 to hold firm at the latter place. Scarcely had he 
 done so when the news arrived that Clam Gallas was 
 in full retreat. Nothing daunted by this disappoint- 
 ment Benedek with commendable promptness ordered 
 the retreat of the whole army under the guns of the 
 fortress of Koniggratz, though he must have real- 
 ized before this that the chances of the campaign 
 were against him. His enemies were consolidating 
 in his front after he had lost 40,000 men in the at- 
 tempt to keep them divided. In this crisis it seems 
 to be generally acbnitted that Benedek made the most 
 of the opportunities afforded him by seizing a strong 
 defensive position in the hilly country between the 
 Elbe and the Bistritz rivers. 
 
 On the afternoon of Jidy 2d Benedek issued his 
 orders in anticipation of a Prussian attack. " The 
 royal Saxon corps will occupy the heights of Popo- 
 witz. . . . The 10th corps will take post on the right 
 of the Saxon corps, and lastly the 3d corps will oc- 
 cupy the heights of Lij^a and Chlum, on the right of 
 the 10th corps. The j^rincipal dut}^ of the 8th corps 
 will be to serve as support to the Saxon corps, behind 
 which it will station itself. Troops not herein named 
 have merely to hold themselves in readiness so long 
 as the attack is confined to our left wing ; but should
 
 THE PRUSSIANS IN BOHEMIA. 235 
 
 the enemy's attack assume greater dimensions, and be 
 directed against our centre and right wing as well, 
 then the whole army will be formed in order of bat- 
 tle, and the following measures will be taken : the 
 4th corps will move up on the right of the 3d to the 
 heights of Chlum and Nedelist, and the 2d corps on 
 the extreme right flank, next to the 4th." These 
 orders also provided that the 1st and 6th corps should 
 act as a reserve, the former to take position near 
 Rosnitz, the other to occupy the heights of Wsestar. 
 Of the five cavalry divisions two were on the left 
 near Prim, one on the right, and two in reserve in the 
 rear of the 1st and 6th corps. 
 
 These dispositions were made clearly with a view 
 to repelling an attack from the west. Benedek held 
 the opinion that the mass of the Prussian second army 
 had moved toward Gitschin, and that the forces left 
 on the Elbe were too weak or too distant to be danger- 
 ous. He anticipated a Prussian attempt to turn his 
 left, but he seems to have given himself no uneasiness 
 respecting his right. This is demonstrated by the 
 tone of his instructions to the 2d and 4th corps form- 
 ing the latter wing, which were to apply only in case 
 of the action becoming general, a contingency which 
 he plainly regarded as improbable. He clung tena- 
 ciously to the theory that his enemies were all before 
 him, and this was the fatal blunder of his campaign. 
 Whether it was due to lack of information or faulty 
 information, to the sluggishness of patrols or to ob- 
 tuseness on the part of the commander himself, it 
 was the blunder that was destined to decide a great 
 battle, and settle the long dispute between the Ger- 
 man powers. 
 
 The heights on which the Austrian army took
 
 236 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 position overlooked the Bistritz, and no labor was 
 spared to render their slopes unassailable. A chain 
 of redoubts was thrown up to j)rotect the central 
 positions between Lipa and Nedelist, while the woods 
 above Sadowa and Benatek were obstructed by ab- 
 batis. Other works were ordered for the protection 
 of the Saxons on the left, but the Prussian advance 
 prevented their completion. 
 
 The main road from Koniggratz to Horsitz inter- 
 sected the centre of the Austrian position, passing 
 south of Rosberitz and Chlum and crossing the Bis- 
 tritz at Sadowa. The Austrian line was in the shape 
 of a half circle sprung from the vicinity of Prim on 
 the left through Lipa and Nedelist nearly to the Elbe 
 on the right. The Saxon outposts were in Nechanitz 
 on the Bistritz, the Austrians in Mokrovous, Do- 
 halicka, Dohalitz, Sadowa, and Benatek farther up 
 the stream. To hold this line, nearly seven miles in 
 length, Benedek had eight corps, comprising perhaps 
 200,000 men. All but two of these corps, however, 
 were suffering from the depression and demoralization 
 consequent upon recent contact with the needle-gun. 
 The ]3luck of the Austrian army was still good, but 
 its enthusiasm was gone.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE PRUSSIANS AT KONIGGRATZ AND BEFORE 
 VIENNA. 
 
 Prince Frederick Charles prepares for Battle. — Night 
 March of the First Prussian Army upon the Bistritz. — 
 Arrival of the King of Prussia at Dub. — Opening of the 
 Battle of Koniggratz. — The Prussians cross the Bistritz. 
 
 — State of the Battle at Noon. — Critical Position of the 
 Prussian Left. — Anxiety of the Prussian Staff. — Ap- 
 proach of the Crown Prince to the Field. — He threatens 
 the Austrian Right. — Confused State of that Wing and 
 Causes therefor. — The Crown Prince moves upon Chlum. 
 
 — Capture of Chlum by the Prussian Guards and its Re- 
 sults. — Benedek's Amazement upon learning of the Fall 
 OF Chlum. — He heads his Reserves in the Effort to re- 
 take IT. — Failure of the Attack. — Total Defeat of the 
 Austrian Army. — Heroism of the Austrian Artillery. — 
 Immediate Results of the Battle. — Archduke Albrecht 
 assumes Command of the Austrian Armies. — The Prussian 
 Advance upon Vienna. — Benedek's Retreat. — Battle of 
 Blumenau. — The Armistice. 
 
 On the afternoon of July 2 Prince Frederick Charles 
 was at Kammenitz, having just returned from a coun- 
 cil of war at the royal headquarters in Gitschin. This 
 council had decided that on the following morning 
 the first army should push a reconnoissance in the 
 direction of Koniggratz, and the prince returned to 
 Kammenitz to direct the intended movements. Im- 
 mediately upon his arrival, however, he received in- 
 formation that led him to assume the responsibility 
 of disregarding the decision of the high military con-
 
 238 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 clave he had just quitted. The reports of the officers 
 whom he had sent out in the morning to exjjlore the 
 country in his front demonstrated clearly that the 
 Austrians were in force aU along the Bistritz River 
 from Benatek to Nechanitz. He immediately con- 
 cluded that Benedek was on the point of assuming 
 the offensive with his entire army. Recognizing that 
 his present position was unfavorable for the accept- 
 ance of a great battle, the prince determined upon 
 an immediate advance. The plan he hastily evolved 
 had for its object the decisive overtlu-ow of Benedek's 
 army. While the fii-st army advanced against Sa- 
 dowa, the army of the Elbe was to move on its right 
 against Nechanitz, the second army on the north 
 threatening meantime the Austrian right and rear. 
 Considering the distance that separated the first and 
 second armies, there was a strong element of risk in 
 this scheme. The strength of the Austrian army was 
 not definitely known, but it was certain that the first 
 and Elbe armies would be obliged to hold their own 
 against vastly superior forces until the crown prince 
 had time to develop his attack. 
 
 Prince Frederick Charles immediately ordered Gen- 
 eral Bittenfeld to advance upon Nechanitz, while he 
 dispatched a messenger to the crown prince request- 
 ing his cooperation. It was not until after these 
 orders had been issued that he acquainted the king 
 at Gitschin with his proposed movements and secured 
 his hearty approval. Indeed a royal messenger was 
 hurried off to the crown prince with orders for the 
 immediate advance of his entire army. 
 
 Before midnight on the 2d the first army was on 
 the march toward the Bistritz. While the 8th di\a- 
 sion, supported by the 5th and 6th, followed the Kbnig-
 
 KONIGGRATZ AND VIENNA. 239 
 
 gratz road, the 3cl and 4th divisions moved through 
 the cultivated country on their right. The 7th divi- 
 sion marched on the left of the main army from 
 Horsitz toward Cerekwitz. The night was dark, save 
 occasionally when the moon broke through the driv- 
 ing clouds and revealed glimpses of the trees and 
 cornfields waving in the damp wind. The dawn was 
 ushered in by a dismal rain that transformed field 
 and road into sloughs that seriously clogged the 
 progress of the artillery. About four o'clock the 
 head of the columns began to ascend the long hill on 
 which stands the village of Dub. From the crest of 
 the hill the Bistritz valley burst upon the view from 
 Benatek on the north to the clustering roofs of 
 Nechanitz four miles below Sadowa. All along the 
 river nestled little hamlets, backed by hills and woods 
 that showed dimly through the rain and mist of the 
 gray morning. 
 
 It was half past eight when the king of Prussia 
 and his staff came within sight of the battlefield, and 
 then the contest had fairly begun. Franzecky's 7th 
 di\asion was hotly engaged on the left in front of 
 Benatek, while Sadowa and the villages farther down 
 the stream were belted with the smoke of the Aus- 
 trian riflemen, whose fire increased as the Prussian 
 skirmishers advanced. All along the heights above 
 the Austrian guns were at work, flashing through the 
 haze and mingling their billowy smoke with the mist 
 and fog. Their practice was good, and the shells 
 swept the Koniggratz road in front of Sadowa, and 
 went rushing up the hillside into the environs of Dub 
 where the royal staff had taken position. 
 
 Before ten o'clock Benatek had been set on fire 
 and occupied by the Prussian 7th division. About
 
 240 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 this time, too, the Austrian artillery on the slope be- 
 tween Dohalitz and Mokrovous began to show signs of 
 weakening mider the continually increasing weight of 
 the Prussian fire. Prince Frederick Charles, noticing 
 this, gave the word for the infantry to advance against 
 the villages along the river. The 8th division moved 
 against Sadowa, the 4th against Dohalitz, and the 3d 
 against Mokrovous. It was no part of the Austrian 
 plan to sacrifice much for these positions, and Colonel 
 Proshaka commanding the garrison of Sadowa re- 
 ceived orders to retire. The abandonment of Sadowa 
 settled also the fate of Dohalitz, Dohalicka, and 
 Mokrovous, and before eleven o'clock the whole left 
 bank of the Bistritz had passed into the hands of the 
 Prussians. The army of the Elbe had driven the 
 Saxon outposts from Nechanitz, and was crossing the 
 river at that place preparatory to turning the left of 
 Benedek's |)osition. 
 
 At noon, however, the state of affairs was hardly 
 satisfactory to the Prussians. Franzecky was barely 
 able to maintain himself in the wood above Benatek, 
 while all along the river from Sadowa to Mokrovous 
 the Prussians were subjected to a murderous and 
 crushing artillery fire. Shortly after noon Prince 
 Frederick Charles sent the 5th and 6th divisions for- 
 ward to the support of those already engaged in the 
 woods on the slope above Sadowa.^ At one o'clock, 
 with all their reserves engaged, the Prussian staff 
 coidd trace no improvement in the situation. The 
 Austrian artillery still maintained its terrible fire. 
 
 ^ The Prussian generals at no time meditated a strong' offensive by 
 their centre, but dreaded such a movement on the part of the Aus- 
 trians. The reserves went forward to be at hand in case of a general 
 assault by their enemy.
 
 KONIGGRATZ AND VIENNA. 241 
 
 Franzecky's position on the left had become one of 
 absolute peril/ while on the right the army of the 
 Elbe was still painfiilly defiling through the swamps 
 at Nechanitz, and unable to gain ground. 
 
 Everything depended upon the prompt arrival of 
 the crown prince. The royal staff recognized this 
 fact. The king, erect and white-haired, turned his 
 gaze from the wood where the Austrian shells were 
 playing sad havoc with his devoted troops, for some 
 sign of his son, whose arrival was to decide the day. 
 Bismarck turned in his saddle and peered anxiously 
 from under the vizor of his helmet in the vain en- 
 deavor to penetrate the smoke that hung over the 
 valley about Benatek. Even Moltke's furtive glances 
 belied the habitual imperturbability of his face. 
 Every eye was strained for some glimpse of the 
 second army, every ear alert to catch the music of its 
 approacliing artillery. The moments dragged heavily. 
 At two o'clock the situation was still unchanged.^ 
 The soldiers of the Kaiser were fighting a grand 
 battle. Just before three the Prussian 8th division 
 received orders to retire, and the cavalry was held in 
 readiness to cover a retreat. 
 
 The Prussian staff was anxious and Benedek was 
 complacent, but the condition of each was induced 
 by ignorance of the true position of affairs. The 
 crown prince was in reality keeping his engagements 
 
 ^ Franzecky had 14 battalions and 24 gtins against 51 Austrian 
 battalions and 128 giins. Indeed, nearly the whole strengih of the 
 Austrian 2d and 4th corps was employed against him. The Prussian 
 headquarters, however, did not feel justified in reinforcing Franzecky 
 at the expense of their centre. 
 
 ^ Von Moltke knew at this time that the crown prince was ap- 
 proaching the field, but did not realize his troops were really en- 
 gaged. At 1.45 he informed General Bittenfeld, "the crown prince 
 is at Zizelowes."
 
 242 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 to the letter. His information as to the position of 
 the enemy was very indefinite, but he commenced 
 his advance at five in the morning. The 6th corps 
 crossed the Elbe near Jaromir and marching: south- 
 west formed the left of his army. The 1st corps on 
 the right headed for Gross Burglitz, while the Guards 
 in the centre, accompanied by the crown prince in 
 person, moved from Koniginhof on Lhota and Jericek. 
 After passing Daubrowitz the crown prince obtained 
 his first distant view of the battle, but not until he 
 gained the hills opposite Horenowes did he appreciate 
 its extent, and the fact that the Prussian left was in 
 actual danger. About noon he directed the Guards 
 toward the two famous trees on the hiUtop above 
 Horenowes, covering their left by an attack of the 6th 
 corps upon Racitz. Both of these villages and the 
 heights were carried with slight loss, their garrisons 
 consisting only of weak detachments of the Austrian 
 2d corps. The commander of the Austrian 4th corps 
 had long since left his intrenclunents between Chlum 
 and Nedelist and plunged forward to engage the 
 Prussian Tth di\asion in the wood of Maslowed. This 
 he did on his own responsibility, while the 2d corps, to 
 which had been assigTied the o^round between Nedelist 
 and the Elbe, moved up on his right. As a result, 
 at one hour before noon Benedek's right wing stood 
 on the line Maslowed-Horenowes-Racitz, with its main 
 strength massed in the vicinity of the first-named 
 place. It was only after suffering great losses, and 
 after Benedek's order had been twice repeated, that 
 the insubordinate corps commanders began to retire 
 upon their original positions. Indeed, at the time 
 when the crown prince was developing his attack 
 upon Racitz and Horenowes these weary, demoralized
 
 KONIGGRATZ AND VIENNA. 243 
 
 battalions were in the confusion of executing this 
 movement. 
 
 The crown prince saw his opportunity. The Guards 
 seized Maslowed ; the 6th corps pushed from Racitz 
 upon Lochenitz to cut the bridge at that place. From 
 Maslowed the leading regiments of the Guard marched 
 along the rear of the Austrian detachments still en- 
 gaged in the Maslowed wood, and headed for the 
 conspicuous church tower of Chlum. They reached 
 the precincts of that village almost unopposed and 
 stormed it from the east. The slender garrison was 
 immediately overpowered, while a Prussian battalion 
 seized the village of Rosberitz farther down the hill, 
 from which point they easily commanded the main 
 avenue of the Austrian retreat on Koniggratz. At 
 three o'clock the 1st division of the Prussian Guards 
 were in full possession of the heart of the Austrian 
 position. AU about them the battle was still raging. 
 Just below toward Koniggratz they could see the 
 huge masses of the Austrian reserves. A few rods 
 to the east Benedek was confidently directing what he 
 regarded as a satisfactory battle, little dreaming that 
 the key of his position was already in the iron grasp 
 of his adversaries. 
 
 Benedek was certainly satisfied with the progress 
 of events. Strong in the belief that he had the whole 
 Prussian army before him, with his line nowhere 
 broken, and with ample reserves, he felt he had the 
 contest well in hand. He had no anxiety for his 
 right. It is true he was annoyed with the com- 
 mander of the 4th corps for quitting his allotted 
 position and for not promptly obeying his orders to 
 return to it. Apparently, however, he thought these 
 instructions were obeyed earlier than they were.
 
 244 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 It was a little before noou that Benedek learned 
 that his right was threatened by a Prussian corps. 
 He was undisturbed by the information and merely 
 sent orders for the 2d corps to hold its ground. What 
 followed can readily be included among the marvels 
 of military history. No tidings reached the Austrian 
 commander that his 2d corps was being worsted near 
 Maslowed, or that the Prussian Guards had gained 
 that place. Indeed, he was never more complacent 
 than when, shortly before three o'clock, an orderly 
 came dashing up to his side with the information that 
 the Prussians were in Chlum. 
 
 If Feldzeugmeister von Benedek had been informed 
 that the Prussian army had taken to itseK wings and 
 was fl}ang away in the direction of Vienna, the tidings 
 would have been no more astonishing or incredible. 
 He refused to credit the news, and followed by liis staff 
 galloped away through the Lipa wood to Avhere the 
 church spire of Chlum was revealed through the smoke. 
 The rolling of the needle-guns and the deadly volley 
 that came pelting among his followers at the entrance 
 of the village left no doubt as to the truth. He turned 
 to his reserves and ordered the 6th corps against 
 Eosberitz and Chlum in a wild effort to recover the 
 day. Determined that he woidd not survive the dis- 
 aster he put himself at the head of the storming 
 columns. Rosberitz was cleared, but the attack failed 
 at the churchyard and orchards of Chlum. The 
 dense masses of the Austrians only served as better 
 food for the close discharo^es of the needle-ouns. The 
 losses suffered at this point were simply enormous. 
 Whole battalions were literally annihilated, blown 
 away in the hot blasts of fire and iron. Every 
 moment of delay added to the hopelessness of the
 
 KONIGGRATZ AND VIENNA. 245 
 
 Austrian efforts, for the whole of the crown prince's 
 army was approaching the field. Beneclek was con- 
 spicuous in the melee., powder blackened and furious, 
 but no kindly bullet found his breast. 
 
 Alas for Benedek! Raised to the supreme com- 
 mand on the wave of popular approval earned by 
 oood service on Italian battlefields, he was destined 
 to lose the opportunity to render his name forever 
 illustrious. He was trained in the wrong school and 
 fought the wrong foe to make a great military name. 
 Perhaps no general in Europe with troops similarly 
 equipped could have contended successfvdly with the 
 hosts wliich Prussia poured into Bohemia. Certain 
 it is that the remodeled Prussian army was an obsta- 
 cle against which reputations even more brilliant and 
 secure than Benedek's were destined to be shivered 
 to atoms. 
 
 At half past three the Austrian army was beaten ; 
 on the left the Saxons were retiring, and the reserves 
 had exhausted themselves in their useless struggle at 
 Chlmn. The 2d Austrian corps had been driven 
 across the Elbe, and the 4th corps was hopelessly lost. 
 The 2d division of the Prussian Guards stormed the 
 batteries in front of Chlmn which had been holding 
 the first army so long in check. This attack revealed 
 for the fii'st time the position of the crown prince to 
 the king and his staff. They could descry the dark 
 masses of the Prussian infantry struggling across the 
 fields on the heights. They appreciated the situation, 
 and ordered a general advance. The Austrian guns 
 in position were hastily abandoned, but the artillerists 
 saved many fieldpieces, and covered themselves with 
 glory before night. The whole Austrian army, in 
 fact, proved its high discipline by its conduct in these 
 trying circumstances. The retreating infantry never
 
 246 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 broke under the murderous Prussian fii-e, nor allowed 
 their retreat to become a rout. Again and again the 
 Austrian artillerists unlimbered, and checked their 
 pursuers. The Austrian cavalry also added to its 
 high reputation, charging infantry and artillery alike, 
 and shedding its blood like water to cover the retreat 
 of the discomfited army. 
 
 The battle of KoniggrJitz, in the point of numbers 
 engaged, the losses sustained, and results achieved, 
 must be designated as one of the mightiest military 
 conflicts of the century. The Austrian army sustained 
 a loss of over 40,000 men, 174 gnins, and 11 stand- 
 ards, while the Prussian army was reduced by 10,000 
 men killed and wounded. The Prussians only appre- 
 ciated the full magnitude of their success when, on 
 the day following the battle. General Gablenz passed 
 through their lines with Benedek's proposal for an 
 armistice. His mission was wholly unsuccessful. In 
 fact, his errand stimulated such confidence at the 
 royal headquarters as to cause Bismarck himseK some 
 misgivings. He had " the thankless task of pouring- 
 water into the foaming wine, and reminding his peo- 
 ple that they were not living alone in Europe, but 
 with three other neighbors." 
 
 So far as Austria was concerned, there was little 
 more to fear. The army of the north which Benedek 
 had addressed with such flowery assurance a fortnight 
 before was a mere wreck cowering under the intrench- 
 ments of Olmiitz. Vienna was ablaze with rage, and 
 Benedek was its unhappy object. His resignation 
 which followed was a matter of necessity. The Arch- 
 duke Albrecht was called from Italy to the command 
 of the united Austrian armies, and on his arrival 
 bent his energies to placing Vienna in a state of de- 
 fense. He dispatched imperative orders to Benedek
 
 KONIGGRATZ AND VIENNA. 247 
 
 at Olmiitz to forward his army by rail as rapidly as 
 possible, at the same time instructing his successor in 
 Venetia to hurry all his available troops to the de- 
 fense of the capital. 
 
 The three Prussian armies renewed their advance 
 on the 5th, the crown prince moving upon Olmiitz, 
 while Frederick Charles and Bittenfeld marched for 
 Vienna, — the former via Briinu ; the latter by Iglau 
 and Znaim. The monotony of the long marches was 
 broken only by occasional alarms and cavalry skir- 
 mishes. The tide of advance swept on, leaving the 
 crops waving uninjured to await the harvesting of 
 their owners, and the stolid villagers with bare larders 
 but abundance of Prussian coin. 
 
 On the 13th the vanguard of the first army entered 
 Briinn unopposed, and the next day cut the railway 
 line at Lundenburg over which Benedek had been 
 hiu"rying his troops to Vienna. It was at Briinn that 
 the equipage of M. Benedetti first appeared, a har- 
 binger of peace and of would-be French aggrandize- 
 ment. On the 20th the Prussian colimins gained the 
 banks of the Danube, and the soldiers obtained the 
 long-coveted view of the spire of St. Stephens float- 
 ing dimly over the haze of Vienna. 
 
 Before the cutting of the railway line Benedek had 
 sent four of his broken corps to the capital. With 
 the remainder of his army he determined to move 
 down the March valley to the same destination. On 
 the 15th, however, his right flank was struck savagely 
 by the cavalry of the crown prince, an event that led 
 him to abandon his line of march and adopt a more 
 circuitous route westward over the Carpathian Moun- 
 tains. On the 21st he reached Pressburg, and opened 
 communications with the archduke at Vienna. 
 
 In the mean time the Austrian cabinet had come to
 
 248 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 the conclusion that an armistice could alone prevent 
 the humiliation of a Prussian military pageant on the 
 Rino"-Strasse. The archduke had succeeded in bring;- 
 ing up but a small portion of the army from Venetia, 
 while the troops from Olmiitz were still in a state of 
 partial demoralization. The news that Benedek's 
 weary battalions were streaming into Pressburg pro- 
 duced no change in the conviction of the government. 
 On the 22d Coimt Karoljd and General Degenfeld 
 repaired to the Prussian headquarters at Nikolsburg 
 to arrange an armistice and discuss the preliminaries 
 of a peace. 
 
 On this day an action was fought in the vicinity of 
 Blumenau between the 7th and 8th Prussian divisions 
 and foiu" Austrian brigades of the 2d and 10th corps. 
 The action was interrupted by news of the armistice, 
 though not until the Austrian position had been seri- 
 ously compromised. Blumenau was a useless contest, 
 but it brought laurels to General Franzecky and will 
 remain conspicuous as the last action of the Seven 
 Weeks' war. 
 
 The armistice was to expire on the 27th, but on the 
 26th, after conferences in which M. Benedetti essayed 
 to play a part, preliminaries of peace were signed. 
 The tenor of these preliminaries alone attested the 
 extent of the Austrian reverse. She agreed to with- 
 draw from the confederation, to pay a heavy war in- 
 demnity, and to oppose no objection to Prussia's re- 
 organization of North Germany. Everything which 
 Austrian statesmen since Schwarzenberg had been 
 contending for was hopelessly lost in the development 
 of Bismarck's policy of " iron and blood." The ar- 
 rangement of details devolved upon the diploma- 
 tists, and the Prussian army withdrew to the line of 
 the Thaya to await the signature of a deiinite peace.
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE OVEETHEOW OF THE GEEMAN FEDEEAL AEMY. 
 
 The Campaign in the West. — Critical Situation of the 
 Hanoverian Army. — Indifference of Prince Charles of 
 BAViUiiA. — Victory of the Hanoverians at Langensalza. 
 
 — Capitulation of the Hanoverian Army. — Indecision in 
 THE Federal Councils. — Advance of the Prussian Gen- 
 eral Falckenstein upon Frankfort. — Prussian Occupa- 
 tion OF FuLDA. — Battle of Kissingen and Defeat of the 
 Bavarlans. — Defeat of the 8th Federal Corps at Lau- 
 
 FACH and AsCHAFFENBURG. PRUSSIAN EnTRY INTO FrANK- 
 
 FORT. — Junction of Prince Alexander with Prince 
 Charles. — General Manteuffel succeeds Falckenstein. 
 
 — He maiiches from Frankfort. — Indecision of the Fed- 
 eral Commander. — Fighting on the Tauber. — Retreat 
 OF THE Federal Army upon Wubzburg. — Bombardment of 
 
 WiJRZBURG BY THE PRUSSIANS. ThE ArMISTICE, 
 
 DuEiNG the progress of the campaign in Bohemia, 
 the Prussian armies in the west had been gaining 
 most decisive successes. In three days after the dec- 
 laration of war they had occupied Hanover and Cas- 
 sel, and hekl the Hanoverian army in their power. 
 In fact, the only chance for the escape of King 
 George and his devoted troops lay in the cooperation 
 of the Bavarian army then massed in the vicinity of 
 Bamberg and Wiirzburg. Prince Charles of Bavaria 
 refusing to recognize the gravity of the crisis, it 
 devolved upon the hard-pressed Hanoverians to ex- 
 tricate themselves unaided from the necessity of a 
 capitulation. King George was despondent, reahzing 
 the unpreparedness of his troops and the utter dilap-
 
 250 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 idation of his commissariat. He opened negotiations 
 with Berlin in the hope of securing a free passage for 
 his army into Bavaria on the condition that they 
 would not turn their arms against Prussia during the 
 succeeding six months. The delay caused by tliis 
 correspondence was fatal to him. The Hanoverian- 
 army had been slowly moving in the direction of 
 Gotha, and on the 26th bivouacked about the town 
 of Langensalza. That night four Prussian divisions 
 were closing in upon it from the northwest and south 
 On the morning of the 27th the Prussian General 
 Plies advancing from Warza with 12,000 men en- 
 countered the Hanoverian outposts in front of Lan- 
 gensalza. The conflict that ensued was the last which 
 the Hanoverians were destined to wage for their royal 
 house. Poorly armed, poorly organized, with every 
 circumstance dispiriting, the raw battalions of King 
 George proved themselves nevertheless invincible. 
 General Plies was compelled to abandon the field to 
 liis foes, and draw off toward Warza. 
 
 The victory, however, stirred no enthusiasm in the 
 Hanoverian ranks. The king recognized the fact that 
 a prolongation of the contest could only result in 
 useless slaughter. Forty-two thousand Prussians were 
 concentrating upon his position, and there was no sign 
 of help from the Bavarians. Even the cannon of 
 Langensalza had failed to awake Prince Charles from 
 his lethargy. On the 29th, finally despairing of aid, 
 the king accepted the Prussian terms and capitulated. 
 The soldiers laid down their arms and were dismissed 
 to their homes. The king became an exile from his 
 people. 
 
 The Hanoverians disposed of, there remained to 
 confront the Prussians the Bavarian army and the
 
 OVERTHROW OF THE FEDERAL ARMY. 251 
 
 8th federal corps which was still in process of mobil- 
 ization. The plan conceived at Vienna for the move- 
 ment of the federal forces in the west comprised an 
 early junction of the Bavarians and the 8th corps and 
 an invasion of Prussian territory. The fall of the 
 Hanoverian army, which was to lend its support to 
 this movement, threw all the military calculations out 
 of joint. Prince Charles, after allowing his opportu- 
 nity to slip, made a tardy advance to succor the Han- 
 overians. At Meiningen he received tidings of the 
 battle of Langensalza and the subsequent capitula- 
 tion. Upon this he began a hurried retreat to join 
 the 8th corps, which at the same time commenced its 
 northward march from Frankfort. The rapid move- 
 ments of the Prussians, however, again frustrated the 
 federal commander. 
 
 General von Falckenstein, who had been appointed 
 to the command of all the Prussian forces in the west, 
 rapidly concentrated his army after the capitulation 
 of the Hanoverians, and moved upon Frankfort via 
 Fulda. On July 4 he worsted the Bavarian detach- 
 ment at Wiesenthal, inducing the retirement of the 
 whole Bavarian army beyond the Saale. Prince 
 Alexander, commanding the 8th corps, upon learning 
 of this commenced his retreat on Frankfort. On the 
 6th General von Falckenstein occupied Fulda, and in 
 view of the fact that seventy miles of country sepa- 
 rated the two corps of the federal army, he determined 
 to overwhelm them in detail. He did not overrate 
 the demoralization in Prince Alexander's ranks when 
 he concluded that there was little to fear from the 8th 
 corps for some days to come. On the 8th he broke 
 up his quarters at Fulda, on the 9th he crossed the 
 Hohe Rhon, and the next morning hurled his forces
 
 252 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 against the astonished Bavarians at Hammelburg, 
 Kissingen, and Waldaschach on the Saale. At every 
 point the Bavarians were outnumbered, and so far 
 separated from their supports that no aid was possible 
 during the day. Kissingen became sadly changed in 
 a few hours. Its fashionable devotees were awakened 
 by the uproar of military preparations, and found 
 themselves enforced witnesses of a fierce combat. 
 The bridges over the Saale were destroyed and the 
 streets barricaded ; but before these precautions were 
 completed Goeben's Prussian division was attacking. 
 The Bavarians fought well, but under cover of their 
 superior artillery the Prussians crossed the river, and 
 carried the fight into the streets of the town. In the 
 Kurgarten, where twice a day fashion held high car- 
 nival, the combatants closed with the bayonet. At 
 three o'clock the Prussians had carried the town, 
 leaving its finery sadly battle-scarred. The Bavarians, 
 doggedly retreating, maintained desultory skirmishing 
 until dark. The retreat from Hammelburg had com- 
 menced earlier in the day, while at Waldaschach Gen- 
 eral Manteuifel's division encountered only feeble 
 resistance. 
 
 By these successes General Falckenstein won the 
 line of the Saale, and temporarily paralyzed the Ba- 
 varian army for offensive movements. On the 11th 
 he turned against the 8th corps, directing Beyer's 
 division to Hanau, and Goeben's division against As- 
 chaffenburg via Laufach, where the troops of Hesse 
 Darmstadt were in position. On the 13th Goeben 
 carried Laufach, and the next day encountered the 
 Austrian brigade of the 8tli corps at Aschaffen- 
 burg. The action there was not especially severe. 
 The Austrian artillery was well served, but their in-
 
 OVERTHROW OF THE FEDERAL ARMY. 253 
 
 fantry, composed largely of Italians, was thrown into 
 confusion, and lost 2,000 prisoners by becoming 
 jammed in the streets of the town. This fight set- 
 tled the fate of Frankfort, and there was a general 
 stampede of federal functionaries, civil and military. 
 Alarmed at the defeat of his advanced brigades. 
 Prince Alexander hastily withdrew from the city, and 
 on the 15th had his whole army on the south side of 
 the Main. On the 16th General Falckenstein entered 
 Frankfort, the public buildings were placed under 
 military guard, and the Prussian colors hoisted upon 
 the palace of Thurn and Taxis. The free city of 
 Frankfort, the capital of the German confederation, 
 was to be from henceforth a Prussian municipality. 
 
 From this time the federal cause in the west was 
 hopeless. On the 15th Prince Alexander effected a 
 junction with the Bavarians, but it was then too late 
 to reap the benefits that would have attended an ear- 
 lier consummation of the movement. Both the fed- 
 eral corps were dispirited by their lack of success as 
 well as by the tidings of Koniggratz and the Prussian 
 advance on Vienna. The Bavarians had lost confi- 
 dence in their leaders, and the heterogeneous soldiery 
 of the 8th corps had fought without enthusiasm from 
 the first. 
 
 As for the Prussians, their condition was exactly 
 the reverse. General von Falckenstein was called to 
 assume the military governorship of Bohemia, but he 
 was ably succeeded by General Manteuffel. Further- 
 more, a reserve corps had been formed at Leipsic, and 
 imder the command of the grand duke of Mecklen- 
 burg-Schwei'in was preparing to invade Bavaria in 
 the direction of Hof. The army of the Main, as 
 Manteuffel's army was now styled, had been strength-
 
 254 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ened also by the military contingents of Oldenburg, 
 Hamburg, Liibeck, Waldeck, Bremen, and Sehwarz- 
 burg-Sonderhausen, aggregating 10,000 men. 
 
 On the 21st ManteufPel advanced from Frankfort. 
 Prince Charles of Bavaria was at a loss what course 
 to pursue. If he stood fast against Manteuffel he 
 left the road open for the grand duke of Mecklen- 
 burg to march on Miinich. If he retreated to cover 
 the capital he permitted a union of the two Prussian 
 armies. While he was thus undecided, on the 24th 
 Manteuffel attacked the 8th corps on the Tauber. 
 At Werbach where the Badeners were in position, 
 and at Tauberbischofsheim held by the Wiirtemberg- 
 ers, there was some sharp fighting, but at both places 
 the Prussians forced a passage of the river. Prince 
 Alexander retired to Gerscheim midway between 
 Wiirzburg and Tauberbischofsheim. That night the 
 Bavarian army came up on his right, prolonging the 
 line of battle to the vicinity of Utingen and Helm- 
 stadt on the north. 
 
 There was desultory fighting all along this front of 
 ten miles on the day following. After dark Prince 
 Alexander began his retreat upon AYiirzburg. Prince 
 Charles, ignorant of this movement, and having his 
 troops better in hand, moved against Utingen on the 
 morning of the 26th. He was not long in discover- 
 ing that his left flank was uncovered, and that his 
 communications with Wiirzburg were threatened by 
 Goeben's victorious troops. A hasty retreat at once 
 commenced, and before night the whole federal army 
 was reunited at Wiirzburg. With the Main in its 
 rear and a determined foe in front, the position of 
 this army was most critical. It was literally besieged, 
 while the troops of the Prussian reserve corps at
 
 OVERTHROW OF THE FEDERAL ARMY. 255 
 
 Baireuth had an open march to Munich. The one 
 hope of the federal forces lay in the efforts of Herr 
 von der Pfordten, the Bavarian ambassador, who had 
 been at Nikolsburg for some days endeavoring to 
 arrange an honorable peace with Prussia. 
 
 Bismarck's dealings with Pfordten were more brief 
 than conciliatory. Bavaria must yield all her terri- 
 tory north of the Main, and consent to the payment 
 of a war indemnity. In vain the Bavarian protested 
 against these harsh conditions. When it became 
 clear that Vienna was at the mercy of the Prussians, 
 and he learned that the great fortress of Wiirzburg 
 was fast becoming a rubbish heap under the bombard- 
 ment of Manteuffel's artillery, Pfordten yielded to 
 the inevitable. News of the armistice reached Wiirz- 
 burg on the 29th after a day of terrific cannonade. 
 Hostilities were immediately suspended, and before 
 the close of the month preliminaries of peace had 
 been signed between Prussia, Bavaria, and all those 
 states whose contingents made up the 8th federal 
 corps.
 
 CHAPTEB XX. 
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1866. 
 
 Italian Affairs after the Death of Cavour. — Garibaldi 
 AGAIN. — The Battle at Aspromonte. — Fall of the Ra- 
 tazzi Ministry. — France and the Roman Question. — 
 Droutn de Lhuys on the Situation. — Transfer of the 
 National Government to Florence. — Joy of the Floren- 
 tines. — Declaration of War upon Austria. — Condition 
 of the Opposing Armies. — The German Plan for the 
 Italian Campaign and its Rejection at Florence. — The 
 Italian Army crosses the Mincio. — The Plans of the Op- 
 posing Commanders result in a Collision. — The Theatre 
 of Action. — Opening of the Battle of Custozza on the 
 Italian Right. — Fighting at Oliosi and Rout of the 
 Italian Left Wing. — Bold and Successful Move of the 
 Italian General Pianelli to check the Austrian Pursuit. 
 — Progress of the Battle in the Centre. — La Marmo- 
 ra's Incapacity. — State of the Battle at Two o'Clock. — 
 Concentric Attack of the Archduke upon Custozza and 
 Retreat of the Italians. — The Italian Army recrosses 
 THE Mincio. — Responsibility of La Marmora for the De- 
 feat. — The Archduke Albrecht summoned to Vienna. — 
 Advance of the Italian Army under Cialdini. — Defeat 
 OF THE Italian Fleet at Lissa. — Degradation of Admiral 
 Persano. — Good Faith of the Italian Government in 1866. 
 
 On tlie evening when Prince Frederick Charles 
 was concentrating his troops at Reichenberg, prepara- 
 tory to their first contest with the Kaiserliks, the last 
 echoes of a stern battle were reverberating among the 
 hills of the Lago di Garda, and an Italian army was 
 retreating from a disastrous field. 
 
 The course of events in Italy since Cavour's death
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1866. 257 
 
 had been marked by bitter parliamentary strifes, by 
 the fall of ministries, and by inglorious insurrections, 
 until the battle-cry of " Venetia " united the nation 
 anew. The ministry of Baron Ricasoli, who succeeded 
 Cavour, fell in a few months for alleged lukewarm- 
 ness on the Roman question. Signor Ratazzi would 
 have left an enviable record as prime minister except 
 for this same Roman question. After a few months 
 of prosperity, however, during which the di2)lomatic re- 
 lations of Italy steadily improved, and numerous inter- 
 nal improvements were instituted, he was confronted by 
 a Garibaldian revolution with its battle-cry of " Rome 
 or death." This was in July, 1862. Garibaldi made 
 his appearance in Sicily, and summoned his old com- 
 rades about him for the march uj^on the eternal city. 
 Perhaps Cavour would have found a way of turning 
 even this crowning folly of Garibaldi to some good 
 account, but Ratazzi saw but one course of action in 
 the crisis. He immediately placed the Two Sicilies 
 in a state of siege, and dispatched General La Mar- 
 mora to restore order. On the 29th of August Gari- 
 baldi was confronted by the royal troops at Aspro- 
 monte. There was but little fighting, but an unlucky 
 bullet inflicted a wound upon Garibaldi's ankle that 
 was attended with the most serious political conse- 
 quences. The republican faction heading all disaffec- 
 tions started a fierce agitation against the Ratazzi 
 ministry. Garibaldi was held up as a patriot and 
 martyr. The prime minister was decried as an im- 
 perialist and a traitor. The ministry resigned, and 
 in the fall of 1862 was succeeded by that of Signor 
 Farini. Ill health brought his administration to an 
 end in a few months. Signor Minghetti followed, 
 and infused new vigor into the government. Brig-
 
 258 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 andage in the southern provinces was mercilessly 
 hunted down, new railways were opened, and the 
 whole financial system was reformed. 
 
 At length (1864) the incessant importunity of the 
 Italian government with reference to Rome began to 
 bear fruit at Paris, The emperor wanted Austria 
 driven from Italy, but so long as he held Rome he 
 could hardly lay stress upon this point. At length 
 he agreed to withdraw his troojjs on the promise of 
 the Itahan government to protect the Papal See ; a 
 promise accompanied by the transfer of the royal 
 capital from Turin to Florence as a pledge of good 
 faith. " Of course this will all end in your going to 
 Rome," was the whispered remark of M. Drouyn de 
 Lhuys to the Italian minister at Paris, " but it is 
 important that between this event and that of the 
 evacuation such an interval may elapse, and such a 
 series of incidents occur, as to do away mth the pos- 
 sibility of estabhshing any connection between them : 
 France must not be held responsible." 
 
 The Italian government accepted the conditions, 
 and yet so bitter was the feeling engendered through- 
 out Piedmont, and especially in Turin, upon its an- 
 nouncement that the Minghetti ministry resigned. 
 The king summoned General La Marmora to form 
 a new cabinet, and he proved the right man for the 
 crisis. He supported the odious arrangement in a 
 curt and military fashion. " The king's signature is 
 there — and that is enough," he declared in the Cham- 
 ber. The arrangement was finally indorsed and by a 
 large majority. Turin became simply the chief city of 
 Piedmont, the ancient seat of the Sardinian kings. 
 Florence became the capital of united Italy. If Turin 
 was grieved and angry, Florence welcomed the king
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1866. 259 
 
 with open arms. In November, 1865, the parliament 
 convened in the great hall of the Palazzo Vecchio, 
 from the walls of which the strong features of the 
 Medici looked down through the dimness of the cen- 
 turies. Florence rang her bells anew, not in warn- 
 ing but in joy. The banner of the republic or the 
 arms of the Medici had never been so glad a sight to 
 Florence as the tricolor with the emblem of Savoy 
 that now floated from the battlements of the Palazzo 
 Pitti. 
 
 Having so far settled the Roman question as to 
 have gained a promise of the withdrawal of the 
 French troops, Victor Emmanuel and his ministry 
 turned their attention to Venice. The hostility be- 
 tween Austria and Prussia proved their opportunity. 
 The king through the French emperor sought to 
 induce Austria to yield Venetia as the price of Italian 
 neutrality in the approaching contest, but Austria 
 was too confident at this time to heed such a pro- 
 posal. In the mean time General Govone concluded 
 the Italo-Prussian alliance with Bismarck at Berhn. 
 From this time Italy steadily prepared for war. 
 
 The Italian declaration of war was issued on the 
 20th of June. The king left Florence to take the 
 command of the army, General La Marmora acting 
 as chief of staff. The army consisted at this time of 
 four strong corps, the 1st under General Durando at 
 Cavriana, the 2d under Cucchiari at Castellucchio, 
 the 3d under Delia Rocca at Gazzoldo, and the 4th 
 under Cialdini in the vicinity of Ferrara, a total 
 strength of nearly 160,000 men. The Archduke Al- 
 brecht, who commanded the Kaiser's forces in Vene- 
 tia, could muster about Verona scarcely more than 
 one third as many bayonets as his foe. He had the
 
 260 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Sth corps under General Rodich, the 7th under Field 
 Marshal di Madonna del Monte, the 9th under Gen- 
 eral Hartung, and a reserve infantry division com- 
 manded by General Kupprecht. Each of these corps 
 comprised three infantry brigades of an average 
 strength of 5,000 men. 
 
 It seems that a plan of campaign was forwarded 
 from Berlin for the consideration of the royal staff. 
 It provided for the masking of the Quadrilateral and 
 the embarkation of the main Italian army for some 
 point near Trieste from which it could conveniently 
 march upon Vienna. In other words, the Prussian 
 idea was for the Italians to fight a defensive battle 
 on the Mincio and the Po, while they threatened 
 Vienna from Styi-ia. In consideration of the great 
 numerical superiority of the Italians, this plan was 
 feasible from a military point of view, but it did not 
 find favor with La Marmora. His preference and 
 the sentiment of Italy was for a march on Venice 
 rather than on Vienna. 
 
 The plan adopted at the Italian headquarters at 
 Goito was to occupy the Quadrilateral in force, to 
 isolate the fortresses, and push back the Austrian 
 field army. On the 23d, in pursuance of orders 
 issued from headquarters on the day previous, the 
 Italian armies began their advance. The 1st corps 
 passed the Mincio at Monzambano, Borghetto, and 
 Molino di Volta, Pianelli's division being retained on 
 the right bank to watch the garrison of Peschiera. 
 The entire 3d corps crossed at Goito and bivouacked 
 between Massimbona and Pozzolo. The 2d corps was 
 badly distributed. Tlu-ee of its brigades were directed 
 upon Mantua, another brigade detailed to watch Bor- 
 goforte, while two divisions remained at Castellucchio
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1866. 2G1 
 
 with orders to cross the Mincio on the 24th as a sup- 
 port to the 1st and 3d corps. 
 
 General La Marmora took it for granted that the 
 archduke would not accept a battle west of the Adige. 
 On the 23d he issued his orders to the commanders 
 of the 1st and 3d corps to occupy the heights of Sona 
 and Sommacampagna. No one seems to have an- 
 ticipated that it might be necessary to fight for these 
 positions. Consequently at daybreak on the 24th the 
 men commenced their march with empty stomachs, in 
 heavy marching order, and without even the protec- 
 tion of patrols. 
 
 The Archduke Albrecht kept himself well informed 
 as to the whereabouts of his enemy and used his 
 cavalry to good advantage. The passage of the 3d 
 Italian corps at Goito and the position of Durando's 
 forces led him to infer that the Italian armies were 
 aiming at concentration in the vicinity of Albaredo 
 on the Adige. With this imjjression in mind he gave 
 orders on the 23d to occupy the heights of Somma- 
 campagna. His plan was excellently conceived. His 
 forces took position on a line from Sandra through 
 Sona to Sommacampagna, and pivoting on the latter 
 place executed a wheel to the left, establishing a new 
 line from Castelnuovo to Sommacampagna facing 
 southwest. It will thus be seen that on the morning 
 of June 24, when La Marmora's hungry and heavily- 
 laden troops were marching loosely to occupy the 
 coveted positions, the Austrians were also advancing 
 excellently prepared for combat. 
 
 The theatre of action was a memorable one in Aus- 
 trian and Italian military history. For the Italians 
 it was teeming with gloomy and bitter memories. 
 Here in Villafranca, resounding this morning with
 
 262 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 the rumble of artillery and the blare of the bugles of 
 Prince Humbert's division, the hateful convention 
 of 1859 was signed by Napoleon and the Kaiser. 
 Hardly a league distant, drowsily sleeping among 
 those hilltops above the hot valley of the Tione is 
 the village of Custozza where the Sardinians were 
 defeated by Radetsky in 1849. A few miles away 
 toward the west, invisible it is true, is the shot- 
 scarred tower of Solferino and the grave-sprinkled 
 slope before San Martino. It was indeed a sad coun- 
 try for the Italians, and destined to become more so. 
 
 About seven o'clock Prince Humbert's division, 
 advancing from Villafranca upon Ganfardine and 
 Dossobuono, fell in with the Austrian outposts. Upon 
 this General Brignone, whose division had crossed 
 the Tione and was approacliing Staffalo, promptly 
 seized the heights of Custozza and the Monte Croce, 
 whose summits command the road from Custozza to 
 Sommacampagna. This movement was executed none 
 too soon, for when the first troops gained the Monte 
 Croce the Austrians could be descried on the heights 
 of the Berettara across the valley to the north. Bri- 
 gnone was soon warmly engaged, the Lombard grena- 
 dier brigade on the heights of Custozza, the Pied- 
 montese grenadiers on the Monte Croce. 
 
 About the same time the Italian left wing on the 
 eastern bank of the Tione had begun the action. 
 General Cerale's division, after having lost its way at 
 Monzambano and marched nearly to Valeggio in the 
 efforts to find Castelnuovo, came up with the Austrian 
 division of reserve infantry near Oliosi about six in 
 the morning. The Pisa brigade drove the Austrians 
 from Mongrabia and from their strong positions on 
 the Monte Cricol. The other brigade of the division,
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1866. 263 
 
 however, was thrown into disorder by a flank attack 
 of Piret's brigade of the 5th corps, which had arrived 
 to General Rupprecht's succor. General Cerale was 
 wounded in the melee, and the Pisa brigade had no 
 alternative but to retire. The young soldiers, so full 
 of elan in the advance, became panicky when the 
 bugles sounded the retreat. The reserve of the 1st 
 corps arrived at Monte Vento about half past ten and 
 covered the retreat of the discomfited battalions. 
 
 General Sirtori with his division had likewise been 
 warmly engaged with the Austi'ian 5th corps on the 
 Pernisa plateau and between that point and Santa 
 Lucia. About two o'clock, however, despairing of 
 supports, he abandoned the latter place and began 
 his retreat upon Valeggio, This movement also ne- 
 cessitated the Avithdrawal of the reserve from Monte 
 Vento, the right flank of the position being exposed, 
 and no hope remaining of rallying Cerale's division. 
 
 In the mean while, unknown to his colleagues. Gen- 
 eral Pianelli had crossed the Mincio and adminis- 
 tered a severe repidse to the extreme Austrian right. 
 He retired to Monte Sabbione with several hundred 
 prisoners, and had his presence there been known 
 earlier the retreat of Sirtori and the reserve artiQery 
 would hardly have been necessary. 
 
 The dissipation of the Italian left wing compro- 
 mised the central positions about Custozza. The fight 
 in that vicinity had been stubbornly maintained 
 throughout the morning, the Archduke Albrecht em- 
 ploying the 7th and 9th corps in repeated efforts to 
 gain the heights. The Lombard grenadiers were 
 driven from Custozza in disorder and Prince Amedeo 
 wounded. The Piedmontese made good the Monte 
 Croce against all assaults, but were relieved about
 
 264 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ten o'clock by Cugia's division. Brignone's division 
 had been subjected to such losses as to be considered 
 out of the fight. Govone's division covered Cugia's 
 left, and after some hard fighting recaptured Cus- 
 tozza. Before this La Marmora had left his centre, 
 and was riding away to Valeggio to hunt up his 
 missing divisions. The Italian commander had no 
 staff with him on this critical day, and in his efforts 
 to be at every point and keep track of the battle was 
 never to be found when wanted and always laboring 
 under erroneous impressions. At noon La Marmora 
 at Valeggio believed the army to be lost, but in point 
 of fact at two o'clock Pianelli, Sirtori, Cugia, and 
 Govone were still unshaken, while Bixio and Hum- 
 bert had not been fairly engaged and were being held 
 in inaction by the movements of a few audacious cav- 
 alrymen. But at 3.30 another face was put upon 
 matters. Sirtori was then in retreat, and Pianelli 
 moving toward the Mincio. The Archduke Albrecht, 
 with his right wing free, inaugurated a strong concen- 
 tric movement against the heart of the Itahan posi- 
 tion. One brigade of the 5th corps, advancing from 
 Santa Lucia, threatened Govone's flank and rendered 
 the heights of Custozza untenable. In vain the Ital- 
 ian general pleaded for reinforcements. The divi- 
 sions of Bixio and Humbert continued idle, though a 
 movement by them upon Sommacampagna would have 
 paralyzed the Austrian attack. Govone retired slowly, 
 relinquishing Custozza about six o'clock, while Cugia, 
 finding himself abandoned by his colleague, also be- 
 gan to retreat. When at last the archduke found 
 himself master of the heights of Custozza, the strength 
 of his troops was spent. The intense heat of the 
 cloudless day had been almost insufferable. No pur-
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1866. 265 
 
 suit was attempted, and the soldiers of Bixio and 
 Humbert had scarcely an opportunity to foul their 
 gun-barrels in covering the retreat upon Villafranca. 
 The retrograde movement did not cease at that point, 
 and tlu-ough the darkness of the sultry night the 
 broken battalions of the Itahan army plodded heav- 
 ily over the roads to Goito and Valeggio. Even the 
 bridge at the latter place was destroyed, a move that 
 for the fii'st time led the archduke to appreciate the 
 magnitude of his success. This unwarrantable act 
 proclaimed that the Italian commander, far from 
 meditating a renewal of the march upon Venice, had 
 entirely abandoned the Quadrilateral, and deemed 
 the unbroken current of the Mincio necessary to the 
 safety of his rear-guard. 
 
 Most military critics agree that La Marmora's neg- 
 ligence in not keeping his staff near him was the 
 principal cause of the defeat of Custozza. It was 
 Cerale's fugitives streaming through Valeggio that 
 frightened the Italian general into the idea that all 
 was lost, and that Bixio and Humbert must be held 
 intact to cover the rout. If he had been in commu- 
 nication with his whole line, and spent more time on 
 the Tione and less on the Mincio, Sirtori need not 
 have abandoned Santa Lucia, and Custozza would 
 have been impregnable. 
 
 The Ai'chduke Albrecht showed himself a capable 
 soldier, and handled his troops wisely, if not bril- 
 liantly. He became the idol of the army, and a fort- 
 night after the battle was summoned to Vienna to 
 succeed the hapless Benedek. The 5th and 9th corps 
 were also called to the defense of the capital, leaving 
 a force of barely 25,000 men for the defense of the 
 Quadrilateral.
 
 266 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 The battle of Custozza cost La Marmora his com- 
 mand, which was conferred upon Ciaklini. On the 
 7th of July, the confidence of the Italian army hav- 
 ing been somewhat restored, he commenced an ad- 
 vance, pushing his vanguard across the Po that even- 
 ing. The Austrian general did not attempt to oppose 
 him. On the 14th the Italian vanguard occupied 
 Padua ; on the 15th Vicenza. On the 18tli the divi- 
 sion of General Nunziante drove the Austrian garrison 
 from Borgoforte. On the 22d, when a truce was con- 
 cluded, Cialdini's left was on the Isonzo and his right 
 within view of Venice. 
 
 But the improved military status was offset by an- 
 other humihation. On July 20 the Italian fleet of 
 Admiral Persano was worsted by an inferior squadron 
 off Lissa. Three Italian iron-clads, the Affondatore, 
 Re d' Italia, and Palestro were sunk. Lissa was Cus- 
 tozza repeated at sea. While Persano had the advan- 
 tage in ships, tonnage, and weight of metal, the Italian 
 seamen were always fighting at a disadvantage against 
 odds. A feeling of pity for Persano is irresistible, 
 for he had served his country well in past years. He 
 was brought before the senate, of which he was a 
 member, for trial, charged with cowardice, disobe- 
 dience, incapacity, and negligence. The upper Ital- 
 ian house had not attained the spirit that animated 
 the Roman Senate when they received the consul who 
 had commanded the legions at Cannae. Persano was 
 acquitted of cowardice on a close vote, but found 
 guilty of all other charges and deprived of command 
 and rank. 
 
 The events of 1866 have always been humiliating 
 memories to Italians. They gained Venetia, but not 
 by the force of their own arms. Though the military
 
 THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1866. 267 
 
 pride of Italy was wounded, she certainly has high 
 claims to satisfaction. The policy of the royal gov- 
 ernment throughout the year 1866 was conspicuously 
 honorable. The king since 1859 had always insisted 
 upon his determination to carry Italian freedom to the 
 Adriatic. His position was thoroughly understood at 
 Vienna, and his practical avowal that the cession of 
 Venetia was the only inducement which would keep 
 him neutral in a German war was no sui-prise to the 
 Austrian statesmen. After the conclusion of the treaty 
 with Prussia the king, though tried, proved himself 
 above temptation. In the spring Austria, thoroughly 
 alarmed, agreed to his proposition made in the winter. 
 But she met with a rebuff, for Victor Emmanuel 
 was then bound, not only to Venetia, but to Prussia 
 as well. After the battle of KoniggrJitz, with his 
 army still demoralized by Custozza, he again put aside 
 Venetia and the blessings of peace until his duty 
 toward Prussia was thorougldy fulfilled. Cialdini's 
 advance into Venetia was ordered after the Austrian 
 cession of that province to the Emperor of the French. 
 The Italian army was poorly organized, poorly 
 equipped, and badly directed, but its prowess was 
 unquestionable. If it did not win a battle, it detained 
 75,000 good Austrian soldiers, who might have turned 
 the scale on the Iser or at Koniggratz. 
 
 Italy need not blush for Custozza or Lissa, but she 
 may take pride in the whole-souled commendation of 
 her powerful ally. On December 20, 1866, Prince 
 Bismarck made the following declaration in the Prus- 
 sian Chambers : " We had powerful support in the 
 incorruptible fidelity of Italy — fidelity v/hich I can- 
 not too highly commend, whose value I cannot too 
 highly ai^jsreciate. The Italian government resisted
 
 268 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 firmly the temptation to violate the alliance on ac- 
 count of Austria's gift (the cession of Venetia), who 
 was our mutual foe ; from this fact we may draw 
 strong hopes that in the future the most cordial rela- 
 tions will unite Germany and Italy."
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 RESULTS OF THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR. 
 
 The Treaty of Prague. — The Four Great Results of the 
 Seven Weeks' War. — The Federal Reichstag. — Bismarck 
 and Benedettl — Bismarck and South Germany. — The New 
 Era in Austria. — The Transfer of Venetia. — Victor Em- 
 manuel IN Venice. — Critical Condition of Europe in 1867. 
 
 Prussia concluded peace with all the South Ger- 
 man states except Darmstadt before the close of 
 August. On August 23 the treaty of Prague was 
 concluded with Austria, and on October 3 the treaty 
 of Vienna was signed between Austria and Italy. 
 
 The treaty of Prague was a substantial ratification 
 of the Nikolsburg preliminaries. South Germany 
 procured peace at the expense of heavy indemnities, 
 and in the case of Hesse Darmstadt and Bavaria the 
 cession of territory north of the Main. The treaty of 
 Vienna ratified the union of Venetia with the Italian 
 kingdom. 
 
 The results of the Seven Weeks' war may be 
 summed up under four heads : first, the exaltation of 
 Prussia and the formation of the North German con- 
 federation under her leadership ; second, the disap- 
 pearance of Austria as a German power ; third, the 
 realization of Italian freedom from the Alps to the 
 Adriatic ; and fourth, the shattering of Napoleon's 
 air-castles. England and Russia were not seriously 
 influenced. The London government experienced
 
 270 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 some misgiving over what it regarded as the downfall 
 of continental conservatism, while St. Petersburg was 
 still inclined to regard with complacency any humilia- 
 tion of Austria. 
 
 Bismarck returned to Berlin with his policy vin- 
 dicated and his popularity assured. In 1849 he had 
 publicly declared that the most prominent charac- 
 teristic of Prussian nationality was its warlike ele- 
 ment. It remained for the first battles in Bohemia 
 to demonstrate the truth of his words. The news 
 of victory worked a transformation throughout the 
 nation, and the very men whose names had been 
 prominent on peace petitions joined lustily in the 
 popular shout of "to Vienna." The soldiers who 
 left their occupations with reluctance, and entered 
 the ranks without enthusiasm, took kindly to the 
 bloody work on the heights above Sadowa, and even 
 grumbled over the early cessation of hostilities. It 
 was remarked by foreigners that there was a tinge of 
 ferocity in the joy which animated Berlin when the 
 regiments from the Danube began to throng the Lin- 
 den, suggesting that it was induced more by victorious 
 war than the satisfaction of renewed peace. 
 
 Bismarck upon returning to the Diet fomid a spirit 
 of congratidation and adulation, where two months be- 
 fore he had encountered only hostility and invective. 
 The houses almost unanimously acquiesced in the 
 proposed incorporation of Hanover and Hesse Cas- 
 sel and Nassau into the Prussian kingdom, and the 
 amalgamation of all the German states north of the 
 Main into a commercial and military confederation. 
 In June, 1866, Prussia had an area of 127,350 square 
 miles and a population of 19,000,000. Before the 
 close of that year she had extended her sway over
 
 RESULTS OF THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR. 271 
 
 160,000 miles and 23,000,000 souls. Every state 
 north of the Main was either incorporated in the 
 Prussian monarchy or joined with it in the iron bands 
 of the North German confederation. The fate of 
 Saxony hung for a time in the balance, and but for 
 the efforts of Austria backed by France its ancient 
 house would have shared the fate of that of Hanover. 
 The settlement reached was complex and satisfactory 
 only to Prussia. The Saxon throne remained intact 
 on the following conditions : That Saxony entered the 
 confederation, that the military and postal affairs 
 passed under the control of Prussia, that the fortress 
 of Konigstein should receive a Prussian garrison, and 
 Dresden a garrison half Prussian, half Saxon, under 
 a Prussian commandant. The salt tax was abolished 
 and a war indemnity exacted of 10,000,000 thalers. 
 
 But matters in the federal Reichstag did not run 
 smootlily. Bismarck, having mollified his old ene- 
 mies, found new ones in the delegations from Hano- 
 ver, Hesse, and Saxony. He had no mercy upon these 
 unhappy patriots with their complaints and protesta- 
 tions. " They who dealt us a stab in the side in the 
 hour of our danger," he stormed, "have no right 
 afterwards to become sentimental and complain of 
 hard usage." When in July, 1867, Bismarck was 
 proclauned chancellor of the confederation, he could 
 look back upon a great work accomplished. The an- 
 nexed states were still turbulent, but for all that they 
 recognized that the confederation was a safeguard 
 against foreign menace. All the military forces were 
 in process of reorganization on the Prussian plan, and 
 the closer union of commercial interests was bearing 
 good fruit. 
 
 Bismarck was preparing even at this time for a
 
 272 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 danger that the German people and the world at large 
 did not suspect ; he alone coidd see it looming darkly 
 in the west and casting its shadow over the Rhine- 
 land. M. Benedetti moved conspicuously in diplo- 
 matic circles at Berlin ; he was frequently in confer- 
 ence with the chancellor ; he passed restlessly back and 
 forth between Paris and Berlin. Even the diplomatic 
 world did not know what this portended, nor that 
 the French ambassador in his efforts to '' indemnify 
 France " had placed in the hands of the wily chan- 
 cellor a weapon that was destined to make Germany 
 a military unit from the Baltic to the Alps. South 
 Germany hated Prussia and the northern confedera- 
 tion, princes as well as people. When, however, 
 Bismarck placed before them the paper which Bene- 
 detti had confided to him, they, too, caught a glimpse 
 of the tempest gathering in the west. In fact, before 
 the close of August, 1866, while the graves at Kis- 
 sengen and Laufach were still fresh, the armies of 
 South Germany as well as those of the coirfede ration 
 were at the disposal of the Idng of Prussia in case of 
 war. Six months passed before this was developed, 
 but in the cabinet at Berlin, and in certain circles in 
 Munich, Darmstadt, and Stuttgart, they knew that 
 French diplomacy had miscarried, and that the would- 
 be trickster had been tricked. 
 
 Austria, though humiliated in the field, turned her 
 losses to excellent account. Driven from the Ger- 
 man brotherhood at the point of the bayonet, it is 
 questionable if she gained less by her reverse than 
 did her conqueror by the victory. Austria since 
 1815 had been endeavoring to " run " Europe, so to 
 speak, or at least a large portion of it. Menacing
 
 RESULTS OF THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR. 273 
 
 Russia on the eastern Danube, ruling Italy from 
 Venice and Milan, snubbing Prussia at Frankfort, 
 and grappling with Denmark in Schleswig, she had 
 been creating foes ujion aU hands and frittering away 
 her streng-th. The warning of 1859 passed unheeded, 
 and it remained for the disaster of Koniggratz to 
 teach the Kaiser the lesson he had persistently re- 
 fused to learn by milder methods. His reputed mili- 
 tary power was proved a mere bubble. His soldiers 
 fought stubbornly but without enthusiasm. It was 
 plain that greater content must be achieved at home 
 before conquests either of a moral or military nature 
 could be achieved abroad. With Hungary hostile or 
 indifferent, it was impossible to make the will of 
 Vienna a powerful factor in the politics of Europe. 
 
 The battle of Koniggratz closed an epoch of Aus- 
 trian history and inaugurated a new era. The Kaiser 
 extended the olive branch to his Magyar subjects, and 
 gracefully conceded the national parliament for which 
 they had been clamoring since 1848. The result 
 demonstrated the wisdom of the act. The warm- 
 hearted Hungarians expressed their satisfaction by 
 electing the emperor and empress king and queen of 
 Hungary, and establishing the hereditary succession 
 in the House of Hapsburg. Austria had at last en- 
 tered upon the path that was destined to secure for 
 her the strength and cohesion she had always lacked. 
 If the power of the Kaiser was felt no longer on the 
 Rhine it became doubly potent on the Danube. If 
 his soldiery had held their last parades at Frankfort 
 and Mayence, there was more than a compensating 
 satisfaction in the newly gained assurance that their 
 presence was no longer necessary in the loyal streets 
 of Buda-Pesth. At Vienna they could not fail to
 
 274 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 remark how contentedly the empire developed without 
 the responsibility of Europe upon its shoulders. The 
 enthusiasm that attended the coronation ceremonies 
 at Buda-Pest in July, 1867, formed a most happy 
 contrast to many of the then recent political events in 
 the Hungarian capital. With a parliament at Buda- 
 Pest and another at Vienna the internal machinery 
 of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy worked smoothly 
 enough, wliile in the Delegations ^ the Kaiser found 
 no more loyal subjects than the men who had been 
 nurtured in bitter hatred of Austria, and who had 
 followed the standard of Kossuth. 
 
 The transfer of Venetia was a move beneficial alike 
 to the Venetians and the contracting powers. Aus- 
 tria lost a discontented province that had brought her 
 nothing but trouble and expense. Italy gained an 
 intensely patriotic people, who only required political 
 content to make them prosperous. When in October 
 the question of their fate was placed in their own 
 hands to be decided by ballot, the Venetians by an 
 almost unanimous vote declared for annexation to the 
 kingdom of Italy. 
 
 So the Austrian garrison sailed from the Lagune, 
 and the broad folds of the tricolor displaced the 
 black and yellow banner on the arsenal. It remained 
 for the 7th of November to furnish the culmination 
 of this most dramatic period in the history of north- 
 ern Italy. On that day Victor Emmanuel passed, 
 amidst the plaudits of his newly gained subjects, 
 across the crowded piazza and up the dim nave to 
 the altar of San Marco. The work of Italian libera- 
 
 ■* The Delegations is the national parliament which sits at Vienna, 
 representing Austria and Hungary alike, its members being chosen 
 by the houses in session at Vienna and Pest.
 
 RESULTS OF THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR. 275 
 
 tion inaugurated by the mysterious interview at 
 Plombieres was thus dramatically consummated on 
 the shores of the Adriatic within the walls of the 
 cathedral of Venice. 
 
 It was a conspicuous fact that none of the powers 
 participating in the war of 1866 laid down their 
 arms upon the conclusion of peace. A spirit of un- 
 rest pervaded diplomatic circles. In Italy the king 
 was in constant correspondence with the French gov- 
 ernment respecting Rome, while at the same time he 
 suppressed the feverish enthusiasm of " Young Italy." 
 The Austrian chancellor, Baron Beust, while apply- 
 ing himself indefatigably to the restoration of the 
 resources of the empire, kept an ever watchful eye 
 upon Prussia, and smiled encouragingly upon France 
 as a possible avenger of Koniggratz. And the chan- 
 cellor of the north German confederation, while main- 
 taining his military strength, was looking for an ally 
 against France. He chatted pleasantly with the 
 French ambassador at Berlin and hinted at great pos- 
 sibilities, but in the mean time he was using soft 
 words on the Danube, and talking business on the 
 Neva. 
 
 France was the centre in 1867 around which Europe 
 was revolving. She held the key to the Roman ques- 
 tion and Italy was her suitor ; she possessed an un- 
 beaten army and Austria was her flatterer ; but she 
 sought a slice of Rhineland and Prussia was her foe.
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE DECLINE OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE. 
 
 Napoleon's Dream is shattered. — The Crisis of his Reign. 
 — Drouyn de Lhuys' Conception of the Crisis. — Indeci- 
 sion OF the Emperor. — Condition of the French Army 
 IN 186G. — The French Government unable to meet the 
 Military Situation. — Benedetti at Nikolsburg. — Bene- 
 DETTi IN Berlin. — Efforts of the Paris Government to 
 indemnify itself through Diplomatic Channels. — Refusal 
 of the French Propositions by' Bismarck. — Policy of 
 Drouyn de Lhuys and his Removal from Office. — Bis- 
 marck establishes an Alliance with the South German 
 States. — Second Attack of M. Benedetti. — Confidence 
 in Paris over the Success of his Mission. — Benedetti's 
 Discomfiture and Return to Paris. — Desperation of the 
 French Government. — The Contemplated Purchase of 
 Luxemburg frustrated by Bismarck. — Prussia consents 
 to remove her Garrison from Luxemburg. — Summary of 
 THE French Diplomacy for 1806-67. — The Decline of the 
 Empire. — Paris in 1867. 
 
 The Emperor of the Frencli had counted upon a 
 Prussian defeat. Indeed, dreading lest Austria's vic- 
 tory might be too sweeping, he had gone so far as to 
 offer the services of the French army to the Berlin 
 government on the basis of a territorial remunera- 
 tion in Bavaria, Hesse, and Rhenish Prussia. This 
 suggestion, however, meeting with no favor at Berlin, 
 he guaranteed Austria his neutrality, and determined 
 to wait a later opportunity to arouse Prussia's grati- 
 tude, and gain his long-coveted acquisitions in the 
 Rhineland.
 
 DECLINE OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE. 277 
 
 The emperor regarded a long campaign as a neces- 
 sity of the situation, and the astonishing news of 
 KoniggrJitz was wholly unexpected. Austria was 
 beaten to her knees, and he had no understanding 
 with Prussia. The crisis of his reign was suddenly 
 forced upon him ; and if in his fu'st bewilderment he 
 failed to realize this, his foreign minister was fully 
 alive to it. In fact, M. Drouyn de Lliuys insisted 
 that the necessities of the situation demanded a 
 French army on the German frontier to enforce the 
 emperor's demand that no remodeling of Central 
 Europe shoidd take place without his sanction. M. 
 Benedetti, ambassador at Vienna, also warmly urged 
 this course. " Let the emperor make a simple mili- 
 tary demonstration," he wrote, " and he will be aston- 
 ished at the facility with which he will become arbiter 
 and master of the situation without striking a blow." 
 On July 5 at a cabinet council M. Drouyn de Lhuys 
 warmly urged his project, and was seconded by Mar- 
 shal Randon, minister for war. When the council 
 broke up, it was understood that the emperor would 
 on the following day promulgate his manifesto con- 
 voking the Chambers, but during the evening he was 
 importuned by M. de Lavalette and other leaders of 
 the Prussophile party. Broken by disease, his power 
 of decision impaired, the unhappy emperor was led to 
 change his mind, and choose the course that was to lead 
 his dynasty to ruin. 
 
 The army was in a wi'ctched state, and it has even 
 been asserted that it would have been a physical im- 
 possibility for the war office to have carried out the 
 scheme of M. Drouyn de Lhuys at that time. It 
 seems hardly reasonable, however, to believe that the 
 French military establishment had sunk so low as this
 
 278 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 would imply. It is more probable that the emperor 
 had misgivings lest the " simple military demonstra- 
 tion " might result in hard blows. In this case his 
 recent losses in Mexico and the tried excellence of the 
 Prussian weapons must have exerted an influence 
 upon his mind. Again, in case of war, where were 
 his generals capable of coping with such masters in 
 the science as the Prussians had proved themselves ? 
 What could be expected from such a trio as Niel, 
 MacMahon, and Canrobert, who were always at each 
 other's throats ? It was a bad quandary, and unques- 
 tionably the decision of the emperor made it worse. 
 
 We cannot refrain from speculating at this time 
 upon what the result would have been, had Marshal 
 Randon been ordered to move two corps (Tarmee to 
 the Prussian frontier during those critical July days. 
 We can hardly doubt that the disaster which over- 
 whelmed the empire would have been at least delayed. 
 We know, too, that the possibility of French inter- 
 ference was a danger which Bismarck had foreseen, 
 dreaded, and against which he had been unable to 
 make any adequate provision. We have it from his 
 own lips in reference to this crisis, " If France had 
 then had only a few available troops, a small body of 
 French soldiers would have sufficed to make quite a 
 respectable army by joining the numerous corps of 
 South Germany, which on their part would furnish 
 excellent materials, and whose organization alone was 
 defective. Such an army would have first placed us 
 in the prime necessity of covering Berlin and of 
 abandoning all our successes in Austria." ^ 
 
 ^ " I was much interested by the opinion expressed by his majesty 
 (King William of Prussia) that the war of 1866 was the ruin of 
 France, ' because Napoleon should have attacked us in the rear I ' He 
 went on to say that in 1866 he never would believe in the neutrality
 
 DECLINE OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE. 279 
 
 The French emperor, when he abandoned military 
 coercion as a means of restraining Prussia from ex- 
 orbitant territorial demands, adopted an extraordinary 
 substitute. He determined to appeal to her sense of 
 honor and of gratitude, which should certainly liave 
 been awakened by his friendly course since 1864. 
 The gratitude of Prussia with Bismarck Schonhausen 
 to dispense it ! It was in pursuance of this meek and 
 gentle policy that M. Benedetti sought Bismarck at 
 Nikolsburg. The conversations there developed to 
 Bismarck the object of the French desires, and that 
 the emperor was in reality inclined to allow Prussia 
 free scope in disposing of Austrian territory, provided 
 he was allowed certain privileges in the Rhineland as 
 " indemnification " for her increased area. 
 
 Bismarck's reception of Benedetti's schemes seems 
 to have been distinctly non-committal, but he said 
 enough to leave hope still bright in the bosom of the 
 French ambassador. He enlarged upon his desire for 
 a good understanding between France and Prussia, 
 and pointed out the fact that were their interests 
 similar their position was such they could unitedly 
 bid defiance to all Europe. There is a touch of the 
 pathetic in the eagerness with which M. Benedetti 
 seized these crumbs from the rich man's table, and in 
 the manner in which he displayed them upon the im- 
 perial board at the Tuileries. Benedetti was not only 
 hopeful, but sanguine. The emperor began to turn 
 his energies in real earnest to effect that good under- 
 standing which Bismarck had so pleasantly referred 
 to at Nikolsburg. 
 
 of France, and that only after a long struggle did he consent to re- 
 move his forces from the Rhine provinces. He had always heen 
 grateful to the Emperor Napoleon for his neutrality on that occa- 
 sion." — Beust, vol. ii. p. 280.
 
 280 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Bismarck returned to Berlin, where lie was followed 
 by Benedetti aimed with a form of treaty to be sub- 
 mitted to the Prussian government for approval. The 
 gist of this project was the restoration to France " of 
 the territories which were within the French frontiers 
 of 1814," including all districts of Bavaria and Hesse 
 on the left bank of the Rhine. Benedetti heartily 
 approved of these demands. " Convinced," he said, 
 " that the imperial government has kept within the 
 bounds of equity by thus Kmiting itseK to demanding 
 the guarantees rendered necessary by Prussia's terri- 
 torial aggrandizement, I shall not be easily induced 
 to put up with alterations of any moment. ... I 
 shall steadfastly point out that Prussia would ignore 
 the dictates of justice and prudence, beside proving 
 her ingratitude, were she to refuse us the guarantee 
 which the enlargement of her frontiers compels us to 
 demand." 
 
 On August 5 a draft of this secret treaty came 
 under Bismarck's eye. On the day following he sum- 
 moned the French ambassador, and met him with an 
 unqualified refusal. In vain Benedetti expostidated, 
 wheedled, and threatened. As a last resort, finding 
 MmseK refused on all points, he hinted that the just 
 rage of his sovereign might lead him to " let slip the 
 dogs of war." " Very well," was the curt rejoinder, 
 " then we wiU have war ; but " — and one can im- 
 agine a keen irony in the chancellor's tones — " let his 
 majesty well observe that such a war could become in 
 certain eventualities a war with a revolution, and 
 that in presence of revolutionary dangers the German 
 dynasty would prove to be much more firmly estab- 
 lished than that of Napoleon." In short, the project 
 which Benedetti had approved as just, and which he
 
 DECLINE OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE. 281 
 
 had determined to insist upon without modification, 
 had been squarely refused. Prussia had shown no 
 compunction whatever about " proving her ingrat- 
 itude." Furthermore, M. Benedetti had been dis- 
 missed by the " iron count " with an assurance that 
 Prussia had even outgrown the traditional fear of the 
 French army. 
 
 The idea of war which Benedetti had hinted at as 
 a last resort seems not to have been seriously enter- 
 tained at Paris. The causes that prevented military 
 measures in July were quite as potent in August ; 
 France was no better prepared and Prussia had both 
 hands free again. In this humiliating perplexity a 
 scapegoat was found in the person of the foreign 
 minister. Judging his views in the light of subse- 
 quent events, M. Drouyn de Lhuys seems to have 
 comprehended the political situation at this time far 
 better than the majority of his contemporaries. He 
 was firmly opposed to the party represented by M. 
 Benedetti, though the exigencies of the times served 
 to swell its ranks. He laughed at the idea that what 
 the government had shown itself too nerveless to 
 grasp was to be placed at its disposal by a govern- 
 ment whose army was already in the field flushed 
 with victory and capable of sustaining a long cam- 
 paign. An alliance with Prussia was to M. Drouyn 
 de Lhuys an absurdity. Prussia and France were 
 natural enemies. To disguise that fact was to make 
 a cat's-paw of France. 
 
 M. Drouyn de Lhuys was bestirring himself ear- 
 nestly to lighten the burdens imposed by Prussia on 
 the conquered states when Benedetti returned from 
 Berlin after his discomfiture. The emperor was still 
 firm in the conviction that nothing was to be gained
 
 282 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 by war. Can anything be imagined more humiliating 
 than the French position at this time ? A proposal 
 approved by the emperor himself had been submitted 
 to the Prussian government, and rejected even in the 
 teeth of threats of military enforcement. What was 
 the course of the French government to recover their 
 shattered prestige ? They disavowed the scheme that 
 had aroused the admiration of Benedetti himself as 
 an act of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who had extorted the 
 sanction of the emperor while he was ill. M. Drouyn 
 de Lhuys passed from office, and the Prussophile 
 party seized the helm. The Berlin government thor- 
 oughly appreciated the political situation, however, 
 and were not to be misled by apologies and official 
 decajDitation. France had tasted the cup of humilia- 
 tion, she had proclaimed her weakness and military 
 unpreparedness to the power which of all others she 
 should have held in ignorance of it. 
 
 Prussia in the mean time kept quietly at work 
 demonstrating the enormity of her ingratitude. Dur- 
 ing August Bismarck had made Germany a military 
 unit. He merely displayed the French project, that 
 freak of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, as the new regime at 
 the foreign office chose to regard it, with its damning 
 clauses concerning the cession of Bavarian and Hes- 
 sian territories, and the South German confederation 
 was quickly brought to terms. Between the 17th 
 and 23d of August informal mihtary treaties were 
 concluded against France between Prussia and the 
 states lately in arms against her. Bismarck hastily 
 threw off these important duties in season to welcome 
 Benedetti to Berlin once more. 
 
 That the government of the Tuileries should have 
 approached Prussia again on the question of indemni-
 
 DECLINE OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE. 283 
 
 fication seems almost incredible, and yet it was an- 
 other project of this nature that Benedetti presented 
 to Bismarck during- the last week of August. There 
 is nothing in the diplomatic history of the period to 
 show the grounds on which the French ambassador 
 based his assurance of success in this second effort. 
 Certainly it was no less objectionable than the first in 
 its tenor. The Rhenish frontier was avoided, it is 
 true, but Luxemburg and Belgium formed a substi- 
 tute. A strong military alliance between the two 
 governments was also provided for. Great stress was 
 laid by the emperor's government upon the necessity 
 of maintaining the absolute secrecy of these negotia- 
 tions. The tone of feeling at the foreign office on 
 the Quai d'Orsay seems really to have approached 
 confidence. Day after day, too, the reports from 
 Benedetti were encouraging. He returned the draft 
 of the treaty for inspection, and the emperor sug- 
 gested certain alterations. Upon receiving the draft 
 again Benedetti confidently placed it in the hands of 
 Bismarck. The Tuileries waited expectant, but they 
 were not to be long held in suspense. 
 
 General Manteuffel suddenly turned up in Berlin, 
 and after a few hours' conference with the chancellor 
 left for St. Petersburg. Benedetti's alarm was natu- 
 ral, and the information carried a chiU to the heart of 
 the French emperor. " I asked the president of the 
 council," wrote Benedetti, " if this general officer had 
 been informed of our overture ; he answered that he 
 had had no occasion to make him a party to it, but 
 that he could not guarantee to me that the king had 
 not told him the substance." 
 
 Bismarck's reception of this treaty was far differ- 
 ent from that with which he met the first. There was
 
 284 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 no refusal whatever ; he merely demurred, meditated, 
 and then apparently forgot it, for he left Berlin and 
 shut himself up for weeks from the worry of political 
 life, without even taking the trouble to return the 
 document in question. 
 
 Poor Benedetti ! It was his hard fate, not only to 
 be the prominent actor in these inglorious proceed- 
 ings, but to break the doleful news of failure to the 
 sanguine officials of the Quai d'Orsay. " They have 
 elsewhere obtained assurances which dispense with our 
 aid," he wrote shortly after MauteufPel's arrival at 
 St. Petersburg. "If they decline our alliance, it is 
 because they are already provided or on the eve of 
 being." Prussia needed the alliance of a great power, 
 and she arranged it on the Neva. 
 
 After these repeated rebuffs, culminating in a Russo- 
 Prussian alliance, it would surely seem that the 
 French emperor would have desisted from his fruit- 
 less attempts to obtain " Indemnification " at the 
 hands of his heartless and athletic neighbor. The 
 dregs in the cup of shame, however, yet remained to 
 be imbibed. Trusting apparently to some vague re- 
 marks made by Bismarck in 1866 respecting the 
 existing relations between Luxemburg and the north 
 German confederation. Napoleon opened negotiations 
 with the king of the Netherlands direct for the pur- 
 chase of the duchy. That is, notwithstanding his 
 former lack of success the emperor was persuaded 
 that, could the matter be peacefully arranged with 
 Holland on a financial basis, Bismarck would not take 
 the trouble to interfere. 
 
 Everything progressed smoothly for a time ; the 
 king of the Netherlands was willing and it only re- 
 mained to consult Prussia. On March 21, 1867, M.
 
 DECLINE OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE. 285 
 
 de Moustier, then foreign minister, expressed himself 
 as follows in relation to the Luxemburg purchase : 
 " We believe that the grand duke possesses the un- 
 restricted right to dispose of Luxemburg with the 
 consent of its inhabitants, and that we have as indis- 
 putable a right to acquire that country under similar 
 conditions. But we, as well as the king of the Neth- 
 erlands, entertain the sincere wish to maintain good 
 relations with the court at Berlin ; and it is impos- 
 sible not to take into account the presence of a Prus- 
 sian garrison, although no longer justified by a legal 
 right. . . . We have no objection to the cabinet of 
 Berlin being made acquainted with these negotia- 
 tions, but we wish that the information may reach it 
 through ourselves." 
 
 In this latter wish the French government was dis- 
 appointed. The information leaked out prematurely 
 through the Dutch envoy at Berlin. The details 
 received an uncomfortable publicity, and all Germany 
 was stirred with rage. Then the emperor's diplomatic 
 fabric came crashing down again. Bismarck seized 
 the opportunity of making himself popular with the 
 masses, and again placed himself squarely in the path 
 of French aggrandizement. M. de Moustier hastened 
 to inform the Chambers that the negotiations respect- 
 ing Luxemburg had not assumed an official character, 
 and were in reality merely an exchange of ideas. 
 
 There was no dignity in the final forlorn demand 
 of France that if she was not to be allowed to con- 
 summate her bargain, Prussia must at least consent 
 to remove her garrison from Luxemburg. It was a 
 demand little better than trivial, but Bismarck re- 
 fused to accede to it. It was a matter, however, that 
 involved the powers and was referred to a conference.
 
 286 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Finally Prussia agreed to withdraw the garrison, and 
 raze the fortress, on the condition that the powers 
 guaranteed the neutrality of the duchy. 
 
 At last the Tuileries had scored a success. The 
 French government between May, 1866, and May, 
 1867, had demanded of Prussia a military alliance, 
 the frontiers of 1814 including Mayence, and free- 
 dom of action concerning Belgium and Luxemburg. 
 Refused on all these points, they had the mortifica- 
 tion of facilitating the Eusso-Prussian alliance. Fi- 
 nally with the desperation of despair they had in- 
 sisted upon the withdrawal of the Prussian garrison 
 from Luxemburg, and this amid the laughter of 
 diplomatic Berlin had been allowed them. This was 
 their " indemnification " for the benefits accruing to 
 Prussia from the campaign of Koniggratz. 
 
 That other attempts were made by the French 
 government during the spring of 1867 to bring about 
 a Franco-Prussian alliance there can be no question, 
 but before this the hopelessness of the situation was 
 apparent even to the infatuated statesmen of the 
 second empire. One by one the deluded diplomatists 
 found themselves forced to adopt views held by 
 Drouyn de Lhuys months before. For a government 
 dependent upon its prestige, the empire had been 
 subjected to an appalling list of slights and insidts. 
 It had abased itself in so far that, had the full truth 
 been made public, a victorious war would have been 
 a necessity to its maintenance. It was with this 
 eventuality fidly in mind that the emperor confided 
 to Marshal Niel the reorganization and rearming of 
 the army which had proved itself so inadequate to 
 meet the crisis of the summer of 1866. 
 
 So far as external appearances were concerned,
 
 DECLINE OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE. 287 
 
 however, it must be admitted that in 1867 the French 
 empire was at the zenith of its splendor. The count- 
 less thousands who visited Paris in the spring and 
 summer of that year coidd hardly fail to be imj^ressed 
 by the air of elegance and conscious power that 
 seemed to pervade the city. The monarch who had 
 made his name illustrious by his victories over the 
 proudest military states in Europe had gathered 
 within his capital the products of the globe, and in- 
 vited his faitliful subjects and the world at large to 
 inspect them. The splendor of the exhibition was 
 worthy of the city, at last incontestably the most 
 splendid in the world. The marks of Napoleonic 
 taste and prodigality were everywhere aj)parent. 
 Streets crooked and dark had mysteriously disap- 
 peared, and been supplanted by broad avenues 
 straight as the Roman roads, and lined with noble 
 edifices in every stage of completion. The magic 
 initial N with its laurel wreath again appeared upon 
 all sides in stone and metal, and to the group of 
 thoroughfares known by the stirring titles of Fried- 
 land, Eylau, and Wagram had been added those of 
 Sebastopol, SoKerino, and Magenta. St. Cloud had 
 never been more gay even in the days of Marie An- 
 toinette, and at Fontainebleau, never since the time 
 of Louis le Grand had such gorgeous companies fol- 
 lowed the stag tlu'ough the mazes of the forest. In 
 a word, Paris had become the resort of all lovers of 
 the splendid and beautiful. Everything was gayety 
 and frivolity, from the atmosphere and conversation 
 of the Tuileries or St. Cloud to the atmosphere and 
 conversation of the cafe tables. Indeed, the manners 
 and customs of the cafe and boulevard only reflected 
 the standard of the court, whose fair and trivial mis-
 
 288 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tress had become the emulation of feminine society in 
 Paris and the toast of every mess-room. The merely 
 casual observer was in ignorance of the secrets of the 
 foreign office, and coidd not recognize in the pomp 
 and luxury about him the signs of debility and decay. 
 Gorgeous the empire certainly was, but its virility 
 was waning. The intrigues and dissipations of the 
 coui't did not beget loyalty, the bitter feuds and jeal- 
 ous wrangling of officers did not promote military 
 disciphne or sagacity. The pampered garrison of 
 Paris did not tridy represent the army, any more 
 than the reports of ministers truly represented the 
 state of their departments. Everything was corrupt, 
 shifting, unreliable, and false. 
 
 Among the visitors to Paris in 1867 was Count 
 Bismarck, and as he stroUed through the exhibition 
 halls and along the Champs Elysee, where fashionable 
 Paris amused itself after the questionable methods of 
 the day, he was asking himself how it would have 
 been had the Luxemburg quarrel been fought out ? 
 Would he have been in Paris or the French in Ber- 
 lin ? He moved about comparatively unobserved, for 
 royalty itself was at this time enjoying the hospitality 
 of the Tuileries, but in less than four years his name 
 was to be on the lips of every Parisian, and the igno- 
 rant were to see in the glow of the Aurora Borealis 
 the sign of his bloody hand.
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 LAST DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 
 
 Europe in the Summer of 1870. — The Powers at Peace. — Un- 
 settled State of Spain. — Garibaldi in the Field again. — 
 The Battle of Mentana. — Bitter Feeling engendered by 
 it in Italy toward France. — Power of the Empress in the 
 French Councils. — Her Ambition. — Efforts of the Em- 
 peror TO STEADY HIS ThRONE. ThE REORGANIZATION OF THE 
 
 Army. — Warlike Sentiment in Paris. — The Hohenzollern 
 Incident. — The Rage of France. — Excitement in the Corps 
 Legislatif. — M. Benedetti seeks the Prussian King at 
 Ems. — The French Government becomes unreasonable. — 
 Insulting Demand upon the King of Prussia. — Bismarck's 
 Circular in Reference to it. — Ollivier's Bellicose Speech 
 in the Corps Legislatif. — Enthusiasm in Paris. — The Em- 
 peror's Misgivings. — His Hopes and Fears. — The Shatter- 
 ing OF his Hopes. — Baron Beust's Letter. — The Isolation 
 OF the French Government in Europe. — The Emperor's 
 Proclamation and Departure for Metz. — Wretched Con- 
 dition OF Affairs there. — Impatience of Paris — The 
 " Affaire " of Saarbruck. 
 
 At the opening of the year 1867 the great con- 
 tinental peoples were turning their attention to the 
 husbanding of their resonrces and developing the 
 arts of peace. Though imposing military forces were 
 maintained, the political atmosphere seemed purified 
 by the seven weeks' tempest of blood and iron, and 
 at no time since 1850 had the public mind been so 
 free from forebodings of the future. Russia seemed 
 absorbed in the awkward effort to accustom herself 
 to the new regime inaugurated by the emancipation
 
 290 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 of the serfs, while Austria-Hungary was likewise en- 
 deavoring to turn to the best account her newly 
 gained blessings of constitutional liberty. As for 
 France, the great exhibition at Paris seemed to indi- 
 cate that the emperor was inclined to convert the 
 sword into the plowshare, and abandon the paths 
 of military glory for those of domestic imjsrovement. 
 In Spain and Italy alone were there any indications 
 of political unrest. So far as Spain was concerned, 
 however, her struggles and contentions had long since 
 failed to arouse the apj^rehension of Europe. Insur- 
 rections, banishments, executions, and assassinations 
 were regarded as inseparable features of the politi- 
 cal life of a people once among the most cultivated, 
 patriotic, and chivalrous the world has ever known. 
 Indeed, when in the early summer of 1868 Prim and 
 Serrano returned from their enforced exile and set 
 up the standard of revolt on Spanish soil, no serious 
 alarm was felt north of the Pyrenees. The army 
 enthusiastically espousing the cause of the distin- 
 guished rebels, the days of the debauched and priest- 
 ridden court were numbered. Isabella fled to France, 
 and Serrano seized the reins of government. With 
 the dethronement of the queen the direfid question 
 of the succession was again laid open, but still wdth 
 Serrano as regent and the army in the hands of so 
 just and capable a soldier as Prim, quiet in Spain 
 seemed far better assured than at any time for years. 
 Indeed, there was nothing to indicate in 1869 that 
 Madrid was to furnish the spark which was to set 
 Europe in warlike flame again. 
 
 The time-worn dispute betwixt church and state was 
 still agitating Italy in 1867. A long step was taken 
 towards its settlement when on the 4th of Decern-
 
 LAST DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 291 
 
 ber, 1866, the French emperor withdrew his troops 
 from Rome. Scarcely had this long delayed move- 
 ment been consummated, when " Young Italy " again 
 forced itseK into serious prominence. Garibaldi 
 once more started the Roman battle-cry, and had set 
 a respectable revolution afoot before he was seized 
 and conveyed to Caprera. In vain the king en- 
 deavored to allay the popular excitement. The papal 
 government, alarmed, appealed to Paris for protec- 
 tion. Despite the assurances of Victor Emmanuel 
 that his government was f uUy equal to the emergency, 
 and against his protests as well, the French emperor 
 dispatched a military expedition to Civita Vecchia. 
 This proved too much for Garibaldi's self-control. 
 Once again he broke from Caprera and joined the 
 ranks of the insurgents. Before this, one attack on 
 Rome had been repulsed by the papal guard. Gari- 
 baldi hurried from the sea-coast at the head of a 
 motley but determined band, and at Monterotundo 
 routed a detachment of the pontifical mercenaries. 
 Encouraged by this he pushed rapidly on toward 
 Rome, and at Mentana encountered a detachment of 
 the newly arrived French troops under General de 
 Failly. These troops represented the reorganized 
 army of Marshal Niel, and were armed with the new 
 breech-loading rifle known as the chassepot. There 
 was no fighting ; the unhappy Italians were literally 
 mowed down by the steady fusillades. " The chasse- 
 pot rifle has done wonders," was De Failly's enthu- 
 siastic comment in his report of the battle. The 
 demonstration of the effectiveness of the new weapon, 
 however, scarcely compensated for other results of 
 Mentana. On November 6 the Marquis Pepoli, who 
 had succeeded Minghetti as head of the government,
 
 292 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 wrote to the emperor at Paris : " The late events have 
 suffocated every remembrance of gratitude in the 
 heart of Italy. It is no longer in the power of the 
 government to maintain the alliance with France. 
 The chassepot gun at Mentana has given it a mortal 
 blow." It is not too much to say that this skirmish 
 which General de Failly regarded merely as a happy 
 test of firearms was the means of depriving the 
 French emperor of the only aUies possible to him in 
 Europe. The personal regard in which Victor Em- 
 manuel held the emperor continued imtil death, but 
 the slaughter of Mentana forever estranged the na- 
 tion, whose gratitude had been awakened by Magenta 
 and Solferino, and had even survived the disappoint- 
 ment of Villafranca. The emperor definitely sealed 
 his fate in Italy when he refused to again withdraw 
 his garrison from Rome. 
 
 Most assuredly a change had been wrought in the 
 Italian policy of France. The influence of the em- 
 press had begun to make itself felt in the schemes of 
 the foreign office. In her the Catholic Church had a 
 powerful champion, and every word from the Vatican 
 came to be all potent at the Tuileries. In Cavour's 
 time the emperor had not hesitated to incur the wrath 
 of Rome ; in 1868-69 his policy came to represent in- 
 difference to the interests of his old ally at Florence. 
 The empress aspired to see France the acknowledged 
 protector of the Romish Church. The emperor, with 
 a deadly disease sapping his strength and weakening 
 his nerve, resigned himself to the guidance of the 
 empress, the church, and the army. The empress 
 and the church urged that Protestant Prussia must 
 be humbled, and the army clamored that it might be 
 allowed to execute the task. 
 
 I
 
 LAST DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 293 
 
 The emperor dreaded this struggle with Prussia, 
 which was represented to him as a necessity o£ the 
 situation. The elections of 1869 certainly seemed to 
 indicate that his prestige at home had sunk so low 
 that he must choose between a foreign war and a do- 
 mestic revolution. In the election of 1852 the city 
 of Paris had sustained his government by a majority 
 of 46,000 ; the country had sustained it by over 
 7,000,000. In 1869 Paris rolled up an adverse ma- 
 jority of 150,000, while the government majority in 
 the country at large had fallen to 755,000. It was 
 plain there must be more glory earned in some quar- 
 ter with which to prop the failing strength of the 
 dynasty. With this necessity in view in 1868 the 
 emjjeror had made advances for a triple alliance be- 
 tween France, Austria, and Italy against Prussia. 
 Matters progressed so far that a draft treaty stipulat- 
 ing a general plan for a German campaign passed 
 between the governments. Then the fruits of Men- 
 tana made themselves manifest. The Florence gov- 
 ernment made the evacuation of Rome the condition 
 of its acceptance of the French project. The em- 
 peror was compelled to make choice between the 
 friendship of Italy and the friendship of Rome. The 
 clerical party with the empress at its head gained the 
 day. Italy refused to consider the alliance in conse- 
 quence, and Austria, whose cooperation depended 
 upon Italy, was also lost to the scheme. The empire 
 and the Roman Church stood alone in Europe. 
 
 The reorganization of the army progressed slowly, 
 but the enthusiasm of the empress and the swagger 
 of generals failed to arouse the confidence of the em- 
 peror for the future. The minister of war pronounced 
 everything satisfactory, and it was the opinion of that
 
 294 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 officer which the emperor proclaimed to the Chambers 
 on the 18th of January, 1869 : " The military law 
 and the supplies voted by your patriotism have 
 strengthened the confidence of the country, which is 
 now proudly conscious that it is in a position to en- 
 counter whatever may betide. . . . Our perfect arma- 
 ments (chassepots and mitrailleuses), our replete ar- 
 senals and magazines, our trained reserves, our mobile 
 National Guard, our reconstructed fleet, and our pow- 
 erful fortresses impart an imperative necessary devel- 
 opment of our might. The permanent object of my 
 endeavors is attained; our military resources will 
 henceforth be adequate to their mission in the world." 
 This declaration, the truth of which on many funda- 
 mental points the emperor was inclined to doubt, was 
 generally accepted in France and elsewhere as a just 
 jjresentation of the military condition of the country. 
 It also marked an epoch, for from this time all the 
 influential factions at court were agreed as to the 
 ad\'isability of seizing the first provocation for a quar- 
 rel with Prussia. The emperor, balancing his dread 
 of revolution against his dread of war, was borne 
 along on the current of brag and bluster. The talk 
 in military circles became bellicose and swaggering ; 
 the tone of the foreign office, especially toward Prus- 
 sia, became supercilious and irritable. 
 
 It was in this frame of mind that the summer of 
 1870 found the sanguine and adventurous schemers 
 of the French court. But the diplomatic sky seemed 
 unpropitious for their schemes, inasmuch as it was 
 unflecked by a menacing cloud. It was remarked at 
 the foreign office in London that for years there had 
 never been "so great a lull in foreign affairs." 
 Wearied diplomatists began to throng the watering-
 
 LAST DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 295 
 
 places of Austria and South Germany. The king of 
 Prussia left Berlin for the retirement of Ems ; the 
 French court exchanged the Tuileries for the more 
 rural magnificence of St. Cloud. The great tide of 
 summer travel swept through Paris and up the Rhine 
 to Switzerland. Official life was at a standstill ; noth- 
 ing more sinister was developed than a universal tend- 
 ency toward rest and recreation. 
 
 It was on July 3 that the news was telegraphed 
 from Madrid to the European courts that the crown 
 of Spain had been tendered to Prince Leopold, of 
 HohenzoUern, a kinsman to the king of Prussia. So 
 far as France was concerned, the news was not un- 
 expected. The fact had been recognized that Serrano's 
 regency could not last forever, and the French ambas- 
 sador at Madrid had fully acquainted his government 
 with the prospects. To the French people, however, 
 the news came like a thunderbolt from a clear sky. 
 In the nomination of a Prussian prince for royal hon- 
 ors in Spain they could see the hand of Bismarck at 
 his favorite task of Prussian aggrandizement. There 
 was a furious outburst of public disapproval. All 
 parties became a unit in the Chambers in urging the 
 government to resist what was regarded as a Prussian 
 scheme. The French government suddenly found it- 
 self forced by popidar opinion to adopt an attitude for 
 which for months they had been seeking a justification. 
 The Due de Gramont declared in the Corps Legis- 
 latif that the action of the Madrid government had 
 "imperiled the interests and honor of France," at 
 the same time informing the Prussian ambassador at 
 Paris that the government expected Prussia to insist 
 upon the withdrawal of Prince Leopold as a candidate 
 to the Spanish throne, and that a failure to do so
 
 296 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 would be regarded as a casus belli. The press repre- 
 sented accurately the public excitement. The " Moni- 
 teur " proclaimed that the time had come to put an end 
 to Prussia's pretensions to acquire preponderance in 
 Europe. The " Pays " declared that Prussia had 
 reached the Caudine forks, and that her humiliation 
 was at hand. The " Tenijjs " shrieked that the mon- 
 archy of Charles V. was being revived. The " Lib- 
 erte " claimed that Prussia must be driven across the 
 Khine with the butt-end of French muskets. 
 
 The grievance of the French nation lay simply in 
 the fact that a prince related to the House of Prussia 
 was to be elevated to the Spanish throne. The remedy 
 for this seemed simple enough ; indeed, the Due de 
 Gramont stated to the English ambassador as early 
 as July 8 that the voluntary withdrawal of the prince 
 of Hohenzollern would be a "most fortunate solu- 
 tion" of the trouble. This was by no means, how- 
 ever, what was desired by the powers at court. On 
 the 9th M. Benedetti, the French ambassador at Ber- 
 lin, received instructions from Paris to repair to Ems, 
 and demand of the king of Prussia that he should 
 insist upon the withdrawal of his kinsman as a candi- 
 date for the Spanish throne. The attitude of the 
 king was dignified and just. He informed the am- 
 bassador that Prussia could have no interest in the 
 matter whatsoever, and that if the French govern- 
 ment objected to the choice of the Spanish authorities 
 they could settle the matter to better advantage at 
 Madrid than at Berlin. On the 12th, the day follow- 
 ing this interview, the news was telegraphed to Paris 
 and Ems that Prince Leopold had revoked his accept- 
 ance of the Spanish crown. " The fortunate solu- 
 tion " that Gramont had suggested had been brought
 
 LAST DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 297 
 
 about. It was believed that the last menace to peace 
 had been cleared away, and an inexpressible feeling 
 of relief animated every European capital. Up to 
 this point the French government had been justified 
 in its coui-se by the state of j)ublic feeling. On the 
 13th, however, they committed themselves to a delib- 
 erate effort to plunge the nation into war. On that 
 day instructions were telegraphed to M. Benedetti to 
 demand of the king of Prussia a pledge that he would 
 at no time in the future allow the name of any mem- 
 ber of the HohenzoUern family to be used in connec- 
 tion with the Spanish throne. Inasmuch as the king 
 had already stated that he regarded the matter as one 
 altogether outside the province of the Prussian gov- 
 ernment, there could be no doubt as to the reception 
 this demand would meet. The action of the French 
 government was as deliberate as it was unjustifiable 
 and unnecessary. 
 
 In the Kurgarten at Ems a marble tablet marks 
 the spot where, on the 13th of July, 1870, M. Bene- 
 detti encountered the king of Prussia and presented 
 the latest demand of his government. The tidings 
 of the day's proceedings reached Count Bismarck in 
 Berlin the same evening as he was dining with Gen- 
 erals Moltke and Eoon. In their presence the chan- 
 cellor prepared the following statement, which was 
 transmitted to the Prussian ambassadors at foreign 
 courts, and appeared in the Berlin papers on the 
 morning of the 14th. 
 
 " Telegram from Ems, July 13, 1870 : When the 
 intelligence of the hereditary prince of HohenzoUern's 
 renunciation was communicated by the Spanish to the 
 French government, the French ambassador demanded 
 of his majesty the king, at Ems, that the latter should
 
 298 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 authorize him to telegraph to Paris that his majesty 
 would pledge himself for all time to come never again 
 to give his consent, should the Hohenzollerns revert 
 to their candidature. Upon this his majesty refused 
 to receive the French ambassador again, and sent 
 the aide-de-camp in attendance to tell him that his 
 majesty had nothing further to communicate to the 
 ambassador." 
 
 That this document was issued by Bismarck with 
 the purpose of inflaming French wrath may reason- 
 ably be doubted, but that he was well aware of the 
 consequences which would attend its publicity there 
 can be no question. It was the truth expressed in 
 bold language, and not in the circumspect and care- 
 fully-chosen sentences that a timid diplomacy would 
 have dictated. It is certain that M, Benedetti did 
 not regard the king's action as in any way disrespect- 
 ful, and it was not until the receipt of Bismarck's 
 version that the Paris government decided upon forci- 
 ble measures. On July 15 the Due de Gramont de- 
 clared to the English ambassador that " the Prussian 
 government had deliberately insidted France by de- 
 claring to the public that the king had affronted the 
 French ambassador." On that day amid tremendous 
 excitement M. Ollivier addressed the Corps Legis- 
 latif in a manner that left no doubt of the intentions 
 of the government. Amid a tempest of applause the 
 minister declared that the government accepted the 
 responsibility of the crisis with " a light heart." There 
 was an attempt at debate, but the credit asked for by 
 the government for military purposes was enthusiasti- 
 cally granted by a majority of four fifths. That night 
 vast crowds filled the boulevards and swarmed in the 
 brilliantly lighted Champs Elysees, singing the Mar-
 
 LAST DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 299 
 
 seillaise, and raising the cries of " A Berlin " and 
 " Vive la Guerre." So far as it was possible to judge, 
 the course adopted by the French government met 
 with the unqualified approval of Paris. 
 
 On this same day, when Paris was running mad 
 with turbulent patriotism, the emperor remained at 
 St. Cloud, heavy-hearted and dreading the issue of 
 events into which his government was so confidently 
 plunging. He had yielded his consent to the war 
 party almost upon compulsion,^ He certainly had no 
 cause to complain of lukewarmness and disloyalty in 
 the temper of the capital, and except for the reason 
 that he had learned to distrust his servants he might 
 have looked into the future with some assurance. 
 Marshal Leboeuf had declared that the army was 
 " thrice ready for war to the last button on the last sol- 
 dier's gaiter." He had placed in the hands of the em- 
 peror a document affirming his ability to place 400,000 
 men on the eastern frontier in fifteen days for an 
 order for mobilization. This certainly was an excel- 
 lent showing. The emperor did not underestimate 
 the strength of the North German confederation, but 
 he counted upon atoning for his numerical deficiencies 
 by his early preparation, which would enable him to 
 overthrow the enemy while their corps were in pro- 
 cess of formation. He also anticipated the powerful 
 
 ^ "Before the final resolve to declare war the emperor, empress, 
 and ministers went to St. Cloud. After some discussion, Gramont 
 told me that the empress, a high-spirited and impressionable woman, 
 made a strong and excited address, declaring that ' war was inevitable 
 if the honor of France was to be sustained.' She was immediately 
 followed by Marshal Leboeuf, who, in the most violent tone, threw 
 down his portfolio, and swore that if war was not declared, he would 
 give it up and renounce his military rank. The emperor gave way, 
 and Gramont went straight to the Chamber to announce the fatal 
 news." — Malraesbury, p. G05.
 
 300 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 cooperation of the fleet with its division of marine 
 infantry, and looked for great results from the new 
 equipment of chassepots and mitrailleuses. Up to 
 the time, too, of M. Ollivier's bellicose speech in the 
 Corps Legislatif the emperor had not counted upon 
 the South German states as foes, and was even in- 
 clined to the belief that a victory for the French arms 
 would bring them into the field as allies. So far as 
 Austria and Italy were concerned, he had not on 
 July 15 abandoned hope of their cooperation in arms. 
 Taking everything into consideration, then, the out- 
 look for France from the emperor's standpoint was 
 by no means cheerless. With 400,000 men standing 
 ready to cross the Rliine, with a fleet threatening the 
 German ports on the North Sea, wath Austria, Italy, 
 and South Germany neutral and perhaps friendly, his 
 ultimate success seemed assured. From this time, 
 however, every day developed the falseness of the 
 basis on which the emperor had been calculating. 
 On the 19th the king of Bavaria set the example for 
 South Germany by placing his army under the com- 
 mand of the king of Prussia. It was not North Ger- 
 many, then, but Germany united with which France 
 was to contend. On the 20th Baron Beust strangled 
 the hope of Austrian cooperation in this dispatch to 
 the Austrian ambassador at Paris : " You wiU repeat 
 to the emperor and his ministers that — true to the 
 engagements defined in letters that passed between 
 both sovereigns last year — we regard France's cause 
 as our own, and shall, within the limits of possibility, 
 contribute to the success of her arms. These limits 
 are prescribed by foreign considerations and our own 
 domestic conditions. We have reason to believe that 
 Russia adheres to her connection with Prussia, so
 
 LAST DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 301 
 
 that the intervention of Russian forces, under certain 
 eventualities, may be regarded, not only as probable, 
 but as certain. Our participation in the struggle 
 would be immediately followed by that of Russia, 
 who threatens us on the Prutli and Lower Danube, as 
 well as in Galicia. . . . Under these circmnstances 
 the word neutrality — which we do not pronounce 
 without regret — is an imj)erative necessity, as far as 
 we are concerned." This was bitter news to the Paris 
 statesmen. Not only united Germany, but Russia 
 was pitted against them. " Russia has doiio us great 
 harm," groaned the Due de Gramont, as he began to 
 comprehend the hopeless isolation of France. Only 
 one possible ally remained, and that was Italy, but 
 the price of her cooperation was still unchanged, the 
 evacuation of Rome. The French government could 
 not yield at this crisis without betraying weakness. 
 So a curt message settled the affair : " We can do 
 nothing whatsoever with respect to Rome. If Italy 
 does not choose to march, she can stay at home." 
 
 Thus one by one the air castles of the French em- 
 peror melted into mist. The neutral powers had 
 developed into enemies ; his friends had become neu- 
 tral. It was upon its own strength alone that the 
 empire must rely for its success. Paris was enthusias- 
 tic, but clamored for the march on Berlin to begin. 
 Something was evidently wrong in the military situa- 
 tion on the frontier. The emperor issued his proc- 
 lamation to the people, and on the 28th, accompanied 
 by the prince imperial, stepped aboard the train at 
 St. Cloud that was to carry him to the front. The 
 same night he entered Metz, and found it gay with 
 uniforms and uproarious with warlike enthusiasm. 
 Twenty-four hours at the front, however, convinced
 
 302 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 him that he had been cruelly deceived. In every 
 hotel, cafe, and mess-room irreparable disasters to the 
 Prussians were freely predicted, and yet no intelligent 
 opinion as to their whereabouts or plans was forth- 
 coming. Jealousy was rampant among the corps com- 
 manders. Discipline was lax, and generals inspected 
 their commands in cushioned barouches, accompanied 
 by wives, families, and mistresses. The regiments 
 were far below their war strength ; indeed, of the 
 400,000 bayonets which Marshal Lebceuf had pro- 
 mised only 220,000 were with the colors on August 1. 
 The state of the commissariat was little better than 
 chaos ; chassepots, and ammunition were scarce ; the 
 troops were littered with useless baggage and in no 
 condition for rapid marching.^ 
 
 In the mean time Paris was clamoring for a victory. 
 Miserably conscious of the state of his army, and 
 aware that every hour was swelling the German hosts, 
 the unhappy emperor set himself stolidly to await 
 whatever the future might bring. His judgment 
 urged a consolidation of his corps, and a retirement 
 upon a strong line of defense. The temper of Paris 
 would not permit such a move. To advance was im- 
 possible ; to stand fast was to court destruction from 
 the German armies ; to retreat meant the unloosing 
 of the " red revolution " in his capital. There is 
 something at once pathetic and ludicrous in the affair 
 of Saarbriick on the 2d of August. It was the last 
 feeble effort of Napoleon III. to arouse the enthusiasm 
 
 ^ General Michel's dispatch of July 21 to the war office at Paris, 
 quoted iu Hooper's Campaign of Sedan, is indicative of the confu- 
 sion pervading the French army. " Have arrived at Belfort. Can't 
 find my brigade ; can't find the general of division. ^Vhat shall I 
 do ? Don't know where my regiments are."
 
 LAST DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 303 
 
 of Paris for liis dynasty. In Saarbriick village lay 
 a German infantry battalion and a squadron of cav- 
 alry. On the heights above a division of Marshal 
 Frossard's corps was encamped. The emperor came 
 down by train from Metz with the prince imperial, 
 and gazed upon the evolutions which he had ordered. 
 The infantry deployed, wheeled, and skirmished. 
 Brilliant troops of cuirassiers cantered along the 
 road; the mitrailleuses whirred and rattled. The 
 sun glanced and glinted upon a scene that would have 
 adorned the peaceful acres of the Champ de Mars. 
 The Prussian battalion retired ; the French divisions 
 entered Saarbriick. The emperor had done what he 
 coidd to satisfy Paris and steady his throne. That 
 evening the news was posted up in sight of the shout- 
 ing devotees of the boulevards, that the campaign had 
 opened, a battle had been fought, the French were 
 victorious, and Prince Louis had received "his bap- 
 tism of fu'e."
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 WORTH AND FORBACH. 
 
 Delivery of the French Declaration of War at Berlin. — 
 Perfect Preparation of Prussia for War. — Mobilization 
 and Organization of the Prussian Army. — Composition 
 OF THE Third Army. — Position of the Contending Forces 
 ON August 3. — Fight at Weissenburg and Defeat of 
 the French. — MacMahon prepares to receive an Attack 
 ON the Sauer. — His Confidence on the 5th of August. — 
 Opening of the Battle of Worth. — MacMahon is out- 
 flanked. — Heroism of the French Cavalry. — Destruc- 
 tion of MacMahon's Army. — Hard Fighting on the Saab. 
 
 — Critical Situation of the German Force engaged 
 there. — Final Retreat of the French. — Consternation 
 AT Metz over the Result of the Day's Fighting. — De- 
 spair OF the Emperor. — He turns to Bazaine as a Saviour. 
 
 — Bazaine assumes the Command under Protest. — He 
 
 APPRECIATES ITS FuLL ImPORT. — He IS EMBARRASSED BY THE 
 
 Emperor. — The Condition of Affairs at the German 
 Headquarters. — Moltke's Plan. — The March through 
 Lorraine. 
 
 It was on the 19th of July that Le Sourcl formally 
 delivered the French declaration of war at Berlin. 
 On the same day King William of Prussia addressed 
 the North German Reichstag in words that received 
 the hearty indorsement of both houses. The army 
 was in process of mobilization, and by the 20th the 
 South German princes had placed their armies at 
 the disposal of the king of Prussia. For the first 
 time Europe began to comprehend the fullness of Bis- 
 marck's diplomatic skill. He had used the macliina- 
 tions of his enemies for their confounding. He had
 
 WORTH AND FOR BACH. 305 
 
 used the Napoleonic proposition of 1866 concerning the 
 Rhenish frontier to bring South Germany into line. 
 Later, too, he caused the publication of Napoleon's 
 proposals concerning Luxemburg and Belgium. The 
 result of this was to shatter the emperor's influence in 
 every continental capital, while it completely estranged 
 England, which had been inclined on the whole to 
 support the French views in the Hohenzollern quarrel. 
 Austria and Denmark were hostile, but Bismarck by 
 his Polish policy, supported by Manteuffel's visit, had 
 made of Russia a friend sufficiently strong to guar- 
 antee their neutrality. Bismarck had made Germany 
 a military unit, and it remained for the declaration of 
 war to consummate the work by effecting a union of 
 hearts, interests, and power. No sooner had the bel- 
 licose speeches of July 15 in the French Chambers 
 been made public, than the entire people, " from the 
 shores of the sea to the foot of the Alps," sprang en- 
 thusiastically to arms. The reserves rushed to join 
 the colors, and the stout Landwehrmen swarmed to 
 the depots. Every city, village, and town was ablaze 
 with enthusiasm, and every train that rolled toward 
 the threatened frontier was densely packed with sol- 
 diers. Miinich, Dresden, and Stuttgart vied with 
 Berlin in the fervor of their patriotism, and sent their 
 sons forth to fight in the cause of the German father- 
 land. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact, however, that the mo- 
 bilization of the German armies progressed with even 
 greater rapidity and precision than that which four 
 years before had astonished Europe, the suddenness 
 with which the emperor's government had unmasked 
 its policy and drawn the sword left the frontier for 
 ten days but scantily defended. Indeed, in Germany
 
 306 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 the affair of Saarbriick was not appreciated in all its 
 absurdity till some weeks later, inasmuch as it was 
 recognized that had Frossard pushed his advantage 
 he would have hardly met with serious resistance west 
 of the Rhine. By the middle of the first week in 
 August, however, the danger for Germany and the 
 opportunity of France had passed away. The Ger- 
 man armies had entered in huge force that tract of 
 country lying between the Rhine and the Lower Mo- 
 selle, and their pickets were close to the French fron- 
 tier. The command was nominally vested in the king 
 of Prussia, though Von Moltke as the chief of staff 
 planned and directed everything. As in the Austrian 
 campaign the huge host was divided into three armies. 
 The first army of General Steinmetz crossed the 
 Rhine about Bingen, and followed the Moselle toward 
 Thionville. It comprised the 7th, 8th, and 10th corps 
 of the North German confederation, the latter corps 
 representing the Hanoverian army. The second army 
 under the command of Prince Frederick Charles of 
 Prussia comprised the Prussian Guard corps, and 
 the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 9tli, and Saxon 12th corps of the 
 North German confederation. This army passed the 
 Rhine at Mayence, and moving on the left of the first 
 army was directed upon Kaiserslautern. The third 
 army consisted of the 5th, 6th, and 11th corps of the 
 North German confederation, the two corps of Ba- 
 varia, and the divisions of Baden and Wiirtemberg. 
 This was by far the most interesting of the three 
 armies, for united Germany was embodied in its 
 ranks. The popular crown prince of Prussia was in 
 command, an appointment that proved at once the 
 wisdom and the conciliatory spirit of the German 
 headquarters. This army concentrated in the angle
 
 WORTH AND FORBACH. 307 
 
 formed by the Rhine and the Lauter. The diplomats 
 at Miinieh and Stuttgart loved Prussia no better than 
 in 1866, but at the front old feuds were forgotten. 
 The Prussian soldiers in bivouac broke into cheers as 
 the straight-stepping Bavarians passed them on their 
 march. A glimpse of the Prussian prince threw the 
 camps of Baden and Wiirtemberg into tumultuous 
 enthusiasm. The colors of North and South Ger- 
 many floated in unmistakable amity over the sea of 
 bayonets that rolled along the eastern base of the Vos- 
 ges during those early August days. 
 
 So far as the French army was concerned, no ma- 
 terial change in its position was effected during the 
 daj^s when Germany was in a measure defenseless. 
 On August 3 the various corps were in the same posi- 
 tions they had occupied for a fortnight. The 1st corps 
 of Marshal MacMahon was massed between Hagenau 
 and Strasburg. The 2d corps of General Frossard, 
 instead of imj)roving the advantage of the 2d, still 
 clung to the heights above Saarbriick. Marshal 
 Bazaine with the 3d corps was at St. Avoid, the 4th 
 corps of Ladmirault in the vicinity of Tliionville, 
 the 5th corps of General de Failly at Saargemiind. 
 These were all the troops the emperor had instantly 
 available on August 3. The Imperial Guard was just 
 arriving at Metz, and the 6th corps of Canrobert was 
 on the road from Chalons to Nancy. The 7th corps 
 was detained far away at BeKort to cover that weak 
 point in the frontier. Altogether the French army 
 in line between Metz and Strasburg mustered some- 
 thing less than 175,000 men, nor was full advantage 
 taken of this strength. The corps about Metz were 
 loosely posted, while MacMahon was hopelessly iso- 
 lated. With thin ranks, but vain in their own con-
 
 308 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ceit, the Frencli commanders indolently awaited the 
 future. 
 
 The German hosts congregated in the angle be- 
 tween the Rhine and the Moselle on August 3 aggre- 
 gated more than 400,000 men. The outposts of the 
 first army were on the Saar, the vanguard of the 
 second army had passed Kaiserslautern, while the 
 crown prince was approaching the Lauter. 
 
 In the mean time the French general Douay with a 
 division of MacMahon's corps had gone into camjj on 
 the Lauter, occupying the old fortress of Weissen- 
 burg and the heights to the south. On the morning 
 of the 4th, when the French troops were preparing 
 their coffee, the Bavarian forces suddenly appeared 
 on the heights of Schweigen. At the same time their 
 artillery opened a terrific fire upon the camps and 
 the town of Weissenburg itself. Douay, upon find- 
 ing himself so suddenly forced into the presence 
 of grim-visaged war, demeaned himself like a stout 
 soldier. The Bavarians from the north, assisted by a 
 part of the 5th corps on the east, stormed Weissen- 
 burg, and captured the garrison after a sanguinary 
 fight in the streets, while the mass of the 5th corps 
 and a division of the 11th corps from the south closed 
 in on the Geisberg and the farm of Schafsberg, where 
 the main strength of the French was concentrated. 
 The chateau of Geisberg on its commanding hill-top 
 was stubbornly defended, and only capitulated when 
 the contest in other quarters was hopelessly lost. 
 Douay was killed by a shell, and the survivors of his 
 division went streaming away into the Vosges. 
 
 The news of this disastrous affair reached Mac- 
 Mahon at Metz, where it caused great consternation. 
 A council of war was immediately held, as a result
 
 WORTH AND FORBACH. 309 
 
 of which MacMahon left that night to join his corps, 
 while the emperor ordered General De Failly with the 
 5th corps to his support. MacMahon, appreciating 
 the necessity of an early atonement for the disaster 
 of Weissenburg hastened to oppose the advance of 
 the crown prince with all his forces. On the 5th he 
 was reinforced by Dumesnil's division of the 7th 
 corps and Bonnemain's cuirassier brigade of the 6th 
 corps. These with his four divisions made a total 
 strength of nearly 50,000 men, with which he seized 
 the heights that skirt the Saner between Neewiller 
 and Morsbronn. His centre occupied Froschweiler 
 and Elsasshausen with its advance posts in Worth. 
 His left crested the heights from Froschweiler north- 
 westerly to Neewiller. His right occupied the Nieder- 
 wald south of Froschweiler with its extremity rest- 
 ing upon the Lansberg that overlooks the village of 
 Morsbronn. MacMahon had the divisions of Ducrot, 
 Raoult, and I^artigue on this line, while he held 
 Pell^'s division, which had been shattered at Weis- 
 senburg, in the rear of Froschweiler as a reserve. 
 Dmnesnil's division was stationed in the vicinity of 
 Eberbach as a support to Lartigue in the Nieder- 
 wald. The position was well chosen for purposes of 
 defense, while it covered the road to Strasburg and 
 afforded good lines of retreat. That MacMahon's 
 army was too small to make the most of the position 
 there can be no question, though with the exception 
 of the division which had fought at Weissenburg 
 the " morale " of his troops was excellent. They 
 comprised several of those superb Algerian regiments 
 that had made a world-wide reputation on Cri- 
 mean and Italian battlefields. The artillery was also 
 strengthened by several batteries of the much vaunted
 
 310 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 mitrailleuses. Naturally, too, the marshal looked for 
 support from De FaiUy. Indeed, when on the even- 
 ing of the 5th he received notice from the emperor 
 that the 5th corps was to act under his orders, he ex- 
 claimed in his joy, " Messieurs les Prussiens, I have 
 you." He was not aware at that time of the demoral- 
 ized and broken condition of De Failly's corps con- 
 sequent upon a multiplicity of conflicting orders from 
 Metz. 
 
 The crown prince of Prussia passed the Lauter 
 in force on the 5th, and that evening the 5th corps 
 bivouacked along the road between Dieffenbach and 
 Worth, while the 2d Bavarian corps halted at Lan- 
 gensulzbach. At dawn on the 6th the 5th corps 
 began to skirmish in front of Worth, while the Bava/- 
 rians advancing from their bivouacs drew the French 
 fire in front of NeewiUer. The crown prince had not 
 intended to attack MacMahon that day, and upon 
 hearing of tlie engagement ordered it to be broken 
 off immediately. While the Bavarians who had ac- 
 tually gained a foothold on the heights of Neewiller 
 began reluctantly to retire, General von Kirchback, 
 commanding the 5th corps, found himself too deeply 
 involved to allow of such a movement. As a result 
 he dispatched messengers to his Bavarian neighbor as 
 well as to the commander of the 11th corps which 
 was just arriving on the field, to help him continue 
 the contest. 
 
 The crown prince, upon learning how far the action 
 had progressed, ordered the 1st Bavarian corps and 
 the Wiirtembergers to hasten their march to the 
 front where he himself arrived at one P. m., shortly 
 after the 11th corps had gone into action on the left 
 of the 5th, against the French in the Niederwald.
 
 WORTH AND FORBACH. 311 
 
 The German batteries occupied the heights northwest 
 of Gunstett with 120 cannon and rained a perfect 
 tempest of shells upon the opposing hills from Frosch- 
 weiler to the Lansberg. About twelve o'clock the 
 Prussians crossed the Sauer and carried Worth. 
 Against the heights of Froschweiler, however, they 
 coidd make no impression, the French fighting su- 
 perbly at this point despite the terrific artillery fire 
 to which they were subjected. The crown prince, see- 
 ing the terrible slaughter inflicted upon his centre 
 and despairing of success at that point, determined to 
 use his superior strength by outflanking the French 
 position. While the 1st Bavarian corps was pushed 
 forward between the 5th corjDs and the 2d Bavarians 
 against the French left centre, the 11th corps began 
 to exert a pressure against the French right too 
 strong to be resisted. The Niederwald was soon 
 rendered untenable, and the German columns pushing 
 forward between Eberbach and Morsbronn threat- 
 ened to envelop the French flank. MacMahon in the 
 desperation of the crisis hurled Michel's cavalry bri- 
 gade against the advancing Prussians. The cuiras- 
 siers and lancers rode well to their death, and heaped 
 the fields about Morsbronn with their slain. Their 
 sacrifice enabled Lartigue's and Dumesnil's divisions 
 to extricate themselves from their precarious position 
 and rally on Elsasshausen. At 1.30 the line of battle 
 of the Prussian 11th corps extended from Eberbach 
 to the foot of the hill of Elsasshausen, while the ex- 
 treme French right was flying in disorder toward 
 Hagenau. The resources of the French marshal were 
 nearly exhausted. He had fought a good battle and 
 was yielding to overwhelming numbers. He sent 
 appeal after appeal to De Failly for aid, but his glass
 
 312 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 swept the country in vain for a glimpse of his ap- 
 proaching regiments. At two o'clock the French 
 abandoned Elsasshausen to the flames and to the 
 Prussians. Realizing that his salvation depended 
 upon the recapture of this village, MacMahon threw 
 his last infantry reserve against it, and a few mo- 
 ments later ordered Bonnemain's cuirassier brigade 
 to charge. The wreck of this fine corps soon strewed 
 the hopfields between Elsasshausen and the Nieder- 
 wald ; the infantry recoiled from the hornet's nest of 
 Elsasshausen ; Ducrot's division on the heights of 
 Neewiller was crumbling to pieces ; worse than all, 
 assailed on three sides, Froschweiler was yielding. It 
 was not until four o'clock that MacMahon ordered 
 the retreat, but before this a genuine rout had set in. 
 All along the heights, however, the carnage still con- 
 tinued. The sun shone crimson through smoke clouds 
 upon the blazing village, within which fraginents of 
 regiments that had never learned to fly still fought 
 madly on, upon broken batteries whose hot cannon 
 still thundered the French defiance, and upon the 
 sea of glistening helmets that crested the Prussian 
 advance. It was nearly dusk, the roads leading to 
 Saverne and Niederbronn were crowded with the 
 wreck of MacMahon's corps, when De Failly's first 
 regiments arrived. They came rushing into Nieder- 
 bronn incredulous over the rumors that had reached 
 them, fierce and angry at the mere supposition of a 
 French reverse. They had come to support Mac- 
 Mahon ; they were scarcely able to cover his retreat. 
 At all events, shortly after dark the Bavarians 
 stormed into Niederbronn, wrested the railway station 
 from their grasp, and drove them back. So the bat- 
 tle of Worth ended. The crown prince had little
 
 WORTH AND FORBACH. 313 
 
 cavalry available and the French rout streamed on 
 unmolested. 
 
 At the same time that Marshal McMahon was 
 being driven from his carefully chosen positions the 
 corps of General Frossard was recoiling shattered 
 and demorahzed from the disastrous battle of For- 
 bach. On the Saar as well as on the Sauer the Ger- 
 mans had struck a savage blow. The conflict at 
 Forbach, like that of Worth, was unpremeditated, 
 and the result of insubordination on the part of 
 Frossard, and the extraordinary daring of the Prus- 
 sian General Kamecke. Frossard, who had been en- 
 camped on the Spicheren heights since his skirmish 
 on the 2d, was under orders from the emperor to 
 retire upon St. Avoid. Although twenty-four hours 
 had i^assed since the receipt of these orders, the morn- 
 ing of the 6th found his rear guard just breaking 
 camp on the heights, while the mass of his corps was 
 only approacliing Forbach. He might have made 
 good progress during the day had not a Prussian 
 force suddenly appeared in Saarbriick. The slender- 
 ness of this force tempted him to resume the offen- 
 sive. He recalled his troops and occupied his old posi- 
 tions on the Spicherenberg. General Kamecke, who 
 had but one division of the German 7tli cor]3S, was in 
 no sense overawed at being confronted by a superior 
 force in an almost unassailable position. He was not 
 even content to stand on the defensive, but trusting 
 to the cannon thunder to bring him supports, he 
 hurled his infantry against the Spicherenberg. These 
 gallant troops shed their blood like water on the steep 
 fire-swept slopes, but to no purpose. At noon Kar 
 mecke's position was gi-ave ; at two o'clock it was des- 
 perate ; at three the battle was saved by the arrival
 
 314 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 of General Goeben witli Barnekow's division of the 
 Sth corps. A portion of the 5th di^'ision of the 3d 
 corps also arrived and Goeben, who had assumed 
 command, renewed the offensive with energy. The 
 French continued to dispute the possession of the 
 Spicherenberg until dark, when in a broken and 
 panic-struck condition they began their retreat. 
 
 In the mean time Gliimer's division of the 7th 
 corps, having crossed the Saar six miles west of Saar- 
 briick, marched southward upon hearing of the events 
 transpiring at that place. In the evening they ap- 
 proached Forbach, and notwithstanding the fact that 
 huge quantities of stores were collected here the 
 French garrison evacuated and retreated upon Metz. 
 
 The victory of Saarbriick or Forbach was due to 
 the superb steadiness of Kamecke's Westphalian in- 
 fantry, to the splendid marching of the supporting 
 divisions, to the overweening confidence of General 
 Frossard, and to the confusion of orders that left him 
 unsupported. Three di\dsions of Bazaine's corps 
 were within half a dozen miles of the Spicherenberg, 
 but none of the leaders cared to move on their own 
 responsibility. Bazaine's early proffer of assistance 
 was rejected by Frossard, and after that the various 
 divisions spent their time in marching and counter- 
 marching in the vain efforts to execute the erratic 
 orders of an incompetent commander-in-chief. 
 
 The 6th of August witnessed the crippling of the 
 French army of invasion. Worth annihilated the 
 right wing, Forbach shattered the centre. De Failly, 
 finding himself in danger of being cut off at Bitsche, 
 started on a ^^ild chase after MacMahon. Not a field 
 battalion was left to confront the Prussians between 
 Metz and Strasburg.
 
 WORTH AND FORBACH. 315 
 
 At Metz the news was received first with incredulity 
 and then with consternation. The cries of " A Ber- 
 lin " suddenly ceased and noncombatants began prepa- 
 rations for a hasty flight. The temper of the imperial 
 staff from a confident flijjpancy became despondent in 
 the extreme. The army was beaten, France was beaten, 
 the German empire was an accomplished fact, — these 
 sentiments were frequently expressed at headquarters 
 dui'ing Sunday the 7th of August. The sense of dis- 
 couragement pervaded all classes from the emperor 
 down to the ranks. At the opening of the second 
 week in August the emperor had under his command 
 the 2d, 3d, 4th, and 6th corps, with the Guard, a 
 total of 125,000 men, but of these, Frossard's corps 
 was too much demorahzed to be immediately avail- 
 able. With this force the emperor had to contend 
 against two armies aggregating 300,000 men, flushed 
 with success. It required a soldier of rare genius 
 and energy to maintain the contest against such odds, 
 and unhappily the emperor even in his prime was 
 never a military leader of the first order. In these 
 days, moreover, of bodily pain and mental weariness, 
 he lost all heart and turned from Leboeuf and the 
 carpet soldiers of the Tuileries, to men of sounder 
 judgment and less selfish impulses. From the crowd 
 of brilliant hangers-on and would-be advisers he se- 
 lected two men to aid him in the crisis ; the first was 
 General Changarnier, the other Marshal Bazaine. 
 In 1851 the emperor had committed the former to 
 prison because he was hostile to his interests and too 
 popular with the army. Forgetting the past, Chan- 
 garnier left his retirement and placed his sword at 
 the disposal of the emperor. The political prisoner of 
 1851 became the trusted imperial adviser in 1870.
 
 316 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 As for Bazaine, he had come by his honors honestly, 
 and fought his way upward through the grades at the 
 cannon's mouth. The emperor looked upon Bazaine, 
 and Changarnier concurred in his judgment, as the 
 man who might pull him through his difficulties. 
 These days at the French headquarters succeeding 
 the early August battles are memorable in modern 
 Eurojsean history, and we have their details from the 
 pens of the principal actors. The first move of the 
 emperor after the 6th of August was the appoint- 
 ment of Bazaine to the command of the 2d, 3d, and 
 4th corps, with orders to bring them back under the 
 guns of Metz. In the mean time the emperor was 
 contemplating his resignation. The army and the 
 nation had lost confidence in him, he never had much 
 confidence in himself, and Paris was uncomfortably 
 jieremptory in its demands for a new commander. 
 On the 12th Leboeuf fell from his position as chief 
 of staff, and on the day following the emperor for- 
 mally resigned the command of the army of the Rhine 
 in favor of Bazaine. These events were well received 
 by the army, and Paris was satisfied. The influ- 
 ences that were exerted to effect these changes have 
 long been in dispute. The emperor claimed that the 
 interests of France determined his course ; in reality 
 it was determined for him by the ministry. There is 
 a strong chain of evidence to indicate that the Paris 
 statesmen foresaw the magnitude of the coming disas- 
 ters, and the necessity of finding a scapegoat who 
 should take the responsibility from the imperial shoul- 
 ders. As far as the emperor is concerned, he doubt- 
 less jaelded to what he regarded as a public as well as 
 a ministerial demand. He called upon Bazaine not 
 to save the empire by a personal sacrifice of all that
 
 WORTH AND FORBACH. 317 
 
 a soldier holds dear, but by his military genius and 
 force of arms. 
 
 Bazaine, however, appreciated fully what his ap- 
 pointment meant. Canrobert and MacMahon were 
 his seniors, but they never thought of contesting the 
 dangerous honor of the supreme command. Bazaine 
 tried to evade the appointment, but the emperor en- 
 treated. Then in a manly, soldierly fashion the mar- 
 shal succumbed, and shouldered the duty which he 
 recognized was almost certain to bring upon him the 
 rage and contempt of his countrymen. The army, 
 we know, was ill-disciplined, dispirited, and terribly 
 outnumbered, but this was not the worst feature of Ba- 
 zaine's dUemna. He was destined to be hampered by 
 the emperor just long enough to complete the misery 
 of the military situation. Bazaine had a plan, a rare 
 thing among the French marshals of those degenerate 
 days, and upon it he had laid some stress. He wished 
 to move the whole army to a position on the Nied, to 
 ax5cept a battle there, and if victorious, to fall away 
 southeast, effect a junction with MacMahon, and take 
 up a new position in front of Nancy. This scheme 
 was perhaps the only feasible one of the French cam- 
 paign, and it was the last upon which the emperor 
 exercised an influence. He opposed it. Unquestion- 
 ably Bazaine might have insisted, but he yielded as 
 commander-in-chief as he had been wont to yield 
 when a general of division. As a result the army 
 began to execute the move substituted by the em- 
 peror, and commenced the retreat to Verdun. The 
 orders for retreating fell like a deathblow upon the 
 already disheartened soldiers of the army of the 
 Rhine. 
 
 In the mean time all the machinery of the German
 
 318 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 headquarters was moving with perfect precision. In 
 every direction the lieutenants of Von Moltke were 
 vigorously pushing liis carefully elaborated plans. 
 Every one was at work, and working for some def- 
 inite end. No one had prophesied or anticipated an 
 easy victory, and yet there was no undue elation over 
 recent events. All the armies had been engaged, the 
 first and second touching shoulders in front of the 
 Spicherenberg. If some grumbled over the risks 
 taken by Kamecke, the splendid marching of the sup- 
 porting divisions seemed to indicate that a Prussian 
 officer could afford to take some risks. There was 
 certainly something more than commendable in the 
 swift rush of the Brandenburgers and Rhinelanders 
 toward the " kannonendonner " on the day of For- 
 bach. Regiments that in the morning were a score 
 of miles from Saarbriick had turned off the dusty 
 leagues under the exhilarating influence of the dis- 
 tant artillery, and been found at sunset in the fight- 
 ing line on the crest of the Spicherenberg. 
 
 Moltke had a plan far-reaching in its aims, for it 
 meant the bagging of the French army of invasion 
 with Metz and the emperor included. He divined 
 the emperor's purpose of retreating on Verdun. The 
 crown prince directed his march upon Nancy, but the 
 army of Prince Frederick Charles moved on Pont a 
 Mousson on the Moselle, while Steinmetz covered his 
 right, and threatened Metz from the east and north- 
 east. If Bazaine moved up the Moselle against Fred- 
 erick Charles, he laid open his flank to Steinmetz. 
 If he turned against Steinmetz, or took the roads to 
 Verdun, his flank was exposed to Frederick Charles. 
 If he remained quiescent, he rendered it possible for 
 Frederick Charles to pass the Moselle in force, push
 
 WORTH AND FORBACH. 319 
 
 his columns northward from Pont a Mousson, and cut 
 the roads to Verdun. 
 
 The villagers of Lorraine still tell with wonder, if 
 with sadness, of that mighty flood of German inva- 
 sion that engulfed them during the smnmer days of 
 1870 ; of the never-ceasing tide of the soldiers of 
 the Fatherland that poured out of the Rhineland, — 
 cavalry clattering and jingling through the village 
 street, dust-covered infantrymen timing their march 
 to martial chorus or tap of drum, and artillery rum- 
 bling and jolting over the rough ways. 
 
 From dawn until dusk and even after darkness fell 
 and weary regiments bivouacked by the roadsides, 
 still the steady muffled tramp continued as fresher 
 troops pursued their march. Days and weeks passed, 
 and still Germany poured forth her sons, and still 
 they streamed westward into the heart of France. 
 "It is not an army," groaned the Lorrainers, " but a 
 nation that has come among us." At last the helmets 
 became scarce, and the shakos appeared crowning fore- 
 heads that were wrinkled and hair that was streaked 
 with gray. It was the Landwehr going to the front 
 to teach the " youngsters " how to fight. They came 
 on by tens of thousands, the memories of other days 
 clustering about their standards, the memory of wife 
 and children clustering about their hearts, strong, 
 sturdy, arousing the echoes of the Lotharingian woods 
 and hills with the full-voiced chorus, — 
 
 " Dear Fatherland no danger thine, 
 Firm stand thy sons to guard the Rhine."
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THE AUGUST BATTLES BEFORE METZ. 
 
 The French Retreat upon Verdun begins. — Battle of 
 BoRNT. — Bazaine's Night Visit to the Emperor. — Flight 
 OF the Emperor to Gravelotte. — Bazaine visits him 
 THERE. — Farewell between Bazaine and the Emperor 
 on the Departure of the Latter for Verdun. — Position 
 OF the Armies on August 16. — General von Alvensleben 
 opens the Battle of Vionville. — Character of the Bat- 
 tle AND its Results — Bazaine takes up a New Position. 
 
 — Moltkes Plan for August 18. — The Battle of Grave- 
 lotte. — Repulse of Steinmetz. — Incapacity of Bazaine. 
 
 — Second Repulse of Steinmetz. — Canrobert overpow- 
 ered. — Capture of St. Privat and Turning of the French 
 Right. — Close of the Battle. — Influence of the Battle 
 upon the Military Situation. — Formation of the Army 
 OF the Meuse. — The Siege of Metz begins. 
 
 It was da,wn on the 14th of August when the 
 French army of the Rhine commenced its passage of 
 the Moselle and inaugurated the retreat upon Ver- 
 dun. The immediate result was chaos, the blockading 
 of roads with cumbersome baggage and artillery trains 
 that caused at once confusion and delay. To make 
 matters worse, about four p. m. the 3d corps and a por- 
 tion of the 4th corps, which still retained their positions 
 between Columbey and Nouilly on the east of Metz, 
 were furiously attacked by the first German army 
 under Steinmetz. The effect of the cannon thunder 
 in their rear was most demoralizing upon the French 
 army. The retreat came to a standstill ; the Guard was 
 moved to Borny to support the troops in action, while
 
 THE AUGUST BATTLES BEFORE METZ. 321 
 
 the army began to recross the Moselle. The French 
 fought weU, outnumbering their assailants ; and when 
 the action ceased at dark they claimed the victory. 
 The German purpose, however, had been fully accom- 
 plished. They had held three entire coiys d'armee 
 on the east of Metz, checked Bazaine's movement in 
 retreat, and enabled the columns of Prince Frederick 
 Charles to make good progress westward. 
 
 Bazaine, who from the first had deprecated the re- 
 treat, recognized distinctly after this action its prob- 
 able issue. From the battlefield about Borny he 
 made his way at midnight across the Moselle through 
 the streets of Metz crowded with weary, grumbling 
 soldiery, threading his way among the wreck and dis- 
 order that strewed the roads beyond the towii, until 
 he reached the emperor's quarters at the Chateau de 
 Longnieville. There he eased liis mind of his fore- 
 bodings, and disclosed his dread of being outflanked. 
 The miserable emperor merely entreated caution and 
 the avoidance of any fresh defeat. Bazaine rode 
 away tlu'ough the military confusion to his quarters, 
 while shortly before dawn the emperor was apprised of 
 the proximity of the Germans by the shells that came 
 crashing into the chateau garden. The army of the 
 Rhine had sunk so low in efficiency that it was in- 
 competent to protect its sovereign from this audacious 
 field battery that unlimbered on the farther bank of 
 the Moselle. So the emperor commenced the day, 
 the day of the great Napoleonic festival, by a hurried 
 flight. Accompanied by Prince Louis and a small 
 escort he made the best of his way to Gravelotte. 
 At the inn of this village he received Bazaine in the 
 afternoon, while along the road in front the suUen, 
 dispirited regiments passed in retreat without raising 
 a cheer at the sight of their unhapi)y monarch.
 
 322 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Bazaine and tlie emperor met but once more, and 
 that on the following morning, the 16th. The mar- 
 shal being summoned by an aide found the emperor 
 seated in his carriage, suffering depicted on his usu- 
 ally imperturbable face. His words betrayed his 
 utter hopelessness. " I have decided to leave for 
 Verdun and Chalons. Make the best of your way to 
 Verdun. The gendarmes have abandoned Briey to 
 the Prussians." The marshal found the gigantic task 
 upon his shoulders of consummating with a disorgan- 
 ized and crestfallen army a movement which from the 
 first he had regarded as suicidal. Almost before the 
 dust raised by the imperial escort had faded from sight, 
 the roar of cannon that was borne to his ears on the 
 south wind told him that another battle was afoot. 
 
 The action fought on this day was the most san- 
 guinary of the entire war. It was commenced by the 
 army of Prince Frederick Charles to intercept Ba- 
 zaine' s retreat on Verdun, and maintained by it 
 throughout the day against vastly superior forces. 
 The position of the two armies at daybreak on the 
 16th was substantially as follows : the French were 
 preparing to retreat upon Verdun, the 2d, 6th, and 
 Guard corps by the southern road via Mars la Tour, 
 the 3d and 4th corps moving over the northern route 
 via Etain. On the other hand, the mass of the German 
 second army was still distant from the Moselle, only 
 the 3d and 10th corps being close up to its banks. 
 The 19th infantry division of the 10th corps and the 
 5th division of the 3d corps had even crossed the river, 
 the former being in the vicinity of Thiaucourt, and the 
 other between Onville and Gorze. The 5th cavalry 
 division was near Mars la Tour, while the Guard dra- 
 goon brigade was with the 19th division at Thiaucourt.
 
 THE AUGUST BATTLES BEFORE METZ. 323 
 
 General von Alvensleben commanding the 3d Ger- 
 man corps pushed the 6th infantry division across the 
 Moselle at daybreak, and marched by Gorze upon 
 Vionville. It was Redern's cavalry, supported by 
 this division, that first surprised the French. Fros- 
 sard's corps was encamped about Vionville and Fla- 
 vig'ny, and the effect of the sudden attack was to 
 bring up the 6th corps on his right and establish a 
 line of battle from Flavlgny to Bruville. In other 
 words, the French corps, which had been facing west- 
 ward, executed a partial wheel to the left and faced 
 southwest. Bazaine seems to have had no conception 
 of the slenderness of the forces opposing him, and to 
 have exercised undue caution. The small force of 
 German infantry on the ground rendered it necessary 
 to use the cavalry immoderately, and a series of bril- 
 liant but murderous charges resulted. The position 
 of the German forces was critical throughout the day ; 
 and even at five o'clock when the entire 3d and 10th 
 corps had come up, they were confronted by no less 
 than five French corps. Indeed, the battle of Vion- 
 ville was a marvel of military audacity. General von 
 Alvensleben, realizing the great importance of holding 
 Bazaine in Metz, risked everything for its accomplish- 
 ment, hurling battalions against brigades, and driving 
 his depleted cavalry squadrons again and again 
 against the blazing lines of French cannon. The 
 strong men of Brandenburg and Hanover proved 
 equal to the emergency. The Hanoverians arrived 
 late on the field, but they did grand service. The 
 strapping fair-haired men who under their king drove 
 the Prussians at Langensalza fought no less stoutly 
 in the cause of the Fatherland when they faced the 
 French lines at VionviUe.
 
 324 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 The battle of Vionville settled the fate of Bazaine's 
 army. The marshal was outmanoeuvred, and at the 
 close of the action, while he claimed the victory, could 
 not disguise the fact that the command of the south- 
 ern route to Verdun had passed into the control of 
 his foe. From this time date the first charsres asrainst 
 the marshal, which in the end were to bring about his 
 ruin and disgrace. It is asserted that had he shown 
 any energy on the 15th, fought with more spirit on 
 the 16th, or improved his opportunities on the 17th, 
 he might have shaken himself free from the steel 
 talons which the German headquarters was closing 
 upon him. Bazaine's excuses are based upon the de- 
 moralization of his army and the insubordination of 
 his corps conrmanders. These facts rendered him un- 
 willing to attempt another move on Verdun. On the 
 17th he led his army back to an impregnable position 
 under the guns of Metz. He occupied with all his 
 forces the high plateau west of the Moselle, his left 
 resting on St. Ruffine, his right on Roncourt. In the 
 choice of this j^osition the marshal displayed excel- 
 lent judgment, and his engineers rendered its natural 
 strength even more formidable. At no point save 
 perhaps on the extreme right coidd the enemy attack 
 except at a great disadvantage and exposed to a ter- 
 rific artillery fii'e. The marshal had in his first line 
 the 2d, 3d, 4th, and 6th corps, while he retained the 
 Guards as a reserve in the rear of his left wing. 
 
 On the same day that Bazaine was taking up these 
 positions the German headquarters in a high state of 
 satisfaction was making preparations for a final blow. 
 Long before dawn on the 18th all the corps of the 
 German second army were marching rapidly north- 
 ward in the rear of the first army that was confront-
 
 THE AUGUST BATTLES BEFORE METZ. 325 
 
 ing the French left in front of St. Ruffine. Von 
 Moltke was ignorant of Bazaine's intentions and 
 whether it would devolve upon him to receive or 
 deliver an attack. The movements of the German 
 corps had been ordered with a view to meeting either 
 eventuality. At ten o'clock the king of Prussia was 
 on the gTound, and Von Moltke had become con- 
 vinced that the French were standing on the defen- 
 sive. The entire fu'st army under Steinmetz was 
 detailed to act against the almost impregnable French 
 left southward from the farms of Moscow and St. 
 Hubert. The 6th and 9th corps went in about Verne- 
 ville against the positions among the farms of Mon- 
 tigny-la-Grange, La Folic, and Leipsig. The Saxons 
 followed by the Guards continued their march along 
 the rear of this line to find the French right, and 
 turn it. 
 
 The artillery of the 9th corps opened the action 
 about eleven o'clock, and for three hours it raged 
 furiously all along the extended line from Amanvil- 
 lers to the extreme French left. The 6tli and 9 th 
 corps were cautiously handled, and made no progress 
 in their front, while Steinmetz, after wresting St. 
 Hubert from the French, failed at the Point du Jour, 
 and was thrown back with frightful slaughter. 
 
 Moltke's plan was to hold the French centre and 
 left while the turning movement of the Guards and 
 Saxons was being develojjed. Bazaine's conduct on 
 this day strongly suggested that of Benedek at Konig- 
 griitz. He posted himself in the fortress of Plappe- 
 ville where he commanded an excellent view of Fros- 
 sard on the left, of Leboeuf and Ladmiraidt in the 
 centre, while Canrobert on the right was out of sight 
 and in poor communication. Bazaine gave no uneasy
 
 326 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 thought to his right, notwithstanding the fact that it 
 was naturally the weakest point in his line. The fury 
 of Steinmetz's attacks upon Frossard and Leboeuf 
 held all liis attention exactly as Moltke intended they 
 should do, although it was clear that the positions 
 held by these generals were little less than impreg- 
 nable. 
 
 At five o'clock no change had been effected in the 
 state of the battle, the French line being everywhere 
 intact. The lull that prevailed at this time was rudely 
 broken by another furious assault of the fu'st army. 
 Steinmetz, who had been chafing at his temporary in- 
 action, stimulated by the debouching of the 2d corps 
 from the Bois des Ognons for his support, ordered 
 another rush against the French positions beyond 
 the Mance. The attacking columns were withered 
 by a fiery blast that nothing human could endure. 
 The French sallying from their trenches in great 
 force, an incipient panic ensued. The opportune 
 arrival of supports alone prevented a rout ; and when 
 darkness fell, the weary soldiers of the first army 
 were standing fiercely on the defensive under a crush- 
 ing fire of chassepots and mitrailleuses. 
 
 In the mean time the stubborn battle had been 
 decided on the extreme left. Canrobert backed by 
 the strong high village of St. Privat held his position 
 without difficulty during the day against the attacks 
 of several weak detachments of the Saxon and Prus- 
 sian Guard corps. At sundown, however, another 
 face was put upon matters in that vicinity. The 12th 
 corps had completed its turning movement, and was 
 fighting its way southward through Roncourt toward 
 St. Privat, which had been already set on fire by the 
 German artillery. The Prussian Guards moving up
 
 THE AUGUST BATTLES BEFORE METZ. 327 
 
 from the vicinity of Ste. Marie-aux-Chenes also de- 
 ployed for the attack upon St. Privat. Canrobert 
 was left unsupported at this crisis. Bourbaki was in 
 the vicinity with a few thousand grenadiers of the 
 French Guard, but the battle was raging fiercely then 
 about Amanvillers, and he was at a loss where to 
 strike in. The sun sank below the forests, and in its 
 stead the glare of the blazing village illuminated the 
 darkening country. In the flame-swept streets a 
 handful of Frenchmen lingered to cross bayonets 
 with the Prussian guardsmen and meet the fate they 
 courted. Canrobert drew off his corps slowly and in 
 tolerable order, notifying Ladmirault of his move- 
 ments. 
 
 All through the evening the combat was maintained 
 here and all along the Mne. Malmaison sent a pillar 
 of fire skyward, while St. Privat was visible for miles 
 by the light of its own destruction. The king of 
 Prussia and his staff left the position they had oc- 
 cupied during the day upon the gratifying intelligence 
 from the left wing, but it was later still before Fros- 
 sard's canuon ceased to illmninate the air over Point 
 du Jour and Leboeuf's musketry to belt the hillsides 
 north of the Verdun road with an incessant blazing. 
 At midnight silence reigned, and the German pickets 
 were holding the line from Verneville through Aman- 
 villers. 
 
 The battle of Gravelotte or Amanvillers, as the 
 French demoninate it, was the last of that bloody trio 
 that, commencing with Borny on the 14th, cost the 
 German armies a loss of 42,000 and the French 34,000 
 officers and men. Though the Germans had shed 
 their blood like water, they had in every case achieved 
 their end. The battle of Borny was fought to gain
 
 328 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 time to cut the roads to Verclim, Vionville to check 
 the French retreat, and Gravelotte to "nail" the 
 French to Metz. On the other hand, Bazaine aim- 
 lessly wasted his army. He fought Borny because he 
 had no other alternative ; at Vionville he was fright- 
 ened into the defensive when a bold use of his strength 
 would have given liim the victory ; at Gravelotte he 
 fought to retain a hold on the road to Verdim, and 
 lost it. 
 
 The military situation was simplified. Only one 
 field army was left to France, the one gathering at 
 Chalons, and against which the cro^vn prince of Prus- 
 sia was moving. On the day following the battle of 
 Gravelotte the German fourth army (of the Meuse) 
 was formed to cooperate with the third army, and the 
 command given to the prince royal of Saxony. It 
 comprised the 4th and 12th corps, the Prussian 
 Guards, and the 5th and 6th cavahy divisions, and on 
 the 20th began its westward march in search of the 
 French army of Chalons. The strength of this army 
 was close upon 100,000 men, that of the third army 
 about 120,000 men. The first and second armies 
 united were 225,000 strong, and upon their shoulders 
 devolved the siege and subjection of Metz. The king 
 of Prussia and General von Moltke left the lines 
 before Metz to follow the headquarters of the tliird 
 army.
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 SEDAN. 
 
 Confusion at the French Headquarters at ChIlons. — Mac- 
 Mahon's Arrival there. — Result of the Military Coun- 
 cils. — The Paris Cabinet takes a Hand. — MacMahon's 
 Irresolution. — Finally concludes to march upon Metz. — 
 Strength and Condition of his Forces. — Desperation of 
 the Ministry at Paris. — General Blumenthal on Mac- 
 Mahon's Movement. — Moltke moves to checkmate him. — 
 Situation on the 27th of August. — On the 29th. — Battle 
 OF Beaumont. — Rout of De Failly's Corps. — Discomfiture 
 of the French 7th Corps by the Bavarians. — Terrible 
 Demoralization of MacMahon's Army. — The Retreat upon 
 Sedan and j^LacMahon's Telegram to the Ministry. — The 
 Germans close in upon Sedan. — The French Position at 
 Sedan. — First Attack of the Germans on September 1. — 
 MacMahon wounded. — Splendid Work of the Saxon Artil- 
 lery. — The Quarrel at the French Headquarters and its 
 Result. — General de Wempffen. — Heroism of the French 
 Marines. — Terrible Fighting at Bazeilles. — Awful Ef- 
 fect OF THE German Artillery Fire. — Misery of the Em- 
 peror. — The White Flag at Sedan. — The Prussian King 
 on the Heights of Fresnois — Napoleon's Letter. — Even- 
 ing ON the Battlefield. 
 
 Meanwhile all was confusion and indecision at 
 Chalons. The emperor arrived on the evening of the 
 16th and found little encouragement in the military 
 situation. The newly formed 12th corps and a few 
 battalions of the Mobile Guard were in camp, and on 
 the 18th MacMahon brought in his corps that had 
 been so rudely handled at Worth. On the 20th the 
 5th corps, which had followed MacMahon in his flight
 
 330 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 from the Sauer, began to make its appearance, while 
 the 7th corps was reported en route from Belfort via 
 Paris, and the 18th corps in process of formation at 
 the capitaL The emperor held anxious conferences 
 with Prince Napoleon, Marshal MacMahon, and 
 General Trochu, the commander of the 12th corjis. 
 Prince Napoleon urged that it was time to reject the 
 advice of the empress and her Jesuit advisers and to 
 cidtivate the friendship of Italy. He carried his 
 point, and on the 19th left for Florence to inform his 
 royal father-in-law " that he might do as he pleased 
 with Rome if he would come promjitly to the aid of 
 France in arms." General Trochu insisted that the 
 mobiles should be shipped back to Paris, as their 
 uproarious insubordination threatened to contaminate 
 the entire army. MacMahon urged that the army 
 should retreat upon the capital and accept if need 
 were a battle for its defense. It was decided, further- 
 more, that the emperor shoidd return to Paris, whither 
 General Trochu was to precede him and assume the 
 military governorshij) of the city. 
 
 As a result then of the conference of Chalons, 
 Prince Napoleon was sent to Florence, Trochu to 
 Paris, and the army directed upon Reims. On the 
 evening of the 21st the army reached the environs of 
 the latter place, where it was reinforced the next day 
 by the 7th corps. The retreat of the army and the 
 proposed return of the emperor to his capital had 
 been bitterly opposed from the first by the ministry 
 of the empress. On the 22d the emperor received 
 another dispatch from Paris to this effect : "If you 
 do not march to Bazaine's assistance the worst is to 
 be feared in Paris." At the same time a hopeful 
 message was received from Bazaine in which he spoke
 
 SEDAN. 331 
 
 confidently of breaking through the German lines of 
 investment on the north. The first of these telegrams 
 frightened the emperor, while the two together shook 
 MacMahon's resolution. He had previously informed 
 the ministry that he knew nothing of Bazaine's con- 
 dition, and that it would be inexcusable foolhardi- 
 ness to attempt his relief with demoralized and half- 
 trained troops. The telegram received from Metz 
 on the 22d divulged Bazaine's plans, and MacMahon 
 became convinced that he had no alternative but to 
 march to his relief. Consequently on the 23d he 
 issued his orders for an advance of the whole army 
 upon Montmedy. 
 
 The strength of MacMahon's army was about 
 140,000 men. Of the corps composing it, however, 
 the 1st had been shattered by battle, the 5th and 7th 
 dispirited by forced retreats, and the 12th, while it in- 
 cluded an excellent division of marine infantry, was 
 made up largely of raw regiments. A long period of 
 arduous training was necessary to lend anything like 
 cohesion to this force, and there was not an hour to 
 spare. The success of a movement for Bazaine's re- 
 lief depended upon celerity, and of this MacMahon's 
 regiments were incapable. The first day's march 
 filled the country with stragglers. The intendance 
 broke down, and orders were issued from headquar- 
 ters for the army to live upon the country. 
 
 On the 27th, after a laborious march, the head- 
 quarters were at Le Chesne-Populeux. MacMahon 
 was alarmed by unmistakable evidences that the crown 
 prince of Prussia was moving northward against his 
 flank. On the evening of that day he telegraphed 
 to the ministry that he had determined to abandon 
 Bazaine, and issued orders for retreat uj)on Mezieres.
 
 832 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 A few hours later and the agonized response o£ the 
 ministry was placed in his hand. " If you leave 
 Bazaine in the lurch there will be a revolution in 
 Paris." This was supplemented by another message 
 more imperative in tone from the minister of war. 
 " I require you to march to the relief of Marshal Ba- 
 zaine, by utilizing the thirty hours' start which you 
 have over the crown prince (of Prussia). I am send- 
 ing Vinoy's corps (the 13th) to Reims. The dy- 
 nasty is lost, and we, all of us, with it, unless you 
 accede to the wishes of the inhabitants of Paris." 
 The emperor entreated MacMahon to hold to his 
 resolution to retreat. It had been a struggle from 
 the first between the headquarters and the Paris 
 cabinet for the direction of the army of Chalons. 
 The former manoeuvred with reference to the Ger- 
 man armies, the latter with reference to the Paris 
 mob. The headquarters succumbed, and the army 
 and the emperor marched on to their ruin. 
 
 In the mean time at Bar-le-Duc General von Moltke 
 could hardly credit the reports that the French army 
 was advancing on the Meuse. General Bhunenthal 
 with the map of northeastern France before him ex- 
 claimed, " These French are lost, you see. We know 
 they are there, and there, and there, MacMahon's 
 whole army. Where can they go to ? Poor foolish 
 feUows. They must go to Belgium or fight there and 
 be lost," and his finger was close to the fortress of 
 Sedan. On the 25th the orders were issued from 
 headquarters that were to checkmate the army of 
 Chalons. The Meuse army was already in the Ar- 
 gonnes, the third army was approaching the Aisne 
 farther south and one day's march in advance. The 
 orders of the 25th wheeled both these armies to the
 
 SEDAN. 333 
 
 riglit. The march " nach Paris " was suspended and 
 200,000 German soldiers turned their faces north- 
 ward. The orderly promptitude with which this 
 change of front was accomplished, and the new march 
 sustained has long been a subject for admiring com- 
 ment among military men. 
 
 On the 27tli of August the French 7th corps had 
 not crossed the Aisne, while the rest of the army held 
 a line from Vouziers to Stonne. The 6th German 
 cavalry division was hovering on the flank of the 7th 
 corjis. The Saxon 12th corps already held the line 
 of the Meuse from Mouzon to Dun, while the Prus- 
 sian Guards, 4th corps, and the two Bavarian corjjs 
 were distant but a day's march to the south. 
 
 So heavy and painful were the movements of the 
 French army that MacMahon could not issue his 
 orders for passing the Meuse until the 29th. At 
 nightfall on that day the 12th corps alone had crossed 
 and was in bivouac about Mouzon. The Saxon 12th 
 corps, which had repassed the Meuse to take a posi- 
 tion on the flank of the French advance, fell upon a 
 brigade of the 5th corps and drove it in upon the 
 main body at Beaumont. 
 
 On August 30 the French 5th corps at Beamnont 
 received orders to cover the crossing of the army at 
 Villers and Remilly, and to cross itself at Mouzon 
 later in the day. Notwitlistanding the well proven 
 fact that the whole country southward was swarming 
 with the enemy, De Failly took no precaution against 
 a surprise. He had one division in camp on the 
 plain south of Beaumont and the rest of his corps on 
 the heights to the north. Toward noon the German 
 4th corps fell on the leading division, surprised and 
 routed it. The position north of Beaumont was
 
 834 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 stoutly defended under the personal direction of De 
 Failly, but assailed on front and flank by tbe 4tli 
 and Saxon corps was soon rendered untenable. Then 
 began a disorderly retreat upon Mouzon. A brigade 
 of the French 12th corps sent by General Lebrun to 
 cover the flight of De Failly's battalions was roughly 
 handled and only added to the confusion. The artil- 
 lery of the 12th corps, well served on the heights east 
 of Mouzon, checked the German pursuit. 
 
 During this combat the 1st Bavarian corps, which 
 had been threatening De Failly's right, unexj)ectedly 
 encountered a brigade of the French 7th corps which 
 had lost its way. The baggage and supply trains 
 were thrown into confusion by the Bavarian artillery 
 and nearly annihilated. The French General Douay 
 saw his corps demoralized without fighting, and, de- 
 spairing of reaching Villers, directed its march upon 
 Remilly. One division pursued a confused march to 
 Sedan, where it crossed the Meuse the following 
 morning. 
 
 This day's work threw the French army into ter- 
 rible confusion. The 5th corps had been badly beaten, 
 as had one brigade of the 12th corps. The 7th corps 
 had been hotly pursued and lost a portion of its bag- 
 gage. The 1st corps alone remained intact. The 
 emperor had met MacMahon on the hills above Mou- 
 zon late in the afternoon, and the latter had then no 
 idea of the magnitude of the disasters that had over- 
 taken the army. When the rout of the 5tli corps 
 came streaming through Mouzon, however, he grasped 
 the situation. He could only choose between giving 
 battle at Mouzon and retreating northwest in the hope 
 of finding an open road to Paris. He determined 
 upon the latter course, and the ministry were in-
 
 SEDAN. 335 
 
 formed of it by this curt telegram, " MacMalion in- 
 forms the minister of war that he is compelled to 
 direct his march on Sedan." Through the dense 
 darkness the army struggled on, crossing and block- 
 ing itself on unknown roads, the emperor making his 
 way miserably on foot through the crowded streets of 
 Sedan. After this night of panic, doubt, and confu- 
 sion, MacMahon still failed to recognize the full 
 gravity of his situation, although he was sufficiently 
 uneasy to hurry the prince imperial off to Mezieres, 
 where he had pretty much determined to retreat the 
 next day. 
 
 Throughout the day of the 31st the Germans 
 advanced with wonderfid energy. At sundown the 
 jagers of Von der Tann's Bavarian corps were close 
 up to the Meuse at Bazeilles, — near enovigh, indeed, 
 to prevent the destruction of the bridge at that point, 
 while the artillery engaged in a fierce duel with that 
 of the French 12th corps. This action was main- 
 tained by the German commanders to hold the French 
 marshal at bay while they cut his line of retreat upon 
 Mezieres, although they were not inclined to believe 
 that their efforts to delay his march would meet with 
 such complete success. It is worthy of note that the 
 German headquarters invariably overvalued the mili- 
 tary sagacity of its foes. All through the night of 
 the 31st the 5th and 11th German corps were on the 
 march, passing the Meuse at Donchery and moving 
 northward to cut the road to Mezieres. Shortly after 
 one o'clock on the morning of September 1 the crown 
 prince of Saxony issued orders to the 12th corps to 
 direct their march from Douzy upon Sedan via La 
 Moncelle, the Guard corps to move on their right 
 upon the same point, the 4th corps to act as a reserve 
 to these as well as to the Bavarians.
 
 336 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 The French army was crowded into that narrow 
 tract between the Meuse and Givonne, bounded on 
 the north and northeast by a tangled wooded country 
 that extends beyond the Belgian frontier. The only 
 feasible lines of retreat were over the road to Me- 
 zieres and uj) the Chiers to Carignan. MacMahon, 
 as a precaution against an attack from the east, 
 placed the 1st and 12th corps to cover the line of the 
 Givonne from Bazeilles to the village of Givonne. 
 He posted the 7th corps on the high land between 
 Floing and Illy facing northwest, prepared to in- 
 augurate a movement upon Mezieres, at which place 
 General Vinoy had arrived the day previous with one 
 division of the 13th corps. 
 
 At daybreak on the morning of September 1 a 
 heavy fog enshrouded the Meuse valley about Sedan, 
 and before the sun had dissipated its fleecy folds a 
 messenger came galloping up to the French head- 
 quarters with the tidings that the Bavarians were 
 attacking Bazeilles. Hastening to the threatened 
 point, MacMahon found the village stoutly defended 
 by the marine infantry of the 12tli corjjs. The Saxon 
 artillery opening fire upon La Moncelle, the marshal 
 next rode in that direction. As he was engaged in 
 studying the country he was struck by a fragment of 
 a shell and painfully wounded. His early incapaci- 
 tation was certainly an unfortunate episode for the 
 French. It was followed by a conflict of authority 
 that was attended with the most serious results. 
 General Ducrot, the general of the 1st corps, as- 
 sumed the command upon MacMahon's fall. The 
 Saxon corps was developing a strong attack against 
 the whole French line between Daigny and Bazeilles, 
 while the corps artillery massed on the higlilands to
 
 SEDAN. 337 
 
 the east fired with a power and precision that stirred 
 at once the awe and admiration of the French gen- 
 erals. Ducrot decided that no time was to be lost in 
 getting away to Mezieres, and issued orders accord- 
 ingly to the 12th corps to begin their retreat. No 
 sooner had this been done than General de Wimpffen 
 appeared on the scene, produced an order of the 
 minister of war aj)pointing him to the command of 
 the army of Chalons in case of the disabling of Mac- 
 Mahon, and angrily countermanded Ducrot's orders. 
 General de Wimpffen had been with the army only 
 two days. He had been summoned to Paris by 
 Palikao, and armed with instructions to supersede De 
 Failly in command of the 5th corps. Before leaving 
 for the front Palikao had also given him the order 
 which he produced on the morning of the 1st of Sep- 
 tember. He was a confident, energetic, blustering 
 man, and in Paris seems to have been impressed with 
 the idea that he was destined to restore the fading 
 lustre of the French arms. He first saw the army of 
 Chalons at Mouzon on the evening of the 30th of 
 August, when the panic-stricken refugees of the 5th 
 corps were executing their " sauve qui pent." He 
 presented himself to MacMahon but was coldly re- 
 ceived, while his orders in reference to the 5th corps 
 were entirely disregarded. The next morning he 
 took the field, and upon hearing of MacMahon's 
 woimd hastened to assert himself before General 
 Ducrot, who had more respect for the orders of the 
 minister of war. Ducrot gave way only after a 
 heated altercation in which General Lebrun of the 
 12tli corps seems also to have borne a hand. Wimpf- 
 fen reiterated his orders, and declared with bombast 
 that he was going to throw the Bavarians into the 
 Meuse and cut his way to Carignan.
 
 338 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 During the morning the emperor wandered aim- 
 lessly about, watching gloomily the ever - increasing 
 fire of the German artillery, an object of no consid- 
 eration in the general melee. The 12th corps had 
 begun to retire in obedience to Ducrot's order, and 
 had lost ground which it must recover in order to 
 lead the way to Carignan. The brightest spot in the 
 French defense was at Bazeilles, where the marine 
 infantry held the Bavarians at bay. Von der Tann 
 had not met opponents like these since he crossed the 
 Lauter. Ducrot's men at Worth were stubborn fight- 
 ers, but these marines laughed at odds and held Ba- 
 zeilles for hours against nearly the whole power of 
 King Ludwig's realm. The ^dllagers joined in the 
 conflict and wreaked vengeance upon the Bavarian 
 wounded after each repulse. As a result the fighting 
 became embittered, and a veritable heU raged within 
 the flaming streets. At last the Bavarians, assisted by 
 the vacillation of the French headquarters, obtained 
 possession of the ruins of Bazeilles, and supported 
 by the hea\y fire of their splendid artillery advanced 
 upon Balan. By ten o'clock the French army was 
 beaten, and lost as well. The position on the Givonne 
 had fallen into the hands of the Guards and Saxons ; 
 the Bavarians had carried Balan. Douay was appeal- 
 ing frantically for help against the German 5th and 
 11th corps, which had deployed between St. Menges 
 and Fleigneux, and were extending their lines toward 
 Oily. His artillery had been literally knocked to 
 pieces by the fire of these two corjjs assisted by the 
 guns of the Prussian Guard near Givonne. His can- 
 nons were dismounted, his tumbrils blown up, while 
 his infantry could find no shelter from the terrific 
 cross-fire. 
 
 J
 
 SEDAN. 339 
 
 Rarely, if ever, has an opportunity to annihilate an 
 army with artillery been more relentlessly improved 
 than by the Germans at Sedan. A French army 
 nearly 100,000 strong, crowded into an area of hardly 
 eight square miles, was subjected to the fire of 426 
 cannon served by the most perfect artillerists in the 
 world. What wonder that the town of Sedan became 
 blocked with military fugitives, that soldiers threw 
 away their arms and rushed into churches and cellars 
 for protection ? There is no need of following the 
 despairing efforts which the French made to recover 
 a long lost day, to describe the hopeless contest waged 
 by Douay against the Poseners and Hessians at Flo- 
 ing and Illy, to recite the heroism of Marguerittes' 
 chasseurs and their bold ride to death, to depict the 
 agony of the emperor and the fierce wrangling of liis 
 generals. It was by order of the emperor that the 
 white flag was hoisted on the citadel. It was torn 
 down by General Faure, MacMahon's chief of staff. 
 " Why does this useless struggle go on ? " groaned 
 Napoleon, " too much blood has been shed." He re- 
 jected the proposition to lead a forlorn hope upon 
 Balan and insisted upon closing the contest. Wimpf- 
 fen in a rage tendered his resignation, but was 
 shamed into its withdrawal. The white flag again 
 went aloft, the German batteries ceased their roaring, 
 and, freed from the engulfing smoke, the cannon and 
 their defenders became revealed on the encircling 
 hillsides. The uproar about the gate of Torcy where 
 the Bavarians had been knocking hard for admission 
 was stilled. A Prussian officer with a message to the 
 commander-in-chief was admitted to the presence of 
 the emperor. He had come to summon the surrender 
 of Sedan. When he rode back it became known for
 
 340 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 the first time at the German headquarters that the 
 French emperor was with the ill-fated army. 
 
 About six o'clock the king of Prussia, the crown 
 prince, and their staffs stood on the heights of Fre- 
 nois awaiting a message from Napoleon III. concern- 
 ing the capitulation of the army. The air had be- 
 come cleared of smoke, and the golden evening light 
 streamed into the valley and glowed upon the placid 
 surface of the river. A dun cloud of smoke still 
 brooded over Bazeilles, but save for this and the 
 dark clumps of steel-fringed warriors visible here and 
 there, there was little sign of the iron hand of war to 
 be traced from this airy height. At last the French 
 General Reille came toiling up the hill with the ex- 
 pected letter from his emperor. The king breaking 
 the seal read the words now familiar to the whole 
 world : " Sire, my brother, — Having failed to meet 
 death in the midst of my troops, it only remains for 
 me to place my sword in the hands of your majesty." 
 
 The Emperor of the French had surrendered, but 
 not his army. Upon being informed that De Wimpf- 
 fen was in command, the king requested his presence 
 at Donchery in the evening to discuss the terms of 
 capitulation with General von Moltke. Then the 
 brilliant assemblage on the heights broke up amid 
 general congratulations. The king and his staff rode 
 away to Vendresse. Bismarck made his way to 
 Donchery, where he was joined by Moltke. Darkness 
 fell on the field that registered the downfall of the 
 second empire. A loiterer on the heights of Frenois 
 might still have marked the position of Bazeilles by 
 its lurid smoke-pall ; he might have traced the course 
 of the river as the moon broke through the windy 
 clouds and silvered its bosom. All throug-h the val-
 
 SEDAN. 341 
 
 ley bonfires flashed out, lit by jubilant soldiers of 
 the Fatherland. The progress of the king toward 
 Vendresse was marked by distant cheering, and then 
 as night deepened from bivouac after bivouac came 
 the sound of singing, until the air throbbed with the 
 strains of the grand old choral, "Nun danket alle 
 Gott."
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 LAST MEETINGS OF BISMARCK AND NAPOLEON. 
 
 The Military Conference at Donchery. — Bismarck's Ac- 
 count OF it. — Wimpffen seeks the Emperor. — The Meet- 
 ing BETWEEN THE EmPEROR AND BiSMARCK AS NARRATED BY 
 
 EACH. — Scene at the Weavers' Cottage. — Signature of 
 THE Capitulation. — The Emperor leaves for Belgium. 
 
 The two prominent actors in the events following 
 the battle of Sedan were the French emperor and the 
 German chancellor. Both have given their narrative 
 to the public, and one may well discard all other au- 
 thority for theirs.i 
 
 In a small room in the village of Donchery the con- 
 queror and the conquered met for consultation on the 
 evening of the battle of Sedan. The incident has 
 been perpetuated on the canvas of a distinguished 
 artist.^ On one side of a baize table is Wimpffen, and 
 
 1 Bismarck's narrative of the capitulation has been made public 
 ■with the full consent of the chancellor by Dr. Moritz Busch in his 
 work entitled Bismarck in the Franco-German War. The extracts 
 in this chapter have been taken from the authorized English transla- 
 tion of this work. Napoleon's story of the war of 1870 was edited 
 after his death by the Count de la Chapelle, with other sundry papers, 
 in a volume styled Posthumous Works and Unpublished Autographs 
 of Napoleon III. in Exile. The count was war correspondent for the 
 London Standard during the campaign of 1870, and later held a 
 confidential pest in the house of the exiled emperor. He has written 
 an account of the war that is a model of historical misrepresentation 
 and inaccuracy, but the military memoir he has edited as the work 
 of Napoleon is generally accepted as authentic. 
 
 ^ A. von Werner's Capitulation of Sedan.
 
 BISMARCK AND NAPOLEON. 343 
 
 behind him a few crestfallen officers in the uniform 
 of the second emjjire. On the other side are Bis- 
 marck, Moltke, and behind them partially visible in 
 the dim lamplight four or five of those clear-headed 
 men who had helped to build up Germany's military 
 power. Here are the events of that meeting in the 
 words of Bismarck himself : — 
 
 " Besides Moltke and myself, Blumenthal and three 
 or four other officers of the general staff were pres- 
 ent. General Wimpffen was the spokesman for the 
 French. Moltke's terms were short: the whole 
 French army to surrender as prisoners of war. 
 Wimpffen found that too hard. 'The army,' said 
 he, 'had merited something better by the bravery 
 with which it had fought. We ought to be content 
 to let them go, under the condition that as long as 
 this war lasted the army should never serve against 
 us, and that it should march off to a district of France 
 which should be left to our determination, or to 
 Algiers.' Moltke coldly persisted in his demand. 
 Wimpffen represented to him his own unhappy posi- 
 tion : that he had arrived from Africa only two days 
 ago ; that only towards the end of the battle, after 
 MacMahon had been wounded, had he undertaken the 
 command ; now he was asked to put his name to such 
 a capitulation. He would rather endeavor to main- 
 tain himseK in the fortress, or attempt to break 
 through. Moltke regretted that he could take no 
 account of the position of the general, which he quite 
 understood. He acknowledged the bravery of the 
 French troops, but declared that Sedan could not be 
 held, and that it was quite impossible to break 
 through. He was ready, he said, to allow one of the 
 general's officers to inspect our positions, to convince
 
 344 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 him of this. Wimjiffen now thought that from a 
 pohtical point of view it would be wise for us to 
 grant them better conditions. We must, he said, 
 desire a speedy and an enduring peace, and this we 
 could have only by showing magnanimity. If we 
 spared the army, it would bind the army and the 
 whole nation to gratitude, and awaken friendly feel- 
 ings ; while an opposite course would be the begin- 
 ning of endless wars. Hereupon I put in a word, 
 because this matter seemed to belong to my province. 
 I said to him that we might build on the gratitude 
 of a prince, but certainly not on the gratitude of a 
 people — least of all on the gratitude of the French. 
 That in France neither institutions nor circumstances 
 were enduring ; that governments and dynasties were 
 constantly changing, and the one need not carry out 
 what the other had bound itself to. That if the em- 
 peror had been firm on his throne, his gratitude for 
 our granting good conditions might have been counted 
 upon ; but that as things stood, it would be folly if 
 we did not make full use of our success. That the 
 French were a nation fidl of envy and jealousy ; that 
 they had been much mortified with our success at 
 Kbniggratz, and could not forgive it, though it in no 
 wise damaged them. Now, then, should any mag- 
 nanimity on our side move them not to bear us a 
 grudge for Sedan ? This Wimpffen would not admit. 
 ' France,' he said, 'had much changed latteily ; it had 
 learned under the empire to think more of the inter- 
 ests of peace than of the glory of war. France was 
 ready to proclaim the fraternity of nations ; ' and 
 more of the same kind. It was not difficult to prove 
 the contrary of all he said, and that his request, if it 
 were granted, would be likelier to lead to the prolonga-
 
 BISMARCK AND NAPOLEON. 345 
 
 tion than to the conckision of the war. I ended by 
 saying that we must stand to our conditions. 
 
 " Thereupon Castelnau became the spokesman, and 
 as the emperor's personal commissioner declared that 
 on the previous day he had surrendered his sword to 
 the king only in the hope of an honorable capitula- 
 tion. I asked, 'Whose sword was that — the sword 
 of France or the sword of the emperor ? ' He re- 
 plied, ' The emperor's only.' ' Well, there is no use 
 talking about any other conditions,' said Moltke 
 sharply, while a look of contentment and gratification 
 passed over his face. ' Then, in the morning we shall 
 begin the battle again,' said Wimpffen. ' I shall re- 
 commence the fire about four o'clock,' replied Moltke ; 
 and the Frenchmen wanted to go at once. I begged 
 them, however, to remain and once more to consider the 
 case ; and at last it was decided that they should ask 
 for a prolongation of the armistice in order that they 
 might consult their people in Sedan as to our demands. 
 Moltke at first would not grant this, but gave way at 
 last, when I showed him that it could do no harm." 
 
 So through the darkness the unhappy Frenchmen 
 made their way to Sedan, where Wimpffen told his 
 pitiful story to the emperor. He, poor man, prom- 
 ised his general to seek the king of Prussia in the 
 morning, and personally intercede for better terms 
 for the army. Here is an extract from Napoleon's 
 recital of the events of that morning : — 
 
 "On the morning of the 2d of September Napoleon 
 III., accompanied by the prince of Moskowa, entered 
 a droschky drawn by two horses, and drove towards 
 the Prussian lines. General Reille preceded him on 
 horseback in order to inform Count von Bismarck of 
 the emperor's arrival. As the latter reckoned upon
 
 346 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 returning to the town, he did not take leave either of 
 the troops which surrounded it or of the battalion of 
 grenadiers and the centgardes who formed his custom- 
 ary escort ; when the drawbridge of the south gate 
 of Sedan was lowered, the zouaves who were on duty- 
 there again saluted him with the cry of ' Vive I'Em- 
 pereur.' It was the last adieu which was to meet his 
 ears. When he arrived within a quarter of a league 
 of Donchery, not wishing to proceed to the Prussian 
 headquarters, the emperor stopped at a small house 
 which stood by the road, and there awaited the arrival 
 of the chancellor of the northern confederation. The 
 latter, having been apprised of this by General Reille, 
 soon arrived." 
 
 " I met him on the high road near Frenois," says 
 Bismarck, describing the same event, "a mile and 
 three quarters from Donchery, He sat with three 
 officers in a two-horse carriage, and three others were 
 on horseback beside him. ... I gave the military 
 salute. He took his cap off, and the officers did the 
 same ; whereupon I took mine off, although it is con- 
 trary to rule. He said, ' Cou\Tez-vous done' I 
 behaved to him just as if in Saint-Cloud, and asked 
 his commands. He inquired whether he could speak 
 to the king. I said that would be imjjossible, as the 
 king was quartered nine miles away. I did not wish 
 them to come together till we had settled the matter 
 of the capitulation. Then he inquired where he him- 
 self could stay, which signified that he could not go 
 back to Sedan, as he had met with unpleasantnesses 
 there, or feared to do so. The town was fuU of 
 drunken soldiers, who were very burdensome to the 
 inhabitants. I offered him my quarters in Donchery, 
 which I would immediately vacate. He accepted this.
 
 BISMARCK AND NAPOLEON. 347 
 
 But he stopped at a place a couple of hundred paces 
 from the village, and asked whether he could not re- 
 main in a house wliich was there. I sent my cousin, 
 who had ridden out as my adjutant, to look at it. 
 When he returned, he reported it to be a miserable 
 place. The emperor said that did not matter. He 
 went across to the house, and came back again, appar- 
 ently not being able to find the stairs, which were at 
 the back. I went up with him to the first floor, where 
 we entered a little room with one window. It was 
 the best in the house, but had only one deal table and 
 two rush-bottomed chairs. Here I had a conversation 
 with him which lasted nearly three quarters of an 
 hour." 
 
 Says Napoleon in his account, " The conversation 
 first entered upon the position of the French army, 
 a question of vital urgency. Count von Bismarck 
 stated that General Moltke alone was competent to 
 deal with this question. He afterwards inquired of 
 the emperor if he Avished to commence negotiations 
 for peace, and the latter replied that his present situa- 
 tion prevented him entering upon this subject ; also 
 that the regent, being in Paris, and surrounded by 
 her ministers and the Chambers, could in complete 
 independence negotiate for the attainment of an end 
 so desirable for all. . . . 
 
 " When General von Moltke arrived. Napoleon III. 
 requested of him that nothing should be settled before 
 the interview which was to take place, for he hoped 
 to obtain from the king some favorable concessions 
 for the army. M. von Moltke promised nothing ; he 
 confined himself to announcing that he was about to 
 proceed to Vendresse, where the king of Prussia then 
 was, and Count von Bismarck urged the emperor to
 
 348 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 go on to the Chateau cle Bellevue, which had been 
 selected as the place of the interview. It became 
 evident that the latter would be delayed until after 
 the signature of the capitulation." 
 
 Napoleon divined rightly in regard to this last fact. 
 " I was determined," says Bismarck, " that the mili- 
 tary men who can be harder should have the whole 
 affair to settle." 
 
 For a short time the Emperor of the French and 
 his staff were left alone in front of the little yellow 
 cottage as Bismarck rode away to Donchery to see 
 about their quarters. The Emperor of the French sat 
 there on the edge of the weaver's potato patch, gaped 
 at by German teamsters and curious rustics, awaiting 
 the pleasure of the German chancellor. Did the days 
 of Paris and Biarritz come to the emperor's remem- 
 brance ? An hour later, when he was rolling along 
 toward the chateau with the helmets and breastplates 
 of the cuirrassier guard flashing on all sides, did he 
 recollect that he had pronounced the iron man who 
 cantered his charger at his side as one " of no conse- 
 quence ? " Bismarck recalled it, but he tells us laugh- 
 ingly, " I did not think myself at liberty to remind 
 him in the wea\ang shed at Donchery." 
 
 While Napoleon awaited the king of Prussia at the 
 Chateau Bellevue, in one of the lower rooms General 
 de Wimpffen in despair was signing the capitulation. 
 Says Napoleon, " When it was signed. General de 
 Wimpffen came to inform the emperor, who had re- 
 mained all this time on an upper floor. A few min- 
 utes afterwards, the king of Prussia arrived on horse- 
 back, accompanied by the crown prince and attended 
 by a few officers. 
 
 " It was now three years since the sovereigns of
 
 BISMARCK AND NAPOLEON. 349 
 
 France and Prussia had met, under very different cir- 
 cumstances. . . . Now, betrayed by fortune, Napo- 
 leon III. had lost everything, and had surrendered 
 into the hands of the conqueror the only thing left 
 him — his liberty." 
 
 The ink was hardly dry upon the papers that con- 
 verted the French soldiers into prisoners of war than 
 the orders were issued for the march to Paris. With 
 the exception of Vinoy's corps at Mezieres, which be- 
 gan its retreat upon the capital as soon as apprised of 
 the residt of the battle of Sedan, no troops remained 
 to oppose it. 
 
 On the 4th of September Napoleon left Sedan for 
 the castle of Wilhehnshohe near Cassel, which the 
 Prussian king had placed at his disposal. The day 
 was dark and sad, and the falling rain converted the 
 roads into mire. So, bidding adieu to France for- 
 ever, escorted by a hostile soldiery, the Man of Decem- 
 ber, the Arbiter of Europe, the Modern Caesar, was 
 whirled away northward into the mist and gloom that 
 enshrouded the Belgian hills.
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 
 
 The Early War Days in Paris. — False Report of Victory. 
 — Popular Rage over the Deception. — The Empress re- 
 ceives THE News of Disaster. — The Government contin- 
 ues TO DECEIVE THE PuBLIC. — ThE EmPRESS CONVOKES THE 
 
 Chambers. — Fall of the Ollivier Ministry. — Palikao. — 
 The Empress at the Tuileries. — Demoralization in the 
 Palace. — The News of Sedan. — Night Session of the 
 Corps L:^gislatif. — The 4th of September. — The Blood- 
 less Revolution and Fall of the Empire — Flight op 
 THE Empress from Paris. — General Trochu. — The De- 
 fenses OF Paris. — The Defenders of Paris. — Regulars, 
 Mobiles, and Nationals. — The Marines and the Fortress 
 Artillery. — Arrival of Vinoy's Corps at Paris. — Favre 
 AND Bismarck at FERRrfeRES. — Paris invested. — First 
 Combats of the Siege. — Dispositions of the Besieging 
 Army. — The Temper of Paris. — More Sorties. — Destruc- 
 tion OF THE Chateau at St. Cloud. — Insubordination in 
 THE National Guard. — Aspect of Paris during the Last 
 Weeks of October. — The Besiegers. 
 
 In the mean time great events had, taken place in 
 Paris. Upon the departure of the emperor for the 
 front the empress regent continued her residence at 
 St. Cloud, and awaited confidently the tidings of vic- 
 tory. On the evening of August 2 came news of 
 "the baptism of fire," which aroused some enthusi- 
 asm but more ridicule in Paris. On the 3d and 4th 
 no news was made pubhc, but on the evening of the 
 5th the London papers arrived with a description of 
 Douay's rout at Weissenburg. Paris became strongly 
 agitated by the news of defeat and the conviction
 
 PARIS JN WAR TIME. 351 
 
 that the government was suppressing news from the 
 front. 
 
 On the afternoon of August 6 it was announced 
 at the Bourse that the French had won a great victory 
 against overwhehning odds, that they had captured 
 the crown prince of Prussia with 25,000 prisoners, 
 and occupied Landau. The effect of this news upon 
 the anxious Parisians was indescribable. In a twin- 
 kling great crowds swarmed into the squares and 
 boulevards, the tricolor appeared on all hands, and 
 above the cheers and manifestations of delight the air 
 resounded with the exhilarating strains of the Marseil- 
 laise. The name of MacMahon was in every mouth, 
 and the cries of " A Berlin en huit jours " thundered 
 out with renewed intensity. Gradually the Parisians 
 came to their senses. The government was obliged to 
 profess ignorance of the reported victory. Rage took 
 the place of enthusiasm. The tricolor disappeared 
 as if by magic. The people stormed the Bourse, 
 broke furniture, and beat and ejected the few remain- 
 ing occupants. All through the evening agitated 
 crowds thronged the boulevards, while a great mob 
 besieged the residence of M. Ollivier and demanded 
 freedom and truth in the press reports. It was a 
 hard day for the police and military authorities of 
 the city, and their vigilance alone prevented serious 
 and violent disturbances. 
 
 On this evening when Paris was seething with 
 violent emotions, the empress was anxiously awaiting 
 more definite news from the front. Shortly after mid- 
 night came this telegram from the emjieror : " Mac- 
 Mahon has lost a battle. Frossard has been com- 
 pelled to retreat from the Saar. The retreat was 
 effected in perfect order." Then followed the omin-
 
 352 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ous words, " Tout peut se retablir." Within a few 
 hours after the receipt of this dismal message the 
 empress had abandoned St. Cloud ; and when the 
 morning of the 7th broke gloomily over the restless, 
 troubled city she was conferring with her ministry at 
 the Tuileries. 
 
 The government made an effort to break the news 
 gently, A bulletin announcing, " The corps of Gen- 
 eral Frossard is in retreat. No details," only stimu- 
 lated popular anxiety. Then followed the statement, 
 " It almost appears as if the enemy wished to offer us 
 battle on our own territory. This would insure us 
 great strategical advantages." The supposition from 
 this combination was that Frossard was retreating for 
 strategical reasons. The proclamation of the emjiress 
 in the afternoon, however, dispelled all delusions. 
 She announced that the army had suffered a check, 
 declared Paris in a state of siege, convoked the Cham- 
 bers for the 9th, and published the emperor's doleful 
 telegram of the 6th in full. 
 
 The Corps Legislatif convened on the 9th, and it 
 was deemed advisable to surround the Palais Bour- 
 bon with a cordon of troops. The morning session 
 was tumultuous beyond description. Ollivier was 
 repeatedly interrupted and insidted. Jules Favre 
 declared that the coimtry had been compromised by 
 the imbecility of its chief, and declared that the em- 
 peror should be brought back to Paris and not allowed 
 to embarrass the military councils at the front. Gra- 
 nier de Cassagnac, a firm Bonapartist, replied to Favre, 
 denounced his propositions as " the beginning of rev- 
 olution," and amid fist-shaking and general uproar 
 advocated arraigning the entire Left before a military 
 tribunal. A babel of uproar followed in which men
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 353 
 
 lost their heads and tempers. Before night the Olli- 
 vier ministry had fallen on a vote of confidence, and 
 been succeeded by that of Count de Palikao. Palikao 
 was a bluff soldier with a good record, and he stirred 
 a ripple of enthusiasm in the Chambers when he en- 
 treated the members to pardon the weakness of his 
 voice, as he carried a bullet in his chest. But the 
 Chamber was no place for weak lungs in these days, 
 and honorable wounds would not suffice to secure for 
 an imperial minister the favor of the Left. Palikao's 
 regime was brief and turbident. 
 
 The life of the empress at the Tuileries was an 
 anxious one. She had moments of flickering confi- 
 dence, but she left her gay spirits at St. Cloud. On 
 the 14th she held her last state reception ; the next 
 week she was busily engaged in poring over the dis- 
 patches that narrated the details of the great battles 
 before Metz. They were all recited as victories, and 
 yet Bazaine had become hemmed in ; the empress could 
 not understand this. It is said that after the middle 
 of August the atmosphere of the Tuileries became so 
 hopeless and dejected that well-known faces began to 
 disappear ; that all discipline was lost in the palace ; 
 that articles of bric-a-brac and wearing apparel were 
 missed simultaneously with pages and maids. Of 
 these facts, however, the empress took little note. 
 The army in the field and the mob in Paris held her 
 attention ; of the latter she lived in daily dread. She 
 agreed with Palikao that the emperor must not return 
 to Paris, and that MacMahon must march to the aid 
 of Bazaine, who was enjoying such singular fruits of 
 victory. The real danger in which MacMahon and 
 the emperor stood was not appreciated until Septem- 
 ber 1, when a telegram was received from General
 
 354 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Vinoy at Mezieres, requesting full discretionary pow- 
 ers. This, coupled with MacMahon's dispatch that he 
 was "compelled" to retire upon Sedan, awoke serious 
 misgivings at the war office. On the afternoon of 
 September 3 the worst fears of the government were 
 realized. A telegram from the emperor epitomized 
 the disaster of Sedan : " The army is defeated and 
 captured. I myself am a prisoner." The terrible 
 news leaked out, and by evening Paris was aware 
 that some new misfortune had fallen upon the country. 
 At one o'clock on the morning of the 4th the Corps 
 Legislatif convened. Palikao gloomily announced the 
 news, and requested that all discussion be postponed 
 for a few hours. Jides Favre then offered a proposi- 
 tion under three heads : 1, That Napoleon and his 
 dynasty be declared fallen ; 2, The nomination of a 
 committee of defense ; 3, The retention of General 
 Trochu as governor of Paris. The assembly then 
 adjourned until 1.30 P. M. 
 
 The 4th of September will long be remembered in 
 the history of Paris and of France. At dawn Paris 
 began to make its presence felt. The cries of " De- 
 cheance " and " Vive la Republique " were raised on 
 the boulevards and in the Place de la Concorde, and 
 were audible in the gilded saloons of the Tuileries. 
 Before night the French empire had become a thing 
 of the past, and a French republic had arisen. A 
 revolution vast, irresistible, but bloodless had swept 
 away the last vestige of imperialism, and left an up- 
 roarious democracy in possession. 
 
 Let us look at the events of the day through the 
 eyes of an American bystander.^ It is noon in the 
 Place de la Concorde crowded with excited himianity. 
 
 ^ Sheppard's Shut-up in Paris.
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 355 
 
 " The Garde Mobile are scattered here and there, 
 armed with muskets, without order or commander, 
 The blouses are carrying- muskets, yelling ' Vive la 
 Kepublique.' They look like bandits. A distant 
 group starts the Marseillaise. It is caught up by 
 all the immense concourse. . . . 
 
 " The day is bright. The sun is kindly. The blue 
 sky smiles. Turn round once at the Egyptian obe- 
 lisk, and you shall see the Arc de Triomphe ; . . . the 
 Madeleine piUars, standing sentinel against the angry 
 horrors of the hour ; the palace of the Tuileries, with 
 the flag of the empire still floating from its top, and the 
 Corps Legislatif, where all the interest has now con- 
 centred, while beyond it the gilded dome of the tomb 
 of the other exiled Napoleon glistens under the blaze 
 of noon. The fountains are playing as usual. . . . 
 
 " The Tuileries clock strikes twelve. The flag is not 
 down yet. The empress is still there. Crowds assem- 
 ble — and so does the Corps Legislatif at twenty 
 minutes past one. The National Guard and some 
 mounted sabres protect the bridge and the approaches. 
 
 " Again the galleries are packed to overflowing. No 
 ventilation, great smell of unclean democrats. The 
 diplomatic corps are in full force. Wonderfully 
 magnificent ladies, and the time-honored revolution- 
 ary dames of dauntless front and enormous diameter. 
 The Corps Legislatif are debating. In a few min- 
 utes there is a fearful uproar outside — soldiers and 
 people fraternize, and in the briefest time the edifice 
 is inundated with soldiers and people, young and old, 
 both men and women, as well as little boys and girls ; 
 they burst through the door opposite the president's 
 desk, and fill the chamber, shouting 'Decheance' 
 and ' Vive la Republique.'
 
 356 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 " Some are in the costume of the National Guard ; 
 some in that of the Guard Mobile. Many carry chas- 
 sepots, and some short swords. The women carry 
 only their native arms, bare and brawny, and uplifted. 
 There is the usual proportion of these masculine 
 dames, and of young women with their babes, and of 
 family men, taking no part particularly, simply smok- 
 ing and watching, and of boys laughing and shouting. 
 It is an indescribable tableau ; and after all attempts 
 at description, one returns to the only adequate one 
 — it is French. 
 
 " President Schneider rises, looks down upon the 
 tumult with a most disconsolate countenance, not 
 unmixed with disdain, rings the bell nervously, and 
 says : ' All deliberation is impossible under these 
 circumstances. I accordingly pronounce the sitting 
 at an end.' 
 
 " The president puts on his hat at about 3.20 p. m., 
 steps down, and disappears, followed by all the depu- 
 ties present, except those of the extreme Left, several 
 of whom, and particularly Gambetta, in vain endeavor 
 to control the new ' government.' 
 
 " The owners of the blouses, petticoats, and shirt- 
 sleeves continue to dance and howl, to brandish fists, 
 babies, and chassepots, as it may happen ; they cry 
 ' Decheance,' ' Vive la Republique.' . . . 
 
 " Jules Favre tries to pacify them by saying : ' Union 
 is necessary ; the Republic has not been declared, but 
 it wiU be presently.' 
 
 " The noise grows more unearthly, — dancing, howl- 
 ing, babies screaming, women and men gesticulating, 
 dogs joining in the chorus of cries with all their 
 might, tiU the 'extreme Left' are driven to their 
 wits' end. Some of the National Guard mount the
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 357 
 
 president's rostrum ; a villainous, ill-looking fellow 
 takes the chair and shakes the bell ; the green sprigs 
 in the muskets are waved ; one man in a blue shirt 
 mounts the tribune and makes a speech, but it is in- 
 audible. Some men seize the pens and ram them 
 into the inkstands, and pretend to write ; but as they 
 do not know how, they can only ' make their mark,' 
 and spill the ink around. The ill-looking man rings 
 the bell furiously ; the members of the ' extreme 
 Left' continued their exertions on behalf of 'law 
 and order,' but at length they give up in despair, 
 and depart, leaving the mob in possession. 
 
 " The ' extreme Left ' is succeeded by the extremer 
 Left. Somebody thinks of Rochefort, and cries, ' To 
 St. Pelagic.' Nobody stirs, however. But the next 
 cry, ' To the Hotel de Ville — to proclaim the Re- 
 public,' carries all before it ; and they move tumult- 
 uously and noisily to the Hotel de Ville. 
 
 " In one of the rooms of the Hotel de Ville the 
 members of the ' extreme Left ' assemble and declare 
 the Republic, and themselves its rulers. Favre chooses 
 the portfolio of foreign affairs. Gambetta prefers 
 that of the interior. Trochu is continued governor 
 of Paris. The legislative body and senate are pro- 
 nounced dissolved. All political prisoners and exiles 
 are pardoned." 
 
 The fall of the empire was dramatically registered 
 as the clock of the Tuileries sounded for half past 
 three, by the lowering of the imperial flag. This was 
 the signal to aU republicans who were not otherwise 
 engaged. The Tuileries were stormed. The soldiers 
 on guard interposed little resistance, but appealed to 
 the people with good effect to refrain fi-om pillage 
 and vandalism. Just before the mob broke into the
 
 358 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 building Signer Nigra, the Italian ambassador, en- 
 tered the apartments of the empress and informed her 
 that she must fly. Hastily bidding a tearfid adieu 
 to the little knot of adlierents who remained faithful 
 to her, under the escort of Signor Nigra and Prince 
 Metternich she made her way to the street, where a 
 close cab was in waiting. She was driven to the 
 house of Dr. Evans, the American dentist, where she 
 rested a few hours. She left the same night, how- 
 ever, for the north, and made her way in disguise to 
 the little seaport town of Deauville. Here she em- 
 barked on the yacht of Sir John Burgoyne, and after 
 a perilous and protracted voyage landed in England, 
 a weary, saddened woman, her bright hopes blighted, 
 her husband an exile, his dynasty lost, her son a mere 
 pretender. 
 
 As president of the government of national defense 
 and military governor of Paris, General Trochu oc- 
 cupied an unenviable position. He was the servant 
 of a turbident people, the head of a dubious govern- 
 ment, the commander of a motley army of doubtful 
 efficiency. Before the downfall of the empire he had 
 commenced his extraordinary efforts to place the city 
 in a state of defense. Paris was protected, first, by the 
 enceinte with its ninety-eight bastions ; and, second, 
 by an outlying chain of detached forts fifteen in num- 
 ber and occupying a circle thirty-six miles in circum- 
 ference. On the north of the city about St. Denis 
 were the strong works of La Briche, Double Couronne 
 du Nord, and De I'Est. On the northeast between 
 St. Denis and the Canal de TOurcq was the fort of 
 Aubervilliers. On the west between the canal and 
 the Marne, well situated on a commanding plateau, 
 were Forts Romainville, Noisy, Rosny, and Nogent.
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 359 
 
 The Fort of Chai-enton stood southwest of Paris in 
 the angle formed by the Seine and Marne. The hilly 
 wooded country in the peninsvda formed by the bend 
 of the Seine south of the city was protected by a line 
 of five forts, Ivry, Bicetre, Montrouge, Vanves, and 
 Issy. On the west Paris was protected by a single 
 fort, the largest and most formidable of all, Mont 
 Valerien, perched on a commanding hilltop 363 feet 
 above the Seine, and commanding with its fire all the 
 low adjacent country. Beside these there was the 
 wood embowered, fortified chateau of Vincennes with 
 its formidable outworks, which, however, did not play 
 a prominent part in the outer line of defense. Ad- 
 vantageous points between and in advance of the 
 forts were occupied by redoubts. The country be- 
 yond the northern forts was inundated by damming 
 the river Rouillon, the magnificent bridges over the 
 Seine were blown up, houses and forests that threat- 
 ened to interfere with the action of the fortress artil- 
 lery were ruthlessly demolished or burned. The 
 armament of the forts and enceinte was ample, though 
 many of the pieces were antiquated. Indeed, as 
 regards defenses and armament combined, Paris may 
 be said to have been strongly, though by no means 
 perfectly, protected. 
 
 Trochu had, to defend the city, a force more numer- 
 ous than the necessity required, and more motley than 
 numerous. The garrison may be classed under three 
 heads : first, the regular troops ; second, the Mobile 
 Guard ; ^ and third, the National Guard. The regu- 
 
 ^ The Mobile Guard while strong in numbers was defective in or- 
 ganization and indifFerently drilled. It was made up of men under 
 thirty years of age and officered by the vote of the rank and file. It 
 corresponded in many respects with the state militia of the United 
 
 States.
 
 360 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 lar troops were made up largely of the 13th and 14th 
 army corps, the marines, pompiers, gendarmerie, etc., 
 aggregating about 90,000 men. The Mobiles com- 
 prised 115,000 men, 15,000 being the Paris contin- 
 gent, the remainder having been brought in from the 
 provincial districts. The influence of Paris upon 
 these latter troops was baneful in the extreme. " They 
 obstructed the boulevards and cafes ; idleness and 
 debauchery caused almost as great ravages in their 
 ranks as the fire of the enemy," such was General 
 Ducrot's criticism upon them. The National Guard 
 was literally Paris in arms, and was ever swelling in 
 numbers and fomenting disorder.^ By the last of 
 October the garrison of Paris numbered nearly half 
 a million of men, 300,000 of which were iU-drilled 
 National Guardsmen. 
 
 Trochu in assigning duties to the different branches 
 of his vast army made the best of a bad dilemma. 
 To the marines he confided the fortress artillery. 
 When as the siege progressed he was accused of 
 throwing undue hardship and danger upon the shoul- 
 ders of this gallant corps, he retorted, " How in God's 
 name am I to help it ? I must have men at the guns 
 who will not run away at the first round." The Mo- 
 bile Guard was detailed to garrison the forts and 
 redoubts. The National Guard occupied the enceinte. 
 The regular troops and picked battalions of the Mo- 
 bile Guard were held for fighting in the open coimtry, 
 
 ^ General Ducrot's comment on these troops was as follows : " The 
 Parisian as a soldier is either very good or very bad, rather good 
 than bad on the field ; but when enrolled in the Mobile or National 
 Guard he is always a detestable soldier, because his instincts of lax- 
 ness and revolt always dominate his natural courageous qualities. . . . 
 They could not be preserved from the evil contact of the masses, and 
 they took part in many political manifestations."
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 361 
 
 for sortie work, and it must be confessed for intimidat- 
 ing the National Guard as well. 
 
 On the afternoon of September 7 the Parisians were 
 served to a tangible evidence of the French defeats, 
 when the weary corps of Vinoy entered after its 
 breatliless run from Mezieres. Hardly a fortnight 
 before it had left for the front with all its " fuss and 
 feathers," new uniforms, bands, and standards. It 
 returned in a sad plight. The " jaded columns of red 
 legs and disordered mass of guns and wagons looked 
 like nothing so much as the floating in of a wreck 
 upon the beach." ^ 
 
 On the 16th of September the last mail left Paris ; 
 on the day following clouds of Uhlans were reported 
 in sight. Paris began to realize that the enemy was 
 at her gates and that a siege was impending. The 
 new government recognized the fact earlier and trans- 
 ferred its seat to Tours. M. de Cremieux, minister 
 of justice, was detailed to represent the government at 
 the latter place, whither nearly all the diplomatic 
 functionaries hastened after him. M. Thiers left for 
 England in the hope of gaining mediation, while 
 Jules Favre visited Bismarck at Ferrieres in the hope 
 of arranging an armistice. Unfortunately Favre and 
 Bismarck were so far apart in their views of what 
 the occasion demanded that any agreement was hope- 
 less. Bismarck mistrusted the stability of the new 
 government and refused to consider an armistice ex- 
 cept on the basis of the capitulation of Bitscli, Toul, 
 and Strasburg, and the surrender of several of the 
 Paris forts. As regards peace he stood for territorial 
 cession. Favre planted himself squarely on the prin- 
 ciple, " not an inch of our territory or a stone of our 
 fortresses." 
 
 ' Sheppard's Shut-up in Paris.
 
 362 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 " France will as little forget Sedan, as Waterloo or 
 Sadowa which did not concern you. . . . As we shall 
 shortly have another war with you, we intend to enter 
 upon it in possession of all our advantages," such 
 were Bismarck's chilling comments. " We can perish 
 as a nation, but we cannot dishonor ourselves," was 
 the heated rejoinder of Favre. In short, Bismarck 
 would not consider an armistice unless France gave 
 up even the slight military advantages that she yet 
 held. He would not discuss peace imtil the principle 
 of the cession of territory was fully accepted. Favre 
 returned to Paris in great dejection. 
 
 In the mean time the city had become invested. 
 The third German army crossed the Seine on j^ontoon 
 bridges near ViUeneuve, the fourth closed in from 
 the northwest. There was skirmishing on the 17th 
 and 18th of September between the vanguard of the 
 third German army and the Parisian forces between 
 ViUeneuve and Creteil, and on the 19th the first sharp 
 action occurred on the plateau between Meudon and 
 Sceaux. General Ducrot, who had occupied this 
 position in force, was attacked by the 10th Prussian 
 division.^ Later the 2d Bavarian corps assumed the 
 burden of the action, and the 5th corps pursued its 
 march to Versailles. The French fought well for a 
 time, and then became demoralized. The Bavarians 
 carried the plateau of Chatillon-Clamart and the re- 
 doubt at Moulin de la Tour. The 5th corps occupied 
 Versailles that evening, and seized the unfinished 
 works at Montretout and Sevres. The fugitives from 
 Ducrot's forces rushed madly into Paris, where they 
 told wild stories of the action and spread consterna- 
 tion abroad. The conduct of the troops was anything 
 
 1 Of the 5th corps.
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 363 
 
 but satisfactory, and Trochu was compelled to pub- 
 licly expose certain battalions. On the 21st the 
 headquarters of the third German army was trans- 
 ferred to Versailles.^ The next day the investment 
 was practically complete. The ovitposts of the fourth 
 army were on the line Bezons, Argenteuil, Epinay, 
 Pierrefitte, Stains, Dugny, Le Bourget, Villemonble, 
 Neuilly. The third army was on the line Brie, 
 Champigny, Creteil, Choisy-le-Roi, Thiais, Chevilly, 
 L'Hay, Bourg, Meudon, Sevres, Bougival. 
 
 Paris blustered, threatened, and fumed. The affair 
 at Chatillon-Clamart shook public confidence for a 
 time. The citizens and National Guard " manifested " 
 repeatedly before the Hotel de Ville with shouts of 
 " La guerre a outrance " and " A bas les Prussiens." 
 Cries of " Vive la Commune " also became noticeable 
 on these occasions. A clamor was raised for deci- 
 sive measures, for a sortie in force. The command- 
 ant of Mont Valerien was removed because " protests 
 against the silence of this fort were so loud and 
 strong." 2 His successor felt compelled to keep his 
 guns warm, and fired continually. On October 2 came 
 the news of the fall of Strasburg and Toul. An- 
 other " manifestation " resulted, in which the com- 
 munistic element again developed great strength. 
 
 On September 30 General Vinoy conducted a re- 
 connaissance in force against the 6th German corps 
 between Choisy-le-Roi and La Belle Epine. The 
 French fought well, and even carried the little village 
 of L'Hay. They were finally expelled, however, and 
 General Guillielm was killed. This attack through- 
 
 ^ The king of Prussia transferred his headquarters from Ferri^res 
 to Versailles on October 1. 
 
 ^ Labouchere's Diary of a Besieged Student.
 
 364 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 out was ably seconded by the fii-e of forts Montrouge 
 and Bicetre. 
 
 On October 13 Vinoy conducted another attack 
 against the Bavarian lines in the direction of Bagneux 
 and Chatillon. General Susbielle's division carried 
 the latter village, but the Mobiles failed at Bagneux, 
 where the young Count Dampierre lost his life. 
 Chatillon was then evacuated, and the French retreat 
 began. In the afternoon of this day a demonstration 
 was made from Mont Valerien toward St. Germain. 
 The king of Prussia witnessed the operations from 
 the viaduct of Marly until the withdrawal of the 
 French. Mont Valerien maintained a lazy fire dur- 
 ing the evening, and shelled the Park of St. Cloud. 
 The chateau was set on fire and burned throughout 
 the night. Much of its valuable contents had been 
 removed before the siege began, considerable more 
 was saved by the Prussian soldiers, but at dawn 
 nothing remained of the building but bare walls and 
 smoking ruins. 
 
 The first three weeks of the siege indicated that 
 the army of Paris was no match for its foe. The 
 mass of the National Guard had no stomach for fight- 
 ing, and the Mobiles and the line were unsteady. In 
 the National Guard there was little improvement in 
 discipline ; soldiers wrangled over political problems, 
 and threatened their officers. The hope of Paris 
 was transferred from her OAvn defenders to the armies 
 organizing under the direction of the Tours govern- 
 ment on the Loire and in the northern provinces. 
 News from these forces was received only by balloon 
 or carrier-pigeon, and anxious suspense was the result. 
 Gambetta left Paris for Tours in a balloon on the 7th 
 of October, and arrived safely at his destination.
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 365 
 
 Had the traveler who visited the International 
 Exhibition of 1867 found himself again in Paris 
 during- the last weeks of October, 1870, he would 
 have been shocked at the change that had come over 
 the city. The imperial flag no longer floats from the 
 Tuileries, the gay turnouts are gone, the superb sol- 
 diery of the Guard has given place to the slouchy ill- 
 dressed National and Mobile. The garden of the 
 Tuileries is a bivouac ; the Champ de Mars a camp ; 
 the Cirque de I'lmperatrice a barrack ; the Palais 
 de ITndustrie a hospital ; the Luxembourg and Ely- 
 see military headquarters. In the Place de la Con- 
 corde crowds gather, chatter, and " manifest " about 
 the statue of Strasburg; the quais along the Seine 
 are blocked with soldiery. In the Place de I'Etoile 
 and at the Trocadero knots of citizens gather, watch 
 Mont Valerien, and search in vain for a trace of the 
 enemy. The restless inhabitants of Belleville and St. 
 Antoine are busily drilling or lounging about in uni- 
 form at the expense of " the government." As dark- 
 ness falls, a full sense of the change that has come 
 to the city of gayety and light is apparent. The 
 boulevards are dimly lighted, many of the cafes and 
 theatres are closed. The semi-military population is 
 omnipresent, the gay loungers of happier days have 
 disappeared. The deep ominous roar of the fortress 
 artillery forms a dismal accompaniment to these 
 scenes. Does the traveler desire to drive in the Bois 
 de Vincennes or the Bois de Boulogne ? He is in- 
 formed first that horses are scarce and beginning to 
 be devoted to other uses than excursions of pleasure. 
 He also learns that these fashionable parks have been 
 converted into camps where the Prussian " obus " is 
 a frequent visitor. At the silent railway stations
 
 366 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 crowds gather about the balloons that are preparing 
 to wing their uncertain way to Tours. St. Denis, no 
 longer a centre of attraction for the tourist, is re- 
 ported under the fire of the Prussian artillery. 
 
 The traveler wishes to pass the lines. Many apply, 
 but few receive permission. These happy mortals 
 who do succeed in getting out and in satisfying the 
 importunities of the German outposts in these days 
 have little desire to linger in the vicinity, but hasten 
 to place the water between themselves and La Belle 
 France. If our traveler is successful, and allowed 
 by the German headquarters to make the " tourist's 
 round," he is struck first with the invisibility of the 
 besieging army. Nothing so dismays the Parisian 
 soldier as this same facility of his foe for keeping 
 out of sight. No one would dream from the evidence 
 of his eyes on the German forepost line that 250,000 
 sons of the Fatherland are around the capital of 
 France. Yet on a moment's warning these quiet vil- 
 lages, these still woods, are ready to bristle with spiked 
 helmets and bayonets, and wi-ap themselves in battle 
 smoke. 
 
 At Versailles the traveler finds the quietude of the 
 old chateau town rudely disturbed. Here his atten- 
 tive eye is rewarded by a glimpse of the German 
 princes and generals by the score. Bismarck's white 
 coat is as conspicuous here as at Gitschin or at Nik- 
 olsburg. Orderlies come and go galloping, cavalry 
 troops clatter along the avenues, swords and spurs 
 clanking and jingling. The bronze figure of Louis 
 XIV. before the chateau still points gi'imly in the 
 direction of Paris as though turned traitor and urging 
 the national foe to the attack. The picture-gallery is 
 not to be inspected. The pictures have been covered,
 
 PARIS IN WAR TIME. 367 
 
 and the chateau turned into a hospital. One wing 
 forms the residence of the king of Prussia, who lives 
 and sleeps under the same roof with his wounded 
 children. 
 
 From the terrace of Meudon the traveler gains the 
 same view that charmed him three years before, Paris 
 lying resplendent amid her favored suburbs. The 
 Bavarian artillery has usurped the ground where the 
 Parisian loves to lounge and recreate. The erect 
 officer in the sky-blue uniform peering through his 
 field glass is not admiring the towers of Notre Dame 
 or the dome of the Invalides : he is sweeping his eye 
 along the French fore post line and up the glacis of 
 Fort Issy. 
 
 At Sevres the outposts of the 5th corps are un- 
 appreciative of porcelain and china, but grim profi- 
 cients in the use of steel and lead. The hand of 
 Mont Valerien lies heavily upon St. Cloud with its 
 guard of Poseners. The sun and stars shine through 
 the gaping windows of the desolate fire-blackened 
 pile which has been the delight of Marie Antoinette, 
 and of the great Napoleon, and which only a few 
 weeks ago was gay with the court of Eugenie.^ 
 
 ' History has repeated itself at St. Cloud during the present cen- 
 tury. These stanzas are from Sir Walter Scott's St. Cloud., written 
 during the allied occupation in 1815. They are equally applicable to 
 the events of 1870. 
 
 " The evening breezes gently sighed 
 Like breath of Lover true, 
 Bewailing the deserted pride 
 And wreck of sweet Saint Cloud. 
 
 " The drum's deep roll is heard afar, 
 The bugle wildly blew, 
 Good night to Hulan and Hussar 
 That garrison Saint Cloud."
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 
 
 Strasburg and its Garrison. — The Bombardment. — Burning 
 OF Kehl. — Firmness of General Uhrich. — General Wer- 
 DER invests Strasburg. — Final Bombardment and Sur- 
 render OF the Place. — Condition of Metz. — Repulse of 
 Bazaine's Sortie. — Capitulation of Metz. — Bazaine's Cul- 
 pability. — Complex Nature of the Military Problem from 
 the German Standpoint. — Vitality of Republican France. 
 
 — A French Force appears on the Loire. — Its Defeat be- 
 fore Orleans. — Formation of the Army of the Loire. — Its 
 Organization by General d' Aurelle de Paladines. — Wins a 
 Victory at Coulmiers. — Retreats upon Orleans. — Conflict 
 between Gambetta and the French Commander. — Appear- 
 ance of the French Army of the North. — Prince Freder- 
 ick Charles marches upon Orleans from Metz. — Advance 
 of the Army of the Loire. — Its Right Wing is beaten at 
 Beaune. — Gambetta insists upon a Continuation of the 
 Advance. — The Left Wing defeated at Loigny and Pou- 
 PRY. — Frederick Charles assumes the Offensive. — The 
 Two Days' Battle in Front of Orleans and Rout of the 
 Army of the Loire. — Chanzy rallies the Left Wing and 
 takes Position at Josnes. — Is attacked by the Grand Duke 
 of Mecklenburg. — Retreat of Chanzy upon Le Mans. — 
 Inaction of the First Army of the Loire under Bourbaki. 
 
 — Gambetta marches it Eastward. — Frederick Charles 
 AND Mecklenburg concentrate against Chanzy. — Severity 
 of the Weather and Suffering by the Troops. — The Bat- 
 tle before Le Mans and Defeat of Chanzy. — The Second 
 Army of the Loire and its Record. — Destruction of the 
 French Army of the North by Manteuffel. — March of 
 Manteuffel to Werder's Succor. — Bourbaki crosses the 
 Swiss Frontier. 
 
 When MacMalion took up his position on the 
 heights of Worth, the fortress of Strasburg was left
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 369 
 
 in charge of an infantry regiment of the line and a 
 few thousand Mobile guardsmen. This slender force 
 received a substantial reinforcement on the day fol- 
 lowing the battle, when 10,000 fugitives from Mac- 
 Mahon's right wing poured into the city. General 
 Ullrich, the commandant, reestablished order and 
 confidence among these refugees to such an extent 
 that when, on the 8th, the German General Beyer at 
 the head of the Baden division of the third army sum- 
 moned him to surrender, he was enabled to return a 
 firm refusal. As a result the Baden division, rein- 
 forced by a Pomeranian regiment from Rastatt and 
 a few Bavarian batteries, sat down before the place. 
 General Werder of the Prussian army was appointed 
 to command the besieging army, while the Landwehr 
 di\'ision of the Guard and the first reserve division 
 were ordered to Strasburg from their stations in the 
 north of Prussia. Moltke was eager for the im- 
 mediate reduction of the place, and Werder, with a 
 just idea of the character of the garrison, thought to 
 bring it to terms by a short bombardment. Stras- 
 burg being undefended by detached forts, the besieg- 
 ers were enabled to approach at short range and ply 
 their field artillery. On August 17 the batteries in 
 front of Kelil on the eastern bank of the Rhine 
 opened fire. The French, far from being overawed, 
 responded by raining shell upon the unprotected 
 town of Kehl, while they attempted numerous sorties 
 against the German infantry in the suburban villages 
 on the western bank of the river. On the 24th the 
 fire of the besiegers assumed greater precision and 
 intensity, and was maintained incessantly for three 
 days, a period which was improved by the engineers 
 in pushing their shelter trenches closer to the French
 
 370 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 bastions. The destruction wrought by the French as 
 well as the German guns was considerable. Several 
 of the villages in which the Prussian infantry had 
 found shelter were destx'oyed, while Kehl itself was 
 set on fire and vied with Strasburg in the intensity of 
 its conflagration. The scene at night was grand 
 beyond description. The delicate spire of the cathe- 
 dral seemed to float in the midst of the lurid glare 
 that rose from the burning city, while the dark waters 
 of the Rhine glowed angrily as they swept seaward 
 between the stricken shores. 
 
 Though the inhabitants of Strasburg clamored for 
 capitidation, Uhrich was immovable. General Wer- 
 der desisted from his bombardment, sent to Prussia 
 for siege trains, and prepared for a regular invest- 
 ment. The northwest front of the Strasburg defenses 
 was selected as the weak point in the line, being open 
 to flanking fire, and on September 1 the siege began. 
 The full strength of Werder's corps was then on the 
 ground. Parallels were opened and the work covered 
 by a heavy fire from the siege batteries. The siege 
 operations of the Prussians form an interesting and 
 instructive study to the engineer and the sapper. 
 Every day witnessed progress. The mining galleries 
 of the French were unearthed and turned to account 
 by the Prussian engineers. An indirect breaching 
 fire was maintained with admirable success. The Ba- 
 deners occupied the Sporen island where the French 
 mortar batteries had been located. At length on 
 September 27, when two French lunettes had been 
 converted into Prussian works and breaches opened 
 in the main wall for an infantry attack, when the 
 citadel had been battered into rubbish and the streets 
 of the city placed at the mercy of bullets and shrap-
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 371 
 
 nel, Ullrich hoisted the white flag on the cathedral. 
 On the morning of September 28 the terms of capitu- 
 lation were arranged, and on the day following the 
 garrison marched out. Their utter demoralization 
 was evident ; many were drunk and raised shouts of 
 " Vive la Prusse." More than 19,000 prisoners, in- 
 cluding 2,000 sick and wounded, fell into the hands 
 of the Germans, these latter representing the loss of 
 the besieged during the seven weeks' contest. Un- 
 happily, three or four hundred citizens also perished, 
 though Werder allowed several hundred of this class 
 to pass out, and sent word into the city that the 
 cathedral would form a safe refuge to noncombat- 
 ants. The roof of this magnificent structure was 
 partially burned by shells fired at the tower, where 
 the French established a post of observation, but the 
 interior remained uninjured. 
 
 In strong contrast to the events at Strasburg were 
 the episodes of the blockade of Metz. There was no 
 bombardment and but little fighting. A great French 
 army 175,000 strong lay sullenly in the midst of the 
 encircling forts and pined away day by day, week by 
 week, from stagnation and disease, until at last it 
 succumbed to the iron embrace of its conqueror. It 
 might almost be said that this vast army gave up 
 without a blow. The only sortie in force, undertaken 
 primarily with the object of breaking through the 
 investors' lines, occurred on August 31. Bazaine was 
 induced to make this attempt by messages which had 
 been smuggled through the German lines from Thion- 
 ville, announcing the presence of MacMahon's army 
 upon the Meuse. He determined upon breaking 
 through on the east of Metz in the direction of St. 
 Barbe, and brought no less than four corps into ac-
 
 372 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 tion for that purpose. His attack was not delivered 
 mitil late in the day, and the noise and bustle of his 
 preparation had thorouglily aroused the Germans. 
 The French right carried Columbey and the centre 
 Noisseville. This latter village was taken and re- 
 taken, but at ten in the evening remained in the 
 hands of the French. The 1st German corps, upon 
 which the brunt of the afternoon's fighting had fallen, 
 was heavily reinforced during the night from the 7tli 
 and 9th corps, and on the morning of the 1st of 
 September assumed a vigorous offensive. The French 
 seemed to have lost all the elan of the day before. 
 Canrobert was driven in on the left; Leboeuf lost 
 Noisseville. At noon the whole army was in retreat 
 and the sortie was a failure. If we omit the feeble 
 attempt of October 7 against the Prussian Landwehr 
 on the north of Metz, we have done with the offensive 
 operations of Marshal Bazaine as commander of the 
 army of the Rhine. He signed the capitidation at 
 the Chateau of Frescati on the 27th of October which 
 delivered the virgin fortress into the hands of Ger- 
 many, and with it three marshals of France, 50 gen- 
 erals, 6,000 officers, 173,000 men, 53 eagles, 66 mi- 
 trailleuses, 541 fieldpieces, and 800 fortress guns. 
 
 The principal charges against Bazaine, which were 
 sustained by the Trianon court-martial, were as fol- 
 lows : that he made no serious attempt to break 
 through the lines of an enemy but little his superior 
 in numbers, and upon whom devolved the guardian- 
 ship of a line thirty-eight miles in length ; that he 
 communicated with the deposed emperor ; that he 
 engaged in an illicit correspondence with the Prus- 
 sian headquarters ; and that his final caj)itulation 
 was not a necessity. Bazaine's defense to the fii'st
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 373 
 
 charge was the disorganization of his army, and his 
 lack of horses which were short of fodder. As to the 
 second charge, Bazaine claimed that his oath was to 
 the emperor, and when the empire fell he regarded 
 the war as at an end. He had no faith in the rejDub- 
 lic and deprecated further bloodshed. He certainly 
 corresponded with the German headquarters, and 
 even suggested that his army might be used to restore 
 domestic order in France. Bazaine claims that his 
 capitidation was a necessity. To subsist longer in 
 Metz was out of the question. The hospital and pub- 
 lic buildings were crowded with 20,000 sick and 
 wounded, the water was impure, salt had given out, 
 there were no horses for the artillery. Without 
 attempting to settle the question as to whether or 
 not the marshal was guilty of treason, the penalty of 
 which he suffered until his death, we must recognize 
 the fact that the fall of Metz sealed the fate of 
 France. Two hundred and twenty-five thousand Ger- 
 man soldiers were let loose upon the raw levies which 
 the republic was everywhere organizing in the frantic 
 hope of saving Paris. 
 
 With the fall of Metz the last soldiers of the empire 
 crossed the Rhine as prisoners of war. Yet the mili- 
 tary situation had attained from the German stand- 
 point a more tangled complexity than at any previous 
 period of the campaign. The republic was display- 
 ing extraordinary vitality. It reflects great credit 
 upon the energy of the government of national de- 
 fense, as impersonated by Garabetta at Tours, that 
 when the armies of Prince Frederick Charles and 
 Manteuffel commenced their westward march from 
 Metz, there were more men in arms beneath the tri- 
 color than at any time since the emj)eror's declara- 
 tion of war.
 
 374 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 While Metz still held out Moltke had made great 
 efforts to check the organization of new French 
 armies. Cavalry columns were pushed in aU direc- 
 tions from Paris to overawe the country but without 
 effect. The peasantry flocked to the colors in great 
 nimibers, until by the middle of October a strong 
 French corps was reported in the vicinity of Le 
 Mans, another was known to be organizing on the 
 Somme, while a German cavahy division was com- 
 pelled to abandon Toury to the advance of the French 
 15th corps, which had sprung up in a night on the 
 banks of the Loire. The latter force was rightly 
 judged by Moltke as the most threatening. Con- 
 sequently the 1st Bavarian corps, the 22d division of 
 the 11th corps, and the 2d and 4th cavalry divis- 
 ions were directed southward. On October 10 these 
 troops encountered the 15th corps near CheviUy, and 
 after some preliminary skirmishing crushed it on 
 the day following, capturing three guns and seven 
 thousand prisoners. The panic-stricken survivors fled 
 through Orleans and across the Loire in such terror 
 that another Joan of Arc could hardly have brought 
 them to their senses and saved the city. The Ger- 
 mans entered at midnight, ha^ang sustained the most 
 insignificant losses. 
 
 With the Bavarians in possession of Orleans, and 
 with the surrounding country well patrolled by two 
 cavaliy divisions, Moltke withdrew the 22d division 
 and 4th division of cavalry to Chartres. This column 
 arrived at its destination after a lively fight at Cha- 
 teaudun, which had been barricaded by a force of 
 mobiles and Franc-tireurs. The grand duke of Meck- 
 lenburg assumed command at Chartres, and held him- 
 self in readiness to support Von der Tann at Orleans,
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 375 
 
 to marcli to Paris, or threaten the French army in 
 the west. 
 
 Moltke hardly did justice to the extraordinary 
 vitality of republican France. Before the close of 
 October a 16th corps under Chanzy had taken the 
 field, the 15th had been reorganized, and a 17th was 
 in process of formation. General d'Aurelle de Pal- 
 adines was appointed to the command of all these 
 forces by the government at Tours. He found them 
 without the esprit and discipline indisjsensable to a 
 formidable army. Their nucleus was formed by some 
 15,000 regulars, more than half of whom had escaped 
 during the early morning hours from the carnage of 
 Sedan, and around these were gi-ouped the raw peas- 
 antry and Mobile Guards. Thanks to the energy of 
 the new commander, the chaotic battalions soon as- 
 sumed a more military bearing. At last it was 
 thought they might reasonably undertake an impor- 
 tant enterprise. D'Aurelle fixed his mind upon the 
 Bavarians at Orleans and determined upon their cap- 
 ture or annihilation. When it is considered that he 
 had a force of at least 70,000 men, while the Bavarians 
 had no substantial supports nearer than Chartres, this 
 plan cannot be pronounced imprudent. He decided 
 upon November 9 as the day for his great stroke. 
 No time was to be lost, as Metz had capitulated and 
 the first and second German armies were moving 
 westward by forced marches. 
 
 General d'Aurelle was a good strategist, and he 
 laid his plans carefully. While the 15th and 16th 
 corps concentrated on Orleans from the west and 
 south, General Pallieres with one division of the 
 former corps was to cross the Loire east of Orleans, 
 and march in the direction of Chevilly to bar the
 
 376 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Bavarian retreat on Paris. Fortune, however, was 
 not favorable to the French. Von der Tann, warned 
 by liis cavahy of the French concentration, left one 
 regiment in Orleans, and with the balance of his 
 troops crossed the Loire to reinforce his division near 
 Coulmiers. In this vicinity he was attacked on the 
 9th by the 15th and 16th corps. Divining the trap 
 that was being laid for him, and sending word to the 
 regiment in Orleans to retreat upon Artenay, he 
 evacuated Coulmiers, and fighting hard began to retire 
 over the road to Patay. At nine o'clock in the even- 
 ing, after suffering a loss of less than one thousand 
 men, the main body of his corps was approaching that 
 place. D'Aurelle had been foiled utterly in his " en- 
 veloping " scheme. His extreme left had been thro^vn 
 into disorder by a cavalry panic, while on the right 
 PaUieres only reached Chevilly at midnight. The 
 influence of the action vipon the French soldiery, how- 
 ever, was very inspiriting. They had seen the backs 
 of German columns, and this unwonted exhibition was 
 productive of wild sensations in the raw and enthusi- 
 astic troops. Von der Tann halted at Toury, where 
 he placed liimseK in communication with the 22d 
 division at Chartres. The 17th division was moved 
 from the Paris army to the south, and the command 
 of the united forces conferred upon the grand duke 
 of Mecldenburg-Schwerin. His four divisions of in- 
 fantry and three of cavalry constituted a force of 
 nearly 50,000 men. 
 
 The battle of Coulmiers marked a great crisis for 
 France. M. Gambetta enthusiastically hailed the 
 army as conquerors, and urged an immediate advance 
 upon Paris. He became convinced in liis joy that 
 the ardent soldiers of the republic were man for man
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 817 
 
 superior to their experienced adversaries. General 
 d'Aurelle de Paladines, on the other hand, regarded 
 matters from another standpoint. Far from advocat- 
 ing a movement upon Paris, he insisted that the army 
 should return to the intrenched camp at Orleans. 
 The 9th of November convinced him that these same 
 soldiers whom Gambetta regarded as invincible were 
 inclined to be panicky and incapable of great manoeu- 
 vres. Even the knowledge that Prince Frederick 
 Charles with his whole army was approaching the 
 Loire could not shake D'Aurelle's determination. In 
 spite of Gambetta's remonstrance that he was wasting- 
 valuable time, he brought the army back to Orleans 
 for reorganization and drill. This was the commence- 
 ment of a struggle between the government and the 
 military authorities. M. Gambetta failed to profit 
 by the dismal experience of Palikao ; and while the 
 army of the Loire was marked by defects that must 
 of necessity have seriously compromised its fortunes, 
 yet, as we shall see, upon his shoulders must rest a 
 large portion of the responsibility for its greatest 
 defeats. 
 
 On the 15th of November France had become 
 divided into four distinct battlefields. In the north- 
 ern provinces two French corps under Bourbaki were 
 preparing to withstand the German army which Man- 
 teuffel was bringing up from Metz ; at Paris Trochu 
 and his discordant legions still fumed within their 
 iron girdle ; on the Loire the rapidly swelling ranks 
 of D'AureUe's corps were at last confronted by the 
 combined forces of the grand duke of Mecklenburg 
 and Frederick Charles ; while in the southeast Werder 
 with the 14th German corps had invested Belfort, and 
 was watching the south of France as far as Dijon.
 
 378 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Gambetta never ceased to urge upon the French 
 commander the necessity of assuming the offensive. 
 During the last weeks of November he received in- 
 formation from General Trochu that the garrison of 
 Paris was on the eve of a great sortie, and his urgency 
 became imperative. D'Aurelle was ordered to under- 
 take a movement in cooperation with the army of 
 Paris. The German lines at this time extended from 
 the vicinity of Beaiine la Rolande on the east, pass- 
 ing north of Artenay, to Ogeres on the west. The 
 French conmiander found himself under the necessity 
 of breaking through or turning this line in the hope 
 of giving the hand to a successful army from Paris. 
 Consequently, on the 28th of November he directed 
 the 18th and 20th corps against Beaune la Rolande 
 with orders to push the German left back from the 
 road to Paris. Beaune was held by the 10th corps 
 and stubbornly defended. The French troops made 
 a determined fight, but the arrival of the German 3d 
 corps finally accomplished their discomfiture. With 
 the retreat came the usual panic, both the French 
 corps losing numerous prisoners, and falling back 
 upon Bellegarde on the outskirts of the forest of 
 Orleans. The French commander after this would 
 willingly have abandoned the offensive, but Gambetta 
 was again excited over a dispatch from Trochu, stat- 
 ing that Duerot had broken through the German 
 lines of investment, and was marching upon Epinay. 
 D'Aurelle, who had rested passively since the 28th 
 in dread of an advance by Prince Frederick Charles, 
 was once more induced to march northward. He 
 seems to have made no attempt at a general advance, 
 — indeed, the forest of Orleans would have hopelessly 
 divided his corjDS in such a move, — but in this case
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 379 
 
 used his left wing exclusively, as on the 28th of 
 November he had used liis right. General Chanzy 
 with the 16th corps commenced his advance on Decem- 
 ber 1, driving before him the outposts of the grand 
 duke of Mecklenburg. On December 2 he struck 
 heavily against the main body of Von der Tann's war- 
 worn Bavarian corps, and bearing them down by sheer 
 weight of numbers carried Loigny, Villeprevost, and 
 Chateau-Goury. At this crisis, however, the Bava- 
 rian general was supported on his left by the 17th 
 division, while the cavalry division of Prince Albrecht 
 covered his right. The grand duke of Mecldenburg 
 assumed the offensive, drove Chanzy from all the 
 ground he had gained, and by a concentric attack 
 carried Loigny. The 15th corps on Chanzy's right 
 had in the mean time encountered the 22d German 
 division, and been driven before it out of Poupry at 
 the jDoint of the bayonet. The French 17th corps 
 also took part in the contest between Poupry and 
 Loigny, but was finally worsted and driven back with 
 the entire wing upon Terminiers. At night the 
 French army rested in the positions it had occupied 
 in the morning. The grand duke of Mecldenburg 
 had engaged his entire force, four weak divisions, or 
 about 35,000 men. The French employed the greater 
 part of their corps, at least 80,000 men. 
 
 The result of the combats at Beaune and at Loigny 
 only served to convince the French commander of the 
 unreliability of his young troops. There was no time 
 to argue with Gambetta over the advisability of fur- 
 ther offensive movements, for on the 3d Prince Fred- 
 erick Charles began a concentric advance upon 
 Orleans, the second army forming on a line from Arte- 
 nay to Beaune, the grand duke of Mecklenburg mov-
 
 380 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 ing southward against tlie French left wing and later 
 upon Orleans over the Chateaudun road. The oper- 
 ations of the 3d and 4th of December, which have 
 become known as the battle of Orleans, were a suc- 
 cession of combats ill-sustained by the French, who 
 at many points seemed more ready to lay down their 
 arms than to use them. The German artillery esj^e- 
 cially exercised a powerful influence upon their raw 
 soldiery, spreading consternation beyond the reach of 
 its shells. The excitement in Orleans was intense. 
 The French conunander, thoroughly disheartened by 
 defeat, and irritated by Gambetta's interference, 
 compromised the vigor of liis defense by his indeci- 
 sion. On the 3d the fighting was distant from the 
 city, and the muffled rumbling of the artillery by day 
 and the numerous conflagrations that flared on the 
 moonlit plain at night alone told of the German 
 devastation. On the 4th, however, the pluck of civil 
 and military authorities gave way, and the evacuation 
 commenced. All through the day the firing came 
 nearer, until the rattle of musketry echoed in the 
 streets and the ground trembled with the reverbera- 
 tion of the artillery. Great crowds of terror-stricken 
 soldiers streamed through the streets in flight. As 
 darkness fell the roar of the battle was at the city 
 gate ; the troops of Prince Frederick Charles were in 
 the suburbs. In the evening the last fight took place 
 about the railway station. After that it was a gen- 
 eral sauve qui peut^ and shortly after midnight the 
 German troops were tramping unmolested through 
 the city streets. The battle of Orleans cut the French 
 army of the Loire in halves. D'Aurelle with the 15th, 
 18th, and 20th corps retreated upon Bourges, while 
 Chanzy with the 16th and 17th corps retreated along
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 381 
 
 the other bank of the Loire under cover of the newly 
 formed 21st corps as far as Beaugency. These two 
 forces were immediately denominated by Gambetta 
 as the first and second armies of the Loire. D'Aurelle 
 was removed from the command of the former, and 
 General Bourbaki summoned from the north to suc- 
 ceed him. General Chanzy was appointed as com- 
 mander of the other. The first army was in a 
 wretched condition, and Gambetta found Bourbaki 
 little more energetically inclined than his precedessor. 
 Prince Frederick Charles had wholly allayed the 
 uneasiness that prevailed at Paris in reference to 
 Gambetta's armies, yet it was determined to follow 
 up the divided fragments, and if possible utterly to 
 dissipate them. While Prince Frederick Charles held 
 himself between Orleans and Vierzon to watch Bour- 
 baki, the grand duke of Mecklenburg moved against 
 Chanzy. That general had little of the timidity or 
 misgiving that characterized his colleagues, and hav- 
 ing succeeded in infusing into his men something akin 
 to confidence, he promptly established himself in a 
 strong position, his right resting on the Loire at Beau- 
 gency, his centre upon the plateau of Josnes, and his 
 left covered by the forest of Marchenoir. In this 
 position he was attacked by the grand duke of Meck- 
 lenburg on the 6th. The grand duke was too weak 
 numerically to attempt a turning movement, and con- 
 sequently attacked boldly the face of the position. 
 The brunt of the fighting fell upon Von der Tann's 
 Bavarians in the centre ; and though they lost ground 
 in the afternoon, they still held the village of Cravant 
 which they had wrested from the French in the morn- 
 ing. On the left, in the mean time, the 17th Ger- 
 man division advanced steadily along the Loire from
 
 382 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Mexmg, fought combat after combat, and after mak- 
 ing several hundred prisoners carried Beaugency it- 
 self in the evening. The 22d division on the extreme 
 right had no serious fighting during the day in front 
 of the forest of Marchenoir. On the next day the 
 grand duke again assumed the offensive, the 17th di^d- 
 sion and the Bavarians driving in the French right, 
 and approaching close to Josnes, the heart of the 
 French centre. In the evening the opinion prevailed 
 at the grand duke's headquarters that Chanzy would 
 not attempt to maintain himself longer, and woidd 
 take advantage of the night to draw off. Chanzy, 
 however, again registered his intrepidity and individ- 
 uality by resuming the struggle at daybreak, driving 
 in Von der Tann's outposts and well-nigh throwing 
 his whole corps into confusion. This attack was 
 beaten back by a heavy artillery-fire, under cover of 
 which the infantry rallied. The grand duke had been 
 reinforced by the 10th corps, which Prmce Frederick 
 Charles had detached to his assistance upon becom- 
 ing convinced of Bourbaki's lethargj^, while the 9th 
 corps was approaching Blois on the left bank of the 
 Loire on its march for Tours. Chanzy claims 
 that it was this corps threatening his rear and not 
 the grand duke's assaults that finally induced him 
 to retreat. At all events retreat he did, leaving sev- 
 eral hundred prisoners with the Germans. In the 
 prolonged combat at Beaugency and Josnes Chanzy 
 had to defend his almost impregnable position the 
 16th, 17th, and 21st corjjs, beside a new division 
 which had been brought uj) from Tours. These 
 troops, numbering at least 100,000 men, were nearly 
 all engaged. The grand duke on his part employed 
 less than 55,000 men, including the 22d division,
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 383 
 
 which had no serious fighting, and the 10th corps 
 whicli acted as a reserve. Chanzy retreated rapidly 
 upon Le Mans in severe weather and over bad roads. 
 He was followed closely by Frederick Charles, and 
 at Vendome in a rear-guard engagement lost a few 
 hundred prisoners. He arrived at Le Mans on the 
 16th of December, where he was joined by the 19th 
 corjis. 
 
 Moltke now determined to give his weary troops 
 a respite. The second army was ordered to adopt a 
 passive attitude and not press Chanzy at Le Mans ; 
 the 1st Bavarian corps, weary from incessant cam- 
 paigning, was recalled to Orleans to observe Bourbaki. 
 The troops of the grand duke of Mecklenburg were 
 withdrawn to Chartres, from wliich point they could 
 move promptly upon Le Mans, Orleans, or Paris. 
 
 Bourbaki's long inaction was due to the wretched 
 condition of his army and the differences that existed 
 between Gambetta and his generals. Chanzy inces- 
 santly urged a hearty cooperation of the two southern 
 armies with the army in the north in a simultaneous 
 march upon Paris. Paris was always Chanzy's objec- 
 tive point, and it is beyond dispute that the plans he 
 advocated were the ones which the German staff most 
 dreaded. Gambetta, on the other hand, little by little 
 had his attention drawn from the famishing capital, 
 and began to regard with favor a plan for cutting the 
 German communications with the Fatherland. In 
 an unhappy hour he decided to march to the relief 
 of Belfort. Werder would be overwhelmed, Baden 
 invaded, Carlsruhe and Stuttgart bombarded, the 
 German army isolated in France. On December 20 
 Bourbaki received his orders from Bordeaux, whither 
 the government had fled after the loss of Orleans.
 
 384 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Bourbaki's movements were slow, and the German 
 staff at Versailles was late in divining his destination. 
 They continued to believe that a combined movement 
 would be undertaken against Paris, and firm in this 
 conviction Moltke determined to annihilate Chanzy. 
 The new year found Prince Frederick Charles and 
 Mecklenburg concentrating towards Le Mans in 
 obedience to the instructions from Versailles. The 
 weather was terribly severe, the roads frozen into ruts 
 or impassable from ice, snow fell frequently, and the 
 artillery and baggage trains were moved with diffi- 
 culty. The uniforms and shoes of the men were 
 badly worn and unfit for the season, and the move- 
 ments as a result were slow and painful. On the 10th 
 of January the grand duke after a series of skirmishes 
 succeeded in establishing himself northwest of Le 
 Mans in the left rear of Chanzy's position. The 3d and 
 9th corps in the mean time were approaching from 
 the east, and the 10th corps from the southeast. The 
 country east of Le Mans is hilly and heavily wooded 
 in parts, and the heights rising abruptly from the 
 Huisne admit of easy defense. Chanzy was confident 
 of holding his own, the more so as he anticipated that 
 the Germans woidd be unable to bring up their artil- 
 lery on account of the slippery condition of the 
 ground. On the 9th and 10th of January there was 
 considerable fighting, resulting in the loss of advance 
 positions and several thousand prisoners for the 
 French commander. On the day following Prince 
 Frederick Charles strack home. The French centre 
 made a determined resistance, but the left was threat- 
 ened from the north by the grand duke of Mecklen- 
 burg, while on the right the mobiles disgracefully 
 abandoned La Tuilerie to the advance of the German
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 385 
 
 10th corps. Upon this Chanzy's retreat commenced, 
 and Le Mans was soon abandoned. 
 
 The second army of the Loire does not again attract 
 notice as a military force in any formidable sense. It 
 is true Chanzy rallied it beyond the Mayenne, and 
 continued to assert its worth to Gambetta until the 
 capitidation of Paris ended all. Yet the fact of its 
 preservation was due more to the cold weather and 
 long nights than to its own cohesion or the admitted 
 ability of its chief. More than once the darkness and 
 frost stood Chanzy in good stead by stopping a los- 
 ing fight and driving the Germans into the villages 
 for warmth and shelter. The rival conmianders wit- 
 nessed the close of a day's campaigning with widely 
 different sensations. While the Red Prince yearned 
 for the power of Joshua to stay the sun in his course, 
 Chanzy bade a glad adieu to the last rays that streamed 
 through the gray forests. 
 
 In glancing at the record of the second army of 
 the Loire, we notice first that it invariably fought 
 against inferior numbers, and yet was invariably 
 worsted. Where perhaps five or six thousand of its 
 troops met the soldier's fate in wounds or death, 
 nearly twenty thousand laid down their arms in ter- 
 ror. The achievements of this army are sung more 
 loudly in republican France than those of the army 
 of the Rhine, and yet with equal numbers and equal 
 lack of success we find the latter made the greater 
 sacrifices. The army of the Rhine lost as many men 
 in a few hours at Vionville as the army of the Loire 
 endured in six weeks' campaigning. Furthermore, 
 the army of the Rhine inflicted losses upon its foe at 
 the battle of Gravelotte three times as great as the 
 army of the Loire imposed from the day of its first
 
 386 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 fight until the armistice. A well-commanded army 
 may, it is true, accomplish great results without suf- 
 fering great losses ; skillf id manoeuvring may prevent 
 butchery. The army of the Loire, however, accom- 
 plished nothing, and while admitting that it com- 
 prised some excellent material, the lesson taught by 
 its campaign is that patriotism, enthusiasm, and en- 
 ergy are not the only requisites to an efficient army. 
 It is difficidt to agree with Chanzy that France was 
 himiiliated because she had lost confidence in herself. 
 After the battle of Le Mans France did wisely in 
 recognizing that she no longer had a military basis to 
 build confidence upon. 
 
 The army of the north (22d and 23d corps), which 
 never attained the cohesion of the army of the Loire, 
 was shattered at Pont-a-Noyelles in December by 
 Manteuffel, and practically destroyed on the 19th of 
 January in a fight at St. Quentin. Lideed, so im- 
 potent had this force become that Manteuffel was 
 enabled to march southward with the 2d and 7th 
 corps to succor Werder at Belf ort. He marched hard 
 and fast, passed over bad roads wathin a few miles of 
 Dijon under the very nose of Garibaldi and his volun- 
 teers ; and yet when he approached BeKort he found 
 Bourbaki already defeated. Werder with 40,000 men 
 had maintained the siege of Belfort, frightened Gari- 
 baldi into inaction at Dijon, hoodwinked Bourbaki by 
 a demonstration, while he chose a defensive position 
 on the Lisaine, and then in a three days' battle com- 
 pletely foiled and demoralized the three corps of the 
 first army of the Loire. There can be no more inter- 
 esting study to the student of military strategy than 
 this campaign in the southeast. It was but a by-play, 
 however, to the great drama that was almost played
 
 THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES. 387 
 
 out on the Seine and in the west. When the starv- 
 ing, freezing levies of Bourbaki, caught in the toils 
 between Manteuffel and Werder, crossed the Swiss 
 frontier for disarmament, the curtain which had risen 
 in August upon the emperor's military pageant at 
 Saarbriick had already fallen at Paris upon the last 
 hopeless struggle of the republic against an invincible 
 invader.
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 THE FALL OF PARIS. 
 
 The Eastern akd Italian Questions reopened. — The London 
 Conference. — Occupation of Rome by the Italian Army. — 
 The Gerslvn Foreign Office at Versailles. — Its Attitude 
 on European Questions. — Condition of Affairs in Paris. — 
 Events of the 31st of October. — Temporary Success of the 
 Commune. — Unreliability of the National Guard. — Prep- 
 aration FOR the Great Sortie. — The Battle of Champigny. 
 — Its Character and Results. — Increasing Gravity of the 
 Situation in Paris. — Fighting near Le Bourget. — Opening 
 OF THE German Bombardment. — Abandonment of Mont 
 Avron by the French. — New Year's in Paris. — The King 
 OF Prussia hailed Gersian Emperor at Versailles. — Bat- 
 tle of Buzanval and Retreat of the French. — Favre at 
 Versailles. — Capitulation of Paris and Signature of the 
 Arjustice. — The French Assembly meets at Bordeaux. — 
 Appoints Thiers Chief of the Executive Power. — Thiers 
 and Bismarck at Versailles. — The Preliminaries of Peace 
 ratified by the Assembly. — Entry of the German Troops 
 INTO Paris. — The Peace of Frankfort. — Europe at the 
 Present Day. — Prevalence of Militarism and the Causes 
 therefor. 
 
 During these exciting autumn days when the Ger- 
 man hosts were closing in upon the capital of France, 
 the cabinets of St. Petersburg and Florence were 
 turning the crisis to good account. Gortschakoff 
 officially proclaimed to Europe that Russia no longer 
 felt bound by the terms of the treaty of 1856 respect- 
 ing her standing in the Black Sea. The Italian 
 premier formally declared his intention to immedi- 
 ately occupy Rome as the national capital.
 
 THE FALL OF PARIS. 389 
 
 The contemplated seizure of Home aroused no pro- 
 test in Europe, even the Austrian chancellor stating 
 that he " considered the course which the Italian gov- 
 ernment had taken was reasonable, just, and such as 
 would conduce to an equitable solution." The action 
 of the Czar, while an affront to all the powers repre- 
 sented in the Paris Congress, was especially galling to 
 England. Lord Granville presented Russia's treaty 
 obligations very clearly from a moral standpoint, but 
 the Czar was not inclined to postpone the restoration 
 of Sebastopol and the Black Sea fleet for moral 
 considerations. England could find no ally on the 
 troubled continent, and war was out of the question. 
 Bismarck was induced to suggest a conference, and 
 Gortschakoff gracefully accepted London as the place 
 of meeting. The first session convened on January 
 17, 1871, and the sittings concluded on March 13. 
 There had never been a question about the success of 
 the revision named in the Russian circular, but the 
 conference smoothed England's vanity and lent an 
 air of official respectability to the whole proceeding. 
 
 In the mean time (September 19) the Italian troops 
 under General Cadorna went into bivouac about the 
 Eternal City. On the day following, the Pope having 
 reiterated his intention to resist, the royal artillery 
 battered a breach in the ancient walls, and the in- 
 fantry entered to an almost bloodless victory. As the 
 tricolor of the Italian nation was flung to the breeze 
 from the walls of the capitol the great bell pealed 
 out above the joyous tumult in the streets, announ- 
 cing to the world that the Italian question was settled 
 forever, and that Rome was free. 
 
 What was the attitude of the German confedera- 
 tion on continental questions at this time ? To solve
 
 390 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 this question scores of diplomatists made their way to 
 the sleepy chateau town of Versailles, where in the 
 residence of Madame Jess^ in the Rue de Provence 
 the German foreign office was established. There 
 the German chancellor was to be found, bluff and 
 busy as ever, with his finger on the throbbing pidse of 
 Europe. While the soldiers watched the great city 
 before them he watched the world and guided it. 
 Every day brought new conferences, now with Favre 
 or Thiers about the fate of Paris, now with some 
 churchman on the Roman question, again with Odo 
 RusseU or the Russian ambassador on the Black Sea 
 clause. Yet among his own people he found time for 
 unbending to laugh at great men, and mix his diplo- 
 matic comments vrith narrations of youthful experi- 
 ences at the university, or of hairbreadth escapes at 
 hunting. The Italian episode simply seemed to arouse 
 his curiosity : " I am curious to see what the Pope 
 will do. Will he leave the country, and where mil 
 he go ? . . . There is nothing left for him but Bel- 
 gium or North Germany. . . . People with lively 
 imaginations, especially women, when they are in 
 Rome, with the incense and splendor of Catholicism 
 about them and the Pope on his throne dispensing 
 blessings, feel an inclination to become Catholics. In 
 Germany where they woiild have the Pope before 
 their eyes as an old man in want of help, a good, 
 kind gentleman, one of the bishops eating and drink- 
 ing like the others, taking his pinch, perhaps even 
 smoking his cigar, there would be no such great 
 danger." 
 
 Odo Russell and the English tried the patience 
 of the chancellor in these days. When the former 
 appealed to him for support against the Russian
 
 THE FALL OF PARIS. 391 
 
 claims he saw no reason to trouble himself about it. 
 " For the rest," he remarked to his subordinates one 
 night at dinner, " I was not of opinion that gratitude 
 was without its place in politics. The present em- 
 peror had always showed himself friendly. . . . As 
 for England, he knew well enough how much we had 
 to thank her for. The Russians ought not to have 
 been so modest in their requirements ; if they had 
 asked for more they would have had no difficidty in 
 getting what they want about the Black Sea." 
 
 If we were to judge of Germany's position during 
 these days by the remarks of the chancellor made for 
 trusty ears in the seclusion of Madame Jesse's dwel- 
 ling, we should say first that she was following a 
 Prussian policy with a warm side toward Russia, 
 induced by the gratitude which M. Benedetti had 
 wholly failed to evoke, that the occupation of Rome 
 and the wrath of England were alike of trivial in- 
 terest, while the Pope had become merely the object 
 of a humorous sympathy. 
 
 Within Paris matters drifted from bad to worse. 
 The troops had been reorganized into three armies, 
 the first under General Thomas, comprising the bidk 
 of the National Guard, while the regulars and mo- 
 biles were embodied in the second army imder Du- 
 crot, and the third under Trochu's personal direction. 
 Had this numerous force approximated the army of 
 Metz in military worth the siege might have been 
 raised. As it was, however, the confusion caused by 
 the wholesale conversion of the Parisian populace 
 into citizen soldiery seriously interfered with disci- 
 pline and cohesive organization. The unsuccessful 
 October fighting also produced an unwholesome effect 
 upon the city. A temporary ripple of satisfaction
 
 392 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 was caused on October 29 by General Bellemare's 
 capture of Le Bourget on the northeastern front of 
 Paris. This news was neutralized by the failure of 
 Thiers' conference with Bismarck, and when on the 
 31st the fall of Metz and the recapture of Le Bourget 
 by the Prussian Guards were officially proclaimed 
 Paris fairly lost its reason. Thousands of soldiers, 
 citizens, and women congregated before the Hotel de 
 Ville yelling for the Commune and no surrender. 
 The infuriated people broke down the gates, and 
 headed by a detachment of the National Guard under 
 Major Mourens stormed into the building. Windows 
 and furniture fared harshly at the hands of these 
 zealous patriots. Stray shots were fired and added 
 to the excitement. The twenty mayors were uncere- 
 moniously ejected from the chamber; Trochu was 
 visited in his private room and his clothing and dec- 
 orations torn. Favre and Rochefort were placed 
 under arrest, but Ferry slipped away, and while the 
 new government of the Commune was organizing, 
 proceeded to rally the loyal troops for the rescue of 
 his colleagues. The new government was ejected 
 during the evening with as much noise and as little 
 bloodshed as had characterized its conquest. The 
 loyal battalions poured into the square with shouts of 
 " Vive Trochu " and " A bas la Commune." The 
 soldiery who had been engaged for hours in crying 
 " A bas Trochu " and " Vive la Commune " suddenly 
 melted away. At midnight the government of na- 
 tional defense was busily repairing damages prepara- 
 tory to resmning its functions. At that time Paris 
 had become absolutely quiet again. " What a city ! ' 
 remarked the United States minister as he threaded 
 the silent streets, " one moment revolution and the 
 next the most profound calm."
 
 THE FALL OF PARIS. 393 
 
 General Trocliu after this emeute found that he 
 had not only the Prussians but the Commune to deal 
 with. Worse than all, the latter raised its hideous 
 head from the very ranks of the first army. From 
 that day the governor of Paris ceased to reckon upon 
 the National Guards as a reliable force. With the 
 city feverish and excitable and his soldiery infected 
 with Communistic sentiment, Trochu realized that 
 some decisive action was necessary without the walls 
 to maintain the peace within. Paris is much the 
 same under all governments and will have her way. 
 Napoleon III. made war to appease her, MacMahon 
 marched to Sedan to placate her, Mont Valerien 
 burnt its powder to satisfy her, and Trochu must now 
 do his part. 
 
 A fortnight of busy preparation heralded the great 
 sortie. Trochu's plan was to engage the Prussian 
 circle by the fire of the forts and infantry demonstra- 
 tions, while he pushed his main forces across the 
 Marne in the vicinity of Nogent and Joinville, broke 
 the German lines on the southeast of Paris, gained 
 the road to Fontainebleau, and opened communica- 
 tions with the army of the Loire. 
 
 The management of this movement was confided to 
 General Ducrot, who proclaimed his determination to 
 come back dead or victorious. The 29th was set as 
 the day, but the sudden rising of the Marne threw 
 the plans into confusion. General Vinoy attacked 
 the Prussian positions about L'Hay and Chevilly, 
 but the remainder of the troops could not cross the 
 swoUen flood to cooperate. As a result Vinoy fell 
 back after sustaining some loss. On the evening of 
 this day, however, the forts opened a heavy fire on all 
 sides for the purpose of concealing the main point of
 
 394 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 attack, and at daybreak on the 30th General Renault 
 led the 2d corps across the Marne at Nogent against 
 the Saxon lines, while the 1st corps crossing at Join- 
 ville attacked the Wiirtembergers in Champigiiy. 
 The fighting that followed was the most desperate of 
 the entire siege. By noon Ducrot had 70,000 men in 
 action, had captured Champigny and Brie, and was 
 brought to a stand only by the well-defended park 
 walks of Villiers and Coeuilly. Night put an end to 
 the struggle, leaving the French in possession of the 
 lines held by the German outposts in the morning. 
 
 The roar of the battle reverberating through the 
 streets caused intense excitement in Paris, which in- 
 creased as it became apparent that the garrison had 
 made progress. The return of light brought no con- 
 tinuance of the contest. The French were occupied 
 in the burial of their dead, while the Germans brought 
 up their 2d corps to support an offensive movement 
 on the morrow. Trochu must have realized before 
 this that his great sortie was a failure. Everything 
 depended on celerity, and his inactivity on the 1st was 
 a confession of his defeat. 
 
 At dawn on the 2d the storm of battle again burst 
 forth with the Germans as the aggressors. The fire 
 of the forts with that of the artillery in position be- 
 yond the Marne alone prevented the complete recap- 
 ture of Champigny and Brie. When night feU the 
 French army, weary and crestfallen, began to recross 
 the Marne. 
 
 The main attack had been ably seconded by demon- 
 strations in force from Fort Charenton and St. Denis. 
 On the whole, however, the influence of the battles 
 upon the French soldiers was extremely dispiriting. 
 They had been encouraged to regard success as eer-
 
 THE FALL OF PARIS. 395 
 
 tain, and they never recovered from the consequent 
 disappointment and chagrin. They lost one of their 
 ablest generals in Renault, who fell in the attack upon 
 Villiers. 
 
 After the failure of the great sortie Paris settled 
 down disconsolately to siege life again. The insub- 
 ordination in the National Guard increased, and 
 General Thomas publicly denounced several battal- 
 ions. The army of Paris was plainly going to pieces. 
 Food and fuel became daily more scarce. Horse 
 meat brought fabulous prices, while hungiy, shivering 
 soldiers were detailed to guard wood yards and potato 
 stores from the famishing populace. Paris demon- 
 strated her preference to starve rather than surrender, 
 but so long as the Germans were well fed there was 
 no hope of any beneficial result from these tactics. 
 Paris starved better than she fought. 
 
 After General Ducrot's withdrawal across the 
 Marne the occasional sorties and conflicting reports 
 from the provinces hardly stirred the popular enthu- 
 siasm. On December 21 General Trochu's efforts to 
 open communication with the army of the north by 
 an attack on the German lines northeast of Paris re- 
 sulted in another discomfiture. The heaviest fighting 
 was about Le Bourget, which bristled with batteries 
 supported by infantry, whose presence was only to be 
 determined by the smoke and crash of their musketry. 
 The French were falling back when the sunset and the 
 bitter cold night came on. Despite the efforts of the 
 Red Cross societies, hvmdreds of wounded men froze 
 to death before relief or morning came. 
 
 On the 27th of December the first gun of the Ger- 
 man bombardment was fired against the French ad- 
 vance posts on the plateau of Mont Avron. For
 
 396 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 weeks the German staff had been preparing for this 
 final grim argument with the defenders of Paris. 
 The bombardment was delayed day by day, however, 
 at first to enable the completion of all arrangements, 
 and later in the hope that it might not be necessary 
 to resort to this extreme measure. This delay did 
 not meet with the unqualified approval of the foreign 
 office, where the fear was expressed that the powers 
 would construe it into a symptom of weakness. " If 
 they would give me the command-in-chief for four 
 and twenty hours, and I were to take the responsibil- 
 ity on myself," stormed the chancellor, " I should give 
 just one order — fire ! " 
 
 The German batteries on the east of Paris contin- 
 ued their fire on the 28th. Though the air was filled 
 with snow and fog, so accurately had the gunners 
 obtained their range that the practice was admirable. 
 Mont Avron was rendered untenable, and during the 
 night the French abandoned their positions. On the 
 30th and 31st the Germans steadily maintained their 
 fire, raining a ceaseless storm of projectiles upon the 
 forts Rosny, Noisy, and Nogent. 
 
 Paris was hardly to be recognized on the first day 
 of the year 1871. New Year's day in beleaguered 
 Paris ! There was the old life of the boidevard still 
 struggling for existence like the glimmer of the petro- 
 leum lamps that flickered in the wind. There was 
 still a suggestion of the thoughtless throngs of a year 
 before ; the theatres were open ; while here and there 
 a dimly-lighted cafe beckoned mournfully to its old 
 devotees. There was nothing in these symptoms to 
 blind one to the universal misery and despondency. 
 The icy wind that swept the streets was charged with 
 the roar of the German siege guns. It was an anx-
 
 THE FALL OF PARIS. 397 
 
 ious, despondent day, and the sinking sun left a de- 
 spondent city wrapped in sleet and darkness. 
 
 The sound of the bombardment that chilled the 
 heart of Paris was borne faintly on the frosty air, to 
 fall like sweet music on the ears of the German 
 princes and generals in the palace of Versailles, who 
 thronged about the king of Prussia, as he raised his 
 glass to welcome the new year. Eighteen days later, 
 with the air throbbing to the fire of the siege guns 
 south of Paris, the German princes again gathered 
 about the Prussian king to proclaim him emperor of 
 united Germany. 
 
 On the 19th of January, the day following this 
 dramatic episode at Versailles, the army of Paris 
 made its last effort to break the iron talons that were 
 crushing it to death by an attack from Mont Valerien 
 upon the German lines between Rueil and St. Cloud. 
 As usual the French swept away the German fore- 
 posts only to be checked by the main lines of defense. 
 At Montretout, Buzanval, and Malmaison there was 
 bloody work, but the impetuous valor and superior 
 numbers of the assailants availed nothing against the 
 cool discipline of their foe. The sound of the heavy 
 firing so close at hand stirred Versailles from its 
 stately lethargy, and brought the princes, emperor 
 and all, galloping to the front. A brigade of the 1st 
 Bavarian corps was also moved to Versailles to be at 
 hand in case of need. About dark Trochu ordered 
 the retreat after suffering terrible losses. 
 
 The immediate result of the battle of Buzanval was 
 the transfer of the military command from Trochu to 
 Vinoy, but the last battle had been fought, and hope 
 had even departed from so stout a soldier as Vinoy. 
 Jules Favre had again become a daily visitor at the
 
 398 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 German foreign office. He was deputed to negotiate 
 for an armistice and the capitidation of Paris. He 
 no longer advanced the principle " not an inch of 
 our territory or a stone of our fortresses." The state 
 of affairs was briefly this : The government in Paris 
 recognized the futility of longer resistance, but that 
 government had never been recognized by France, 
 and was powerless to conclude a peace. An armis- 
 tice must be signed to allow of an appeal to the coun- 
 try ; Paris must be delivered to the Germans as the 
 price of the armistice. On the afternoon of Jan- 
 uary 28 the capitulation of Paris was signed, and an 
 armistice agTeed uj)on to exjjire on February 19 at 
 noon. The provinces occupied by the armies of Bour- 
 baki and Manteuffel were alone excluded from this 
 agreement. On January 29 the German troops quietly 
 took possession of the Paris forts. The regulars and 
 mobiles became prisoners of war, with the exception 
 of 12,000 men who were left under arms to preserve 
 order. At the earnest request of Favre the National 
 Guard were allowed to retain their arms. If Favre 
 urged this as a measure to counteract the imperialistic 
 ideas supposed to be still cherished by the prisoners 
 returning from Germany, it was a political crime as 
 well as a military folly. The National Guard became 
 the armed Conunime. It finally devolved upon the 
 veterans of MacMahon and Bazaine to reconquer 
 Paris for the republic. 
 
 While the armies withdrew to the lines stipulated 
 in the armistice, the elections went quietly forward. 
 The assembly convened at Bordeaux, and manifested 
 a spirit that won for it universal respect. On Feb- 
 ruary 17 M. Thiers was appointed chief of the execu- 
 tive power, and having named his ministry, he re-
 
 THE FALL OF PARIS. 399 
 
 paired to Versailles to arrange the preliminaries of 
 peace. The conferences that followed with the Ger- 
 man chancellor were perhaps the most trying ordeals 
 to which the Frenchman had ever been subjected. 
 No peace was possible save on the basis of the cession 
 of miles of territory and the strongest of fortresses. 
 France must also pay a war indemnity of no less than 
 five milliards of francs. Bismarck, it is true, thought 
 Thiers " too sentimental for business . . . hardly fit 
 indeed to buy or sell a horse," but no diplomatist, 
 however astute, could have made better terms for 
 stricken France. So thought the assembly at Bor- 
 deaux ; and when Thiers announced the result of his 
 mission with a quivering lip, he had its sympathy and 
 support. On the 2d of March the assembly formally 
 ratified the peace preliminaries by a vote of 546 to 
 107. 
 
 It had been stipidated in the armistice that the 
 German troops should not occupy Paris. The exten- 
 sion of time granted by the Germans entitled them 
 to some compensation, and the entry of Paris was the 
 compensation claimed. The troops detailed for this 
 purpose were not chosen at random. To the French- 
 man who on the 1st day of March beheld them pass 
 along the Avenue de Malakoff or the Champs Elysdes 
 it was an ominous pageant. It was a German and 
 not a Prussian army that he beheld. Prussians there 
 were in the Silesians of the 6th corps, but there, too, 
 were the war-worn regiments of the 11th corps, Nas- 
 sauers, who had lost their grand duke four years be- 
 fore, and the " kinder " of the exiled elector of Hesse. 
 There also were the faded blue lines of Hartmann's 
 Bavarians. Surely Bavaria deserved the honor ac- 
 corded her of leading the way up the Avenue of the
 
 400 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE. 
 
 Grand Army, for the blood of her gallant sons had 
 been given unsparingly in behalf of the common Fa- 
 therland, not only at Weissenburg, Neewiller, and 
 Bazeilles, but in the frost-bound valley of the Loire. 
 Sullenly the Parisians eyed the march as it moved 
 up the Avenue of the Grand Army, the bayonets 
 dimmed for an instant in the shadow of Napoleon's 
 arch broadening into a glittering sea as they swept 
 into the Champs Elys^es. When the head of the 
 column entered the Place de la Concorde, the command 
 to halt was passed along the lines. The remorseless 
 tread that for six long months had been trampling 
 France in blood was stilled at last. That night the 
 Hessians smoked their pipes on the Trocadero, and 
 the Bavarians stacked their arms in the Place de la 
 Concorde, while the lights blazing from the palace of 
 the Elysee announced the German mihtary head- 
 quarters. 
 
 On the third day of the month, the Bordeaux As- 
 sembly having ratified the peace preliminaries, the 
 German troops marched out, and Paris was left to 
 herself again. The war was over. Beyond the 
 Ehineland, in Bavaria and Wiirtemberg as well as in 
 the north, all was joy and enthusiasm over the return 
 of the army that had answered before the world the 
 question, " What is the German Fatherland ? " On 
 the 10th of May the definite treaty of peace was 
 signed at Frankfort by which France ceded Alsace 
 and a portion of Lorraine, including the fortresses of 
 Metz and Strasburg, to her conqueror. The prompt 
 and patriotic manner in which the French nation dis- 
 charged their enormous war debt astounded Europe, 
 and won the admiration of the world. It displayed 
 more truly the spirit of the French people than did
 
 THE FALL OF PARIS. 401 
 
 the hideous events that occurred in Paris during the 
 early spring months. 
 
 The summer of 1871 found Europe at peace. The 
 German question was settled with the Kaiser at Ber- 
 lin ; the Italian problem was solved with the king in 
 Rome. But out of the war which had finally rid the 
 continent of two of its greatest thorns grew a new 
 complication from the severing of the Rhineland prov- 
 inces from France. The traveler from the new 
 world who visits Europe to-day is amazed at the mil- 
 itary influence that everywhere dominates the conti- 
 nent. Above the roar of the city street sounds the 
 sharp drum-beat of the passing regiment ; in the sweet 
 rural country the village church-bell cannot drown the 
 bugle peal from the fortress on the hiU. Why is it 
 that France sinks her millions in frontier strong- 
 holds, that Russia masses troops in Poland and on 
 the Pruth, that Austria strengthens her fortresses in 
 Galicia, that Germany builds railways to the Rhine 
 and bridges to span its yellow flood ? It means that 
 the Eastern and Alsatian questions are not settled ; 
 that Republican France broods darkly over the ex- 
 actions of 1871, while it casts friendly glances upon 
 aggressive and despotic Russia ; that Austria, dread- 
 ing Russian power, draws nearer to Germany, and 
 that Germany still united, with Austria and Italy 
 friendly, holds fast what she has won by the sword, 
 while with the old assurance that has never yet 
 betrayed him Bismarck proclaims both to the east 
 and west, " We Germans fear God and nothing in 
 the world beside."
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. 
 
 Justin McCarthy's History of Our Own Times gives a read- 
 able rdsumd of English political events since the accession of 
 Queen Victoria, with a general reference to continental affairs. 
 Files of the English newspapers and periodicals show the de- 
 velopment of public sentiment, the most powerful factor in the 
 national political life. Our Chancellor, by Moritz Busch, pre- 
 sents an able delineation of Bismarck's policy in reference to 
 Austria, Russia, and France. Busch's works have a peculiar 
 value, he being a member of Bismarck's official family. Julian 
 Klaczko's Two Chancellors is a brilliant work from an anti-Prus- 
 sian standpoint, with special reference to Bismarck and Gort- 
 schakoff. Ward's translation is plentifully supplied with notes. 
 Thpy direct one to every work of any value concerning the 
 diplomacy of the period. The Memoirs of Count von Beust, 
 edited in England by Baron Henry de Worms, are valuable in 
 connection with Busch and Klaczko. Lord Malmesbury's Me- 
 moirs of an Ex-Minister abound in interesting comments on the 
 great leaders and events of contemporaneous continental his- 
 tory, as do the Greville Memoirs. 
 
 Among biographies should be mentioned Charles Mazade's 
 Life of Count Cavour (translated from the French), Wilhelm 
 Golach's Prince Bismarck, a translation which appears in the 
 Tauchnitz Library, and G. S. Godkin's Life of Victor Emmanuel 
 II. Mazade's work is the very best on the Italian statesman ac- 
 cessible to English readers. Golach traces Bismarck's political 
 development by quotations from his speeches and letters. God- 
 kin's work is based on the best Italian authorities, and gives 
 excellent portraits both of the king and Cavour. J. T. Bent's 
 Life of Giuseppe Garibaldi should also be read in connection 
 with Italian affairs. Theo. Dwight's Life of General Garibaldi 
 furnishes picturesque details of the Sicilian expedition drawn 
 from contemporary letters and other sources.
 
 404 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. 
 
 Victor Hugo's History of a Crime and Maupas's Story of the 
 Coup d'Etat give extreme and opposed views of the events 
 which destroyed the French republic in 1850. Paris in Decern- 
 ber, 1851, by Eugtiue Tduot, is a calmer and more just presenta- 
 tion of tlie case. M. Hippolyte Magen's Histoire populaire du 
 Second Empire draws a dark picture of the social features of 
 Napoleon Ill.'s regime. 
 
 Alexander Kinglake's Invasion of the Crimea is the most elab- 
 orate work on the Eastern Question and the Crimean War. It 
 also touches upon the coup d'etat and scores Napoleon without 
 mercy. General Todleben's Defense de Sebastopol should be 
 read in connection with Kinglake. William Howard Russell 
 has an excellent review of the first volumes of this work. E. 
 Bruce Hamley's Story of the Campaign of Sebastopol is the vivid 
 narrative of an English officer, now a leading authority in Eng- 
 land on military matters. The works of Bazancourt and Ca- 
 mille Rousset present the French view of the campaign, the 
 former abounding in picturesque and heroic incident, the other 
 being the more conservative and valuable work. Mr. Russell's 
 war correspondence is interesting reading ; his letters exercis- 
 ing a great influence upon English public opinion at the time 
 they were written. Nathan Haskell Dole's American edition of 
 Rambaud's History of Russia contains very readable chapters on 
 the Crimean campaign. 
 
 Luigi Carlo Fariui's Roman State has been translated un- 
 der the direction of Hon. W. E. Gladstone. The high charac- 
 ter and position which Farini enjoyed among his countrymen 
 is a sufficient voucher for the wortli and reliability of this work. 
 The letters appended to the fourth volume and addressed to 
 Mr. Gladstone give a startling picture of the condition of Italy 
 in 1850. John Webb Probyn's Italy 1815-1878 is based on 
 the best Italian authorities. No good work exists in English 
 on the Italian campaign of 1859. The official French work, 
 edited under the direction of Marshal Randon, has little value 
 now. Bazancourt's Chroniques are picturesque but unreliable. 
 Alfred Duquet's book is a sharp arraignment of the French 
 commanders. La Guerre d'ltalie, by the Due d'Almazan, is 
 concise, interesting, and impartial. 
 
 Riistow's Der Deutsch-Danische Krieg narrates the events of 
 1864 in Denmark. A. Gallenga's Invasion of Denmark is a pen- 
 picture of the war by a writer with Danish sympathies.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. 405 
 
 The standard work on the war of 1866 is the Prussian official 
 report executed under the direction of Moltke himself. It has 
 been translated into English {The Campaign of 1866 in Ger- 
 many. Compiled by the Department of Military History of the 
 Prussian Staff). The Austrian staff report is obtainable in both 
 French and German, and if less methodical than the Prussian is 
 more picturesque and interesting. H. M. Hozier's Seven Weeks' 
 War is the most readable narrative in English, being based on 
 letters written from Bohemia to the London " Times." J. V, 
 Lemoyne's Campagne de 1866 en Italie is a thoroughly satisfac- 
 tory work on the Italian operations. Hozier also has chapters 
 on this campaign. 
 
 The German staff report is again the most reliable work on 
 the Franco-German war. It has been only partially translated 
 into English. One of the best works from the French stand- 
 point is Fdlix Bonnet's Guerre Franco- Allemande, a review and 
 running comment on the work of the German staff. Busch's 
 Bismarck in the Franco-Prussian War is at once entertaining 
 and valuable. Marshal Bazaine's Episodes de la Guerre de 1870 
 et le Blocus de Metz is a defense of his course as commander 
 and chief. Chanzy's Deuxieme Armee de la Loire is interesting 
 as the work of the most skillful general that France developed 
 in the war. Ducrot's Defense de Paris 1870-1872 gives a fair 
 idea of that event. B. von Tiedemann's Siege Operations in the 
 Campaign agaiiist France is translated from the German by Ma- 
 jor Tyler, R. E., and may be referred to for information con- 
 cerning Paris, Metz, and Strasburg. George Hooper's Cam- 
 paign of Sedan is an admirable work, the best that exists in 
 English on that portion of the war. Archibald Forbes's My 
 Experiences in the War between France and Germany and W. H. 
 Russell's My Diary During the Last Great War abound in inter- 
 esting details picked up at the seat of war. Labouchere's Diary 
 of the Besieged Resident in Paris, Nathan Sheppard's Shut up in 
 Paris, and E. B. Washburne's Recollections of a Minister to France 
 are vivid pen-pictures of life within Paris during the siege, 
 while the latter of course possesses value beyond that of an 
 ordinary narrative. Files of the Almanach de Gotha and the 
 Statesman's Year Book may be consulted for general statistical 
 information.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aberdeen, Lobd, 24, 25 ; forced into 
 warlike measures by Napoleon, 43 ; 
 fall of his ministry, 79. 
 
 Alsace-Lorraine, ceded to Germany, 400. 
 
 Albreclit, Archduke, commandsAustrian 
 army in Italy, 259-'261 ; at battle of 
 Custozza, 204 ; proves himself a capa- 
 ble soldier, 2(j5 ; summoned to Viemia 
 to succeed Benedek, 24C, 265. 
 
 Alexander II. of Russia, of a peaceful 
 temperament, 92 ; accepts Austria's 
 peace proposals, 93 ; shows his grati- 
 tude to Prussia for her Polish policy, 
 202. 
 
 Alexander, Prince of Hesse, commands 
 8th federal corps in 1806, 251 ; defeated 
 at Laufach and Aschaffenburg, 252 ; 
 abandons Frankfort, 253 ; retreats 
 upon Wiirzburg, 254. 
 
 Alma, battle of the, 55-57 ; deathblow 
 of the Czar, 81. 
 
 Alvensleben, German general, brilliant 
 conduct at Vionville, 323. 
 
 Aurelle de Paladiues, French general, 
 commands army of the Loire, 375 ; 
 imparts energy and cohesion to his 
 army, 375 ; a good strategist, 375 ; 
 fights battle of Coulmiers, 376 ; brings 
 his army to Orleans for drill, 377 ; his 
 conflict with Gambetta, 377 ; assumes 
 the offensive, 378 ; is routed at Beaune 
 and Loigny, 378, 379 ; routed in three 
 days' fight before Orleans, 330 ; rallies 
 his right wing at Bourges, 380 ; irri- 
 tated by Gambetta, 380 ; superseded 
 by Bourbaki, 381. 
 
 Austria, in 1850, 3 ; offers to support 
 western powers against Russia, 47 ; 
 and Prussian alliance, 47 ; orders Rus- 
 sia from Danubian principalities, 39 ; 
 troops enter Bucharest, 41 ; efforts to 
 secui-e peace, 92 ; in Paris Congress, 
 93 ; influence in Italy, 97-99, 110 ; and 
 Roman legations, 98 ; misrule in Lom- 
 bardo-Venetia, 99 ; propo.se3 to uphold 
 despotism in Sardinia, 101 ; attempts 
 to terrorize Sardinia, 103 ; regards 
 Victor Emmanuel as incorrigible, 104 ; 
 suppresses Milan revolt, 104 ; worsted 
 in diplomacy by Cavotir, 111; adopts 
 pacific policy in Italy, 112; threatened 
 at the Tuileries, 116 ; her ultimatum 
 
 rejected by Sardinia, 118 ; unpopular- 
 ity of the war in, 121 ; Italian cam- 
 paign of 1859, 122-152 ; armistice of 
 Villafranca, 152 ; cedes Loiubardy, 
 153 ; crushes Erfurt parliament, 180 ; 
 supports Hasseupflug in Hesse, 181 ; 
 humiliates Prussia at Olmiitz, 181 ; 
 abolishes constitution, 182 ; holds Ger- 
 man states in check during Crimean 
 war, 182 ; loss of prestige in Germany 
 (1859), 184 ; and Bismarck, 195 ; 
 alarmed at Prussia's attitude, 196; en- 
 rages Russia by her Polish policy, 197 ; 
 agreement with Prussia regarding 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 201 ; Danish cam- 
 paign, 1864, 201-210 ; treaty of Vienna, 
 210 ; bargains with Prussia for Elbe 
 duchies, 213 ; Gastein convention, 214 ; 
 explains her position before the Diet, 
 221 ; abandons Holstein, 221 ; moves 
 mobilization of federal army against 
 Prussia, 221, 222 ; state of army in Bo- 
 hemia, 225 ; Seven Weeks' War, 223- 
 266 ; benefited by her defeat in the 
 war, 272 ; placates Hungary, 273 ; 
 cedes Veuetia, 274 ; foreign policy in 
 1867, 275 ; refuses Frencli proposals 
 for military alliance, 293 ; refuses 
 France military aid against Prussia, 
 1870, 300; defends Italy in seizure 
 of Rome, 389 ; her present attitude, 
 401. 
 Azeglio, Marquis Massimo d', prime 
 minister in Sardinia, 102 ; resigns his 
 post, 104 ; sent as commissioner to 
 Bologna, 159 ; on death of Cavour, 
 177. 
 
 Balaclava, occupied bj' English, 59 ; bat- 
 tle of, 71-73 ; results of battle, 74. 
 
 Bavari.i, invades Hesse-Cassel, 181 ; war 
 of 1806, 249-255; treaty of Prague 
 and cession of territory to Prussia, 
 269 ; places her army under orders of 
 Prussia, 1870, 300 ; Franco-Prussian 
 War, 304-398 ; troops enter Paris, 399, 
 400. 
 
 Bazaine, Marshal, lands at Genoa, 124 ; 
 at battle of Melegnano, 140 ; at battle 
 of Solferino, 148; corps commander in 
 1870, 307 ; consulted by Napoleon at 
 Metz, 315 ; his honorable career, 316 ;
 
 408 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 assumes command of the army under 
 protest, 316 ; is embarrassed by the 
 emperor, 317 ; orders the retreat upon 
 Verduu, 317 ; fights battle of Boruy, 
 320 ; his midnight visit to the emperor, 
 320 ; interviews the emperor at Grave- 
 lotte, 320 ; bids him farewell, 322 ; 
 fights battle of Vionville, 323 , takes a 
 new position near Metz, 325 ; at battle 
 of Gravelotte, 325 ; compared with 
 Benedek at Koniggratz, 325 ; aimless- 
 ness of his conduct during the battle 
 week, 328; fights battle of Noisseville, 
 372 ; surrenders fortress of Metz, 372 ; 
 charges on wliich he was court-mar- 
 tialed, 372 ; his defense, 373. 
 
 Beaumont, battle of, 333. 
 
 Belfort, fighting near, 386. 
 
 Benedek, Austrian general, his conduct 
 at Solferino, 150, 151 ; summoned to 
 council of war at Vienna, 1866, 218 ; 
 his plan of campaign against Prussia 
 checkmated, 226 ; criticisms upon his 
 generalship, 233, 234 ; occupies coun- 
 try between the Elbe and Bistritz, 
 234 ; his fatal blunder, 235 ; at battle 
 of Koniggratz, 243; amazed upon 
 learning of the fall of Chlum, 244 ; 
 heads the reserves in attempts to re- 
 take it, 245 ; incurs the rage of Vienna, 
 246 ; superseded by Archduke Al- 
 brecht, 246 ; conducts the retreat upon 
 Pressburg, 247. 
 
 Benedetti, M., first appearance in Bohe- 
 mia, 18G6, 272 ; at Berlin, 272 ; urges 
 military demonstration against Prus- 
 sia, 277; at Nikolsburg with Bismarck, 
 279 ; presents Rhine treaty to Bis- 
 marck at Berlin, 280 ; threatens Prus- 
 sia with war, 280 ; submits Luxem- 
 burg proposition to Bismarck, 283 ; 
 his note announcing his failure, 284 ; 
 encounters the king of Prussia at 
 Ems, 29G, 297 ; his view of the king's 
 conduct there, 298. 
 
 Berger, Austrian general, 140. 
 
 Beuret, French general, killed at Monte- 
 bello, 127. 
 
 Beust, Count von, Austrian chancellor, 
 1867, 275 ; his letter on Austria's atti- 
 tude, 1870, 300, 301 ; on Italian seiz- 
 ure of Rome, 389 ; his memoirs, 203. 
 
 Beyer, German general, 222 ; occupies 
 Cassel, 1866, 223 ; summons Strasburg, 
 1870, 369. 
 
 Bismarck, Prince, president of Prussian 
 ministry, 185 ; his early career as a 
 deputy, 185 ; champions the rights of 
 the crown, 185 ; contempt for the rev- 
 olutionists of 1848, 186 ; deprecates 
 use of Prussian troops in Denmark, 
 186 ; opposed to liberal assembly at 
 Frankfort, 186 ; opposed to German 
 unity, 187 ; an uncompromising royal- 
 ist at Erfurt, 187 ; admires Austria, 
 187 ; represents Prussia at Frankfort, 
 188; contempt for the Diet, 189; be- 
 comes hostile to Austria, 189 ; prophe- 
 
 sies war with Austria, 190 ; willing to 
 
 consider German unity, 190; repre- 
 sents Prussia at St. Petersburg, 191 ; 
 continued distrust of Austria, 191 ; 
 represents Prussia at Paris, 191 ; his 
 estimate of Prussia's needs, 192 ; his 
 struggles with the Diet on the army 
 bill, 194 ; carries his measures over the 
 deputies, 194 ; opens diplomatic cam- 
 paign against Austria, 195 ; supports 
 Russia in suppressing Polish revolt, 
 197 ; and Schleswig-Holstein question, 
 200 ; carries Austria with him in the 
 Diet, 201 ; stimulates the Danes to fight, 
 203 ; his attitude on the Augustenburg 
 claim after the war, 211; his sudden 
 change of front, 212 ; traps Mensdorff 
 into an indiscretion, 213 ; anticipates 
 war with Austria, 213 ; and Gastein 
 conference, 214 ; his opinion of the 
 conference, 214 ; the king creates him 
 a count, 214 ; seeks an alliance with 
 Italy against Austria, 215 ; visits Na- 
 poleon at Biarritz, 215 ; pushes a set- 
 tlement of Schleswig-Holstein ques- 
 tion, 217 ; protests against Austrian 
 policy in Holstein, 217 ; endeavors to 
 win favor with the German states, 
 218, 219 ; concludes treaty of alliance 
 with Italy, 219 ; orders Prussian troops 
 into Holstein, 221 ; submits a plan for 
 new confederation excluding Austria, 
 221 ; joins the army at Gitscliiu, 230; 
 at battle of Koniggratz, 241 ; restrains 
 the spirit of assurance at headquar- 
 ters, 246 ; commends Italy for honor- 
 able course in 1866, 268 ; enthusiasti- 
 cally received by the Prussian Diet, 
 270 ; his course toward Hanover, 
 Hesse, and Saxony, 271 ; chancellor of 
 the northern confederation, 271 ; ar- 
 ranges military alliances with South 
 Germany, 272 ; conversations with 
 Benedetti at Nikolsburg, 279 ; re- 
 ceives Benedetti in Berlin, 280 ; re- 
 fuses French propositions concerning 
 Rhineland, 280; his reply to Bene- 
 detti's threat of war, 280 ; uses the 
 French propositions to consolidate 
 Germany, 282 ; his reception of Bene- 
 detti's second project, 283 ; arranges 
 alliance %vith Russia, 284 ; combats 
 French scheme to purchase Luxem- 
 burg, 285 ; withdraws Prussian garri- 
 son from Luxemburg, 280 ; at Paris 
 Exhibition of 1867, 288 ; his narrative 
 of the mcidents at Ems, 1870, 297 ; 
 summary of his diplomacy, 1866-70, 
 304 ; at Sedan, 340 ; discusses capitu- 
 lation with Wimpffeu after Sedan, 
 342 ; his narrative of the event, 343 ; 
 meets Napoleon near Fr^nois, 346 ; 
 his narrative of tliis event, 346 ; con- 
 ducts Napoleon to ChSteau Bellevue, 
 348 ; interviewed by Fa^Te at Ferri- 
 eres, 36] ; at Versailles, 306 ; his life 
 there, 390 ; his view of the papal ques- 
 tion, 390; on Black Sea clause and
 
 INDEX. 
 
 409 
 
 Russia, 391 ; on delay in bombarding 
 Paris, 390 ; interviews with Favre on 
 the armistice, 398 ; interviews Thiers 
 on the peace, 399 ; commenta on 
 Tliiers, 399 ; his latest defiance to Eu- 
 rope, 401. 
 
 Bittenfeld, German general, 222 ; com- 
 mands army of the Elbe in ISGii, 224 ; 
 at battle of Koniggratz, 240, 241. 
 
 Blumenau, battle of, 248. 
 
 Blumenthal, German general, on Mac- 
 Mahon's tactics, 332 ; at conference 
 of Sedan, 343. 
 
 Bomba, King. See Ferdinand II. of 
 Naples. 
 
 Borny, battle of, 320. 
 
 Bosquet, Frencli general, at battle of 
 the Alma, 56; Kinglake's comment 
 on, 56 ; his remark on cavalry cliarge 
 at Balaclava, 74. 
 
 Bourbaki, Frencli general, at battle of 
 Gravelotte, 327 ; commands French 
 armies in the nortli, 377 ; appointed 
 to command first army of the Loire, 
 381 ; resists Gambetta's orders to ad- 
 vance, 381 ; ordered to relieve Bel- 
 fort, 383 ; outgeneraled by Werder, 
 386 ; defeated on tlie Lisaine, 386 ; 
 driven into Switzerland and disarmed, 
 387. 
 
 Buol, Count, Austrian chancellor, 47. 
 
 Burgoyne, Sir John, carries Empress 
 Eug(5nie to England, 358. 
 
 Busch, Dr. Moritz, " Bismarck in the 
 Franco-German War," 342. 
 
 Cadorna, Italian gener.al, occupies Rome, 
 389. 
 
 Canrobert, Marshal, and the coiip d'etat, 
 9 ; at battle of the Alma, 56 ; assumes 
 command of Frencli army in Crimea, 
 60 ; opposed to assaulting Sebastopol, 
 60 ; resigns his command , 83 ; King- 
 lake on reasons therefor, 83 ; corps 
 commander in Italy, 123 ; enters Tu- 
 rin, 125; at battle of Magenta, 133; 
 letiiargy at Soh'erino, 148 ; corps com- 
 mander in 1870, 307 ; commands 
 French right at Gravelotte, 326, 327 ; 
 at battle of Noisseville, 372. 
 
 Carbonari, Society of the, its character 
 and aims, 99. 
 
 Cardigan, Lord, at Balaclava, 72-74. 
 
 Castelfidardo, battle of, 173. 
 
 Cavour, Count, in Paris Congress, 93, 
 109 ; enters Sardinian cabinet, 102 ; 
 forms a new cabinet, 104 ; opposed to 
 violence in politics, 104 ; commits tlie 
 state to liberation of Italy, 105 ; his 
 domestic policy, 105 ; decides to join 
 Anglo-Frencli alliance, 100 ; is opposed 
 by the Chambers, 107 ; vindication of 
 his Crimean policy, 108; letter to Na- 
 poleon, 108 ; his foreign policy, 100 ; 
 disappointed over England's indiffer- 
 ence, 112 ; )iis opinion of Austria, 112 ; 
 turns to France as an ally, 112; tlie 
 Orsini incident, 113; appeases Napo- 
 
 leon, 114 ; strikes at the papal gov- 
 ernment, 114 ; meets Napoleon at 
 Plombieres, 115; his vision of united 
 Italy, 116; advocates marriage of 
 Prince Napoleon and Princess Clotilde, 
 117 ; impels Napoleon toward war, 117 ; 
 efforts to avert peace, 118 ; refuses the 
 Au.strian ultimatum, 118; leaves for 
 tlie army on news of the armistice, 
 153 ; oftends the king and resigns, 
 153 ; makes tlie amende honorable, 
 161 ; returns to office, 161 ; suggests 
 an Italian plebiscite to Napoleon, 162; 
 Napoleon's acquiescence and the re- 
 sult, 163 ; and Nice and Savoy, 164 ; 
 hated by Garibaldi, 164 ; protects 
 Garibaldi's Sicilian expedition, 164 ; 
 effect of this policy in Europe, 160, 
 167 ; efforts to restrain Garibaldi from 
 marcliing on Rome, 107, 168 ; his con- 
 ception of the crisis, 171 ; determines 
 to march upon Naples, 171 ; picks a 
 quarrel with the Pope, 171 ; receives 
 authority from parliament to annex 
 Two Sicilies, 173 ; increased anxiety 
 after the annexation, 174 ; his enor- 
 mous responsibility, 174 ; on the Nea^ 
 politans, 175 ; to General Garibaldi, 
 175 ; comparison of, with Garibaldi, 
 176 ; his death, 176 ; the world's esti- 
 mate of him, 177 ; Massimo d' Azeglio 
 on his death, 177. 
 
 Champigny, battles of, 394. 
 
 Clianzy, French general, commands 
 French 16th corps, 375; defeated at 
 Loigny, 379 ; rallies right wing of Loire 
 army upon Beaugency, 380 ; appointed 
 to command these troops, 381 ; de- 
 feated by Mecklenburg at Josnes, 381 ; 
 character of his troops and tactics, 
 382 ; retreats upon Le Mans, 383 ; 
 plans a movement upon Paris, 383 ; is 
 attacked before Le Mans, 384 ; his re- 
 treat, 385 ; liis pluck and ability, 385 ; 
 gives reasons for Frencli iiumiliation, 
 380. 
 
 Changarnier, French general, consulted 
 by Napoleon at Metz in 1870, 315. 
 
 Chapelle, Count de la, his work on 
 Napoleon III., 342. 
 
 Charles, prince of Bavaria, commands 
 Bavarian army in 1806,249; indiffer- 
 ent to fate of Hanoverian?, 250 ; 
 his indecision and retreat, 251 ; de- 
 feated at Kissingen, 252 ; joined by 
 the 8th federal corps, 253 ; retreats 
 upon Wiirzburg, 254. 
 
 Charles Albert of Sardinia, abdicates, 
 5; and war of 1848, 100; and Mazzi- 
 ni, 104. 
 
 Christian VIII. of Denmark, 198. 
 
 Christian IX. of Denmark,, ratifies in- 
 corpor.ation of Schleswig with Den- 
 mark, 199 ; joins the army at Schles- 
 wig, 204 ; cedes Schleswig-Holsteiu to 
 Austria and Prussia, 210. 
 
 Cinliiini, Italian general, at battle of 
 Palestro, 128 ; defeats papal army at
 
 410 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Castelfidardo, 173 ; supersedes La 
 Miirmora iu command of the army, 
 2GG ; his bloodless march through Ve- 
 netia, 266. 
 
 Citate, battle of, 35. 
 
 Clam Gallas, Count, at battle of Magen- 
 ta, 131 ; commands 1st Austrian corps 
 in Bohemia, 2'27 ; defeated at Podol, 
 228 ; retreats from Miiucbengratz, 
 228 ; defeated at Gitschin, 229. 
 
 Clarendon, Lord, 46, 48. 
 
 Coulmiers, battle of, 376. 
 
 Coup d'etat, the, the 2d of December, 
 
 8 ; president's proclamation and the 
 arrests, 9 ; dispersion of the assembly, 
 
 9 ; how the coup d'etat was managed, 
 
 10 ; the events of the 3d, 11 ; the 4th 
 of December, 11 ; state of affairs on 
 the boulevard, 12 ; the massacre and 
 its influence, 12 ; conflict of testimo- 
 ny regarding the massacre, 12, 13 ; 
 the president's responsibihty, 13. 
 
 Crimean campaign, the, idea first 
 broached, 51 ; landing of the allies in 
 Crimea, 54 ; the battle of the Alma, 
 55-57 ; the allies continue their ad- 
 vance, 58 ; their flank march, 59 ; 
 Cannbert opposes the motion to at- 
 tack Sebastopol, CO ; failure of allied 
 bombardment, 69 ; siege of Sebasto- 
 pol begins, 70 ; battle of Balaclava, 
 71-74 ; battle of Inkermann, 75, 76 ; 
 the great hurricane, 78 ; terrible suf- 
 fering of the allies, 79 ; Sardinia joins 
 the alliance, 82 ; the June bombard- 
 ment and first assault, 84 ; capture of 
 the Mamelon by the French, 85 ; fail- 
 ure of the second assault, 8G ; battle of 
 the Tchernaya, 88 ; the French carry 
 the Malakoff, 89 ; evacuation and burn- 
 ing of Sebastopol, 90. 
 
 Custozza, battle of, 18C0, opening of 
 the battle on the Italian right, 2G2 ; 
 rout of the ItaUan left wing, 263 ; 
 General Pianelli checks the Austrian 
 pursuit, 263 ; the battle in the centre, 
 264 ; state of the contest at two 
 o'clock, 264 ; concentric attack by the 
 archduke upon Custozza, 264 ; retreat 
 of the Italians, 265. 
 
 Danish campaign, the, allied armies 
 enter Schleswig, 203 ; evacuation of 
 Dannewerk by the Danes, 205 ; Aus- 
 trian victory at Oeversee, 206 ; the 
 Danish position at Diippel and Fre- 
 dericia, 2*^6 ; destruction of the Dan- 
 ish army at DUppel, 209 ; evacuation of 
 Fredericia, 210 ; peace of Vienna, 210. 
 
 Dannenburg, Russian general, at battle 
 of Inkermann, 75, 76. 
 
 Dannewerk, the, 204 ; evacuated by 
 the Danes, 205. 
 
 Denmark, and Schleswig-Holstein ques- 
 tion, 197-199 , popular sentiment in, re- 
 specting Schleswig, 199 ; refuses Pni.s- 
 so-Austrian ultimatum, 201 ; relies for 
 aid upon England and Russia, 202-204 ; 
 
 popular reliance in the Dannewerk, 
 204 ; campaign against Austria and 
 Prussia, 204-210 ; treaty of Vienna, 
 210 ; cedes Schleswig-Holstein to Prus- 
 sia and Austria, 210. 
 
 Douay, French general, defeated near 
 Beaumont, 334 ; at battle of Sedan, 
 338, 339. 
 
 Douay, General Abel, killed at Weissen- 
 burg, 308. 
 
 Drouyn de Lhuys, M., French minister, 
 urges French intervention in war of 
 1866, 277 ; his views respecting Prus- 
 sia, 281 ; resigns his portfolio, 282. 
 
 Ducrot, French general, at battle of 
 Worth, 312 ; assumes command of the 
 French at Sedan, 336 ; his altercation 
 with Wimpffen at Sedan, 337 ; on the 
 National Guard, 360 ; on the Mobile 
 Guard, 360 ; defeated by Prussians at 
 Sceaux, 362 ; in command at battle of 
 Champigny, 393, 394. 
 
 Diippel, siege of, 206-209. 
 
 Durando, Italian general, at battle of 
 Palestro, 128 ; at Solfertno, 146 ; corps 
 commander in 1866, 259. 
 
 Eastern Question, 17 ; agitated by Napo- 
 leon, 17 ; attitude of Prussia on, 22 ; 
 attitude of Fi-ance, 22 ; attitude of 
 England, 23 ; treaty of Paris, 93 ; trea- 
 ty of Paris violated by Russia, 388, 
 389 ; still unsettled, 401. 
 
 England iu 1850, 6 ; suspicion of Russia, 
 22 ; her deep interest in the Eastern 
 Question, and the reason, 23 ; becomes 
 bound to maintain Turkey, 30 ; her 
 fleet enters the Sea of Marmora, 32 ; 
 shocked by Napoleon's coup d'etat, 
 43 ; enraged by Sinope massacre, 45 ; 
 signature of the French alliance, 48 ; 
 preparations for war, 49 ; embarkation 
 of troops, 49 : popularity of conquest 
 of Sebastopol in, 53 ; false announce- 
 ment of fall of Sebastopol, 69 ; hero- 
 ism of light brigade at IJalaclava, 74 ; 
 heroism of troops at Inkermann, 77 ; 
 Soult on the British infantry, 77 ; pop- 
 ular rage against government for con- 
 duct of campaign ; fall of Aberdeen 
 ministry, 79 ; popular exaltation of 
 French military system, 79 ; desires 
 continuation of Crimean war, 92 ; 
 and treaty of Paris, 94 ; losses in Cri- 
 mean war, 94 ; induces Austria to 
 adopt milder measures in Italy, 112 ; 
 and Orsini incident, 113; endeavors to 
 preserve peace in Europe, 118 ; re- 
 fuses to mediate in Italy, 1859. 152 ; 
 friendlj' to Italian unity, 162 ; express- 
 es satisfaction at invasion of papal 
 territory by Sardinia, 172 ; and Den- 
 mark, 202 ; abandons Denmark in 
 1864, 203 ; and conference of London, 
 210 ; disturbed bv Austria's defeat in 
 1866, 269 : and Black Sea clause, 389 ; 
 Bismarck's comment on, 391. 
 
 Erfurt parliament, the, instigated by
 
 INDEX. 
 
 411 
 
 Frederick William of Prussia, 180 ; 
 crushed by Schwarzenberg, 180. 
 
 Espinasse, French general, killed at Ma- 
 genta, 135. 
 
 Eugenie, Empress of the French, her 
 court and influence, 287 ; aspires to 
 see France the protector of the Ro- 
 man church, 292 ; her influence in the 
 government councils, 293 ; advocates 
 war with Prussia, 299 ; at St. Cloud, 
 1870, 350 ; returns to Tuileries on 
 news of military disasters, 352 ; con- 
 vokes the Chambers, 352 ; her anxious 
 life, 353; bewildered by news from 
 the front, 353 ; flies from the Tuile- 
 ries in disguise, 358 ; arrives in Eng- 
 land, 358. 
 
 Eupatoria, battle of, 82. 
 
 Failly, French general, commands 
 French at Mentaua, 291 ; his dispatch 
 on the battle, 291 ; corps commander 
 in 1870, 307 ; ordered to support Mac- 
 Mahon, 309 ; his tardy arrival at 
 Worth, 312 ; retreats from Bitsche, 
 314 ; his negligence at Beaumont, 333. 
 
 Falckenstein, German general, 222 ; oc- 
 cupies Hanover, 223 ; commands Prus- 
 sian forces in the west, 251 ; defeats 
 Bavarians at Kissingen, 252 ; defeats 
 8th federal corps, 252 ; enters Frank- 
 fort, 253 ; made military governor of 
 Bohemia, 253. 
 
 Fanti, Italian general, at battle of Pales- 
 tro, 128 ; occupies Perugia and Spoleto 
 in Papal States, 1860, 173. 
 
 Farini, Luigi Carlo," The Roman State," 
 99 ; Italian minister, 257. 
 
 Favre, Jules, in Corps L(5gislatif, Sept. 
 1870, 352 ; moves dethronement of 
 Napoleon, 354 ; becomes foreign min- 
 ister in the republican cabinet, 357; 
 first interview with Bismarck, 3G1 ; 
 arrested by the Communists in Paris, 
 392 ; arranges armistice with Bis- 
 marck, 398 ; National Guard retain 
 their arms at his request, 398. 
 
 Ferdinand II. of Naples, 110 ; his death, 
 157. 
 
 Flourena, Major, heads mob in Paris, 
 1870, 392. 
 
 Forbach, battle of, 313, 314. 
 
 Forey, French general, and the coiip 
 d'etat, 9 ; defeats Austrians at Monte- 
 bello, 126, 127 ; at battle of Solferino, 
 149. 
 
 France, revolutions of 1848 in Paris, 
 2 ; her conspicuous foreign policy, 7 ; 
 public opinion on Crimean campaign, 
 79 ; state of the press in, 80 ; moves 
 admission of Prussia to Paris Con- 
 gress, 93, note ; losses in Crimean war, 
 94 ; the Orsini incident, 113 ; better 
 feeling against England in, 113 ; signs 
 treaty of alliance with Sardinia, 117 ; 
 enthusiasm over the war, 120 ; impre- 
 pared for war, 123 ; Italian campaign 
 of 1859, 122-152 ; peace of Villafranca, 
 
 152 ; supports Saxony against Prussia, 
 271 ; prominent position in EurojH in 
 1867, 275 ; Koniggratz precipitates a 
 crisis, 277 ; Drouyn de Lhuys' concep- 
 tion of the crisis, 258 ; the French army 
 unable to meet the situation, 270 ; ef- 
 forts of the government to indemnify 
 France through diplomacy, 279 ; refu- 
 sal of their demands at Berlin, 280 ; 
 second proposition of the government 
 and its rejection, 283 ; desperation of 
 the Paris statesmen, 284 ; negotiations 
 concerning Luxemburg frustrated by 
 Prussia, 285 ; summary of French di- 
 plomacy for 18GG-67, 286 ; the decline 
 of the empire, 288 ; reorganization of 
 the army, 2SG ; evacuation of Rome, 
 291 ; return of French troops to Rome 
 and battle of Mentana, 291 ; incurs hos- 
 tility of Italy, 292 ; foreign policy in 
 1868-69, 292 ; election of 1869, 293 ; 
 proffer of alliance refused by Italy, 293 ; 
 progress of army reform, 293 ; bellicose 
 temper of the government in 1870, 294 ; 
 effect of Hohenzollern incident in, 295 ; 
 warlike spirit of the Chambers. 295; 
 tone of the press, 296 ; demands upon 
 Prussia refused, 296, 297 ; excitement 
 caused by Bismarck's dispatch, 298 ; 
 declaration of war against Prussia, 298 ; 
 wretched condition of the army at Metz, 
 302 ; Franco-German war, 301-398 ; 
 overthrow of the empire, 357 ; Bor- 
 deaux assembly, 398 ; peace of Frank- 
 fort, 400 ; her present attitude, 401. 
 
 Francis II. of Naples, spurns the Sar- 
 dinian alliance against Austria, 1859, 
 157 ; and revolution of 1860, 168 ; pro- 
 claims constitutional liberty as a last 
 resort, 168 ; his pitiful situation at 
 Naples, 169, 170 ; sails away in a Span- 
 ish ship, 170 ; joins his army at Gaeta, 
 172 ; capitulates at Gaeta, 175. 
 
 Francis Joseph, Austrian kaiser, rees- 
 tablishes Austrian prestige in Ger- 
 many, 4 ; visits Venice and Milan, 112 ; 
 his war manifesto, 120 ; takes com- 
 mand of the army in Italy, 142 ; directs 
 his troops at Solferino, 147 ; issues 
 orders for the retreat, 150 ; concludes 
 an armistice at Villafranca, 152 ; his 
 personal interview with Napoleon, 
 152 ; reasons which induced him to 
 make peace, 152 ; cedes Lombardy, 153 ; 
 refuses to acknowledge Prussia's claim 
 to the supreme command of the federal 
 army, 183; proclaims against Prussia 
 from Schonbrunn, 183, 184 ; confers 
 with the Prussian king at Gastein, 214 ; 
 learns a lesson from Koniggratz, 273 ; 
 determines to placate Hungary, 273 ; 
 crowned king of Hungary at Pest, 
 274. 
 
 Franco-German war. French declara- 
 tion of war, 304 ; perfect preparation 
 of Prussia for war, 305 ; position of 
 contending forces on Aug. 3, 307 ; 
 French defeat at Weisseuburg, 308;
 
 412 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 MacMahon confident on the Sauer, 310 ; 
 battle of Worth, 310-312; battle of 
 Forbach, 313, 314 ; consternation at 
 Metz, 315 ; Bazaine assumes command 
 of the French, 316 ; French retreat 
 upon Verdun begms, 320 ; battle of 
 Borny, 320 ; position of the armies on 
 Aug. 16, 322 ; battle of Vionville, 323 ; 
 battle of Gravelotte, 325-327 ; forma- 
 tion of German army of the Meuse, 
 328 ; siege of Metz begins, 328 ; disor- 
 ganization of French army at Chalons, 
 •329 ; MacMahon marches upon Metz, 
 331 ; desperation of the French minis- 
 try, 332 ; battle of Beaumont, 333 ; ter- 
 rible condition of MacMahon's army, 
 331 ; the French retreat upon Sedan, 
 335 ; battle of Sedan, 336-340 ; Napo- 
 leon surrenders, 340 ; capitidation of 
 Sedan, 348 ; fall of the empire, 354- 
 357 ; investment of Paris, 362 ; bom- 
 bardment and capitidation of Stras- 
 burg, 370-371 ; capitulation of Metz, 
 372 ; French army of the Loire, 375 ; 
 battle of Coulmiers,376 ; defeat of army 
 of the Loire at Beaune, and Loigny, 378, 
 379 ; destruction of army of the Loire 
 before Orleans, 380 ; the first aud sec- 
 ond armies of the Loire, 381 ; battle 
 of Josnes, 381, 382 ; defeat of Chauzy's 
 army at Le Mans, 384 ; defeat of 
 French army in the north, 3SG ; first 
 army of the Loire driven into Switzer- 
 land, 387 ; battles of Champiijiiy be- 
 fore Paris, 394 ; bombardm3nt of Paris, 
 395-397 ; battle of Buzanval, 397 ; ca- 
 pitulation of Paris, 398 ; German troops 
 enter Paris, 399 ; treaty of Frankfort, 
 400. 
 
 Frankfort Assembly, 3 ; befriended by 
 Frederick William of Prussia, 179 ; its 
 oiter of the German crown rejected 
 by Frederick Wdliam, ISO. 
 
 Frankfort Diet, 2 ; composition and 
 character of, 178 ; system of voting, 
 179; understanding between Prus.sia 
 and Austria in, 179 ; overtlirown in 
 1849, 179 ; restoration of, 181 ; Aus- 
 trian ascendancy in, 181 ; Bismarck's 
 estimate of, 189 ; decrees military exe- 
 cution in Holstein, 199 ; refuses Aus- 
 tro-Prussian demand regarding Dan- 
 ish constitution, 201 ; listens to Prus- 
 sia and Austria on Schleswig-Holstein, 
 220 ; mobilization of federal array 
 against Prussia moved by Austria, 
 221 ; Austria's motion carried, 222 ; 
 the Prussian envoy pronounces con- 
 federation dissolved, 222 ; driven from 
 Frankfort, 253 ; dissolved by treaty of 
 Prague, 269. 
 
 Frankfort, treaty of, 400. 
 
 Frauzecky, General, at battle of Konig- 
 griitz, 239, 240; wins battle of Blu- 
 menau, 248. 
 
 Frederick VII. of Denmark, promulgates 
 constitution incorporating Schleswig 
 in Denmark, 198, 199 ; his death, 199. 
 
 Frederick Charles, Prince, with Prussian 
 army in Denmark, 201 ; commands 
 Prussians before Diippel, 207 ; com- 
 mands Prussian troops at Gorlitz, 222 ; 
 crosses Saxon frontier and occupies 
 Dresden, 223 ; commands first Prus- 
 sian army, 225 ; crosses Austrian fron- 
 tier, 226 ; defeats Austrians at Podol 
 and Miiuchengratz, 227, 228 ; defeat: 
 Austrians at Gitschin, 229 ; decides to 
 move upon the Bistritz, 238 ; open.'- 
 the battle of Kduiggratz, 239 ; com- 
 mands second German army in 1870, 
 306 ; threatens Metz from the south, 
 318 ; marches from Metz upon the 
 Loire, 373 ; on the Loire, 377 ; advance 
 upon Orleans, 379 ; enters Orleans, 
 380 ; follows Chanzy to Le Mans, 383 ; 
 routs Clianzy before Le Mans, 385 ; 
 hampered by bad roads and short days, 
 385. 
 
 Frederick William IV. of Prussia, friend- 
 ly toward Frankfort assembly, 179 ; 
 refuses German crown, ISO ; and Er- 
 furt parliament, 180 ; falls iU in 1857, 
 183 ; his death, 184. 
 
 Frederick William, crown prince of 
 Prussia, commands second Prussian 
 army in 1866, 225; crosses Austrian 
 frontier, 230 ; at battle of Nachod, 
 231 ; his march to Koniggratz, 242 ; di- 
 rects the guards upon Chlumand wins 
 the day, 243 ; commands third Ger- 
 man army in 1870, 306 ; his popularity, 
 306, 307 ; crosses the Lauter, 310 ; at 
 battle of Worth, 310-313 ; marches 
 upon Nancy, 318 ; at Sedan, 340 ; trans- 
 fers headquarters to Versailles, 363. 
 
 Frossard, French general, at Saarbriick, 
 303 ; defeated at Forbach, 313, 314 ; at 
 battle of V^ionville, 323; at battle of 
 Gravelotte, 326, 327. 
 
 Gablenz, Austrian general, commands 
 Austrian troops in Denmark, 201 ; ap- 
 pointed governor of Holstein, 214 ; 
 favors Augustenburg, prince in Hol- 
 stein, 217 ; summons Holstein assem- 
 bly, 221 ; evacuates Holstein upon 
 approach of the Prussians, 221 ; de- 
 feats Prussians at Trautenau, 232 ; is 
 worsted by Prussian Guard at Soor, 
 233 ; conveys proposal for an armis- 
 tice to Prussian headquarters, 246. 
 
 Gambetta, M., in Corps Lf^gislatif, Sept. 
 1870, 356 ; minister of the interior in 
 republican cabinet, 357 ; directs gov- 
 ernment of national defense at Tours, 
 373 ; enthusiastic over battle of Coul- 
 miers, 376 ; his conflict with General 
 d'Aurelle, 377 ; deceived by Trochu's 
 messages urges the offensive, 378 ; irri- 
 tates D'Aurelle, 380 ; appoints Bour- 
 baki to succeed D'Aurelle, 381 ; ap- 
 points Chanzy to command in the 
 west, 381 ; complicates the military 
 situation, 3S3 ; orders Bourbaki to re- 
 lieve Belfort, 383.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 413 
 
 Garibaldi, General Giuseppi, 142 ; in 
 first Italian parliament, 1G3 ; hatred 
 for Cavour after cession of Nice and 
 Savoy, 1G3 ; raises volunteers to aid 
 revolutionists in Sicily, 1G4; lauds in 
 Sicily and defeats royal troops, 164 ; 
 captures Palermo, 165 ; wins a vic- 
 tory at Milazzo, 165 ; extraordinary 
 character of his achievements, 165 ; 
 has but a contemptible foe to deal 
 with, 166 ; refuses La Farina's request 
 to annex Sicily to Italy, 167 ; his letter 
 to Victor Emmanuel, 168 ; crosses to 
 the mainland, 168 ; marches upon Nar 
 pies, 169; enters Naples in triumph, 
 170 ; meets Victor Emmanuel at Tea- 
 no, 173 ; the sublime act of liis life, 
 174 ; attacks Cavour in parliament, 
 175 ; comparison of, with Cavour, 176 ; 
 his revolution of 1862, 257 ; wounded 
 and captured at Aspromonte, 257 ; 
 heads a new attack upon Rome, 291 ; 
 defeated by the French at Mentana, 
 291 ; in Franco-Prussian campaign, 
 1870, 386. 
 
 George, king of Hanover, abandons his 
 capital to the Prussians, 223 ; attempts 
 to secure free passage to Italy for his 
 army, 250 ; capitulation and exile of, 
 250. 
 
 Gerlach, General, commands Danish 
 army at Diippel, 207, 209. 
 
 Germany, in 1850, 3; composition of 
 the German confederation, 178; char- 
 acteristics of the Frankfort Diet, 179 ; 
 Austria and Prussia in tlie Diet, 179 ; 
 overthrow of the Diet in 1849, 179 ; 
 the Erfurt parliament crushed by 
 Schwarzenberg, 180 ; the revolt in 
 Hesse, 180 ; humiliation of Prussia by 
 Austria at Olmiitz, 180; restoration of 
 the Frankfort Diet with Austria in 
 control, 182 ; Austria dominant in 
 Germany in 1854, 182 ; change in Prus- 
 sian policy under the regency, 183 ; 
 Prussia and Austria on an equal foot- 
 ing in 1860, 184 ; Austro-Prussian 
 campaign against Denmark, 203-209 ; 
 treaty of Vienna, 210 ; Gastein con- 
 vention, 214 ; Schleswig-Holstein ques- 
 tion settled, 221. 
 
 Germany, Seven Weeks' war, 223-255 ; 
 peace of Nikolsburg, 248 ; treaty of 
 Prague, 269 ; four results of the Seven 
 Weeks' war, 269 ; Hanover, Hesse- 
 Cassel, and Nassau incorporated with 
 Prussia, 270 ; Saxony forced to join 
 the northern confederation, 271 ; Bi.s- 
 marck as chancellor, 271 ; military alli- 
 ance between North and South Ger- 
 many, 272 ; the HohenzoUerns and the 
 Spanish throne, 295-298 ; Franco-Ger- 
 man war, 301-398 ; William I. of Prii.s- 
 sia hailed .emperor at Versailles, 397. 
 
 Germanic Diet at Frankfort. See Frank- 
 fort Diet. 
 
 Gitschin, battle of, 229. 
 
 Giurgevo, battle of, 40. 
 
 Gladstone, Wm. E., and Kutchuk-Kai- 
 nardji treaty, 26 ; translation of Far- 
 ini's " Roman State," 99. 
 
 Goeben, German general, 254 ; at battle 
 of Forbach, 314. 
 
 Gortschakoff, Prince Mikhail, com- 
 mands Russians in Molda\ia, 33 ; 
 hampered by the Czar, 34 ; evacuates 
 Bucharest, 40 ; sends Todleben to 
 Sebastopol, 61 ; takes command of 
 Russian army in Crimea, 82 ; opposed 
 to a sortie, 88 ; defeated at tlie Tcher- 
 naya, 88 ; to his soldiers on abandon- 
 ment of Sebastopol, 91. 
 
 Gortschakoff, Prince Alexander, Russian 
 chancellor, 191 ; friendship for Bis- 
 marck, 191 ; gratitude to Prussia for 
 Pohsh policy, 197 ; supports Prussia 
 against England in Danish contro- 
 versy, 202 ; abrogates Black Sea clause 
 of Paris treaty, 388 ; and London con- 
 ference, 1871, 389. 
 
 Gortschakoff, Prince Peter, at battle of 
 the Alma, 57 ; at Inkermann, 75 ; 
 criticised by Todleben for his inac- 
 tion, 76. 
 
 Govone, Italian general, arranges Prusso- 
 Italian alliance, 259 ; at battle of Cus- 
 tozza, 264. 
 
 Gramont, Due de, declares that Prussia 
 has imperiled interests of France, 295 ; 
 declares that Prussia has insulted 
 France, 298 ; his narrative of final war 
 council at St. Cloud, 299 ; deprecates 
 Russia's policy, 301. 
 
 Granville, Lord, and Black Sea clause in 
 1870, 389. 
 
 Gravelotte, battle of, 325-327. 
 
 Greek Church, conflict with Latin 
 church with regard to Holy Places, 
 18 ; French ambassador scores a suc- 
 cess for the Latins, 19 ; rage of Czar 
 in consequence, 19 ; MenschikofE's de- 
 mands at Constantinople, reparation 
 for the Greeks, 20 ; settlement of the 
 dispute, 20. 
 
 Guizot, M. de, his estimate of Cavour 
 and Napoleon, 117. 
 
 Gyulai, Count, commands Austrian army 
 in Italy, 1859, 125 ; his career, 125 ; 
 his timidity, 125 ; misinterprets 
 French plans, 128 ; finds his right 
 threatened and hurries troops north- 
 ward, 129 ; is attacked on the Naviglio 
 Grande, 131 ; his conduct at Magenta, 
 130 ; determines to retreat upon 
 Verona, 141 ; urges the Kaiser to 
 occupy the heights of Solferino, 142 ; 
 is relieved of the command, 142. 
 
 Hanover, invaded by Prussian troops, 
 223 ; battle of Langensnlza, 250 ; ca- 
 pitulation of the army, 250 ; annexed to 
 Prussia, 270. 
 
 HesKp-Cassel, revolt against Hassenpflug 
 in, 180; Prussian and Austrian troops 
 enter, 181 ; Hassenpflug restored by 
 Austria, 181 ; invaded by Prussian
 
 414 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 troops, 1866, 223 ; annexed to Prussia, 
 270. 
 
 Hilliers, French marshal, corps com- 
 mander in Italy, 123 ; marches upon 
 Melegnano, 139 ; defeats the Austrians 
 there, 146 ; at battle of Solferiuo, 116, 
 148, 149. 
 
 Holy Places of Jerusalem, the, 17, 18. 
 
 Hugo, M. Victor, his " Histoire d'un 
 Crime," 12 ; assertions respecting cow^j 
 cfetat, 13. 
 
 Hungary, revolution of 1848 suppressed, 
 4 ; granted a parliament by the Kaiser, 
 273 ; elects the Kaiser king of Hun- 
 gary, 273 ; becomes loyal to the Aus- 
 trian crown, 274. 
 
 Inkermann. battle of, 75, 76 ; comments 
 upon, 76, 77 ; called " soldiers' battle " 
 in England, 77. 
 
 Italian campaign of 1859, romantic char- 
 acter of tlieatre of war, 1 22 ; unpre- 
 paredness of French army, 123 ; its 
 order of battle, 123 ; arrival of em- 
 peror at Genoa, 124 ; the Austrian 
 general and his career, 125 ; his timid 
 tactics, 125; combat at Montebello, 
 126 ; Napoleon plans a flank march, 
 127; battle of Palestro, 128; Napo- 
 leon's orders for June 3, 129 ; position 
 of the armies at noon on the 4th, 130 ; 
 battle of Magenta, 130-136 ; entry of 
 the French into Milan, 138 ; fight at 
 Melegnano, 140 ; Gyulai retreats upon 
 Verona, 141 ; Napoleon advances from 
 Milan, 141 ; Austrian army harassed 
 by conflicting orders, 143 ; it occupies 
 the heights of Solferino June 23, 143 ; 
 advance of the French army June 
 24, 145; battle of Solferiuo, 145- 
 151 ; French advance renewed July 1, 
 151 ; armistice and conference at Vil- 
 lafranca, 152 ; why the monarchs made 
 peace, 152-154. 
 
 Italy, map of, in 1850, 9C ; political con- 
 dition of, in 1850, 97-99 ; secret socie- 
 ties in, 100 ; Napoleon's solicitude for, 
 108 ; and congress of Paris, 109 ; Aus- 
 tria's baneful influence, 110; enthusi- 
 asm over the Sardo-Austrian war, 119; 
 campaign of 1859, 122-152 ; disappoint- 
 ment at termination of war, 153 ; cen- 
 tral Italy votes for annexation to Sar- 
 dinia, 102 ; first Italian parliament, 
 163 ; revolution in the Two Sicilies, 
 164 ; Garibaldi enters Naples, 170 ; 
 Sardinian troops enter Papal States, 
 172 ; annexes Two Sicilies, 174 ; death 
 of Cavour, 176 ; concludes treaty of 
 alliance with Prussia, 219 ; activity of 
 the Roman question, 257 ; Garibaldi's 
 revolution, 257 ; ministries of Rica- 
 soli, Ratazzi, Farini, and Mingbetti, 
 258 ; understanding with France on 
 the Roman question, 258 ; transfer of 
 the capital from Turin to Florence, 
 
 258 ; declaration of war upon Austria, 
 
 259 ; battle of Custozza, 262-265; bat- 
 
 tle of Lissa, 266 ; commended by Bis- 
 marck for her honorable course, 268 ; 
 annexation of Venetia, 274 ; Roman 
 question still active in 1866, 275 ; 
 withdrawal of French troops from 
 Rome, 291 ; Garibaldi's revolution and 
 return of the French, 291 ; battle of 
 Mentana, 291 ; results of Mentana fa- 
 tal to France in Italy, 292 ; refuses to 
 enter Austro-French alliance, 293 ; re- 
 fuses to assist France in 1870 unless 
 Rome is abandoned, 301 ; occupies 
 Rome, 389. 
 Italian campaign of 1866, declaration of 
 war upon Austria, 259; condition of 
 the opposing armies, 259, 260 ; Ger- 
 man plan of campaign rejected at 
 Florence, 260 ; Italian army crosses 
 the Mincio, 260; battle of Custozza, 
 262-265 ; Italian army recrosses the 
 Mincio, 265 ; advance of the Italian 
 army under Cialdiui, 266 ; battle of 
 Lissa, 266. 
 
 Josnes, battles of, 381, 382. 
 
 Kamecke, German general, daring con- 
 duct at Forbach, 313, 314, 318. 
 
 Karolyi, Count, Austrian ambassador at 
 Berlin, 195 ; correspondence with Bis- 
 marck, 196; and Nikolsburg peace 
 preliminaries, 248. 
 
 Kinglake, Alex. William, on General 
 Bosquet, 56 ; on Louis Napoleon and 
 Canrobert, 83 ; on Marshal P(51issier, 
 84. 
 
 Kissingen, battle of, 252. 
 
 Koniggratz, battle of, arrival of the 
 king of Prussia at Dub, 239 ; opening 
 of the battle, 239 ; Prussians cross 
 the Bistritz, 240 ; state of the battle 
 at noon, 240 ; critical position of the 
 Prussian left, 241 ; anxiety of the 
 Prussian stall', 241 ; approach of the 
 crown prince to tlie field, 242 ; he 
 threatens the Austrian right, 242; 
 confused state of that wing and causes 
 therefor, 242 ; capture of Clilum by 
 the Prussians, 243 ; Benedek's efforts 
 to retake Chlum, 244 ; total defeat of 
 the Austrian array, 245 ; heroism of 
 the Austrian artillery, 246. 
 
 Komiloff, admiral, commands Russian 
 fleet at Sebastopol, 62 ; sinks ships at 
 Menschikoff's order, 62 ; protests 
 against withdrawal of the army, 63 ; 
 is hopeless of defending Sebastopol, 
 64 ; assumes command of Sebastopol 
 garrison, 64 : his admiration for Tod- 
 leben, 64 ; his patriotism and piety, 
 64 ; his anxiety as betrayed in his 
 diary, 65 ; induces Menschikoff to re- 
 inforce garrison, 66 ; his conduct un- 
 der fire, 66 ; his death, 67 ; his mem- 
 ory cheri.shed in Russia, 67. 
 
 Kutchuk-Kainardji, treaty of, 21, 26. 
 
 Ladmirault, French general, at battle ot
 
 INDEX. 
 
 415 
 
 Meleguano, 140 ; at Solf erino, 149 ; 
 corps commander in 1870, 307. 
 
 La Marmora, general, commands Sardin- 
 ian army in Crimea, 82 ; reorganizes 
 army, 102 ; departs for tlie Crimea, 
 107 ; defeats Garibaldi at Aspromonte, 
 257 ; forms a new cabinet, 258 ; takes 
 command of Italian army, 1866, 259 ; 
 his careless movements, 2G1 ; strange 
 conduct at battle of Custozza, 264 ; 
 superseded by Cialdini, 266. 
 
 Lamoriciere, papal general, defeated by 
 Sardinians at Castelfidardo, 173. 
 
 Langensalza, battle of, 250. 
 
 Latin Church, the, conflict with Greek 
 Church in regard to holy places, 18 ; 
 French ambassador scores a success 
 for the Latins, 19 ; rage of the Czar 
 in consequence, 19 ; Menschikoff de- 
 mands at Constantinople reparation 
 for the Greeks, 20 ; settlement of the 
 dispute, 20. 
 
 Leboeuf, Marshal, his declaration to Na- 
 poleon concerning the army, 299 ; in- 
 sists upon war with Prussia, 299 ; 
 falseness of his military representa- 
 tions, 302 ; falls into disfavor with the 
 emperor, 315 ; corps commander at 
 Gravelotte, 325-327; at battle of 
 Noisseville, 372. 
 
 Lebrun, French general, at Sedan, 337. 
 
 Le Mans, battles of, 384. 
 
 Light Brigade, English, at Balaclava, 
 73. 
 
 Liprandi, Russian general, at battle of 
 Balaclava, 71. 
 
 Loigny, battle of, 379. 
 
 Lombardo-Veuetian provinces, condi- 
 tion in 1850, 98 ; Lombardy ceded to 
 Sardinia, 153-159 ; grief in Venice over 
 peace of Villafranca, 157 ; cession of 
 Venice to Italy, 269 ; Victor Emman- 
 uel enters Venice, 274. 
 
 Louis N.ipoleon, Prince, elected presi- 
 dent of the French republic ; his early 
 political career, 2 ; oath before the 
 Assembly, 7 ; speech at Dijon, 8 ; 
 proclamation on the coup (Vetnt, 9 ; 
 proclamation to the army, 11 ; respon- 
 sibility for the boulevard mas.sacre, 
 13 ; his course ratified by popular 
 vote, 14 ; becomes Emperor of the 
 French, 15 ; imenviable standing in 
 Europe ; agitates Eastern Question, 
 17 ; sends fleet to Constantinople, 32 ; 
 advocates to England preserving the 
 integrity of Turkey, 42 ; allied fleets 
 enter Black Sea at his solicitation, 
 46 ; letter to the Czar, 46 ; sends ulti- 
 matum to St. Petersburg, 48 ; appoints 
 St. Arnaud to command in the East, 
 49 ; Kinglake's estimate of his influ- 
 ence on Crimean campaign, 83, 84 ; 
 desires jjeace, 92 ; the peace of Paris, 
 93 ; his military prestige in Europe, 
 94 ; receives Victor Emmanuel, 108 ; 
 his .solicitude for Italy, 108 ; Cavour's 
 letter to, 109 ; is approached by Ca- 
 
 vour, 113 ; and Orsini incident, 114, 
 115; is appeased by Cavour, 114; a 
 memberof the Carbonari, 115; jealous 
 of Austria, 115 ; meets Cavour at 
 Plombieres, 115 ; threatens Austria at 
 the TuUeries, 116 ; half repents his 
 course, 117 ; is impelled toward war 
 by Cavour, 117 ; his war manifesto, 
 119 ; at the zenith of his popularity, 
 120 ; joins army at Genoa, 124 ; his 
 reception there, 124, 125 ; visits bat- 
 tlefield of Montebello, 127 ; his flank 
 march, 128 ; fights battle of Magenta, 
 131-134; his conduct there, 136; en- 
 ters Milan, 138 ; his reception tliere, 
 139 ; decides to follow the railway, 
 141 ; his uneasiness over the course of 
 the Sardinians, 141 ; advances in line 
 of battle, 142 ; aroused at Monte- 
 chiaro by messengers from the front, 
 146 ; arrives on battlefield of Solf eri- 
 no, 146 ; interviews MacMa'ion, 147; 
 determines to carry Solferino, 148 ; 
 engages the Guards, 149 ; occupies 
 Cavriana, 150 ; solicits England's me- 
 diation, 152 ; his overtures rejected 
 by Palmerston, 152 ; concludes an 
 armistice, 152 ; his personal interview 
 with the Kaiser at Villafranca, 152; 
 returns to Paris, 153 ; reasons which 
 induced him to make peace, 153, 154; 
 and deputation from Bologna, 159 ; 
 his equivocal position regarding Italy 
 after the war, 160 ; is tricked by Ca- 
 vour with a plt^biscite, 162 ; demands 
 Nice and Savoy of Sardinia, 163 ; se- 
 cret understanding with Cavour re- 
 garding the Two Sicilies, 172 ; first 
 conferences with Bismarck, 191 ; an- 
 tagonizes Russia by Polish policy, 
 197 ; interviews with Bismarck at Bi- 
 arritz, 215 ; his estimate of Bismarck 
 and the German crisis, 215, 216 ; his 
 ideas on the military status of Europe, 
 216 ; desires Austria's expulsion from 
 Italy, 258 ; comes to an agreement 
 with Italy respecting Rome, 258 ; 
 tries to induce Austria to cede Vene- 
 tia to Italy, 259 ; his air castles dissi- 
 pated by Koniggratz, 27G ; confronts 
 the crisis of his reign, 277 ; rejects ad- 
 vice for military interference, 278 ; 
 adopts an extraordinary substitute, 
 279 ; seeks an understanding with 
 Prussia, 279 ; his first project refused 
 at Berlin, 280 ; his propositions re- 
 specting Belgium and Luxemburg also 
 refused, 283; secret negotiations with 
 Holland for purchase of Luxemburg, 
 284 ; is foiled by Prussia, 285 ; demands 
 witlidrawal of Prussian troops from 
 Luxemburg, 285 ; his claim enforced 
 by a conference of the Powers, 286 ; 
 summary of liis diplom.acy in 1866- 
 67, 286 ; confides to Marshal Niel re- 
 organization of the army, 286 ; his 
 waning power, 288 ; falls under the 
 influence of the empress, 292 ; dreads
 
 416 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 war and revolution, 293 ; fails in ar- 
 ranging alliance with Italy and Aus- 
 tria, 293 ; proclaims his military pre- 
 paredness to tlie Chambers, 294 ; 
 agrees to war with Prussia against his 
 will, 299 ; and Marshal Leboeul's re- 
 port, 299 ; his illusions dispelled, 301 ; 
 finds his empire isolated in Europe, 
 301 ; joins the army at Metz, 302 ; 
 becomes conscious of his unprepared- 
 ness for war, 302 ; hopelessness of 
 his dilemma, 302 ; at Saarbriick, 303 ; 
 despondent over battles of Worth 
 and Forbach, 315 ; seeks new ad- 
 visers, 315 ; resigns command of the 
 army to Bazaine, 316 ; interferes with 
 Bazaiue's first plan, 317 ; visited by 
 Bazaine at midnight, 321 ; his quar- 
 ters shelled, 321 ; flies with Prince 
 Louis to Gravelotte, 322 ; his fare- 
 well to Bazaine, 322 ; at ChSlons, 330 ; 
 harassed by telegrams from Paris, 
 331 ; urges MacMahon to retreat, 332 ; 
 meets MacMahon at Mouzon, 334 ; en- 
 ters Sedan on foot, 335 ; at battle of 
 Sedan, 338 ; orders the white flag dis- 
 played, 339 ; his surrender to the 
 Prussian king, 340 ; conference with 
 Bismarck by the roadside, 346 ; inter- 
 cedes with Moltke, 347 ; conducted 
 by Bismarck to Bellevue, 348 ; meets 
 king of Prussia, 348 ; his adieu to 
 France, 349 ; his telegram to the em- 
 press after Worth, 352 ; his telegram 
 after Sedan, 354 ; attacked in the 
 Corps L6gislatif , 354 ; overthrow of 
 his government in Paris, 357. 
 
 Louis Philippe of France, overthrow of 
 his government, 2. 
 
 Lucan, Lord, at Balaclava, 72-74. 
 
 MacMahon, Marshal, captures tlie Mala- 
 kolf , 89 ; corps commander in Italy, 
 123 ; defeats Austrians near Turbipo, 
 129 ; wins the battle of Magenta, 134, 
 135 ; made duke of Magenta, 138 ; en- 
 ters Milan, 138 ; marches upon Me- 
 legnano, 138 ; at battle of Solferino, 
 145, 150 ; corps commander in 1870, 
 307 ; joins his corps on the Sauer, 309 ; 
 confident of victory, 310 ; at battle of 
 Worth, 311 ; his desperate and imsuc- 
 cessful tactics, 312 ; at CliSlons. 329 ; 
 advocates retreat upon Paris, 330 ; is 
 induced to march upon Metz, 331 ; his 
 fatal vacillation, 332 ; demoralization 
 of his army, 333 ; meets Napoleon at 
 Mouzon, 334 ; retreats upon Sedan, 
 335 ; his position at Sedan, 336 ; is 
 wounded, 336 ; and General de Wimpf- 
 fen, 337. 
 
 Magenta, battle of, the French Guard 
 on the Naviglio Grande, 131 ; anxiety 
 of the emperor, 132 ; critical condi- 
 tion of the Guard, 132; arrival of 
 Caurobert and Niel, 133; MacMahon 
 carries Magenta, 135 ; ileath of Espi- 
 nasse, 135 ; resume of the battle, 136. 
 
 Malmesbury, Lord, " Memoirs of an Ex- 
 Minister," 115, 299. 
 
 Manteuttel, German general, at Paris 
 Congress, 93 ; appointed Prussian gov- 
 ernor of Schleswig, 214 ; marches into 
 Holsteiu, 221 ; occupies Hanover, 223 ; 
 commands army of the Main, 1866, 
 253 ; defeats federal troops on the 
 Tauber, 254 ; bombards Wiirzburg, 
 marches westward after fall of Metz, 
 1870, 373; in the north of France, 
 377 ; marches upon Belfort, 386. 
 
 Mauteuffel, Prussian minister, at Ol- 
 mutz, 181 ; and Bismarck, 189. 
 
 Maupas, M. de, appointed prefect of po- 
 lice in Paris, 8 ; and coup d'etal, 10. 
 
 Maximilian, Prince, appointed viceroy 
 of Lombardo-Venetia, 112. 
 
 Alazzini, Joseph, founds Young Italy, 
 100 ; and Milan revolt, 104 ; attacks 
 Charles Albert of Sarduiia, 104 ; 
 schemes for a Neapolitan republic, 
 171. 
 
 Mecklenburg - Schwerin, grand duke of, 
 in German campaign, 1866, 253, 254 ; 
 commands forces south of Paris, 374, 
 376, 377 ; defeats Chanzy at Loigny, 
 advances upon Orleans, 379 ; attacks 
 Chanzy at Josnes, 381 ; compels his 
 retreat, 382 ; withdraws to Chartres, 
 383 ; advances upon Le Mans, 384. 
 
 Meleguano, battle of, 140. 
 
 Menschikoff, Prince, sent to Constanti- 
 nople by Czar, 20 ; character of liis 
 mission, 21 ; his rough and threaten- 
 ing tactics, 21 ; is opposed by Lord 
 Stratford, 21 ; his ultimatum and de- 
 parture from Constantinople, 29 ; 
 commands Russian army in Crimea, 
 55 ; occupies heights of the Alma, 55 ; 
 at battle of the Alma, 56, 57 ; criti- 
 cised by St. Arnaud, 57 ; his rear 
 guard surprised at Mackenzie's farm, 
 58 ; his obtuseness, 59 ; slow to believe 
 aUies would invade Crimea, 61 ; or- 
 ders sinking of ships at Sebastopol, 
 62 ; withdraws army from Sebastopol, 
 63 ; returns to Sebastopol, 65 ; in- 
 duced by Korniloff to reinforce the 
 garrison, 66 ; disappointed over battle 
 of Inkermann, 77 ; relieved of com- 
 mand in Crimea, 82. 
 
 Mensdorff, Count, liis damaging negoti- 
 ation witli Prussia, 212 ; on adminis- 
 tration of affairs in Holstein. 218; 
 protests against Prussian military 
 movements in Silesia, 219. 
 
 Mentana, battle of, 291. 
 
 Merimre, Prosper, 70 ; at Biarritz, 215; 
 his opinion of Bismarck, 215. 
 
 Metternich, Prince, Austrian ambassa- 
 dor at Paris, assists in the escape of 
 Eugenie, 358. 
 
 Metternich, Prince, Austrian chancellor, 
 calls Itsly a geographical expression, 
 90; on Cavour, 111. 
 
 Metz, siege of, 1870, lethargy of the gar- 
 rison, 371 ; battle of NoisseviUe, 372 ;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 417 
 
 capitulation, 372 ; charges against Ba- 
 zaiue for his conduct at, 372, 373 ; ca- 
 pitulation seals fate of campaign, 373 ; 
 ceded to Geimany, -100. 
 
 Meza, Danish general, commands Dan- 
 ish army in Schleswig, 204 ; evacuates 
 the Daimewerk, 205 ; removed from 
 the command, 207. 
 
 Modena, grand duchy of, 98 ; revolu- 
 tion of 1859, 157 ; offers allegiance to 
 Victor Emmanuel, 158 ; treaty of Zu- 
 rich and, 15'J ; votes for annexation to 
 Sardinia, 102. 
 
 Moltke, General Von, appointed to re- 
 organize Prussian army, 193 ; at bat- 
 tle of Kiiniggratz, 241 ; at the head of 
 German armies, 1870, 306 ; perfect 
 system at liis headquarters, 318 ; hia 
 designs against Metz, 318 ; his plans 
 at Gravelotte, 325 ; follows the third 
 army westward, 328 ; amazed at Mac- 
 Mahon's tactics, 332 ; moves to check- 
 mate him, 332 ; joins Bismarck at 
 Donchery after Sedan, 340 ; his dis- 
 cussion with Wimpffen at Doncliery, 
 343-345 ; meets Napoleon, 347 ; anx- 
 ious to reduce Strasburg, 309 ; en- 
 deavors to prevent formation of new 
 French armies, 374 ; defeats French 
 15th corps near Orleans, 374 ; under- 
 rates power of republican France, 
 375 ; calls a halt on the Loire, 383 ; 
 determines to annihilate Chanzy, 384. 
 
 Montebello, battle of, 126, 127. 
 
 Morny, M. de, and the coup d'elai, 10. 
 
 Motterouge, French general, at battle of 
 Magenta, 134. 
 
 Nachimoff, Russian admiral, in com- 
 mand at Sinope, 63 ; at Sebastopol, 
 63 ; his death, 87. 
 
 Napier, Sir Charles, 49. 
 
 Napoleon, Prince, in the Crimea, 54 ; 
 marries Princess Clotilde of Sardinia, 
 117 ; corps commander in Italy, 123 ; 
 at ChSlons council of war, 330 ; urges 
 an alliance with Italy, 330 ; leaves for 
 Florence to arrange alliance, 330. 
 
 Napoleon III. See Louis Napoleon. 
 
 Nesselrode, Count, Russian chancellor, 
 19 ; to Baron Brunnow, 19 ; his reply 
 to Anglo-French ultimatum, 48. 
 
 Newcastle, Duke of, 51. 
 
 Nicholas I., sends troops into Hungary, 
 4 ; protector of the Greek Church, 18 ; 
 enraged at concessions to Latin 
 Church, 19 ; dissatisfied with repa- 
 ration made by Turkey, 21 ; deter- 
 mination to cripple Turkey, 21 ; sends 
 Menschikoff to Constantinople, 21 ; 
 is distrusted in England, 23 ; visits 
 London in 1844, and interviews minis- 
 ters regarding Turkey, 23 ; his memo- 
 randum and its reception by English 
 government, 24; "sick man" inter- 
 views with Seymour, 25 ; basis of claim 
 to protectorate on Turkey, 20 ; is 
 misled by Russell's letter, 27 ; orders 
 
 troops into Danubiau Principalities, 
 30 ; accepts Vienna note, 31 ; rejects 
 it in altered form, 31 ; at war with 
 Turkey, 32 ; determines to act on de- 
 fensive, 34 ; summons Paskevich to 
 coumiaud,3(j; grief over military mis- 
 fortune and Austria's ingratitude, 39 ; 
 his cause hopeless, 41 ; unjustly cen- 
 sured for action at Sinope, 45 ; galled 
 by passage of allied fleets into Black 
 Sea, 46 ; recalls legations from Paris 
 and London, 46 ; replies to Napoleon's 
 letter, 47 ; reception of the allied ulti- 
 matum, 48 ; his death, 81. 
 
 Niel, French general, corps commander 
 in Italy, 123; at battle of Magenta, 
 133 ; his able conduct at Solferino, 
 147, 148-150 ; appointed to reorganize 
 the army, 286. 
 
 Nightingale, Miss Florence, her hospital 
 work in the East, 79. 
 
 Nigra, Italian ambassador at Paris, as- 
 sists in the escape of Eugenie, 358. 
 
 Nolan, Captain, carries order to light 
 brigade at Balaclava, 72: his death, 
 73. 
 
 OUivier, M. Emile, bellicose speech in 
 Corps Legislatif, 298 ; besieged by a 
 mob, 351 ; fall of his ministry, 353. 
 
 Olmiitz, Austro-Prussian conference at, 
 181. 
 
 Omar Pasha, summons Russians to 
 evacuate Danubian Principalities, 32 ; 
 crosses Danube, 34 ; retires to Shumla, 
 38 ; fights Russians at Giurgevo, 40. 
 
 Orleans, captured by the Germans, 374 ; 
 evacuated by Germans, 376 ; three 
 days' battle before, 380 ; recaptured by 
 the Germans, 380. 
 
 Orsini, Felice, attempts to assassinate 
 Napoleon, 113. 
 
 Palestro, battles of, 128-129. 
 
 Palikao, Count de, French minister, in- 
 terferes with army of ChSlons, 332 ; 
 and General de Wimpffen, 337 ; forms 
 a ministry, 1870, 353 ; advocates return 
 of the emperor to Paris, 354 ; an- 
 nounces Sedan in the Corps Legislatif, 
 3.54 ; overthrow of his government, 
 357. 
 
 Palmerston, Lord, and coup (Tetat, 17 ; 
 on French alliance, 42 ; resigns from 
 cabinet, 45; returns on pledges of 
 warlike policy, 46 ; forms a ministry, 
 79 ; hostile to Austria, 152 ; refuses to 
 mediate in Italian war, 152 ; his war- 
 like speech on Danish question in 
 1863, 202 ; looks about for aUies to 
 sustain Denmark, 203. 
 
 Papal States, condition in 1850, 97 ; 
 Bologna revolts in 18.59, 158 ; military 
 and priestly oppressors abandon 
 Bologna, 158 ; state of affairs in Rome 
 during 1859, 158 ; Bologna asks for 
 annexation to Sardinia, 159 ; Bologna 
 receives a Sardinian commissioner,
 
 418 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 159 ; correspondence between the 
 Pope and Victor Emmanuel, 161 ; 
 Bologna and the Legations annexed to 
 Sardinia, 1G3 ; Sardinian troops enter, 
 172 ; defeat of Papal troops at Castel- 
 fidardo, 173; Umbria and the Marches 
 declare for Victor Emmanuel, 174 ; 
 evacuation of Rome by the French, 
 291 ; battle of Mentana, 291 ; Italian 
 troops enter Rome, 389. 
 
 Paris Congress of 1856, the, 93. 
 
 Paris, treaty of, 93-96. 
 
 Paris, revolutions of 1848 In, 1 ; its char- 
 acteristics in 1867, 287, 288 ; elections 
 of 1869, 293; in 1870, 3.50; false report 
 of victory in, 350 ; news of Sedan in, 
 353, 354 ; the bloodless revolution, 355- 
 358 ; defenses of, 358-^59 ; defenders 
 of, 360 ; aspect of, in October, 1870, 
 365 ; demoralization of army in, 391 ; 
 the communistic eintn'.e of Oct. 31, 
 392 ; battles of Champigny, 394 ; suf- 
 fering in, 395 ; on New Year's -lay 
 1871, 396 ; battle of Buzanval, 397 ; 
 the capitulation, 398 ; entry of Ger- 
 man troops, 399-400. 
 
 Parma, Grand Duchy of, 98 ; revolution 
 of 1859, 157 ; offers allegiance to Victor 
 Emmanuel, 158 ; treaty of Ziirich and, 
 159 ; vote for annexation to Sardinia, 
 162. 
 
 Paskevich, Prince, subdues Hungary, 4 ; 
 his prestige in Poland, 5 ; in command 
 on the Danube, 36 ; early career, 36 ; 
 prepares to invade Turkey, 37 ; is 
 hopeless of success, 38; wounded at 
 Silistria, 38. 
 
 P61issier, Marshal, commands French 
 army in Crimea, 84 ; Kinglake on, 84 ; 
 captures the Mamelon, 85 ; his impa- 
 tience, 86 ; assault upon Malakoff re- 
 pulsed, 86 ; captures the Malakoff, 89 ; 
 made Due de Malakoff, 89. 
 
 Picard, French general, at battle of Ma- 
 genta, 132. 
 
 Piedmont. See Sardinia. 
 
 Pius IX., Pope, forfeits love of subjects, 
 98 ; returns to Rome, 98 ; receives 
 Count Siccardi, 102 ; protests against 
 anti-clerical movement in Sardinia, 
 106 ; his attitude during the war of 
 1859, 158 ; and treaty of Zurich, 159 ; 
 corresponds with Victor Emmanuel, 
 161, 162 ; excommunicates Victor Em- 
 manuel and his subjects, 163 ; refuses 
 to surrender Rome, 389 ; Bismarck's 
 comment on, in 1870, 390. 
 
 Podol, battle of, 227. 
 
 Poland, revolution of 1863, 197. 
 
 Prague, treaty of, 269. 
 
 Prussia and Eastern question, 22 ; Aus- 
 trian alliance, 47 ; admitted to Paris 
 congress on motion of France, 93 ; at- 
 tempts to terrorize Sardinia, 103 ; insti- 
 gates Erfurt parliament, 180 ; supports 
 popular cause in Hesse, 181 ; humili- 
 ated by Austria at Olmiitz, 181 ; change 
 of domestic policy under the regency, 
 
 183 ; refuses to support Austria in 
 Italy, 183 ; succession of William I. 
 to the throne, 184 ; and Bismarck, 192 ; 
 opening of diplomatic campaign against 
 Austria, 195 ; supports Russia in Po- 
 land, 197 ; entices Austria into inde- 
 pendent action in Denmark, 201 ; Dan- 
 ish campaign, 1864, 201-210 ; treaty of 
 Viemia, 210 ; aims at annexation of 
 Elbe Duchies, 212 ; Gastein conven- 
 tion, 214 ; alliance with Italy, 219 ; 
 occupies Holstein, 221 ; defeated in the 
 Diet, 221 ; declares war upon Hano- 
 ver, Hesse-Cassel, and Saxony, 223 j 
 Seven Weeks' war, 223-269 ; treaty of 
 Prague, 269 ; influence of war upon, 
 270, 271 ; and HohenzoUem incident, 
 295-297; Franco-Prussian war, 301- 
 398 ; William I. becomes German Em- 
 peror. 
 
 Quadrilateral, Austrian, in Italy, 98, 104 ; 
 restored to Austria after war of 1859, 
 153. 
 
 Radetsky, Marshal, subdues revolution 
 in Italy, 4 ; his offer to Victor Em- 
 manuel, lol. 
 
 Raglan, Lord, appointed to command 
 English army in the East, 49 ; his pre- 
 vious career, 49 ; opposed to Crimean 
 campaign, 51 ; at battle of the Alma, 
 57 ; criticised by St. Amaud, 57 ; ad- 
 vocates an assault upon Sebastopol, 
 60 ; mortified by false report of fall of 
 Sebastopol, 70 ; his orders at battle of 
 Balaclava, 73 ; his responsibility for 
 charge of Light Brigade, 74 ; his suc- 
 cessful attack upon the Quarries, 86 ; 
 repulsed at the Redan, 86 ; his death, 
 87. 
 
 ReiUe, French general, sent by Napo- 
 leon to Prussian king at Sedan, 340 ; 
 after Sedan, 345, 346. 
 
 Renault, French general, at battle of 
 Champigny, 394 ; his death, 395. 
 
 Roon, General von, appointed to reor- 
 ganize Prussian army, 193. 
 
 Russell, Odo, at Versailles, 390. 
 
 Russell, Lord John, accuses France of 
 disturbing the peace in the East, 17 ; 
 his damaging note on Eastern Ques- 
 tion, 27 ; and Denmark, 202. 
 
 Russia, tranquil in 1848 and causes there- 
 for, 5, 6 ; condition on accession of 
 Alexander II., 92; losses in Crimean 
 war, 94 ; treaty of Paris, 93, 94 ; Po- 
 lish revolution of 1863, 197 ; refuses to 
 support Denmark against Prussia, 
 202 ; regards Austria's defeat in 1866 
 with satisfaction, 270 ; holds Austria 
 inactive in 1870, 300, 301 ; abrogates 
 Black Sea clause in Paris treaty, 388 ; 
 and London conference, 389 ; Bis- 
 marck's comment on, 391. 
 
 Russian people, the, their tranquillity in 
 1848, 5, 6 ; their religious and super- 
 stitious character, 18 ; desire to pos-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 419 
 
 seas Constantinople, 22 ; take pride in 
 their defense of Sebastopol, 67. 
 
 Saint Cloud, burning of the chSteau, 
 1870, 364. 
 
 Saufedisti, society of, its character and 
 aims, 99, 100. 
 
 Sardinia, position in Italy in 1850, 5 ; 
 enters Anglo-Frencli alliance, 82, 106 ; 
 in Paris Congress, 93 ; losses in Cri- 
 mean war, 91 ; only real gainer by the 
 war, 95 ; war of 18-18 with Austria, 
 100 ; accession of Victor Emmanuel, 
 101 ; aboUtiou of ecclesiastical priv- 
 ileges in, 102 ; influence of French 
 coup diktat in, 103 ; foreign policy un- 
 der D' Azeglio, 103 ; domestic policy 
 of Cavour, 105 ; and France, 108 ; 
 opening of Parliament, 1859, IIG; the 
 king's speech, 116 ; treaty of alliance 
 with France, 117 ; diplomatic contest 
 with Austria, 118 ; rejects Austrian 
 ultimatum, 118 ; entliusiasm for the 
 war, 119; battles of Palestro, 128; 
 battle of Solferino, 145-151 ; cession 
 of Lombardy to, 153-159 ; annexation 
 of Central Italy, 162; first Itahau 
 parliament in Turin, 160 ; cedes Nice 
 and Savoy to France, 103 ; annexation 
 of the Two Sicilies, 174 ; annexation 
 of the Marches and Umbria, 174. 
 
 Saxony, invaded by Prussian troops, 
 223 ; Seven Weeks' war, 226-248 ; con- 
 ditions of the peace with Prussia, 271; 
 joins North Germanconf ederation,271. 
 
 Scarlett, English general, his charge at 
 Balaclava, 72. 
 
 Schleswig-Holstein question, sketch of, 
 previous to 1863, 198 ; state of, in 1863, 
 199 ; and Gastein convention, 214 ; 
 finally settled, 221. 
 
 Schwarzenberg, prince, Austrian chan- 
 cellor, 180 ; determines to abase Prus- 
 sia, 181 ; espouses Hassenpflug's cause 
 in Hesse, 180 ; humiliates Prussia at 
 Olmiitz, 181. 
 
 Scott, Sir Walter, " St. Cloud," 367. 
 
 Sebastopol, desire in England and France 
 to reduce, 53 ; description of, 59-61 ; 
 allied fleet appears, 62 ; sinking of 
 ships to close the harbor, 62 ; fortifi- 
 cations as planned by Todleben, 65 ; 
 abandoned by Menschikoff's army, 66 ; 
 allied bombardment of October 17, 
 and its failure, 66, 67 ; council of war, 
 87 ; condition of, in July, 1855 ; the 
 final sortie, 88 ; loss of tlie Malakoff, 
 89 ; evacuation and burning of the 
 city, 90, 91 ; destruction of forts and 
 docks by allies, 91 ; restored to Rus- 
 sia, 94. 
 
 Secret societies in Italy, 99. 
 
 Sedan, battle of, 336-340. 
 
 Seven Weeks' war, advance of Prussians 
 into Bohemia, 226 ; combats at Liebe- 
 nau and Podol, 227 ; capture of Miin- 
 chengratz by the Prussians, 228 ; bat- 
 tle of Gitschiu, 229; Prussian victo- 
 
 ries at Nachod and Skalitz, 230, 231 ; 
 Prussian defeat at Trautenau, 232 ; 
 battle of Soor, 233 ; restoration of 
 communications between tlie Prussian 
 armies, 233 ; character of tlie Austrian 
 position on the Bistritz, 234-236 ; 
 night march of tlie first Prussian 
 army upon the Bistritz, 239 ; battle of 
 Koiiiggriitz, 239-246 ; immediate re- 
 sults of the battle, 246 ; advance of 
 tlie Prussians upon Vienna, 247 ; bat- 
 tle of Blumenau, 248 ; the campaign 
 in the west, 249 ; battle of Laugen- 
 salza, 250 ; capitulation of the Hano- 
 verian army, 250 ; Prussian advance 
 upon Frankfort, 251 ; battle of Kissin- 
 gen, 252 ; Prussian entry into Frai k- 
 fort, 253 ; fighting on the Tauber, 251; 
 retreat of the federal army upon 
 Wiirzburg, 254 ; the armistice, 255. 
 
 Seymour, Sir G. Hamilton, his " sick 
 man " interviews with Czar Nicholas, 
 25. 
 
 Siccardi, Count, Sardinian envoy to 
 Rome, 102 ; introduces bill abolishing 
 ecclesiastical privileges, 102. 
 
 " Sick Man," the, interviews, 25, 95. 
 
 Silistria, siege of, 38, 39. 
 
 Sinope, battle of, regarded as a massa- 
 cre in England, 44, 45. 
 
 Soimonoff, Russian general, killed at 
 Inkermann, 76. 
 
 Solferino, battle of, repulse of the Sar- 
 dinians, 146 ; arrival of Napoleon on 
 the field, 147 ; heavy fighting at Sol- 
 fermo and on the French right, 147 ; 
 Solferino abandoned by the Austrians, 
 149 ; Wimpffen fails to retrieve tlie 
 day, 150 ; general advance of the 
 French, 150 ; firmness of General Ben- 
 edek, 151. 
 
 Soor, battle of, 233. 
 
 Soult, Marshal, his remark on the Brit- 
 isli infantry, 77. 
 
 Spain, revolt of 1868, 290 ; tender of the 
 crown to prince Leopold of Hohenzol- 
 lern, 295. 
 
 Staclion, Austrian general, conducts 
 reconnaissance against Vogliera, 126 ; 
 defeated by Forey at Montebello, 
 126, 127. 
 
 St. Arnaud, Marshal, appointed minister 
 of war, 8 ; appointed to command 
 French array in East, 49 ; at battle of 
 the Alma, 57 ; criticism on Raglan and 
 Menscliikotf, 57 ; his death, 59. 
 
 States of the Churcli. See Papal States. 
 
 Steininetz, German general, at battle of 
 Nanhod, 230; defeats Austrians at 
 Skahtz, 231 ; commands first German 
 army, 1870, 306 ; tlireatens Metz from 
 the east, 318 ; fights battle of Borny, 
 320 ; at battle of Gravelotte, 325, 326 
 
 Strasburg, siege of, character of garrison 
 in 1870, 369 ; its defense by General 
 Uliricli, 369, 370; suffers terribly 
 from German artillery, 370 ; capitu- 
 lates, 371 ; ceded to Germany, 400.
 
 420 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Stratford, Lord, English ambassador, at 
 
 Constautinople, 20 ; settles dispute 
 over Holy Places, 20 ; opposes Men- 
 Bchikoft's demand for a protectorate, 
 28 ; advises Turkish miuistry, 28 ; 
 writes to Menscbikoff, 28 ; privately 
 assures the Sultau of support of Eng- 
 lish fleet, 30 ; counsels Sultan to re- 
 fuse Vienna note, 31. 
 Szabo, Austrian general, 128. 
 
 Tchemaya, battle of the, 88 ; birthday of 
 kingdom of Italy, 95 ; effect of news 
 in Sardinia, 108. 
 
 Thiers, M., intercedes with England in 
 belialf of France, 3G1 ; interviews with 
 Bismarck, 390 ; appointed president 
 by the new assembly, 398 ; arranges 
 preliminaries of peace at Versailles, 
 399 ; Bismarck's comment on, 399. 
 
 Thomas, French general, in Paris, 391 ; 
 denounces National Guard, 395. 
 
 "Times," Tlie London, advocates reduc- 
 tion of Sebastopol, 54 ; publishes false 
 statement of faU of Sebastopol, 09. 
 
 Todleben, Lieutenant-Colonel, conuuents 
 on battle of the Alma, 57 ; arrives at 
 Sebastopol, 62 ; his reception by Meu- 
 schikofl, 62 ; hopeless of defending 
 Sebastopol, 63 ; proceeds to fortify 
 Sebastopol, 64 ; relieved by arrival of 
 reinforcements, 66; criticises Gort- 
 schakoff for inaction at Inkermann, 
 76; is wounded, 87. 
 
 Trautenau, battle of, 232. 
 
 Trochu, French general, at ChSlons, 
 330 ; appointed military governor of 
 Paris, 330 ; confii-med as military gov- 
 ernor by Corjis Lt gislatif, 354 ; his 
 unenviable position on tlie fall of the 
 empire, 358 ; character of his troops, 
 359 ; on the marines, 3G0 ; his messages 
 to Gambetta announcing great sortie, 
 378 ; reorganizes army in Paris, 391 ; 
 insulted by communistic mob, 392 ; 
 feels compelled to sortie, 393 ; plans 
 the battle of Champigny, 393 ; de- 
 feated at Le Bourget, 393 ; failure of 
 his great sortie from Mont VaWrien, 
 397 ; is superseded by Vinoy, 397. 
 
 Turkey, importuned by France and 
 Russia respecting rights of rival 
 churches in Jerusalem, 18; yields to 
 France, 19 ; is threatened by Russia, 
 20 ; yields to Menscliikoff's demands, 
 21 ; is supported by Stratford against 
 Menschikoff, 21 ; gains pledge of naval 
 support from Stratford, 29 ; rejects 
 Vienna note, 31 ; growth of war feel- 
 ing, 31 ; is placed in a state of war 
 with Russia, 32 ; character of sol- 
 diers, 34 ; accepts Austrian aid, 39 ; 
 and treaty of Paris, 94; losses in 
 Crimean war, 94. 
 
 Tuscany, Grand Duchy of, 98 ; declares 
 for annexation to Sardinia, 162. 
 
 Two Sicilies, Kingdom of, condition of, 
 in 1850, 96; Fraucis II. continues 
 
 misrule in, 157 ; revolution in, 164 ; 
 royal troops defeated at Palermo, 165 ; 
 again defeated at Milazzo, 1G5 ; sur- 
 render of Messina, 165 ; wretched 
 character of royal array, 166 ; rioting 
 at Naples, 169 ; hopeless position of 
 Francis II. , 170 ; he .sails from Naples, 
 170 ; Victor Emmanuel in Naples, 
 174 ; votes for annexation to Italy, 
 174 ; deplorable condition of, 175 ; 
 Cavour on the Neapolitans, 175. 
 
 Uhrich, French general, in command at 
 Strasburg, 369, 370. 
 
 Victor Emmanuel, king of Sardinia, his 
 oath at Novara, 5 ; refuses Radetsky's 
 oiler of support, 101 ; dissolves the 
 chambers, 101 ; concludes peace with 
 Austria, 101 ; his first estimate of 
 Cavour, 103; kno\vn as II R6 Galan- 
 tuomo, 103 ; in favor of joining Anglo- 
 French alliance, 106 ; domestic afflic- 
 tions and political trials, 107 ; reviews 
 troops destined for Crimea, 107 ; visits 
 Paris and Loudon, 108 ; and Napoleon's 
 question, 108 ; wins confidence of 
 Italian patriots, 111 ; his warlike dec- 
 laration at Turin, 116 ; liis war proc- 
 lamation to Italians, 1859, 119 ; at 
 battle of Palestro, 128 ; enters MUan 
 with Napoleon, 138 ; his reception 
 there, 139 ; his rapid advance from 
 Milan, 142 ; signs the preliminaries 
 of peace, 153 ; disgusted with peace, 
 indignant with Cavour, 153 ; receives 
 deputations offering allegiance of Cen- 
 tral Italy, 158 ; warned by the Pope, 
 159 ; reconciled to Cavour, 161 ; cor- 
 respondence with the Pope, 161, 162; 
 excommunicated by the Pope, 163; 
 opens first Italian parliament, 163; 
 announces cession of Nice and Savoy, 
 163 ; urges Garibaldi to desist from 
 military operations, 168 ; regards his 
 reply with uneasiness, 168 ; orders his 
 army over the papal frontier, 172 ; 
 meets Garibaldi at Teano, 173 ; enters 
 Naples, 174 ; proclaimed king of Italy 
 at Turin, 175 ; visits Cavoiu- on his 
 death-bed, 176 ; takes command of the 
 army against Austria, 259 ; enters 
 Venice, 275 ; protests against return 
 of French troops to Rome, 291 ; per- 
 sonal regard for Napoleon III., 292. 
 
 Vieuna note, the, 31. 
 
 Vinoy, French general, at battle of 
 Magenta, 133 ; arrives at Mi^izeres, 
 336 ; retreats upon Paris, 349 ; arrives 
 at Paris, 361 ; is defeated at L'Hay, 
 363 ; is defeated at Bagneux, 364 ; at- 
 tacks L'Hay and Chevilly, 393 ; ap- 
 pointed to command Paris army, 397. 
 
 Vionville, battle of, 323. 
 
 Von der Tann, Bavarian general, on the 
 Meuse, 335; at Sedan, 338; at Or- 
 leans, 374 ; evacuates Orleans, 376 ; 
 foils the French at Couliuiers, 376 ; at
 
 INDEX. 
 
 421 
 
 battle of Josnes, 382 ; surprised by 
 Chanzy, 382 ; withdraws to Orleans, 
 383. 
 Vrevski, Russian general, arrives at 
 Sebastopol, 88 ; his death, 88. 
 
 Weissenburg, battle of, 308. 
 
 Werder, German general, at battle of 
 Gitscliin, 229 ; commands Germans 
 before Strasburg, 3G9-71 ; deceives 
 Bourbaki before Belfort, 386 ; defeats 
 Bourbaki on tlie Lisaine, 380. 
 
 William I. of Prussia, as regent 183 ; 
 succeeds to the Prussian tlirone, 184 ; 
 his early career, 184 ; insists on reor- 
 ganization of the army, 184 ; his strug- 
 gle with the Diet, 184 ; summons Bis- 
 marck to the head of the ministry, 
 185 ; venerates House of Hapsburg, 
 213 ; meets Austrian emperor at Gas- 
 tein, 214 ; leaves Berlin for the army, 
 229 ; arrives on the Bistritz, 239 ; at 
 battle of Koniggriitz, 241 ; refuses 
 to comply with Benedetti's demands 
 in 1870, 296 ; his reply to Beuedetti at 
 Ems, 297 ; addresses North German 
 Reichstag, 304 ; commands German 
 armies against France, 306 ; at battle 
 of Gravelotte, 327 ; at Sedan, 340 ; re- 
 
 ceives tlie surrender of Napoleon, 340 ; 
 meets Napoleon at Bellevue, 348 ; es- 
 tablishes headquarters at Versailles, 
 363 ; occupies the palace, 307 ; hailed 
 German emperor at Versailles, 397. 
 
 Wimptfen, Freucli general, liis d«5but at 
 Sedan, 337 ; assumes stipreme com- 
 mand, 337 ; meets Bismarck and 
 Moltke at Donchery, 343 ; pleads for 
 honorable terms for his army, 343 ; 
 his discussion with Bismarck and 
 Moltke, 344, 345 ; visits tlie emperor, 
 345 ; signs the capitulation of Sedan, 
 348. 
 
 Wimpffen, Austrian general, at Solferi- 
 no, 147 ; his futile effort to restore 
 the battle. 150. 
 
 Worth, battle of, 311, 312. 
 
 Wrangel, Marshal, commands Prussian 
 army in Denmark, 203. 
 
 Young Italy, Society of, its character 
 and aims, 100 ; and Milan revolt, 104; 
 handicaps Cavour, 111. 
 
 Zobel, Austrian general, at battle of Pa- 
 
 lestro, 128. 
 Ziirich, treaty of, 159 ; disregarded iu 
 
 Italy, 100.
 
 AA 000 838 445