y" 
 
ajM 
 
®I|0 Intomtg of Qlljiragn 
 
 NOTES ON THE WORKS 
 AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 WITH INTRODUCTION AND APPENDIX 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY 
 
 or THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE 
 
 IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF 
 
 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF GREEK 
 
 BY 
 HEBER MICHEL HAYS 
 
 Private Edition, Distributed By 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIBRARIES 
 
 CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 
 
 1918 
 
GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY 
 MENASHA. WISCONSIN 
 
9^ 
 
 ^3 
 
 ^1^ 
 
 7 5 In 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 In the following dissertation no dogmatism has been attempted 
 where certainty is impossible, but it has generally been assumed 
 that the Works and Days is the only genuine work of Hesiod, and 
 that a very considerable part of it is due to his genius, whatever 
 his sources. It has also been taken for granted that Hesiod was 
 influenced by the Ionic Epic, and was somewhat later than Homer. 
 
 Acknowledgement is due to Professor Paul Shorey of the Univer- 
 sity of Chicago, at whose suggestion the work was undertaken, to 
 Professors W. G. Hale, C. D. Buck, and H. W. Prescott, also of the 
 University of Chicago, to Professor M. W. Humphreys of the Univer- 
 sity of Virginia, under whom the author first read the Works and 
 Days, and to Professor W. G. Manly of the University of Missouri 
 for the use of his private library. 
 
 H. M. Hays. 
 
 405937 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 I. Life and Time of Hesiod: The reliable facts of the life of 
 Hesiod that have come down to us are few and are derived chiefly 
 from his works. We learn from Works and Days 633-40 that his 
 father left Cyme in Aeolis hard pressed by poverty and sailed the 
 seas as a trader, and finally settled at Ascra, a village in Boeotia 
 on the slope of Helicon, near the town of Thespiae, which according 
 to Diodorus Siculus^ was ruled by seven princes. Here it seems the 
 poet was born, though according to some he was born at Cyme and 
 came to Ascra with his father.^ At all events the son became a 
 farmer and shows an intimate personal acquaintance with agri- 
 culture, while his knowledge of sea-faring seems to be second-hand. 
 Besides being a farmer and the son of a trader Hesiod is represented 
 in Theogony 22-3 as having been a shepherd-boy at the foot of 
 Helicon, where the Muses inspired him with the gift of song, while 
 in Works 654-62 he appears as a professional bard.^ But the main 
 fact in the life of Hesiod and the one which is prominent in the 
 Works and Days is the difficulty which arose between him and his 
 brother Perses with reference to the division of their father's estate. 
 This was the occasion of the poet's administering to the Thespian 
 princes the lessons of justice and to Perses the lessons of industry 
 found in the Works. 
 
 For the later events of his life we have little that is reliable, a 
 few references in ancient authors and the Certamen Homeri et 
 Hesiodi,"^ the work of an anonymous writer of the reign of Hadrian, 
 
 ^IV 29, 4. Strabo (IX 2, 25) says: In the country of the Thespians is 
 Ascra, the father-land of Hesiod. 
 
 2 So Suidas, v. "RaLoSos and Hermesianax (III 21) in Athenaeus 597d. 
 
 ^ Th. 22-3 seems to be a reference to Hesiod as the great poet of Helicon by 
 the later author of the Theogony. See Croiset, Lit. Gr. I 450 and 512. Evelyn- 
 White renders: And one day they taught Hesiod glorious song while he was 
 shepherding his lambs under holy Helicon, and this word first the goddesses 
 said to me: Nowhere in the Works and Days does the author show any particular 
 interest in a shepherd's life or acquaintance with it. The second passage has 
 been so severely criticized in ancient and modern times (see note 4 infra) that it 
 seems rash to base a conclusion on it. 
 
 * The certamen is printed in the editions of GoettHng-Flach, Sittl, Rzach, 
 and Evelyn- White, and may be said to represent fairly correctly the ancient 
 tradition on the subject. It is evidently based on Works 654-62. These verses 
 were rejected by Plutarch, and are suspected by most modern editors. Rohde, 
 
2 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 who however drew his information for the close of the poet's life 
 from Alcidamas and Eratosthenes. After some idle speculation on 
 the parentage of Hesiod^ the contest is given in full. All the people 
 were for awarding the prize to Homer, but the king Panedes crowned 
 Hesiod as having sung of peace and industry, whereas Homer had 
 sung of war and bloodshed. After the contest Hesiod went to 
 Delphi to dedicate to the God the first fruits of the victory, and was 
 told by the oracle to beware of the grove of the Nemean Zeus; for 
 there he was fated to meet death. Consequently he avoided the 
 Peloponnesus, thinking the Nemea there was meant, and took 
 refuge at the court of the brothers Amphiphanes and Ganyctor at 
 Oeneum in the country of the Ozolian Locrians near Naupactus, 
 not understanding the oracle; for this place also was sacred to the 
 Nemean Zeus. The two princes, suspecting that Hesiod had vio- 
 lated their sister, slew him and cast his body into the sea. On the 
 third day it was brought to land by dolphins, when the people were 
 keeping holiday on the shore; and they recognized and buried him. 
 The murderers in alarm took ship for Crete, but were struck by a 
 thunder-bolt in mid-sea. Later the inhabitants of Orchomenos in 
 accordance with an oracle removed the body to their own city and 
 buried it there. Such is the account of Alcidamas, but Eratosthenes 
 says that Hesiod was not the guilty person, the maid having been 
 ruined by a fellow-traveller of his.^ 
 
 however, points out (Kleine Schriften I 43, note 1) that the ground of Plutarch's 
 objection must have been their reference to the contest between Homer and 
 Hesiod, which he considered a fable. Here, however, the fact that Homer is 
 not mentioned is clear proof that the author did not know of that tradition, 
 else he would have mentioned the greatest of all epic poets. Hence this passage 
 is older than the oldest form of the Certamen, and was the basis of that tradition. 
 
 ^ Perses is called 8loi> yevos in Works 299, where some of the ancients seem 
 to have read Aiov yevos. Hence the tradition that Hesiod was the son of Dios. 
 It seems that nothing more is meant than in the case of the honest swine-herd 
 of the Odyssey, who is called SXos Eu/zatos. In II. IX 538 dlov yevos (of Artemis) it 
 taken by Leaf to be equivalent to Atos Kovprj. 
 
 « The tradition of the Certamen is supported by Plutarch (Conv. Sep. Sap. 
 19), whose statement, however, seems to imply that the Orchomenians were 
 unsuccessful in their attempt to remove the remains, and by Pausanias (IX 31, 
 6 and 38, 3-4). The double interment of the poet is referred to by Pindar (Frag. 
 328 Christ). There seems to be an elem^ent of truth in the tradition that Hesiod 
 spent the latter part of his life in the neighborhood of Naupactus, and possibly 
 at Orchomenos. That he should have become dissatisfied with the uninviting 
 region of Ascra (see Works 640), especially after his experience with the authori- 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 3 
 
 The time at which Hesiod lived is a question on which the ancients 
 were divided. Herodotus made him and Homer contemporaries, 
 and fixed their date at 400 years before his time.'^ This opinion is 
 perhaps based on the legend of the Certamen. The Certamen itself 
 and Ephorus of Cyme, according to the life of Homer ascribed to 
 Plutarch, make Homer a generation younger than Hesiod; while the 
 Parian Marble makes Hesiod 30 years the elder. On the other 
 hand the Alexandrians, Eratosthenes and Aristarchus, were of the 
 opinion that Hesiod must have lived after Homer on the ground of 
 his wider geographical knowledge and the later character of his 
 myths.^ According to Gellius (III 11, 2) even before the Alexan- 
 drians Xenophanes had declared Homer to be the elder, while Cicero 
 in Cato Major 54 refers to Homer as having been multis, ut mihi 
 videtur, ante Hesiodum saeculis. 
 
 Hesiod was by origin an Aeolian from Cyme, but he passed the 
 most important part of his life at Ascra in Boeotia.^ His poem, 
 however, is in the Ionic dialect with a somewhat larger Aeolic element 
 than the Homeric poems and a few Doncisms. It is reasonable to 
 suppose that the Works was composed virtually as it now stands, 
 so far as language is concerned. From this it may fairly be con- 
 cluded that the Ionic epic was already well developed and generally 
 known in Greece at the time of Hesiod, and it follows that Hesiod 
 was probably somewhat later than Homer, who (whatever opinion 
 may be held of him) must have stood at the culmination of the 
 
 ties there, is not surprising. Compare Velleius I 7: Patriamque et parentes 
 testatus est (Hesiodus) ; sed patriam, quia multatus ab ea erat, contumeliosissime 
 contestatus est. It is evident from Thuc. Ill 96 that the tradition of his death 
 at Oeneum goes back at least to the time of Pericles. 
 
 7 II 53. So Varro (GelHus III 11, 3). 
 
 8 See Strabo I 2, 14 and 22; and Aristarchus on II. IX 246; XI 750. It is to 
 be noted that this opinion is based not on the Works and Days, but on the Theo- 
 gony and later Hesiodic works. Thus the Theogony refers to the Nile (338), 
 the Tyrrhenians (1016), Latinus (1013), the Eridanus and Ister (338-9), the island 
 Erytheia (290), and the Hesperides (518), all which are not mentioned in Homer. 
 In Th. 913-14 Hades snatched Persephone from her mother and Zeus allowed 
 him to keep her (cf. Horn. Hymn to Demeter). This myth is not mentioned in 
 Homer, where Persephone is associated with Hades as a dread goddess. The 
 incident of Od. Ill 464 is developed into a marriage between Telemachus and 
 Polycaste in the Catalogus (Frag. 17). 
 
 ^ The language of Boeotia was an Aeolic-Doric mixture. See Buck's Greek 
 Dialects, pp. 1-14. 
 
4 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Greek epic.^'^ On the other hand it seems certain that Hesiod was 
 considerably earlier than Semonides and Archilochus.^^ We may- 
 fix his date, then, somewhat after Homer, or approximately in the 
 first half of the 8th century. 
 
 II. Works of Hesiod: Besides the Works and Days the most 
 important work ascribed to Hesiod is the Theogony. That the 
 ancients considered the Theogony a genuine work of Hesiod is 
 evident from references to it in writers of the Attic period.^ Not 
 till the time of Pausanias do we find its genuineness questioned, 
 according to whom (IX 31, 4) those dwelling around Helicon con- 
 sidered only the Works genuine. That it goes back to an early date 
 is evident from the character of the work, as well as from the impor- 
 tance assigned to it in the historic period. 
 
 The Theogony catalogues the genealogies and struggles of the 
 gods, which resulted in the epic order of the universe. After a long 
 and composite proem to the Muses, which is generally considered 
 of later origin, the epic narration begins at verse 116 with the primal 
 powers of nature and passes through the older generation of gods to 
 the dynasty of Zeus, culminating in the Titanomachy^ and Zeus- 
 
 ^° The evidence of language and ideas would point to a later date for the 
 Works and Days, though it can hardly be stated conclusively from the occurrence 
 of similar verses and phrases in the Works and Days and in the Iliad and Odyssey 
 that the author of the former was familiar with the latter, owing to the preva- 
 lence of the Heroic Epic and its stereotyped character. The geography of the 
 Works falls well within that of Homer, though the use of Hellas (653) and Pan- 
 Hellenes (528), as well as the epithet Aeolian (636) seem post-Homeric. So the 
 quantity of the first syllable of koXSv (63), the meaning of pos in 67 and 699, 
 the sense of vonop in 276 and of apwasin 573, the functions of the Heroes in 159-60, 
 of Cronos in 169, and of Zeus Chthonios in 465 are not found in Homer. In 
 some cases the later date of the Works is involved with the question of later 
 interpolations. 
 
 " Semonides, Frag. 6 is apparently an imitation of Works 702-3, and Archi- 
 lochus, Frag. 89, 1 of Works 202. So Archilochus, Frag. 85 reflects Theogony 
 120-2. It may be assumed that the Works and Theogony, with perhaps one or 
 two of the Major Homeric Hymns, are distinctly older than any other extant 
 Greek Literature except the Iliad and Odyssey. 
 
 ^ In Herodotus II 53 Homer and Hesiod are referred to. as oi TroLr}cravTes 
 efoyovLrjp lEWrjai. See also Plato, Sym. 178B; Rep. 377E, where Th. 116 ff., 
 154 ff., 453 ff. are clearly assigned to Hesiod. 
 
 2 The cosmic struggle is taken for granted in the Iliad, being mentioned 
 several times: VIII 478-81; XIV 203-4 and 274-9. It is not mentioned in the 
 Odyssey. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 5 
 
 Typhoeus conflict, after which Zeus is estabhshed as Lord of Olym- 
 pus. First Chaos came into existence and Earth, the secure abode 
 of all things, and the dark abyss of Tartarus. From Earth was 
 born the starry Heaven to be the abode of the blessed gods. From 
 Heaven and Earth were born the Titans, six male and six female, 
 and the hundred-handed giants, Cottus, Briareus and Gyes. After 
 the mutilation of Uranus and the birth of Aphrodite and an enum- 
 eration of the offspring of Earth and Sea, we have the generations of 
 the Titans, beginning with Oceanus and Tethys and ending with 
 the offspring of lapetus and Clymene and the Prometheus-Pandora 
 episode. Immediately preceding the last mentioned generation are 
 catalogued the children of Cronos and Rhea: Hestia, Demeter and 
 Hera, Hades, Poseidon and Zeus, who are swallowed down by Cronos 
 as fast as they are born; for he had been warned by Heaven and 
 Earth that he was to be overcome by his own son. Zeus alone was 
 saved and was brought up in Crete, till on reaching manhood he 
 forced his father to disgorge his offspring.^ 
 
 After the preliminary genealogies have" been given, then comes 
 the conflict between the new dynasty of gods and the elder race of 
 Titans. For ten years a terrible and indecisive conflict had been in 
 progress, when at the advice of Earth Zeus called in the hundred- 
 handed giants, by whose aid the Titans were overpowered and 
 hurled down to Tartarus, where they were kept under hard bonds. 
 After the expulsion of the Titans, Earth brought forth her youngest, 
 Typhoeus, who renewed the Titanic conflict with Zeus, but was 
 overcome and also hurled into Tartarus. After this final victory 
 of Zeus the existing order of the universe is established. Then the 
 progeny of Zeus is catalogued, ending with Athena and Hephaestus. 
 The rest of the poem (1022 verses in all) catalogues various minor 
 divinities, as well as heroes and heroines born from the union of 
 gods with nymphs and women, or borne to men by goddesses.^ 
 
 3 The offspring of Cronos and Rhea should have been catalogued last, i.e. 
 immediately before the Titanomachy, but Zeus figures so prominently in the 
 Prometheus-Pandora episode that it was necessary to introduce him previously. 
 
 * According to the Theogony the gods do not exist apart from the natural 
 universe, but are a development within it. And just as the gods came from the 
 primal powers of nature (Heaven and Earth), so the heroes of the epic period 
 are sprung from the gods, making the whole epic system of nature, gods, and men 
 an evolution within the natural universe. For an excellent discussion of the 
 Theogony with complete bibliography see Pizzagalli, Saggio sulla Teogonia di 
 Esiodo, 1913— reviewed in Classical Philology, Vol. XI, 1916, pp. 111-113. 
 
6 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 The style of the Theogony is rather rugged, just as the myths 
 are of a more monstrous character than those of Homer, apparently 
 representing earlier popular conceptions repulsive to the more 
 refined Ionic taste. But the style is epic rather than the concise 
 didactic style of the Works, and the sequence of ideas is less abrupt 
 and more logical. In parts it falls into the style of the catalogue, 
 being characterized by simple enumeration of divinities. In some 
 of the episodes (507-531 for instance) the style may be called the 
 normal epic, represented by most of Homer, and the Homeric Hymns, 
 and the first 56 lines of the Shield, which is supposed to represent 
 the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. The principal episodes (the 
 Titanomachy and Zeus-Typhoeus conflict) are grandiose in style, 
 being apparently an attempt to out-do the epic battles of heroes, 
 just as the combat of Heracles and Cycnus in the Shield is a super- 
 epic combination of Homeric effects. 
 
 But in ideas more than in style it is antipodal to the Works and 
 Days. In the latter ethical and strictly didactic work the supreme 
 divinities are Zeus and his daughter Dike, and their principal func- 
 tion and interest is to punish men who by force or guile take the 
 advantage of their fellows. It is an appeal to the people to follow 
 justice and industry. On the other hand the Theogony is written 
 not from the standpoint of the people, but from that of the warrior and 
 chieftan, whom Zeus typifies ideally in that he resigns after con- 
 quering all his enemies, and in conquering them he uses both force 
 and fraud, the former being represented by his attendants, Zelos, 
 Nike, Cratos, and Bia, children of Styx, the latter by his swallowing 
 Metis, the impersonation of that epic shrewdness which wins by 
 deceit when force fails.^ 
 
 The Catalogue of Women, to which the close of the Theogony 
 may be a transition,^ contained in five books a list of the noble 
 
 * The Theogony has generally been considered a work compiled by Hesiod 
 earlier than the Works and Days (cf. Aly in Rhein. Mus. 1913, pp. 22-67). This 
 is based on a comparison of Works 658-9 and Th. 22-35, the latter passage being 
 supposed to refer to Hesiod as the author of the Theogony (cf. Paus. IX 30, 3). 
 See, however, I note 3 supra. So subjective a poet as the author of the Works 
 would likely have referred more directly to the Theogony, if he had previously 
 written so important a work. Nothing definite can be proved from a com- 
 parison of supposedly related passages in the two poems, as Works 11 and Th. 
 225-6, Works 804 and Th. 231-2, Works 48 and Th. 535-557, etc. 
 
 " But now, sweet voiced Muses of Olympus, daughters of Zeus who holds 
 the aegis, sing of the company of women (Evelyn- White). 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 7 
 
 women who had borne heroes to the gods. The fourth book con- 
 sisted of i7otat, so called because each heroine was introduced by the 
 formula rj oli). One complete ^ot?7 is preserved in the first 56 lines 
 of the Shield of Heracles/ and contains the story used by Plautus in 
 his Amphitruo. After this introduction the Shield proceeds with 
 the combat between Heracles and Cycnus, son of Ares, in which 
 Cycnus is slain and Ares himself wounded. A large part of the 
 poem is taken up with a description of the shield of Heracles, which 
 is a manifest imitation of the Shield of Achilles in the 18th book 
 of the Iliad. ^ The poem is rarely mentioned by the ancients and 
 apparently never quoted, though it is said to have been considered 
 the work of Hesiod by Stesichorus,^ which would fix its date earlier 
 than 600 B. C. Another fact which seems to date the poem earlier 
 than 600 is that Heracles still appears as a Homeric hero with shield 
 and spear, whereas about this time he begins to be represented with 
 club and lion's skin.^^ 
 
 HI. Analysis of the Works and Days: The Works and Days is 
 addressed to the poet's brother Perses, and while a large part of it 
 is concerned with the difficulty that arose over the inheritance, it 
 owes its double title to the parts that have to do with farming opera- 
 tions and navigation (383-694) and lucky and unlucky days (765- 
 
 ' According to argument A of the Shield it was taken from the fourth book 
 of the Catalogue. Of the Catalogue itself some 300 fragmentary verses are 
 extant. 
 
 * See Stegeman, de Scuti Herculis Hesiodei poeta Homeri carminum imita- 
 tore, Rostoch, 1904. 
 
 ^ Argument A, according to which, however, it was suspected by Aristo- 
 phanes of Byzantium as not being the work of Hesiod. 
 
 ^^ Other works ascribed with more or less question to Hesiod in antiquity 
 are the following: The Megalai Eoiai (see Leo, Hesiodea, 10-11), the Megala 
 Erga (apparently referred to by such Latin writers as Pliny N. H. XV 1), the 
 Marriage of Ceyx (to whose home Pleracles was going when he slew Cycnus,) the 
 Melampodea (in which also Chalcas, Mopsus and Tiresias figure), the Precepts 
 of Chiron (a didactic poem after the style of the Works and Days for the instruc- 
 tion of Achilles), the Aegimius (or combat of the Doric hero Aegimius with the 
 Lapithae), the Ornithomantia (to which Works 828 is said to have formed a 
 transition), an Astronomy or Astrology, etc. For further discussion of the 
 Hesiodic Corpus see Pausanias IX 31, 4-5; Setti, Esiodo, 1909; Waltz in Rev.d. 
 fitud. Anciennes, 1907, pp. 205-227 and 293-311; Pizzagalli, Introd. pp. 5-43; 
 Croiset, Litt. Or. Vol. I pp. 437-550 (1896); Christ, Griech. Litt. Vol. I pp. 110- 
 120 (1908). 
 
8 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 828). After the proem (1-10) comes a Hymn to the Erides (11-26), 
 which seems to be a general introduction to the part of the poem 
 addressed to Perses (27-694). It is an attempt to discriminate 
 between two kinds of Erides and contains an idea essentially different 
 from that of Iliad XVIII 107 and Theogony 225-6, where but one 
 Eris and that a bad one is recognized. The one is the same lawless 
 strife that manifests itself among animals, birds and fishes (277), 
 having no regard for the rights of others, but stirring up war and 
 contention (14); while the other is subject to Dike which Zeus has 
 given to men (279) as the foundation of organized society, and to 
 the poet manifests itself chiefly in the emulation of farmer to sur- 
 pass farmer in the race for wealth and prosperity (18-24). This 
 part of the poem (11-694) seems to be written with a serious purpose 
 to turn Perses from following the bad Eris, which is leading him to 
 attempts to get other people's property dishonestly and without 
 work, and to induce him by honest labor to attain that excellence 
 which is the highest goal of life (289-92). The general principles of 
 Hesiod's philosophy may be stated in a few words: Two things 
 have been imposed upon men by the gods — Labor and Justice. 
 The good Eris prompts to the former and respects the latter, while 
 the bad Eris neglects both. Hence the appeal to Perses divides 
 itself into two parts: 1st, that which has to do with the question of 
 justice in the law-suit (27-285), in which Hesiod would save Perses 
 from the influence of the bad Eris; 2nd, that which has to do with 
 the question of working for a livelihood (286-694), in which Hesiod 
 would have Perses follow the good Eris. Part one falls into two 
 halves, one being a personal appeal to Perses and the princes and 
 referring to the suit (27-41 and 202-285), the other containing two 
 myths on the necessity of labor and the origin of evils (42-201). 
 Part two falls into three divisions, one (286-382) being a transition ^ 
 to the Works proper, and composed of an introduction (286-297), 
 a general exhortation to industry, honesty and piety (298-341), 
 followed by a collection of proverbs (342-382) ; another giving a 
 farmer's calendar or treatise on agriculture (383-617), and a third 
 containing precepts on navigation (618-694). The rest of the poem 
 (695-828) is a sort of appendix, composed of two parts: 1st, general 
 precepts on marriage and friendship (695-723), followed by various 
 popular supersitions (724-764); 2nd, a calendar of lucky and unlucky 
 days (765-828). 
 
NOTES ON THE DAYS AND WORKS OF HESIOD 9 
 
 The proem begins by invoking the Muses to celebrate Zeus, 
 who is asked to guide aright the Themistes while Hesiod tells Perses 
 the truth (1-10). Then comes the introduction proper: There are 
 two Erides on earth, different in character. The one stirs up war 
 and strife and is loved by none; the other is a great blessing to mor- 
 tals, for she arouses the indolent to activity when he sees his thrifty 
 and industrious neighbor becoming wealthy (11-26). Perses is then 
 urged not to let the bad Eris draw him from work to waste his time 
 loitering about the agora listening to trials, especially as his sub- 
 sistence at home is none too ample. And let us settle our differences 
 by private agreement between ourselves according to the just judg- 
 ments of Zeus; for you had already received your just portion, when 
 you proceeded to take many other things by bribing the princes, 
 who are willing in consideration of gifts to render perverse deci- 
 sions (27-41). 
 
 Next the myth of Prometheus and Pandora is told to show how 
 labor became necessary. Men had originally lived in a state of 
 godlike ease without toil and evils, and such might still be their 
 condition, had not Zeus concealed means of living, angered because 
 Prometheus had deceived him. First he concealed fire; but the son 
 of lapetus stole it without his knowledge in a hollow reed. Then 
 he devised an evil for men, not labor, as might have been expected; 
 for the myth must be told and in the myth woman was the evil. 
 Suitable divinities are ordered to construct her: Hephaestus is to 
 fashion her from earth and water, and give her human speech and 
 form; Athena is to teach her the works appropriate to her sex; Aphro- 
 dite is to endow her with charms to waste men with the fires of love; 
 while Hermes is to give her an impudent and thievish disposition 
 to make unhappy man's domestic life. Besides the Graces and 
 Persuasion and the Seasons lavish their gifts upon her, and she is 
 called Pandora as being the gift of all the gods. After her comple- 
 tion she was sent to the thoughtless Epimetheus, who forgetful of 
 the warning of Prometheus never to receive a gift from Zeus, wel- 
 comed her; but when he had the pest, then he perceived what he had 
 done. For the woman took off the lid of a jar and scattered the 
 contents — Hope alone remained within, because she clapped on the 
 lid before it could fly out — and since then men, who had formerly 
 lived without evils and hard labor, are now subject to diseases and 
 innumerable calamities. Thus it is impossible to escape the will 
 of Zeus (42-105). 
 
10 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 The allusion in 90-92 to a former condition which is described 
 in 43-46 as being possible, if the gods had not concealed means of 
 life, suggested the Golden Age and the myth of the World- Ages 
 which follows (106-201), and which shows the decline of man from a 
 state of equality with the gods to the present condition of wickedness 
 and misery. It thus forms a good companion-piece to the myth of 
 Prometheus and Pandora; but here it is possible to see traces of the 
 poet's two Erides. It is true that labor is not a prominent feature 
 of the Golden Age; it was not necessary in that primitive godlike 
 age before Zeus had imposed hardships upon men; but the condition 
 described in 112-119 is certainly what Hesiod would have considered 
 the ideal life of the farmer, before the good Eris had become neces- 
 sary, but from which the bad Eris was utterly absent. — On the other 
 hand the Iron Age is to become an unlimited reign of the bad Eris, 
 which here is designated as slanderous-tongued Envy, with look of 
 deadly hate, rejoicing in the misofrtunes of others (195-6). 
 
 First came the race of gold, when Cronos ruled in heaven. Like 
 gods they lived without care, diseases or old age, but in the enjoy- 
 ment of perpetual youth they banqueted far removed from all evils. 
 They died as it were overcome by sleep. Of its own accord the earth 
 brought forth in abundance all manner of fruits; and in peace they 
 performed their tasks in the midst of many blessings. After death 
 they became daemons on earth, guardians of mortal men and givers 
 of wealth (109-126). 
 
 Second was the race of silver, unlike the golden in mind and 
 body. A hundred years a child lived with its mother; but when 
 they came to manhood, they lived for a short time, suffering woes be- 
 cause of their foUies; for they could not restrain their insolence towards 
 one another, nor would they revere the immortal gods. Conse- 
 quently Zeus destroyed them in his wrath; but they too became 
 divinities, though subterranean and inferior to the former race 
 (127-142). 
 
 Third came the race of bronze, strong and terrible, who delighted 
 in deed of war and acts of violence. Brazen were their arms, brazen 
 were their houses, with bronze they wrought; for iron was yet un- 
 known. Self-destroyed like the brood of the dragon's teeth they 
 perished utterly and went to the home of Hades. Notwithstanding 
 their might death overcame them (143-155). 
 
 Fourth was the race of heroes, who fought at Thebes and Troy — 
 a more just and better race, to whom the son of Cronos gave abode 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 11 
 
 apart from men in the Islands of the Blest by Ocean's stream. There 
 they dwell free from care, and the earth bears them fruit thrice yearly 
 (156-173). 
 
 Fifth is the present race of iron, which is bad and becoming 
 worse all the time. Never by day will they cease from weariness 
 and woe, nor by night from wasting away, and the gods will give 
 them grievous cares, a condition just the opposite to the ease and 
 contentment of the Golden Age. Family-ties will become loose, 
 guest-friendship and companionship will no longer be sacred, nor 
 will brothers be friendly as formerly. Children will no longer 
 respect their parents, but will reproach them with bitter words and 
 refuse to support their old age. There will be no regard for the 
 good and just man, nor for the man of his oath, but the evil-doer 
 will be in honor. Might will be right and Envy will run riot among 
 men. Finally Aidos (scruple to do wrong) and Nemesis (indignation 
 at wrong-doing) will leave the earth and there will be no escape from 
 evil (174-201). 
 
 The fable of the hawk and nightingale (202-212) illustrates the 
 Slkti h xepo-t (192) of the iron age: A hawk bore aloft among the 
 clouds a nightingale, and she, pierced by his talons, wailed piteously; 
 but he said sternly: Why do you shriek? Don't you see that a 
 stronger holds you? You shall go whither I take you, and whether 
 I eat you or let you go, depends on my pleasure. The singer of 
 208 is a manifest reference to the poet, while the hawk represents 
 the princes who regard not the law of Zeus (276/9). 
 
 The myths and fable concluded, the poet returns to Perses (213) 
 and urges him to hearken to justice and lay aside his insolent pride, 
 which will bring him to ruionous consequences. Then he passes 
 to a general reference to those who make perverse judgments (219- 
 224). Retribution attends them, and though for the time they 
 may outrage Justice, she follows them unseen and brings calamity 
 not only to the wrong-doers themselves, but also to the people in 
 general. This reference to the city and people opens the way for 
 a contrast between the condition of the just, who are described 
 225-237) as enjoying an ideal condition of blessedness akin to the 
 Golden Age, and that of the unjust (238-247), who for their insolence 
 and perverse deeds suffer all the calamities that heaven can bring 
 upon them. Again (240-41) the idea is advanced that a whole city 
 may suffer for the misdeeds of one man. Then addressing the 
 princes personally (248) he tells them also to consider this retri- 
 
12 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 bution from the gods. For the immortals are near among men and 
 take note of those who wrong one another with perverse judgments, 
 not regarding the gods. And these watchers of mortals from Zeus 
 go to and fro everywhere over the earth unseen with an eye on 
 judgments and perverse deeds. And Dike herself, the daughter 
 of Zeus, is one of them, revered by the gods of Olympus; and when- 
 ever one perversely injures her, she sits down by the side of father 
 Zeus and tells the designs of unjust men, that the people may pay 
 for the sins of their kings who perversely wrest judgments aside. 
 Therefore, princes, render fair decisions and altogether forget per- 
 verse judgments. 
 
 The following passage (265-273) presents difl&culties, but it seems 
 best to take it as some concluding remarks to the princes. Just as 
 Perses was told (217-18) that in the end SIkt} is better than vjSpis and 
 a fool learns by experience, so the princes are warned that one whc 
 wrongs another really wrongs himself; for the eye of Zeus beholds 
 all things and he is well aware how justice is being administered in 
 the present instance. As matters now seem, a man had better not 
 be just, since the unjust man is to have the advantage; but Zeus 
 will not allow such a condition to exist. Having thus warned Perses 
 and the princes that every wrong receives its due recompense anc 
 that the guilty involve also the innocent in ruin, the poet sums up 
 the matter to Perses (274-285) and sets forth the law of Zeus as 
 6t/c77, which is a just regard for the rights of others and distinguishes 
 the good Eris from the bad. Whoso keeps this law, to him Zeuj 
 gives prosperity and his race increases after him; but whoso follows 
 the brute impulse as depicted in the fable of the hawk and the night- 
 ingale and exemplified by the race of iron, and regards not justice 
 his race is left weaker after him. 
 
 At 286 begins a new part of the poem. The law-suit and th( 
 princes are forgotten. The burden of the song, which had been th( 
 necessity of a just life, now becomes the necessity of a life of industr) 
 that one may have means of subsistence and reputation in the eyei 
 of men. The Works proper begin at 383, and so 286-382 must b< 
 looked on as introductory to them. At the outset Hesiod assume: 
 an entirely different tone from the preceding: I will give you gooc 
 instruction, foolish Perses, and one cannot but feel that the crisii 
 is past. Whatever had been the result, from this point on the poe 
 with a confident tone of superiority gives advice and instruction t( 
 Perses, who has fallen into a condition of beggary (394-404). Ii 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 13 
 
 two passages (287-292 and 293-297), the most brilliant in Hesiod 
 and of more general and far-reaching import than the poet imagined, 
 he tells his unfortunate brother that the condition of worthlessness 
 and disrepute into which he has fallen is the natural consequence 
 of the course he has pursued, while the road to worth and reputation 
 is a long and difficult one to travel. Still if he is willing to make 
 the effort, it will become easy in spite of its difficulty. He is best 
 of all who sees things himself, and he also is worthy who takes good 
 counsel; but he is a useless man who neither has perception himself 
 nor harkens to another. Perses has refused to take good advice; 
 but now in the light of your experience, the poet tells him, harken 
 to me and my superior insight will enable you to return to a condi- 
 tion of means and repute. 
 
 And so reverting to his previous injunction(28), he tells Perses 
 to work that famine may hate him and Demeter may love him and 
 fill his store (298-302). For gods and men hate one who lives an 
 idle life like drones, while from work men become wealthy and dear 
 to the immortals. Work is no disgrace, it is idleness that is dis- 
 graceful. If you get to work, soon the idle will envy you for your 
 prosperity; standing and reputation attend wealth. Better turn 
 your attention from other people's property to work and acquire 
 means of living. Modesty (i.e., lack of confidence, backwardness) 
 is characteristic of poverty, while confidence goes with prosperity 
 (319). But acquire not property dishonestly; for if one acquires 
 even great wealth by force or deceit, the gods easily diminish his 
 estate and his wealth lasts but for a short time. 
 
 At this point (32^) the admonition to industry breaks off and we 
 must suppose that the wrath of the gods upon dishonest wealth sug- 
 gests other crimes, which Zeus hates and punishes with a heavy 
 penalty, namely: injuring a suppliant or stranger, violating a broth- 
 er's bed, wronging orphan children, or reproaching with bitter 
 words an aged father. But you hold aloof from all such things and 
 rather sacrifice to the gods and propitiate them with libations and 
 offerings of incense, that they may be propitious to you, and you 
 may buy another's estate and not another yours. 
 
 So far the sequence of ideas is sufficiently clear: The gods hate 
 an idler and work gives wealth and standing with men; yet seek 
 not ill-gotten gain, for this is one of the crimes that bring the wrath 
 of the gods; rather propitiate the gods that you may win their favor 
 and prosper. The general proverbs that follow have to do with 
 
14 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 relations between neighbors (342-360) and the accumulation and 
 saving of property (361-380). The mention of sacrifice (336-341) 
 led to the question of inviting to the feast (342-3) and the remarks 
 on neighbors that follow. The matter of good measure (349-50) 
 suggests the folly of an unfair gain (352). The statement that even 
 a small wrong causes resentment (360) suggests the maxim that 
 the accumulation of pennies produces dollars (361-2), and that it is not 
 what is laid up in store, but the lack of something he desires that 
 troubles a man. Verses 368-372 seem to mean: There is a proper 
 time to be sparing and a proper time to be liberal; if you have 
 promised any man aught, keep your promise; but in all business 
 relations use caution. Then having in mind the saving pf wealth, 
 he advises not to be deceived by a flattering woman who has an 
 eye on your store; for whoso trusts a woman trusts in thieves 
 (373-5). Also that you may establish a wealthy house, leave behind 
 an only begotten son. Of course, he adds, Zeus might give an 
 abundance of wealth for more, and there would be one advantage: 
 They would do more work and bring in a greater profit (376-380). 
 Then follows a general summing up (introductory also to what 
 succeeds): If you desire wealth, do thus and do work upon work. 
 
 Verses 383-617 contain a general treatise on agriculture and are 
 followed by a sort of appendix on navigation (618-694), the two 
 parts together constituting the Works. The object of both parts, 
 as appears from 394-404 as well as from the address to Perses in 611 
 and the personal references in 633-642, is to instruct the poverty- 
 stricken, debt-encumbered brother (404 and 647) how to attain 
 that success which will give him standing with men and favor with 
 the gods; yet the precepts themselves are of a general character and 
 the discussion is of general import. 
 
 Hesiod constantly insists that everything should be done in its 
 proper season, and to determine the proper time for sowing and 
 reaping as well as for sailing one is to be guided by the phenomena 
 of nature, i. e., by the habits of birds, insects, etc. and the growth 
 and flowering of plants, and especially by the rising and setting of 
 the stars. These together with the autumnal rain, the falling of 
 the leaves, and the solstices constitute the Hesiodic data for deter- 
 mining the seasons. 
 
 The farmer's year begins with the autumn rain (415), the falling of 
 the leaves (421), and the winter plowing (450), and goes through the 
 yearly operations till the plowing season again (616). The opening 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD IS 
 
 passage (383-392) introduces at the beginning the two most impor- 
 tant seasons of the year for the farmer, seed-time and harvest. 
 Verses 393-413, which come before the real beginning of the far- 
 mer's year in 414, seem addressed directly to Perses, who is urged 
 to do the works which the gods have imposed upon men, if he would 
 escape the beggary into which he has fallen. Perses had not learned 
 self-reliance and independence, and in his need was prone to call on 
 others for help. People may pity him a time or two, the poet says; 
 but in the stern affairs of the world one must not rely upon others. 
 A.nd so in agriculture get everything ready (407) and do not be a 
 borrower. Be prompt and energetic in business; for neither an idler 
 nor a pFocrastinator fills his barn. 
 
 The works of autumn and early winter are described in 414-492. 
 As soon as the hot season is past and the autumn rain has begun, 
 when the trees shed their leaves and cease from growth, then the 
 wood is free from sap and impervious to worms; at this time cut wood 
 for the various farming implements: a pestle, a mortar, a wagon, a 
 mallet, a plow. This would be the end of September. Particular 
 attention is given to the plow, as that is the most important imple- 
 ment of agriculture and requires special timber for its construction 
 (427-36). Also the proper help in the way of oxen and servants 
 is to be secured (436-47). With everything ready, as soon as the 
 yearly cry of the crane is heard, which is the sign of plowing (seed- 
 ing) and the rainy winter, then with well-fed oxen hustle out, your- 
 self and servants, and plow wet and dry, making haste early that 
 your crop may be bounteous (448-64). The sign of the seeding- 
 time here is the migratory flight of the crane from Thrace and Mace- 
 donia to Libya. In 384 it was the setting of the Pleiades that 
 marked the time for sowing, which would place the season about 
 the first of November. 
 
 Hesiod recognizes the uncertain element in agriculture; conse- 
 quently not only see that everything is done in proper order, but also 
 pray to the gods from the beginning of seeding. Thus if the Olym- 
 pian is wiUing, a heavy crop will result and you will reach the spring 
 an object of envy to others (465-78). But if instead of pushing the 
 work early (461) you wait till the winter solstice, harvest will not 
 be a time of rejoicing nor will others envy you, except in one case: 
 When first the cuckoo is heard in the leaves of the oak (as a sign 
 of spring), then if Zeus should rain for three days till the ground is 
 well soaked, the late sower might have an equal chance with the 
 
16 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 early one. But you keep your eyes open and do not let the proper 
 season go by (479-92). As the cuckoo makes its appearance in 
 Attica towards the end of March (Sittl) when the rainy season is . 
 well over, Hesiod must mean that a heavy rain late in spring will 
 mature a good crop even from a late sowing. 
 
 Farming operations are interrupted for Hesiod about two months 
 in winter — from the winter solstice to the end of February. This 
 period is the subject of verses 493-563. The verses containing 
 precepts on farming are 493-503 and 559-563. The meaning of 
 the whole seems to be: Do not waste any time loafing around public 
 resorts in the season of winter when farming operations are sus- 
 pended by the cold; for then a man who does not shrink from work 
 in spite of the weather can greatly increase his substance, while 
 an idler who frequents such resorts and indulges a vain hope in spite 
 of his poverty, lays up for himself many misfortunes. Then as an 
 exception the author warns against the one worst month when the 
 blasts of Boreas make great precautions necessary if one is to work 
 at all (554). The episode of the wintry month and the effect of 
 the north wind, and the precepts on clothing (504/558) are rather 
 unlike the rest of the Works in their descriptive chafacter, as well 
 as in their occasional touches of humor, but can hardly be considered 
 out of place where they stand. If 561-3 are genuine, the two pre- 
 ceding lines must refer to the winter season (494) rather than to the 
 month Lenaeon: Then men need more food, but cattle only half, 
 for the long nights are helpers. This observe " till thou hast gotten 
 night and day equal" (Mair), when earth shall again produce her 
 manifold fruits. 
 
 The works of spring begin with verse 564. Sixty days after the 
 winter solstice Arcturus rising at dusk shines all night, says Hesiod 
 — this would be the end of February. Immediately afterwards the 
 swallow appears as the harbinger of spring, and then is the time to 
 prune the vines (568-70). But when the snail climbs the plants (vines) 
 trying to escape the Pleiades, then get ready for the harvest and 
 go at it early and push the work vigorously in spite of the heat and 
 bring your crop home, that you may have adequate means of living 
 (571-81). Here as in 383-4 the rising of the Pleiades, which in 
 Hesiod's time occurred about the middle of May, is the sign of 
 harvest. 
 
 Next comes the season of mid-summer, when owing to the heat 
 one is to seek the shade and have a festal relaxation from work 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 17 
 
 (582-96). This season is heralded by the flowering of the scolymus 
 and the cry of the cicada at the rising of Siriu^, or about the middle 
 of June. The appearance of Orion (598) marks the time to begin 
 threshing. As Orion rises before Sirius, this seems to mean some- 
 time after the constellation has made its appearance in the morning 
 sky, or sometime in July. After the grain has been stored, comes 
 a period of rest for man and beast (608). And finally when Arcturus 
 rises at dawn and Orion and Sirius are then in mid-heaven (about 
 the first of October), then get in the grapes and make your wine 
 (609-614). Then reverting to the starting point (384 and 450), 
 at the setting of the Pleiades and Hyades and Orion begin the seed- 
 ing again and thus the year will have a fitting end (615-17). 
 
 The precepts on navigation (618-694) form a sort of appendix 
 to the agricultural works; for although Hesiod like Cato (de Agr. 
 Introd. 3)^ does not approve of a trader's life, yet like Cato he realizes 
 that under certain conditions one may improve his circumstances 
 by going to sea. But here even more than in agriculture one must 
 do everything in season (641-2). When the Pleiades fleeing Orion 
 fall into the sea (seeding- time), then all manner of winds rage and 
 so beach your ship for winter and wait for the sailing season (619- 
 30). There are two seasons for sailing, Hesiod declares, though he 
 confesses he has slight acquaintance with navigation (649). The 
 one occurs in the late summer, fifty days after the solstice, when 
 the Et^ian winds have ceased to blow (see note on 663). This 
 comes between threshing time and the season of vintage. Then 
 the sea is calm and there is no danger of accidents, unless the god of 
 the sea or the king of the immortals wills to destroy; for the end 
 of all things is in their hands. But hurry back before the season 
 of vintage and the autumn rain (663-77). There is another in 
 spring after the winter season is over and the leaves have appeared 
 on the trees; but this is more hazardous and only to be risked when 
 one is in dire need (678-86). 
 
 The last 134 lines of the poem certainly have nothing to 4o with 
 personal relations between Hesiod and Perses. The latter is not 
 mentioned, and the law-suit as well as the precepts on agriculture 
 and navigation are forgotten. The contents are of a most general 
 character, and the first passage (695-705) on the choosing of a wife 
 has no connection with the proceding except that one should contract 
 a seasonable marriage, just as agricultural works and navigation 
 should be done in season. Besides it is almost necessary to assume 
 
18 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 from 399 that Perses had a wife. Consequently it is pretty generally 
 ronceded that we have here an addition, partly of general precepts, 
 largely of popular superstitions, perhaps not by Hesiod, though 
 most of the material may go back to his time or even earlier. It 
 may roughly be divided into two parts: 695-764 containing general 
 precepts and popular superstitions and 765-828 containing a calendar 
 of lucky and unlucky days. The first part falls into two divisions, 
 one having to do with choosing a wife and conduct towards friends 
 (695-723), while the other (724-764) contains numerous supersti- 
 tions about things that are to be avoided, being related in form to the 
 prohibitions immediately preceding. The calendar of lucky and 
 unlucky days contains superstitions relating to the days of the month; 
 and while forming in itself a related whole, follows not inappro- 
 priately upon the preceding superstitions that relate to the gods 
 and sacred affairs, to which a reference seems to be made in 827. 
 
 IV. Composition of the Works and Days: For more than a 
 century there has been much ingenious discussion as to whether 
 the Works and Days is one continuous composition, or only certain 
 parts were originally composed and considerable additions were 
 made later.^ The earlier criticisms were incHned to be analytical 
 and destructive. Twesten^ considers the Works a collection of 
 individual songs loosely put together and worked over by rhapso- 
 dists and revisers. Lehrs^ tries to show that the poem consists of 
 fragments, the original parts having been extended by interpolations 
 and the insertion of second recensions. Flach^ calls the Works and 
 Days not a single poem, but a series of different and to some extent 
 disconnected poems, which were composed under various circum- 
 stances and at different times, and were put together in a fashion 
 by persons utterly without critical instinct. Kirchhoff^ finds in 
 the Works and Days eight songs, which were written at different 
 times by one poet and afterwards put together by him into a Lieder- 
 
 ^ A complete and systematic statement of the various theories that have 
 been advanced is contained in Fuss, Versuch einer Analyse von Hesiods "^pya 
 Kal 'HMcpai, 1910, pp. 3-22. 
 
 2 Commentatio critica de Hesiodi carmine quod inscribitur Opera et Dies, 
 1815. 
 
 3Quaestiones Epicae, 1837, pp. 177-252. 
 
 * Die hesiodischen Gedichte, 1874, Introd. p. 25. 
 
 ^ Hesiodos Mahnlieder an Perses, 1889. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 19 
 
 cyclus, to which a proem was attached. In later times an attempt 
 was made to construct from this Liederkranz a poetic whole by the 
 addition of a second and third layer over the original composition. 
 Bergk^ declares that the poem falls into two parts, which were com- 
 posed neither at the same time nor at the same place, and whose 
 only connection is that they are addressed to Perses. When the 
 Hesiodic remains were edited, they were put together. The first 
 (11-326) was composed at Ascra, the second (383-694) at Naupactus. 
 To each part is attached a collection of proverbs, which are also 
 Hesiodic. The Days go back to the time of Hesiod, but had ori- 
 ginally an independent existence. 
 
 This division of the poem into two parts, composed at different 
 times and under different circumstances, has been adopted by a 
 number of the best recent critics, such as Peppmliller,^ who is of 
 opinion that with the exception of a few verses the present form of 
 the poem came from the poet himself, who joined two works ori- 
 ginally distinct and composed at different times, i.e. a reproval of 
 Perses and the princes, and a poem on agriculture and navigation, 
 and extended them by the addition of myths, etc. The Days is 
 an added supplement. Fuss (pp. 23-63) follows Bergk in dividing 
 the Works into two parts at verse 335. Raddatz^ makes the divi- 
 sion at verse 285. The proem is rejected and verses 11-24 form an 
 introduction to the first part, while 286-297 serve to introduce the 
 second. In the first part Hesiod would have Perses give up liti- 
 gation and take to work, i.e. forsake the bad Eris for the good; in 
 the second the poet feeling that he himself has discernment (293) 
 would advise his brother in the hope that he will obey good counsel 
 (295) and so by the sweat of his face reach the goal of worth de- 
 scribed in 289-292. Verses 695-828 are assigned to another source, 
 and 47-108, 156-173, 327-380, 382-393, 506-558 are rejected. 
 
 From an examination of the personal references in those passages 
 which are concededly genuine, i.e. the passages which have to do 
 directly with the suit between Hesiod and Perses, or contain precepts 
 on agriculture and navigation addressed more or less directly to 
 Perses, the following seems to have been the situation: At the 
 death of the father the property was divided between the two 
 
 « Gr. Lit. 1872, Vol. I pp. 939-962. See also note on Works 633-40. 
 7 Review of Kirchhoff in Jahrb. f. Phil. 1890, pp. 641 flf., and Hesiodos, 1896, 
 PR. 149 ff. 
 
 * De Promethei fabula Hesiodea et de compositione Operum, 1909, pp. 30-58. 
 
20 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 sons. Perses not being satisfied appealed to the princes of Thes- 
 piae, who were in authority at Ascra, and gave them as liberal 
 fees (5copa) as his means would permit to insure their favor (37-9V 
 They permitted him to appropriate additional property, which 
 Hesiod felt rightly belonged to himself. Somewhat later the situa- 
 tion of the poem arose. Perses has by this time lost his ill-acquired 
 means (31-3); still he does not seem to be in the condition of poverty 
 described in 394-404 and hinted at in 647. He is interested in 
 litigation rather than work (28-9) and is aiming at the property 
 of others (34). His attitude is characterized by v^pLs (213) and 
 ^LT] (275). We may suppose then that Perses elated at his previous 
 success had neglected his business and begun to resort to the assem- 
 blies and public lounging places (493). As a consequence he soon 
 found himself in limited circumstances, and as a means of recouping 
 himself he approached the princes a second time with a view to 
 getting something further from his industrious and prosperous 
 brother. Hesiod in anxiety as to the result wrote the first part of 
 the poem, appealing to his brother not to resort to an unjust process, 
 but to settle their differences fairly by private agreement (34-6); 
 to hearken to justice and not to be arrogant or use force (213, 275). 
 At the same time the princes are warned of the vengence of the 
 gods which will surely visit them if they persist in rendering perverse 
 judgments (248-264). There is an unmistakable attitude of anxiety 
 in these passages, showing that Hesiod was actually facing a dif- 
 ficult situation. In fact everything shows that Hesiod feels that 
 he is in the talons of the hawk (202-212). 
 
 In the second part, on the other hand, there is no mention of 
 the princes nor direct reference to the suit. Perses has lost all his 
 arrogance and is oppressed with dire poverty and debt (404, 647). 
 The whole situation seems reversed. It is Perses who begs, not 
 Hesiod (396-403, 477-8). The poet shows no anxiety about his own 
 affairs, but is interested in his brother's welfare; and instead of 
 despairingly hoping that neither he nor his son may ever be just 
 among men, since the unjust man has the advantage (270-272), 
 with stern confidence he instructs Perses how he may pay his debts 
 and return to a respectable condition of living. It is natural to 
 suppose therefore that the princes did not seriously entertain the 
 complaint of Perses, finding that the gifts were not so plentiful as 
 formerly and influenced perhaps by the denunciations of the poet. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 21 
 
 Or at any rate Hesiod came off very lightly, and then with con- 
 fidence wrote the second part on agriculture and navigation. 
 
 It has been usual to make the division of the poem at 383, where 
 the Works proper begin, but it must be conceded that the tone of 
 anxiety and the direct references to the suit cease at 285, and begin- 
 ning with 286 work forms completely the burden of the song. Here 
 for the first time occurs the address fxkya vrjine Uepcrr], and this is 
 the common form throughout the rest of the poem. After a general 
 introduction on the time and effort required to attain to worth, 
 Hesiod goes on to tell Perses to work that he may avoid famine and 
 the wrath of the gods, and acquire self-confidence and the respect 
 of men. Verses 315-16 and 320-26 seem to be a reminder of past 
 unpleasantness rather than a reference to present trouble. 
 
 While there is such a difference in attitude between the two 
 parts as to make it probable that there was also a difference of time 
 and situation, still the abrupt and concise style of the Works makes 
 it difficult to arrive at a decisive conclusion. Waltz,* who accepts 
 practically the entire Works and Days as a continuous composition, 
 is of opinion that after a division of the property Perses failing 
 because of idleness and worthlessness became jealous of his indus- 
 trious and prosperous brother, and brought suit against him before 
 the princes of Thespiae, declaring that the division had not been 
 fairly made. Perses won the suit by bribing the judges, and Hesiod 
 in his mortification at the result avenged himself by writing the 
 early part of the present poem. Far from profiting by his ill-ac- 
 quired gains, Perses contracted debts, fell into poverty and was 
 reduced to a miserable life of beggary. Then it was that Hesiod 
 continued with the part on agriculture, etc. Rand,^° who reads 
 Hesiod through Horatian spectacles, believes the suit was brought 
 after the vain appeal to Hesiod mentioned in 396, and bases his 
 plea for the unity of the poem on an analysis of Hesiod's tempera- 
 ment and the recognition in it of a Horatian urbanity and good- 
 humored satire. All was written before the trial and shows a lordly 
 magnanimity, aware as he was that the object of his satire might 
 prove the future owner of his estate. 
 
 ^ Hesiode et son poeme moral, 1906, pp. 35-48. Also edition of Works 
 (1909), Introd. I and II. 
 
 ^"Horatian Urbanity in Hesiod's Works and Days, in A. J. P., 1911, pp. 
 131-165. 
 
22 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 The tendency of recent criticism is towards accepting the unity 
 of the Works and Days.^^ It has been recognized that later stan- 
 dards cannot be applied to so primitive a piece of literature, and 
 that the style and composition must be judged from the work itself. 
 It is perfectly conceivable that with the exception of a few obvious 
 interpolations Hesiod may have written the whole production, either 
 at one time or at different times. The antiquity of the Works and 
 Days and the uncertainty of its transmission make it impossible 
 to settle decisively the questions that have arisen; but these ques- 
 tions are concerned chiefly with six parts: the proem, the two myths 
 (47-201), the irrelevant generalities of 327-382 and the succeeding 
 ten lines (383-392), the winter episode (504-^58), the passage on 
 which the legend of the Certamen was based (654-662), and the 
 rather unrelated supplement at the close (695-828). A brief dis- 
 cussion of these and a few minor passages is here attempted: 
 
 The genuineness of the proem was questioned in ancient times. 
 Proclus (Gaisford 3-4) says: The proem is rejected by some, includ- 
 ing Aristarchus, who marked the lines with an obelus, and Praxi- 
 phanes, a disciple of Theophrastus. The latter says further- 
 more that he saw a copy without a proem beginning with 
 ovK apa iJLodvov er}v 'EptScoj^ yevos. Schol. Dionys. Perieg. 64 (Riihl, 
 Rh. Mus. XXIX 83) says that the proem of the Works and Days of 
 Hesiod could be prefixed to any poem; hence Crates rejected it. 
 Pausanias (9, 31, 4) says that the Boeotians around Helicon declared 
 that Hesiod wrote nothing else except the Works, and of this they 
 rejected the proem to the Muses, making the hymn to the Erides 
 the beginning of the poem. And they showed me, he continues, a 
 leaden copy much mutilated by time; and it had the Works written 
 on it. 
 
 These three citations contain practically all the testimony of 
 antiquity. That the statement of Proclus is based on Plutarch is 
 shown by the fact that the latter (Quaest. Conv. 736E) refers to 
 OVK apa plovvov erjv ^Epl8o)v yevos as the beginning of the Works. It 
 seems probable that the statement of Praxiphanes was the basis 
 of the condemnation of Aristarchus, whose authority in turn in- 
 fluenced succeeding critics including Plutarch. The question re- 
 mains: Was the proemless copy of Praxiphanes the same as the 
 
 ^1 Besides Peppmuller, Waltz and Rand, see Lisco, Quaestiones Hesiodeae, 
 1903, pp. 48-62, and Mazon in Rev. d. £tud. Ancien. 1912, pp. 329-356, who 
 maintains that the unity of the entire poem is perfect. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 23 
 
 leaden one of Pausanias, which, as is naturally inferred from his 
 preceding statement, lacked the proem? Dimitrijevic (Stud. Hes. 
 S) believes that it was, and that the Heliconians rejected the proem 
 out of pure local patriotism because of the address to the Pierian 
 Muses. Leo (Hesiodea 5-7) also is of the opinion that the state- 
 ments of Pausanias and Proclus ultimately go back to the same source. 
 This would base the skepticism of antiquity entirely on a leaden copy 
 on Mount Helicon, which according to Pausanias was much mu- 
 tilated by time. 
 
 As to the statement of the scholiast on Dionysius Periegetes 
 that Crates rejected the proem of the Works on the score that it 
 could be attached to any poem, it is true that the first eight lines 
 could be attached to any poem, whose theme illustrated the power 
 of Zeus over the fortunes of men; but the last two lines — Hear me, 
 beholding and hearkening, and guide the Themistes aright, thou, 
 but I shall tell Perses the truth — ^are certainly peculiarly appropriate 
 to the Works. Considered as a whole the proem is not a bad intro- 
 duction to the Works and Days. It begins by invoking the Muses 
 to celebrate Zeus, according to whose will men are renowned and 
 unrenowned; for he easily makes strong, and crushes the strong; 
 easily he brings down the conspicuous, and lifts up the lowly; easily 
 he chastises the perverse and blasts the proud in heart, Zeus who 
 dwells high above all. It is not difficult to see in these lines a warning 
 to the proud and venal princes, that Zeus, who dwells high even 
 above them, has power to humble their pretensions in spite of their 
 feeling that they can oppress the helpless with impunity .^^ 
 
 Among modern scholars the question of the genuineness of the 
 proem has been much discussed and there seems to be little prospect 
 of agreement; but a well written and rather convincing negative 
 argument is that of Martin,^^ who bases his conclusion not only 
 on the testimony of antiquity, but also on the internal evidence of 
 language and style. His arguments and conclusion may be briefly 
 stated as follows: 1st: A large number of the words are used by 
 Hesiod only in the proem or in interpolated passages, or are used 
 in a sense or connection not found elsewhere in Hesiod. 2nd: The 
 language is Homeric rather than Hesiodic; and 3rd: in spite of this 
 similarity to Homeric diction it points to a period later than the 
 
 ^2 See Leo, Hesiodea 14-16 and Fuss, Versuch einer Analyse 26-7. 
 ^3 Das Prooemium zu den Erga des Hesiodos, 1898. 
 
24 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 latest Homeric passages and later than the major Homeric Hymns. 
 Besides the Muses are called Pierian only in the late verses of Theo- 
 gony 53 and Shield 206, and by later poets, as Solon and Pindar. 
 4th: The Lyric Poets, who imitated the Works freely, have bor- 
 rowed nothing from the proem. 5th: It contains words that make 
 their first appearance in Pindar and Sophocles; and above all words 
 are used in an application, which cannot be proved for Pindar or 
 before, but which was frequent in the Alexandrian Age and after. 
 Likewise the three spondees closing line 1 and the rhetorical balances 
 in verses 3-7 point to a late poet who did not trouble himself about 
 epic style.^^ 6th: That the proem existed at the time of the Alexan- 
 drians is proved by the fact that Aratus imitated it in the proem to 
 his Phenomena,^^ by the fact that Praxiphanes mentioned his having 
 seen a copy of the Works without it and by the fact that Aristarchus 
 and Crates condemned it. 7th: The statement of Praxiphanes 
 shows that at his time it was not yet in all the manuscripts, but that 
 the lack of it was unusual and worthy of comment. 8th: The 
 conclusion is that it must have been composed later than Pindar and 
 apparently was already incorporated at the time of Aratus. Hence 
 it was at the beginning of the Alexandrian Age or about 300 B. C. 
 that it was composed or at least received its present form.^^ 
 
 ^* See discussions in Explanatory Notes. 
 
 ^^ There can be no question that Aratus imitated Hesiod both in the proem 
 and elsewhere. See Pasquali (Das Prooemium des Arat, Charites Fr. Leo, 
 1911, 113-122), who is of opinion that the imitation of Hesiod by Aratus is a 
 kind of protest against the ideas of the former by the introduction of the Stoic 
 irpovoia into the work of the latter. The prominence given to Zeus in the proem 
 of Aratus and the fact that app-qros is used there as well as in 180 in the same 
 sense as in the proem of the Works, which use occurs nowhere else in extant 
 Greek literature, lends strong support to the contention of Martin. 
 
 ^^ It is interesting to note that Croiset (Hist, de la Lit. Gr. Vol. I 78) takes 
 the proem of the Works as a type of pre-epic hymns: L'archaisme des expres- 
 sions, le tour hieratique des pensees semblent attester I'antiquite de ce morceau. 
 II est remarquable par sa forme sentencieuse et par la multiplicite des formules. 
 The balance of phrase, however, seems to indicate late rhetoric rather than early 
 formAila — see Kemmer, Die Polare Ausdrucksweise in der Gr. Literatur, 1913, 
 p. 60. Also Ziegler in Archiv f. Reiigionswissenschaft, Vol. XIV Nos. 1-2 — 
 reviewed in Rev. de Phil. 1912 under Reviews, p. 12, 50) endorses Martin and 
 maintains that the language and style are later than Gorgias and that the proem 
 is an encomium of Zeus Themistius in the spirit of the Lyric Hymns and similar 
 to the Delphic Hymns. The fittingness of the prelude is no proof of its genuine- 
 ness, as Leo maintains. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 25 
 
 Taking thus the testimony of antiquity and the internal evi- 
 dence into consideration, it seems probable that the proem is a 
 later attachment, of which the first eight lines may well have been 
 a rather general proem of some rhapsodist, while the last two lines 
 were added to attach it more fittingly to the Works and Days. 
 
 It is reasonably certain that a large part of the material of the 
 two myths (47-201) was drawn from popular sources, and that they 
 already existed in some form before their insertion in the Works and 
 Days. The question is whether a man facing a serious crisis, as 
 Hesiod apparently was, and writing such direct and personal appeals 
 as immediately precede and follow would have stopped to tell two 
 myths of such length and general character. Then there is lack of 
 logical sequence in the parts as they now stand. For instance the 
 story of Prometheus is told to show how labor originated, but it 
 turns out that in consequence of his deceit an evil in the form of 
 woman is foisted upon man, and then she causes evils in general by 
 opening a jar, the origin of labor being forgotten. This inconsistency 
 is perhaps due to the fact that a myth, which in its original form was 
 a satirical attack on the female sex, is here modified for a different 
 purpose, the original features being in the main retained. But the 
 setting of the myths on the whole is not quite logical. Verses 42-46 
 must refer in a general way to what precedes, as there has been no 
 reference to labor since verse 32, or as Goettling-Flach says, they 
 are closely joined with 11-24. And the fable of the hawk and the 
 nightingale is dropped in without any particular connection with 
 what precedes. In fact to pass from verse 39 over the myths and 
 fable and begin again at 213, one would have a very consistent 
 and personal appeal to Perses and the princes to hearken to justice 
 and cease from their unfair persecution of the poet. 
 
 There are two passages in the Prometheus-Pandora myth which 
 have been especially subject to criticism. There seems to be good 
 reason for suspecting the first (69-82) as being a melange from 
 various sources, quite unnecessary to the story and inconsistent with 
 60-68, even if with Bentley we reject 76 and 79. See Appendix II 
 for a discussion of the passage. As to the second (90-104), there is 
 ground for believing that it did not belong to the original form of 
 the myth. There is no trace of it in the Theogony and it seems to 
 be a fragment chopped off and inserted in the Works, it being taken 
 for granted that the reader knows where Pandora's jar came from 
 and what it contained. But if it is removed, the whole myth loses 
 
26 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 its point in the Works and Days; for here alone (91) do we have a 
 reference to labor, the necessity of which the author set out to show, 
 and which we may suppose was included among the evils of line 
 100. And the manifest allusion in 90-92 to the former condition 
 which is described in 42-46 as being possible, if the gods had not 
 concealed means of living, suggests the Golden Age and the myth 
 of the World-Ages which follows. 
 
 It seems that the purpose of the myth of the World-Ages is to 
 show the gradual decline of man from a state of equality with the 
 gods to the present condition of wickedness and misery. One pas- 
 sage in particular of this myth has been questioned, the Age of 
 Heroes (156-173). This race is not found in any other version of 
 the myth and interrupts the process of deterioration which the 
 myth was evidently intended to illustrate. But whether it is a 
 part of the original poem or a later interpolation, it seems to have 
 been introduced because the race of heroes who fought at Thebes 
 and Troy was considered too real and important to be omitted. ^^ 
 It is clear that the author used the mythologic material and back- 
 ground at his disposal, and the Golden Age and the Age of Heroes 
 were the most real features of that background, while the Silver 
 Age and the Age of Bronze were more or less vague, and their natural 
 position was between the Golden Age of the far off past and the 
 Heroic Age of the immediate past, even if the decadence was inter- 
 rupted by the arrangement. 
 
 At 327 begins a passage which cannot apply particularly to the 
 case of Perses, though 335-341 would follow quite appropriately 
 upon 320-326. But in a didactic poem like the Works and Days 
 there is a constant tendency, even in the most personal parts, to 
 
 ^^ Rohde (Psyche, Vol. I p. 95) holds that the race of heroes was introduced 
 by Hesiod, because he wished to refer to the Islands of the Blest as an abode of 
 departed spirits, just as the after-existence of the other races had been described. 
 Fuss (pp. 41 ff.) is of the opinion that while the popular form of the myth may 
 not have contained the age of heroes, the process of decadence is here designedly 
 interrupted by it to show that regeneration is possible; else why does the poet 
 admonish so strenuously to work and justice? It is doubtful, however, whether 
 myths of so general a character have further design than to show that the gods 
 have imposed labor upon man, and that man by his own transgressions has 
 fallen to his present condition of wretchedness. Though the poet may have 
 suflScient confidence in the external nature of things (175) and the providence 
 of the gods (273) to expect a better future, he certainly has no hope for the present 
 generation (176-201). 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 27 
 
 generalization. This tendency manifests itself in the appearance of 
 proverbial expressions, attached or inserted where one feels that 
 perhaps they do not belong, such as 25-6, 40-1, 210-11, 240-41, 265-6; 
 and one cannot be surprised that a passage of so parenetic a character 
 as 286-341 degenerates into a long series of loosely attached pro- 
 verbs (342-382). Then 383-392 is found in the Certamen (172-182) 
 and contains an opposition between seed-time and harvest frequent 
 in later writers, as Aratus 266 and Pliny N. H. XVIII 280; but 
 seems to have been in the text at the time of Vergil (Georg. I. 299). 
 Following Raddatz (pp. 42 ff.) one would get a very logical sequence 
 by rejecting everything between 326 and 393 except 381. In this 
 passage it was easy to insert or attach any current proverb, and it 
 is impossible to tell what may have been original and what was 
 added later.^^ 
 
 The Works close with verse 694, codex Galeanus ending at 
 that point. The rest of the poem seems to be a rather unrelated 
 supplement.^^ Its connection with the preceding is verbal: One 
 should contract a seasonable marriage, just as agricultural works 
 and navigation should be done in season. This connection is well 
 developed by Mazon (pp. 352-3): Souviens-toi de faire chaque chose 
 en son temps, mais surtout quand il s'agit de navigation. Ainsi 
 debutaient les conseils sur la navigation. lis se terminent par la 
 in^me pensee: L'a-propos en tout est la qualite supreme; et cette 
 oensee sert de transition aux conseils sur le mariage: C'est en son 
 temps (aussi) qu'il faut conduire une femme a son foyer. On n'a 
 jamais remarque, je crois, le role que joue le mot copalos dans le 
 poeme d'Hesiode. II revient a chaque instant: tout doit etre fait 
 a son heure. II s'entend des les premiers vers adresses a Perses au 
 debut des Travaux (32); il ouvre et ferme les conseils sur I'agriculture 
 (392, 617), il ouvre les conseils sur la navigation (642) et les conseils 
 sur le mariage (695). Les Travaux sont le poeme du Kaipos, et le 
 calendrier qui les termine en est bien la conclusion naturelle, et non 
 un appendice artificiel et superflu: apres le Kaipos fixe par la nature, 
 
 ^'Verses 317-8 and 405-6 are discussed in Explanatory Notes. So also the 
 difl&culties occasioned by the winter episode (504-563), as well as verses 124-5 
 and 179-181. For the Certamen passage (654-662) see I supra, note 4. Flach 
 (Hes. Gedichte pp. 27-8) would reject also verses 646-53, which mention the 
 trip from Aulis to Euboea and contain the unepic use of the word Hellas. 
 
 *^ Aristophanes seems to exclude it when he says (Frogs 1033-4) : KaioSos 
 5i yijs ipyaaias, Kapirojv copas, apdrovs xareSei^e. 
 
28 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 voici venir le Kaupos fixe par la religion. But before setting forth what 
 must be done or must not be done on such and such a day, Hesiod 
 Bets forth what must never be done at any time (707-759). 
 
 Taken as a whole it is easy to find inconsistencies in the Works 
 and Days and lack of connection between the parts, but it seems 
 futile to try to deteimine what parts are original and what parts 
 are interpolations and additions. It is probable, however, that the 
 work was composed at different times and under different circum- 
 stances, as the different moods and different situations indicate. 
 Certainly the difficulty with Perses occasioned the poem, and we 
 may suppose that the parts which have to do directly with that 
 affair were first written (11-285 excepting the myths). As to the 
 myths it is highly improbable that a man facing a serious crisis 
 would have made so extensive a digression of an altogether general 
 nature right in the midst of appeals of so personal a character, and 
 it seems probable that if they are by Hesiod, they were inserted 
 later. In view of the testimony of antiquity and internal evidence 
 the proem may well be held liable to grave suspicion. From the 
 difference of tone and subject matter it seems fair to conclude that 
 the second part of the poem (286-694) was written after the dif- 
 ficulty with Perses was past, though the evidence is not conclusive 
 from 635-640 that it was not written at Ascra. Two considerable 
 portions are liable to suspicion: approximately 327-392 and 500- 
 563, the former on account of its general proverbial nature, the 
 latter because of its descriptive character and lack of immediate 
 connection with farming. The third part of the poem (695-828) 
 has nothing to do with Perses, and if it is from the hand of Hesiod, 
 was probably compiled by him from popular sources. 
 
 V. Language and Style of Hesiod: 1. Style. In considering the 
 style of the Works and Days, one naturally expects many differences 
 from that of Homer. The Ionic court poets, bards by training and 
 profession, singing to cultured audiences, would of necessity develop 
 an elevation of tone, a wealth of expression, and a broad perfection 
 of art quite impossible to the Boeotian farmer. And a farmer he 
 unquestionably was, even though he may have occasionally engaged 
 in contests of minstrelsy. It is impossible, after reading the minute 
 precepts of the Works and Days, to doubt the direction of his chief 
 interests. We may expect, then, to find a poem in general rude as 
 contrasted with the poUshed lays of Ionia. The grand Homeric 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 29 
 
 movement will naturally become more concise, more homely; the 
 Homeric elevation will be replaced by a practical interest in the 
 common things of every- day; the Homeric appeal to the aristocracy 
 will be replaced by a generally popular style and character. 
 
 Hesiod is the representative of didactic poetry, as Homer is of 
 heroic or narrative poetry. It is not only a personal difference, but 
 also a difference of race and circumstances of life. Homer sang 
 the deeds of heroes to princes and warriors, while Hesiod instructs 
 farmers in the affairs of e very-day life.^ The lonians were a ver- 
 satile people who took keen interest in stories of adventure; in 
 Boeotia, on the other hand, those of the older inhabitants who 
 survived the Dorian migrations had been practically reduced to a 
 condition of serfdom dependent upon agriculture for a meager 
 existence. Hesiod himself, as well as his father who returned to the 
 mother country from Aeolis, was acquainted with the trials and 
 adversities of life. By inheritance and experience he was of a serious 
 turn of mind, and his poetry aims to direct attention to the duties 
 of men towards one another and their relation to the gods. It is a 
 protest against the aesthetic, but superficial view of life taken by the 
 lonians. Artistic fictions alone had seemed to be the interest and 
 gift of the Muses, but in the lines of the Theogony (27-8) which 
 are supposed to represent the spirit of Hesiodic poetry it is asserted 
 that truth as well as fictions seeming true may be the subject of 
 poetical inspiration. The two principal Hesiodic poems, the Theo- 
 gony and the Works and Days, communicate to the people what 
 they should know about the gods, and furnish them with moral 
 precepts and practical rules for the affairs of daily life. 
 
 What is the Hesiodic character which differentiates the Hesiodic 
 poems from the Homeric, and how do the Works and Days and 
 Theogony agree in illustrating this quality? Homer's thought is 
 always simple and direct, but his elevation of diction imparts to 
 the style grandeur and nobleness. He is rapid in his movement 
 and embellishes his descriptions with beautiful and appropriate 
 
 ^ Alexander the Great (Dio Prus. II 8 S.) said that Hesiod was of no value 
 to kings and warriors such as the Macedonians then were, but to shepherds, 
 artisans and farmers such as the Macedonians had formerly been when subject 
 to the Illyrians and Triballians; and the Spartan Cleomenes (Aelian, Var. Hist. 
 XIII 19) said that Homer was the poet of the Lacedaemonians since he taught 
 the art of war, whereas Hesiod was the poet of the Helots because he taught 
 agriculture. 
 
30 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 epithets.2 Hesiod's thoughts are generally plain and his language 
 is apt to be homely, using current expressions and every-day words 
 to convey simple moral precepts or instruction in agriculture. He 
 lacks imagination and gives simply the facts. One precept is stated 
 concisely and he goes on to the next without legard to continuity 
 or strict logical sequence.^ The practical matter-of-fact style of 
 Hesiod and the ornate narrative-descriptive style of Homer may be 
 illustrated by a comparison of Works 536-546 with Iliad XVI 130- 
 138. The former runs: Then to protect your body put on a soft 
 cloak and a long tunic; and weave much woof into little warp. Put 
 this on that the hair may not stand on end all over your body;- 
 around your feet bind ox-hide sandals that fit, lining them within 
 with felt. And when the cold season comes, sew together with an ox 
 sinew the skins of kids and put them on your back to keep off the 
 rain. On your head wear a felt cap that you may not have your 
 ears wetted. The latter thus: Patroclus armed himself with gleam- 
 ing bronze; first he put around his legs the beautiful greaves, fastened 
 about his ankles with clasps of silver. Then around his breast he 
 placed the many-colored star-spangled cuirass of the swift-footed 
 Achilles; and upon his shoulders he put the brazen sword with silver 
 hilt and the large and massy shield. And upon his mighty head he 
 put the well-made helmet with crest of horse hair, and the top waved 
 terribly from above. Whatever ornamentation belongs to the first 
 passage is due to epithets and expressions borrowed from the Epic. 
 The Hesiodic poetry is characterized by simple enumeration of 
 details. Hence the catalogue of Nereids in II. XVIII 39-49 is rejected 
 by Aristarchus as being Hesiodic in character. This quality belongs 
 not so much to the Works and Days as to the Theogony, which is 
 made up of long lists of divinities relieved at intervals by narrations 
 and descriptions.^ "Neither the Works and Days nor the Theogony 
 
 2 Eustathius on II. II 494 says: According to Plato (cf. Rep. 392C-394D) 
 there are three styles of composition: 1st, the imitative or dramatic; 2nd, that 
 without imitation, as Phocylides and Theognis; 3rd, that which blends both, as 
 Hesiod. In the style without imitation the poet must take great pains to beautify 
 the diction. This Homer skillfully does by attaching to the cities the proper 
 epithets. 
 
 3 Hence the prevalence of sententiae in the Works and Days, as 342-380, 
 where asyndeton is a common feature of the style. Such proverbs are occa- 
 sionally found inserted in the Homeric poems, as Od. XV 74. 
 
 * Cf. Quintilian X 1, 52: Raro adsurgit Hesiodus magnaque pars eius in 
 nominibus est occupata, tamen utiles circa praecepta sententiae levitasque 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 31 
 
 is a work of art in the Homeric sense. The former is a body of practi- 
 cal rules for the conduct of daily life; the latter is a compilation of 
 current lore concerning the parentage and relationships of the dei- 
 ties. The common basis of the two works then is a practical ten- 
 dency; in the one to direct the farmer's daily life, in the other to 
 produce a history of the gods, which would be useful as a standard 
 work of reference. In neither case is imagination wholly excluded, 
 but the practical purpose predominates in both. The poet's first 
 object is to instruct; whereas the first object of the Homeric poetry 
 s to delight. "5 
 
 Although Hesiod represents a different spirit and used a differ- 
 ent kind of material in his poems, he adopted the metrical form, 
 dialect and to a large extent the vocabulary of the Ionic epic.^ A few 
 verses have been borrowed entire, while others are made up of two 
 or three Homeric expressions. A considerable number of verses, 
 while not literally borrowed, get their color from epic passages, 
 and a great many Homeric expressions are used by Hesiod, often- 
 times apparently because they conveniently fill out his verses.'^ 
 These are more numerous in the myths (46-201), the winter episode 
 (507-554), and the precepts on navigation (618-688); but occur with 
 considerable frequency in all parts of the Works and Days, an epic 
 phrase sometimes adding poetic coloring to an otherwise prosaic 
 passage.^ Then Homeric periphrases are found in limited number 
 in Hesiod and the standing epithets of Homeric divinities are usually 
 attached to their names in his works. ^ 
 
 verborum et compositionis probabilis, daturque ei palma in illo medio genere 
 dicendi. 
 
 * Adapted from Jebb, Classical Greek Poetry, pp. 89-90. 
 
 « Scott, a comparative study of Hesiod and Pindar, Chicago, 1898, states 
 that outside of proper names 83% of the Hesiodic vocabulary is also Homeric. 
 
 7 Verbal likenesses as well as similarities in idea have been indicated in 
 Explanatory Notes. A complete list of similar passages in Homer and Hesiod is 
 contained in Rzach, Hesiodi Carmina, Ed. Maior, 1902. The similarities are 
 consistently more frequent in the Theogony than in the Works and Days. 
 
 8 For instance the last two words of 343 to the couplet in which they stand 
 or the closing expression of 786. 
 
 8 Sometimes an epithet is applied to a different divinity or personage, as 
 the Homeric epithet of Cronos to Prometheus in Works 48 (cf. Th. 546), or that 
 of Hera to Persuasion in 73, and that of Cytherea (Od. XVIII 193) to Demeter 
 in 300. In 614 Dionysus has the epithet of the seasons (II. XXI 450), while in 
 654 that of Alcinous (cf. Od. VIII 8) is applied to Amphidamas. 
 
32 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 A comparison of Hesiod's vocabulary with that of Homer shows 
 a certain difference in the use of epithets. It is well known that in 
 Homer certain epithets are fixed, i.e. they are applied to certain 
 subjects without any real meaning, as in doij vavs, x^ova blav, etc., 
 where the adjective is closely joined to the noun and gradually loses 
 its signification, the two together forming a set phrase. In some 
 cases it has become impossible to recover with certainty the real 
 meaning of the epithet. Some of these epic commonplaces have 
 been taken over entire by Hesiod simply to fill his verses, as in the 
 case of the divinities and their epithets, or where there is no reason 
 to insist on the qualities ascribed to objects,^^ as in 650 the sea is 
 spoken of as wide, though the author has in mind the narrow Euripus, 
 simply because an epic phrase (cf. 11. VI 291) was convenient for 
 the meter. In some cases, however, the epithet seemis to be used 
 with didactic force, making a particular and definite addition to the 
 sense. In 104 Zeus designedly (/iTyTtera) takes away the voices of 
 the evils, so that men may not learn of their approach.^^ In 130 the 
 mother is careful, prudent {Kebvi}) in contrast with the foolish child. 
 It is for the just that the earth is fruitful (117, 173, 237) and the 
 sheep are fleecy (234). In 484 men are called mortal to recall their 
 feebleness as compared with Zeus. It is in summer that the sun is 
 sharp (414), and in winter that one must wear thick (532) and long 
 (537) garments. The autumn sea is called dark and misty (620, 
 622) to deter the sailor from a hazardous undertaking.^^ 
 
 A considerable number of epithets relating to ethics and agri- 
 culture are not found in Homer. Such are adjectives appHed to 
 the farmer and various animals and objects belonging to the country 
 or to conditions peculiar to the country.^^ As a rule only general 
 .epithets of a moral character are Homeric, such as dyados, KaKos, 
 and their synonyms. New terms were required by the nature of 
 didactic poetry, and in Hesiod epithets of eulogy are rare, while 
 those of censure are frequent, denouncing injustice, idleness, greed, 
 
 10 Examples of the former are Works 8, 17, 18, 65, 68, 70, 72, 99, 416, 610, 
 667, 771; of the latter 157, 160, 197, 472, 628, etc. 
 
 " On the other hand note the ludicrous use of fxTfTiSevTos in Works 51. 
 
 12 The subject is well discussed by Waltz, H^siode et son poeme moral, 
 pp. 140-142. 
 
 13 Commonplaces of peasant life are adrjKTos (420), irplvLvos (429), axtos (435), 
 djSouTTjs (451), aoiKos (602). Epithets descriptive of animals are found in 514, 
 516, 529, 568, 582, 591, etc. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 33 
 
 etc.^'^ Some of them may have belonged to the current vocabulary; 
 but the formation and composition of these adjectives is so com- 
 pletely epic and they are sometimes found in passages so completely 
 lacking in didactic interest (see for instance 418) that one may well 
 suspect an imitation. Some epithets may be regarded as special 
 inventions, made for an extraordinary need.^^ In some cases when 
 Hesiod counts the age of a person, or measures the dimensions of an 
 implement by means of a qualificative, the epithets can hardly come 
 from the language of the lonians, but seem to be a short form of 
 expression modelled on the Epic.^^ 
 
 Compound nouns are rare in Hesiod.^^ Most of the names used 
 by him belong to the language of the cultivators and are not found 
 in the Epic. Such are the names of plants and animals, as the fig, 
 the oak, the thistle, the cuckoo and the spider; of agricultural imple- 
 ments and their parts, as the hoe, the plow, the wagon; of clothing, 
 food and habitation of the countryman. ^^ These words could not 
 have been borrowed or invented, as they must have come into 
 existence with the objects which they designate; and so belonged 
 to the current vocabulary of the people. 
 
 Many of the simple verbs in the Works and Days pertain to the 
 condition of the weather, the works of the field or commerce, or 
 imitate the cries of various animals. ^^ In the case of compounds 
 many have two prefixes to express more clearly the exact relation. 
 Thus compare eyKardeo (627 — and used figuratively in 27) with the 
 use of KaTadrjaL in 601 (31), where the adverb ev8ov (evdodt) takes the 
 place of the first preposition of the compound.^*^ 
 
 ^4 Eulogistic are evopKos (190, 285), idvUK-qs (230). Terms of censure occur 
 in 28, 196, 39, 221, 264, 189, 260, 272, 334, 411, 413, 355, 373, 704, etc. 
 
 ^^ Such are ah6)Ttis (335), 6\pap6Tr)s, Trpcotrjporrjs (490). 
 
 16 Such are 423-6, 441-2, 742, 751-2. For further discussion and examples 
 see Waltz, op. cit., pp. 142-4. 
 
 1^ Only four outside of substantives formed by the aid of prefixes occur in 
 the Works — see 431, 435, 472, 744, 748 — and these do not occur in Homer. Two 
 substantives of adjective formation are found in the Iliad: vXoto/xos (807 — cf. 
 II. XXIII 123) and ^eipoddKos (183— cf. II. Ill 354). 
 
 18 See Works 41, 52, 436, 570, 583, 681; 304, 486, 777; 423, 427, 430-1, 435-6, 
 467, 469, 470, 482; 234, 439, 443, 538, 572, 590, 639; 315, 380, 473, 560(767), 
 643, 646, 719, 723, 778. 
 
 13 See 415; 391, 452, 462, 690; 313, 341, 377; 486, 530, 747. 
 
 20 Further examples are 98, 226, 378, 759. Two compound adjectives are 
 formed on the same principle (746 and 748). Denominatives from compounds 
 are rare in Hesiod — see 422, 490, 799. 
 
34 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 On the whole Hesiod adds to the epic vocabulary names of things 
 that belong to the country, and moral and abstract terms which 
 give the style less color, but more precision. But not only are 
 additions made to the epic vocabulary; Homeric terms are used in 
 a different application. In the Iliad (XIX 350) apiry] is a bird of 
 prey (falcon perhaps), in the Works and Days (573) it is a sickle; 
 in Homer ridea is applied to a customary place for animals, in Hesiod 
 it is used of the abodes of men as well as their customs (see note on 
 Works 67). The result is a loss of clearness. This was made nec- 
 essary by the nature of his work. He found it convenient to borrow 
 words from the Epic, but desired to convey a slightly different 
 shade of meaning. 
 
 One source of obscurity however in Hesiod cannot be attributed 
 to borrowing from the Epic. He likes to designate an animal or 
 object by a descriptive name, i. e. by an adjective used substantively 
 and expressing an essential quality. Thus cattle are denizens of the 
 woods (529), the snail is called the house-carrier (571), a thief is a 
 day-sleeper (605), the hand is called the five-branched (742), the 
 ant is the wise or provident one (778), and in Th. 440 the sea is 
 called the bluish-green. ^^ This usage is generally explained as 
 borrowed from the language of oracles, which delights in unusual 
 expression, circumlocutions and obscurities. See Plutarch (Mor. 
 406F), according to whom the Pythia called the Delphians sacri- 
 ficial-fire-watchers, the Spartans serpent-eaters, and rivers mountain - 
 drainers. But in the extant oracles words of this class serve only as 
 epithets,22 ^nd it has been maintained that these forms of expression 
 are provincialisms, which Hesiod admitted to his otherwise con- 
 ventional vocabulary, very much like English wag-tail, glow-worm 
 or grasshopper.^^ 
 
 In the concise style of Hesiod there is a conspicuous absence of 
 the elaborate similes of Homer. In the Works and Days only three 
 or four comparisons occur. Of these two scarcely deserve the 
 name of simile, the one simply expressing measure (679-81) and in 
 
 2^ For further examples and discussion see note on Works 524. 
 
 22 Compare the hard-shelled tortoise in Herod. I 47. The fact that verse 
 285 of Works occurs in the Delphic oracle to Glaucus (Herod. VI 86) and that 
 the form of address found in Works 286 occurs in a similar oracle to Croesus 
 (Herod. I 85) is not conclusive evidence that Hesiod was under obligation to 
 Delphi. 
 
 23 Cook in Classical Review, Vol. VIII pp. 381 ff. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 35 
 
 the Other the term of comparison being omitted (691-3). The other 
 two (304-6, 533-5) are short and very unUke the magnificent Homeric 
 similes.^^ 
 
 But while the comparison is too elaborate and leisurely for 
 Hesiod's manner of thought, he is not lacking in imagination of a 
 more direct type. Metaphors of various kinds are common: The 
 just flower in a blooming city (227 — cf. 236); the race of the unjust 
 is left dimmer after him (284); a shameless act congeals a heart 
 (360); a procrastinator wrestles with misfortunes (413); the forest 
 pours its leaves to the ground (421 cf. II. VI 147); the cry of the crane 
 bites the heart of the improvident (451); the heads of grain bow to 
 the earth (473); helplessness seizes one in winter (496); earth and 
 forest bellow (508); the wind falls (547); the cicada pours down its 
 shrill song (583); sails are called the wings of a ship (628); a wife is 
 ijpoken of as a joy to one's neighbors (701); a shrew singes her hus- 
 band without a torch (705); the gods spit out the prayers of the im- 
 pure (726); the month perishes (798); one day is a mother, another a 
 Tstep-mother (825). Besides we have mentioned the threshold of 
 old age (331), a pasture of words (403), extinguished goats (590), the 
 treasure of a sparing tongue (719), and the sowing of offspring (736)^ 
 
 It should be noted that the effect of these metaphors differs not 
 in degree, but in kind from the Homeric similes. Their effect is not 
 one of leisurely, majestic grandeur; their use is of advantage less for 
 ornament than for emphasis. They render the expression concrete, 
 as Hesiod always prefers. They bring out the idea so that it cannot 
 fail to be understood and appreciated. Take for example yelroai 
 xapjuara (701) : while in a way a euphemism, it makes a deeper impres- 
 sion than any direct language could. When Hesiod says the gods 
 cLTTOTTTvovaL the prayers of the wicked (726), he conveys a sense of 
 their utter contempt, which no literal expression could carry. The 
 
 2* The similes of the Iliad, 150 in all, are edited with English translations by- 
 Green, London, 1877. In the Odyssey they are less frequent than in the Iliad. 
 In the Theogony there are two similes (594-602, 861-867) ; both are of the Homeric 
 type and the former may be an expansion of Works 304-6, where see note. In 
 Works 116 death is likened to sleep, and in 276-280 there is a contrast between the 
 condition among animals and that which should prevail among men. See also 
 112, and Keith, Simile and Metaphor in Greek Poetry from Homer to Aeschylus, 
 1914, pp. 52-7. 
 
 25 In 305 weariness is used by metonymy for labor and in 289 sweat for 
 toilsome effort, while in 387 iron stands for the sickle. Synecdoche occurs in 
 the use of a definite number for an indefinite in 252, 456 and perhaps 130. 
 
36 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 same instinct for emphasis is sometimes evident in circumlocutions. 
 In 518 ts ave/jLov emphasizes the violence of the wind, as the passage 
 requires, and in 536 epu/xa xpoos emphasizes the purpose of the cloak. 
 But more frequently such periphrases are used without any particu- 
 lar emphasis, being n fact mere conventional imitations from the 
 Epic, with no d:"stinctly Hesiodic flavor in them.^^ 
 
 • Personification is very frequent in Hesiod and is found in con- 
 nection with metaphor, as when diseases wander over the earth and 
 visit mortals (100-3), or death takes (destroys) the brazen race (154-5) 
 Also envy attends men (195-6); famine accompanies or hates persons 
 (230, 299-300); worth and reputation accompany wealth (313); 
 one is weighted down beneath insolence (215); shamelessness follows 
 hard upon (overtakes) scrupulousness (324). It is sometimes hard 
 to distinguish between personification and deification. Famine is 
 coupled with Demeter in 299-302. Report metaphorically becomes 
 a burden taken on the shoulders and hard to lay off in 761-2, but she 
 appears as a goddess in 763-4. Aurora sees Arcturus (610) and the 
 Pleiades flee Orion (619-20), while the Graces, Persuasion and the 
 Seasons are numbered among the gods. We have a genuine case 
 of personification in 287-292, where worthlessness dwells near, while 
 the road to worth is long, steep and rough. 
 
 Personifications are more common in Hesiod than in Homer, 
 and in contrast with the general methods of the two poets they are 
 usually more elaborate. With Hesiod personification does not 
 consist merely in making a common noun proper: he adds details of 
 description or action. Sometimes a doubt thus arises as to whether 
 the expression is personification or myth. In the case of Dike, for 
 instance, it seems at first that she is a genuine goddess; but 256-7 only 
 expresses the high esteem of justice and it is not possible that a mor- 
 tal should ^\cnrTeLv (258) an immortal. And 220 is decisive: that 
 Hesiod, with his profound reverence for the gods, should conceive of 
 a goddess as being dragged through the streets, is quite impossible. 
 Aidos and Nemesis (200) should also be regarded as personifications. 
 The description merely imparts vividness. There is no evidence 
 that they ever weie regarded as divinities. In the case of the Erides 
 (11-24), although the treatment is elaborated until it becomes an 
 ^ \ aUegory, we cannot suppose that Hesiod believed in the divinities. 
 
 -» 26 See Works 414, 566, 619, 625, 786. Avf^vrepos &KTi] (32, etc.), which occurs 
 in Homer and Scopa Auavvaov (614)), which does not, are perhaps quasi-religious 
 metaphors and cannot be regarded as mere circumlocutions. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 37 
 
 It is only a fine personification. In general it may be said that per- 
 sonification is always vivid and forceful in Hesiod and extremely 
 well done. 
 
 A style abounding in enigmatic expressions, metaphor and muti- 
 lated similes, and preferring concise sentences and proverbs to 
 Homeric periods is also characterized by zeugma and ellipsis. Good 
 examples of the former are not rare.^^ Ellipsis of the copulative verb 
 is frequent, and other verbs are occasionally omitted. The object of 
 a verb also must frequently be understood.^^ 
 
 In line with Hesiod's desire for emphatic brevity is his employ- 
 ment of antithesis. This device is especially suited to proverbs, ^ and 
 Hesiod uses it chiefly in them. But the proverbial manner pervades 
 the whole poem, and antithesis is by no means confined to maxims.' 
 The poem is crammed with this figure and other examples occur,^® 
 but the much greater number being found in maxims clearly shows 
 the origin. 
 
 Extraordinary brevity, which is the essence of a proverb, fre- 
 quently appears outside of proverbs. Sometimes obscurity is the 
 result.^^ In general however, as stated above, brevity is secured 
 by the ellipsis of a word, in which case no obscurity results. An 
 effect somewhat similar to antithesis and characteristic also of pro- 
 verbs is secured by the use of assonance and alliteration, which occur 
 more or less frequently throughout the poem.^^ 
 
 The repetition of certain stereotyped verses, so common in Homer, 
 finds slight imitation in Hesiod. The most perfect example occurs 
 in the myth of the world-ages (121, 140, 156). Verses 317 and 500 
 are nearly alike, as are 343 and 700; but the resemblances appear 
 chiefly accidental, and there is nothing of the formular character in 
 them. Repetitions of hemistichs is much commoner. In most 
 cases these hemistichs are epic tags, or express in convenient metri- 
 
 27 See 25-6, 150, 164-5, 177-8, 182-3, 192, 233, 246, 341, 559, 649, 710, 728, 
 731-2, 736, etc. 
 
 28 Copulative verb: 24, 40-1, 101, 182-3, 214, 216-7, 220, 228, etc. Other 
 verbs: 425 and 427. Object of verb: 44, 47, 95, 136, 215, 401, etc. 
 
 29 See 275 and 586. In proverbs: 265, 311, 319, 320, 342, 345, 354-6, etc. 
 '" For instance, nobody knows certainly what laovadaL vhKras re Kai ^/xara 
 
 (562) means. 
 
 " See 98, 265-6, 354, 382, 404, 604, 757, etc. The most striking case, how- 
 ever, and the one most like antithesis is Xi/xdv onov Kal XolhSv in 243. 
 
38 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 cal form some conception of frequent recurrence in Hesiod's theme.^^ 
 A primitive writer naturally uses the same words a second time, 
 when the same thought recjrs. The formular manner is generally 
 absent, the repetition is without motive, and perhaps largely uncon- 
 scious. A glance at the examples shows that they are not so placed 
 as to affect the hearer by the recurrence. ^^ They are frequently 
 widely separated, and are not consistently either at the beginning 
 or at the end of periods 
 
 On the other hand emphatic repetions of a single word or idea 
 are frequent.^^ The adjective cbpatos is repeated six times from 617 
 to 697, and occurs frequently in other parts of the poem. Some 
 form of the verb dXeuo^at occurs five times in 734-802 (cf. ^05, 557) 
 while in the passage on justice (213-285) the word 5iKr] and its deriva- 
 tives occur more than twenty times, and in 299-316 some form of 
 the word epyov is found in almost every line. So in 345-9 the word 
 yelroiv occurs five times, and in 354-8 derivatives of 5t5co/xt are con- 
 stantly repeated, while in 514-19 the verb biarnxi occurs four times. 
 The effect of such repetition is to force upon the reader's consciousness 
 the importance of one idea. 
 
 To this desire for emphasis may to some extent be ascribed the 
 remarkably varied character of the Works and Days. Hesiod 
 desired to impress his message upon Perses and the princes in every 
 possible way. A great variety of literary form is thus found in the 
 poem, with corresponding variations in style, although the strong 
 individuality of Hesiod is constantly in evidence. We are able to 
 distinguish the following forms of expression: description, exhorta- 
 tion, instruction, allegory, myth, apologue, proverb. We shall 
 consider these in turn, bearing in mind that our classes will overlap 
 and intermingle. 
 
 After the proem we first find an unmistakable allegory, that of 
 the two Erides (11-26). The brief passage is a fine piece of work 
 and seems to be entirely original. The poet has taken the personi- 
 fied Eris known to Homer and found in the Theogony, and from his 
 
 32 To the former class belong 109, 143, 180; 110, 128; to the latter 78, 789; 
 303, 741; etc. 
 
 33 The three instances of ykvos txepbiruiv avdpunroiv (109, 143, 180) and avrap 
 kird Kol TovTo yevos Kara yala KoKv^ev (121, 140, 156) do not occur symmetrically 
 in the myth of the ages. 
 
 3* The anaphoric repetition of the same word at the beginning of three con- 
 secutive lines occurs in 5-7, 317-19, 578-80. Cf. also 462-4 and 760-63. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 39 
 
 own observation has made her into two. They are vividly por- 
 trayed, the one impelling to dishonest and forcible aggression, the 
 other to honorable and peaceful competition. The dramatic opposi- 
 tion of the two is striking; the strongly drawn portraits are definitely 
 contrasted; the allegory is solid and brilliantly presented. 
 
 There is no other fully developed allegory in the Works and ^^ 
 Days. There are other brief passages, embryonic allegories so to 
 speak, which could be treated under this head,^^ but they are perhaps 
 better regarded as somewhat elaborated personifications. They are 
 all of great excellence, in view of their brevity. Hesiod did not 
 invent the allegory ,^^ but it was correspondent to his natural bent, 
 and he imparted to it much life and reality. 
 
 Following this passage is a brief exhortation (27-41) addressed 
 to Perses. Although in ultimate intent a great part of the poem is 
 exhortatory, there are but two other passages which can strictly ' ' 
 be so classified: 213-218 and 274-316. It is improbable that Hesiod. 
 had any model for this sort of writing, and the native qualities of 
 his style are better shown in these passages than anywhere else. The 
 intense earnestness of the poet is not open to question. Rand's ^ 
 effort to discover Horatian urbanity is a dismal failure, so far as 
 these passages are concerned. Rather his comparison to the prophets 
 of the Old Testament" might not inaptly apply here. The exhorta- 
 tion is direct and powerful. --. 
 
 The two briefer passages (27-41 and 213-218) are of similar ' 
 construction. First there is a direct appeal to Perses, then a brief 
 descriptive passage, after which comes a semi-proverbial conclu- 
 sion. The third passage has an opening part (274-285) closely 
 corresponding to the other two, but the rest of the passage does not 
 seem to have been constructed on any definite plan. 
 
 Next two myths are found, that of Prometheus and Pandora 
 (42-105), and after three connecting verses that of the world-ages 
 (109-201). These have the obvious aim to account for the present ^ 
 miserable condition of man. In the first myth Hesiod's originality, 
 in regard to language and expression, is less evident than almost 
 anywhere else in the poem. It is probable that he had models for 
 this sort of composition in the Ionian poets, and as a different ver- 
 
 25 Croiset does so treat them, p. 487. Such passages are 102-4, 197-201, ; 
 219-224, 256-262. -^ 
 
 3« An excellent one is found in Iliad IX 502-512. v 
 37 See Horatian Urbanity, pp. 135, 143, 146, and 142. 
 

 40 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 sion of the same myth occurs in the Theogony (507-616), he may have 
 drawn from earlier sources. At any rate the Homeric ornamenta- 
 tion, especially in the account of the making and adornment of 
 Pandora, is in striking contrast with the ordinary Hesiodic dry 
 precision.^^ 
 
 It is not probable that Hesiod had any immediate literary models 
 for the myth of the world-ages, but myth in general was dealt with 
 by the Ionian poets, and Homeric reminiscences and manner are 
 unmistakable in this myth.^^ As Waltz remarks, the passage is 
 really a series of pictures; and they are drawn with skill, vigor and 
 clarity. 
 
 Next Hesiod announces his intention of dropping a hint to the 
 princes, which he does in the hawk-nightingale incident (202-212). 
 This is commonly referred to as a fable or apologue, but its claim 
 to the title arises solely from the use of animal characters. There 
 is no moral expressed or implied. Hesiod is simply representing 
 metaphorically his treatment at the hands of the princes. It seems 
 probable that Hesiod invented both the matter and the form; at 
 any rate the vigorous brevity is characteristically Hesiodic, as is 
 the "urbane" address of the hawk. 
 
 There is then no real fable in the Works and Days; but as in the 
 case of allegory, there are two examples in embryo. The one (344- 
 5) has been expanded by Aesop and used by La Fontaine,^^ while 
 the brusque little dialogue in 453-4 is a miniature fable with a very 
 obvious moral. It is clear that metaphor and allegory were very 
 natural to Hesiod, and it seems that a considerable degree of ori- 
 ginality must be granted him. His use of animals to represent 
 men cannot be ascribed to India, as is shown by Waltz (Hes. p. 
 118), whose attempt, however, to make an all-egory out of scenes on 
 the Shield of Achilles (573-586) is not successful. And certainly 
 II. XIX 408-417, where the horse of Achilles speaks, is not a fable in 
 any sense, though Bergk may be right in referring Theon's comment 
 to this passage. ^^ 
 
 ^* Verses 69-82 are generally taken as a later recension. 
 
 ^® Pleonasms are common, as 118, 135-6, 145, etc. and the epic refrain of 
 I 121, 140, 156 is notably Homeric. Besides the style and diction in the Age of 
 I. Heroes is quite epic. 
 
 *" L'alouctte et ses petits avec le maitre d'un champ — Fables, IV 22. Cf. 
 Aul. Cell. Noct. Att. II 29, and Babrius, Frag. 77 (Crusius). 
 
 ^1 Bergk, Gk. Lit. Vol. I p. 369. Theon, Progym. Ilc-pi nWov "Ofxrjpos yap 
 Kal 'Hoiodos . . . nvqjxovthovT ai vird tivu)v cos ixvOottoioL. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 41 
 
 Verses 213-218 form a paragraph of exhortation, which has already- 
 been considered. Then follows a passage (219-273) best termed 
 descriptive. It enforces the preceding exhortation by a description 
 of the certain retribution following upon good or evil conduct. The 
 passage is notable for its fragmentary, disjointed character with 
 semi-proverbial insertions, for the beautiful figure of Dike seated 
 by the side of Zeus, relating her wrongs, and for the deep religious 
 earnestness which is everywhere evident. Not even Rand attempts 
 to find ''urbanity" here. 286-316, which has previously been 
 regarded as exhortatory, is much the same sort of writing in its 
 fragmentary and proverbial structure. 
 
 There are in the poem two passages more typically descriptive: 
 504-535, of the month Lenaeon, and 582-596, of summer. The 
 former has often been adjudged non-Hesiodic, partly because Lenaeon 
 is an Ionic month-name. Aside from that there seems no good 
 reason to suspect it. It shows the Hesiodic disjointed, whimsical 
 style to perfection; the gently ironic, rather than sympathetic, spirit 
 is a common one in the portions of the poem on agriculture ;^2 and the 
 boneless-one (524) is very typical. If the description is not taken 
 too seriously, it is a diverting passage. The same is true of the 
 descriptive of summer, with its genuinely poetic minuteness of 
 detail, and its naive prescription for a summer luncheon. 
 
 In 317-380 we find a remarkably diversified and disjointed pas- 
 sage, consisting chiefly of brief precepts and proverbs. At the very- 
 first there is a noteworthy group, a triad, each verse beginning with 
 the word al86)s.^^ The rest of the passage ranges all the way from a 
 description of four great sins in eight verses to maxims in single 
 verses on reciprocity with friends. The close of the poem (695- 
 828) may be justly regarded as a passage of the same sort, the Days 
 being only superstitious proverbs along a special line. A large 
 part of the latter passage, however, are prohibitions of a distinctly 
 religious or superstitious bearing (724-759); these are readily dis- 
 tinguishable from the bits of practical advice, which predominate 
 in the first group and begin the second (695-723). The Days ob- 
 viously relate themselves to this second type.^^ 
 
 *2 Compare 425, 441-5, 453-5, 470, 475, 481, 602-8, etc. 
 
 " Similar triads occur in 5-7, 182-4, 578-80, 757-9. 
 
 " It is hard to find any consistent sytem of linking throughout the first 
 group. The maxims are not thrown about altogether at random, however: 
 321-334 has logical sequence; 343-351 are all on the general subject of neighbors; 
 
42 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 A fondness for maxims is a striking characteristic of the Works 
 and Days. They occur frequently to enforce and summarize pre- 
 ceding passages."*^ The two great groups comprise 196 verses, and 
 the brief sententious form which characterizes them is perhaps the 
 chief characteristic also of the Hesiodic style in general. What 
 measure of originality may be allowed Hesiod in this important 
 matter? His proverbs are in general attributable to two sources, 
 religious and popular. In the first class two ultimate sources may 
 be distinguished: the oracles properly so termed, and the precepts 
 collected and set forth by diviners. It seems clear that the oracular 
 responses at Delphi were cast in a sententious, maxim-like mould,^^ 
 frequently at least, and it is certain that they were anciently delivered 
 in hexameter verse.^^ As the oracles were frequently called upon 
 to decide moral questions, their answers must have resembled some 
 of Hesiod's maxims.*^ Their influence, conducing to a tone of 
 authority, and perhaps less brevity than is usual in the popular 
 proverbs, is wide-spread in passages chiefly original.'*^ 
 
 From 727 to the end of the poem are maxims of a character 
 distinct alike from the popular and the strictly religious.^® They 
 are pure superstitions, and it is probable that their origin was due 
 chiefly to the seers. There was also, of course, an element of popular 
 superstition, and here Hesiod must be allowed preponderant ori- 
 ginality in the form. 
 
 354-360 relate to gifts. 361-380 does not seem to fall into groups. In 695-764 
 the same scanty connection is found. The first ten lines make a reasonably 
 connected paragraph on marriage. Later little connection is observable. See 
 Stickney, p. 69, who thinks assonance an important element in connection in 
 these passages. 
 
 « Compare 25-6, 40-1, 217-8, 265-6, 285, 311, 694, etc. 
 
 *« See Herodotus VI 86, where the last verse of an oracle is identical with 
 Works 285. The oracle is later than Hesiod, but evidently the verse would 
 not have been used, had the form not been a common one. 
 
 *' Not always however — see Plutarch on the Pythian Oracle. He speaks 
 of poets attached to Delphi for the purpose of versifying oracles. Aly (p. 23) 
 calls Hesiod an ApoUine Rhapsode, but thinks him too early to be associated 
 with Delphi. • 
 
 " For examples of possible direct relation may be cited 265-6, 320, 352, 
 483-4, 694. Waltz (p. 124) assigns a popular origin to 265-6, but that seems less 
 likely. Proverbs of genuinely popular origin are not ordinarily ethical. 
 
 "Compare Works 293-7, 308-9, 715-16, 719-20, etc. 
 
 '° 724-6 seems to be a connective with the other maxims. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 43 
 
 When it comes to popular maxims, the case is not clear." The 
 use of the hexameter is not absolute assurance of the originality of 
 Hesiod. The universal popularity of the verse could well result in 
 popular proverbs being cast in that form. On the other hand, most 
 of the maxims, not already considered as oracular or superstitious, 
 seem most likely to have been originated by Hesiod, with oracular 
 dicta or superstitious precepts as models.^^ A genuinely popular 
 proverb must have a sententiousness of expression and a wideness 
 of application which is possessed by relatively few of Hesiod's maxims. 
 There are a number, however, which may well be proverbs in the 
 strictest sense.^^ 
 
 We conclude then that Hesiod had a considerable share of ori- 
 ginality in the proverbs of the Works and Days. Oracular dicta, 
 superstitions perhaps formulated by seers, and popular proverbs 
 all appear; but Hesiod himself, it seems, taking them as models, 
 is the author of a considerable portion of the maxims. 
 
 The remainder of the poem^^ is directly didactic. These pas- 
 sages, while more coherent than the other parts, are still somewhat 
 disjointed. Sententious turns of expression, though rarer here than 
 elsewhere, are scattered through all three parts.^^ There is exhibited 
 in places a noteworthy minuteness of detail, yet there are serious 
 omissions.^^ Brief passages are constantly recurring, leisurely com- 
 ments which do not advance the theme.^^ More minute Hesiodic 
 idiosyncrasies are abundant, such for instance as descriptive epithets, 
 etc. So far as can now be ascertained, Hesiod had no immediate 
 models for this sort of didactic work. 
 
 ^^ Waltz (pp. 123-5) ascribes the bulk of Hesiod's maxims to a popular 
 source, admitting however much originality in form. But in proverbs the 
 form is the principal thing. Men of similar character and disposition are often 
 found in company, is not a maxim. 
 
 62 Compare Works 346, 348, 353, 354, 361-2, 370, 371. 
 
 " For instance Works 347, 355, 356, 363, 364, 721, etc. 
 
 "38i_503, 536-581, 597-694. The narrative passages (633-40, 650-662) 
 do not require separate treatment. 
 
 "Cf. 382, 403, 411-13, 354-4, 500, 578, 643-4, 686, 694. 
 
 " He gives the best age for a plow-ox (436) and for a plowman (441), and a 
 proper meal for the latter (442). He tells what can be done with an extra foot 
 of wood (425), etc. On the other hand he has little to say about harvesting, 
 cultivation (fallowing), the construction of barns, or "doctoring" wine — a thing 
 of importance among the Greeks; while 618-694, considered as actual instruction, 
 is ludicrous. 
 
 " See 395-404 410-13. 471-8. 578-81, 687-94, 633-40, 650-662, etc. 
 
44 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 In generalizing upon the style of Hesiod one thing may be said 
 with confidence: While the Works and Days is epic and in a general 
 way conforms to the epic in language and style, as well as meter, it 
 is distinctly different from any other epic composition extant in 
 that it shows strongly the individuality of one man, Hesiod, the 
 Boeotian farmer-poet and representative of the ideas of the people. 
 In the myths epic influence is strong, and in the proverbial passages 
 is perhaps to be seen the influence of Delphi, of seers, and of popular 
 wisdom; but practically everywhere the dominating influence is 
 that of the Ascraean bard. That influence made for strength and 
 clarity. Homely strength, as opposed to the lofty Homeric imagina- 
 tion, is characteristic of the Works and Days. There are few in- 
 stances in which Hesiod's thought or his expression is weak or 
 obscure. He knows exactly what he wants to say, and says it in 
 homely, vigorous language which admits of no mistake, though it 
 gives small delight to the imagination. Hesiod is little less vivid 
 than Homer, but it is a different sort of vividness. It appeals not 
 to the aesthetic sense through brilliant creations of imagination and 
 melodious flow of language, but to the practical sense through rudely 
 expressive diction and sound thought. His expression in general 
 is sententious and concrete. Abstractions are beyond his reach, 
 and elaborated periods are outside of his province. The proverb is 
 pre-eminently characterized by these qualities, and the proverbial 
 manner, as we have seen, pervades the entire poem. Hesiod makes 
 little effort to establish connection between passages, or even between 
 verses. The poem is a disjointed whole, and the same defect is 
 visible within passages of considerable length. We have repeatedly 
 noted the lack of coherency in extended passages, in striking con- 
 trast to the clarity of short periods. The painstaking farmer appears 
 in the careful and accurate treatment of details, and the extended 
 passages are mere aggregations of episodes. Hesiod is at his best in 
 brief periods. 
 
 2. Dialect. In view of the practical nature of the Works and 
 Days one might have expected the author to use the dialect of the 
 country in which he lived. But Hesiod, as well as his brother to 
 whom the poem was addressed, was sprung from Aeolis in Asia 
 Minor, and it seems that before his time the dialect of the Homeric 
 poems had established itself as the literary language throughout 
 Greece. This dialect, which seems never to have been spoken 
 anywhere, sprang up in Asia among the AeoHans and lonians, and 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 45 
 
 was brought to perfection by the latter people.^ So paramount 
 and generally understood had it become, that Hesiod found it the 
 most convenient form in which to express his precepts on morality 
 and agriculture. Some of Aeolicisms in the Works and Days are 
 also Homeric, while others may be reminiscences of the poet's boy- 
 hood. Besides these there are found a few Doric forms, the source 
 of which can only be conjectured. They seem not to have been 
 Boeotian. They may have come from Delphi, or they may have 
 been due to the influence of the neighboring Loerians.^ 
 
 Among the Homeric Aeolicisms may be mentioned kpe^evvrj, 
 occurring in an epic tag,^ the nominative singular masculine of the 
 1st declension ending in short a, not only in Homeric expressions, 
 but also in one expression not found in Homer.^ According to the 
 ancient grammarians this form is Aeolic. The particle /ce or Kev 
 is Lesbian, and the short forms of the prepositions av, Trap, kclt are 
 perhaps Aeolic.^ The participle irpoTecppadfjieva (655) does not occur 
 in Homer, but is analogous to the Homeric Ufxev and ot5/xa. Like- 
 wise intervocalic f appears as v in Homer, though not in the same 
 forms as in Hesiod.^ According to Fick all Homeric digammas are 
 Aeolic, and Buck (Gk. Dial. 50) says: In Attic-Ionic the f was lost 
 at a very early period. In east Ionic there is no trace of it even in 
 the earliest inscriptions. ... In Lesbian it existed, initially at 
 least, in the time of Alcaeus and Sappho, but is not found in inscrip- 
 
 ^ A complete discussion of the Homeric dialect is contained in Monro's 
 Homeric Grammar, 2nd edition, Oxford, 1891. The contention of Fick — Die 
 homerische Odyssee, 1883; die homerische Ilias, 1886; Hesiods Gedichte, 1887 — 
 that the works of Homer and Hesiod were originally written in Lesbian Aeolic 
 and afterwards translated into Ionic cannot be maintained. His attempt to 
 restore to the original Aeolic the genuine parts of the Works and his arrange- 
 ment of those parts into stanzas is purely fanciful. 
 
 2 See Waltz, Hesiode et son poeme moral, pp. 183-90. For an excellent 
 discussion of the Greek dialects and their distribution see Buck, Greek Dialects, 
 pp. 1-14. 
 
 3 Compare Works 17 with II. VIII 488, etc. 
 
 * Works 53, 104, 229, 239 and the non-Homeric 582. See Meister, Gr. 
 Dial. I p. 160. 
 
 « Works 571; 87, 259, 262, 493; 27, 336, 439, 627. See Meister, I p. 19 and 
 Buck, 95. For Ke see Buck, 134, 2. 
 
 "Compare Works 666, 693 (fcaud^ais) with II. I 459 (avkpvaav) ; XIII 41 
 (autaxot); XIV 340 (evade). KaraxeveraL (present — Works 583) is not Homeric, 
 but ev occurs in the future and aorist of x^w in Homer. 
 
46 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 tions, of which, however, none of any extent is earlier than the 
 fourth century. 
 
 Other Aeolicisms do not occur in Homer. Such are a\f/Lv (426) 
 and v8ei (61), considered Aeolic by the ancients;^ as well as the in- 
 flected numeral tpltjkovtcov in 696.^ The present indicative deUw in 
 526 is cited by the ancients as Aeolic,^ but the two most characteris- 
 tic Aeolicisms in the Works and Days are the Lesbian forms alvrjfjLL 
 (683) and apdc^ievai (22). i^ 
 
 The Works and Days contains but two unquestioned Doricisms: 
 the numeral rkropa in 698, which is common to West Greek including 
 Delphian,^^ and the short d in the termination of the accusative plural 
 of a-stems.^^ Besides these there is authority for admitting three 
 other Doric forms into the text: the imperfect ebibov in 139, the 
 infinitive airodpeTev in 611, and the adverb relde in 635.^^ The geni- 
 tive plural of a-stems in -av (145), while a characteristic of Doric 
 dialects is found also in Lesbian, and ^ in the future and aorist of 
 dental verbs in -foj (764) is a characteristic of West Greek dialects, 
 but is found in Homer,^^ as is also the form tvvt], tited by Hesychius 
 as Doric — see note on Works 10. 
 
 There are other peculiarities that illustrate the general develop- 
 ment of language rather than dialect. The crasis Kels (44) does not 
 occur in Homer, but perhaps KaKetvos (295) should be read twice in 
 
 ^ Cf. axptda in Eurip. Hipp. 1233, and see Meister, I p. 153. For vSei see 
 Dimitrijevic, Stud. Hes. p. 169. 
 
 * See Buck's Greek Dialects, 116; Rzach, Der Dialekt des Hesiodos, p. 424; 
 and cf. Alcaeus, Frags. 37 and 52 (Crusius). 
 
 ^ See Alirens, de Dialectis Aeolicis, p. 138, note 9; and cf. Kuehner-Blass, 
 II 209, 6. 
 
 ^"Sappho has KoXrjixi. (Frag. I 16), oprj/jLL (Fr. II 11), and ipLX-nm (Frag. 78); 
 and aavveTriiJLL occurs in Alcaeus (Frag, VI 1). apwuevai is the only infinitive known 
 in -conevai, but forms in -iqnevai and -rjnevos are found in Homer, as II. X 125; XXII 
 265; X 34. See Buck, Gk. Dial. 157, and Waltz, p. 182, note 5. 
 
 "See Buck's Greek Dialects, 54,e; 107, 4; 114, 4. 
 
 ^2 Works 564, 663, and 675. This shortening occurs several times in the 
 Theogony, as 534; more frequently in Theocritus, as I 83; II 2, etc., and the 
 Doric poets, as Alcman, Stesichorus, Tyrtaeus and others. The same phenome- 
 non occurs also in o-stems, as Shield 302. See Rzach, Dial. d. Hes. p. 401, 
 and Buck, Gk. Dial. 78 and 104, 8. 
 
 " For the first cf. Uov in Th. 30 and see Buck, 138, 5; Rzach, p. 439. For 
 the last two see Buck, 153, 2; and 132, 2. 
 
 " II. II 328; X 451; etc. See Buck, 142. For Gen. ending laf see id. 41, 4. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 47 
 
 the Iliad.^^ However r&yLiav (559), where we have phonetic crasis 
 with psilosis, marks an advance. ^^ In the comparative Hesiod per- 
 fers the contracted accusative singular masculine and nominative- 
 accusative plural neuter, while the uncontracted form occurs but 
 once;^^ on the other hand according to Kuhner-Blass (I. p. 427) 
 the contracted form occurs but nine times in Homer. So in the case 
 of verbs in -aco, while contracted and uncontracted forms occur 
 with equal frequency in Homer, in Hesiod the contracted forms are 
 greatly in the ascendency.^^ Also the contraction of the MSS. in 
 656 ad\a is without a parallel in Homer. 
 
 3. Meter. The two kinds of poetry in vogue before the time of 
 Hesiod, the epic and the oracles, had used and brought to perfection 
 the dactylic hexameter, and this form was adopted without modi- 
 fication by the bard of Ascra. While statistics may show a dif- 
 ference in the relative frequency of certain phenomena, the general 
 laws of the Homeric and Hesiodic hexameter are the same.^ 
 
 The main caesura generally falls in the third foot, and may be 
 strong and weak (trochaic).* A strong caesura is rather common 
 in the second oot, whle the trochaic caesura in the fourth foot 
 occurs occasionally.^ The most frequent diaeresis is the Bucolic 
 Diaeresis after the fourth foot, but a diaeresis with a slight pause 
 is common after the first foot.^ Verses with a spondee in the fifth foot 
 are found at intervals, as 42, 43, 82, 90, 108, 123, etc., but such 
 an accumulation of spondees as is found in verse 1 or 382 is excep- 
 ts XV 179 and XVI 648. Compare also Kahrij in Od. VI 282. 
 ^^ See Buck's Greek Dialects, 94. For similar forms see Sappho, Fr. 12 
 {r&ixov), Theocritus XXVIII 24 (twttos), etc. 
 
 17 Compare Works 19, 272 and 294, 320 with 193. 
 
 i« See Monro H. G. 56, 1, and compare Works 16, 58, 103, 125, 303, 374 
 with 6, 389. 
 
 1 A good discussion of the Homeric hexameter is contained in Monro's 
 Homeric Grammar, pp. 338-383. For detailed discussions of Hesiod's meter 
 see Paulson, Studia Hesiodea. I. de Re Metrica, 1887, and Waltz, Hesiode et 
 son poeme moral, 1906, pp. 191-207. 
 
 2 Examples of the former are 11, 13, 18, 23, 25, etc., of the latter 12, 14, 15, 
 16, 19, 20, etc. 
 
 3 For the former see 12, 27, 32, 35, 39, etc., for the latter 26, 80, 193, 394, 
 518, 751, etc. See Paulson, I p. 30. 
 
 * The former is found in 11, 15, 18, 63, 79, 97, 113, 116, 118, etc., the latter 
 in 15, 22, 40, 59, etc. 
 
48 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 tional and generally denotes laborious effort, as in the last example 
 or in 641-2. On the other hand lightness of movement is indicated 
 by the prevalence of dactyls, as in verse 292 after the long and 
 difficult road to virtue. 
 
 As in Homer, a syllable is generally long when containing a short 
 vowel followed by two consonants. Exceptions are confined to com- 
 binations of a mute and a liquid, and even in this case the rule 
 generally holds except when the word could not otherwise be used 
 in the hexameter.^ Synizesis or the slurring together in pronuncia- 
 tion of two vowels occurs most frequently of a short and long vowel or 
 diphthong uniting in a long.^ Under the ictus, however, two shorts 
 may be the equivalent of a long, as in 5, 33, 150, 462, and perhaps 
 656. In 144, 583, 640 we have a long syllable with synizesis shortened 
 according to the general rule before a word beginning with a vowel 
 sound. '^ Sometimes, however, under the ictus this shortening does 
 not take place. ^ Occasionally without any apparent reason a short 
 syllable is lengthened in the thesis, and a real hiatus occurs occa- 
 sionally;^ but in most cases the apparent lengthening or hiatus 
 is to be explained by the presence of an original digamma. This 
 sound, whose existence is in most cases clearly established by in- 
 scriptions and cognates in other languages, is in its character of a 
 semi- vowel used with a considerable degree of elasticity in the Epic,^^ 
 
 6 See Works 48, 497, 487, 521, 578, 591, 690, 726, 773. 
 c See 30, 65, 71, 109, 150, 202, 261 264, 286, 451, 477, 572, 580. 
 ^ This rule is too common to need illustration — see 6, 7, 10,. 15, 19, 20, 22,, 
 etc. 
 
 8 See 97, 131, 153, 246, 328, 331, 345, 356, 363, 384, 386, 410, 494, 524, 536, 
 539, 545, 599, 627, 639, 785, 810, etc. 
 
 9 For the former see 130, 430, 515, 537, 596, 651; for the latter see 439, 516, 
 550, 713, 806. 
 
 ^^ For the Homeric usage see Monro H. G. pp. 361-83. It occurs initially 
 in Hesiod in the following words: ayvvfxL (534); ai/a^ (69); iap (477 — neglected 
 in 492); elapivos (75 — neglected in 678); HaKeLP (62 — neglected in ?oiKa 235); 
 Ikwi/ (282); ^/ctjti (4); 'i\i^ (795); ^Trts, eoXTra (96, 475, 498— neglected in 273); 
 elirelp, ?7ros (295, 332, 403, 354, 710, 721— neglected in 86, 186); ipyov, kpyd^eadai, 
 (20, 43, etc., in all with digamma 28 times; neglected 6 times: 28, 119, 151, 306, 
 382, 579); on the other hand ?p5co occurs nine times, always without digamma. 
 elpco (202, 370); ?wi;/xt (125, 223, 255, 536— neglected in el/xara 556); kpixo (624); 
 iarepos (552); ?ros (173); ^os (137, 167, 222, 525— neglected in 67, 78, 699); 
 ISeiv and ol5a (9, 21, 40, 54, 267, 456, 521, 610, 731, 778 (Idpts), 814, 824— neg- 
 lected in 187, 738, and in elSos in 63, 714); UeXos (71, 535); IXkaKeadaL (338— but 
 neglected in Chaos 340); lipi (541); laos (352, 707— neglected in 490, 533, 752); 
 oIkos and related words (131, 150, etc. — in all 18 times with digamma; twice 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 49 
 
 and the antiquity or genuineness of a passage cannot be proved or 
 disproved by it. Initial digamma, as will be observed from note 10, 
 is generally observed in all parts of the poem, but is occasionally 
 neglected even in those parts which are concededly genuine. ^^ 
 
 As in Homer, certain words have vowels of varying quantity. 
 Thus the first syllable of d/iaco is long in 392 and 480, but short in 
 775 and 778. Likewise the first syllable of the trisyllabic forms of 
 avrjp is always long, while in the form dvrjp itself it is short^^ except 
 once (297). In 63 the first syllable of /caXos is short. Elsewhere 
 in Homer and Hesiod (save Th. 585) it is always long.^^ The 
 first syllable of lepos is normally long, but whenever by reason of 
 inflection or position it becomes necessary, it is shortened. ^^ Metrical 
 necessity also produces lengthening in the first syllable of adavaros 
 (16, 62, etc.) and diraXaiJLos (20), as well as le/iev (596). In Homer 
 the first vowel of laos is always long; so regularly in the Works and 
 Days, but once^^ it is short, as in Pindar and the Attic poets. So in 
 Homer the t in biroipivos is long, as in Works 677, while in 674 and 415 
 it is short. The first syllable of vbwp varies in quantity, being long in 
 737 and 739, but short in 596 — compare 61. Metrical necessity 
 lengthens the first syllable of bpvbs in 436 (cf. 486), unless we 
 are to consider the verse acephalous, and in dxpvf-os (403) and tjoolos 
 (548) a long vowel is shortened in the body of a word before another 
 vowel. It is to be noted further that in the dative singular of the 
 third declension final l is sometimes long (contrast 599 with 507), 
 and that in two words — aepylrj (311) and dvoX^lrj (319) — t is long 
 before final rj. 
 
 without— 376, 632, and perhaps 611); olvos, etc. (570, 572, 585, 622, 724— neg- 
 lected in 589, 592, 596, 744); the reflexives k (268), ol (73, 76, 77, 526), eos (323— 
 neglected in 58), 6s (47, 381 — neglected in 131, 358, 524); 'iKaaro^ occurs without 
 digamma in 393. 
 
 11 See 28, 235, 306, 492, 678, etc. In the questioned episode of 504-535 it is 
 required by the meter in 7 cases and is neglected in 2, while 1 is doubtful. In 
 382 it is twice observed and twice neglected in the same root. 
 
 12 Compare 192, 303, 326, 364, 494, 559, 751, 754, 813 with 265, 357, 411, 
 413, 447, 455, 478, 495, 498, 605, 702, 713, and 731. 
 
 12 Except in Homeric Hymn to Venus 29 and 262, and in Homeric Epigram 
 XIV 4 the short quantity does not occur again till Pindar and Attic poetry. See 
 note on Works 63. 
 
 1* Long in 339, 466, 770, 819, etc., but short in 136, 336, 566, 653, 755. 
 
 15 752— it is long in 327, 352, 533, 707 (cf. 490). 
 
50 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 So far as can be demonstrated, the dactylic hexameter is the oldest 
 from of Greek verse, but in the Works and Days there appear a num- 
 ber of hemistichs in the form of a paroemiac.^^ From this it has 
 been conjectured that there existed from early times popular proverbs 
 having this metrical form, and that these were f)erhaps an element 
 which contributed to the formation of the hexameter.^^ Examples 
 of good proverbs in this form are not infrequent,^^ but it is also true 
 that the strong caesura is common in the third foot, and a considerable 
 number of hemistichs would naturally contain complete ideas in 
 themselves. Furthermore the term paroemiac (meter of proverbs) 
 is not applied to this verse before Hephaestion (2nd century A. D.), 
 and it is possible that it was so used because in tragedy the last line 
 of an anapestic system was often a proverbial expression. 
 
 4. Syntax. Syntactical constructions are as a rule so inherent 
 in a language that few differences exist in the various dialects of the 
 same tongue. The syntax of Hesiod is that of Homer, save where 
 one construction is passing, as the use of the subjunctive for a future 
 or a new one is developing, as in the case of the reflexive pronoun. ^ 
 Again the peculiar character of didactic poetry may make prominent 
 certain constructions, such as the gnomic aorist, the imperative- 
 infinitive, or the prescriptive optative. 
 
 As in Homer, the accusative of the internal object is used in 
 many cases where the English idiom would require an adverb. 
 Most of these are neuter adjectives, singular or plural, and limit 
 not only verbs, but also comparatives and superlatives.^ Again 
 they are substantives limiting adjectives or participles and restrict- 
 
 16 See 13, 23, 24, 169, 310, 352, 369, 397, 412, 424, 451, 456, 482, 518, 603, 694, 
 730. 
 
 1^ See Stickney, Les sentences dans la po6sie grecque d' Homere a Euripide, 
 Paris, 1913, p. 44; and Waltz, pp. 198-200. 
 
 18 See 310, 352, 369, 412, 424, 456, 603, 694. A number of others, especially 
 with a little modification, may have been common sayings, i.e., in 217 and 218 
 only one syllable is lacking. 
 
 1 In Homer the reflexive is 'io, ol, c, (T<pL<n, a(pkas, etc., and rarely avrbs — see 
 Monro H. G. 252, 4 and 253, 1. In the Works and Days (265) aijrQ is added to 
 ol, and in Th. 126 the form kavT^ occurs; while in Works 293 and 296 most of the 
 MSS. read avr^ (or abrQ). 
 
 2 See 19, 127, 279, 309, 320, 417. With verbs 38; 205, 283, 415, 449, 495, 
 569, 626. See Monro H. G. 132-141. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 51 
 
 ing their application.^ In the case of two accusatives, as in 28, 
 373, 714, the second is perhaps an accusative of partial apposition 
 rather than specification. 
 
 Temporal relations are expressed as follows: Time at which by 
 the dative,^ time within which by the genitive,^ and time during which 
 by the accusative with or without a preposition.^ These construc- 
 tions seem to be confused sometimes, as in 640 there seems to be lit- 
 tle difference between the accusative and the dative, while in 488 it 
 seems that the dative is to be taken as expressing duration. Again 
 the genitive denotes time at which, as in 577.^ The genitive of 
 time is used in a few phrases which closely approach the genitive 
 absolute.^ 
 
 The imperfect tense is sometimes used in connection with the 
 aorist as its apparent equivalent.^ Twice the imperfect is used in 
 a gnomic sense — 240 and 345. A universal truth is generally ex- 
 pressed by the present tense, but one past instance (aorist) is some- 
 times generalized so as to iijiclude every similar instance, and so 
 the aorist becomes the equivalent of the universal present.^*^ This 
 is especially frequent in gnomes (whence the term gnomic aorist). ^^ 
 It also occurs of the periodical return of natural phenomena, of a 
 regular visitation from the gods upon men, or in any general state- 
 ment.^^ It sometimes stands side by side with the present.^^ 
 
 3 Compare 1 14 (always the same so far as their hands and feet are con- 
 cerned), so 129 and 144 — cf. 62; 399 (grieving in heart), 455, 593 (having one's 
 heart sated), 793 (discreet in mind), 
 
 ^ See 461, 494, 524, 640, etc. — mostly Homeric expressions. See Monro 
 H. G. 145, 5. 
 
 s As 173— cf. Xen. Anab. I 7, 18; Thuc. Ill 1; Aesch. Ag. 279; and see Monro 
 H. G. 150. 
 
 « With preposition 44, 133, 326; without 385, etc. 
 
 7 So the phrase k^ vovs in 724— cf. II. VIII 470; XVIII 136. 
 
 8 Such as 383-4, 386, 502, 553, 569, 664— see Monro H. G. 246. In 745 
 TTLvovTOiv, perhaps limits KprjTfjpos and is not genitive absolute. 
 
 ^ Compare the imperfect in 75 between the two aorists of 74 and 76 with 
 the use of the two tenses in the same connection in II. XVI 596. 
 ^"^ See Gildersleeve, Syntax of Classical Greek, 255. 
 
 11 Sec Works 218, 345, 355, 360, 372, 705, and 741. 
 
 12 See 568, 676-7; 242, 246, 334; 20, 92, 224, 451, 499, 508, 512, 580, 680. 
 "As in 224, 512, 705, 741. In Homer this aorist occurs also in similes — 
 
 see Monro H. G. 78, 2. 
 
52 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 The perfect tense is regularly used of a present state in Homer 
 and Hesiod.^^ In no case in the Works and Days does it have the 
 past force commonly present in the English and Latin perfect.^^ 
 The perfect participle denotes a state, where the present would ex- 
 press an action. ^^ The pluperfect occurs but once (149 — with thema- 
 tic inflection), of a past state and in association with imperfects, while 
 the future perfect also is found once (179) of a future state: good 
 shall be mixed with evil for them.^^ 
 
 In Homer the subjunctive is used in leading clauses as the vir- 
 tual equivalent of the future indicative. ^^ This subjunctive occurs 
 but twice in the Works and Days (58 and 294), both times in a sub- 
 ordinate clause and with the particle /ce. In both instances the normal 
 Attic construction would have been the future indicative, i. e. rela- 
 tive clause of purpose (58) and indirect question (294). 
 
 Relative and conditional clauses referring to the future regularly 
 take the subjunctive with the particle av or ke}^ No case of a nega- 
 tive clause occurs in the Works and Days. On the other hand the 
 generic clause of present time is occasionally negative (with jui?), 
 as in 296 and 667-8, and sometimes has the particle and sometimes 
 does not.^^ In the precepts on agriculture from 383 to 649 a number 
 of clauses of a general character occur, but they belong rather to 
 
 ^* See Monro H. G. 28, and Gildersleeve, Syntax of Classical Greek, 228 
 and 237. 
 
 16 Examples are 100, 207, 227, 234, 238, 273, 284, 347, 375, 386, 447, 508, 
 531, 549, 660, 745, 752, 797 (imperative). 
 
 i« See 116, 204-5, 231, 449, 481, 591, 593, 634, 649, 655, 706, 727, 733. These 
 lists do not include such stereotyped perfects as 40, 108, 187, 256, 298, 317, 437, 
 561, 683, 730, 793, 799. 
 
 " See Monro H. G. 65. The perfect subjunctive occurs once (431). 
 
 "In this use it generally takes the particle ap or /ce, as in II. I 205; XXII 
 505; Od. I 396; X 407; except in the phrase Kai irork tls diriaai — II. VI 459, etc., 
 or when accompanied by a negative (always ou), as in II. I 262; Od. VI 201; also 
 with a negative av may be used, as in II. Ill 54. See Hale, Anticipatory Sub- 
 junctive, in Chicago Studies, Vol. I pp. 3 £f. 
 
 19 See 208, 312, 630, etc. In 738 irplv ye occurs without the particle. This 
 is the normal construction in Homer. Cf. II. XVIII 134, 190; XXIV 551, 781; 
 Od. X 174; XIII 336; XVII 9; and see Monro H. G. 297. 
 
 20 With the particle: 220, 258, 268, 280, 282, 291, 296, 303-4, 323, 339, 350, 
 354, 359, 392, 430, 728, 768. Without: 224, 241, 262, 293, 295, 321, 327-32, 339, 
 344, 667-8, 679-80, 709, 711, 740, 763-4, 826-7. In Homer the same condition 
 in general holds, except that the generic clause of present time as a rule does not 
 have the particle. See Monro H. G. 283 and 292; Goodwin M. T. 468 and 538. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 53 
 
 future time, having an imperative or future indicative in the apodo- 
 sis, and regularly have the particle iiv or Ke.^^ 
 
 Once in the Works and Days (88) a primary sequence follows a 
 secondary verb, which is unusual in old epic.^^ A few peculiarities 
 in the use of the optative are the following: In 406 the pure optative 
 occurs in a relative clause of purpose after a primary tense.^ Twice 
 also the optative occurs in a final clause after a primary tense,^ 
 and in 501 the pure optative is used in a generic relative clause of 
 present time.^^ It is possible that 692-3 is an example with the par- 
 ticle, but that is more likely a mixed condition: It is terrible, if one 
 should, etc. 
 
 A negative final relation is regularly expressed by /jltj with the 
 subjunctive;^^ tva iirj occurs twice (546, 626); 6(ppa and IVa are con- 
 tinued with a negative (/X17) in 341 and 540; elsewhere these parti- 
 cles take the simple subjunctive or optative. On the other hand 
 cos always introduces a positive clause, and generally has the modal 
 particle iiv or Ke P In the ideal (future less vivid) condition there 
 
 21 The present general also takes the indicative, especially in relative clauses 
 
 and temporal clauses indicating the time of the year by natural signs, as 31, 
 
 225-6, 238, 250-51, 343, 347, 363, 375, 381, 414, 486, 582, 618, 679-80 (gnomic 
 
 aorist). See Goodwin M. T. 467, 534. 
 
 - 22 See Monro H. G. 298, and Gildersleeve in A. T. P. Vol. XXIII pp. 129-130. 
 
 -3 In this use it generally takes the particle, as in II. I 64; Od. V 166 — see 
 Monro H. G. 304, 1; the pure optative occurs in II. XXII 348; but this is more 
 usual in a secondary sequence, as Od. V 240. 
 
 •"^ 577 and 606. This usage is found in Homer, as II. I 344; Od. XVH 250; 
 and is explained by Monro (H. G. 306, 1, a) as indicating a consequence not 
 immediate or certain. 
 
 2^ This occurs already in Homer, as Od. I 414; VII 52; and in Attic Greek 
 is frequent in proverbs as a more general form than the subjunctive. See Aesch. 
 Eumen. 729; Soph. Ajax 521 and 1344; O. T. 315 and 979; Trach. 93; Thuc. I 
 120, 3; III 9, 2; III 10, 1; etc. 
 
 26 See 88, 394-5, 399-400, 408-9, 496-7, 555-6, 605, 701, 747. 
 
 "It seems that all subjunctives belonged originally to two categories: one 
 with future force taking the negative ov and generally the particle av or /ce; the 
 other with volitive force taking the negative fiii and without the particle. Rela- 
 tive and conditional clauses of future time have the former, as is shown by the 
 almost universal presence of the particle; while generic clauses of present time, 
 have the latter, as is shown by the almost regular absence of the particle in 
 Homer and the presence of the negative iiij. The particle apparently was intro- 
 duced by analogy from the clause of future time, and occurs with greater fre- 
 quency in Hesiod than in Homer — see note 20 supra. In like manner the nega- 
 tive must have been introduced into the future clause from the present general. 
 
54 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 are two forms, one with and one without the modal particle av or k€ 
 in the protasis. ^^ Owing to the didactic nature of the Works and 
 Days the past generic clause is rare, but the normal form occurs 
 in 132-3. 
 
 In the Works and Days there are four ways of expressing an 
 imperative or prohibitive relation. Of these the subjunctive is 
 least frequent.2^ The usual form in all the personal appeals to 
 Perses and the princes as far as verse 335 is the imperative. From 
 336 on the form generally used is the infinitive. The imperative- 
 infinitive is found in Homer, but usually after an imperative, a fu- 
 ture or some other expression that suggests a command.^'' In 
 Hesiod it seems to be a more general form of command or pro- 
 hibition than the imperative, and so is used exclusively in the gen- 
 eral proverbs of 336-382 and 695-759, and gives to the precepts on 
 agriculture and navigation the aspect of a general treatise.^^ In the 
 3rd person the imperative-infinitive is rarely used, the imperative 
 being used instead ;^2 or more usually the prescriptive optative, which 
 occurs with or without the negative (always fiij) and never with the 
 particle av or Ke.^^ Two or three times it is joined with a preceding 
 
 In the final clause the subjunctive would seem to be of volitive origin save in 
 the clause with cos, where the particle points to a future force. 
 
 2« See Monro H. G. 311 and 313; Goodwin M. T. 460. The latter is found 
 in 348, 474, 721, etc., and the former in 361, 434, etc. Confusion of type is 
 common here, a's in 479-482, 485, 665-8. 
 
 '^^ The hortative subjunctive occurs once (35), and the prohibitive subjunc- 
 tive (aorist) twice (708 and 729). 
 
 30 See II. II 8-10; Od. IV 408; etc., and Monro H. G. 241. 
 
 3^ The few 2nd person imperatives that appear at intervals seem to be a 
 matter of caprice or metrical convenience— see 397, 491, 493, 502-3, 604, 627, 
 718, 760, 797, 818. 
 
 32 As in 370, 373, 714, The 3rd person imperative-infinitive occurs in 753-4 
 and perhaps 792-3. The imperative infinitive generally has its subject in the 
 nominative when 2nd person, as 371, 432, 459, 570, 695, etc., in the accusative 
 when 3rd, as 753-4, etc. See Goodwin M. T. 784, 2. In several cases, however, 
 in the Works and Days (see 592-4, 715-6, 735, 748, 806) the accusative is found 
 with the 2nd person. This may be explained from the general nature of the 
 injunction or prohibition; but in every case it may be a matter of metrical con- 
 venience. Compare 746 with 748, where the nominative and accusative are 
 used in parallel proverbs, the different cases being required by the meter. 
 
 33 The prescriptive optative occurs also in Homer, as Od. II 230-32, etc. 
 See Monro H. G. 299, b and d. It is interesting to note that in II. II 250 this 
 optative has the negative oi and the particle av. For further examples see 
 Gildersleeve, Syntax of Classical Greek, 394. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 55 
 
 imperative, in which case it is negative,^^ but it is more usually 
 affirmative and prescribes a certain course as proper or obligatory .^^ 
 
 VI, Ethical Content of the Works and Days: In examining 
 the ethics of Hesiod we must not look for a philosophic considera- 
 tion of ethical theory. Hesiod was not a philosopher, but a farmer, 
 and his ethical system is that of a farmer: of a farmer a little more 
 thoughtful and more intelligent than the ordinary Boeotian far- 
 mer, no doubt, but still of a hard-headed, practical farmer. 
 
 The out-standing feature of Hesiod's entire system, not only 
 ethical but religious and industrial, is its direct practicality. He does 
 not deal in abstractions; he is a stranger to all theory; everything is 
 directed to an immediate practical end. Hesiod's counsels were 
 intended for Boeotian farmers and were well suited to such an 
 audience; an academic discussion would have been unnatural. The 
 poet is imbued with stern, simple ideas of right and justice, which he 
 sets forth without argument. In no case does he seek to establish 
 his position by reasoning; he simply enunciates precepts on his own 
 authority. He is not a dialectician, but a law-giver. It never 
 occurs to Hesiod that he may be mistaken; others are ignorant, 
 but he speaks the mind of Zeus.^ As Waltz well remarks,^ the book'^ 
 is not a treatise, but a code: dialectic would be out of place in it. 
 Hesiod is essentially a dogmatist. 
 
 Such simple, direct prescription receives force and dignity from 
 the intenseness of the author. As we have seen, there seems occa- 
 sionally to be a humorous spirit in some parts of the poem, but in 
 those parts which are directly ethical there is no questioning the 
 earnest sincerity of the author. His pessimism is solemnly profound: 
 Now may neither I nor my son be just among men, since it is bad 
 to be just, if the unjust man has the advantage. No less true is 
 
 3*28 and 491. Cf. II. Ill 407; Od. II 232. Works 270-2 seems rather a 
 prayer. 
 
 35 Examples are 376: there should be an only son; 378, 441: a man of 40 
 should drive the oxen; 470: a boy with a hoe should cause the birds trouble by 
 covering the seed; 475, 559, 589, 698: a woman should be four years past matu- 
 rity and in the fifth she should marry; 779: on that day a woman should set up 
 her loom and begin her work. 
 
 ^ Works 661. For the poet's assumption of superior knowledge cf. 814, 
 818, 820, 824, etc. 
 
 2 Hesiode et son poeme moral, p. 130. ^' 
 
56 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 his faith in the ultimate triumph of right: Yet I do not think the 
 Counselor Zeus will bring it so to pass.^ This earnestness does not 
 confine itself to solemn warning; it seeks every possible means of 
 impressing itself. Waltz^ finds four distinct methods in the exhor- 
 tation to justice: direct precepts, allegories, descriptions, and compar- 
 isons. No opportunity' is overlooked to produce a strong effect. 
 
 Hesiod's earnestness is no doubt due in part to the impression 
 left by his quarrel with Perses. He never loses sight of it. Each 
 idea which is developed at length is originally derived from his 
 trouble with his brother, or from Hesiod's personal experience in 
 connection with that matter. Hesiod has been cruelly wronged 
 by unjust decisions of venal judges; so that form of injustice is 
 emphasized at length and with much force. All the trouble arose 
 in the first place, it seems to Hesiod, from Perses' idleness; hence 
 is given rise to a development of some 300 lines — the Works — which 
 seems at first glance to be the principal part of the poem. It is 
 strange to a man of Hesiod's nature that Perses should have so 
 disregarded the sure vengence of the gods. He emphasizes the 
 point with all the religious fervor of an Old Testament prophet. 
 Thus the chief parts of Hesiod's ethics take their origin from his 
 personal troubles, and he never altogether loses sight of them; but 
 he passes far beyond them in his treatment. It was evidently his 
 object to prbduce a work of real value to his neighbors, as well as 
 to Perses, and although everything connects itself more or less 
 distinctly with the quarrel, the final result is an interesting poem, 
 and a moral code touching on most of the ethical matters which 
 would present themselves to the Boeotian peasantry.^ The per- 
 sonality of Hesiod, however, is everywhere in evidence and the 
 treatment, ethical and otherwise, is distinctly subjective. 
 
 Justice for Hesiod consists in regard for two things, which are in 
 effect one: the rights of men and the law of Zeus. These are sub- 
 stantially one; for the law of Zeus, in so far as it has to do with 
 ethics strictly so termed, is merely a principle of fair dealing. But 
 since Hesiod attributes all morality, ultimately, to the authority of 
 
 3 Works 270-273. 
 * * Edition, p. 4. 
 J « So Rand, Horatian Urbanity in Hesiod, A. J. P. XXXII p. 162: The poem 
 is a moral and didactic treatise of general bearings and intended especially for 
 Hesiod's brother. But the strictly didactic element is subordinate. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 57 
 
 Zeus or of the gods in general, we must examine his conception of 
 them. 
 
 It is evident that the conception of Zeus which appears in the 
 Prometheus-Pandora myth is radically different from that appear- 
 ing in the rest of the poem. Zeus is angered (47, 53) ; he is deceived 
 by the Titan Prometheus (48) ; fire is stolen, presumably from heaven, 
 without his knowledge (52); he laughs exultantly at the prospect 
 of revenge (59); his victory is due only to his superiority in deceit. 
 In this myth, as we have seen elsewhere, Hesiod's individuality 
 is less prominent than in any other passage. He had more immediate 
 models than in most of his work and followed them more closely. 
 The language is largely Homeric; the Zeus is rather the god of the 
 Theogony. It seems that Hesiod, having started to relate a myth 
 to enforce his meaning, used the language and to a large extent the 
 matter used in such myths.^ 
 
 The conception of Zeus in other parts of the poem is notably 
 different. In the prologue^ Zeus alone is referred to, and is regarded 
 as all-powerful without mention of any other gods. Other such 
 references are common.^ Frequently the gods in general are re- 
 ferred to,^ but references to other gods individually are rare, and 
 usually of a more or less stereotyped character.^^ Zeus then is 
 pre-eminent and supreme to an extent unknown in Homer. There 
 
 " A parallel is to be found in Aeschylus, who depicts the popular concep- 
 tion of Zeus in his Prometheus founded on the same myth, a conception very 
 different from the real Aeschylean Zeus appearing in the other plays. 
 
 ^ Whatever may be the truth as to the authenticity of the prologue, the 
 ideas expressed in it are typically Hesiodic. See Leo, Hesiodea, pp. 15-16. 
 
 8 See 36; 229, 237, 245, 247, 253, 259, 267, 273, 276, 281, 333, 379, etc. 
 
 9 See 289, 303, 325, 706, etc. 
 
 ^^ In 430 'Adr]vai7js dfxuios is apparently a sort of nickname, like &v6(rTeos (524), 
 reflecting vaguely the traditional character of the divinity. In 614 Aioivvaov 
 seems to belong to a set phrase. Uoaeidacxiv (667) expresses the traditional func- 
 tion of the god, but the reference is merely casual. Demeter is mentioned 
 frequently: 32, 300, 393, 465, 466, 597, 805. In four of these seven instances 
 (32, 466, 597, 805) the name occurs in the set phrase Ar)iJ.r)Tepos aKTrj. In 300 
 so that Demeter may love you seems merely a metaphorical way of saying so 
 that you may have a good crop. In 393 ipya Arj/xriTepos is a periphrasis referring 
 to harvest. Verse 465 then is the only case in which Demeter is clearly treated 
 as an actual divinity. Here she is coupled with Chthonian Zeus as a rustic 
 divinity — see note ad locum. In 145 and 521 epya "Aprjos and ipya 'A<ppo8LTrjs 
 are set phrases, having their usual meaning. Leto andApollo (771) are appar- 
 ently treated as actual divinities, but they are only mentioned. In the Pro- 
 metheus myth the divinities appear in the popular roles of the Epic. 
 
58 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 is never any hint of rebellion against his power among the gods^ 
 as in the Iliad and Theogony. There are but two references to a 
 preceding regime.^^ His power is not due to force or guile, so far 
 as can be seen; it is apparently inherent in his nature; at any rate 
 it is supreme. In fact Hesiod is virtually a monotheist; it is evi- 
 dently only Zeus that he feels as a living reality. 
 
 The difference in the character of Zeus, as drawn by Hesiod, 
 and the Zeus of Homer and of the Theogony, is even greater than 
 that in his position. The majestic, but intensely anthropomorphic 
 Zeus of Homer and the savage, crafty Zeus of the Theogony are 
 far surpassed. The Zeus of the Works does not contend with his 
 enemies, for he has none; he does not grieve over the fates of men, 
 for emotions are below him. He is the god of justice and right; 
 he repays each man according to his deserts, and does not allow 
 injustice to triumph. 
 
 It is notable also that Zeus and the gods in general are much 
 more remote in Hesiod than in Homer. Hesiod no doubt thought 
 it below the dignity of the immortals to meddle in the affairs of 
 men so freely as they do in Homer. The God of Hesiod was indeed 
 of august and reverend character; and this together with the remote- 
 ness previously noted gives some ground for a belief that Hesiod 
 was not an anthropomorphist. The poet was no innovator, however, 
 and such an assumption would probably place him too much in 
 advance of his age. It is unquestionable, on the other hand, that 
 his religious system is much more elevated than that expressed in 
 other Greek literature of approximately the same period. ^^ 
 
 When we come to look more closely into Hesiodic justice, so 
 beautifully personified as a virgin, daughter of Zeus, glorious and 
 honored among the immortals,^^ it is perhaps a little disappointing 
 to find it purely utilitarian, ^^ Do right, for it will pay you is the 
 gist of Hesiod's advice. In all the poem no appeal is made to an 
 innate sense of right and wrong, or to any noble emotion with the 
 
 ^Mll and 169-169e. The latter is generally rejected. Goettling condemns 
 the former. Both are in the myth of the World- Ages, which exhibits, though in 
 a less degree, the peculiarities of the Prometheus-Pandora myth. 
 
 ^2 Much more prominent than the lesser Olympian divinities are certain 
 ethical personifications, as Dike, Ate, Hybris, Bie, Horkos, Aidos, Nemesis, 
 etc. These are discussed in explanatory notes passim, and in the section on 
 style. Eris is without doubt of the same origin. 
 
 "See Works 256-257. 
 
 " See Waltz, Dissertation, p. 86. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 59 
 
 exception of pity in 717-718. For the gift-devouring princes and 
 for the tardy plower alike, Hesiod can predict only material dis- 
 advantage. No other grounds would have had force with his 
 audience, even had he himself been capable of a loftier conception. 
 Such a matter-of-fact utilitarianism is necessarily characteristic 
 of attempts to formulate an ethical system in a primitive state of 
 society. That point must be kept well in view. The poet was no 
 doubt above the level of his neighbors, to some extent, but he was 
 none the less a faithful representative of his age. 
 
 This primitive flavor is especially noticeable in verses 327-332, 
 where are enumerated what were apparently considered four ex- 
 tremely heinous sins. Wronging a suppliant or guest, seducing a 
 brother's wife,^^ wronging orphan children, insulting an aged parent 
 — these seem to have been, in the eye of that age, the four great 
 sins. They are typical of a primitive age and state of society. 
 The duty of hospitality is always an important one in such societies. 
 Orphan children and the old were more helpless than now, and 
 abuse of them would naturally be more severely censured. The 
 injunction against seducing a brother's wife, rather than the wife 
 of any one else, is significant of a primitive and clannish social sys- 
 tem, in which the influence of the family and of kinship was com- 
 pletely dominant over that of the social group. It is worthy of note 
 that no emphasis is laid on these crimes; they are simply enumerated 
 as parallels to lying and robbery.^^ In the earlier portions of the 
 poem the corrupt, overbearing princes and the idle, vicious young 
 man are painted in stronger colors. This is due, of coarse, to 
 Hesiod's bitter experience. But we have seen that the scope of 
 the poem becomes well extended, and he would certainly have 
 treated the subject differently if such offenses were unusual; no 
 can we suppose that in the pessimistic extension of his theme he 
 would have failed to emphasize the worst aspects of current morality. 
 The wrongs of which Hesiod complains are those of a social con- 
 dition perceptibly less primitive than that of which the four sins 
 would be typical. The emphasis on the rights of property is so 
 
 ^^ Goettling thinks KaaLyvrjTos is used in the sense of fellow-man; but 
 the three other selections suit better the natural interpretation. See Paley's 
 note ad locum. 
 
 ^8 This holds true, whether or not 1<tov can be interpreted as a direct con- 
 nective. 
 
60 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 strong that Waltz can well say:^^ En effet, pour Hesiode, la justice 
 consiste surtout dans le respect de la propriete individuelle, en 
 particulier de la propriete fonciere. In the primitive age of the 
 four great sins property was of no such importance. The same is 
 true of the judges: it cannot be doubted, from Hesiod's exhorta- 
 tions to them, that their decisions had compulsory effect. In a 
 primitive state of society, as in Homer, judges are merely arbiters; 
 they give their opinions when requested, according to their exper- 
 ience, but such opinions are binding on nobody.^^ In Hesiod we 
 find a more fixed form apparently. The function of the judge is 
 now of great importance. On his integrity depends the justice 
 of the entire people. The gift-devouring princes have not only 
 committed an injustice toward Hesiod himself; they have also jeo- 
 pardized the property and rights of the whole population. Further 
 the responsibihties of the position make the judge a man of promi- 
 nence, and his example is likely to be followed. Indeed the people 
 must pay for the folly of their kings — 260-261. 
 
 There are then two strata of ethical sentiment in Hesiod: one 
 represented by the four great sins, that of a primitive and clannish 
 state of society; the other a state somewhat advanced, represented 
 by the assertion of property rights and the censure of corrupt judges.^® 
 
 ^^ Dissertation, p. 51. 
 
 ^* See Excursus I and references there. It is to be observed, however, that 
 in the Homeric instances given the contestants are of high rank, equal to each 
 other and equal to the judges or presiding 0a<nXrjes. In Hesiod, on the other 
 hand, the parties to the suit are essentially inferior to the judges. In all proba- 
 bility the same conditions prevailed in Homer under the same circumstances. 
 
 ^^ In general the strictly Hesiodic portions of the Poem belong to the second 
 stratum, while the more popular proverbial portions belong rather to the first. 
 It is necessary all the time to distinguish between the ideas of Hesiod himself 
 and what belongs to tradition and the popular mind. The didactic epic of 
 Hesiod, like any other epic, reflects the life and ideas of a people and age. The 
 industrial and economic ideas, which are to be found chiefly in the Works proper 
 383-694), we may feel sure Hesiod is ready to endorse fully, though they repre- 
 sent the experience, knowledge and convictions of the agricultural class of Boeotia 
 rather than any original personal ideas of Hesiod himself, and are not essentially 
 different from the theory of life held by the substantial farmers of any rural 
 community in any country or age. When it comes to the religious and ethical 
 ideas, however, one must distinguish the traditional and popular from the Hesio- 
 dic. If Hesiod had lived' an 'uneventful life, perhaps he would never have 
 troubled himself to see how far he agreed with popular religion and ethics, and 
 perhaps he would not have differed much from them. But when he finds him- 
 self subjected to whafhe considers a gross injustice, he is impelled to develop 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 61 
 
 Hesiod lived apparently in a time of transition. The old Homeric 
 customs were becoming obsolete, and no worthy government had 
 yet been evolved to replace them. Such periods are always evil. 
 Perhaps the poet was justified in saying: Full is the land of evils, 
 full also the sea. 
 
 Hesiod demands, we find, a respect for property rights and a 
 faithful administration of justice. These are for him the matters 
 of prime importance. In affairs of every-day life he prescribes 
 fair dealing; and fair dealing with Hesiod is not a general principle. 
 It must be adjusted to the occasion. The true course is reciprocal: 
 Love one who loves you, and make advances to one who does the 
 same. Give to a giver, do not give to one who gives not. ^ Be loya l 
 to your friend; but if he turns upon vou, be sure to repay him d ouble.^ 
 But a good act must be returned n the same way (349-50; ; Given 
 j good measure by a neighbor repay him well, with the very same 
 measure, and better, Jf you can. 
 
 Plain honesty, then, is the ethical quality demanded by Hesiod. 
 The Homeric ideal of the valorous warrior is rep aced by that of ' 
 the hard-working farmer who deals fairly with his neighbor. Hector, ^ 
 Teavmg Andromache to fight for his country; Achilles, aveng ng 
 his friend in the face of pursuing doom — such heroism is not the 
 subject of Hesiod's exhortations. He teaches his auditors to work 
 for an honest living, to leave other people's property alone, to repay 
 services, to pay their debts (404), to administer justice fairly. It 
 is not a very lofty system perhaps, but it is solid, practical and 
 strong, and suited to the peasant race that produced it. 
 
 an ethical theory differing from and superior to that generally accepted, and 
 with it he has developed a conception of Zeus as more strictly a god of justice 
 than the Zeus of the Iliad, and not essentially unlike, in his narrower field, the 
 Zeus of Aeschylus. This lofty Zeus and his ministers and the personal ethics 
 of Hesiod are found chiefly in those portions which have to do directly with 
 the suit, with Perses and the princes. The myths, however, especially the one 
 about Prometheus, are traditional material used by Hesiod to illustrate his 
 doctrines and have only partially been accommodated to his theory. The 
 general proverbs of 342-382 and the whole concluding passage (695-828), whether 
 by Hesiod or not, must be considered as popular in character, and while Hesiod 
 would perhaps have endorsed most of the ideas, the ethics and religion therein 
 contained are rather popular than Hesiodic, as they are certainly inferior in 
 tone to the real Hesiodic theory. 
 
 20 See Works 353-354 and 708-711. 
 
62 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 The political system of Hesiod's time had a marked effect on 
 his ethics, but he knew naught of it. He apparently looked on the 
 system he found as a fixed one. At any rate he has no fault to find 
 with it. It is the unjust administration of the system by perverse 
 and selfish rulers that calls down his denunciation. Even in the 
 Golden Age, which later writers represent as a sort of communistic 
 brotherhood, Hesiod presumed the manner of life was essentially 
 the same as in his own time: They held their farms in quiet, in the 
 possession of many blessings.^^ His complaint is solely of the way 
 in which men administered the system. In censuring the bribe- 
 devouring princes he never, even by innuendo, questions their 
 right to make their decisions; his attack is on their personal venality. 
 This'TiDte continually recurs. Ethics for Hesiod is a rigidly and 
 narrowly individual matter. 
 
 This is in striking contrast to the attitude of the ethical philoso- 
 phers. Aristotle's Ethics is one book with his Politics. The dif- 
 ference lies deep. The philosophers regarded a man as primarily 
 a member of a state. His ethical condition, therefore, was of most 
 vital and intimate importance to the state. On the other hand, 
 Hesiod's entire system both presupposes and demands the isolation 
 of the individual. He should be absolutely independent and self- 
 sufficient (407-8, 453-4); he should trust no one (371); he should 
 work without cessation (382) for himself only and as nearly alone 
 as possible; even his brief annual recreation is apparently to be 
 taken in soHtude (589-596). His relations with others are estab- 
 lished on a purely utilitarian and business basis (709-13, 343-5, 349-51, 
 354-5). He is to accommodate himself to others in order that they 
 may reciprocate to his advantage. 
 
 As would be expected, in view of such an attitude, Hesiod is 
 wholly lacking in patriotism. He shows no love for Greece as a 
 whole, and his reference to Ascra (639-40) as a miserable village, 
 bad in winter, oppressive in summer, never pleasant, contrasts 
 painfully with the affectionate references of the Homeric heroes 
 to their homes. This lack of patriotic feeling on the part of Hesiod 
 is attributable partly no doubt to his disHke for war. It is not to 
 him a glorious display of valor, but a terrible evil, inflicted upon the 
 
 21 Works 118-119. So Bentley translates. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 63 
 
 wicked, but from which the good are shielded.^^ Such a horror of 
 war was incompatible, perhaps, with patriotism in that age. 
 
 Other qualities generally considered important receive scant 
 consideration from Hesiod. There seems to have been very little 
 sentiment or emotion of any kind in his nature. He apparently 
 had little sympathy for those in distress. Although in one passage 
 717-18) he condemns taunts addressed to a man on account of 
 poverty, he is careful to specify "poverty, the gift of the gods." 
 It is clear from the rest of the poem that he considers it usually 
 not a gift of the gods, but the result of idleness and dissipation. 
 Hunger is altogether suited to an idle man, he says in 302, and that 
 seems to be his usual attitude toward the poor. The contemptuous 
 reference in 399-403 is similar. 
 
 The counsels on marriage are directed purely to the efficient 
 management of the household. Disinterested friendship, such as 
 that of Achilles and Patroclus, is apparently never thought of by 
 Hesiod. His reference to his father is quite without sentiment of 
 any kind.^ We know nothing of his family or kinsmen, except 
 Perses. Little feeling for the sanctity of the family or of kinship 
 appears, and appeals and counsel are not grounded on kinship.^* 
 
 As we have seen, the incentive to justice and its reward is the 
 material consequence. The anger of Zeus is the weapon which 
 Hesiod continually brandishes over the heads of evil-doers. All^ 
 the exhortatory passages are filled with warnings against the wrath 
 of the God of Justice. Zeus is all-powerful, and he terribly avenges 
 insults to his favorite daughter Dike. The eye of Zeus, all-seeing 
 and all-observing (267), is ever watchful, and the unjust man cannot 
 escape retribution. 
 
 Apparently to avoid lowering the dignity of Zeus, thrice ten 
 thousand immortals are introduced as guards of mortal men (252- 
 3). Horkos is named as a punisher of unjust judges (219). These 
 seem to be purely rhetorical agents, however; Zeus is the ultimate 
 super-mundane punisher of wickedness. 
 
 22 See Works 189, 229, 246. It looks as if he regarded some wars, at least, 
 as morally wrong. But it is clear that in general he looked on them as evils 
 sent from the gods. That is evidently the meaning in 161. 
 
 23 Works 633-40. Contrast Iliad XIX 321-324, etc. 
 
 24 See however 182-4 and 707. The usual attitude may be inferred from 
 342-5, etc. 
 
64 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OP HESIOD 
 
 The principle of reciprocity among men also acts as an incentive 
 to justice. As one should repay the acts of another, so he should 
 govern his own acts in such a way that the repayment will be desir- 
 able. Besides there is decided value in a good reputation. An evil 
 report never quite perishes; therefore one should so conduct himself 
 that it will not arise. 
 
 It may be noted that all the rewards and punishments which 
 Hesiod predicts are of this life. Zeus will repay the good and the 
 evil man in the affairs of his life, and his house after him will still 
 be influenced; but there is never any reference to a life to come. 
 Whether Hesiod believed in the immortality of the soul, we have no 
 means of knowing. No just inference can be drawn from the myth 
 of the World-Ages. We may reasonably conjecture, however, that 
 he thought of the dead as enfeebled shades, such as are described in 
 the Odyssey. Annihilation would perhaps not be agreeable to his 
 earnest temperament; yet the absence of any reference to an after- 
 life shows that he did not attach great importance to it. The fact 
 is, no doubt, that he had no definite belief on the subject; it was too 
 remote from the practical concerns of life. 
 
 Hesiod the ethical thinker cannot be separated from Hesiod the 
 man. Hard, unemotional, somewhat uncharitable, but deeply 
 religious and thoroughly honest and sincere, his individuality is 
 perceptible in every line of his ethical passages. Though no pro- 
 found thinker, he is a serious and sensible one, and he gives us a 
 vivid picture of a little-known age. 
 
 / Excursus I. Themis and Dike: The Themistes are mentioned 
 only twice in the Works and Days (9, 221), but next to Zeus, the 
 supreme god, his daughter Dike is the most important divinity in 
 Hesiod, and justice is the most prominent subject in his ethical 
 system. Hirzel's recent work^ contains some new ideas in this 
 field, which are briefly outlined here. 
 
 Themis: Already in Homer^ Themis is an Olympian goddess. 
 She is the giver of good advice, and is associated with Zeus as his 
 adviser.^ Good counsel, then, was the meaning of the word, when 
 
 ^ Themis, Dike und Verwandtes, Leipzig, 1907. 
 2 II. XV 87, 93; XX 4; Od. II 68. 
 
 ' Horn. Hymn XXIII. She is evfiovXos in Pindar, Frag. 30, 1; and bpQb^ovKos 
 in Aesch. Prom. 18. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 65 
 
 the personification took place.^ It was an easy step from goddess 
 of good counsel to goddess of oracles ; for it was the function of ' c 
 ancient oracles, not to prophesy, but to give good counsel. The 
 oracular speeches of Delphi, which was originally the seat of Themis,^ 
 were called Themistes, as were other oracles besides the Pythian.^ 
 
 The Themistes were primarily declarations of divine will. Any 
 one might receive them through oracles; or they might be bestowed 
 upon privileged individuals, the noblest of the race, who would thus 
 be sanctified as princes and kings. The dignity of Agamemnon was 
 based on the sceptre and Themistes from Zeus.'^ In their smaller 
 sphere the Themistes of Agamemnon have the same significance as 
 the Themistes of Zeus. He for his people is like the oracle for the 
 whole world: the means by which Zeus indicates his will. It is not 
 as law-giver, but as giver of wise counsels to his people that the 
 leader of the earliest times was praised.^ 
 
 The decisions of judges are called Themistes, either because of 
 their similarity to those of Zeus, both being declarations of will, 
 or more probably because of the commission from Zeus to the judges.^ 
 On either interpretation the Themistes in this use are related to 
 ^ovKai}^ One should remember too that the function of judge 
 branched off from that of king, who got his power from Zeus (in 
 Hesiod the judges are ^aaLkrjes), and so maybe designated by words 
 that apply to any kind of kingly activity. And of judges, even 
 in later times, one may say that they did not so much settle disputes 
 according to strict justice as advise the parties for their advantage. 
 
 * Hirzel rejects the idea that the concept name defxi-s was derived from a 
 primary goddess Genets. 
 
 6 Cf. Aesch. Eumen. 2 and Prom. 209-10. 
 
 ^ See Pindar, Pyth. IV 54; Od. XVI 403; cf. the expression vrnxepTea fiovKriv 
 BeixLCTTeveiv (of Apollo) in Hom. Hymn to Apollo 252-3. 
 
 ^11. IX 96-102: Thou art king over many hosts, and to thy hand hath 
 Zeus entrusted sceptre and Themistes, that thou mayest take counsel for thy 
 folk. Cf. deixLarelov (TKairrov in Pindar, 01. 112. 
 
 * See Th. 80-93 and II. II 56, 63, 80. deixLareveLv is sometimes used to indi- 
 cate the relation of the head of a family to his household (cf. Arist. Eth. Nic. 
 X 10 p. 1180a 27), i.e. to care for their welfare in the same sense as a ruler cares 
 for the welfare of his subjects. 
 
 * Cf. II. I 238-9: diKaairdXoi (qui ius colunt — Leaf) o'L re deixLaras irpos Alos 
 dpijCTai. 
 
 10 Cf. II. XXI 229-30: oh ah ye /3ouXAs eLphaao Kpovicoi'os. Also Od. XVI 
 402-3: Let us first ask the gods for counsel (/SouXas); and if the oracles (demares) 
 of Zeus approve, etc. 
 
66 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 To advise and to judge are one, and so the Homeric poet could call 
 the decisions of a judge Themistes.^^ People sought justice as they 
 sought advice. The Themistes as declarations of the decision which 
 an adviser had reached are therefore answers comparable to oracles. 
 
 By men of later times the decisions of judges were thought of as 
 the application of laws already existing, or else as the precedents 
 which produced laws. Hence a word like Themistes, which meant 
 judges' decisions, could easily be transferred to laws. Besides 
 Themistes were oracles; and oracles, though generally only parti- 
 cular bits of advice, could sometimes serve for other cases than the 
 ones for which they were given, and so had universal validity and 
 were laws.^^ 
 
 Dike: Dike is personified in Hesiod as the daughter of Zeus and 
 Themis (Th. 902). With her mother she shares the fate that, by 
 the manifold meanings of the word which became her name, her 
 original character is hidden. As early as Homer and Hesiod Dike 
 appears now as a judicial decision, now as right (Recht) and justice 
 (Gerechtigkeit) ; and again with an apparently wholly different 
 
 " In II. XVI 386-8 defxiaras is cognate object of Kplvw<n, i.e. the Themistes 
 are the decisions themselves. For this interpretation Works 9 is evidence; for 
 how de/xLcrras is to be understood in relation to Idvveiv is shown by 263-4, where 
 WvvtLv is virtually synonym.ous with Kplveiv. So Th. 85-6: biaKplvovTa de/jLLo-ras 
 WeinaL dUricnv. Cf. Apoll. Rhod. IV 1177; and Aratus 107: fietdeudef^Lyras—oi Dike. 
 
 ^2 What the Themistes meant to the early Greeks may be seen from the 
 Cyclopes in Od. IX who are called aOkuLaroL (106). They represent a condition 
 of primitive savagery not far removed from the brutes. Social relations do 
 not exist except in the family, where each is absolute {Ocixicrrevei — without the 
 legal and ethical conception of the word in Od. XI 569) over his wives and chil- 
 dren (114). Polyphemus did not mingle with others, but quite aloof followed 
 his lawless (savage) ways d^e/xtarta ribrj — cf. 428). Legal forms of justice were 
 unknown, for they had neither ay opal fiovXrjipSpoi nor denia-res (112); and Polyphe- 
 mus is a powerful savage (ay piop), ovre dUas ev dbora ovre denLaras (215). It 
 may be inferred from 175/6 that they were v^piarai re Kal ixypioi ov8e 5kaiot 
 (piXd^eivoi nor god-fearing. When Odysseus asks Polj'-phemus for the stranger's 
 due and tells him to respect the gods and Zeus, the friend of strangers and sup- 
 pliants, he repHes that he regards not Zeus nor the gods, and his own will and 
 pleasure shall dictate whether he will eat the strangers or not (266/78). Here 
 the Cyclopes are in the condition of the fishes, beasts and birds (Works 277/8) 
 which have not Dike. The Themistes then belong to the period of ethical 
 conscience, when there was regard for others' rights and fear of the gods, and of 
 Bocial relations beyond the family, when deliberative assemblies were held (112) 
 and decisions were reached (215), even if laws were yet unknown. 
 
NOTES ON THE WOmCS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 67 
 
 meaning, as manner and custom.^^ Dike occurs often in Homer. 
 Everywhere she displays her power and to the imaginative Greeks 
 became a personification and was associated with the misdeeds of 
 men (II, XVI 388; Works 220); while with the Boeotian poet she is 
 an Olympian goddess, the daughter of Zeus (Works 256). This 
 was not a personification of any abstract justice, but rather of some- 
 thing concrete — the judge's decision (der Spruch des Richters), 
 which did not rest upon any codified right or justice, but itself gave 
 rise to right or justice. The original meaning of Dike then was a 
 judge's declaration of his decision. 
 
 In ancient times one could not think or speak too highly of the 
 dignity of a judge. In the earliest description of a judge's activity 
 (Th. 84/92) he appears as a man wiser than others (cf. note on Works 
 792), who by the power of his speech clears away quarrels, and so 
 comes to be the benefactor of his people. The all-knowing Dike 
 is the idealized reflection of the mortal judge. 
 
 Dike was thought to have led men out of their early state of 
 warfare into order and friendship with one another (cf. P ato. Pro- 
 tag. 322 C). Epic times had need of judges to settle the quarrels 
 of men. The judge separated men who were in conflict with each 
 other. Repeatedly the Greeks use, to indicate the activity of a 
 judge, words which signify to separate. ^^ Dike in the sense of indi- 
 cation of right (Rechtsweisung) does not suit this idea. Such a 
 Dike would be too weak to settle a quarrel, which bears the same 
 name as a contest at arms (veiKos). And in the Greek processes of 
 law the terminology comes from warfare (Stob/ceti^, (pevyeLv, aXlaKea- 
 6aL,ay6)v, vUrj), the actual physical combat being historically the 
 earlier. If a lawsuit is a battle, the judge must have been originally 
 an umpire (Kampfrichter). 
 
 Etymology of Dike: Dike is related to diKelv as Tyche to ruxeti'. 
 According to the three meanings of diKeiu which concern us here, 
 Dike may have been either the throwing or the striking or the mere 
 out-stretching of the (judge's) stafT.^^ In this way the old, perhaps 
 
 " In modern times the last has been considered the original meaning of the 
 word. Hirzel argues against this view' (pp. 58 ff.). 
 
 ^* Cf . Th. 85 {biaKplvovra de/xicTTas) -and Works 35 {biaKpLvoiufBa vttKos) with 
 II. II 387 {vh^ k\dov(xa biaKpivket iikvqs avhpCiv); III 98; XVII 531; XX 212; etc. 
 
 ^5 Cf., the oath of Achilles (II. I 234 ff.) : By this staff which ... the sons 
 of the Achaeans that exercise judgment bear in their hands, even they that by 
 Zeus' command watch over the Themistes, etc. 
 
I 
 
 68 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 the oldest, expression for a just and an unjust judgment can be 
 accounted for: Homer and Hesiod speak of an Wela Ukt], meaning 
 a just judgment, and a (tkoXlcl dlKr], meaning an unjust one.^^ The 
 origin of these expressions is the straight blow of the judge's staff, 
 hitting the center; while the crooked judgment is the blow that 
 diverges towards one side, and instead of striking the center hits 
 one of the two parties, and so only makes the conflict worse. ^^ 
 
 From the meaning judicial decision Dike came to mean punish- 
 ment, also the rights and duties of individuals, then right in the 
 abstract and righteous conduct (justice) in the abstract (p. 105), 
 and also custom which is founded on (real or supposed) right. 
 Further, before a judge's decision is given, both parties to a suit 
 anticipate that it will be in their favor. These claims of theirs, 
 which vie with each other much as the Skat of various judges, could 
 receive the same name, 6uat; and especially the claim of the plain- 
 tiiBf, formulated into an accusation, could be called dlKr], since it is 
 he who is bringing the case before the judge and more confidently 
 anticipates a favorable verdict.^^ 
 
 Excursus 11. Ancient Agriculture: To understand the farmer's 
 year in Hesiod one must consider that in Greece, as generally in 
 Mediterranean countries, there are two seasons, the dry season and 
 the rainy corresponding in general to summer and winter. After 
 the long dry summer (Works 481, 575, 587-8) the early rain began 
 in September or October (Works 415, 674-7; Xen. Oec. XVII 2) 
 and the rainy season of winter set in shortly after the 1st of Novem- 
 ber (Works 450-51) and continued till March, though there were 
 later showers in March and April (Works 488-9). But for the most 
 part in spring, summer and early autumn the atmosphere was clear 
 and the sky serene. Not till the dry season was past and the rainy 
 season had begun, could the farmers plow and sow their fields. 
 
 ''^ Weia SUr, : II. XXVIII 580; XVIII 508; Works 36; 224-6; Th. 86; Hes. 
 Fr. 174. cr/coXtd dUr]: II. XVI 388; Works 219, 221, 250, 264. See Hirzel p. 
 95 note 4. 
 
 ^^ It seems an obvious inference that the reference was originally to an 
 arbiter of a duel, with a staff, like the heralds at the combat of Ajax and Hector 
 (II. VII 273-8). 
 
 i«The goddess Dike herself is plaintiff in Works 258 ff. In Fr. 174: 
 el K€ iraBoL to. k' 2pe^e, SIktj k' ideia yevoiro we have the transition to the later 
 conception of Dike as punishment. But punishment is not yet the essence of 
 Dike; Dike is rather still the judge's decision, though punishment may be the 
 purpose and effect of the decision (cf. Works 239 and perhaps 249). 
 
NOTES or THE WOEKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 69 
 
 According to Hesiod (Works 384, 448-51, 479) the sowing season 
 extended from about the first of November to the winter solstice, 
 and this agrees with Xenophon (Oec. XVII 2-6), who speaks of three 
 sowings the early, the middle and the late, and advises that one do 
 some sowing in each of the three, that he may be sure of a crop, 
 though Hesiod does not approve of late sowing (Works 479-82). 
 Thus while the sowing season is reatively late, the early spring 
 (Works 564-9) following upon the wet winter brought the harvest 
 to maturity by the middle of May (Works 383-7, 571-5). ^ 
 
 The system of agriculture followed in ancient times was sub- 
 stantially this: The land that was to be sown in the autumn was 
 broken up in the spring when the ground was mellow and was plowed 
 again in the summer, and then was stirred a last time when the 
 seed was to be sown. After the crop had been taken off the following 
 summer, it was left unoccupied till the next spring when the same 
 process of fallowing was repeated. Thus the same piece of land 
 produced a crop only in alternate years. ^ The process of fallowing 
 and sowing is discussed by Xenophon (Oec. XVI-XVII). Socrates 
 wants to know the best way to get a good crop of wheat or barley. 
 First, Ischomachus tells him, the fallow must be prepared for sowing. 
 The operation must not be begun in winter on account of the mud, 
 nor yet in summer because the ground would be too hard. Con- 
 sequently one must begin in the spring when the ground can best 
 be loosened and the weeds can be destroyed before they produce 
 seed; for the fallow must be free from weeds and baked in the sun as 
 much as possible; and this end can best be attained by turning the 
 ground as often as possible in the summer^ that the weeds may be 
 withered by the heat. And for the sowing one should take the 
 time approved by experience when the autumn rain has begun. 
 
 ^ On the climate of Greece see Neumann und Partsch, Physikalische Geo- 
 graphic von Griechenland, Breslau, 1885, pp. 13-126; Philippson, Das Mit- 
 telmeergebiet, Leipzig, 1904, pp. 93-138. 
 
 2 Cf. Pindar Nem. VI 9-11: The fruitful fields — in turn now yield to man 
 his yearly bread upon the plains, and now again they pause, and gather back 
 their strength. XI 39-41: Neither doth the black-soiled tilth bring forth fruit 
 continuously . . . but in turn only. 
 
 ^ A fourth plowing is referred to by Theocritus XXV 26: TpiiroXois — h veLoiaiv 
 Kal TerpairoXoLaLv. Cf . Vergil Georg. II 399 : Omne quotannis Terque quaterque 
 solum scindendum. Theophrastus (de C. P. Ill 20, 7-8) says: Land is well 
 prepared when plowed in both summer and winter, that it may receive the sun and 
 the frosts. Soil turned frequently is rendered light and free from weeds so as 
 
70 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 The triple fallowing of land is first mentioned in Homer (II. 
 XVIII 5.42; Od. V 127; cf. Th. 971). In Works 462 the spring 
 plowing and summer renewing are mentioned. Aratus (1051-6) 
 says that the mastic-tree bears fruit three times a year, corresponding 
 to the three seasons of plowing, and it would seem that the three 
 plowings were in spring, in mid-summer and at seeding time.^ It 
 is evident, however, from Xenophon (Oec. XVI 14) and Theocritus 
 (XXV 26) that by the Attic and Alexandrian Periods a fourth had 
 been added, either the previous summer or early autumn after the 
 removal of the crop, or a second time during the following summer 
 (see note 3 supra). In the Hesiodic system of agriculture there are 
 but two crops, the grain crop and the vintage (see note on Works 
 21-2), and it is peculiar that the preparation of the land for seeding, 
 or the process of fallowing, which must have been in vogue in his 
 time, is barely mentioned, and that in so unexpected a place (462-4) 
 as to throw a suspicion on the whole passage.^ 
 
 to produce a good crop. . . . After the crop has been harvested (see Schneider's 
 note and cf. H. P. VI 5, 1) when they have plowed the land, they turn it a second 
 time in the spring to destroy the weeds, then they plow in the summer, and again 
 at sowing time they plow in the seed. Vergil (Georg. I 48) when he says that 
 the best crop is produced by land, bis quae solem, bis frigora sensit, is manifestly 
 referring to Theophrastus, and seems to refer to the spring, summer and fall 
 plowings and one in the previous autumn. 
 
 * It would seem from Varro (I 29 and 32-3) that as a rule the early Romans 
 plowed three times — in spring, summer and autumn. 
 
 5 For further information on ancient agriculture see Pauly-Wissowa, Real- 
 Encyclopaedie under Ackerbau, and Mair, Hesiod, Oxford, 1908, pp. 104-147. 
 
EXPLANATORY NOTES 
 
 For a discussion and classification of the Manuscripts of the 
 Works and Days, as well as for Critical Notes, see the Major 2nd 
 Edition (1908) and the Minor 3rd Edition (1913) of Rzach. The 
 scholia of Proclus, Tzetzes, and Moschopulus are contained in the 
 second volume of Gaisford's Poetae Graeci Minores, Oxford, 1814, 
 and Leipzig, 1823. The fragmentary scholia of Plutarch, mostly 
 preserved by Proclus, are contained in Vol. VII of Plutarch's Moralia 
 by Bernardakis, pp. 51-98. Besides the manuscripts and scholia 
 much light is thrown on the text and its interpretation by the num- 
 erous references and quotations found in ancient authors, both 
 Greek and Latin, such as Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, 
 Cicero, Pliny, Plutarch, Lucian and others. For a discussion of the 
 Works in antiquity see Dimitrijevic, Studia Hesiodea, Leipzig, 1899. 
 
 1-10. Proem invoking the Muses to celebrate Zeus, who is asked 
 to guide aright the Themistes, while Hesiod tells Perses the truth. 
 
 1. IlLeplr]dev =IlLepldes : Muses from Pieria or Pierian Muses. 
 Cf. II. XIII 363: 'OdpvopTJa Ka^wodev Sind Plato, Phaedo 59C: 
 Meyapodev EvK\el8rjs. It is possible, however, to take ULeplrjdev with 
 8edT€ : Muses, who celebrate with songs, come hither from Pieria. 
 In Th. 53-62 we are told that Mnemosyne bore nine daughters to 
 Cronides in Pieria, who later came to Olympus (id. 68). In Th. 1 
 and Works 658 they are called Heliconian Muses. Elsewhere in 
 the old epic they are designated as Olympian Muses, daughters of 
 Zeus. 
 
 2. (Tipkrepov =viieT€pov : This usage occurs nowhere else in early epic 
 poetry. For aiplcnv in II. X 398 see Monro H. G. 255, 2 and note on 
 the passage in Leaf's Iliad. In the Shield of Hercules 90 and Pindar, 
 Pyth. IV S3; Isth. V 33 crcperepos first appears as 3rd singular, while 
 in later writers, such as ApoUonius Rhodius and Theocritus, it is 
 used also as 1st and 2nd singular and plural. See Kuhner-Gerth, 
 Vol. I 455, 7 c. 
 
 3-4. It seems plain from lines 5-8 that the sense of these two 
 verses is: Owing to whom mortal men are alike mentioned and 
 unmentioned, renowned and unrenowned by the will of great Zeus — 
 the two pairs of verbals exactly balancing each other, while 5td is 
 
72 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 virtually equivalent to e/cT/rt (related to eKcov, both with initial digam- 
 ma), the one meaning by reason of and the other by the will of, 
 6ta here being causal as in Od. VIII 520 {vLKrjaaL — 5td fjLeyadvjjLov 
 'Adrjvrjv). There is nothing abnormal about the Ace. and Gregory 
 of Corinth was apparently misled by St. John I 3 {iravra bi avrov 
 eyheTo) when he said in Dialectic Idioms 109 that the use of 5ta with 
 the Ace. for dta with the Gen. was Attic, cos 'Ralodos' ovre 5td (E. 3) 
 avrl Tov 8l' ov. 
 
 As to the verbals, (pards occurs first in the Shield of Hercules 
 230 and Pindar, 01. VI 37; Isth. VI (VII) 37; always with a nega- 
 tive and in the sense of unutterable, cuparos has much the same 
 meaning and occurs first in Pindar, Nem. I 47; Eurip. Ion. 783; 
 Aristoph. Birds 428; Herod. VII 190. Later examples of both 
 words have the same force, piyros occurs in II. XXI 445 in the sense 
 of fixed by agreement, stipulated. This usage is not rare in Attic, 
 as Thuc. I 122 and VI 29. Another meaning, frequent in Tragedy, 
 is that-may-be-told, as Aesch. Prom. 765. A common sense of 
 appTiTos is not-to-be-told, as Aristoph. Clouds 302 (of the Eleusinian 
 Mysteries). It occurs once in Homer (Od. XIV 466) meaning 
 unspoken. But the literal sense of the verbals in the present pas- 
 sage is unparalleled, except for apprjTos in Aratus 2 and 180, and this 
 seems to be an imitation. 
 
 5. pea jxh : for the use of two shorts as the equivalent of a long 
 in the thesis cf. 33, 150, 462 infra and see II. XIII 144, XVII 461; 
 Od. IX 283. It is interesting to note that ^piaeiv occurs but twice 
 in Greek outside of this verse, once in Th. 447 in the Hecate passage, 
 which is considered late by some, where it is transitive as in the 
 first instance here, and once in Oppian, Hal. V 96, where the parti- 
 ciple is used intransitively as here. From the same stem comes 
 Briareus, the name of the hundred-handed giant mentioned in II. 
 I 403, and who in the Theogony (617-735) assisted Zeus against 
 the Titans. 
 
 6. There can be no question that apl^rjXov and adrjXov are oppo- 
 sites, corresponding respectively in meaning to the verbals affirma- 
 tive and negative in verses 3-4. The former occurs in Homer in the 
 sense of conspicuous, or as Ebeling (Homeric Lexicon) renders it, 
 facilis visu audituve. It is used of flashes of lightning (II. XIII 
 244) and of the beams of a star (II. XXII 27); and again of the 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 73 
 
 sound of a trumpet and the voice of a man (II. XVIII 219 and 221). 
 But once does it occur of persons (II. XVIII 519), of Ares and Athena, 
 who are said to be conspicuous {apL^r}\co) , while the people beneath 
 them were smaller. Pindar (01. II 61) uses it of a star. All these 
 cases are used in a physical sense, i.e. plainly visible to the eye or 
 audible to the ear. The figurative sense of the present passage is 
 not found again till the Alexandrian Age, in such cases as Callim. 
 Anon. Frag. 357 {apl^rjXos IlroXe/xatos) and Anth. IV 1, 3 (dpi^-qXcp 
 AtoicXet), and here apparently by a confusion of etymology with 
 apL^r]\<jOTos. See Hesychius s. v. apt and compare Callim. Epig. 52, 
 3 (apl^akos BepevLKo) with Aristoph. Eq. 1329 (apt^iyXwrot 'Adavai). 
 adrj\os is not Homeric, and while sufficiently frequent in Attic, it 
 is rare of persons and unknown in the sense of the present passage, 
 the meaning in Soph. O. T. 475 and Plato, Laws 874A being unknown 
 and not obscure. 
 
 With these verses compare II. XX 242: Zeus 5' aperriv avSpeaaiv 
 ocpeWeL re pLivbdei re. Od. XVI 211-12: prjldtov 8e OeoXau . . . tjijl^v 
 Kvdrjvai Bv7]t6v ^poTov rjde KaKoiaaL. Horace, Carm. I 34, 12: Valet 
 ima summis Mutare et insignem attenuat deus Obscura promens. 
 See also II. XV 490-3; Eurip. Troad. 612 and Frag. 724; Pal. Anth. 
 X 122. 
 
 7-8. Note the anaphora at the beginning of verses 5-7. So 
 182-4, 317,19, 578-80 infra. Te like the corresponding que in Latin 
 has two uses: 1st, as a connective; 2nd, as a generic particle, at- 
 tached most frequently to relatives as in verse 3, or to such other 
 particles as /jih, 8e, Kal, yap, aWa, though it may stand in other 
 connections. See Monro, H. G. 331-2. In this case it is conceivable 
 that is is correlative with /cat. Kapipei is used in a literal sense 575 
 infra; Od. XIII 398 and 430; Archil. Frag. 27 and later; but with the 
 exception of this instance it is used figuratively only in ApoU. Rhod. 
 Arg. IV 1094. ayqvopes is a frequent epithet of the suitors in the 
 Odyssey; cf. dufjLos ayrivoip of Thersites in II. II 276. With verse 8 
 compare Aristoph. Lys. 772-3: ra 6' vireprepa vkprepa drjaei Zeus inJ/L~ 
 ^pe^xkr-qs. 
 
 9. kKWi 18(jop alwv re : This unusual combination has puzzled the 
 scholiasts, and is entirely at variance with epic usage, the nearest 
 parallel being Sappho, Frag. I 6: at Trora Karkpoira ras e/xas avbas 
 aloLaa woWas e/cXues. Proclus remarks that Hesiod said the same 
 in the case of Zeus as Homer said with reference to Helios (refer- 
 
74 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 ring to II. Ill 277; Od. XII 323: 'HeXtos 6' 6s iravr k<popq.s koX iravr 
 kiraKoveLs), for Zeus sees and hears all things; which shows that he 
 understood Zed with kKvOl and Tavra with the participles, and this 
 interpretation is supported by 267 infra. There can be no doubt 
 that Zed is to be understood with kKvOl, which occurs in Homer only 
 in invoking a god, as II. XXIII 770, or Od. II 262; but if the parti- 
 ciples are to be taken thus, the Schol. of Dorvill. (Gaisford 37 note) 
 gives a more natural explanation: av, co Zed, 6 l8o3v Tore rets rtju^ptas 
 rod iideXipov jjlov Ilepo-ou kol tcls adiKlas, apTioiS clkovccv kjjLOv eiraKovaov 
 — which insists on a distinction between the present and aorist 
 participles; though the Sappho passage just cited supports the 
 usual explanation: Hear, looking and hearkening — according to 
 which I8<hv and aUav simply repeat kKvOl with slightly different shades 
 of meaning. 
 
 There is a verbal similarity between Wvvei (tkoXlov (7) and Solon, 
 Frag. IV 37: evdvvet de dUas (7/coXtas — but the meaning is essentially 
 different. By comparison with the other adjectives in 5-7 it is 
 evident that (tkoKlov is masculine and that WvveL is used in the later 
 sense of bring to account, chastise (cf. Plato, Pol. 229A: tovs ap^ai'ras 
 eWvveLv; Arist. Pol. 1271a 6 and 1274a 17: tcls dpxas evBvveiv, Eurip. 
 Bacchae 884; Aesch. Per. 828). The passage in Solon seems to mean 
 that Eunomia corrects crooked (unjust) decisions, or rather renders 
 straight (just) decisions in place of the perverse ones of Dysnomia. 
 Pindar (Pyth. IV 153) eWwe XaoTs bUas means that the king ren- 
 dered just decisions for his people; but Ukxi 8' Wvve dentaras here 
 addressed to Zeus seems to mean rather direct the judgments right- 
 eously than deal the judgments of righteousness. 
 
 10. Tvvrj : Doric for av according to Hesychius, who also gives 
 the form ey6)vr] as Laconian. Tvvr) occurs 641 infra, Th. 36, and 6 
 times in the Iliad. fivdrjaalfjLriv with Ke is softened future: I should 
 like or I shall. Hesiod's attitude as a witness to the truth may be 
 compared with that of Aristophanes: Eq. 510: 6 iroLrjTrjs . . . 
 ToXfxq, \eyeLV ra dUaia — Nub. 519: Karepoo irpos Vfxas ekevB'epoiS TaXrjdrj. 
 
 11-26. Hymn to the Erides: There are two Erides on earth, 
 different in character; the one stirs up war and strife and is loved 
 by none, the other is a great blessing to mortals, for she arouses the 
 indolent to activity when he sees his thrifty and industrious neighbor 
 becoming wealthy. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 75 
 
 Hesiod is fond of discriminating between two aspects of the 
 same idea. Eris had been recognized heretofore as the goddess of 
 discord, as in II. IV 440, XI 3, 73, XVIII 107; Th. 225 f. But here 
 it is declared that there is a profitable emulation as well as a ruinous 
 strife. In Homer we find two methods of attainment recognized, 
 seizure and purchase (II. IX 406-9), corresponding to the two kinds 
 of Erides here and the nomos of men and animals in 276 infra. The 
 dijfference between the two is that the good Eris is subject to the 
 law of Zeus {Ukt] — 279) and regards the rights of others. See also 
 discussion of Aidos 317-19 infra. 
 
 11. apa with the imperfect is used to correct a false impression: 
 After all then there is not simply one kind of Eris, as seemed to be 
 the case. Cf. Od. XVII 454: ovk apa aol y' kirl etdei /cat <ppeves rjaav. 
 
 12. vorjaas is conditional: one would praise her, if he rightly- 
 apprehended her. For this sense of vokoi cf. II. XI 599: tov d^ I8(hv 
 kvoTjcre and Od. XVIII 228: OvfiQ vokoi Kal ot8a tKaara. 
 
 13. Cf. II. XX 32: dlxa dvfjLOp exovres — of the gods setting out 
 to battle, part to side with the Trojans and part with the Achaeans. 
 Also hxo(ppoiv — of the two discordant brothers in Aesch. Septem 898. 
 
 14. In II. IV 445 Eris is spoken of as oipeKKovca urbvov avbpoiv. 
 
 15. ax^rkly] in Homer enduring, as II. X 164; Od. XII 279; 
 then rash, as Od. XII 21, from which comes the later sense of miser- 
 able. But more generally the meaning is ''not caring for others" 
 — cruel reckless, perverse, applied to gods and men. The idea of 
 perversity is prominent here, as in 187 infra, with which compare 
 Od. IX 351, 478 and XXI 28. Applied to deeds it means perverse 
 or wicked, as Od. IX 295; XIV 83; XXII 413; and infra 124, 238, 254. 
 Ti)v 76 : 7e: emphasizes a word or fact by distinguishing it from others; 
 see Monro H. G. 354. It is frequent with the pronominal article, 
 but oftentimes the contrast is non easily seen and no more emphasis 
 seems to be designed than the pronoun naturally expresses. See 
 infra 74 and 246, and compare rSiv ye of 246 with rots of 239 and 
 Tolaiv of 242, the only difference being that ye suits the meter in 
 one case and does not in the others. In the present instance ye 
 is used with reference to ax^rXirj, the perverse Eris being contrasted 
 
76 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 with the good one; and in most instances some such contrast can be 
 felt, as 01 76 in 187, where a contrast with the dutiful may be assumed. 
 
 16. adavcLTOJv ^ovXfjaLv : by the designs or will of the immortals 
 Cf. II. I 5: Aids d' eTeXeleTo ^ovXrj, and 71, 99 infra. ''The Greek 
 poets represent the gods as swayed by cruel and spiteful passions: — 
 As flies to wanton boys are we to the gods; They kill us for their 
 sport — King Lear IV 1. This is hard to reconcile with the idea 
 that the divinities are good and pure, but the ancients did not attempt 
 the reconciliation. They saw plainly enough the two sides, but 
 contented themselves with looking only at one side at a time. The 
 hard facts of life could not be gainsaid, and, assuming that the gods 
 were the rulers, they ascribed the woe as well as the weal of this 
 world to them without prying too deeply into the reasons why they 
 did thus and so." — Harry, Hipp, of Eurip. Introd. XXV. With 
 Hesiod Zeus is the god of justice and the divinities are ministers of 
 justice; but here we have the popular conception found in Iliad 
 XIX 86 ff. where Agamemnon lays the responsibility for the quarrel 
 with Achilles on Zeus, Moira and Erinys, who inspired Ate in his 
 mind (cf. id. 270); and III 164/5, where Priam exonerates Helen 
 and blames the gods for the war (cf. II. XXIV 547; Od. XII 190); 
 and the gods (II. XXIV 525/6) are said to have allotted to men a life 
 of sorrow, while they themselves are free from care. In Od. 
 XI 276 the woes of Oedipus are assigned to the god's destroying 
 purposes; and (id. 555 ff.) the death of Ajax is a calamity from the 
 gods and due to the wrath of Zeus. In Od. XII 295 Odysseus 
 became aware that a divinity was devising ill, and (id. 371 ff.) he 
 lays the blame for the slaughter of the Kine on Zeus and the other 
 gods. In the Hom. Hymn to Apollo (189/193) the Muses sing of 
 the imperishable gifts of the gods, and the sufferings of men, all 
 that they endure from the hands of the undying gods, lives witless 
 and helpless, men unavailing to find remede for death or buckler 
 against old age. Aeschylus (Persae 93/101) says: What mortal 
 shall escape a god's deep-plotted snare? for with kindly look he 
 lures him into the net of Ate, whence there is no escape. See also 
 Soph. O. C. 372; Ajax 1036/7); Eurip. Hipp. 1433/4. 
 
 17. The antithesis is between Trporkpriv jih kyelvaro Nu^ and 
 Br]K€ he jiiv 'Kpovib7]s . . . iroWbv dfielvco. To the Greek mind the 
 elder was the better. Cf. Th. 776 where Styx is called the eldest 
 
NOTES ON THE WORK AND DAYS OF HESIOD 77 
 
 daughter of Oceanus with Th. 361, where she is called Tpoipepeo-raTr} 
 of all the Ocean-nymphs; and see Shield 260, where it is said of 
 Atropos that she is irpocpeprjs re TpeajSurciTrj re. Also II. XIII 355; 
 XV 204. 
 
 18-19. Mair renders: And her the son of Kronos . . . both in 
 the earth's foundations and among men made mightier far. This 
 use of drjKe is frequent in the Theogony, as 400, 447, 450, 601, 974. 
 One cannot escape the feeling, however, that drJKe is used in a local 
 sense and there is a contrast between aiOepL valoiv and yalT]s ev pt^r/crt, 
 whence Guyet's emendation (see Rzach): Zeus dwelling in heaven 
 placed her on earth and made her much better for men. Kpovldrjs 
 . . . valcxivis an epic formula; cf. II. IV 166. 
 
 20. Trep emphasizes preceding word, often giving it concessive 
 force, especially when /cat precedes. Except in Od. VII 224 /cat and 
 Trep are always separated in Homer; see Monro H. G. 353 and cf. 
 Th. 533. o/jlcjos here should mean nevertheless, as in II. XII 393; 
 Od. XI 565. e/jLTrrjs is the ordinary word in this sense and position 
 in old Epic, as II. XVII 229. In this passage o/jlccs might be written 
 and the verse would mean: She arouses the indolent as well as the 
 industrious to work. Cf. II. IX 320. 
 
 21. Te is generic — see note on 7 supra and cf. de re in 23 infra. 
 In Homer xartfetj/ means lack or need, as well as long for, desire; 
 in the sole other Hesiodic example (394 infra) it means being in 
 want. It is used absolutely or with the Gen. In this passage if 
 xartfet is read, it means, is seized with a desire for work, and the 
 relative clause in 22 is explanatory of the delayed epithet irXovaiov. 
 With this reading the leading idea does not receive due emphasis, 
 which can be given by reading xf^Tf-t^^ and taking 6s or the emenda- 
 tion 6 as equivalent to auros : himself. *0 is used in this emphatic 
 sense in Ih. 491, and 6s has demonstrative force in 429 infra (cf. 
 II. VI 59; Od. I 286). This use of epyoto xartfcoi/ as lacking work, 
 being idle seems not unnatural, though there is no exact parallel. 
 Eor a discussion of this passage see Danielsson, Eranos 1896 (I) 
 pp. 1/6. 
 
 apoi/jLevai (plowing and sowing) and (pvreveLv (planting) are the 
 two terms used to cover all farming operation. See 781 infra and 
 cf. Od. ly 108; Tyrtaeus V ^; II. IX 579 f. XII, 314; XIV 122 f. 
 
78 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 XX 185; Aratus 9. The two crops recognized by Hesiod are grain 
 and the vintage (383/617 infra), corresponding to the two great 
 rural divinities, Demeter and Dionysus, apconevai is an Aeolic 
 infinitive. Cf. alvrjjjLL 683 infra and see Buck's Greek Dialect 
 157. r]de is properly correlative with rjnev (compounded of particle 
 ij and ixlv . . . 8e), as Od. II 68. In 339 infra we have the combina- 
 tion rjfxev . . . Kal, while re and rjde are correlative in 813. 
 
 23-4. Cf. 312-3 infra. In these cases ^rjXovv is used of emula- 
 tion; in 195, however, ^T]\os = (p66vos. According to Paley a<pevos 
 is the wealth of a farmer, as distinct from ttXovtos. Cf. 120 and 308 
 infra. 
 
 25-6. These verses, which may be an interpolated proverb, were 
 much cited in antiquity, as Plato, Lys. 215C; Aristotle, Rhet. II 
 10; Polit. V 8; Plutarch, Mor. 473a. It has been observed that 
 Koreet (have a spite at, bear a grudge against — cf. II. I 82) and ipSovkei 
 (be jealous of, envy) do not well accord with ^rfKot in line 23 (but 
 note the sinister meaning of ^riKos in 195 infra). For the rivalry 
 between beggars in the epic age see the episode of Irus and Odysseus 
 in Od. XVIII 1/116. 
 
 27-39. Perses is urged not to let the bad Eris draw him from work 
 to litigation, but to settle his present difference with the poet by 
 just judgments from Zeus, and not, as formerly, by bribing unjust 
 judges. 
 
 27. For (7v 8e after the vocative cf. II. I 282 and see Gildersleeve's 
 note on Pindar, 01. I 36. So arap (II. VI 429; XXII 331) and a\\a 
 (Plato, Euthyphro 3C). evLKardeo: middle = lay up (down) in 
 store. Cf. 31 infra, where /cardfcetrat is used as perfect passive of 
 KaraTideadaL in the same sense. 
 
 28. fjLr]de . . . epmoL an imperative or prescriptive optative, 
 expressing obligation or propriety. Here joined with change 'of 
 subject by M^Se to the preceding imperative, as in 491 infra. KaKo- 
 Xo-pTos : ri 7] KaKOLs xcttpouo-a ^ fi x^'^povcriv ol KaKoi — Proclus. In 196 
 infra it is used of ^rjXos (envy) and probably means rejoicing in the 
 ills of others, and as the controlling Daemon of the iron age is. vir- 
 tually identical with the bad Eris, that seems to be the meaning 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 79 
 
 here, though the color may partly have faded from the epithet. 
 Oviiov : partial apposition to ae, or accusative of limitation. See 
 Monro H. G. 141. 
 
 29. ayoprjs : in Homer generally an assembly of chieftains to 
 discuss affairs of state and war; here an assembly of judges to decide 
 vekea, as in II. XVI 387, XVIII 497/508; Od. XII 439/40 (cf. Th. 
 85/90). The epic ^aaiXevs is both ruler and judge, but in Hesiod 
 he appears only in his capacity as judge — see Hirzel, Themis, Dike 
 
 I und Verwandtes, p. 76, note 5. eovra is subordinate to birnrevovTa : 
 i looking for law-suits while being an attendant at court. 
 
 30. o}p7] is supported by the scholiasts and lexicographers (see 
 I Rzach), who explain it as (ppovrjaLs. The other cases of its use in 
 I the earlier authors mean concern for, interest in, as Tyrtaeus X 11; 
 [ Soph. O. C. 386; Herod. Ill 155. Here the meaning is: There is 
 
 no time, ground, or occasion for interest in. On the other hand 
 
 I copry, if read, must mean proper time, fit season for, as Od. XI 379; 
 
 j XIV 407; XV 126; or infra 460. coprj does not seem to be used in 
 
 sense of English — have little time for. ayopeo^v seems to be used 
 
 of debates or harangues, as in II. II 275. So Pa tin and Waltz. 
 
 32. cbpatos: a standing epithet = gathered in season, as 307 infra, 
 rbv : on the use of the article as relative in Epic see Monro H. G. 
 262. For Ary^iyrepos aKriiv cf. II. XIII 322 and see Leaf's note 
 on II. XI 631. 
 
 2)2). Tov: genitive of material; Theognis (751) uses the dative: 
 irXovro) KeKoprj/jLevos. On drjpLv d(pe\\oL cf. 14 supra and 213 infra. 
 
 34. If the manuscript reading 6(pe\\oLs is to be retained in 33, 
 aol de is without antithetic force, as av 5e in 402 infra. 
 
 35-6. audi (on the spot) is here used in a temporal sense, as in 
 II. VI 281. biaKpivoijxeda velKos Idelyai dUys : cf. Th. 85/6: biaKplvovra 
 Oe/jLLaTas IBdxjcn Ukxictlv, where the active is used of a judge (king) 
 rendering decisions. Here the middle is used of a private agreement 
 between the parties concerned (cf. ApoU. Rhod. Arg. IV 1177: 
 Xaot / iddas ava clgtv bieKplvovTO dkjiKTTCLS = The people had righteous 
 judgments given them throughout the city — Mooney). See Leaf's 
 
80 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Iliad, Vol. II App. I 29; and cf. Pal. Anth. VI 267, 4: k Alos ldeir]s 
 otde ToXavTa St/crjs. 
 
 37. iJL€v is here followed by re where in English we would use 
 when. The aorist with rjdr} followed by the imperfect has the force 
 of: No sooner had we divided the inheritance than you proceeded 
 to take away many other things. On apira^cov cf. 320 infra where 
 apiraKTa is explained by x^P^^^ ^'^V V ^'^o yXcoaarjs. 
 
 39. dctipocpayovs : old re wpodvfiovs opras Kal avBis biKa^eiv rw Ilepo-r; 
 Kol ro) 'HctoSw bioL Trjv rdv boipoiv eXirlda — Proclus, who thus thinks of 
 one suit as past and another as pending, rrjvde dUrjv : referring to 
 the impending suit, in which the poet had reason to fear that the 
 axiom of Pittheus would not be observed: /jLrjde bU-qv biKaarfs irplv av 
 afjL<polv iivdov cLKovaTjs. The emendation of Schoeman {kSekovri bUaaaav) 
 assumes that the suit has already been decided. 
 
 It seems from II. IX 154/6 that it was the privilege of kings and 
 judges to receive fees (gifts) for decisions rendered, just as those 
 who came to consult the oracles brought gifts (See Hes. Frag. 134, 
 9/11). Also banquets and special honors were accorded them (see 
 Od. I 117; XI 185/6; II. XII 310 ff.) Hirzel (Excursus II and VI) 
 thinks that here and in 221, 264 Hesiod has in mind these gifts and 
 honors, and does not mean to censure the princes for receiving fees, 
 but for receiving them without doing what they should to merit 
 them (so Polybius of the democracy VI 9, 7). 
 
 40-1. These verses might conceivably be connected with thei 
 preceding, but more likely are added as an afterthought, advocating^ 
 the simple life and insisting that those who grab at everything really! 
 get less than those who are content with their portion. In Plato's' 
 Republic (419A) Adeimantus declares that the guardians of the 
 ideal state are miserable, being rulers of the city, yet receiving no 
 advantage from this in the way of lands, houses, gold and silver; and 
 Socrates replies (466A-C) that if they shall fooHshly become dis- 
 satisfied with their moderate and secure life (jStos ouroo jierpLos Kal 
 j8e/3atos), they will learn that Hesiod was really wise when he said 
 TrXeoi' elval ttcos rifjuav iravrbs. So Seneca (Epist. XC 36 ff.) in speaking 
 of the Golden Age says: All things were enjoyed in common. That 
 was the richest of races, for no poor man could be found. But 
 avarice made its appearance and in desiring to make something 
 its own made everything else not its own. It brought in poverty 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 81 
 
 and by grasping for much lost all. According to Diog. Laer. (I 75) 
 Pittacus oKlyov aTroTe/jLo/jievos e(pr] to TJ/jnau rod iravros TrXeiov elvat Cf . Ovid 
 Fasti V 718: Dimidium to to munere mains erit; and Horace Carm. 
 I 31, 15/6: Me pascunt olivae / me cichorea levesque malvae. 
 
 42-105. Illustration of the necessity of labor and the origin 
 of evils from the myth of Prometheus and Pandora. 
 
 42. yap : seems to refer in a general way to what precedes and 
 is an approach to yap introducing a narrative, as the myth is told 
 to show the origin of the necessity of labor, which has been insisted 
 on in verses 11/41. The same use of the particle occurs in Th. 94, 
 154 and infra 219. Goettling says: Certe V. 42-46 arete coniunctos 
 esse cum 11-24 satis patere puto. 
 
 Kpvypavres exovai : apparently the earliest example of this per- 
 phrastic perfect, as the participle in II. 1 356 {€\o)v yap exet 7epas) 
 is perhaps not felt to be supplementary. Cf. Theognis 1061: KaKo- 
 TTjTa KaraKpwpavTes exovau ttXovtco. Blov : means of living, as in 31 " 
 supra. Cf. Vergil Georg. I 121/3: Pater ipse colendi / hand facilem 
 esse viam voluit primusque per artem / movit agros curis acuens 
 mortalia corda. 
 
 43. yap for otherwise, with suppressed condition, ew' rnxari : 
 kv iJLta wepa—Vrodus. Cf. II. X 48; Od. II 284. In 44 ae is sub- 
 ject of exeLv ; according to the normal Greek idiom it should not be 
 expressed, as it refers to the subject of the leading verb: One might ' 
 easily do enough in a day to have plenty for a year without work 
 (if the gods had not made the means of living difficult); cf. however 
 656 infra and II. VII 198; XIII 269; Od. VIII 221. Ke^s : for Kal els 
 = even for. The second Kal is concessive. 
 
 45. Cf. 629 infra. On Karadelo see on 27 supra. The force of 
 the preposition was no longer felt, as is shown by virep. Cf. Vergil 
 Georg. I 175: Et suspensa focis explorat robora fumus. 
 
 46. epya ^ocov : usually of the results, fields with crops, etc. as 
 Od. X 98; here the meaning is: The labor of oxen and mules might 
 cease. According to II. X 351/3 mules were superior to oxen for 
 plowing, but in the discussion of agriculture below (383-617) they 
 are mentioned but one (607), the slower oxen being apparently in 
 regular use with the Boeotian farmers. 
 
82 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 47-8.: eKpv\l/e: understand ^lov avdpiOTroiai from 42. The decep- 
 tion referred to in 48 seems to be that described in Th. 535 ff. 
 ay KvXofjLrjTris is applied to Prometheus here and in Th. 546; elsewhere 
 only to Cronos. 
 
 49. Kr]8ea \vypa might refer to Kpv\f/e 5e irvp in verse 50; but 
 probably is used in a more general sense, as in 95 infra. 
 
 50. The same word is used with reference to the concealment 
 of fire and living (42, 47) ; there because the spontaneous abundance 
 of the Golden Age had ceased and men had to seek living; here the 
 concealment of fire seems to refer to the difficulty experienced by 
 primitive man in producing fire. Cf. Vergil's Semina flammae 
 abstrusa in venis silicis (Aen. VI 6/7) and see Lucretius V 1091 ff. 
 TO : demonstrative referring to irvp. 
 
 51. Atos Trdpa : explained by Sittl as meaning airo ttjs tov Alos earlas. 
 According to Cicero (Tusc. II 10, 23) Aeschylus seems to have 
 represented Prometheus as having stolen fire from the volcanic 
 mountain Mosychlus in Lemnos. See Soph. Phil. 800 and 986. 
 It was on this island that Hephaestus landed when thrown from 
 Olympus in II. I 590 ff . and here were celebrated the mysteries of 
 the Cabeiri — see Pausanias X 3, 21 and Roscher Lex. S. V. Megaloi 
 Theoi. In Plato, Protag. 321E Prometheus entered the common 11 
 workshop of Athena and Hephaestus, and having stolen the fire 
 
 of Hephaestus and the art of Athena, gave them to men. See also 
 PoUticus 274C. According to Servius on Vergil Buc. VI 42 Pro- 
 metheus post factos a se homines dicitur auxilio Minervae caelum 
 ascendisse: et adhibita facula ad rotam solis ignem furatus, quem 
 hominibus indicavit. Cf. Scholia Bernensia on same passage: 
 Prometheus dicitur ignem a fulmine ferula furatus esse et hominibus 
 dedisse. 
 
 52. KotXos (for KOfiXos — cf. Lat. cavus) can be read as a trisyllable 
 everywhere in Homer and Hesiod except in Od. XXII 385. See 
 Schmidt, Rhein. Mus. XX 304 and Nauck, Mel. Gr. Ro. Ill 207. 
 vapdr]KL: tQ vapdr]Ki kxp(jovTo irpos tcls eK^cjoirvprjaeLs tov irvpos — Hesychius. 
 Cf. Aesch. 109/110 and see Pliny N. H. XIII 22 (42). The dried pith 
 served to hold the fire. TepinKepavvos : hurling the thunderbolt 
 cf. Vergil Aen. IV 208: cum fulmina torques). Tepir- is the same 
 root as found in rpcTrco, Tpowos and the Latin torquere. See G. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 83 
 
 Meyer in Curtius Studien, Vol. VII p. 180/1. Compounds of 
 rkpTTO) (delight) have Tepxf/L- as TepxpLxopr], etc. 
 
 54. On the double patronymic see Usener, Goetternamen, p. 
 24. TCLVToov Trept : above all; cf. 819 infra. 
 
 56. irrjiJLa : appositive to the preceding sentence, or rather to 
 the idea expressed in the two participles; cf. II. Ill 46/51. 
 
 ■ 57. avTLTvpds: this phrase occurs in Th. 570: avrl irvpds red^ev 
 KaKov avBpoiTToiaLv. The preposition is used in the original sense, 
 found in composition, of over against, as an offset to. The pest 
 
 . is to be an offset to the blessing which they have. Cf. Eurip. Fr. 
 432 (N): avTL irvpos yap aXko irvp jxei^ov k^XadTopiev yvvaiKes', also 
 Pal. Anth. IX 165 and 167; Gregor. Naz. Carm. I 2, 29, 115 ff. 
 w Kev . . . repTcovTai, : use of the subjunctive in a relative clause 
 of purpose, where Attic would use the future indicative; cf. Od. 
 VI 202. 
 
 58. eov : Apoll. Dys. de Pronom. 143b censures Hesiod for his 
 use of eov in this verse, saying: eviKQ avrl ttXtjOwtlkov expwaro 
 Cf. however Skt. sva ( = own without regard to person or number) 
 and Lat. suus (sing, and pi.) and see Monro H. G. 255. ap(paya- 
 wcovres: embracing their own evil. Cf. Seneca, Epist. 39: Mala 
 sua, quod malorum ultimum est, amant. 
 
 I 59. €/c 5' eyeXaaae: Cf. Horn. Hymn to Hermes, 389: Zeus 5e /iey' 
 e^eyeXaaae I8<j)v KaKop-qb'ea iraida ; also II. XXI 389/90. Psalms II 4 
 (He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh) is rather to be compared 
 with Aeschylus Eumen. 5.60: 7eXci 5e dalpcov e-zr' av8pl BeppQ. 
 
 I 60-68. The proper divinities are ordered to create Pandora. 
 On Hephaestus see II. XVIII 417/21; and Od. VII 92/4; as to Athena 
 see II. IX 390; Od. VII 110 f. and especially Od. XX 72 (Athena and 
 Hephaestus are associated with each other in Od. VI 233/4 and 2 14/1 7) 
 For Hermes see II. V 390; XXIV 109; Od. XIX 395 ff. Hymn to 
 Hermes, especially 13 and 317; also Babrius LVII. There is a strik- 
 ing similarity between this passage and Od. XX 68/72. 
 
 61. vbw. fhe MSS. give vbei in Theognis 961 and vbos occurs in Or- 
 phic Arg. 1137. Callimachus Fr. 476 has 'iariv v8os /cat yaXa. We have 
 here the legend that man was made from earth and water, as in 
 Apollod. I 7, 1 and Ovid, Met. I 82 3. Cf. II. VII 99 (vpels fih 
 

 84 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 TTCLvres v8oip Kal yalayevoLcrde), which is explained by Leaf as: May 
 you all rot away to the elements of which you were made (see also 
 II. XXIV 54): so Xenophanes: iravTes yap yalrjs re Kal vdaros eKyevo- 
 fieada' k yairjs yap wavTa, Kal els yrjv iravra reXevra (quoted by Schol. 
 on II. VII 99). In Th. 571 and infra 70 woman is made from earth 
 (cf. Genesis II 7). Plato, Protag. 320D men and animals are made 
 earth and fire and the elements that are therewith commingled 
 (i. e. air and w^ater — see Timaeus 31/2). But the common version 
 is that men were made from clay: see Aristoph. Birds 686; Callim. 
 in Clemens Alex. Strom. V 100; Hyginus Fab. 142; Horace Carm. 
 I 16, 13. Propertius III 5, 7; Juvenal XIV 35; Martial X 39, 4; 
 Pausanias X 4, 4; Lucian, Lit. Prom. 1-3 and Prom. 12-13, where: 
 however yalav vdet (pvpas is quoted. 
 
 62. adavaT7](TL defjs els W7ra : this formula occurs with the intransi- 
 tive verb in II. Ill 158: adavarrjai defjs els wTra eoLKev. Cf. Od. I 411. 
 
 63. TapdevLKr]s = Tapdevov, as in 519, 699 infra. See also II. XVIII 
 567 and Od. XI 39. KaXos (for /caXf 6s — see Buck's Greek Dialects 54) 
 has the first syllable long in Homer and Hesiod, except here and in 
 Th. 585, but short in Pindar and Attic poetry — see Paulson, Studia 
 Hesiodea, I p. 122. 
 
 64. didaaKTJaaL : for 5t5d^at. See Hom. Hymn to Demeter 144 
 and Pindar, Pyth. IV 217. ixpalveiv explains epya. 
 
 66. yvLOKopovs of the MSS. is explained by Proclus as follows: 
 TOLS els Kopov aYoucras rd 71; t a, riroi tcls M^XPt Kopov eadiovaas tol iieXrj. 
 This lends some support to the reading yvLo^opovs, which compound 
 occurs in Pal. Anth. IX 443, 5. Cf. also the Homeric dv/jLo^opos 
 and see Nauck in Mel. Greco-Rom. V 144 ff. 
 
 67. Kvveov: shameless, impudent; cf. II. IX 372/3, where Achilles 
 says of Agamemnon that he is always clothed with shamelessness, 
 but would never dare, Kvveos irep ediv (shameless though he is), to 
 look me in the face. See also Semonides, De Mulieribus 12-20. 
 eirlKXoTTov rjdos : cf . Theognis 965 : ttoXXoi eiriKKoirov rjdos exovres Kphir- 
 TovffL — and see Plato, Laws 781 A, where the female sex is said to be 
 Toov avdpooTTOOv XadpaLorepov Kal kTciKkoTTCorepov bia to aaSeves. rjdos occurs 
 three times in Homer (II. VI 511; XV 268; Od. XIV 411), always 
 in the plural and of the haunts of animals; cf. note on 137 infra. 
 In Hesiod it is always used in the plural except here and 78 infra. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 85 
 
 The later sense of customs, manners appears also in 699 infra and Th. 
 66. Elsewhere the word seems to have the Homeric meaning, but 
 see note on 222 infra. With the exception of the four Hesiodic 
 examples the sense of disposition, manners, etc. does not occur till 
 Pindar, Aeschylus and Herodotus (see Passow). 
 
 68. biaKTopov 'ApyeL(p6vTr]v : a standing appellation of Hermes, as 
 in Od. I 84 and II. II 103 (see Leaf's note on last passage). The for- 
 mer is usually explained as messenger or conductor, the latter as 
 brightly shining or slayer of Argus (see Aesch. Supp. 305 and Ovid 
 Met. I 624 ff.). 
 
 69-82. For a discussion of this passage see Appendix 11. Verses 
 76 and 79 were rejected by Bentley, who is followed by Flach and 
 Rzach. 
 
 69. cos e(paTo is not Homeric after indirect discourse, but occurs 
 in Hom. Hymn to Demeter 316, 448; Apoll. Rhod. Arg. IV 236 (cf. 
 1119). Verses 70-72 occur in Theogony 571-3. 
 
 70. Cf. Semonides, de Mulieribus 21/2: Triv de irXdaavres yrjlvrjv 
 '0\vfnnoL/e8cx)Kav avbpl ir-qpov and Apollodorus I 7, 2: (Pandora) rjv 
 lifKaaav deol irpoiTrjv yvvaiKa. 'AfKptyvrjeLs: epithet of Hephaestus (see 
 Leaf on II. I 607) : lame in both feet or strong in both arms. 
 
 71. Trap6evo3 aldoiri 'UeXov: explained by Moschopulus as xXac/xa 
 6fWL0v wapdevcfi aldovs a^ia See Appendix II note 7. 
 
 72. yXavKcoTTLs Homeric epithet of Athena (explained by Jebb 
 on Soph. O. C. 706 as having grayish-blue eyes; see also Leaf on 11. 
 I 206). yXavKTi is used once in Homer (II. XVI 34), of the sea, whence 
 Theogony 440 calls the sea simply y\avKrjv. Its meaning seems to 
 be bluish-green or grayish. Cf. Pindar, 01. Ill 23; Soph. O. C. 701 
 (of olives); Vergil, Aen. VI 416 (of sedge); Georg. II 13 and IV 182 
 (of willows). 
 
 73-5. Cf. Hom. Hymn VI (to Aphrodite) and Cypria Fr. 3 (de 
 Venere), cited in Appendix II notes 5. and 6. d/x<^t goes with Weaav, 
 the compound governing xpoh while ol is dative of reference, irbrvia : 
 Homeric epithet of various goddesses, most frequently of Hera. 
 Related to deaTroTrjs and Latin potens. Compare Trbrvia dr]pcbv (II. 
 XXI 470 — of Artemis) with Silvarumque potens Diana (Horace 
 C. S. 1). On 74 cf. Hom. Hymn VI 11 and Od. XV 460. On rijv ye 
 
86 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 see 15 supra. For the Horae see Sikes and Allen on Horn. Hymn 
 VI 5 and 12. 
 
 76-8. Verse 76 is an echo of II. XIV 187 (cf. Horn. Hymn VI 14) 
 and perhaps was inserted here because in Th. 571-80 Athena did fur- 
 nish her all her adornment. On 78 cf. 374, 789 infra, and Od. I 56. 
 
 79. Proclus remarks on the superfluity of this verse, as Hephaes- 
 tus had already given the woman speech (61) and supposes that 
 (p(x)vrjv refers to the gift of eloquence. 
 
 80-81. ovofjLTjve: sc. Zeus. The aorist = gave the name Pandora 
 to this woman. The imperfect of ovo/jlcl^co (epic: bvo^alvo)) means: 
 one went by such and such a name. For the meaning of Pandora 
 see Appendix II note 1. This is the only instance of popular etymol- 
 ogy in the Works and Days. It is quite frequent in a part of the 
 Theogony (144-283) and seems to have been common in the later 
 Hesiodic poems (cf. Fr. 186, where the island Abantis received the 
 name Euboea from lo). Some of these are quite obvious, as Ku/cXcoTres 
 (Th. 144); KvTvpoy evils and Kvekpeia (Th. 198/9); Xpvadcop Th. 283). 
 Others are fanciful, as A<ppodlTrj (Th. 195/6 — Plato approves this 
 etymology in Crat. 406C); Ttr^m (Th. 207-9: as stretchers from 
 TLTalvo). Might well be suspected, even if it had not been necessary 
 to lengthen arbitrarily the first syllable of rtratj^co); Urjyaaos (Th. 282: 
 because he was born by the fountains (Trr]yai) of Ocean). In Th. 200 
 (pL\oiJLfjLr]dris seems to be a false derivation from iiridea of the Homeric 
 epithet ipCkop.jieib'qs. However the character of Aphrodite might sug- 
 gest this as the original form. The derivation of Odysseus from bbhu- 
 aop,aL is likely correct (cf. Od. I 62; V 339-40; 423; XIX 275) but the 
 etymology of Od. XIX 407-9 seems to be fanciful; as is also that of 
 II. IX 561-4. In the latter work, however, the etymologies are 
 generally quite obvious, as IV 474-7; VII 138; XIV 443-5. The most 
 interesting example in the Iliad is VI 402-3 (cf. XXII 506) where the 
 name Astyanax is derived from aarv and ava^, because his father 
 (Hector) protected Ilium, which imphes that di'a^ ''conveyed less 
 the idea kingly sway, which Hector did not possess, than of the 
 protection which chieftains bestowed on their realm." See Leaf's 
 note on the passage. Examples of fanciful etymologies are fre- 
 quent in the Homeric Hymns, as XIX 47, where Pan received his 
 name, because he delighted the hearts of all (Ila^a . . . TaaLv); 
 or Hymn to Apollo 372-4; where Pytho and Pythian are derived 
 from ttWcjo, because the dragon rotted in the sun; id. 493-6, where 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 87 
 
 the epithet 8e\(plvLos was applied to Apollo and his altar at Delphi, 
 because he sprang aboard the ship in the guise of a dolphin {el86fxevos 
 dekiplvi). See Sikes and Allen on the passages in the Homeric Hymns. 
 
 82. oKipriural: epithet of avkpes in the Odyssey, used apparently 
 of civilized men as opposed to savages or men especially favored 
 of the gods as the Phaeacians — compare Od. VI 8 with V 35 and VI 
 203. It means either who live by toil (cikipalvoi) or who live by 
 bread (dXv?t — eSco). 
 
 83. 86\ov anrvv: not Homeric, but occurs in Th. 589 and Hom. 
 Hymn to Hermes 66. The meaning is made clear from the Theo- 
 gony passage: It represents the consumation of the deceptive power 
 of Zeus in the tit-for-tat contest with Prometheus. First the Titan 
 deceived Zeus in the division of the ox {bo\lr\ kirl Ttxvrf — 540, 555; 
 SoXtrys rexvqs — 547, 560; boKov — 551; and he always mindful of the 
 trick {boKov 562) thereafter, withheld fire from men (force for guile — 
 see note on 321-2 infra). Again Prometheus deceived him and stole 
 fire. Then Zeus showed himself superior in the subtleties of deceit 
 by constructing an absolute deception {boKov alirvv), against which 
 there was no device and from which there was no escape (ajirjxavov) . 
 The expression is explained by Stephanus as dolus alto pectore 
 excogitatus, suggested perhaps by Hymn to Hermes .66 (op/jLalvov 
 86\ov alirvv evl (ppeaiv)', Od. IV 843 (TTyXe/xdx^ cpovov alirvv evl (ppealv 
 opfxaivovTes) ', Shield 30 (boXov (ppeal ^vaaodofievcov) . In II. XI 174 
 atTTus oXodpos may be rendered swift and utter destruction. 
 
 85. In the Iliad Iris is usually the messenger of the gods, as II 
 786; XVIII 166, 182; XXIV 169, 173; and her function as messenger 
 is recognized in the name of Irus, Od. XVIII 7. Dream and Rumor 
 are messengers of Zeus in II. II 26, 94; Athena is a messenger from 
 Olympus in II. XI 714; while in II. XXIV 133, 561 Thetis is a special 
 messenger from Zeus to Achilles. In Homer this function is assigned 
 to Hermes only in II. XXIV 333 and Od. I 38 ; V 29 ; but in the Homeric 
 Hymns it is regularly his. See Hymn to Hermes 3; to Demeter 
 407; Hymns XVIII 3; XIX 29; XXIX 8. Also Hymn to Hermes 
 572 (to Hades) and cf. Od. XXIV 1-14. Iris is messenger of Zeus 
 in Hymn to Demeter 315. In Th. 444 Hermes is a rustic divinity, 
 but in 939 he is the herald of the immortals. It would seem from 
 these references that Iris was the earliest messenger of the gods 
 and that Hermes gradually took her place. See Geddes, The Prob- 
 lem of the Homeric Poems, 1878, pp. 55-7. 
 
88 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 86. There can be no question that to the Greeks Prometheus 
 meant Forethought (cf. irpoiJLrjdrjs, etc.) while Epimetheus was per- 
 haps formed from it on some such analogy as irpbyovoi and eTrlyovoL. 
 See Thuc. I 138, where TrpoiiaBdiv and einixaddiv are cpntrasted. The 
 latter is called anaprlvoos in Th. 511 and oxpivoos in Pindar, Pyth. V 
 28. See also Lucian, Lit. Prom. 2 and 7; Synesius, Epist. IV and 
 A.esch. Prom. 85-7. According to Gruppe, Gr. Myth, und Rel. 
 Gesch. pp. 1024-5. Prometheus is the type of humanity striving 
 like Faust after knowledge, enjoyment and activity, while Epi- 
 metheus is his foil representing the weaker side of human nature. 
 
 88. Cf. II XXIV 436. The primary sequence after a past tense 
 is rare in early Greek. Gildersleeve in A. J. P. XXIII pp. 129-130 
 says: A form which elsewhere conveys command associates itself 
 with the principal tenses, and a form which elsewhere conveys a 
 wish associates itself with historical tenses, and this association, which 
 is suggested by the similarity of the respective terminations, is 
 found from the beginning to be a convention, a rule, a regular se- 
 quence. It is a sequence that is seldom violated in Homer, never 
 violated in Pindar — See also Monro H. G. 298. 
 
 91. re . . . /cat are correlatives and vb(npiv intensifies arep. Cf. 
 vb(Tipiv arep (piXoTrjTos in Shield 15 and voacpLv cltto in Th. 57; II. V 
 322; XV 244. xaXeTroTo ttovolo: absolutely work is an evil, but 
 under conditions imposed by the gods it is a (necessary) blessing. 
 
 92. The Ky)pes were HadeS-Daemons, themselves originally 
 departed souls. They either bring death to men or conduct the 
 dead to Hades. Cf. Od. XIV 207-8: rbv Krjpes e^av davaroio (pepovcrai 
 I els 'Al8ao db/jLovs; also II. II 302, 834. Such Seelengeister hovered 
 about and led away the souls of dead men with themselves to the 
 Seelenreich — see Rohde, Psyche, Vol. I p. 10, note 1; also pp. 239-40 
 and notes. In II. XVIII 535-8 = Shield 156-9 the death goddess 
 Krip joins in the fray with "Epts and Ku5ot/x6s, and drags the dead and 
 dying through the field of battle, with a bloody robe about her 
 shoulders (see Leaf's IHad on this passage). This subject is dis- 
 cussed at length in Harrison's Prolegomena, pp. 165-216, who pro- 
 poses in this line the reading aar' avdpaai Krjpes edwKav, which the 
 Keres give to men. As the text stands it means that the diseases 
 give the fates of death to men. Certain inferior MSS. read yrjpas 
 in 92, whence 93 was introduced into several MSS. from Od. XIX 360. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 89 
 
 94. dXXd is correlative to jjLev in 90. A irWos is a large jar, usually- 
 buried almost to the mouth in the ground, and used to store oil, 
 wine, grain, etc. In II. XXIV 527, where the two ttWol containing 
 good and evil are said to be ev Alos ov8eL, there seems to be a reference 
 to the custom of keeping them within the house buried in the ground. 
 See Girard in Revue des Etudes Grecques, Vol. XXII (1909) p. 229. 
 
 96. The meaning of Elpis is discussed in Appendix III. The 
 following is perhaps the best interpretation of this vexed passage: 
 In the primitive state of happiness described in 90-92 men were in 
 possession of all blessings, which fact is symboUzed by one jar (of 
 blessings), just as later the mixed fortunes of men are symbolized 
 by the two jars of Zeus (II. XXIV 527-533). The woman (Pandora) 
 is the incarnation of evils purposely constructed by Zeus, who 
 designed ills for men (49); and she also, in view of her nature and 
 purpose, designed ills for men (95) and brought them to pass by- 
 opening the jar and letting all the blessings of mankind fly away to 
 heaven, leaving only Hope behind as the sole blessing of men in 
 their hard lot. We may suppose that after the flight of the blessings 
 their opposites, as depicted in 100-104, representing the spirit of 
 Pandora had full sway. The myth is a satire on woman as the 
 cause of the evils of mankind comparable with the story of Eve in 
 Genesis III. See also note on dXXa 100 infra. 
 
 99. This verse is omitted by Plutarch (Mor. 105d) and rejected 
 by Rzach and other editors. In 49 and 56-8 Zeus is represented as 
 devising ills for men; but 99 is not to be pressed any more than 122 
 infra or Th. 465, where things were occurring by the will of Zeus 
 before his birth. It simply seems to attribute to Zeus the existing 
 state of things: Hope is among men and like all else it is the will 
 of Zeus. It seems that Pandora, startled by the sudden escape of 
 the contents, clapped on the lid just in time to prevent the escape 
 of Hope, which remained within beneath the brim. 
 
 100. aXXa does not necessarily imply that Elpis is something 
 \vyp6v', it means innumerable other things besides Hope, which 
 however are evils. Cf. Od. VI 84; VIII 368; and see Kuehner- 
 Gerth, 405, 2, note 1. But it is contrasted with Elpis, which does 
 imply that the evils were in the jar. This is the most serious objec- 
 tion to the interpretation given 96 supra. It is clear from the 
 discussion of Pandora's Jar in Appendix III that the ancients were 
 divided as to whether the contents were evils or blessings. Perhaps 
 
90 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 there were two versions and we have here a confusion of the two. 
 Verses 94-99, where Pandora in her evil designs against men scatters 
 all the contents of the jar save Hope, may belong to the one, accord- 
 ing to which the contents were blessings, while verses 100-104 may 
 belong to the other, according to which evils were in the jar. Cf. 
 Lisco, Quaest. Hes. pp. 33-36. oXaXrjTaL: are abroad among men — 
 the perfect tense is here used of a present state, as regularly in 
 Homer and Hesiod. See Monro 28. 
 
 101. With this line may be compared Aesch. Persae 707-8: 
 TToXXd fxev yap e/c dakacTarjs, TroXXd 8' eK x^pf^ov KaKa / ylyverai Ovtjtols 
 (in case we embark upon excessive undertakings); and the parody 
 of Tzetzes, Ep. 79, 72 and Chil. XI 876: TrXetry fiev yap yala (rocpcov, 
 ifKe'iT] 8e BaKaaaa. With the unhappy picture of mankind depicted 
 in this passage may be compared Semonides, Frag. I 20; Sib. Orac. 
 Ill 232; Pal. Anth. X 123, 1; II. XVII 446-7: For there is nothing 
 more wretched than man of all things that breathe and creep upon 
 the earth. 
 
 102. Cf. Horace Carm. I 3, 29: Post ignem aetheria domo / 
 subductum macies et nova febrium / terris incubuit cohors. Some 
 MSS. read e<^' r]p,kpri, at 8' ewl vvktI, which is adopted by Rzach and 
 must mean: some by day and others by night. II. XXII 157 
 TrapadpafjLeTrjv, (pevyoiv, 6 5' oinade dcoiKoov — of Hector and Achilles) seems 
 to be the sole Homeric example of this use, but see Od. IX 466-7. 
 
 103. auTo/xarot: of their own accord (sua sponte); in 118 infra 
 it means without being cultivated (cf. nullo cogente in Ovid, Met. 
 I 103) ; while of the gates of heaven in II. V 749 it means self-moved, 
 of their own motion. On ipoiram of the visitation of diseases see 
 Jebb's note on Soph. Phil. 808. 
 
 104. (71727 : introduces a new idea at the beginning of the line 
 and is explained by the rest of the verse, as 15, 22, 32, 40 supra. 
 Men do not have foreknowledge of the visitations of the gods. Cf." 
 Eurip. I. T. 476: iravTa yap ra tcov decov / es a<paves epirei, Kovdev ol8' 
 oi)dels aacpcbs ', and Solon Frag. 17: iravTi^ b' adavarmv acpavTjs voos avdpoi- 
 
 TTOLCnV. 
 
 105. Cf. Th. 613: ws ovk eari Atos Kkepai vbov ovde irapekdeiP ', 
 and Orac. ed. Hendess 194/5: iiolpav fxev dvrjTolo-Lv dfxrjxavov e^dXeaadai, 
 I y\v CTTt yeiVOjjievoiaL Trarrip Zeus e77udXt^€i'. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 91 
 
 106-108. Transition verses to the Myth of the World- Ages. 
 
 106. eKKopvipioco): state briefly the main points (or heads). Cf. 
 Pindar, Pyth. Ill 80; Aesch. Cho. 528; Plato, Gorgias 505D. 
 
 107. ev Kal eTLarafihcjos: a redundant expression occurring in II. 
 X 265; Od. XX 161; XXIII 197; Hymn to Hermes 390 (cf. Aristoph. 
 Eq. 800). The second adverb is perhaps a specific definition of the 
 first: well and skillfully (bene et perite), i.e one not only does a 
 thing, but also knows how to do it and does it cleverly or artistically. 
 See the passages cited and cf. the meaning of e-maTafjievcjos in Od. XVII 
 341: The door-post, which a carpenter had smoothed with skill 
 {eTTLo-TaiJLevcos) and leveled to the line; XIX 457: They bound up 
 skillfully (eTnaraiievois) the wound of Odysseus; XI 368: You told 
 your tale as skillfully {kinaT a^kvois) as a bard. In this passage it is 
 perhaps a stereotyped phrase. The second hemistich occurs in 
 II. I 297 and slightly modified in Theognis 1050. 
 
 108. Rejected by Lehrs, Flach, Rzach on the ground that the 
 following account of the world-ages does not show how gods and men 
 are from the same source. Paley explains: I will show you how 
 men were once equal to the gods, but have degenerated and become 
 wicked; and cites Pindar Nem. VI 1: ei' avdpcov, ev Oecjv yevos' e/c /jllcLs 
 8e TTveofjLev / fiarpos (i.e. mother earth) aixiporepoi. Meyer (Hesiods 
 Erga, etc. pp. 167 ff.) is of the opinion that Hesiod modified for his 
 purpose an already existing myth, and holds verse 108 as evidence 
 that the original myth had to do with the common origin of gods 
 and men, but Hesiod, being interested only in the deterioration of 
 men, omitted those features from his version. That gods and men 
 were considered as associating with each other and having common 
 banquets in former days, is evident from Od. VII 201-6; Hesiod 
 Frag 82: ^wal yap rore datres eaav, ^vvol de d6o)KOL / aSavdroLcn deoicn 
 KaTadvrjTOLs r' dvdpooTOLs, which is inserted by Spohn after 120 infra; 
 Th. 535 ff. and 586-9; see also Pindar, Pyth. Ill 93; Eurip. Iph. 
 Aul. 707; Catullus LXIV 278 ff. and 384-6: Praesentes namque 
 ante domos invisere castas / heroum et sese mortali ostendere 
 coetu / caelicolae nondum spreta pietate solebant; Ovid Fasti I 
 247-8; Babrius Proem 13; and cf. Genesis 2-3. 
 
 109-201. The Myth of the World-Ages. See Appendix IV-IX. 
 The application of the metals to ages or periods is not limited to 
 
92 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Classical Literature. Compare Daniel II where four kingdoms 
 (37-40) are symbolized by an image (32-3) whose head was of fine 
 gold, his breast and his arms of silver, his belly and his thighs of 
 brass, his legs of iron, etc. 
 
 109-126. The Golden Age. Appendix V and cf. Od. XV 403- 
 414; Pindar Pyth. X 30-44; Plato Pol. 271D-272B; Laws 713B-E; 
 Aratus 100-114; Babrius Proem 1-2; Orphic Arg. 1110-1123; Sib. 
 Orac. I 283-307; Vergil 4th Eclogue; Tibullus I 3, 35-50; Ovid Met. 
 
 I 89-112; Calpurnius Eel. I 33-88; Seneca Epist. XC 36-46. 
 
 HI. On the role of Cronos see Appendix V and cf. Vergil Georg. 
 
 II 538: Aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat; Tibullus I 
 3, 35: Quam bene Saturno vivebant rege! 
 
 112. Cf. Ovid. Met. I 100: Mollia securae peragebant otia gentes. 
 
 113. See on 91 supra. To the Greeks youth was the beautiful 
 and happy period of life, and they had a horror for old age. Theognis 
 especially laments the departure of the brief period of lovely youth 
 with all its pleasures and the coming on of grevious and unsightly 
 old age (527, 728, 768, 1011, 1022, 1132). Cf. 331, 705 infra and see 
 II. XIX 336, where Achilles fears that Peleus is dead, or is scarcely 
 existing by reason of the woes of hateful age; Soph. O. C. 1211-48, 
 especially 1235-8: and last of all, age claims him for her own — age, 
 dispraised, infirm, unsociable, unfriended, with whom all woe of 
 woe abides (Jebb). 
 
 114. TToSas /cat xetpcts : accusative of limitation with 6^0101 = alike 
 or unchanged in feet and hands, i.e. enjoying perpetual youth. The 
 phrase is made clear by Od. XI 497, where Achilles fears that Peleus 
 may be in dishonor, ovveKa txiv Kara yrjpas exet x^tpas re TroSas re ; and 
 II. XXIII 627-8, where after Achilles told Nestor that he could no 
 longer box nor wrestle, nor race with his feet; for grim old age was 
 upon him, the old man confessed that his feet were no longer active 
 nor did his arms (x^lpes) move lightly from his shoulders. Cf. also 
 Od. XIX 359. 
 
 115. Cf. 231 infra. In Od. XI 603 Heracles repireraL h eaXlns 
 among the immortals and has beauteous Hebe; and Theognis (1119- 
 1122) would enjoy youth's prime and the favor of Zeus and Apollo, 
 that he might live kukcov eKToaOev awavTcov, satisfying his soul with 
 youth and riches. 
 
I 
 
 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 93 
 
 116. The phrase /zaXa/cw dedfjLrjjjLevoL vwvco in II. X 2, and the manner 
 of death here described is like that in Od. XV 409-11. This passage 
 is imitated in Sib. Orac. I 70-73 and Orphic Arg. 1111. Sleep is 
 called the brother of death in II. XIV 231 and they are called twins 
 in II. XVI 682. See Th. 756-766 and cf. Macbeth II 3, 74: Shake 
 off this downy sleep, death's counterfeit, and look on death itself. 
 
 117-8. Cf. Empedocles Frag. 77-8: 8evdpea 8' kfjLiredoipvWa Kal 
 kuTredoKapira reBrfKei / Kapirdv d(pdovir)(n KaTr]pea tclvt' kviavrbv ; Lucretius 
 II 1157-9: (Tellus) nitidas fruges vinetaque laeta / sponte sua 
 primum mortalibus ipsa creavit, / ipsa dedit dulcis fetus et pabula 
 laeta; Vergil Georg. I 127: ipsaque tellus omnia liberius nuUo pos- 
 cente ferebat; and Georg. II 500: quos rami fructus, quos ipsa 
 volentia rura / sponte tulere sua, carpsit; Ovid Met. I 101-2: Ipsa 
 quoque immunis rastroque intacta nee ullis / saucia vomeribus 
 per se dabat omnia tellus; and id. 109-110: Mox etiam fruges tellus 
 inarata ferebat / nee renovatus ager gravidis canebat aristis. For 
 avToiidTT] see note on 103 supra. 
 
 119. Cum multis bonis rebus transigunt tranquilli (Lehrs). In 
 view of the spontaneous abundance of the earth in the golden age 
 it seems that epya vkfiovTO (which occurs also 231 infra) is used much 
 as in II. II 751 in the sense of possess farms, and labor is not empha- 
 sized any more than in Genesis II 15, where man was to tend and 
 keep the garden. 
 
 120. See 308 infra and cf. Od. VI 203, where the Phaeacians 
 are said to be <^tXot dBavdroLaiv. See also note on 108 supra. 
 
 122-126. The interpretation of this passage depends on whether 
 one accepts or rejects 124-5. These two verses are ignored by 
 Plutarch, Mor. 361b, by Proclus, and by Macrobius on Cic. Somn. 
 Scip. I 9, 7; who renders the passage thus: Indigites divi fato sumim 
 lovis hi sunt. Quondam homines, modo cum superis humana tuentes, 
 Largi ac munifici, ius regum nunc quoque nacti. If they are accepted, 
 then the daemons are watchers of mortal men, who watch over 
 judgments and unrighteous deeds (Rand, p. 138 — see especially 
 note 2, in which the genuineness of 124-5 is defended), as well as 
 givers of wealth, and are identical with the punitive spirits of 252-5 
 infra. This meaning of (pvXaKes is supported by 253-4 infra and Th. 
 735, where the keepers (guards) of the Titans in Tartarus are (pvXaKes. 
 Waltz retains 125 as containing un element important dans la defini- 
 
/ 
 
 94 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 tion des demons, but rejects 124 as repeating the 2nd half of 123. 
 On the other hand it seems from Rep. 546E that Plato had 
 Hesiod in mind when (Rep. 415A) he made his guardians (v?6Xa/ces) 
 of gold, his soldiers (eTrkoupot) of silver, and his farpiers and artisans 
 of brass and iron; which would seem to indicate that he understood 
 <pv\aKes in this passage as guardians rather than watchers. And 
 this is in keeping with the general significance of the term daemon 
 (see Appendis V note 2), though it may refer to a deluding and 
 destructive power, as well as a kindly and protecting one (see Aesch. 
 Persae 724-5 and 911). Still they are not usually retributory and 
 punitive ministers of justice like the spirits of 252-5. The Daemons 
 of Hesiod are more like the conception of Aesch. Persae 620, 633, 
 641, where Darius is referred to as baljioiv and laodalficov, and invoked 
 with libations to come up from the nether world as the sole help 
 for the Persians in their troubles. Meyer (Hesiods Erga, p. 176) 
 rejects verses 124-5 and the connection of the daemons of the golden 
 age with the divinities of 252-5, and identifies them with Cronos and 
 the Titans in their character as benign earth daemons of the popular 
 religion. 
 
 127-142. The Silver Age. Cf. Aratus 115-128; Ovid Met. I 
 113-124. See Appendix VI. 
 
 127. x^i'Porepov: for the double comparative see II. XV 513; 
 XX 436; Aratus 124; Sib. Orac. I 120. afxetvoTepos occurs in Mim- 
 nermus 13, 9. 
 
 129. The contrast between mind and body occurs in Homer, 
 as 11. I 115; XIII 432; Od. IV 264; XVIII 249. 
 
 130-131. This unaccountable conception is explained by Rand 
 (Horatian Urbanity, p. 139) as largely invented by Hesiod as para- 
 bolical of the fact that Perses had been too long tied to his mother's 
 apron strings; and so lacked independence of character, and when 
 left to shift for himself, had no other method of self-support than 
 to grab, like a child, at the property of others. ctraXXcoj/ : of childish 
 play, intransitive as in II. XIII 27. For the later transitive use see 
 Jebb's note on Soph. Ajax 559. dnraXXe/xei/at is used transitively 
 — rear, bring up — in Th. 480. The combination fxeya vrjinos occurs 
 in Homer, as II. XVI 46; Od. IX 44; and is regularly used in address- 
 ing Perses after 286 infra. It is rendered here by Mair, in utter 
 childishness, cj seems to be for avrijs, as in II. VI 500. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 95 
 
 133. Travpidiov ^o^eaKov ctti xpovov is imitated by Nonnus XIV 209: 
 firjKedavov ^6)e(TKov ext xpovov, and Musaeus, Hero and Leander 290: 
 oK'iyov ^ooeffKov ewl xpovov. This use of kirl occurs also in Mimnermus, 
 Frag. II 3 : Trrjxviov eirl xpovov ; and Thuc. Ill 68 : eirl 5ka 'irr). 
 
 134. In Od. XVI the suitors are said to have aTaadaXov v^piv 
 (86) and virkp^iov v^piv (410), and in XXIV 352 Laertes says there 
 are still gods in heaven, if the suitors have really paid for their 
 arauSakov v^piv. v(3pLs is that insolence which causes one, who fails 
 to appreciate {arr]) his own situation, to use ^Ir] towards another. 
 The consequences of such conduct are also arat. See on 213, 216, 
 275 infra. 
 
 136. epdeiv is used absolutely; supply lepa, which is expressed in 
 
 336 infra. 
 
 137. KaTartOea occurs in Od. XIV 411: They shut up the swine 
 in their accustomed pens. Here it probably means in their re-^ 
 spective abodes (wheresoever they dwell — Mair). Both here and 
 222 infra Sittl refers it to dwellings outside of the city. In Hesiod's 
 time, he says, very few temples existed and the pious farmers every- 
 where in the fields and country districts established altars. See 
 note on 67 supra. 
 
 138-9. Cf. Soph. Phil. 1441-2: evae^elv tcl wpos Beovs' cos raXXa 
 Trdj^ra devrep' rjyeZTai warrip Zeus. Rzach reads the Doric edidov in 139 
 instead of edidovv or edidcov of the MSS, See his Dial. d. Hes. p. 454. 
 The imperfect in conative with a negative: They refused to give. 
 
 140. Cf. 121 supra and note exchange of /cat for drj. 
 
 141. The MSS. reads dvrjToi; Peppmueller emends to dvrjToXs 
 (Phil. XLI 3), and the emendation is adopted by Rzach. The MSS. 
 reading is explained by Rohde, Psyche, Vol. I p. 100 as follows: 
 They are like the gods in their new existence as immortal spirits; 
 their nature was mortal since their bodies had to die. Hesiod was 
 trying to describe some such beings as were later called heroes, but 
 as he could not use that term in this sense, he appropriated a com- 
 bination of Homeric expressions to convey the idea and discriminate 
 between spirits and gods. Rohde however defends 156-173 infra 
 
96 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 (Psyche I p. 95) where we find the later use of Heroes. See on 159- 
 160. Mair translates: They beneath the earth are called blessed 
 mortals. Peppmueller defends his emendation in Hesiodos, p. 159, 
 note 1. Even without the support of Pindar (Frag, in Plato, Meno 
 81C): ripoies ayvol irpos avOpoiircov KoXevvraL, which may be an imitation, 
 it seems better to adopt an easy emendation than a strained inter- 
 pretation of an unnatural expression. dXX' efjLirrjs occurs in II. VIII 
 33 and is used here with reference to devrepoL. See note on 20 supra. 
 
 143-155. The Age of Bronze. Cf. Aratus 129-136; Ovid Met. 
 125-7: Tertia post illam successit aenea proles, Saevior ingeniis 
 et ad horrida promptior arma, Non scelerata tamen. Also Sib. 
 Orac. I 104-108. Zeus, the creator of the bronze race, is called 
 6 TraTrjp (pvrovpyos auroxetp ai^a^ yevovs iraKaLOfppcov jieyas reKTOiv in 
 Aesch. Suppl. 592-4. Cf. Appendix VI note 2. 
 
 145. CK jjLeXidv : ort €/c toov eKyovcav tov Ovpavov — Proclus, referring 
 to Th. 187 where nymphs called MeXtat (i.e. ash-nymphs — from 
 these the scholiast says came the first race of men) are said to have 
 sprung from the drops of blood that fell to earth from the mutilated 
 members of Uranus. Cf. Th. 563, where y^eklrjai or yLekloiai is ex- 
 plained in the following line by 6vr]ToXs avOpcoiroLs and see Meyer's 
 note in Hesiods Erga, p. 181. Also Apollonius Rhod. Arg. IV 
 1641-2 calls Talus the last of the brazen race of ash-born men. Eus- 
 tathius (Hom. 1261, 11) says there was a tradition that men were 
 born from oaks and stones and ash-trees, as also Hesiod says. Cf. 
 II. XXII 126; Od. XIX 163; Th. 35. There seems to have been a 
 tradition that men once grew on trees like fruit. Cf. Vergil, Aen. 
 VIII 315: Gensque virum truncis et duro robore nata; Juvenal 
 VI 12-3: Vivebant homines, qui rupto robore nati Compositive 
 luto nullos habuere parentes; Statins, Theb. IV 279: Quercus lauri- 
 que ferebant Cruda puerperia ac populos umbrosa creavit Fraxinus 
 et feta viridis puer excidit orno. 
 
 146. ujSptes acts characterized by v^pus — see note and references 
 on 134 supra, alrov : see Appendix VII. o-tros is opposed to Kp'ea in 
 Od. IX 8; XII 19. Perhaps it means that they were not avbpes 
 oKifrqffTal (civilized men — cf. 82 supra and note). See Herodotus 
 IV 17, where to show that men are not savages it is said that they 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 97 
 
 SOW and eat aXrov. Also Od, IX 190, where it is said of Polyphemus 
 that he was not like apdpi ye (jiTOipayco. 
 
 147. The Hesiodic abajias is perhaps the Homeric aidTjpos. It is 
 used for making tools in Th. 161, where also the epithet toXlos is 
 apphed to it as to aidrjpos in II. IX 366; Od. XXIV 168. Cf. Ovid's 
 facta ex adamante securi (Fasti III 805). Thus the strong heart 
 of adamant of the bronze race would be exactly equivalent to the 
 Homeric heart of iron: II. XXII 357; XXIV 205, 521; Od. IV 
 293; V 191; XXIII 172 (cf. Th. 764; Aesch. Prom. 242). Hesiod 
 is applying the black iron (151) of his own age (176) to the character 
 of the bronze race. 
 
 148-9. These two verses occur in Shield 75-6 and 149 is found 
 twice in the Theogony: 152 (of the hundred-handed giants) and 
 673 (of the Titans). aTrXao-rot must be taken as syncopated form of 
 dxeXao-rot equivalent to aTrXarot (Epic: ciTrXTyrot) = unapproachable, 
 terrible — cf. aaivToi. eirk(pvKov is Pluperfect with thematic inflection 
 —see Monro H. G. 27; Brugmann's Gk. Gram. 392; Kuehner-Blass 
 234. For the Pluperfect of a past state see note on 100 supra. 
 
 150-151. If these two verses are genuine, they justify the epi- 
 thets of 144 and 176, and make them apply literally to the bronze 
 and iron ages, and not figuratively, as in the case of the golden and 
 silver ages. For the use of bronze in the construction of houses 
 cf. II. I 426; XVIII 369-71; Od. IV 72; VII 83-6. On 151 cf. Lucre- 
 tius V 1286: Ft prior aeris erat quam ferri cognitus usus. 
 
 152. (T(peTep'r](n = aXKr}\o3v; cf. 135 supra. On the fate of the 
 brazen race compare the self-destruction of the offspring of the 
 dragon's teeth: Eurip. Phoen. 657-675; Ovid Met. Ill 118-23; VII 
 141-2. According to ApoUodorus I 7, 2 this race perished in the 
 flood of Deucalion. 
 
 153. Cf. II. XX 64-5, where the house of Hades is cr/zepSaXea and 
 evpcoevra (grim and dank), and see Leaf's note and references on the 
 passage. Also Horace, Carm. 14, 17: domus exiHs Plutonia. The 
 murky home of cold Hades is contrasted with the bright light of 
 the sun in 155. Sittl on Th. 657 says: Kpvepos Kal Kpvoecs in the Ho- 
 meric poems serve as (rxerXtao-rt/ca eTrt^ryra (epithets expressive of 
 
98 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 anger, fear, grief, etc.) — in Homer Kpvepds occurs only in the expres- 
 sions Kpvepolo (p6(3oLo (II. XIII 48) and Kpvepolo yooio (II. XXIV 524; 
 Od. IV 103; XI 212). For to one living in a temperate climate 
 cold causes shivering (shuddering). It was imagined therefore that 
 Hades was very cold, because the rays of the sun never entered there. 
 
 154. vuivvixvoi : perhaps used with reference to the utter des- 
 truction of the race. Cf. II. XII 70 = XIII 227; and especially Od. 
 XIV 182, where the suitors would destroy Telemachus, that the 
 race of Arcesius might be blotted from Ithaca and not leave a name 
 behind (vwwpLvov) ; Cf . I 222. Others think that the ignominious des- 
 cent of the brazen race into Hades is contrasted with the honor 
 which their predecessors of the golden and silver ages obtained — 
 Paley, Rohde. 
 
 155. jueXas is applied to death in Homer, as II. II 834. This 
 application of the epithet may have arisen from the darkness which 
 precedes death (cf. the formula in II. V 82-3, where dark — iropipvpeos 
 — death veiled the dying warrior's eyes), or from the association 
 of death with night and sleep (see note on 116 supra). For the 2nd 
 hemistich cf. II. XVIII 11 and Theognis 569. 
 
 156-173. The Myth of the four World-Ages of Gold, Silver, 
 Bronze, Iron is here disturbed by the insertion of the Race of Heroes. 
 See Appendix VI note 5. Paley remarks: Having mentioned the 
 the Daemons (on earth and beneath the earth) and the Spirits in 
 Hades, a place had to be found for the Heroes, whose cultus formed 
 so prominent a feature in the religion of Hellas. As they had been 
 warriors on earth, it was necessary to connect them with the warlike 
 race of the brazen age, while it was not less necessary to speak of 
 their virtues and justice as qualities far superior to the insolent 
 acts of violence of their compeers. Consequently a happy abode 
 was found for them after death in the Islands of the Blest, as in the 
 case of Menelaus in Od. IV 562. 
 
 158. apeLov : fi ^eXrLov fj iroXe/jLLKov — Proclus. Leaf on Iliad IV 
 407 says: There is no Homeric instance of apeios for the regular 
 aprjLos. The root is found in ap-eT-q, from which the comparative 
 {apdwv) and superlative (aptcrros) are formed. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 99 
 
 159-60. In the Iliad the term hero is appHed to warriors; in 
 the Odyssey it is extended to other persons of distinction, as the aged 
 Laertes (I 189) and Alcinous (VI 303). It is true that the heroes 
 were often considered of divine origin (cf. Th. 963-1022); but only 
 in II. XII 23 are they called demi-gods, which appellation, as Leaf 
 says, is totally inconsistent with Homer's idea of the heroes. In 
 the present passage this conception is emphasized and worship must 
 already have been paid them. Later founders of cities or persons 
 who performed distinguished public services were exalted to the 
 rank of Heroes and received divine worship (cf. Vergil Aen. VI 
 660-665). The Heroes and Daemons (122 supra) were the two 
 classes of subordinate divinities, who exercised an influence for 
 good or ill on the lives of men. On Heroes see Daremberg et Saglio, 
 Dictionary of Antiquities, and Roscher's Lexikon under Heros. 
 Also Rohde, Psyche, Vol. I pp. 146-199 (especially p. 152 note 2 for 
 rj/jildeoL) . 
 
 161-8. Mair, following Paley and Rohde (see on 156-173 supra 
 and Appendix VI note 6), renders: And them did evil war and 
 dread battle slay, some at seven-gated Thebes, the land of Kadmos, 
 fighting for the flocks of Oidipodes: some when war had brought 
 them in ships across the great gulf of the sea to Troy for the sake 
 of fair-tressed Helen. There did the issue of death cover them 
 about. But Zeus the Father, the Son of Kronos, gave them a life 
 and an abode apart from men, and established them at the ends of 
 the earth, etc. This makes rots 8e of 167 resumptive instead of 
 antithetical, and assumes that all the heroes who fought, or at least 
 fell, at Troy and Thebes went to the Islands of the Blest — an un- 
 usual construction, and an assumption that occurs nowhere else in 
 ancient literature. In the one Homeric example (Od. IV 561-9) 
 Menelaus is not to die at all, but the gods will conduct him to the 
 Elysian Plain at the ends of the earth. The heroes who fell at Troy 
 are not in an enviable place or condition in Od. XL The other 
 heroes who are mentioned in Greek Classical Literature as dwelling 
 in the Elysian Plain or the Islands of the Blest are Peleus and Cadmus 
 (Pindar 01. II 67-88) and Achilles, whom his mother brought thither 
 after persuading the heart of Zeus (id. and Plato Sym. 180A), besides 
 Diomedes according to Skol. of Callistratus in Athenaeus 6Q.ST? 
 See Appendix VIII. It seems better therefore to understand the 
 passage with Waltz and Peppmueller as follows: tovs ^ih (161) is 
 
/ 
 
 100 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 divided into two parts by rous iilv (162) and rous 6e (164), repeated 
 in rous i^iv (166), which is itself opposed by rots hi (167) referring 
 to the favored few who enjoyed a happier fate: Some fell in war at 
 Thebes or Troy and met the end of death, but to others Zeus gave 
 a life in the Isles of the Blest. So Evelyn- White. TroXe/ios re 
 Kttfcos KoX (pvXoins alvrj (161) is an epic phrase occurring in II. 
 IV 82 and elsewhere. For Homeric references to Thebes and 
 Oedipus see II. IV 365-410; V 801-7; X 285-290; XXIII 679-80; Od. 
 XI 271-80. Verses 164-6 are quite Homeric, the second hemistich 
 of each being an epic expression: see Od. IX 260; II. IX 339; V 553. 
 d7a7cbj^ (165) limits TToXe/AOs, coXecre being understood. Karevaaae (168): 
 compare the use of the middle voice in 639 infra. 
 
 169. This verse is not in the manuscripts, but was preserved in 
 a scholium of Proclus, whence it was received into several inferior 
 MSS. after 168. Papyrus B has preserved parts of four other 
 verses (169b-e), which were restored by Weil (Rev. d. Phil. XII 
 173 ff.) and placed after 173: rod yap 5eo-/x6N EATSE UArrip avbpcov 
 re deoiv t€ / toIgl b' apa i^EATOIS TIMHv /cat kv8os oiraaaev / ov8' ovtojs 
 K\vTdv aAAO FENOS GHK eupvowa Zevs / avbpcov ot FEFAASIN EHI 
 xdovl TrovKv^oTeiprj. Weil also remarks that these verses might intro- 
 duce the following age and suggests for 169d: x^'-P'-f^Tov ttoXv 5' aAAO 
 FENOS QRKev iieToinadev. Rzach adopts Weil's restoration (reading 
 ToXaLvd'ap in 169c and ov8e 6' o^ws in 169d) and places the entire 
 passage (169-169e) in brackets after 173 with the comment: Duplex 
 vero huius loci recensio exstitisse videtur, quarum uni v. 172 et 173, 
 alteri v. 169-169e adscripserim. Peppmiiller (Philologus LII 596 ff.) 
 places a slightly different restoration after 171. Evelyn- White 
 restores 169b thus: roto-t d' 6/xcos vEAT0J2 TIMH /cat Kvbos oTr-qbdy 
 and makes a separate paragraph of 169c-d, forming a transition to 
 174. He reads 169c as follows: Jlk^xTrrov 6' avns er aAAO FENOS 
 GHK evpvoTra Zeus. See Classical Quarterly, VII (1913), p. 219. 
 Also Kuiper in Sertum Nabericum, 1908, pp. 213-220, who restores: 
 Zeus yap beo-fjLoN EAT2E IIArpos /cat eir' 'QKeavolo / welpaai ol j'EATOIS 
 TIMHi/ ^aaCKrjlb' ebcoKe. / mfiirTov 6' ciAAO FENOS OllKev x^'^Rl^ttov 
 airiivTOiv / rdv ol vvv FEFAA2I /cat ot jjLeToinadev eaovrat. 
 
 170-1. The condition in the Islands of the Blest is that of the 
 Golden Age— cf. 112 supra. In Od. IV 563-8 the Elysian Plain is 
 at the confines of the earth, where Ocean always sends up the breezes 
 
» 
 
 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 101 
 
 of Zephyrsus: cf. Pindar 01. II 70-2: MaK6Lpo)v vaaov oiKtavlhes avpai 
 TrepLirveoiaLv. 
 
 173. Cf. 117 supra; also Od. VII 117-9 and Horace, Epode XVI 
 42-4: Divites insulas, Reddit ubi Cererem tellus inarata quotannis 
 Et imputata floret usque vinea. ereos : The genitive of time denotes 
 that something occurs sometime within, or a certain number of times 
 within a given period. Cf. Xen. Anab. I 7, 18; Thuc. Ill 1; Aesch. 
 Ag. 278. TpLs is long before digama. Cf. 596 infra and see Paulson, 
 Hes. pp. 105 ff. 
 
 174-201. The Age of Iron. See Appendix VI (end). Cf. Ovid 
 Met. I 127-150; Juvenal XIII 28-30: Nunc aetas agitur peioraque 
 saeculi ferri Temporibus, quorum sceleri non invenit ipsa Nomen et a 
 nullo posuit natura metallo. 
 
 174. M^Acer' eireLTa occurs twice in Homer: II. II 259; Od. X 297; 
 where it means no longer then. So ovKer' eireLra: II. 379; X 453; 
 XII 73; XXI 565; Od. XII 56 ( = no further then ); XVII 303; the 
 phrase always being temporal. Judging from these examples the 
 meaning here must be: no more then after the race of heroes. Paley 
 explains: There was yet (ert) a fifth race then (eTretra), in which 
 would that I had not been born! Cf. Plautus, Trinum. 290: Lacru- 
 mas haec mihi quom video eliciunt, quia ego ad hoc genus hominum 
 duravi. App. Verg. Dirae (Lydia) 179 ff. (76 ff.): Infelix ego, non 
 illo qui tempore natus Quo felix natura fuit. Sors o mea laeva 
 Nascendi miserumque genus quoi sera libido est! 
 
 175. For eireLTa referring to the future cf. Th. 210 and Theognis 
 1047-8: Nuj' fxev irivovTes TepiriCfieSa . . . acro-a 5' eireiT ear at, ravra 
 BeoiGi iieXei. This has been taken to mean that Hesiod expected a 
 better future after the Age of Iron. Perhaps he merely means to 
 say emphatically that he considers any age preferable to the present 
 one of iron. 
 
 177. irahaovTai : Waltz is of opinion that this future influenced 
 all the following verbs to 201, where one would rather have expected 
 the present, thus giving the character of a prophecy to the descrip- 
 tion. It seems more probable that the author meant the age would 
 keep becoming worse till the condition described in 197-201 would 
 
102 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 be reached. On the assumption that 179-181 is genuine, Paley 
 suggests that matters shall not yet be wholly bad, but when Zeus 
 shall have destroyed this race also, another shall succeed which will 
 be utterly depraved (182-201). 
 
 179-181. Rejected by Lehrs, Flach, Rzach, Waltz. Evelyn- 
 White (Classical Quarterly, IX (1915), p. 72) says: As they stand 
 these lines are obviously out of place. Probably they have merely 
 been interpolated in their present position by an ancient editor, 
 who thought to make the ending of the Iron Age conform to those 
 of the other ages, just as 169c-d (according to Evelyn-White and 
 Kuiper) gives it a conventional beginning. Both passages are likely 
 by the same hand. 
 
 Verse 179 contradicts the spirit of the entire passage, which 
 represents the age as wholly bad and becoming worse; while 181 
 contains an idea without a parallel, except for the late imitation in 
 Sib. Orac. II 155: U yeverrjs iraldes iroKLOKphTonpoi yeyadres, and seems 
 to have been influenced by the Politicus Myth of Plato, where on 
 ^ the reversion of the universe men born gray from the earth died and 
 went down into the earth again. For dXX' '(^ninjs see note on 142 
 supra. fxe/jLel^eraL is future perfect expressing a future state or con- 
 dition. See note on 100 supra. Euripides (Suppl. 195 ff.) argues 
 the popular saying that evil more abounds with men than good, and 
 concludes that the opposite is the case. 
 
 182. dfjioUos : explained by Proclus as 6fxoLos rfi yvoonxi fj rfj t5e^ cos 
 fxoLxdas TXeovaadarjs. For the latter interpretation see note on 235 
 infra. The general sense of the passage and the ellipses in 183 favor the 
 former interpretation, the adjective being equivalent to 6txoioyv6)ixo)v : 
 Neither will father be in accord with sons, nor sons at all with father 
 — Paley. Ovid paraphrases 183-4 as follows: Non hospes ab hos- 
 pite tutus, Non socer a genero, fratrum quoque gratia rara est (Met. 
 I 144-5). 
 
 185. Cf. Theognis 821; and Sib. Orac. I 74: ot y^p Avai5tos / 
 k^€yk\o)v irarepas Kal nr^repas 'f]Tlna^ov / yvcoarovs 8' ov yivoiffKov a8e\(p€Lc!)if 
 kirl^ovXoL. Paley on Aesch. Suppl. 707-9 cites one of the Becfjiol of 
 Draco: 70ms tlucLv, deovs Kapiroh ayi).\\eiv — Cf. Eurip. Frag. 219: 
 rpets dcLV dperai, rds XP^^^ o"' 6i.(TKtiVf — Beovs re nixav tovs t€ dpk\J/avTa.% 
 yovris I vdjjLovs re kolvovs 'EXXdSos. Ovid has this passage in mind 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 103 
 
 (Met. I 148): Filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos; but refers 
 rather to a later custom mentioned in connection with Sophocles 
 by Cicero in Cato Maior VII 22. 
 
 187. (TxerXtot : perverse, wicked; see note on 15 supra. Cf. Od. XXI 
 28: (TxerXtos, ovd^ dichv hinv fl^kaaro — of Heracles, who slew Iphitus, 
 though his guest. See also on 251 infra. 
 
 188. In II. IV 478 it is said of a slain youth ovU roKtmi / Bpkirrpa 
 (pi\oLs iLirkdcoKe ; in Th. 604 the man who does not marry comes to old 
 age xvTeL ynpoKOfioLo ; Medea had hoped that her children would 
 support her old age (ynpo^oaK-qaeLP — Eurip. Med. 1033). On this 
 subject see Beauchet, Histoire du droit prive des Atheniens, Vol. I 
 pp. 362 ff. According to Plutarch (Solon 22) Solon enacted a law 
 exempting a son from supporting his father, in case he had not been 
 taught a trade. yrip6.vT€(T<n is second aorist participle of yrjpiiaKO) with 
 epic ending. See Van Leeuwen, Enchir. Die. Ep. 150, 2. Leaf 
 on II. XVII 197 takes it as non-thematic present participle of 7r/pdw. 
 The Opt. is virtually equivalent to a future Ind. See note on 10 
 supra. 
 
 189. Rejected by Hagen and Rzach. This is the sole reference 
 in the iron age of Hesiod to war, which in Ovid (Met. 142-3) fights 
 with both gold and iron, and shakes rattling arms with bloody hand. 
 The epithet x^^-po^lKaL (see note on 192 infra) must be almost inde- 
 pendent of the preceding (cf. 40 supra) and is apparently explained 
 by the rest of the line. 
 
 190. Cf. Theognis 1139: 6p/cot 8' ovKeri tlcttoI kv avdpojTroLcn dUaLOL. 
 xApts means favor, or respect in which one is held, consideration or 
 regard for, as in Thuc. Ill 95, 1; cf. also Od. IV 695; Eurip. Med. 439. 
 
 191. v^pLv: for h^piariiv according to Moschopulus and gloss on 
 P. Waltz adopts Paley's suggestion and reads v^peoiv. Flach agrees 
 A^ith Lobeck that 6 v^pls was originally used in the same sense as 
 6 v^pLarrjs, and refers to 356 infra, where inverso modo dpira^ is used 
 for apirayr]. In English a man may be a doer of evils and an outrage, 
 and perhaps the same is possible in Greek — cf. Herod. Ill 142: 
 yeyovo)s re KaKds Kal k(hv SXedpos ; and Lucian, Conv. 12: Mpa ^oijp 
 Arex^ios Svra Kal KpaKTLKcoTaTOV. 
 
104 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OP HESIOD 
 
 192. Goettling renders as follows: In eorum manibus neque 
 iustitia neque pudor agnoscetur. It means rather: might shall be 
 right, and there shall be no regard for the rights of others (cf. 189 — 
 X€tpo5t/cat). With dlKt} kv x^P<^^ compare kv x^tpt biK-qv exovra (Plato, 
 Theaet. 172E); h x^t-pos vofjLO) (Arist. Pol. 1285a 10). This is the 
 earliest passage in Greek where we find dUr] and atScbs associated. 
 In Pro tag. 322 C, when men not having the political art were wronging 
 one another and perishing, Plato represents Zeux as sending to them 
 al8<hs and dkr], that they might be bound together by friendship in 
 orderly cities. See Hirzel, Themis, Dike, etc. p. 57, note 4. Theo- 
 gnis (291-2) says: At5cbs fiev yap oXcuXei', avaidelr] de /cat v^pLs / vLKrjaacra 
 8iK7]v yrjv Kara iracrav exet. Regard for others and justice in dealing 
 with others are gone, and their opposites (cf. Works 213 and 324) 
 have full sway. AtScbs is that proper appreciation of one's own 
 privileges and regard for another's rights, which causes one to be 
 fair in his attitude and just in his dealings with reference to another — 
 and this fairness and justice is St/cr/. On Aidos see Schmidt, Ethik 
 der alten Griechen, Vol. I pp. 168-184, especially p. 171 for its use 
 in Hesiod. 
 
 193. Cf. Soph. Phil. 456-8. This and the following verse are 
 explained by Tzetzes as follows: He will injure the good man by 
 taking away his property and reviling him; and besides he will 
 swear that the stolen property is his own. For this use of ext 5' 
 opKov bpLeirai see II. IX 132; XXI 373; and cf. Plautus Amphit. 889: 
 Satis faciat mi ille atque adiuret insuper. With ^\aypei . . . fiWoLai 
 (tkoXlols heircov compare jSXdTrr?; (tkoXlcos bvora^oiv (258 infra). 
 
 195-6. Z)]Xos : practically equivalent to the bad Eris (13-16). 
 Contrast meaning of noun here with that of verb in 23 supra. 
 KaKoxapros : see note on 28, where it is applied to the bad Eris. 
 (TTvyepoiirrjs : cf. Shakespeare's lean-faced Envy (2nd Henry V*I: 
 3, 2, 315), and green-eyed Jealousy (Mer. of Ven. 3, 2, 110). 
 
 197-200. Theognis (1136 ff.) and Euripides (Med. 439-440) have 
 this passage in mind. Aratus (133-4) imitates it, but applies it to 
 Dike. Ovid (Met. I 129) is thinking of Hesiod: Fugere pudor 
 verumque fidesque; but imitates Aratus in 149: Virgo caede madentes 
 / ultima caelestum terras Astraea reUquit. So Juvenal VI 1 and 
 19 confuses Hesiod and Aratus: Credo Pudicitiam Saturno rege 
 
I 
 
 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 105 
 
 moratam / in terris visamque diu . . . paulatim deinde ad superos 
 Astraea recessit / hac comite atque duae pariter fugere sorores. 
 Kal rore 8ri (197): and then at last, as in II. I 92, etc. On 198 cf. 
 II. Ill 141 and Horace Carm. I 35, 21: Te Spes et albo rara Fides 
 colit / velata panno. 'irov (199): future as in Attic for eXeuo-o/xat. 
 /Lterd <pv\ov: cf. II. XV 54: epx^o vvv iiera (pvXa dea^v. deoov es (pvXov 
 (Th. 202) is equivalent to es adavdrovs (Th. 285; Horn. Hymn VI 15). 
 The phrase juerd Xaov occurs in II. XV 56; Od. Ill 366; etc. Aidos 
 and Nemesis {200) are associated as common nouns in Iliad XIII 
 122, where Leaf explains: Nemesis is objective, expressing the 
 indignation felt by other men. Aidos, on the other hand, is sub- 
 jective, the shame felt by the offender. Hence generally speaking 
 Aidos is scruple to do wrong, and Nemesis is indignation at wrong- 
 doing. See also Jebb, Introduction to Homer, p. 55; and Murray's 
 Rise of the Greek Epic, pp. 101-112. 
 
 201. dXici7 : strength to withstand, protection against, means of 
 escape, etc. Against Scylla it is said (Od. XII 120): ov8e rts effr' 
 dX/ci7 : it is impossible to resist her; one had better flee. So for the 
 birds in Od. XXII 305-6 ov8e rts dXKTj / ylyveraL ovde (pvyrj (neither 
 protection nor means of escape) from the vultures. In Th. 876 
 there is no escape from calamity (/ca/coO d'ov ylyveraL dXKrj) for men 
 who meet furious winds on the deep. Plato perhaps has this pas- 
 sage in mind when he says (Laws 713E): baojv dv irokeoiv /jltj deds dXXd 
 rts CLpxTI BvqTOS, ovk eari KaKwv avrols ov8e irbvoiv dvoupv^is. 
 
 im-in. Fable of the Hawk and Nightingale. Aeschylus 
 (Suppl. 226), after likening the Danaides to doves and the pursuing 
 Aegyptians to hawks, asks: Can bird eat bird and be undefiled? 
 In Archilochus the life of animals is thought of as influenced by 
 ujSpts and 81k7] and as ruled over by Zeus. Compare Frag. d>% (O 
 Zeus, thou rulest in heaven and beholdest the deeds just and unjust 
 of men, aol 8e drjplcav ujSpts re Kal 81k7) /zeXet) with 277-8 infra and see 
 Hirzel, Themis, Dike, etc. pp. 218-9. The helplessness of the night- 
 ingale in the talons of the hawk may be compared with the proverbial 
 use of the fawn and lion in the same connection: See Theognis 
 949-50; Plato, Charmides 155D; Lucian Dial. Mort. 8-1. 
 
 202. Cf. II. I 577: ix-qrpl 8' eyo^ Trapd(prip,i, Kal avrfj irep voeovay 
 (Hephaestus to Hera); and XXIII 305: ^ivdeXr els ay add (ppoveoov, 
 
106 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 voeovTL Kal avrQ (Nestor to Antilochus). In all these cases advice 
 is given to those who really do not or should not need it. Mvos 
 means praise in Homer, except perhaps in Od. XIV 508, where it 
 may refer to the eulogy on Ulysses, but seems rather to be a tale 
 told with an end in view. See Eustathius on the passage. Of a 
 story with a moral, or fable, it first occurs here, and again in Archil- 
 ochus 86 and 89; here of a hawk and nightingale, there of a fox and 
 eagle or of an ape and fox. See Ammonius (ed. Valckenaer,) pp. 
 6-8. 
 
 203. TTOiKiKobeipov is explained by Moschopulus as TrioKiKbipoivov : 
 of varied notes. This interpretation is interesting by comparison 
 with the use of deprj in Aesch. Ag. 328-9: omer ' k^ eXevdepov / deprjs 
 dTTOtjucb^ouo-t (plXtcltcov jjLopov ', but it is a little strained and the meaning 
 is perhaps spotted-necked. The nightingale is called aloXodeupos in 
 Nonnus XXVI 214 and XL VII 31. 
 
 204. ovvxeaaL /xe/zap7rcbs : holding her clutched in his talons. The 
 perfect expresses a state, as in 205. See note on 100 supra. 
 
 205. ajjiipl : this use occurs in the Homeric phrase raXXa Kal ajjup' 
 o^eKoiaLv eireLpav (II. I 465, etc.), where Leaf explains it as an adverb: 
 on both sides, i.e. so as to make the spits project on both sides: here 
 pierced by the curved claws on both sides. By comparing Od. XII 
 395 (/cpea 5' aiJL(p' o^eXolaL fiejivKei) with XI 424 (airodvrjaKOiv irepl (paayavc^) 
 it seems possible to understand the phrase: pierced around the 
 curved claws, i.e. the flesh was around the piercing claws. Monro 
 H. G. 182 says: The dative with afxcpl is a natural extension of the 
 locative dative — the preposition being adverbial, and not always 
 needed to govern the case. Besides the examples cited by Monro, 
 cf. II. V 399 {bbhvxiaL Treirapixkvos) and ApoU. Rhod. Arg. IV 1065. 
 {ireTrapfJikvov afnp' bbvvQcnv). 
 
 206. The expression and attitude may be compared with that of 
 II. I 25: Kparepbv 5' kirl /jlvOov ereWev. 
 
 207. baipLovlr] means fool rather than wretch — see Leaf on II. 
 I 561. vv is an affirmative ( = don't you see?), as in 268, 275, 424, 
 513, 684, 756, 764 infra— set Monro H. G. 351. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 107 
 
 208. els : future as in 199 supra; the form elada occurs in II. X 
 450; Od. XIX 69. 
 
 210-211. Rejected by Aristarchus cos a\6yco yvoi^jLoXoyelv ovk Slv 
 irpoarJKov. They are bracketed by practically all recent editors except 
 Sittl. They are defended also by Lisco (Quaest, Hes. p. 52) and 
 Fuss (Versuch, etc. p. 44 note 3), who says: In these verses is pro- 
 claimed the moral law of the princes: Might is right. And he is 
 foolish who opposes this law. Herein is revealed the entire UjSpts 
 of the judges. 
 
 For the thought cf. Pindar 01. X 39-40: m/cos 5i Kpeaaovop airodkaB* 
 Hwopov; Nem. X 72: xo-^^Trd 8' epts avOpcoiroLs bjiikeiv Kpeaaovcov; Soph. 
 Electra 219-220: ra de rots dwarols ovk epLard irXddeLv; also id. 1014 
 and Antig. 63. 
 
 213-285. Appeal to Perses and the princes to hearken to justice 
 and beware of the vengence of the gods, who give every blessing to 
 the just, but visit every calamity upon the wicked. Those who, 
 like the brute creation, observe not the law of Zeus are doomed to 
 extinction. 
 
 With the general idea of 213-218 compare Aeschylus, Persae 
 805-831, where the Persians are to suffer evils for v^pts and godless 
 thoughts, having no Aidos for images and temples of gods: as they 
 have done, so shall they suffer. Plataea shall be an everlasting 
 reminder that a mortal should not lift his thoughts too high. For 
 v^pLs blossoming bears arrj and a tearful crop. Therefore let none 
 despise present fortune and ruin it by lusting for what belongs to 
 another. Zeus, a heavy auditor, is ever at hand to chastise over- 
 weening thoughts; therefore sin not against heaven with insolent 
 pride. See also Od. XVIII 130-142. 
 
 213. ujSpts is that pride and contempt which leads one who feels 
 that he is in a superior position to treat with injustice and violence 
 his inferior. It is joined with ^Irj in Od. XV 329 of the arrogance and 
 outrageous conduct of the suitors, and is here the opposite of dUrj. 
 See note on 192 supra and cf . 275 infra, where dUrj and ^ir] are opposed. 
 It is exemplified by the fable of the hawk and nightingale and by 
 277-8 infra. Cf. also 134 and 146 supra. It is the child of god- 
 lessness (Aesch. Eum. 534) and begets axTj (Ag. 764). 
 
108 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 214. 6etX(3 . . . kaSXos: it is perhaps a question of social posi- 
 tion, not of moral worth. Compare the use of the words in Theognis 
 57 to distinguish the nobility from the rabble, re is generic, as in 
 215 and 218 (see note on 7 supra) and/xei' = iJLr]v. ^apWeL is equivalent 
 to a passive; cf. II. XVI 519: ^apvOeu 5e ixol cjjjlos vtt' avrov 
 
 216. oLTTi is the blindness which comes from the feeling of superi- 
 ority implied in v^pis. Here the plural is used of the ruinous con- 
 sequences of that blindness, which are described in 238-47. See 
 Schmidt, Ethik der alten Griechen, Vol. I pp. 247-50. Cf. Proverbs 
 XVI 18: Pride goeth before destruction and a haughty spirit before 
 a fall. ereprjcpL : Et. Mag. 800, 5 cites this line as a case of cpi attached 
 to the nominative. So virtually the explanation of Proclus: Kpela- 
 (To)v karlv 7] eis to. 5t/cata bbos, erepa ovaa tt^s v^peoos. The existing mater- 
 ial (see Monro H. G. 154-8) does not bear out this statement. 
 wapeXdeLv usually means to pass by, and the sense of the passage 
 may be: The road in the other direction is better, i.e. to pass inso- 
 lence by and go towards justice; or it may here mean pass along, 
 which would give the rendering: There is a road which is better, 
 to pass along in the other direction towards justice. 
 
 217-8. virep — Ictx^l: tmesis, es rekos : cf. 294 and 333 infra. The 
 idea that in the end, even though late, retribution for wrong would 
 come is found in Homer: see II. IV 160-2; and it is common in later 
 Greek: See Theognis 201, 607, 755; Aesch. Suppl. 732-3; Eumen. 
 555; Soph. Phil. 1041; O. C. 1536 (The gods are slow, though they are 
 sure, in visitation, when men scorn godliness — ); Eurip. Ion. 1615; 
 Bacch. 882-890; Frag. 969 (17 ALkt] . . . alya /cat jSpaSet 7ro5t aTelxovaa 
 liapyj/ei tovs KaKovs : cf. Horace Carm. Ill 2, 32: pede Poena claudo — 
 Justice travels with a leaden heel, but she strikes with an iron hand) ; 
 Sib. Orac. VIII 14 (Macarius VI 85) : 6\J/e decov dXeovcn hvXol, aXeovat d^ 
 XeirTCL : cf. Longfellow, Retribution (from Logau, Sinngedichte III 
 2, 24) : Though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceed- 
 ing small. Tra^cbi/ 8e re vrjinos eyvo} : a fool learns by experience. Cf . 
 II. XVII 32: p€xd€v 8e re vrjirios eyvo)] the idea is contained in Pindar, 
 Isth. I 40; Aesch. Ag. 250; Suppl. 110; Soph. Antig. 1270; Plato 
 Sym. 222B. 
 
 219. For forthwith Retribution for Perjury attends crooked 
 decisions — Paley. "OpKos is the object invoked in an oath, who is 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 109 
 
 supposed to punish in case the oath is violated, as Zeus opklos (Soph. 
 Phil. 1324) or Styx (II. XV 38; Od. V 185; Th. 400). Then it became 
 personified as a deity that punished the perjurer, as in 804 infra, 
 Th. 231-2, Herod. VI 86— Oracle to Glaucus, line 4. See Jebb on 
 Sophocles O. C. 1767. 
 
 220. The figure is that of a woman being dragged forcibly along 
 the streets — Paley. For a different conception of Dike see 256 
 infra and note, 'podos is explained by Tzetzes as the outcry of those 
 who are being wronged, and it usually refers to a confused sound, 
 as in Aesch. Per. 406 (of voices) and 462 (of oars). The correct 
 interpretation, however, seems to be given by Campbell (Religion 
 in Greek Literature, p. 104) : A noise is heard, it is the cry of Justice 
 whom men greedy of bribes are hustling. 
 
 221-4. Cf. II. XVI 386-8, where Zeus is angry at men, ol ^irj dv 
 h/yopxi (TKoKias Kplvoicn deixLCTas, eK 8e dUrjv eXdacoai. See note on 9 supra. 
 aKoXifjs de dUris Kpivcoai dk/jnaras : and render decisions with perverse 
 judgments. It is to be noted that in 220 ALkt] is the goddess, while 
 in 221 Skat are the declarations of a judge. 
 
 According to Sittl ridea in 222 means dwellings in the country 
 as opposed to the city both here and 137 supra. But it is possible 
 to take it here as in 699 infra (see note on 67 supra) of customs, 
 manners. This interpretation is supported by Aratus 116, where 
 it is said of Dike that in the silver age she missed (longed for) the 
 Tjdea of the former people. The accusative is governed by Kkalovo-a 
 — cf. II. XX 210; Od. I 363. eireaOaL takes the accusative in Pindar 
 Nem. X 69, where see Bury's note and cf. 01. VI 71. It is taken as 
 terminal Ace. by Evelyn- White : follows to the city and haunts of 
 the people. 
 
 225-247. Contrast between the condition of the just and the 
 unjust. Callimachus inverts the order in Hymn to Diana 122-132: 
 Thou aimest thy bow at the city of the unjust, both those who 
 wrong one another and those who wrong strangers. Pestilence 
 destroys their cattle and frost ravages their crops. The old men 
 are cut down by their sons, and the women either die in child-birth 
 or bring forth deformed children. But upon whom thou lookest 
 with propitious smile, for them the fields bear bounteous harvests 
 and their cattle flourish; their substance is increased and they come 
 
110 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OE HESIOD 
 
 not to the tomb except from old age. Compare also the blessings 
 prayed for and the evils to be averted in the beautiful chorus of 
 Aeschylus (Suppl. 625-709): Never may Argos be wasted by war 
 (633-6); never may pestilence drain the city of her men, nor civil 
 strife bloody her plain, but may the flower of youth bloom unmown 
 by Ares' destructive sickle (659-665); may the fields always bear 
 crops, and Artemis kindly spare the women (674-8); may diseases 
 be far from the citizens and Apollo look propitiously upon them 
 (684-8); may Zeus crown the fields every season, and the cattle 
 increase in the pastures; and may bards and the tuneful lyre grace 
 the festivities of the gods (689-97); may justice be observed and 
 agreements with strangers kept, may the gods be revered and parents 
 honored. Cf. Eumenides (550-565 and Sophocles Antig. 368-71 
 When (man) honors the laws of the land, and that justice which he 
 hath sworn by the gods to uphold, proudly stands his city: no city 
 hath he who, for his rashness, dwells with sin (Jebb). Verses 225- 
 237 describe an ideal condition (that of the Golden Age or Elysium), 
 which might prevail under a just rule. Compare Od. XIX 108-114: 
 Such is the glory of a blameless king who reverences God and rules 
 a people numerous and mighty, upholding justice: For him the 
 dark-soiled earth produces wheat and barley, trees bend low with 
 fruit, the flock has constant issue, and the sea yields fish, under his 
 righteous sway. Because of him his people prosper (Palmer). 
 
 225. Normally one would expect fxh, correlative to 5e in 238, but 
 as those who deal justly are contrasted with those who drive out 
 justice, a simple 8e is used to connect with the preceding. The same 
 use of 5e is found under exactly the same circumstances in Aesch, 
 Eumen. 550. didovaLv : thematic form as if from 5t56co. The conJ 
 trast between strangers and citizens is found in II. XXIV 202, where 
 Priam is said to have been famous ex' avOpdoirovs ^elvovs y)8' olatv avaaaa. 
 So in Aristoph. Frogs. 454-9 the light of the sun is joyous only to the 
 initiated who have conducted themselves in a pious manner irepl 
 Tovs ^evovs Kal tovs tStwras. 
 
 226-7. On t^etas and Idetav (224) see Excursus I, Etymology oi 
 Dike. TrapeK^alvco is of frequent occurrence in Aristotle (especially 
 in Ethics and Politics) with the genitive or accusative in the sense 
 of deviate from, transgress. See also Aesch. Cho. 644. avdevaLv : 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 111 
 
 an Ionic form found also in some Doric Dialects. See Buck's Greek 
 Dialects, 42, 5. 
 
 228-9. Peace is a characteristic of the Golden Age, as Plato, 
 Pol. 27 IE; Aratus 108-9; Vergil, Aen. VIII 325; Tibullus I 3, 47-8; 
 Ovid, Met. I 97-100. The epithet KovpoTp6(pos was applied to various 
 divinities (see Frazer's Pausanias, Vol. II p. 248) ; here and in Eurip. 
 Bacch. 420 to Peace — in the latter passage Peace is also called 
 oXjSoSoretpa. Cf. Eurip. Suppl. 490-1, where it is said of her that 
 repTrerat — evTaibla, x^tpet 5e itXovto). For 229 cf. II. XIV 85-7. 
 
 230. WvdlKrjaL: for the form of the compound cf. x^i^po^'^x-ai (189 
 supra) and for the meaning see note on 226-7 supra. The use of the 
 preposition ixera in this Hne is unusual, but is closely paralleled by 
 II. XVIII 234. See also Od. VII 165 and 181; Th. 80 and 441 infra. 
 Waltz emends to ixkv. 
 
 231. aarr]'. mental blindness and the resulting calamity — see on 
 216 supra. On the 2nd hemistich cf. 119 supra and see note. Mair 
 renders: With mirth they tend the works that are their care. Waltz 
 who considers doKlrfs locative as ovpeai in 232 translates: Dans les 
 festins ils jouissent des biens acquis par leur travail. It is possible 
 to take doKlris with fiefirjXoTa, which gives the same construction as 
 Pindar, 01. I 89 (variant reading— cf. Nonnus XXXVII 135); 
 Eurip. Hel. 197. The meaning then is: They enjoy the fruits of 
 their fields (results of their labor), which are a concern to festivi- 
 ties, or in which festivities take an interest and consequently attend, 
 daXlrjs ixeixrfkoTa being, as Paley suggests, a kind of poetical inversion 
 for 'ipya ots daXlaL {jLeXovai. 
 
 232-3. Quoted together with Od. XIX 109-110 by Plato (Rep. 
 363B). Cf. Ovid Met. I 106: (legebant) quae deciderant pa tula 
 lovis arbore, glandes . . . (112): flavaque de viridi stillabant ilice 
 mella. Hesiod evidently had in mind the honey in the hollows of 
 the oak, but the Roman poets seem to have thought of some kind of 
 distillation or exudation, as Ovid (above) and Vergil (Buc. IV 30): 
 Et durae quercus sudabunt roscida mella. The land flowing with 
 milk and honey (Exodus III 8; Joshua V 6), while a different figure, 
 is perhaps nearer the Hesiodic conception. Sittl says that acorns 
 are still an important food with the Greek peasants. 
 
112 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 234. Fertility of the land (232) and productivity of the flocks 
 are commonplaces with the Greeks in descriptions of prosperity. 
 See Od. XIX 111-3; Aesch. Suppl. 688-92; Eumen. 907-9; etc. 
 
 235. See note on 182 supra. It is questionable, however, whether 
 the interpretation suggested by Proclus is applicable here; it seems 
 to belong to a later age. Examples are Theocritus XVII 43-4: 
 CKTTopyov 8e yvvauKos eir' aWorplcp vbos alei, / ^prjidLOL de yoval, reKva 5' 
 ov TTOTeoiKora Trarpt. Oppian Hal. I 644-5; Pal. Anth. XI 75; Catullus 
 LXI 221-5: Sit suo similis patri . . . et pudicitiam suae / matris; 
 indicet ore; Horace Carm. IV 5, 23; Martial VI 27, 3-4. This pas- 
 sage is best explained as meaning that the women do bear children, 
 as opposed to 244 infra, and they bear normal ones. It is parallel 
 with the curse in Aeschines, Ctesiphon, 111: Kat eireuxerat aurots 
 jUT7T€ 777^ KapTTOvs ipkpeiv , iJLr]T€ yvvoLKas reKva riKTeiv yovevaiv koiKora, dXXct 
 repara, ixr]be ^oaKijiiara Kara ipvGiv yovas -woieicrdaL ; where the children 
 are to be monsters, and Callimachus, Hymn to Diana, 122-132 (an 
 imitation), quoted above on 225-247, where the children of the 
 wicked are deformed (rlKrovaLv, / rdv ohbh eirl cnpvpbv bpBov aveaTrj). 
 
 236-7. The dread of the perils of the sea is expressed in Od. II 
 369-70: You have no need to suffer evils wandering over the sea 
 (Euryclia to Telemachus). Cf. Cato (de Re Rus. Introd. 3): Mer- 
 catorem . . . strenuum studiosumque rei quaerendae existimo; 
 verum . . . periculosum et calamitosum. The absence of ships 
 and the perils of the deep in an ideal state of happiness is found in- 
 Pindar, 01. II 70; Aratus 111-113; Vergil Buc. IV 38-9; Georg. l' 
 136-7; Tibullus I 3, 38-40; Ovid Met. I 94-6; Horace Carm. I 3, 
 9-24; Seneca Medea 300 ff. 
 
 238-9. Cf. Theognis 151-2: v^piv — deos irpoorov /ca/co? oiwaaev avhpl, 
 OX) fieWei x^^PV^ idrjdefilav defievaL. (rxcT-Xta epya are the results of UjSpts 
 (see note on 213) and Zeus visits them with diKrj, which here is ex- 
 plained by Proclus as judgment or punishment, being equivalent to 
 the arat of 216 supra. Cf. 229 supra and 249 infra. On 5e airoboriKov 
 see Monro H. G. 334. 5e seems to be a weaker form of bi] as ixkv is 
 of p.'qv, and was originally used both for emphasis and to connect. 
 
 240-41. The doctrine that the innocent perish with the guilty 
 is common in ancient literature; cf. Aesch. Septem 602-14; Antiphon, 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 113 
 
 Murder of Herodes, 82-3; Eurip. Electra 1354-5; Frag. 848; Xen. 
 Cyr. VIII 1, 25; Jonah I 7-8; Horace Carm. Ill 2, 29-30: Saepe 
 Diespiter neglectus incesto addidit integrum. Epic examples are 
 the sufferings of the Trojans for the wrong of Paris, and of the 
 Achaeans for that of Agamemnon. Athena in II. XV 137 imputes 
 Hke conduct to Zeus in his dealings with the gods; though there is a 
 protest against it in II. XX 297-9: Why is (Aeneas) to suffer ill in 
 his innocence for the wickedness of others, etc. See Schmidt, Ethik 
 der alten Griechen, Vol. I p. 66. 
 
 aTrrjvpa: an imperfect used in Homer as an aorist — see II. I 430; 
 VI 17. Here it is equivalent to a gnomic aorist — cf. 345 infra. The 
 meaning is: Often even a whole city together suffers from a bad 
 man. This use of the word is not Homeric and seems to occur only 
 here and in Eurip. Androm. 1030. One inferior MS. has ewavpet; 
 but in this sense exaupeco is generally middle, as in II. I 410; Aesch. 
 Prom. 28 — but compare Pindar, Pyth. Ill 36. 
 
 241. aTaadaka /jLrjxdvocovraL occurs in II. XI 695. tJLrjxo-vciaTaL 
 is subjunctive and perhaps should be written /jLrjxavarjTai: see Monro H. 
 G. 55 and Wackernagel in Bezz. Beitr. Vol. IV pp. 259-312. 
 
 242-3. eirrjyaye is gnomic aorist as dToaXeaev in 246. Xljjlov bjxov 
 Kol \olijl6v : this alliterative combination occurs frequently in the 
 SibylHne Oracles. See Thuc. II 54, where similarity between Xtjuos 
 and XoLfjLos caused a dispute as to the meaning of an oracle. Verse 
 243 strikingly resembles II. I 10 and the 2nd hemistich is found in 
 II. V 643. 
 
 244. Compare the description of the plague in Soph. O. R. 25-7: 
 A blight is on (the city) in the fruitful blossoms of the land, in the 
 herds among the pastures, in the barren pangs of women; 171-4: 
 The fruits of the glorious earth grow not; by no birth of children do 
 women surmount the pangs in which they shriek; and the curse of 
 Oedipus 269-71: I pray that the gods send them neither harvest of 
 the earth nor fruit of the womb (Jebb). See also Aristoph. Peace 
 1316-25. oLKos primarily means house or home in Hesiod and else- 
 where, but comes to mean estate or property in general as here, 23 
 supra and 325, 495 infra. For the transitive use of fxivWo) see 6 supra. 
 
 246-7. 6 ye retxos : sc. dir^iKeaev; cf. II. V 648: dTrcbXecrej' "YKlov. 
 In II. II 116-8 it is said of Zeus that he has destroyed many cities, 
 
114 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 and shall destroy. In 247 Peppmueller's emendation aTroaivvTai 
 (Zeus nimmt ihnen- die Schiffe im Meer: cf. II. XIII 262: dovpara 
 . . . rd KTa/ievcov aTroalvvfjLaL ; Od. XII 419) seems better than the 
 reading of the MSS. dirorlvvvTaL ; which is not parallel with II. 
 XVI 398 (TToXecov — aTerlvvTo ttolvtjv = exacted vengence for many 
 slain) and can hardly mean: exacts or requires their ships of them. 
 It is rather to be explained by comparison with Od. V 24 (Kelvovs 
 'OSuo-eus oLTTOTLaeTaL eXdcov) as meaning: Zeus takes vengence on their 
 ships at sea — perhaps by striking them with lightning, as in Od. 
 XII 416, etc. 
 
 248-9. vfjLetsde: cf. 213 supra and see note on 27. T-qvhe Uktiv 
 is perhaps best taken as referring to the previously mentioned pun- 
 ishment by the gods. So gloss on P. Cf . 239 supra. Fuss (Versuch, 
 etc. p. 50 note 1) understands it as in 39 and 269: Take thought 
 how you proceed in this case. There is thus no connection with the 
 preceding. Paley suggests that KaTouppd^eade may be indicative and 
 compares 202 = Even without my telling you, you are well aware 
 of this retribution. This meaning of the verb is found in Herod. 
 IV 76: Karacppaadels avrbv ravra Tvoievvra earj^rjve tQ jSacrtXet. 
 
 250-1. Cf. Theognis 1147-9: ^pa^eadoo d' ddlKOiv dvdpcov aKoXiov 
 Xoyov alel, Ot decov ddavdruiv ovdev OTn^o/jLevoL Kiev eir' oXKoto'lols Kredvois 
 kwexovai vorjfxa. On cKoXirjai biKxiaiv see note on 221 supra and Leaf's 
 note on II. XVI 387-8. dedv ottlv ovk aXeyovres : cf. 187 supra: ovd^ 
 9ecov OTTLV dboTes. ottls means both reverence for the gods and ven- 
 gence from the gods. The difference is nicely expressed by Mair's 
 rendering of the two phrases: taking no heed of the anger of the 
 gods and knowing not the fear of the gods. With the thought of 
 250-262 compare Soph. O. C. 278-81: Deem that (the gods) look 
 on the god-fearing among men, and on the godless, and that never 
 yet hath escape been found for an impious mortal on the earth (Jebb). 
 
 252. rpls — jivpioL'. of indefinite number; cf. Th. 364, where there 
 are said to be rph xtXtat Ocean Nymphs. Also Od. XVII 422; 
 Plato, Sym. 175E. tKarbv is perhaps used in the same way in 456 
 
 infra. 
 
 253-5. For the function here assigned the divinities compare 
 Od. XVII 485-7: Gods in guise of strangers from afar in every form 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 115 
 
 do roam our cities, marking the sin and righteousness of men (v^pLv 
 re Kal evvofxirjv ecpopc^vres) — Palmer. Also Od. XIV 83-4: ov fxev crxer- 
 Xta epya deol fxaKapes ipCKeovGiv, AXXa biK7]v tIovgl Kal atVt^ua epy' avd pdcTroiv . 
 The similarity of 122-3 to line 253 may have suggested the inter- 
 polation of 254-5 at that place (124-5). See discussion on 122-126 
 supra. Rand who accepts 124-5 says (Horatian Urbanity, p. 145): 
 These divinities, as the description shows, are simply those blest 
 inhabitants of the Golden Age, who died into immortality and 
 became the guardian-spirits of mankind: thus this passage on jus- 
 tice is bound closely with the fables. It is manifest from 254 that 
 <pv\aKes here must be understood as watchers, and not guardians. 
 Mair renders 254 thus: who watch over judgments and froward 
 works: o-xerXta epya may be understood from Od. XIV 83-4 (quoted 
 above) and IX 295, where the deeds of the Cyclops in devouring 
 suppliant strangers like a lion are called (rxerXia epya, i.e. as not 
 being characterized by Aidos and Dike — see notes on 11-26 and 192 
 supra. On pa in 254 see Monro H. G. 437. 
 
 256-7. The meaning seems to be: And the maiden Dike, daughter 
 of Zeus, is one of them (the watchers), noble and revered of the 
 gods. Cf. Eurip. Frag. 150: T-qv tol AlKrjv Xeyovai waW etvai Alos 
 I €771)5 T€ j^atetj^ Tr\% ^poTcop aixaprlas. Tzetzes takes irapdevos as predi- 
 cate: Justice, daughter of Zeus, is a maiden, noble and respected by 
 the gods; and Paley thinks this is the point in 220 supra: She is 
 not to be insulted with impunity by men. Moschopulus interprets: 
 The maiden Justice, daughter of Zeus, is noble and respected by the 
 gods. Dike is the daughter of Zeus and Themis in Th. 901. In 
 Septem 662 (cf. Cho. 949) Aeschylus apparently has Hesiod in mind 
 in speaking of Dike as the daughter of Zeus; but as Haigh says 
 (Tragic Drama of the Greeks, pp. 90-91), in the Attic poet the 
 function of Zeus as omnipotent ruler is to govern the world in accor- 
 dance with the law of Justice, which has been ordained by Fate and 
 Necessity as the established order of the universe, i.e. Zeus must 
 submit to the universal law of Justice. The function of Dike closely 
 resembles that of the Litae in II. IX 502-12, where the general alle- 
 gory of used and applied to the particular case of Achilles very much 
 as in this passage of Hesiod: also of Ate in II. XIX 91-4, in each 
 instance Dike, Litae, Ate being daughters of Zeus. Frazer on 
 Pausanias V 18 (Vol. Ill p. 612) reproduces a scene on a red-figured 
 vase: Justice, a comely woman, is throttling Injustice, an ugly hag, 
 
116 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 with her left hand, while in her right hand she lifts a hammer to 
 smite her victim, who is in the act of stumbling and faUing. 
 
 259. For 258 see note on 193 supra. Sophocles seems to refer 
 to verse 259 in O. C. 1382, where Oedipus says: My curses control 
 thy supplication and throne, etTrep kaTiv rj TroKa'upaTos / Alkt] ^vvedpos 
 Zrjvos apxaloLs vojjLOLs. Cf. id. 1267-8, where Aldcos ( = Mercy — see 
 Jebb and cf. id. 237: Aidos towards a superior is respect, but towards 
 an inferior, i.e. one in hard plight, it is mercy, compassion) also is 
 Zr]vl avvdaKos Bp6vo)v and may aid and heal one's faults. Cf. the 
 function of the Litae in II. IX 502-12, and the opposition of Mercy 
 and Justice in Merchant of Venice (IV I 207-13): Earthly power 
 doth — show likest God's / when Mercy seasons Justice. There- 
 fore — / though Justice be thy plea, consider this, / that in the course 
 of Justice none of us / should see salvation: we do pray for mercy / 
 and that same prayer doth teach us all to render / the deeds of mercy. 
 See further for association of Aidos and Dike note on 192 supra. 
 
 In Hesiod Dike as irapedpos of Zeus is an accuser; in Orphic Hymn 
 LXII she is rather an avenger: Zrjvos avaKTos eTrt Bpovov lepov I'^et / 
 ovpavodev Kadopcoaa ^lov dv7]Tcov Tr6\v(pvKcov / rots ddlKOLS TLfxoopds ein^pl- 
 dovaa diKalrj. This function is assigned to Themis as helper or adviser 
 in Pindar (01. VIII 21-3): ev6a Scoretpa Atos ^htov irapedpos do-zcetrat 
 OkfiLs e^ox avdpoiTTccv (i.e. at Aegina). See Sikes and Allen, Introd. 
 to Hom. Hymn XXIII, where (Ze6s — Q'ep,iaTi kyKkibbv e^oixevp ttvklvovs 
 odpovs oapl^eL) Themis seems to be rather the wife of Zeus than his 
 adviser. See also Hirzel's Excursus on irdpedpoL {op. cit. p. 412). 
 
 260-62. Flach, Rzach and others reject verses 261-2, in which 
 case vbos is to be understood as subject of dwoTelo-Tfi according to 
 Lehrs Quaest. Ep. p. 242 note (Zeus as subject would require the 
 middle voice — cf. note on 247 supra). It seems better to suppose 
 that Hesiod has indulged in an illogical turn and the sentiment is 
 the same as in 240-1 where see note: so in II. I 410, where Thetis 
 asks Zeus to bring misfortunes upon the Achaeans, tva Travres kw- 
 avpo)VTaL ^aaiXijos, and that Agamemnon may perceive his blindness, 
 in that he did not honor the bravest of the Achaeans; and IX 533-7, 
 where plague and war came upon Calydon because Oeneus neg- 
 lected to pay honor to Artemis. \vypd voevvres : contrast kaOXd 
 voecov in 286; and see note on 227 for the contraction of the parti- 
 ciple. For dkas ctkoXlojs eveirovTes cf. 194 supra. dXXp = in the wrong 
 direction; cf. 344 infra. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 117 
 
 263. <pv\aaa6fjLevoL : considering, observing, as in 491, 561, 694 
 infra. fiWovs is a better reading than the unmetrical St/cas. In Od. 
 I 273 fxvdos means will, corresponding to the internal idea; in Od. I 
 358 it means the assertion of that will, corresponding to the spoken 
 word. The latter is the meaning here, fxWovs being equivalent to 
 OeiJLLaTas : judicial decisions. See note on 9 supra and Excursus I 
 note 11; also Hirzel, Themis, Dike, etc. p. 34 note 3. 
 
 264. For 8o:po<payoL see note on 39 supra, eirl 7rd7xu \aBkadai 
 is a tag occurring in II. X 99 and Tyrtaeus XII 17. 
 
 265-6. Two general proverbs not closely connected with the 
 preceding or following. Cf. CaUim. Frag. 222 ( = Pal. Anth. XI 
 183 5) : T€vx^v cos Irkpoo rts ew Kamv r^Trart reuxet ; Aulus Gellius, Noc. 
 Att. IV 5, 5: Malum consilium consultori pessimumst; Proverbs 
 XXVI 27: Whoso diggeth a pit shall fall therein. 
 
 267. For the all-beholding eye of Zeus see note on 9 supra and cf. 
 Soph. Antig. 184: Zeus 6 iravB' bpchv ad] Archil. Frag. 88 (Bergk), 
 cited 202-212 supra; Trag. Frag. Adesp. 485: ovx euSet Atos 6(pda\- 
 libs, kyyvs 5' ecrt Kalwep dv irpbao)] Xen. Mem. I 1, 19; Proverbs XV 3: 
 The eyes of the Lord are in every place, beholding the evil and the 
 good. 
 
 268-9. Cf. Solon Frag. XIII 27: ov e XeXrjde—oaTLs akirpov Ovfxdv 
 ex€t (of Zeus), vv ( = mark me, don't forget it) is used with reference 
 to 267 and might be rendered: Since the eye of Zeus beholds all 
 things, he consequently sees also this. See note on 207 supra. 
 Kal Trjvde : what sort of justice also in this case the city holds. In 
 this case, as in so many others — Paley. With 267-9 may be com- 
 pared the concluding words of Boethius, De Con. Phil. — Magna 
 vobis est, si dissimulare non vultis, necessitas indicta probitatis, 
 cum ante oculos agitis iudicis cuncta cernentis. 
 
 270-273. The form of construction (prescriptive optative — see 
 note on 28 supra) and the idea of 270-72 occur in Od. II. 230-34: 
 Never again let sceptred king in all sincerity be kind and gentle, 
 nor let him in his mind heed righteousness. Let him instead ever 
 be stern, ana work unrighteous deeds; since none remembers princely 
 Odysseus among the people whom he ruled, kind father though 
 
118 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 he was (Palmer). So Theognis (743-52) protests that it is not right 
 for the unjust who regards neither god nor man to be running riot 
 in wealth, while the righteous is burdened with poverty. What 
 mortal, he asks, when he sees this, can longer respect the gods? 
 Sophocles makes Antigone (922-4) ask: Why — should I look to the 
 gods any more . . . when by piety I have earned the name of 
 impious? and Plato (Rep. 343D) has Thrasymachus declare that 
 in all transactions of life the unjust has the advantage over the 
 just. The condition here is much the same as in 193-4 supra] and 
 one may compare also Soph. Phil. 456-8: Where the worse man is 
 stronger than the good — where honesty fails and the dastard bears 
 sway — among such men will I never make my friends. The retrac- 
 tion of 273 is much like the assurance of Philoctetes (1035-7): Perish 
 ye shall, for the wrong that ye have wrought against me, if the gods 
 regard justice. But I know that they regard it; for — etc. juet^co 
 blKr)v exeiv according to Hirzel (Themis, Dike, etc. p. 106 note 1) 
 means to win a suit rather than to receive a greater award. Verse 
 273 is rejected by Lehrs, Flach and Rzach as being a later insertion 
 to ameliorate the tone of 270-72, as seems to be the case with 179-81 
 supra. 
 
 274. Cf. 27 and 107 supra, and Theognis 1050: ai) 8' h dv/ici Kal 
 <ppeal ravTo. jSdXeu. 
 
 275. For the opposition of 6t/cr/ and ^ir\ cf. note on 213 supra, 
 where hiKT) and u/3pts are opposed. jStr? is a result of v^pis and both 
 are characteristic of (the bad) "Epts, and hence we have the maxim 
 of the seven sages (Stobaeus III 79): Trparre bUaia, v^piv jutcret, epiv 
 ixlaei. Compare II. XVI 386-7, where Zeus is angry with men, who 
 ^I'Q render perverse decisions and drive out St/cry. So the suitors 
 (Od. XIV 90-92) are not willing to woo StAcatcos, but consume another's 
 property virep^Lov. See also Hirzel, Themis, Dike, etc. p. 130 note 1. 
 
 276. vojjLov: not Homeric, though apparently Zenodotus read it 
 in Od. I 3, where Aristarchus wrote voov — see Hirzel, op. cit. p. 367 
 note 1. In Hesiod the word still has its original meaning of custom. 
 Here Zeus has given to every kind of living being its own vbpios 
 to animals the struggle for existence and mutual destruction; but 
 man's vbpios is hiKt], as is made clear by the resumption of 276 by 279. 
 vopLos does not prescribe a relationship or activity (as later — see 
 Plato, Laws, 746E; Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1180a 24), but is itself the 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 119 
 
 relationship or activity. So 388 infra the vo/jlos Tredlo)v is to sow, 
 plow and reap — etc. and in Gen. Ill 14-19 the vonos of the serpent 
 is to go on his belly and eat dust, that of the woman to bear children 
 and be subject to her husband, and that of man to eat bread in the 
 sweat of his face. In Hes. Frag. 221: cos kg ttoXis pe^vat, vofjLos 8' 
 dpxatos apLCTTos : however the city doeth sacrifice, the old order is 
 better (Mair) vonos means the peculiar way of acting that exists 
 in a city, especially towards the gods, and contains a slight trace 
 of the later meaning of law, in that it is recommended because of 
 its antiquity and so is in some degree binding: cf. Th. 417: epdoov 
 iepa KaXa Kara vo/jlov and Pindar 01. VIII 78: eari 8e Kal tl davbvTeaaiv 
 jjLepos KCLv vojiov kpboixkvoiv. But the Hesiodic vb^xos does not command, 
 like a law with a penalty, men to practice b'lKri ; it merely states that 
 the practice of it is characteristic of them as men. It is Hesiod 
 himself who adds the exhortation to his brother to practice bUf] and 
 thus show himself a man as distinguished from a beast — adapted 
 from Hirzel, Themis, Dike, etc. pp. 366-8. 
 
 277-8. Cf. Oppian, Hal. II 43: IxOvat 8' ovre bkr} jieTapWynos ohbk 
 rts atScbs / ov (plKottjs . . . 6 be KparepojTepos alel / balvvr' dcpavporepovs , 
 Varro (Nonius v. comest): pisces ut saepe minutos magnus comest, 
 ut aves enecat accipiter; Habak. I 13-14: Wherefore lookest thou 
 upon them that deal treacherously and boldest thy tongue when 
 the wicked devoureth the man that is more righteous than he? and 
 makest men as the fishes of the sea, as the creeping things that 
 have no ruler over them? Cf. also the condition of men in the 
 Myth of Protagoras (322B) before Zeus gave them Aidos and Dike. 
 
 279. Here Dike appears as a civilizing influence, which led men 
 out of their early condition of warfare (where as among animals 
 neither Dike nor Aidos existed) into order and friendship with one 
 another. So in Plato Protag. 322C Aidos and Dike were sent to men 
 as iroXeoiv Koa/jLOi re Kai bea/jLol (piXlas (TvvaycoyoL Cf. Laws 937E: 
 Kal bi} Kal blKT} kv avOpcjirots ttcos ov Ka\6v, 6 -wavra rjfxkpcoKe ra avdpcoinva ; 
 Isocrates III 6: ov p-bvov tov ^lyptcoScos ^rjv cLTrrjWayrjpev, dXXd Kal avveX- 
 dbvres xoXets ajKlaapev Kal vbpovs Wepeda Kal rexvas evpopev. The con- 
 struction begun L 276 is broken by the anacoluthon of 277-8 and 
 resumed from a different point of view in 279. 
 
 280-284. For if one will speak justice as he knoweth, to him 
 Zeus — giveth weal. But whoso of his will sweareth false witness 
 
120 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 and lieth, and wrongeth justice and sinneth beyond redemption, 
 his race is dimmer in the afterdays — Mair. rd 5t/cat' ayopevaai is 
 opposed to rpevaerai and yi,yv6)aK0)v to Ikcov, but fxapTvplxicn makes it 
 clear that the pairs are not exact equivalents or opposites. ayopeveiVy 
 as Sittl suggests, is here equivalent to to ev rfi ayopa \eyeLv, and 
 rd dlKaia are utterances in court (see Hirzel, p. 179 note 1); but they 
 seem to refer to the function of a judge, as a(T(paKeo)s ayopevccv (Th. 
 86) and dlKrjv lOvvTara diroi (II. XVIII 508) do. Also yiyvoxTKO) means 
 perceive or discern as distinguished from olba. — know: cf. Th. 550, 
 where Zeus saw through the trick {yvd . . . doXov), and 218 supra. 
 Hence the meaning is perhaps: pronounce just judgments with 
 clear discernment. txapTvplyaL occurs once in Homer (Od. XI 325), 
 where it is explained by Eustathius (1688, 47) as /cara/xapruptats, 
 KarrjyoplaLs. This would make 282-4 refer to the plaintiff rather 
 than the witness. Compare 9-10 supra, where Zeus, the ideal 
 judge, is asked to deal the judgments of righteousness (Mair), while 
 Hesiod, the plaintiff of the Works, would witness the truth to Per- 
 ses: Just judgment the part of the judge, and truth that of the wit- 
 ness or plaintiff. 
 
 281. For 6t5ot see note on 225 supra, fiev is correlative with 
 8e in 282 and should strictly have stood at the beginning of the 
 €t-clause. 
 
 282-3. Cf. Pseudo-Phocyl. 16-7: Neither wittingly nor unwit- 
 tingly swear a false oath; for god hates a perjurer. See also II. 
 Ill 278-9 and XIX 259-60. ypevaerai is short vowel subjunctive of 
 unthematic inflection, which was finally displaced in all forms by 
 the thematic type. See Buck's Greek Dialects, 150. kv is an adverb 
 ( = therein), as in Soph. Antig. 420. Wrongeth justice and sinneth 
 beyond redemption — Mair. 
 
 284-5. For bk in apodosis (284) see on 238-9 and for generic 
 T€ see on 7-8 supra. With 285 compare the wish of Hector (with 
 reference to his son) in II. VI 479: kclI woTe ris eXiroL' warpos 7' dde 
 TToWdv cLfxelvoiv. Verse 285 occurs at the close of the Pythian oracle 
 to Glaucus in Herod. VI 86: Perjury bears fruit and there follows 
 a swift retribution, till the house and race of the perjurer is des- 
 troyed; but the race of him that keeps his oath flourishes after him. 
 Waltz suggests that the Pythia may have been fond of using ready- 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 121 
 
 made conclusions, and that Hesiod may have cited a current saying. 
 The idea that Heaven visits the sin and righteousness of the fathers 
 upon the children is common to early clannish morality. It occupies 
 a prominent place in the Greek tragedy. Sophocles (Antig. 584-5) 
 says: When a house hath once been shaken from heaven, there 
 the curse fails nevermore, passing from life to life of the race. The 
 same doctrine is common to Aeschylus, who however would not 
 excuse the sins of the individual on the ground of the family curse 
 (see Haigh, Tragic Drama of the Greeks, pp. 92-3 and Ag. 1497- 
 1512). Theognis (731-42) protests: ''May the wicked fill the cup 
 of their iniquity! May they reap their reward themselves, and 
 may the just sons of the wicked not suffer for the crimes of their 
 parents!" Plato (Rep. 363D) mentions with disapproval this 
 doctrine of the ancients. The same primitive conception and later 
 protest is found with the Hebrews: Compare Deuteronomy V 9: 
 I the Lord — am a jealous god, visiting the iniquity of the fathers 
 upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them 
 that hate me — with the vigorous protest of Ezekiel XVIII, where 
 the Lord God repudiates the proverb: The fathers have eaten sour 
 grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge; and declares (20): 
 The soul that sinneth, it shall die. The son shall not bear the ini- 
 quity of the father, neither shall the father bear the iniquity of the 
 son: the righteousness of the righteous shall be upon him, and the 
 wickedness of the wicked shall be upon him. 
 
 286. At this point begins the second part of the poem, on indus- 
 try rather than justice, though the Works proper do not begin till 
 383 infra. Verses 287-92 and 293-7 form a sort of double intro- 
 duction: It is easy to be worthless, but the gods have made exertion 
 necessary to attain worth; therefore, Perses, since you do not your- 
 self have insight into things, take the advice of one who has, and 
 be not a useless man as heretofore. The exhortation to honest 
 industry (298-326) is fr^llowed by general precepts and proverbs 
 .(327-82). 
 
 286. But to thee, foolish Perses, will I speak with good intent 
 (Mair). Cf. Theognis 27: 2ot 5' eyd tv (ppovecov VTrodrjao/jLaL (such 
 things as I learned from the noble when yet a child — which is sub- 
 stituted by eadXa in the similar expression 1049-50). fxeya v-qine 
 
122 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Ueparj: this form of address occurs in 633 infra (cf. 397). So in 
 the oracle to Croesus (Herod. I 85) fxeya vqint Kpolae occurs. 
 
 287-92. This passage on the hill of virtue is the, most famous in 
 Hesiod, and has been frequently cited or referred to by ancient 
 authors: Plato, Rep. 364C; Protag. 340D; Laws 718E; Xenophon, 
 Mem. II 1, 20; Plutarch, Mor. 24 and 77; Clemens of Alex. Strom. 
 V 3, 16; IV 2, 5; Philo, de Ebrietate 150; Maximus of Tyre XXI 7; 
 XXXIX 3; Lucian, Hermot. II 4 and 29; Rhet. praec. 7; Necyo- 
 mant. 4; Bis accus. 21; de Paras. 14; Ver. Hist. II 18; Cicero, Epist. 
 ad Fam. VI 18; Synesius, de Insomn. 1284 A; Priscian, Praeexerc. 
 Ill 23; Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. V 22, 2; Themis tius, XXI 246a; 
 XXVII 340d; Theodore tus, XII (de virtu te activa) 36; Agathias, 
 Pal. Anth. IX 653; Ammianus Marcell. XIV 6, 8; Eustathius, Hom. 
 1244, 4; 1868, 1; Epist. XIX; and others. See Dimitrijevic, Stud. 
 Hes. pp. 199-203 for this passage and 293-7. 
 
 Imitations are frequent also, beginning with Tyrtaeus (Frag. 
 XII 43) and Pindar (Nem. VI 23-4). Cf. Theognis 1027-8: 'Frjudiri 
 TOL Tprj^Ls kv avBpoiTTOLs KaKOTTjTos' Tov 5' ayadov xct^^Tny, Kvpve, TreXet 
 TToKap.T]. Simonides (Frag. 41 (32) in Hiller, Anthologia Lyrica) 
 says: There is a story that Virtue lives on lofty cliffs hard to scale, 
 . . . nor does she appear visibly to mortals, save who by laborious 
 sweat reach the height of true worth (see Bergk Frag. 58 for a 
 somewhat different text). The idea occurs in Horace (Carm. Ill 
 24, 44): virtu tis viam arduae; and Statins (Theb. X 845): ardua 
 virtus; also Frag. Poet. Rom. 352 (Baehrens): Ardua virtu ti longe- 
 que per aspera nixa Eluctanda viast: labor obiacet omnis honori; 
 Silius, Pun. XV 101 ff. (Virtue is speaking) Casta mihi domus et 
 celso stant colle penates, Ardua saxoso perducit semita clivo. Asper 
 principio . . . neque enim mihi fallere mos est . . . Prosequitur 
 labor. Adnitendum intrare volenti . . . mox celsus ab alto Infra 
 te cernes hominum genus (In this passage the author is following 
 the famous allegory of Hercules and the two maidens. Virtue and 
 Vice (Voluptas), ascribed to Prodicus in Xen. Mem. II 1, 21-34. 
 Cf. Pal. Anth. IX 468 and see Waites, The Allegorical Debate in 
 Greek Literature, p. 10, Harvard Studies, Vol. XXIII (1912). Greg- 
 ory Naz. Carm. II 2, 5, 116 ff. has confused Hesiod's hill of Virtue 
 with the strait gate and narrow way of Matthew VII 13-14, when 
 he says: There is not just one way of life; for one is low and easy by 
 reason of much travel, wide and smooth, but leading to a miserable 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 123 
 
 end, precipices and dark abysses and dread Tartarus; the other is 
 rough and steep, narrow, dusty and crooked and everywhere dan- 
 gerous, and trodden by few, but leading to a noble end, heaven and 
 great glory. Cf. Id. Carm. I 2, 2, 62; Quintus Smyrn. V 49; XII 
 294; XIV 195; Pal. Anth. IX 230, 3-4. Dante has elaborated 
 Hesiod's idea and applied it to the Mountain of Purgatory (IV 88- 
 95); Questa montagna e tale Che sempre al cominciar di sotto e 
 grave, E quanto uom piu va su, e men fa male. Pero quand' ella 
 ti parra soave Tanto che il su andar ti fia leggiero Come a seconda 
 giu andar per nave, Allor sarai al fin d' esto sentiero. Quivi di 
 riposar 1' affanno aspetta. 
 
 287. TOL\ compare the gnomic use in tragedy. KallKabbv. even 
 in abundance. Used in a literal sense (in troops) in II. II 93. 
 Schmidt (Ethik d. Griechen, Vol. I p. 296) defines fca/corrys in this 
 passage as die mit elender Lebenslage verbundene Schlaffheit, and 
 dp€Ti7 in 289 as die zum Gelingen fuehrende Ruestigkeit. On the 
 other hand Wilamowitz (Nachricht d. kgl. Gesell. d. Wiss. Goet- 
 ting. 1898, pp. 215-16) takes aperi] as equivalent to 6X/3os or Kvbos 
 as in 313 infra. Thus KaKOTrjs would be the condition of worth- 
 lessness into which Perses is fallen, while aperrj is that standing 
 which comes from success. See also Fuss, Versuch, etc. p. 53 note 3. 
 
 289. Idpcora : by metonomy for labor or exertion, as in Xen. Cyr. 
 
 II 1, 29 and Aristoph. Eccl. 750. Cf. Gen. Ill 19: In the sweat of 
 thy face shalt thou eat bread. apeTrj in this line is like that of Soph. 
 Phil. 1420, in that it follows upon hard effort: rds e/xds rvxas, oaovs 
 TTOvrjaas Kal due^eKdoov irovovs aSavarov aperriv eaxov (Heracles). Cf. 
 Theognis 336: e^ets apeTrjv, ^vre \a^elv xc^^^ttoj'. 
 
 291-2. Paley remarks upon the effect of the dactyls to express 
 light easy movement after laborious effort and compares Od. XI 
 598: avTLs cTretra ire8ov8e KvKlvbeTo Xaas avaib-qs (of the stone of Sisyphus). 
 
 293-7. This passage, scarcely less famous than the preceding, 
 has been referred to or quoted by Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 1095b 10; 
 Clemens of Alex. Paed. Ill 8, 42; Gregory Naz. Epist. XI; Stobaeus 
 
 III 4, 25; Tzetzes, Chil. IX 726; and others. According to Diog. 
 Laert. VII 1, 21Zeno inverted the order thus: He is best of all who 
 takes good advise, and he is also good who understands all things 
 
124 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 for himself; which inversion is approved by Themistius VIII 108C; 
 Julian, Or. VIII 245 A ( = Suidas s. v. opOQs) ; and cited by Eustathius, 
 Horn. 238, 2. See also Livy XXII 29, 8: Minucius convocatis 
 militibus, Saepe ego, inquit, audivi, milites, eum primum esse virum, 
 qui ipse consulat quid in rem sit, secundum eum qui bene monenti 
 oboediat; qui nee ipse consulere nee alteri parere sciat, eum extremi 
 ingenii esse. Cicero, pro Cluent. XXXI 84: Sapientissimum esse 
 dicunt eum, cui quod opus sit ipsi veniat in mentem; proxime accedere 
 ilium, qui alterius bene inventis obtemperet. Cf. Pindar 01. IX 
 100-102; Sophocles, Antig. 720-23: It were far best, I ween, that 
 men should be all- wise by nature; but otherwise — and oft the scale 
 inclines not so — it is good also to learn from those who speak aright. 
 OS . . . vorjari: Cf. Aristoph. Frogs. 974-5: Euripides speaks of 
 having introduced \oyiaiibv /cat (iKepiv, coare voeiv OLTravTo, koI heibkvdi. 
 eweLTa Kal es reXos : Considering what will be best afterwards and in 
 the end. See on 175 and 218 supra, and for the mood cf. 57-8 supra. 
 KCLKeLvos: for this crasis cf. II. XV 179; XVI 648, where Kal Kelvos 
 occurs. With first half of 297 cf. II. XV 566: h OvyiQ 8' e^aKovro eiros. 
 
 299. dlov yevos : See Introduction I note 5. At/ios is personified; 
 cf. Th. 227, where Famine is the offspring of Eris, and see Appendix 
 V note 3. This and the following line are parodied by Cratinus, 
 Frag. 317, 1-2: eadLe Kal afj yaarpl dldov x^P^^i oippa ae Xt/ios / exBalpifi, 
 Kovvas de iro\v(jTe(pavos VLKrjaei. eharkipavos is applied to Thebes in 
 II. XIX 99 (well crowned with walls — Leaf) and to Artemis in XXI 
 511. In the Odyssey (VIII 267, 288; XVIII 193) and Theogony 
 (196, 1008) it is generally an epithet of Aphrodite, and is perhaps 
 to be explained as well-crowned from Hom. Hymn VI 1 and 7, where 
 Aphrodite is called xP^f^oGrkipavos and it is said that the Seasons put 
 on her head a (TTetpavriv W)TVKrov — koXtiv xp^^^^'^W- It is applied to 
 Demeter only here and in Hymn to Demeter 224. Paley explains 
 it as refering to her crown of wheat-ears. 
 
 301. Tei]v: this form occurs 27 supra and 341, 374, 627, 695 
 infra. Cf . Latin tuus (from tevos) and see Lindsay, Latin Language 
 426. koXltjv : not found in Homer. In Hesiod apparently of a 
 store of provisions, or a store-house; cf. 307 and 411 infra. The word 
 is used of nests of birds in Theoc. XXIX 12; and according to Sittl 
 in the Works and Days it means either woven vase-shaped baskets, 
 in which the grain was carried into the house and kept, or huts made 
 of reeds, as in 503 infra, where see note. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 125 
 
 302. roL is gnomic as in 287. avixipopos is used with the Gen. in 
 Th. 593, and is explained by Hesychius as av/jLirlTTccv Kal cvvoov. In 
 Theognis 526: 17 Trevlr] 8e KaKco (jv/jupopos avbpl (pepetv it means proper 
 or fitting. 
 
 304-5. KodovpoLs : stingless according to Aristotle, but used only 
 by Hesiod and that once — Schol. Anon. 6pyr]v : compare the use of 
 ^Hemper" in English. Kafxarov : metonomy for labor, or rather 
 results of labor, as in Od. XIV 417; Th. 599; Theognis 925; see note 
 on 289 supra. Pindar (P. VI 54) calls the honeycomb iieKiaaav 
 
 TprjTOV TTOVOV. 
 
 It is possible that Th. 594-602 is an expansion of this passage: 
 As when in the hives bees feed worthless drones: all day long to 
 the setting of the sun they make haste and fill the waxen cells, while 
 the drones remain within and consume the labor of others; so Zeus 
 has made women a nuisance to men. See Raddatz, De Prom. Fab. 
 Hes. etc. pp. 11 and 20. Cf. Aristoph. Wasps 1114-6: Kr](prjv€s 
 71IM.V daiv eyKadrjfxevoL / ovk exovres Kevrpov ' ot jikvovres evbov rohpoipov / 
 Tov TTOVOV Kareadiovuiv, oh raXatTrcopou/xe^ot ; and Vergil, Geor. IV 244: 
 Immunisque sedens aliena ad pabula fucus. 
 
 306. For the syntax cf. Od. XVII 15: e/xot <^tX' aXrjdea fjLvdrjaaadai, 
 the infinitive being epexegetic, for <pi\ov ecrlv e/jLol aXridea iivOriaaadaL. 
 In Cd. VII 13 bbpirov Koafielv means to prepare supper; in id. 
 232 aTroKoafxelv evrea Satros means to clear away the dishes, 
 etc. Here epya KOdjxdv seems to mean attend to works in proper 
 order (Kocrfxlois eKreXelv — Sittl). /jLerpta: not Homeric and occurs in 
 Hesiod only here. It should mean moderate, but by comparison 
 with 694 infra (observe /-terpa; the proper time (^atpos) is always 
 best) it seems that Waltz may be right in understanding fierpua as 
 cbpata (chaque besogne en son temps) — cf. 642 infra. Mair renders: 
 Be it thy choice to order the works that are meet. 
 
 307. tol: unemphatic form corresponding to emphatic aol (306). 
 As an ethical dative tol becomes weakened to a particle as in 302 
 supra. 
 
 308. Understand ylyvovTai. If a(pevos is the wealth of a farmer 
 (see on 24 supra), there is perhaps a distinction made in this verse 
 between wealth in flocks and wealth in lands, etc. Mair translates: 
 By works do men wax rich in flocks and gear. 
 
126 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 309-310. Verse 310 is lacking in some of the MSS. and is rejected 
 by Flach, Rzach, and Evelyn- White. The plural is a variant reading 
 in 309, which would attach it directly with 308. If 310 is retained, 
 the singular is necessary in 309. So Paley, Sittl and Waltz. 
 
 311. This verse is cited by Xenophon (Mem. I 2, 56) as an example 
 of the TTOvrjpoTara tcov evdo^oTaroiv irotrjTOiv, which Socrates was accused 
 of using dLdacTKeLv tovs avvovras KaKovpyovs re elvac Kal rvpavvLKovs ', and 
 he was said to have interpreted it as implying that the poet bade 
 to refrain from no deed unjust or disgraceful, but even to do such 
 acts for gain. It would seem from this that some construed ohbh 
 with epyov. II. II 188-191, 198-202 is cited as a passage which 
 Socrates used to prompt them to be rvpavvLKovs. 
 
 312-13. Cf. 23-4 supra. For the meaning of apeTrj see note on 
 287. In II XVII 251 it is said of the chieftains: k de Alos TLfirj /cat 
 Kv8os dTrjdet. Cf. Theognis 933: iravpoLs avOpooiroiv apeTrj Kal /caXXos 
 oirrideL. 
 
 314. Three interpretations of this difficult verse have been pro- 
 posed: 1st, that of Peppmiiller, who attempts to construe the text 
 as it is on the basis of Plato, Crat. 398B and Hesychius s.v. dal/jLOiv — 
 darjiMVf and translates: Ehedem, als du verstandig, da diinkte dir 
 besser die Arbeit. Peppmiiller puts a colon after 314 and reads 
 Tpexf/rjs in 316. 2nd, that of Proclus, who says that daljucov is not 
 only the dispenser, but also the kind of life dispensed, and explains: 
 Whatever kind of life is given to each one, it is better to work. For 
 this use of daijjLcov see Jebb on Soph. O. C. 76 and Leaf on II. VIII 
 166; cf. also Theognis 161 and Aesch. Persae 825. As Paley sug- 
 gests, Proclus seems to have read erjada (cf. the Homeric Sub. 'ijjada 
 in II. X 67). Waltz explains the imperfect erjada as referring to the 
 time when Perses was seeking to acquire Hesiod's property and 
 translates: Vu I'etat de ta fortune, le mieux est de travailler. 3rd, 
 that of Lehrs, who reads: baitx6vi\ olos erjada: poor fellow, to think 
 what you once were! This emendation is adopted by Kirchhoff, 
 who begins his 8th Lied at 314, and defended by Fuss, Versuch, etc. 
 p. 55 note 5. 
 
 315-16. Cf. Theognis 1149, where it is said of unjust men that they 
 deoov aSavdroiv ovbev OTn^dfievoL alev err' dXXorptots Kreavois errexovai v6r)fxa. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 127 
 
 Also Apollinaris, Psalm. Metaphr. XVIII 25: /jLTjde fxoL aWoTplojv 
 KTeavoiv (ppealv tiiepos e'lrf. For aeal(ppova cf. 335 and 646 infra; and 
 see Leaf's note on II. XX 183, where it is opposed to efXTedos ; it is 
 associated with ddco and arrj in Od. XXI 293-304. /leXeras ^lov : cf . 
 epyov fjLeKeTcbv in 443 infra, and the English "get to work" and ''make 
 a Uving" — the genitive is explained by Paley as depending on the 
 sense of ixkXeadai implied in fxeXeTciv. Sittl considers /xeXeras jStou as 
 equivalent to ae fxekeL ^lov or (ppovri^ets ^iov. 
 
 317-19. Verses 317-18 were rejected by Plutarch as being inter- 
 polated from Homer, the first from Od. XVII 347 and the second 
 from II. XXIV 45; though the ancient grammarians considered the 
 Iliad passage interpolated from Hesiod. Flach suggests that both 
 verses are proverbs older than Hesiod or Homer. It seems probable 
 that Plutarch was right in rejecting the verses, and that 319 is a 
 general observation on 312-316: If you get to work, the idle will 
 soon envy you for your prosperity; standing and reputation attend 
 wealth. Better go to work then, let law-suits alone and acquire 
 property. Backwardness is characteristic of poverty, while con- 
 fidence belongs to wealth. Somehow the two other proverbs about 
 Aidos got inserted and without regard to the connection meant: 
 Modesty is not a good attendant for a poor man, modesty which 
 injures and benefits men much. This suggested the accusatives in 
 319 {avo\^L7]v — oXPov): Modesty leads to poverty, self-assertion to 
 wealth. Peppmiiller adopts the order 317-319-318, and is followed 
 by Rzach, which is a better arrangement, if all the verses are to be 
 considered genuine, and is supported by 578-80 infra. 
 
 It is evident from verse 318 and II. XXIV 45 that the Greeks 
 began early to distinguish the two phases of Aidos. Usually Aidos 
 is that regard for another's rights which causes one to use Dike in 
 dealing with another, and which restrains one from u/?pts, ^ir] and 
 the consequent aTrj : Cf. Od. XX 170-171: May the gods requite 
 the wrongs which these in-their-insolence (v^pi^ovres) work in a 
 house not theirs, ovd' al8ovs fiolpav exovaiv. So the di^atST)? Achilles 
 (II. XXIV 39-44) is destructive, unjust, pitiless, like a lion that 
 fxeyaXri re ^ixi Kal ayrjvopL dvp, destroys and devours cattle; and Aga- 
 memon is avaib'qs and avaibel'qv kTn€ip.kvos (II. I 149, 158) because he 
 will go himself and take a prize, either that of Achilles or Ajax or 
 Odysseus {id. 137-9). On the other hand too keen a sense of Aidos, 
 especially when the circumstances do not warrant it, may be a 
 
128 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 misfortune to a man. So Athena tells the youthful Telemachus 
 (Od. Ill 14) when seeking tidings of his long-absent father that he 
 has no need of Aidos (shyness, backwardness); and (Od. XVII 347, 
 352; cf. 576-8) Odysseus is urged to move about am.ong the suitors 
 and beg, and is told that Aidos (shyness, backwardness) is not a 
 good thing for a beggar. Verse 318 recognizes these two aspects of 
 Aidos; but the latter phase is found in 317 and 319, if they are to be 
 taken together: Aidos is not a good thing for a poor man; it leads to 
 poverty. If however 319 alone is to be taken as following upon 312- 
 16, it is rather the backwardness that results from failure and pov- 
 erty, as in Theognis 267-70: Poverty can be read even in a stranger's 
 face; it goes not to market nor to court; everywhere it is at a dis- 
 advantage and is scoffed at; poverty is a bad thing wherever it is. 
 Cf. Aesch. Suppl. 203: dpaavaTo/jLetv yap ov irpeweL tovs ijaaovas. Eurip- 
 ides (Frag. 367) says he is at a loss as to the nature of Aidos: Kal 
 del yap avTrjs kolo-tlv av KaKov fieya. In Hip poly tus 377-87 Phaedra 
 says that one of the things that cause people to fail of success is 
 Aidos (apparently that fear of censure and longing for approval, 
 which may keep one from doing what he would or should): bat there 
 are two kinds of Aidos, one is ov KaK-q, the other is axBos oUoiv ; and if 
 the exact relation between the two were clear, they would not both 
 be called by the same name. It seems from the context that the 
 at5cbs ov KaKTj is that regard for the opinion of others which causes 
 one to follow propriety and virtue {to aoiippov of 431 — on the relation 
 between aUois and aouppoavvr] see Hirzel, Themis, Dike, etc. p. 57 
 note 4); while the Aidos which drags down houses is that fear of 
 censure from others which causes reluctance and hesitancy to reveal 
 or have disclosed what one is ashamed of and feels will be censured. 
 
 320-326. While Hesiod recognizes the desirabihty of wealth, he 
 by no means would approve of acquiring it dishonestly. Cf. Solon 
 Frag. XIH 7-13: I desire money, but would not have it unjustly; 
 for retribution comes later. What wealth the gods give, remains 
 for a man; but what he acquires by violence and unjust deeds stays 
 not by him, but Ate speedily attends him. Theognis 197-202: 
 XPWO- 5', 6 fiev Aiodev Kal cvv h'lKxi avbpl ykv-qrai / Kal Kadapcjs, alel irap/io- 
 VL/Jiov rekkdei. / d 5' dSt/ccos irapa Kaipov avrjp (piXoKepSeL BvjiQ / KT-qaeraL, 
 eW opK(jo TO biKaiov ekoiv, / avTiKa fih tl (pepeiv Kepdos doKet, es 5e TeKevTrjv / 
 avdis eyevTo KaKov, decov 8' virepkax^ voos. See also id. 145-6 and 753-6; 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 129 
 
 Eurip. Frag. 364, 11-12; Aesch. Ag. 381-4; Eumen. 538-44; Soph. 
 O. C. 1026-7; O. T. 883-95; Ant. 295-303. 
 
 320. For apTraKTOL cf. 38 supra and 356 infra, and see Schmidt's 
 Ethik, Vol. II p. 372. It may be taken here as Latin gerundive (wealth 
 is not to be seized, it is much better god-given), or as perfect par- 
 ticiple (wealth not seized but god-given is much better). BeoadoTa: 
 analogical from dioadoTos, where 8los is an old genitive of source 
 (agent). See Giles, Manual of Comp. Phil. 248-9 and Brugmann, 
 Grundr. II 1 pp. 21, 40, 97. 
 
 321-2. Paley takes Kal with jikyav. even great wealth. Mair 
 renders: If a man do seize great wealth — thus making kcu emphasize 
 the predication, xepo't /Sir; : cf. Plato, Rep. 359C, where vo^loo jSta is 
 so used. |8tr/ is closely connected with the verb, being equivalent 
 to an adverb (forcibly), dvro y\6i(ja7]s is here the opposite of x^po"^ jSt?? 
 and means by lying or perjury. The phrase may mean by word of 
 mouth as opposed to a written statement, as in Herod. I 123; Thuc. 
 VII 10; in Aesch. Ag. 813 it seems to refer to speeches and oral 
 evidence in court as opposed to the manifest sins of Troy, and there 
 is a suggestion of possible falsehood in it. This tone of insincerity 
 is found in Theognis 63, where he advises to seem to be a friend 
 cLTTo y\<jiaur]s, as opposed to really being one (k Ov/jlov), and Sophocles 
 O. C. 936, where a speech airo y\6)(jar]s is declared also tu be meant 
 rc3 vw. \r}i(T<TeTai perhaps means simply to acquire in this passage 
 see note 702 infra. 
 
 The opposition between hand and tongue, force and fraud as 
 the two possible ways of getting the advantage appears early in 
 Greek and is found constantly in ancient ethical works. It begins 
 without ethical attachment, as Od. IV 163, 329; XI 346, where 
 €7ros and epyov are the two ways of accomplishing anything. The 
 Homeric hero is equally good in word and deed (II. I 77 — ewecnv Kal 
 xep(Tlv), in council and war (II. I 258, 490-1; Od. XVI 242— d. Soph. 
 O. C. 68). But the notion of secret guile or open force is more com- 
 monly present, and various forms of expression are used, as doXca — 
 ap.(pab6v] \ddpri—aij,<pa86v (Od. I 296; II. VII 244— cf. Soph. Trach. 
 277-8), 56Xa5— /cpdret; bb\c^—^Li]^iv (II. VII 142; Od. IX 406, 8), 
 ^k^as—elTrdov (Od. IV 690— cf . 710 infra), ^Ixi—ibpdri (II. VII 197-8), 
 'eirei—^ly (II. XV 106), xep(Tlv—\6yu) (Soph. O. T. 883). In Homer 
 
130 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 the use of either force or fraud to attain one's end generally passed 
 unquestioned, though the violent Achilles declared (II. IX 312-3) 
 that he abhorred as the gates of hell the man who hid one thing in 
 his heart and uttered another. The same scruple against deceit is 
 attributed to his son in the Philoctetes of Sophocles, where the wily 
 Odysseus displays more than epic unscrupulousness on the point. 
 See 90-91, 102-3, 563, 593-4. The same opposition may be found in 
 Latin, as in Sallust's Jugurtha VII 1 (neque per vim neque insidiis), 
 XXIII 1 (aut per vim aut dolis), XXV 9 (aut vi aut dolis), XLIV 1 
 (lingua quam manu promptior), LVI 1 (dolis ... pugnandi). 
 Cicero (de Officiis I 13) says: Cum autem duobus modis, id est aut 
 vi aut fraude, fiat iniuria, fraus quasi vulpeculae, vis leonis videtur: 
 utrumque homine alienissimum, sed fraus odio digna maiore. Totius 
 autem iniustitiae nulla capitalior est quam eorum qui, cum maxime 
 fallunt, id agunt ut viri boni esse videantur. Dante has adopted 
 this view in his Inferno, where the violent and the fraudulent are 
 chastised in the Lower Hell, but fraud is lower than violence. See 
 Grandgent's Preliminary Note to the Inferno, pp. 4-6 and Argument 
 to Canto XL 
 
 323. Cf. Theognis 86 and 466; Pindar, Pyth. IV 139-40: Too 
 ready are the minds of mortal men to choose a guileful gain rather 
 than righteousness, howbeit they travel ever to a stern reckoning 
 (Myers). That dUr) and Kepdos are opposites in Tragedy was observed 
 by Elmsley on Medea 86, but as Hirzel remarks (Themis, Dike, etc. 
 p. 203, note 2), the thought occurs here and in Theognis 823. 
 
 324. Cf. Theognis 647-8: ijdr] vvv albois iiev kv avOpoiiroiaLv oXcoXeVf 
 avrap avaLdelT] yatav kiridTpkipeTai : and see note on 192 supra. AcaroTrd- 
 ^27 : follows hard upon, or according to Moschopulus, puts behind 
 itself. See Leaf's note on II. V 334 (oTrd^w;/ = pressing hard). 
 
 325-6. For the idea compare II. XII 8-9: Against the will of 
 the gods (the rampart) was built; therefore it remained standing for 
 no long time. For the close of 325 see 244 supra and note, iravpov 
 — €7rt xpovov : see notes on 133 supra and 754 infra. 
 
 327-334. Aristophanes (Frogs 148-50) seems to have this pas- 
 sage in mind, when he says that persons endure a certain punish- 
 ment in the lower world, el irov ^evov tls rjSlKrjae Tcowore, rj nTjrkp' 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 131 
 
 rfKorjaev, rj irarpos yvddov kirara^ev, ^ 'ttLopkov ottkov oj/nocrev. Cf. Aesch. 
 Eumen. 269-72: Whosoever of sinful mortal kind hath violated god 
 or stranger or parents, there shalt thou see him requited in the 
 measure of his deeds; 545-9: Wherefore let every man crown his 
 parents with worship, and do grace and honor unto the worthy 
 stranger in his house (Warr). 
 
 327. laov '6s = tcrop el rts : see Od. XV 72; and Leaf's note on Iliad 
 XIV 81; also the examples quoted in Kuehner, Vol. II p. 945. Com- 
 pare Theognis 143-4: ovbds ttco ^elvov — k^aTraT7]<Tas ov8' lKeTr]v dvrjrcov 
 adapcLTOvs eXadev. In the Odyssey (see IX 270; XIII 213) Zeus ^elvLos 
 and LKeTrjaLos is said to be the eTnniJLrjTCjop iKeracov re ^eivcjov re. See 
 also VI 207-8; VII 165; IX 477-9; XIV 57-8, 283-4, 389. 
 
 328. Cf. Aesch. Ag. 1192-3 (of Atreus and Thyestes) and Pseudo- 
 Phocyl. 183: jjLrjde KaaLyvrjTcop dXoxots evrt bkixvia ^alveiv. Verse 329 
 hopelessly involves the construction and is rejected by Paley, Flach, 
 Rzach, and Waltz. If genuine, evvrjs limits b'eiivia, unless it be taken 
 as Gen. Abs. 
 
 330. rev — rkKva : children of some deceased person. Schoe- 
 mann read bi auppabl-qs or bi dippabi-qv : in his foolishness — Mair. 
 For the condition of an orphaned child in epic times see Ihad XXII 
 484-507 and Soph. Ajax 510-13. dXtrati/co (written oXiTpalvo) in 241 
 supra for the sake of meter) usually means to sin against the gods, 
 as II. XIX 265; Od. IV 378; Shield 80; Theognis 1170. In II. IX 
 375 Achilles refuses to have any thing to do with Agamemnon: for 
 he has utterly deceived and wronged me ()u' dTrdrrycre /cat rfKirev — see 
 Leaf's note). Here also it is used of a person in the sense of wrong 
 or do one harm. 
 
 331-2. Cf. 185-8 supra. oKoQ eirl yrjpaos ovbQ occurs in II. XXIV 
 487; cf. XXII 60; and see note on 113 supra. 
 
 333-4. Tc3 — dyalerai, : the dative of the person is used here as 
 with vefxeado) in 303 supra and 741 infra. The accusative of the 
 thing is used in Od. XX 16: dyaioiikvov KaKo. epya. Cf. deos — /cat tol 
 vefxeaaq, in 756 infra. avTos may be used to distinguish Zeus from 
 such minor divinities as perform a similar function in 250-262; but 
 see note on 474 infra, es — TeXevTrjv: see note on 218 supra. Zeus 
 
132 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 the supreme judge lays on the wrong-doer for his unrighteous deeds 
 a stern recompense (xaXeTnjz/ ajioi^-qv), just as HeUos appeals to the 
 same source to have the companions of Odysseus pay a fit penalty 
 kmeiKe afxoL^rjv) in Od. XII 382. See Hirzel, Themis, Dike, etc. p. 
 191 note 3. 
 
 336-341. According to the scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. VI 19 the 
 Precepts of Chiron began as follows (Hes. Frag. 170): Now these 
 several things I would have thee carefully heed in thy prudent mind: 
 first, when thou enterest thy house, to do fair sacrifice to the ever- 
 lasting gods (Mair). Cf. Od. Ill 47-8; II. I 218; also XXIV 66-70, 
 where Zeus highly commends Hector for his sacrifices to the gods: 
 ov yap iJLol wore ^co/jlos edevero Satros eiarjs, XoL^rjs re Kvlarjs re ; and 425-8, 
 where Priam says it is a good thing to give due offerings to the gods; 
 for never did Hector forget the Olympians, and now they remember 
 him even in death. 
 
 Ka8 dvvafjLLv : according to Xenophon (Mem. I 3, 3) Socrates inter- 
 preted this phrase as meaning in proportion to one's means: for the 
 gods rejoice in the small offerings of the pious rather than in the 
 great ones of the wicked. Compare the widow's mite in Mark XII 
 41-4; Luke XXI 1-4. Hesiod perhaps meant as much as one could 
 without particular reference to wealth. 
 
 ayvcos /cat Kadapcos : with pure heart and clean hands, the former 
 referring to the soul and the latter to the body according to Tzetzes. 
 On the 2nd hemistich cf. II. I 40; XV 373; and Theognis 1145: 
 evx^o'Oco de deotaL Kar' d7Xad p,r]pla Kaioov. 
 
 The infinitives in 336-8 are imperative in force and occur freely 
 in the general proverbs that follow (342-382). See Goodwin M. T. 
 784. rjfxev is followed by /cat in II. XV 664, 670. See note on 22 
 supra and Monro H. G. 338 (end). For cos /ce (340) and cos av with the 
 subjunctive in final clauses see Goodwin M. T. 325-8. kXtjpov (341): 
 an estate or farm; in 37 supra the inheritance was perhaps a farm. 
 Rand (Horatian Urbanity, p. 147) finds a pointed allusion in this 
 line. 
 
 The general proverbs that follow have to do with relations 
 between neighbors (342-360) and the accumulation and saving of 
 property (361-380). 
 
 342-5. The question of inviting neighbors to a feast was perhaps 
 suggested by the mention of sacrifice in 336 ff. Hesiod would 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 133 
 
 invite his well-wishing neighbors that they might also do him a good 
 turn. He is thoroughly practical and such an idea as Luke XIV 12-14 
 is foreign to his nature: When thou makest a dinner, call not thy 
 rich neighbors, lest they also bid thee again, and a recompense be 
 made thee; but call the poor, etc. who cannot recompense thee, and 
 thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just. 
 
 Kal also or in turn; used with reference to inviting one who 
 lives near. aXXo : usually taken as a euphemism like erepos (Pindar, 
 Pyth. Ill 34; Aesch. Ag. 151) or fxij roiov (Aesch. Suppl. 400). Cf. 
 262 supra and the use of secus in Latin, as Sallust, Jugurtha XX 5; 
 XXV 10. The meaning then is: If something unfavorable (some 
 accident) in the village or township happens. Ikiov : a gnomic 
 imperfect, unless it may be taken as a second aorist. See on 240 
 supra^ and Goodwin M. T. 161; Monro H. G. 78, 2. 7r?/ot : relatives 
 by marriage (afhnes) as is made clear by Od. VIII 581-3. See also 
 Leaf on II. Ill 163. a^coo-rot : neighbors come ungirt, kinsmen gird 
 themselves. Perhaps a current expression for unceremonious haste. 
 Compare the use of dTreStXos in Aesch. Prom. 135 and see Theoc. 
 XXIV 36. 
 
 346. Cf. Alcman Frag. 50: iJLeya yelrovL /eircov, Pindar Nem. VII 
 86-9: If man receiveth aught from man, then may we say that 
 neighbor is to neighbor a joy worth all else, if he loveth him with 
 steadfast soul (Myers); Plautus Merc. 770-1: Nunc verum ego 
 illud verbum esse experior vetus, aliquid mali esse propter vicinum 
 malum. 
 
 347. TLfxrjs : a precious thing — Mair; that which enhances the 
 value — Paley. Plutarch (Mor. 185E) says that Themistocles, 
 wishing to sell a farm, had it proclaimed that it had a good neighbor. 
 On the form and government of efxfxope see Leaf on Iliad XV 189. 
 
 348. Cattle were stolen in forays and sometimes strayed in epic 
 times. See II. XI 670-705; Od. XXI 16-23; etc. Heraclides Pon- 
 ticus (Polit. XI) referring to the customs of the people of Cyme 
 says: It was customary for the neighbors in case cattle were stolen 
 to bear the loss jointly. Consequently very few were lost, as they all 
 took an equal interest in guarding them. To this custom, he says, 
 Hesiod refers in this line. In this case KaKos would mean cowardly 
 rather than bad. It is to be noted that the same expression is used 
 
134 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OE HESIOD 
 
 here (dTroXotro) as of the lost (strayed) mares of Iphitus (Od. XXI 
 22 — okovTo) and perhaps he simply means that if one has good neigh- 
 bors, his cattle will not wander off and get lost. 
 
 349-351. Cicero was fond of citing this passage. See Brutus 
 IV 15; De Off. I 15, 48; Ad. Att. XIII 12, 3. fieTpelaSaL: causative 
 use of the middle: insist on receiving good measure from a neighbor; 
 or perhaps equivalent to a condition: If you receive good measure, 
 make a like return, or better if you can, that when in need again in 
 the future you may find him ready. This paratactic construction 
 occurs in Theognis 563: KeK\rja6aL 8' es dalra, irape^eaOai be Trap' eadXov, 
 kt\. — ''When you are a guest, sit by a good man." avrc^: The 
 position and meaning of the intensive avTos was not yet stereotyped 
 in early Greek, ttjv avrrjv bbbv occurs in II. VI 391; but the article 
 is generally omitted, as Od. VIII 107: avTriv bbov 7]v irep ol aXXot : 
 the same road as the rest; see also Od. X 263; XVI 138; II. XII 225. 
 Compare Theognis 334: ovde yap o'Uade /3ds ylveraL avros ert (of the 
 befriended exile — no longer himself or the self-same man after his 
 return) and 622: Trao-tj/ 8' avdpoiTroLs avros evecjTi vbos (as to wealth and 
 poverty all men are minded the same). The present passage seems 
 to be the only instance of this usage in the predicate position. See 
 Gildersleeve — Greek Syntax, 654. For apKiov, explained by Pro- 
 clus as ewapKovvTa agreeing with yelrova, see note on 370 infra. 
 
 352. Cf. Theognis 466: firjbe ae vlkclto) Kepbos, 6 r' alaxpbv ev' 
 Soph. Ajax 1349: fxri xcttpe — Kepbeatv rots jjiii /caXoTs. Antig. 313-4: 
 Thou will find that ill-gotten pelf brings more men to ruin than to 
 weal. 326: ra SetXd Kep87] tttj/jlovcls kpya^erai. Certamen Hom. et 
 Hes. 154-6: Hesiod asks how cities are best administered, and Homer 
 answers: el /jltj Kep8aiveLv airb tcov alaxp(*>J^ WeKoiev, ol 8' ayadol tl/jli^vto, 
 Slkt] 8' a8lK0LaLv eireirj. Publilius Syrus 479: Perdidisse honeste mallem 
 quam accepisse turpiter. Stobaeus III 79; X 49 (maxim of Seven 
 Sages): iiri TrXouret KaKcos, Kep8os alaxpbv kclklcttov, Kepbos alaxpbv ^api) 
 
 KeifXTjXLOV. 
 
 353. Two interpretations of the 2nd half are possible: Be friendly 
 to one who is friendly to you — Paley; Recherche qui te recherche — 
 Waltz; Besuchende wider besuchet — Voss. However compare Apol- 
 lonius. Lex. Hom. v. elvac' b ^Halobos avrl rov levai' /cat t<S TrpoaibvTi 
 irpoaelvaL — and Peppmiiller: Wer feindlich sich naht, dem nahe als 
 Feind auch. 
 
NOTES ON I'HE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 135 
 
 354-5. Perses must have found a certain sting in this golden 
 rule: Do unto others as I have just done to you (Rand, Hor. Urb. 
 p. 147 — referring to 396 infra). abdoTrf. coined for the sake of 
 antithesis; but compare a^ohreoi in 451 infra. 
 
 356. apTra^ = apTra'y'fj. See note on v^pLv in 191 supra and cf. 
 Horace Epist. I 17, 44: Distat sumasne pudenter an rapias. 
 
 357. The meaning is clear: Whoever gives willingly, even if he 
 gives much, rejoices in the gift. It seems best therefore to read 
 o ye /cat fxeya Scot/, in which case 6 ye repeats emphatically 6s — aprjp. 
 Paley's readings — 6 ye Kei fjLeya dolrj, based on Proclus — involves an 
 ellipsis of 6aj with 6s — Kev. 
 
 359. avTos eXr;rat : in opposition to WeXoov dcorj ; does not receive 
 it from a willing giver, but takes it of his own accord. The same 
 opposition occurs in II. I 137: el 8e Ke jjlt) dcoooaLv, e7cb 8e Kev avros eXco/zat. 
 The same expression occurs id. 324, but there Agamemnon means 
 that if others fail, he will go in person (cf. 185). Tndrjaas : epic 
 participle as if from Tudeo) ; intransitive except the reduplicated 1st 
 aorist in II. XXII 223. avaLbelrnpL is dative. Cf. Pindar, Pyth. 
 IV 109. 
 
 360. Generic re occurs here with concessive Kal, as in Hom. 
 Hymn to Mercury 133, where Kal re seems equivalent to /cat irep 
 as Paley observes. Cf. 371 infra and see note on 20 supra, ro ye 
 sums up OS 5e . . . ebv, 6s being equivalent to et rts. Cf. Thuc. II 
 44; VI 14, etc. and see note on 327 supra, ewaxvoif^ev : cf. II. XVII 
 112, where the heart of Menelaus (or of the lion, to which he is com- 
 pared) is chilled with fear {yirop iraxvovraL — explained by Leaf as 
 the opposite of ^u^ios lavdrj : his heart was gladdened XXIII 598) ; 
 Aesch. Cho. 83: Kpvipalois irevdeatv Taxvovixevrj = nunihed in heart by 
 secret woes; see also Eurip. Hipp. 803. These passages make it 
 clear that the sense is: chills the heart of the person wronged, i.e. 
 alienates him. (pikov does not necessarily imply that he was formerly 
 a friend — see note on 608 infra. 
 
 361. yap is used with reference to ap,iKp6v in 360. There is no 
 connection between the section on neighbors and that on property 
 except in form. The statement that even a small loss, when taken 
 
136 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 against one's will, causes resentment suggests the maxim that the 
 accumulation of pennies produces dollars. 
 
 363. aWoira: an epithet applied in Homer to ^letal and wine: 
 flashing, sparkling: never to Xtjuos. It is applied to Kairvbs in Od. 
 X 152, but this is the only passage in Epic where it seems to mean 
 consuming (/cauo-rt/cos : E. M. 32, 44). Mackail (Lectures on Greek 
 Poetry, p. 51) sees in this expression a reference to the condition of 
 the poor depicted in Od. XI 490: avbpl Trap' clkKtjpc^ ^ fxij ^Iotos ttoXus 
 €1?;. 
 
 364-5. Flach takes 365 to be an isolated maxim referring to the 
 women and refers to Aesch. Septem 200-201: jueXet yap av8pi, fxrj yvvrj 
 iSouXeuerco, ra^oiSev evbov 8' ovaa ixi] ^Xa^rjv TiBeL. Xenophon, Oecon. 839: 
 T77 jih yap yvvaiKL kclWlov evdov ixkveiv rj dvpavKelv — etc. The verse 
 occurs verbatim in Hom. Hymn to Hermes 36, where it seems to 
 be a sort of parody applied ironically to the tortoise: better stay 
 at home, there is danger out of doors. The tortoise was a stay-in- 
 its-shell, and according to Plutarch (Mor. 142D) Phidias represented 
 the Aphrodite of the Eleans as x^^^j^^W Trarovaav olKovplas avjjilSoXov 
 rats yvvai^l Kal auairijs. This would make its connection with 364 
 simply verbal (h ouco — o'Ikol), as 360-361 supra. It is probable, 
 however, that in connection with 364 the verse has a different sense: 
 What is laid up at home does not trouble a man; it is better for it 
 to be at home, since it is liable to injury outside: or as Waltz supplies 
 the ellipsis: ^ekrepbv earL ra xp^Mctra elvau oIkol, eirel ^Xa^epov kcTL t6 
 TttOra elvaL dvp-qipiv. 
 
 366-7. irapeovTos is equivalent to to kv o'Uo) KaraKelnevov in 364, and 
 is partitive genitive as in 476 infra. Cf. Od. I 140 {xapi^oixkvq 
 Trape6vT0)v : giving freely of her store), where Trape6vT0)v is equivalent 
 to ev8ov kbvTOiv of Od. VII 166. aireovTos is ablatival genitive as in 
 499 infra. Mair renders: Good it is to take of that one hath, but a 
 sorrow to the soul to desire that which is absent. Compare Pindar, 
 Pyth. Ill 20: riparo tccv aTvebvTccv ola Kal ttoWol iraSov. She had long- 
 ing for things otherwhere, even as many before and after. For a 
 tribe there is most foolish among men, of such as scorn the things of 
 home, and gaze on things that are afar off, and chase a cheating prey 
 with hopes that shall never be fulfilled (Myers). See Gildersleeve's 
 note on this passage and cf. Hes. Fr. 219: NT77rtos, oaris 'iToijia \nr<hv 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 137 
 
 avkToijia hdoKu : Schol. Theoc. XI 75 : rav TrapeoXaav a/jLekye' ri top 
 (pevyovra ducoKeLs ; Also Eurip. Hipp. 184-5: ovde a' dpeaKei to irapbv, 
 TO 6' airbv (piXrepov rjyri' See Thuc. VI 13; Lys XII 78; Theoc. X 8. 
 The expression was perhaps proverbial in the time of Hesiod. 
 
 368-9. When a jar is opened or nearly empty, drink freely; but 
 be sparing in the middle: it is a poor economy that begins at the 
 bottom, i.e. when the lees have been reached. ttIOov may be geni- 
 tive absolute, or it may depend on Kopeaaadai. Proclus interprets 
 this passage as meaning: The rich may live extravagantly, those of 
 moderate means should practice economy, but it is a poor policy 
 to commence thrift when nearly all is spent. Compare Persius 
 Sat. II 51: Nequicquam fundo suspirat nummus in imo; Seneca 
 Epist. I 4: Sera parsimonia in fundo est. 
 
 370. This verse is assigned to Pittheus by Aristotle in Plutarch, 
 Theseus III 4-5. It may have been in the book ascribed to this 
 king, which Pausanias (II 31, 3) says he saw at Trozen. dp/ctos 
 (related to dp/ceco) seems to mean enough, sufficient, adequate in 
 Homer and Hesiod, as in 501 and 577 infra. Here and in II. X 304 
 (see however Leaf's note); Od. XVIII 358 it is usually taken to 
 mean sure, certain. This sense does appear in II. II 393 (see Leaf's 
 note) and XV 502; while in 351 supra the meaning seems to be ready, 
 willing to help. This verse may be understood: Let a reward agreed 
 upon with a friend be adequate, i.e. come up to the agreement. For 
 this use of elprjiihos see Herod. VI 23; Eurip. II. 33; IHad XXI 445. 
 Evelyn- White renders: Let the wage promised to a friend be fixed. 
 
 371. With a smile set a witness even on a brother — Mair. Cf. 
 Dean Swift: Set every man down as a rascal and treat him as such. 
 Generic re occurs here with /cat = even, also; in 360 /cat was conces- 
 sive. Cf. 515-516 infra, where /cat is connective and see note on 7 
 supra. 7€Xd(ras : en plaisantant (joking) — Waltz. 
 
 372. Cf. Theognis 831-2: Hto-ret xpW^^t' bXeaaa, aTnaTL-Q 5' eaacoaa' 
 yv(ji)fjLrj d' apydXerj ylveraL apuporkpoiv. Phaedrus III 10, 1 : Periculosum 
 est credere et non credere. 
 
 373-4. Neither let the scarlet woman beguile thee with wheedling 
 words, aiming at thy barn — Mair. ae vbov : see note on 28 supra. 
 
138 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 irvyoaroKos : artificially arrayed to set off the figure — Paley, who 
 cites Semonides VII 76, where an ugly woman is called aTwyoSy 
 avTOKOiXos. The word occurs only here and may be compared with 
 the epic eX/cetrtTrcTrXos. at/iuXa KwrlXXeti' : win with flattering words 
 (when one has an ax to grind) ; cf . Theognis 363 : ev /cwrtXXe top exBpov 
 but when you get him in your pwer, pay him back and offer no 
 excuse. dL(pu)v occurs in II. XVI 747 of one diving into the sea for 
 "oysters" — cf. Aristoph. Clouds 192: ovtol 5' ept^ohKpSiaiv viro tov 
 Taprapov (cf. id. 188 ^T]TovaLv ovtol to, Kara yrjs). Here with koKltiv 
 (see on 301 supra): seeking means of living; cf. the epithet SeLir- 
 voKbxn^ applied to a gad-about in 704 infra. 
 
 375. Hermes is called iprfK'qTOiv ava^ in Eurip. Rhesus 217. The 
 misogyny of Hesiod appears here, as well as in the Pandora myth 
 myth 54-105 supra and in 695-705 infra (cf. Th. 570-612). In Th. 
 608 it is admitted that one may get a good wife (in which case good 
 balances evil) and in 702-3 a good wife is said to be as great a blessing 
 as bad one is a misfortune. All these passages as well as the colorless 
 reference of 519-25 infra have been questioned, and if we are to 
 judge from the only admittedly genuine reference (Works 399), 
 Hesiod's attitude towards the sex was one of pity rather than cen- 
 sure. See Raddatz, de Prom. Fab. Hes. p. 56 note. For a very 
 interesting document in early Greek on women see Semonides Frag. 
 VII (de Mulieribus). 
 
 376-8. For the optatives in 376 and 378 see note on 28 supra. 
 Mair retains the MSS. reading in 378 {Bavois) and renders: Late be 
 thy death if thou leave a second son. Fuss (Versuch, etc. p. 60 
 note 5) explains: Dann magst du im Alter sterben, einen anderen 
 (an deiner Stelle), deinen Sohn, zuruecklassend. The emendation 
 BavoL would give: And he should die an old man leaving behind 
 another son. Such was the case in the house of Arceisius (Od. XVI 
 118-120), who begot a single son Laertes; and he the single son 
 Odysseus; but Odysseus left me (Telemachus) here at home, the 
 single son of his begetting. But it is plain from the preceding (115- 
 7) that this was an exception in Homeric times. Compare however 
 Plato, Laws 740B-E. 
 
 379-80. A partial retraction of 376-8: That you may establish 
 a wealthy house, leave behind an only begotten son; but, he adds, 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 139 
 
 Zeus might give an abundance of wealth for more, and there would 
 be one advantage: They would do more work and bring in a larger 
 profit. Compare Sittl's note: Behold again the simple farmer! 
 More sons are profitable for this reason, because less hired help is 
 needed and there is less expense. Eustathius (Hom. 911, 33 — on 
 II. XII 412: TrXeovoiv 8e tol epyov a/jieLvov = the more men, the better 
 work) says: eanv ofxoiov n /cat Trap' 'Ho'toSco, evda rriv rdv ifKeiovuiV 
 Tralboiv eTridrjKrjv fiei^ova Xeyei. 
 
 381-2. These verses are generally taken as a summing up of the 
 preceding precepts; in which case do work upon work would mean: 
 ne quitte un travail que pour un autre travail (Waltz) rather than 
 refer to the successive operations of farming — sowing and reaping 
 after plowing (Paley). Mair considers 381-2 an introduction to the 
 following and renders: Now if thy heart in thy breast is set on wealth, 
 do thou thus (i.e. as follows) and work one work upon another. 
 
 irXovTOv: eXSo^tat occurs with the genitive in II. XIV 276; XXIII 
 122; Od. V 210; XIV 42. rjcnv refers to (toI and is practically redun- 
 dant. For the use of 6s as 2nd singular, etc. see Monro H. G. 255, 
 3. Digamma is twice neglected and twice observed in 382. This 
 subject is fully treated in Monro H. G. 388-405. epyov eir' epyco : 
 cf. 644 infra; Hom. Hymn to Hermes 120: epycx) 6' epyov oira^e. 
 Schol on Soph. Ajax 866 says: eo-rt to ttovos ttovw apxcuKov cos epyov 
 ctt' epyco. 
 
 383-617. The Farmer's Year or Precepts on Agriculture. That 
 a new part of the poem begins at 3S3 is indicated in some of the MSS. 
 
 383-7. In Hesiod the season of the year is generally designated 
 by the position of the constellations with reference to the sun. Unless 
 specifically stated or indicated by the context, by the rising of a 
 star is meant its heliacal rising, or such a time after its conjunction 
 with the sun as it first becomes visible at dawn on the eastern hori- 
 zon. To judge from 385-6 this was for Hesiod 20 days after the 
 actual conjunction. The rising of a star at the setting of the sun 
 (acronycal rising) is mentioned once in the Works (567). By the 
 setting of a star is meant the cosmical setting, or its disappearance 
 below the western horizon just as it is extinguished by the rising 
 sun. There is no mention in Hesiod of the heliacal setting, or dis- 
 appearance of a star beneath the horizon just as it becomes visible 
 after sunset. 
 
140 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 The Pleiades in Hesiod's time became invisible in the evening 
 shortly after the 1st of April, and made their appearance again in 
 the morning just before sun-rise about the middle of May, which is 
 the time referred to by the rising of the Pleiades; and the time be- 
 tween these dates is the 40 days of 385. By the setting of the Plei- 
 ades is meant their setting at sun-rise (cosmical setting), which 
 occured in the time of Hesiod about the 1st of November. The 
 rising and setting of the Pleiades came to be designations for the 
 beginning of summer and winter, as in Aratus 266. Cf. Pliny N. H. 
 XVIII 69: Vergiliarum exortu aestas incipit, occasu hiems. The 
 harvest began at the former, the plowing and sowing at the latter. 
 
 8v(7oiievau)v : mixed aorist participle; cf. Od. II 388: dvaero r' 
 rjeXios. See Monro H. G. 41. KeKpixparaL : for the form see Monro H. G. 
 5, 3 Plur. and 24. The endings ar at and aro should occur only 
 after consonants, but were extended to other stems, especially in 
 Ionic. See Buck's Greek Dialects, 139, 2. On the aspiration of the 
 final consonant in the perfect see Brugmann Gk. Gr. 389. irepLirXo- 
 fikvov evLavTov is an epic tag; see Od. I 16; XI 248; Th. 184. xapac- 
 Goyikvoio cTLdrjpov : cf. 573 infra and Th. 175: apwrjv Kapx^ipobovra. aidrjpos 
 is here used by metonymy for apirr] or bpeiravov. According to Sittl 
 they harvest in Attica from the middle of May to the middle of June. 
 
 388-90. rot is gnomic. For v6p,os see note on 276 supra, ovros 
 is best taken as referring to 391-2, though it applies equally well to 
 383-4. iredlcxiv — o'i re . . . ol re : This is best taken as referring to 
 three classes of people: those who live on the plains, those who live 
 by the sea, and those who live far from the sea among the mountains. 
 Then iredlcov — ot re means: of the plains and of those who, etc. 
 ayKea ^rjaaijevra : woody dells, explained further by Trlova x^pov, 
 which Sittl understands as referring to the low valleys or depressions 
 among the mountains and hills. It is possible to take ol re . . . 
 ot re as referring to the inhabitants implied in -Kebloiv and as dividing 
 them into two classes: those who dwell near the sea and those who 
 live away from it, in which case ireUoiv is used of cultivated lands 
 rather than plains. 
 
 391. The accusative and infinitive depends on vbixos. yvixvbs 
 means not only unclad, but also not completely clad. Compare 
 Shield, 287, where plowmen are described as having tunics tucked 
 up, and Eustathius Macr. IV 9, 2, who says of the harvester that 
 he girt his tunic around his waist and exposed all his body ifKiiv rrjs 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 141 
 
 aldovs. Sometimes it seems even the tunic was discarded; cf. Mos- 
 chus, Id. IV 98 and Aristoph. Lys. 1173: ridrj yeo)pyeiv yvfivos awodvs 
 fiovXofjLai. Farmers could hasten the work by dressing as lightly as 
 possible, and when Vergil (Georg. I 299) says: Nudus ara, sere nudus: 
 hiems ignava colono, he means that one should push the work of 
 seeding vigorously before the severity of winter sets in. 
 
 ' 392. For the quantity of the 2nd vowel of d^xdeLv cf. Od. I 39; 
 
 j V 122; XXII 38; II. XIX 164, and see Monro H. G. 19. In the 
 
 Certamen, where verses 383-392 occur, the 2nd half of this verse 
 
 reads as follows: orav wpta iravra Trekcovrai. 
 
 393. Ko/jLL^eo-dai : attend to, perform. The active is so used in 
 II. VI 490; Od. XXI 352. The meaning is: if you wish to perform 
 all the works of Demeter at the proper time, so that the several 
 crops may grow for you in season, lest haply, etc. 
 
 I 394-5. Cf. Vergil Georg. I 158-9: Heu magnum alterius frustra 
 spectabis acervom / concussaque famem in silvis solabere quercu. 
 xart^coj/ : see on 21 supra. oIkovs is rather direct object than accusa- 
 tive of terminus. Cf. Od. XVII 227: Trrcoo-o-o)!' /card 8rjfjLOP, and 
 Theognis 922: Trrcoxci'et 8e (piKovs iravTas. 
 
 I 396. As also just now (i.e. recently) you came to me. ertSwcrco: 
 
 I shall give you no more in addition to what I have given you — 
 Moschopulus. Such is the meaning of the word in II. XXIII 559; 
 but as there is no intimation that Hesiod had already given any- 
 thing voluntarily, Tzetzes is perhaps right in explaining: I shall 
 give you nothing gratis nor shall I lend to you. eTLiieTpetv : mesurer 
 ce qu' on donne, c' est en tenir un compte exact, en vue d' une resti- 
 tution — Waltz. This is certainly the meaning of the simplex in 
 349 supra. It is used of grain measured over as tribute in Herod. 
 Ill 91: Tov eTn/jLeTpovfjikvov alrov. 
 
 I 398. Cf. 229 supra. This verse briefly states what was shown 
 
 by the Prometheus-Pandora myth, that labor has been imposed on 
 men by the gods. 
 
 I 399. See note on 375 supra. At those times farmers who had 
 
 lost their property really did wander around with wife and children 
 
142 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 — Sittl. For a description of the begging exile, wandering with 
 mother, father, wife, and children, see Tyrtaeus X 3-10. 
 
 401-2. raxa : perhaps, which meaning seems not to occur in 
 Homer, rev^eai : sc. what you seek. xPVI^o, : the singular does not 
 occur in Homer; the plural is used of property, as in 320 supra^ 
 605 and 686 infra. The singular is found 344 supra and in Horn. 
 Hymn to Hermes 332. Here it seems to mean: nothing shalt thou 
 accomplish, or as Mair renders: naught shalt thou gain, av he is 
 antithetic to XPW^ t^^^, but without particular emphasis; see on 
 34 supra. 
 
 403. vofios: pasture; this figurative use occurs in II. XX 249, 
 where Aeneas tells Achilles that both sides can use abuse and there 
 is a wide range of words {eireoiv de iroXvs vofxos). Whatever kind of 
 reproach you utter, such shall you hear in return. The sentiment 
 of this passage may be contrasted with Od. XIV 56-7, where Eumaeus 
 tells Odysseus that he cannot dishonor a stranger; for all strangers 
 and beggars are under the protection of Zeus. 
 
 404-7. There can be no question that verse 405 was in Hesiod 
 at the time of Aristotle (see Pol. II), but 406 seems to be disregarded 
 both there and in Oecon. I 2, and is considered spurious by Flach, 
 Paley and Rzach. The separation of kttjtyjv from yvvaiKa makes it 
 look as if a marginal attempt to explain the discrepancy between 
 399 and 405 was inserted in the text. But 405 also seems to be out 
 of place here: it is a general precept not applicable to Perses, who 
 seems to have a wife (399); nor does it agree with 429, 434, 436, 
 452-4, 468, etc., where two or more oxen are always mentioned. 
 Besides it has no construction, unless we connect it with 407. And 
 the sense is decidedly improved by the ejection of 405-6: Perses is 
 admonished to work that he may not have to beg and be refused 
 (397-403); but I bid you take thought for the payment of your debts 
 and the avoidance of hunger (404), and to get all things ready at 
 home, that you may not need to ask another, etc. (407/8). It may 
 be noted that Soph. Antig. 904-920 also (as well as Works 405) is 
 supported by Aristotle; but see Jebb on passage, and especially 
 Humphreys: ''It is sufficient here to state that probably no scholar 
 in the world would defend the genuineness of the entire passage if 
 it were not distinctly alluded to and partly (911-2) quoted by 
 Aristotle (Rhet. Ill 16, 9)." 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 143 
 
 With 404 compare 647 infra. The task of following the oxen 
 at the plow is assigned to a strong man of forty (441 infra)] so the 
 meaning here (406) must be to attend upon the cattle in a general 
 sense in addition to other duties (/cat) ; but this as well as the plural 
 is in conflict with the plow-ox of 405. In Od. XIV 63 {oIkov re 
 kXtjpov t€ kv/jLopcpov re 7ui'arKa) the woman, though counted as a pos- 
 session, seems to be a wife. e-KoiTo : the optative is akin to the 
 remote deliberative. See Jebb on Soph. O. C. 170 and Appendix; 
 Sidgwick on Aesch. Ag. 620 and Appendix I. Hudson- Williams 
 on Theognis 382; also compare Od. V 240 and Monro H. G. 304 
 (1). apjjLeva TOLrjaaadai = irapaaKevaaacTdaL — Waltz: make all things 
 (i.e. implements, etc.) ready in the house. Cf. Vergil Georg. I 
 167: Omnia quae multo ante memor provisa repones; and see Xen. 
 Oec. VIII 2-3. As the text stands the infinitive is imperative. See 
 note on 336-41 supra. 
 
 I 408-9. TrjTCLOfjLaL is from ttjtt}, which is defined by Hesychius as 
 airopla, evdeta, arepTjats. irapafxei^eTaL chprj is used of the passing of 
 the season of youth in Mimnermus III 1 (cf. II 9). iiivWri: see on 
 244 supra. 
 
 410. evrjcpLv: apparently a genitive (cf. Th. 669 — *^pk^e(f(piv=^ 
 from Erebos) equivalent to evr]s (Aristoph. Eccl. 796), Doric evas 
 (Theoc. XVIII 14), and used as an adverb of time and so governed 
 by es like avpiov. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 172 {irapeivai 8' els evqv) and 
 Lucian Dial, of Gods X 1 (/zt) eXdo-r/s rrjiiepov — /jLrjde avpiov fjLTjde es Tpir'qv 
 w'epav). It seems not to be related to evr] (evrj) 770 infra, which is 
 from the same root as the Latin senex, senis, etc. 
 
 I 411-13. For eTOidioepybs cf. 402 and for KaXirjv see on 301 supra. 
 fieXerrj 8e to epyov bipeWei : attention increases the result of one's 
 labor. This phrase is referred to by Pindar, Isth. VI 66: Lampon, 
 in that he bestoweth practice on all that he doeth {jxekerav epyois 
 bira^wv) holdeth in high honor the word of Hesiod which speaketh 
 thereof (Myers). See Scott, Hesiod and Pindar, p. 40. apL^oKiepybs : 
 one who puts off work. Cf. the verb in 410 and 412. aarxiai : losses, 
 as in 216 supra, where see note. 
 
 414-5. 8ri : now, therefore, as in 679 infra, fxevos rjeXioLo occurs in 
 II. XXIII 190; avyri rjeXiov b^ela in XVII 371-2; avyas b^eos rjeXlov 
 
144 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 in Theognis 426; and /xews o^eos rjeXloio occurs here and in Horn. 
 Hymn to Apollo 374. Kav/iaros is genitive with Xrjyei; cf. 421 infra. 
 IxeroTTOipivov is cognate accusative: the first rain of autumn, bircopa 
 was the late summer between the rising of Sirius and Arcturus (see 
 on 417 and 610 infra). The season immediately following was 
 IxeToirccpov or (pdLvoircopov. For the function here assigned to Zeus as 
 sky-god compare Od. XIV 457: ve 8' apa Zeus iravpvxos. 
 
 416. The human body is changed and becomes much more active, 
 i.e. after the heat of the summer is past. /xerarpeTrerat is virtually 
 equivalent to jlyveTaL. This seems to be the only place where xp^s 
 is used in exactly this sense, the surface of the body usually being ' 
 meant, as in 74, 76, 198 supra and 522, 536, 556, 575, 588, 753 infra. 
 
 417-9. 8ri Tore: cf. 452, 459, 565, 621 infra and see note on 197 
 supra. According to Waltz 8ri in this expression is equivalent to 
 ridr]. As the Heliacal rising of Sirious occurred in Hesiod's time 
 about the middle of June, that star would now (end of September) 
 be shining more than half the night. The conjunction of the Dog- 
 star with the sun in mid-summer was supposed to produce by the 
 united influence of the two the hot season. Cf. Horace Carm. I 
 17, 17: Hie in reducta valle Caniculae / vitabis aestus; and III 13, 
 9: Te flagrantis atrox hora Caniculae / nescit tangere. See also 
 587 infra. Kr]pLTpe(p€0)v : nourished or produced for death; see note 
 on 92 supra. Verse^l9 is imitated by Aratus 580: ixelcjv rjfxaTLos, to 
 8' eirl irXkov evvvxos ijSrj (of Arcturus). 
 
 420-1. It is not the twos of 420, but that of 422 that is correla- 
 tive to riiJios (414). TTJfjLos limits T/jLTjOeiaa. a8r)KTOTaT7] : less liable 
 to be worm-eaten. Cf. Plautus, Most. 825-6: Edepol ambo ab 
 infimo tarmes secat. Intempestivos excisos credo. vXtj : wood, 
 timber, as in II. VII 420; Od. IX 234. 8€ is equivalent to yap and 
 gives the reason why the wood is least likely to be worm-eaten: for 
 it pours its leaves to the ground and ceases from budding or putting 
 forth branches, i.e. the sap is down, epa^e : cf. 473 infra and II. 
 VI 147 : (pvWa — ave/ios xajia8Ls x^et. irTopOos : a leafy branch in Od. 
 VI 128: TTTopdov K\aae — (pvWoiv; here equivalent to sprouting, or 
 putting forth leaves. 
 
 422. Cf. Vergil Georg. I 256: (Hinc praediscere possumus, 
 quando conveniat) tempestivam silvis evertere pinum. /jLefxvrjixepos : 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 145 
 
 practically equivalent to an adverb, as in 623 and 711 infra (mindful 
 of the season or of the advice), or as Leaf on II. V 263 says, it is an 
 instance of the common Greek habit of expressing by the participle 
 what we give in the principal verb: do not forget, etc. a>pta epya: 
 explanatory of vKoroiielv : Then don't forget to cut wood, the work 
 of the season. Paley puts a colon after iJLefjLvrjfxevos, and Mair trans- 
 lates: Then be thou mindful to cut wood: a seasonable work. Sittl 
 puts a comma after vKotoix^Iv : mindful of the work in season. The 
 accusative occurs with ^ikiivniJiai in II.. VI 222 (see Leaf's note); IX 
 527; Od. XIV 168; XXIV 122. 
 
 423. According to Sittl mortars are still made from wood in 
 Greece and are round in shape, a piece of a log being cut off and 
 hollowed out. He says further that the ones in use today are much 
 smaller and are used to crush nuts and beans, whereas Hesiod's 
 mortar was much larger and was designed for grinding grain. Cf. 
 Aristoph. Wasps 238, where two soldiers stole from a baker-woman 
 rov oKjjLov (her kneading-trough, or mortar) and split it up to do some 
 cooking. In II. XI 147 a human body deprived of head and limbs 
 is likened to a oX^uos, which is explained by Schol. A as koTKos \ldos 
 els ov KOTTTovatv oairpLa (pulse) /cat aXXa tlvcl — see Leaf and Herod. I 
 200. vwepov : for a representation of two women pounding grain in 
 a mortar with long pestles see Blumner, Gewerbe und Kuenste, 
 Vol. I p. 22. 
 
 424. a^ova — eTrraTTodrji/ : The wagons were very wide — Sittl. Tzet- 
 zes says: He ill says that the axle of a wagon should be seven feet 
 wide; for it would scarcely exceed four feet. Hesiod says that a 
 seven foot axle is just the thing; but I should say by no means so, 
 and that too being anything but a farmer. Paley maintains that 
 the handle of the pestle is clearly meant by a^uiv and in this he is 
 supported by drawings given in some of the MSS., which represent 
 the pestle as composed of a horizontal bar (a^coi') working on a pivot, 
 and having a shorter vertical piece (virepov) attached near the end 
 to do the pounding in the mortar. On the other hand Sittl considers 
 these drawings of no value. For w see on 207 supra: For thus, I 
 assure you, it is most suitable. 
 
 425. el — Kev : sc. tol/jlvols. For the form of the condition cf. 
 434 infra and 361 supra, aipvpav. mallet; in Od. Ill 434 it means 
 hammer. The length of one foot seems to refer to the mallet head, 
 
146 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 and the instrument was perhaps furnished with a long handle and 
 used to break clods. Cf. Pal. Anth. VI 104, 1: the clod-destroying 
 mallet; and 297, 3-4: the mallet that destroys the clods of the field. 
 
 426. (TTTLdaiJLr] : span, a little more than 7 inches. Scopov : palm, a 
 little over 3 inches. a\J/Lv : the felly into which the spokes are in- 
 serted. a/jLa^T} : explained by Proclus as rpoxos, who says that the 
 wheel is made up of four segments called dxJ/Xdes, each of which must 
 be of three spans. This would make the circumference about 7 
 feet. Then taking the 10 palms (30 inches) to refer to the diameter 
 of the wheel, we get a ratio, which is perhaps sufficiently accurate 
 for Hesiod, especially as the exact length of a span and palm is hard 
 to determine. The Schol. on II. IV 109 defines a 8copov as e/crao-ts 
 Tccv TTJs x^f-pos Teaaapcov 8aKTv\cjov. Cf. Pliny XXXV 49, 2: Graeci 
 antiqui doron palmum vocabant. Waltz (Rev. d. Etud. Anciennes, 
 XIV (1912) pp. 225-238) discusses this line at length, and suggests 
 that the discrepancy between the length of the diameter and that of 
 the circumference may be removed by assuming that the diameter 
 was measured on the inside and the length of the axf/cs on the outside. 
 For a discussion of agricultural implements in Hesiod see Mair, 
 pp. 147 ff., and for the wagon especially Traemer in Strassburger 
 Festschrift, 1901, pp. 299 ff. and Gow in Journal of Philology, 
 XXXIII 145. 
 
 427. It seems best to understand raixveiv : cut many crooked 
 crooked pieces of timber. eirLKafxTrvXa : cf . Hom. Hymn to Hermes 
 90, where the old man working in the vineyard is described as 
 €TLKafjLTv\os cbfiovs { = Karkx^iv KecpaXrjv in Od. XXIV 242; and 534 infra). 
 KoXa: properly wood for fuel (from /catco, as 5aX6s = torch from 8aioi). 
 
 427-36. According to Bluemner in Baumeisters Denkmaeler des 
 kl. Altertums, Vol. I pp. 10-11, the parts of a Greek plow were the 
 following: The share-beam (eXL'/ia = dentale) for which according 
 to Hesiod (436) oak was to be used. This was a beam projecting 
 transversely downwards to tear up the earth when shod with an 
 iron share (wts = vomer). To the other end was attached the handle 
 (€X€TX?7 = stiva). In the middle of the share-beam was mortised the 
 plow-beam (7i;r7s = buris), a crooked piece of timber and according 
 to Hesiod (429, 436) of ilex. To the end of this was attached by 
 means of clamps the pole (t(7TOj8o€i;s=temo). To this was attached by 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 147 
 
 means of a wooden pin (evSpvov — see on 469 mfra) the yoke, which was 
 laid upon the necks of the oxen close behind the horns and fastened 
 by means of straps around the horns and forehead. There were 
 two kinds of plows (433), one in which the beam and pole consisted 
 of a single piece, and another in which beam and pole were separate 
 pieces. It is to be noted that in the ancient plow the mould-board, 
 which in modern plows turns the land evenly to one side, is lacking, 
 and that the earth was broken up imperfectly and roughly in long 
 balks or ridges. There is a description of an ancient plowing scene 
 in II. XVIII 541-9; and Vergil describes the Roman plow in Georg. 
 I 169-174. 
 
 428-9. On this passage Plutarch says: The ilex is not plentiful 
 in Boeotia, and they use elm instead to make plow-beams. Cf. 
 Vergil Georg. I 169-70: In silvis magna vi flexa domatur / in burim 
 et curvi formam accipit ulmus aratri. The peculiar shape of the 
 required timber increased the difficulty of the search. 6s is demon- 
 strative; cf. 22 supra and see Monro H. G. 348, 3. dpovv is epexe- 
 getical (cf. 438 infra) and ^ovalv is perhaps instrumental. 
 
 430-31. By a servant of Athena a carpenter is meant. Cf. 
 Aratus 529: 'AOrjpairjs x^^P^^ 8ed l8 ay fxhos avqp) and Horn. Hymn to 
 Aphrod. 12-3, where Athena is said to have been the first to teach 
 men the fashioning of chariots and cars. See also II. V 60-62; XV 
 410-12; and Sikes and Allen, Introd. to Hom. Hymn XX. There 
 was an image of Athena '^pyavq with that of Wealth standing beside 
 her at Thespiae according to Pausanias (IX 26, 8; cf. Callimachus, 
 Pallas, 60). When Athena's servant fasteneth it in the share-beam 
 and fixeth it with dowels to the pole — Mair. ir-q^as might refer to 
 mortising, but ybinpoiuLv TreXdaas (see Od. V 248, where ybyL<poi are 
 pins used to bolt together ship-timbers) makes it seem that the pole 
 and beam were simply clamped together. wpoaaprjpeTaL : perfect 
 subjunctive middle with short vowel. For the formation and tense 
 see Monro H. G. 80 and cf. II. XIII 271. 
 
 432-4. OeadaL seems to be practically for KaradeadaL : work out 
 with care two plows and have them ready at home, ahrbyvov means 
 according to Hesychius (v. yvr]s), as explained above (427-36), that 
 the pole and beam were one piece, though in the East there was used 
 in an-cient times and is still in use a plow made of a forked piece of 
 
148 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 timber, the pole, beam and share-beam being of one piece. Homer 
 refers to the plow as tti^ktov (cf. Tri]^as 430): II. X 353; XIII 703; 
 Od. XIII 32. 
 
 435-8. aKiicraroi '. cf. adrjKTOTaTrj in 420. 436 is an acephalous 
 verse, evvaerrjpco is evidently equivalent to kvvecopoLo of Od. X 19, 
 where see Merry and Riddell's note. Aristotle (Hist. An. VI 27) 
 says that an ox is at its prime TrevTeTrjs o)v; and suggests that by 
 apceva TrevTaeTrjpov (II. II 403; Od. XIV 419) and jSoos kwewpoio Homer 
 meant the same (dvvaffOaL yap ravrov). Some have tried to under- 
 stand by an ox of nine seasons one four and a half years old; but as 
 Bothe on II. II 403 suggests (et quinto aetatis anno et nono vigere 
 boves), we are perhaps to understand that the prime of certain ani- 
 mals extended from the fifth to the ninth years. The second hem- 
 istich of 437 is an epic tag; cf. II. VII 257. Here it is parenthetical. 
 ^firjs fxerpov : cf. 132 supra; Frag. 76: i]^r)s TroXvrjpaTov 'Uero jierpov) 
 II. XI 225; Od. XI 317; Theognis 1119: here full maturity, epya^ea- 
 dai : epexegetic as in 429 supra. 
 
 439-40. KCLji : with a^eiav ; cf . 666 and 693 infra. €t6)(tiov : cf . 
 402 and 411 supra. Oxen of nine years would no longer be frolicsome 
 and contentious. Cf. Vergil, Georg. Ill 519: atque in medio defixa 
 relinquit aratra (under very different circumstances). Paley sug- 
 gests that in II. I 6 (dLaarrjTTjv eplaavTe) the figure may be that of two 
 restive oxen under the yoke. 
 
 441. See note on 406 supra, al^rjos: a strong man in his prime; 
 cf. II. XVI 716 (atfTyo) re/cparepoj re); XXIII 432 (al^rjos . . . Tret- 
 p(A}fj,€vos r;/8r;s). For the mood of ewoLTo see note on 28 supra. 
 
 442. The meaning seems to be: divided into four (TeTpdrpvcpov 
 by three lines crosswise, giving eight pieces (oktclISXcjoijlov) by another 
 line lengthwise, though each piece need not be a mouthful, as sug- 
 gested by the scholiast. Cf. Athenaeus III 114E: ^oipnalovs aprovs 
 ovo/ia^eadaL Xeyei ^tXiy^icoj' tovs exovras evTO/iids, ovs 'Pco/iatot Kodparovs 
 \kyov(TLv. Horace, Epist. I 17, 49: Et mihi dividuo findetur munere 
 quadra. Martial III 77, 3: sectae quadra placentae. This divi- 
 sion seems to have been adopted in order to facilitate the equal dis- 
 tribution of rations to the slaves. Compare 559-60 and 767 infra. 
 
 443-4. epyov iieKerCiv : see note on 316 supra. eXavvot is potential 
 optative with k€. For a similar optative without the modal particle 
 
I 
 
 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 149 
 
 see 406 supra and note. With 443 compare Pindar Pyth. IV 227: 
 (Aeetes) marked out in a line straight furrows {ppBas auXa/cas kvra- 
 vvaais rfKavve), etc. TraTTTaivcov : looking wistfully after his comrades. 
 Cf. II. XIII 649; XVII 674; Od. XXII 380. fivKen: the negative is 
 influenced by the optative in 441. See note on 28 supra and cf. 
 489, 492, 591 infra. 
 
 445-6. Than he no younger man is better at sowing — Mair. On 
 vase-paintings we have the sower represented as going behind the 
 plowman with a basket of seed on "his left arm and scattering the 
 seed with his right, while both are bearded (40 years old — 441) and 
 naked (see on 391) — Peppmueller, Hesiodos, p. 245. The infinitives 
 of 446 are epexegetic as in 429 and 438 supra. eTnairoplrjv : sowing 
 twice over the same place. Cf. Xen. Oec. XVII 7: Socrates asks 
 whether there is an art in broad-casting the seed and is told that 
 there is, for it is sown by hand, and some are able to sow it evenly 
 (6)uaXcos) and some are not, etc. 
 
 447. Rejected by Peppmueller and Rzach. It is a repetition of 
 444 and seems to be an inserted marginal explanation. eTrrotryrat 
 (perfect passive of tttocco) is practically equivalent to irairTciivoiv (444) : 
 Is in a flutter after: cf. Eurip. Bacch. 214: cbs eTrror^rat = how excited 
 he is! Cf. id. 304 and Cyclops 185. 
 
 448-492. The Sowing Season — from November 1st to the end 
 of December. 
 
 448-51. Cf. Theognis 1197-1202: I hear the voice of the shrill- 
 crying crane, who to mortals comes as harbinger of the season for 
 plowing: and it smote my heart dark, that others possess my flourish- 
 ing fields nor do my mules drag the curved plow (apparently because 
 the poet had lost his property on a venture at sea). Aristophanes, 
 Birds 709-10: We indicate the seasons of spring, winter and autumn: 
 to sow, when the screaming crane migrates to Libya. Aratus 1075-6: 
 Xatpet Kol yepavoiv dyeXaLS copatos dporpevs / cbpcov epxo/JievaLS (cf. 1031-2). 
 See also II. Ill 3-7 and Mair, Hesiod, p. 141. evLav<na : cognate 
 accusative — giving its yearly cries, d^ovrrjs (451) like ddcorrjs (355) 
 occurs only here in Greek. While the latter may be a coinage (see 
 note on 355), the former was more probably a current word to de- 
 scribe an improvident man. 
 
150 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 452. 8ri t6t€ : see note on 417 supra. eXt/cas (related to eXtcro-co) 
 seems to mean with curved horns. See Leaf on II. IX 466; and Cf. 
 Hom. Hymn to Mercury 192; also II. XVIII 401. evdop is rendered 
 by Main in their stalls. It perhaps does not mean much more 
 than ready, at hand; compare 31 and 476 with 364 and 407. 
 
 453-4. The 2nd haK of these verses is a direct statement, irdpa 
 equals Trapeo-rt. 
 
 455. (pphas cKpveLos : rich in fancy — Paley. Cf. Proclus: Not 
 really rich, but imagining that he is. (prj 0-1= think and Trrj^aadai is 
 its complement, as in II. Ill 28, where the MSS. read: (paroyap 
 Tiaaadai aXelrrjv. In II 37 the verb has the same meaning, but takes 
 the future infinitive: (prj — alprjo-eLv Ilpta/xoi; irokiv. For irrj^aadai 
 cf. irrj^as (430) and tt^ktov (433). 
 
 456. Cf. 40 supra, to is demonstrative explained by the 2nd 
 half of the verse. 8e re : for re see on 7 supra, de is not connective 
 compare notes on 27 and 239 supra. eKarov: cf. 130 and see note 
 on 252 supra. The second half of this verse was much quoted in 
 antiquity. See Plato, Theaet. 207A. 
 
 457. Cf. 407 supra. Take thought for these things beforehand 
 to lay them up at home. neXeTrjv exefiev occurs in Theognis 924. 
 oUrjia limits tol understood, referring to rchv. For dko-dai see on 432 
 supra. 
 
 458-9. apoTos : season for plowing — see note on 383-7 supra- 
 and cf. 460 infra, (pavrjrj : for the form of the subjunctive see Good, 
 win, Gk. Gr. 780, 3 and Monro H. G. 80. 617 Tore : as in 452 supra. 
 The imperative-infinitive generally has its subject in the nominative, 
 when 2nd person, in the accusative, when 3rd. See Goodwin M. T. 
 784, 2. See however note on 593 infra. Here in the combination 
 of the two persons the 2nd prevails. 
 
 460. avrjv Kal biep-qv : cf . 743 infra, dtepos occurs twice in the 
 Odyssey (VI 201; IX 43) in the sense of alive, quick. Here, as later, 
 it means wet, liquid. Xen. Oec. XVII says that seeding must not 
 be done when the ground is dry. Theophrastus (H. P. VIII 6) says 
 that some do sow when the ground is dry; for the first sowing is always 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 151 
 
 considered best, while that is worst which is done in wet ground. 
 Pliny (N. H. XVIII 176) lays down the rule: Lutosam terram ne 
 tangito; which seems generally to be accepted by the ancient writers 
 on the subject. When Hesiod says: plow wet and dry in the season 
 of plowing, he seems to mean that the work should be pushed ener- 
 getically without too much regard to the condition of the soil. Vergil 
 advises to plow at the time of the autumnal equinox, dum sicca 
 tellure licet, dum nubila pendent (Georg. I 208-214). 
 
 461. xpcot may mean early in the morning, as in Aristophanes, 
 Birds 132 (cf. 577 infra)\ but it would seem from 479-490 infra and 
 Xen. Oec. XVII 4 that the meaning here is early in the season. 
 
 462. eapi ToXelv : for the meter see note on 5 supra, irokelv 
 usually means to go about, range over, haunt. Here it means to 
 turn up the earth, plow. Cf. Nicander Alex. 245: iroXelp apovpas 
 and avairoXelv, which Hesychius (s.v. (hpairoketp) defines as plowing the 
 ground three times. Oepeos is genitive of time within which — see 
 note on 173 supra, veoofxevrj, as the adjectives in 460, modifies veuov 
 or apovpav understood. These both are found together in 463, which 
 Mair renders thus: Sow the fallow field while yet the soil is light. 
 With the 2nd hemistich of 462 compare Vergil, Georg. I 226: Sed 
 illos Exspectata seges vanis elusit aristis. 
 
 464. Fallow land saves from the curse (of beggary, of course) 
 and quiets the children, who cry when they are hungry — Sittl. In 
 Th. 657 Zeus is called aXKTrip adavaTOiaiv aprjs (cf. II. XVIII 100). 
 For evKTjXrjTeLpa see note on 671 infra. Sophocles (O. C. 701) calls 
 the gray-leafed olive the nurturer of children (TraidoTpocpov). 
 
 465. Zeus Chthonios is treated by Farnell, Cults of the Greek 
 States, Vol. Ill pp. 280-88: In the theology of Hesiod Nether Zeus 
 is not merely the grim lord of the dead, but the beneficent god of 
 fruitfulness, to whom, as to Demeter, the husbandman will pray 
 for a rich harvest (281). Hades is the counterpart of Zeus him- 
 self. As the living have their high god, so there was felt a need of a 
 high god for the world of souls. The sky-god changes his nature by 
 means of the epithet (/cara) x^ovlos, and is invoked as the unseen one 
 (Hades) (284-5). For Demeter and Kore-Persephone see id. Vol. 
 Ill pp. 29-213. Leaf on II. IX 457 says: The name seems to imply 
 
152 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 ... a Theogony, in which one Zeus is the god of heaven, earth and 
 the underworld aUke, and is worshipped in all these different aspects 
 instead of being differentiated into three gods. Pausanias (II 2, 8) 
 says: Of the images of Zeus (at Corinth) . . . one has no sur- 
 name, another is called x^ovlos, and the third they call vxf/LCTTos. The 
 nether aspect of Zeus is recognized in Aesch. Suppl. 157-8: rov 
 iroXv^evcoTarov Zrjva TOiv KeKjjLTjKOTwv, and 231: Zeus aXXos ev Ka/jLovaLv. 
 See also Soph. O. C. 1606. Sittl on the present passage says: Because 
 the seeds are buried in the earth, Chthonian Zeus seems to generate 
 {rpkipeiv) them. Hence he is called Pluto (irXovTodoTcov yeverjv ^porerip 
 KapTTols hiavTcbv : Orph. Hymn XVIII 5 — see entire Hymn) and is 
 said to have carried off the daughter of Demeter. See also Rohde, 
 Psyche, Vol. I p. 205 note 3. 
 
 466-7. Cf. Pythagoras, Carm. Aureum. 48-9: epx^v kir' epyov / 
 0eoL(TLv €Tev^dfji€vos reXeo-at. Vergil, Georg. I 338-40: In primis venerare 
 deos, atque annua magnae / sacra refer Cereri laetis operatus in 
 herbis / extremae sub casum hiemis, iam vere sereno. kreXea : 
 when ripe. Ar}fir)Tepos — aKrr]v : see note on 32 supra and cf. 597, 
 805 infra. 
 
 468. opTTjKa: a branch or bough of a tree, as in Theocritus VII 
 146. In II. XXI 38 opirrjKes are shoots which are being trimmed into 
 rails of a chariot, and in Eurip. Hipp. 221 it is used of a lance. Here 
 it seems to be used of the plow-handle (stivae manicula): Having 
 taken hold of the upper cross-piece of the plow-handle, you come 
 upon the back of the oxen (i.e. with the goad) In 11. XIII 613 
 {a\\r}\oiv e(plK0VT0 = they set upon or aimed at each other) kipiKtaSai 
 is used with the genitive. The emendation opwrjKL is instrumental 
 dative: You come upon the back of the oxen with a sprout. Hesy- 
 chius defines opirr)^ as a shoot sprouting up from the root of a tree. 
 This makes exerXr^s iimit the neuter aKpov 
 
 469. evdpvov eXKovrcov /jiead^coy : a difficult expression which has 
 puzzled commentators and lexicographers. Peppmueller renders: 
 Die mit den Riemen die Deichsel dahinziehn = as they draw the 
 pole by the yoke collar — Mair; which is certainly the sense. From 
 the remarks of Proclus (cf. Schol. on Lycophron 877) it would seem 
 that the ixeaa^a were the yoke-collars or straps that went around the 
 necks of the oxen. Hesychius takes p-kaaa^ov to be the strap with 
 
153 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 153 
 
 which the yoke was fastened to the pole So Pollux (I 252) who 
 explains evbpvov as a wooden peg by which the yoke was fastened to 
 the end of the pole. Tzetzes takes it to be the pole, and Goettling 
 on etymological grounds suggests that laro^oevs is a generic term for 
 pole, while evdpvov is the special term for a pole of an aporpov ttjktov, 
 quia inseritur burae (which however was not of oak, but of ilex — 
 436). If one wishes to insist on etymology, evbpvov might be taken 
 as the pole and beam whether single or spliced, as it was inserted in 
 the e\vjia, which was of oak (436). The genitive seems to be the 
 genitive of the part taken hold of, a rather strained construction, 
 which has been emended to /xeo-djSoj. 
 
 470. Vergil, Georg. I 104-5: Quid dicam, iacto qui semine com- 
 inus arva Insequitur cumulosque ruit male pinguis arenae? tvtBos 
 (469): in 441, 445 two men of 40 were to do the plowing and sowing. 
 Here a young slave seems to be referred to, who is to break up the 
 clods with a hoe and cover the seed. Sittl says that the young 
 servant, who takes care of the oxen and helps at plowing, is to-day 
 called TratSt. Schenkl understood tvtBos of the stooping body of the 
 slave. Schaef er's emendation {tvtBov — cf . II. V 443 : tvtBov oTrlaaco) 
 would mean a short distance behind, irovov — TLBelrj : should cause 
 labor (trouble) for the birds (to get the seed). For the Opt. see on 
 28 supra and cf. 475 infra. 
 
 471-2. Good husbandry is best for mortal men and bad hus- 
 bandry is worst — Mair. Hesiod here applies to agriculture the 
 principle which the gnomic poets, especially Solon, were fond of 
 applying to political life or the state: Happiness depends on the 
 maintenance of just measure in life, and of order in the common- 
 wealth. The first necessity then is law and order for the state, 
 contentment and moderation for the individual. See Solon (Frag. 
 IV 31-40) who would instruct the Athenians that dvavo/jila causes a 
 state the greatest evils, just as evvofxla brings order, justice, peace, 
 etc. See Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosophy (Alleyne), Vol. I pp. 109- 
 128; Croiset, M. La Morale et la Cite dans les Poesies de Solon, 
 Compt. Rend. Acad. Inscript. XI-XII 1903 pp. 581-96. Plato has 
 the idea in Laws 780D: That which has law and order in a state is 
 the cause of every good, but that which is disordered or ill-ordered 
 is often the ruin of that which is well-ordered. Sophocles (Antig. 
 672-6) has a similar description of the results of dvapxia and iruBapxla. 
 
154 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 473-4. Thus the ears should bow to the ground with weight, if 
 the Olympian gave a good issue. Vergil (Georg. I 111-2) speaks of 
 pasturing down a luxuriant crop, ne gravidis procumbat culmus 
 aristis. owiadev: as a sequel to your labors — Paley. avros: see note 
 on 333 supra. It seems to be applied to the supreme god as dis- 
 tinguished from all others, as in II. XIII 58; Od. VI 188; or to the 
 divine power as distinguished from the human, as Od. XII 38. Zeus 
 is the arbiter of the uncertain fortunes of men in 483-4, 668 infra. 
 
 475-6. You should brush the cobwebs out of the vessels. dYYecoj/ : 
 used here of vessels for grain as in 600 infra; in 613 of wine vats. 
 Sittl says they were little different from the KaXtat of 301 supra, 
 where see note, ^ibrov. partitive genitive as in 366: drawing from 
 substance laid up at home; cf. 364 supra, and see note on 452. 
 
 477-8. ttoKlov eap : cf. 492 infra. The epithet here seems to be 
 practically equivalent to \evK6v in Callim. Cer. 123 (XevKov eap, XevKov 
 deSkpos) and Theoc. XVIII 27 (XevKopeap). Cf. Soph. Trach. 703 
 (y\avKrjs biroopas) and see Jebb's note. It seems to be used of the 
 effect of the growing and ripening crops. Cf. St. John IV 35: Say 
 not ye. There are yet four months and then cometh the harvest? 
 Behold I say unto you, lift your eyes and look on the fields; for they 
 are white (Xeu/cat) already to harvest. Also Pliny N. H. XVIII 12, 
 1 (a metaphrase of Soph. Triptolemus, Frag. 543): Et fortunatam 
 Italiam frumento canere candido. Ovid Met. I 110: Ager gravidis 
 canebat aristis. Fasti V 357: Maturis albescit messis aristis. For 
 the close of 477 and 478 compare 395 and 408 supra. 
 
 479. r)e\'LOLo rpowrjs : cf. 564 and 663 infra. According to the 
 Geoponica (II 14, 3) the sowing of both wheat and barley should 
 cease at the winter solstice. Xenophon (Oec. XVII 4 ff.) recom- 
 mends early, middle and late sowing, that one may have a crop every 
 season. Evidently Hesiod is not in favor of late sowing. 
 
 480. In dry years the heads grow up so near the ground that the 
 harvesters reap sitting; a thing which I should not have believed 
 unless I had been an eye-witness — Sittl. Usually the men reaped 
 in an upright posture, as they cut the straw much nearer the heads 
 than the ground — Paley. Mair renders the 2nd half: grasping a 
 little in thy hand, which is the usual interpretation, although Trept 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 155 
 
 xetpos (enclosing little around the hand) is illogical, since the hand 
 was around the straw, and even in this sense it occurs but twice in 
 Homer (Od. V 68 and 130). See Monro H. G. 188, 2. The passage 
 is discussed by Labahn, Observ. Crit. in Hes. pp. 9-10. 
 
 481-2. avTLa : the context favors Van Herwerden's interpretation: 
 occurrentia, i.e. what you shall find. Another explanation is: 
 binding the stalks together with part of the heads one way and part 
 the other. So Sittl, who adds that the people of Attica now do so 
 always. The dryness of the summer would be aggravated by the 
 lack of shade due to the light crop, whence the dust, h (popfiQ : 
 in a basket and not on a wagon owing to the lightness of the crop — 
 Moschopulus. 
 
 483-4. Sometimes the will of Zeus is one way, sometimes another, 
 and his mind is hard for mortals to comprehend. A partial retrac- 
 tion of 479-482. See on 379-80 supra. Compare for the thought 
 II. XVIII 328: ov Zeus avdpeacn vorj/jLara iravra reXevra. Aesch. Suppl. 
 86: Atos i/jLepos ovk evdrjparos krhx^f]- 1058-9: tI be /xeXXo? (ppkva Alav 
 Kadopdv, b\pLv a^vaaov; The same form of expression is found in II. 
 I 589: apydXkos yap 'OXufiinos avncpepeaBaL. Cf. Od. IV 397. 
 
 485-7. (papiiaKov : a means of avoiding the result of such plowing. 
 TepTrei (487): because it announces the coming spring. According 
 to Aristoph. Birds 505 whenever the kokkv^ eLwoL kokkv (cf. 486), then 
 the Phoenicians used to reap their wheat and barley in the fields. 
 
 488-90. The difficulty of this passage is with rptroj r//iart, which 
 should mean on the third day, as Mair renders it. It is obvious 
 however that considerable rain is implied by the fact that the ox- 
 tracks are to stand full of water; and the whole point of the passage 
 seems to be that an unusual rain late in the spring after the wet 
 season is really over would help out the late sower. Peppmtiller 
 therefore is perhaps right in rendering drei Tage hindurch. For 
 Zeus as sky-god 415-6 supra, vol : optandum est ut pluat — Goet- 
 tling. 489 = till it has filled the track of an ox without over-running 
 it. For the form cf. Aesch. Ag. 876: ttcos o-e aelSi^oi /jltjO' virepapas 
 fjLT]d' vTTOKajjLxl/ as Kaipbv xaptros ; oxl/aporr^s : cf . o^afxara in Theocritus X 
 7. TTpoiL-qpoTxi (the early plower) supports the interpretation of 
 TTpcot in 461 as early in the season, laoipapl^oi : cf. avrnpepi^eiv in 210 
 supra. 
 
156 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 491-2. (pvXaao-eo: see note on 263 supra: keep all these precepts 
 carefully in your heart. For the Optative see on 28 supra, eap — 
 ttoXlov: see note on 477 supra. For the negatives in 492 compare 
 489 and see note on 444. 
 
 493-563. Interruption of Farm Work by the Season of Winter. 
 
 493. Pass by, do not enter the smith's shop and the sunny (or 
 crowded) gathering-place. A scholiast remarks: The smithies of 
 the ancients were doorless and any one that whished could go in and 
 warm, and the poor slept there. Cf. Od. XVIII 328: ov8' WeXeLs 
 €v8eLv xaX/ci7to^ es dojjLop eKBicv (to the supposed beggar). Also Plautus 
 Rud. 531-2: Ut fortunati sunt fabri ferrarii / qui apud carbones 
 adsident! semper calent. eTraXea : apparently derived from dXea 
 (see Od. XVII 23) warmth, heat. So the scholiast cited above. 
 Paley, however, takes it from dXtfco and renders it crowded. \k<jxn 
 (from \eyoi : gather) is a public gathering place for lounging and 
 gossip, not unlike the smithy — see Od. XVIII 329. 
 
 494-5. Cf. II. XVII 549-50: xetM^ows SvadaXweos, 6s ^d re epyojv 
 avdpcoTTovs oivkiravaev eirl x^ovl. Vergil, Georg. I 259-61: Frigidus 
 agricolam si quando continet imber, Multa, forent quae mox caelo 
 properanda sereno, Maturare datur. evda . . . oipeWoL is paren- 
 thetic: Then a man who does not shrink from work in spite of the 
 weather can greatly increase his substance. For the meaning of 
 oLKov see on 244 supra, and cf. Od. IV 318: kadUrai ixoi oIkos. Xen. 
 Oec. VI 4 defines ot/cos as /erects 17 av/jLTraaa. 
 
 496-7. The firj clause depends upon irdp — Xdi in 493. x^^M^^os 
 may be genitive of time or depend upon djjLrjxcivlv- XcTrrf) — iraxvv 
 iroha xetpt (with thin hand you press your swollen foot) : cf . Shield 
 265-6 — Xt/-ia) KaTaireTrTrjvla, yovvoirax'ns — shrunken with hunger, swol- 
 len-kneed. Apparently famine causes general emaciation with 
 swollen lower extremities. 
 
 498-9. Do not live on idle hopes like the lazy man, who lacking 
 sustenance lays up in his heart a store of ills — Rand (Hor. Urb. p. 
 150). For Keverjv em kXirlda cf. Soph. Ajax 477-8: I would not rate 
 that man as worth regard, oans KevalaLv eXTriaiv depidLalveraL. The 2nd 
 half of 499 has been explained as meaning, meditates many evils 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 157 
 
 in his heart, i.e. an idle brain is the devil's workshop, which ill accords 
 with the context. The root \ey- means say (middle, meditate) or 
 gather, collect. There may be, as Sittl suggests, a play on words 
 between \eaxv and Trpoaeke^aro : whoever frequents the gathering- 
 place gathers troubles for himself. 
 
 500. Cf. 317 supra, ovk ayadrj may be taken as equivalent to 
 K€ver}p in 498, but perhaps here as in 317 it is best to take it with 
 KOfil^ei : Hope is not a good companion for a poor man, i.e. one 
 should not sit around in a loafing place, indulging a vain hope, but 
 rather hustle to escape poverty. For the 2nd half of 501 cf. 31 
 supra and 577 infra. 
 
 502-3. A general precept without close connection with the pre- 
 ceding. deUvve: thematic inflection as in 451 supra. See note on 
 526 infra, depevs : genitive absolute expressing time. Cf. 383-4, 
 386 supra, 569 infra, and see Monro H. G. 246. kadelrai : the so- 
 called Doric future. See Buck's Greek Dialects, 141. The 2nd 
 half of 403 might well mean: Lay up stores for yourselves. So 
 Waltz: Faites vos provisions. See note on 301 supra. Peppmiiller, 
 however, renders: So erbauet euch Huetten, and Sittl says: In the 
 summer the slaves sleep under the open sky, but in the winter in 
 reed huts, which they tear down in the spring for fear of fire. Mair 
 translates: build ye barns. 
 
 504-563. This description of winter has given the critics much 
 difficulty. Kirchhoff rejects 500-558. Raddatz (p. 47) would 
 retain 504-6, to which TrjfjLos in 559 would then refer. The rejected 
 passage (507-558) is thus a description of Boreas and not of the 
 winter month, while in 557 the interpolator repeats 505. Especial 
 objection has been urged to the description in 504-535 by Lehrs, 
 Goettling, Paley and others on account of Ionic words, such as 
 k-qvaiGiva and fie^ea, and the late UaveWrjveaai, as well as the frequent 
 CLTa^ elprjfieva, such as vqpiTOS, revbei, be'iKvv, ^pahov, fivXtocovTes, aKeira, 
 yMcpv, vicpa. Then difficulties in style, such as the repetition of 
 diarjaL four times in 514-9 and the double negative in 516-7, as well 
 as the unhesiodic reference to women in 519-23 (see however note on 
 375 supra), have led Waltz to reject 517-23, though he defends the 
 rest of the passage except verse 511 (Rev. d. Etud. Anc. 1904, p. 205). 
 But the strongest objection is the length of the description^ which is 
 
158 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 in itself unhesiodic and out of proportion to anything that may be 
 assigned to Hesiod except the Titanomachy (Th. 678-712) and the 
 Zeus-Typhoeus conflict (839-64). On the other hand Mazon, Rev. 
 d. £tud. Anc. 1912, pp. 349-51, thinks the episode genuine and 
 supposes that in the unfamihar field of description Hesiod borrowed 
 more than usual from the Ionic epic. As he suggests, avoaTeos (verse 
 524) is Hesiodic enough. Rzach, who seems to accept the entire 
 winter episode, rejects 561-3 with Plutarch. 
 
 The description of winter is imitated in Orphic Fr, 16, preserved by 
 Tzetzes, who however supposed that Hesiod was adapting Orpheus. 
 Vergil perhaps had it in mind in his description of an autumnal 
 storm (Georg. I 311-334). 
 
 504-6. Lenaeon is the Ionic name for the Attic Gamelion and the 
 Boeotian Boucatios (from ^ovs and Kalvo). Cf. i3ou56pa = ox-flaying), 
 corresponding approximately to our January. Plutarch, himself a 
 Boeotian, says that the Boeotians did not call any month Lenaeon. 
 See Proclus. It is derived from \rjv6s = wine-press or vat. Compare 
 the epithet lenaeus applied to Bacchus and wine in Vergil (Georg. 
 II 4, 7, 529; III 510). The Lenaea was an Athenian festival held in 
 honor of Bacchus in the month of Gamelion, See A. Mommsen, 
 Feste der Stadt Athen, pp. 372 ff. 8var]\eyees : an epithet of war in 
 II. XX 154 (see Leaf); of death in Od. XXII 325; of 8eafjL6s in Th. 
 652; and whatever its derivation seems to mean cruel, ruthless. 
 
 507-8. For Thrace as the land of horses and storms see II. X 
 436-7 : His (i.e. the Thracian Rhesus) are the finest and largest horses 
 I ever saw .... and in speed like the winds. Aeschyeus, Persae, 
 566-7 ; QpfJKrjs a/x irehi^peis bvax^lJ^ovs re KeKeWovs : Over the storm- 
 swept plains of Thrace, ttovto) is governed by efxirvevaas and is 
 understood in the accusative after chpive : blowing upon the wide 
 deep lashes it into a fury. fiejivKe : the literal meaning is seen in II. 
 XXI 237: iie/jLVKOis rjure ravpos. With these two lines compare Vergil, 
 Georg. I 334: (Austri) nunc nemora ingenti vento, nunc litora 
 plangunt. 
 
 509-11. Sappho (Frag. 42) says: Love shakes my soul like an 
 "avepLos /car' opos bpvcnv efXTeaoiv. Verses 509-10 are quite Homeric: 
 see II. XI 494; XXIII 118; III 34; XXIII 368. Compare also the 
 simile in II. XVI 765-9: As Eurus and Notus contend with each other 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 159 
 
 in shaking a deep wood in the dells of a mountain, shaking beech 
 and ash and cornel tree, which lash upon one another their long 
 boughs with wondrous sound and a noise of breaking branches, etc. 
 TTiXvq,: Aeolic from -Kikvqtxi', see Monro H. G. 17 and 18. This is 
 the only instance of the active voice, the middle being found in Th. 
 703; II. XIX 93; XXIII 368. Van Leeuwen (Ench. Diet. Ep. p. 
 517, note 5) would read TreXace (gnomic Aor.). vrjpLTos: used in 
 Homer as the name of a mountain in Ithaca, which is called leaf- 
 shaking (II. II 632; Od. IX 22) and covered with woods (Od. XIII 
 351). It seems to be equivalent to vr]piBixos and so to mean countless, 
 immense. 
 
 512-14. /xe^ea: Ionic for tx-qbea. See Buck's Greek Dialects, 84. 
 Tooj/ (relative) /cat : even those whose skin is covered with fur; repeated 
 by Koi Tcov (demonstrative) at the end of the verse : but even through 
 these it blows. w = look you, or mark me; see note on 207 supra. 
 diarjiJLL governs the genitive here, but takes the accusative in 516/7, 
 as in Od. V 478; XIX 440; while in 519 the preposition is repeated 
 with the Gen. 
 
 515-7. For Kal re as generic connectives in 515-6 see note on 371. 
 to-X€t : sc. pLvos, iJLLv referring to Boreas. Trcbea 5' ov tl : Because of 
 the repetition of the negative in 517 (see however Jebb on Soph. 
 Antig. 5-6) and the frequent occurrence in Homer of the expression 
 TTcbea olo)v, as II. XI 678, Paley proposes to emend to xcoea d* olccv 
 516. This seems to be the only place where Trcoea is found without 
 oloov or ixrfKoiv. Cf. 786 infra. TavvTpix^ (516) is used of the long 
 shaggy hair of a goat, while rptxes (517) is used of wool as in II. Ill 
 273 {dpvcov eK K€(pa\e(jov rd/jLve rpixas). 
 
 518. Ls — (Sopeco : the periphrase ts dvkfjLov occurs in II. XV 383, 
 while iJihos ^opeao is found in V 524. It is used most frequently of 
 heroes, as ts 'Hpa/cXiyos in Th. 951. rpoxoXov: defined by Proclus 
 as bent, stooped; from the metaphor of a wheel {tpoxos : cf. 533) — 
 So Waltz and Mair — or on the run {rpkxeiv : cf . the similar conduct 
 of animals in 529 fif.) for a warm house. So Voss and Peppmliller. 
 The word is used in both senses. Compare Eurip. I A. 146 with 
 Nicander Th. 589. For nSkvai with two accusatives see on 18 supra. 
 
 519-21. Cf. Catullus LXIV 86: Virgo / regia, quam suavis 
 expirans castus odores / lectulus in molli complexu matris alebat. 
 
160 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 With 520 compare Od. XV 127-8: retcos de (plK-q Trapd tx-qTpi / KeladaL 
 kvL fxeyapcp, and see Xen. Oec. VII 4-5. Verse 521 is a mythological 
 circumlocution for love and marriage. Cf. Hom. Hymn to Venus 
 9: To her (Athena) were not pleasing epya ttoKvxpvctov 'AcppoduTrjs, 
 
 522-3. XoeaacLfievai repeva xpoa occurs of the Muses in Th. 5 — see 
 also II. X 577. XtTra : always with elision in Homer, and regularly 
 in the phrase Xitt' eXalco, as here; but in later writers we have the 
 full form: see Thuc. I 6 and IV 68. It seems to be equivalent to 
 XtTrapcos. Leaf on II. X 577 takes it as an old instrumental. See 
 also Merry and Riddell on Od. Ill 466. /jlvxIv - in the women's 
 apartments, apparently. /caraXe^erat is a short-vowel subjunctive 
 (see on 283 supra). Hence it seems better to read evre in 522. 
 
 524. avbuTeos : a form of expression peculiar to Hesiod, according 
 to which an object is designated by a descriptive epithet used sub- 
 stantively. Thus cattle are vXrjKolraL (529), the snail (?) is called 
 (pepeoiKos (571), the hand is called irevro^os (742) and the ant is simply 
 designated as tdpus (778). Similar expressions are 'Adrjval-ns 5/xa5os 
 (430), evifpbvai (560), rpl-KobL ^porQ (533), rjiiepoKOLTos avrjp (605), 
 VTjds Trrepa (628), avov airo xXcopoO 743), aKiv^TOLai (750), aldrjXa (756). 
 This usage is found once in the Theogony (440), where the sea is 
 called y\avK7]v (see note on 72 supra), and twice in Aeschylus (Persae 
 578), where the sea is the clpllclvtov, and {id. 612), where the bee is the 
 avdeiJLOvpyov. 
 
 Oppian (Hal. II 241 ff.) refers to the habit of the Polypus (so 
 the boneless-one is defined by Hesychius) mentioned in 524-5, but 
 Pliny (N. H. IX 87) says: Ipsum bracchia sua rodere falsa opinio 
 est; id enim e congris evenit ei. 
 
 526. deUvv : present — cited as an Aeolic form by the grammarians. 
 See Ahrens, De Dial, Aeol. 138 note 9. /jll- verbs in some forms be- 
 came inflected as contract verbs, as in the case of rW-qpn,, and dldcofiL 
 and by analogy verbs in vvjjll might take the thematic inflection, as 
 in 451 and 502 supra. This present is without termination. It is 
 barely possible that it is a gnomic imperfect without augment — see 
 on 240 and 345 supra, vojibv opfxrjdrjvaL : a feeding place whereto to ; 
 swim — an epexegetical infinitive. 
 
 527-8. Revolves over the land and city of the Ethiopians. Hero- 
 dotus (II 24) in discussing the inundation of the Nile says that during 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 161 
 
 the winter the sun is driven out of his usual course by the storms and 
 removes to the upper parts of Libya (hence those parts are dry and 
 the Nile low, etc.). avdpcbv drjjjLov re toKlv re is an epic phrase; see 
 Od. VI 3; XI 14. ^pabiov. because it rises later — Sittl. Ilaj'eX- 
 \r]v€(TaL: this word occurs in II. II 530, but apparently not of the 
 whole Greek race (cf. II. II 684), or the passage may be lafe. The 
 origin and application of the term Hellenes to all the Greeks is dis- 
 cussed by Thucydides (I 3). In 653 infra Hellas is used of all Greece. 
 The reading Trap' 'EWrjveaaL does not obviate the difficulty, as it 
 would seem to refer to all the Greeks. Strabo (VIII 6, 6 — p. 370) 
 says that in Homer there was no common name for the Greeks, and 
 only the inhabitants of Thessaly were called Hellenes; but Hesiod 
 . . . knew that they were all called Hellenes and Panhellenes, and 
 calls them so in speaking of the Proetides, saying their suitors were 
 Panhellenes. 
 
 529-30. Kal t6t€ dij : and then lastly — continued by t6t€ 8ri in 533. 
 Compare the use of the phrase in 197 supra. For uXTy/cotrat see on 
 524. fxvXLooovTes : see Liddell and Scott. For the form see Monro 
 H. G. 55 and note on 241 supra. 8pla :, plural of dpios which occurs 
 in Od. XIV 353. With these two verses compare Vergil, Georg. I 
 330-1: Fugere ferae et mortalia corda / per gentes humilis stravit 
 pavor. 
 
 531-2. Mair, reading ot . . . exovat in 532, translates: And 
 flight is the thought in the breasts of all who seeking shelter haunt 
 close covert or rocky cave. The emendation cos . . . excoai gives 
 a better sense: And this is a concern to all in heart, how (or that) 
 in their desire for shelter they may find close covert or rocky cave. 
 For the cos- clause cf. II. II 3-4: 6 ye fxepfxrjpL^e Kara (ppkva, cos 'AxtXrJa 
 / TLfjLrjaxi. (TKeira is plural of aKewas : for the form cf . 647 infra and see 
 Monro H. G. 105, 4. y\d(pv in 533 is neuter singular of the adjective 
 used substantively. The corresponding verb occurs in Shield 431: 
 TToadlv y\d(peL (of a lion tearing up the earth with his feet). 
 
 533-5. TpLTToh ppoTU) : a reference to the riddle of the Sphinx, 
 which must have been well known at Ascra. Oedipus is mentioned 
 in 163 supra, and in Th. 326 there is a direct reference to the myth 
 of the Sphinx. Cf. the rplirobas 68ovs of Aesch. Ag. 80, and the 
 rpLTo^dfxovos ficLKTpov of Eurip. Troad. 275. kwl — €a7€ : tmesis — is 
 
162 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 broken, i.e. bent with age. Cf. the epithet of the old man in Horn. 
 Hymn to Hermes 90: kiriKa^jLTrvKos co/jlovs. See note on 427 supra. 
 tQ lk€\ol : Hke to him they go to and fro — the reference is to the 
 hunch-backed appearance of cattle drawn up by the cold and snow. 
 Rand (Hor. Urb. p. 161) speaks of the freezing animals loping about 
 on three legs, as if the point of comparison were in rpiTroSt, and not in 
 €tI vcoTa eayel vicpa occurs only here, apparently from a nominative 
 vbj/, and from the same root as v'upoi. Cf. Latin nivem and ninguit 
 and see Giles, Manual of Comp. Phil. 141 (a). Rzach reads ^porol 
 in 533, which Peppmliller renders: Dann gleichen die Menschen 
 dem Alten, etc. 
 
 536-63. Though less descriptive than the preceding, this passage 
 is closely akin to it and gives precepts as to clothing in winter and 
 warns again to avoid Boreas and the cold rain of the winter season. 
 
 536-7. epvtia xpoos in II. IV 137 the mitra is called a protection 
 of the body (epu/xa xpoos) and a barrier against darts, x^cu^av: a 
 kind of coarse garment (I/jlcitlov) worn above the tunic (xi-rcov). 
 TepiJLLoevTa xtrcoj^a occurs in Od. XIX 242, where it is explained by 
 Eustathius (1864, 2) as a garment covering the whole body. Cf. 
 irkifKoL TTodrjpeis in Eurip. Bacch. 833. 
 
 538-40. And in little warp weave much woof (338), i.e. to make 
 it soft and warm. KpoKa is heteroclite accusative of KpoKrj. opdal 
 (ppiaaovdiv rpixes occurs in Oppian, Cyn. Ill 368. Compare Vergil's 
 steteruntque comae in Aen. II 774. 
 
 541-2. ^ooslipi KTaiikvoio: because such leather would be better 
 than that of an animal which had died of disease — Leaf on II. Ill 
 375. Cf. Od. XIV 23-4, where Eumaeus a^npl irodeaaLP eois apaptaKe 
 TrediXa, Ta/jLvcav depfjLa ^oeiov evxpoes (fresh-looking, healthy). ap/neva: 
 sandals that fit. TrtXots kt\. = lining them inside with felt. See II. 
 X 265, where a felt-lined helmet is mentioned, and Cf. 546 infra. 
 
 543-6. irpooroybvoiv : perhaps a standing epithet (cf. II. IV 102), 
 whose meaning is not to be pressed here. Kpvos ccpuov : cold season. 
 vevpo) j8o6s : a chord of ox-sinew, or of ox-hide, verov — aXerjv : a 
 shield against the rain — Mair. K€<pa\rj(pL : the instrumental in <^t 
 (see Monro H. G. 104 and 154-8) is used as genitive or date in Homer. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 163 
 
 Compare II. X 257 = 261 (dij,<pl 8e ot Kvverjv K€(pa\r}(pLv ed7]K€) with id. 458 
 (tov 8' CLTO — Kvver]v Ke(pa\rj(pLv eXovro). In this passage it may be 
 after vwepOev, but is more likely dative, as in Od. XXIV 230-1: avrap 
 VTepdev I — Kvvk:(]v Ke(pa\fj exe. aaKrjTov : artfully wrought — Moschopu- 
 lus. The further suggestion of made large enough to cover the ears 
 is rather implied in what follows than expressed by the epithet. 
 
 547-9. ireaovTos : explained by Proclus as referring to the descent 
 of the wind from elevated places. The word is used in Od. XIX 
 202 of the subsiding of the wind. With verse 547 compare Od. XIV 
 475: vv^ — eirrjXde KaKrj ^opeao ireaovTos / Tn^YuXts, and V 469: avpr] 8' tK 
 TTOTafiov \puxpr} irvkti rjchdi irpb. Paley renders 548-9 thus: In the 
 morning a mist from the starry heaven, bringing good wheat crops, 
 is spread over the earth upon the tilled lands of the wealthy. For 
 this use of p^aKapoiv cf. Od. I 217-8: Would I were the son of some 
 blest man (/xa/capos rev) on whom old age had come amongst his 
 own possessions, and see Leaf on II. IX 68. 
 
 550-3. Cf. Lucretius VI 476-8: Praeterea fiuviis ex omnibus et 
 simul ipsa / surgere de terra nebulas aestumque videmus / quae 
 velut halitus hinc ita sursum expressa feruntur. apvaaafxevos : sc. 
 u5cop. Cf . Eurip. Med. 835-9. avefxoLo dveWrj : an epic tag — see II. 
 VI 346; Od. X 54. Theocritus seems to imitate 552 in IV 43: x^ Zeus 
 dXXo/ca fxev TreXet aWpLos, aXXoAca 8' veu. arjai: used absolutely = is 
 blown away. As Waltz suggests arjai is used to balance vet. Mair 
 renders 553: When Thracian Boreas (cf. 506-7 supra) driveth the 
 thronging clouds. KKovelv is used of driving clouds (by Boreas and 
 Zephyrus) in II. XXIII 213; but more frequently of driving ranks of 
 men in confusion, as in II. V 96. 
 
 554-6. TOV seems to refer to arip (549), or rather to the result 
 implied in uet (552), i.e. the rain. Those who have seen a mist in the 
 morning are warned to finish their work and return home before 
 they are caught by the storm. Cf. Vergil, Georg. I 373: Numquam 
 imprudentibus (i.e. without having been warned by signs) imber 
 / obfuit. Epic expressions are frequent throughout the winter 
 episode. For the close of 554 and 555 cf. II. II 290 and XIV 343. 
 fj,v8a\eov : wet. fjLv8os and its derivatives originally had an initial 
 as is shown by smut, smutty in English, and Schmutz, schmutzig in 
 German, drjxi : for the form of the subjunctive see on 458 supra. 
 
164 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 557-8. fiels occurs also in II. XIX 117. It is Ionic and the regular 
 phonetic development from the original mens — (cf. Latin mensis), 
 in which long e became short before ns and then produced ixels. This 
 was displaced in Attic by the analogical fxrjv. See Buck, Greek Dia- 
 lects, 112, 3. irpo^cLTOLs: used here, as in II. XIV 124 and XXIII 
 550, as a general term for cattle. 
 
 559-60. T&jjLKjv : a case of Aeolic or Ionic psilosis with phonetic 
 crasis. See Buck's Greek Dialects, 94. For the mood of eir} see note 
 on 28 supra. dp^uaXt^s : cf. 767 infra and see note on 422 supra, 
 yap explains the first half of 559. evcppovai is not Homeric. See on 
 524 supra. eirlppodoL : cf. II, IV 390, on which passage Eustathius 
 (849, 35) defines the words as one who assists with noise (cf. 220 
 supra) and zeal. See also Leaf on II. XXIII 770. The meaning 
 of these two lines is: Men should have more to eat (apparently 
 because of the cold), but half is sufficient for the cattle; for owing to 
 the long nights they have less work to do and more rest. 
 
 561-3. These three lines were rejected by Plutarch, but Proclus 
 points out that without them the following has no connection with 
 the preceding. Mair's rendering seems to give the idea: Take thou 
 heed of these things till the year be ended, till thou hast gotten night 
 and day equal, even to the time when once again earth the mother of 
 all things bringeth forth her manifold fruits. 
 
 By comparison with Od. XIV 292 and Th. 795 it would seem that 
 TereKeaiikvov els hiavrdv means: till the year comes completely to an 
 end. IcTovadat w/cras re Kal rt/jLara is a difficult phrase. By com- 
 parison with Shield 263 (the nearest parallel: h 8' owxas x^'^poLS re 
 Opaaelas tccoo-ai'To = and on him they equalized (with one another) 
 bold nails and hands, i.e. they vied with one another in using their 
 nails and hands on their victim) it would seem to mean: equalize 
 (for yourself) nights and days, i.e. get them equal; but, as Mair 
 renders, the main idea is contained in (puXaaao/jievos observe till you 
 get, etc. Paley interprets: Observing these precepts till the end 
 of the year, make the nights equal and the days equal, viz. by pro- 
 portioning the supply of food, so that the consumption is equal, 
 taking one season with another, both for man and beast, i.e. when 
 more for the one, it is less for the other. crvfifjLLKTOP with reference 
 to 558-9, i.e. grain for men, forage for cattle. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 165 
 
 564-617. The winter over, then comes the works and recreations 
 of spring and summer, till the farmer's year closes where it began, 
 i.e. with the autumn plowing and sowing. 
 
 564-7. Sixty days after the winter solstice Arcturus rises at sun- 
 set and shines all night long. For the quantity of the final syllable 
 of rpoTTcts see Introd. V 2 note 12. 8r] pa rore see on 417 supra. 
 tpoXlttcov — poov ^KeavoXo: cf. II. 5-6, where the gleam of Diomed's 
 helmet is likened to an autumnal star which shines very brightly 
 after being bathed in Ocean (it seems from II. XXII 26 ff. that this 
 was Orion). The ancients supposed that the constellations, when 
 invisible, were bathing in the stream of Ocean. Cf. II. XVIII 
 487-9 ( = 0d. V 273-5), where the Bear or Wain alone is said not to 
 share in the baths of Ocean, and Vergil, Georg. I 246: Arctos Oceani 
 metuentes aequore tingui. Kveipas in Homer is used of the evening 
 twihght (dusk), as Od. Ill 329; but later, as Aristoph. Eccl. 291, of 
 morning twilight (dawn). aKpoKvk<paLos is here used to designate the 
 evening rising of Arcturus. 
 
 568-70. UavdLovis cf. Od. XIX 518, where the nightingale is 
 said to sing at the beginning of spring. Stesichorus (Frag. 36) 
 assigns this function to the swallow. According to the legend 
 Philomela and Procne, daughters of Pandion, were changed re- 
 spectively into a nightingale and a swallow. Cf. Plautus, Rud. Ill 
 1, 12: Respondeo / natas ex Philomela atque ex Procne esse hir- 
 undines. The story is variously told. See Ovid, Met. VI 652. 
 rov 8e ixer this formula is found four times in Od. XI (260, 266, 
 305, 601). It might have been used like rf olr) in the fourth book 
 of the Hesiodic Catalogue of Heroines, or ol be in the Homeric Cata- 
 logue of Ships. opdoyoT] is explained in Et. Mag. as lamenting shrilly, 
 or at early dawn. The variant opdpoyor}, which seems to give a better 
 sense, would have the latter meaning. Sittl says: The swallows 
 are not seen in Attica before the 6th of March, but sometimes appear 
 at Patras by the middle of February. Rising to light is equivalent 
 to making her appearance (in spring). Trjv (pBaiievos cf. 554 supra. 
 Between the rising of Arcturus and the appearance of the swallow 
 prune the vines, i.e. very early in the spring before the sap starts 
 to rise. 
 
 571. (pepeoLKos see note on 524. Defined by Dionysius Thrax 
 as the snail according to Proclus. According to Et. Mag. it is a 
 
166 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 snail or a tortoise. Neither of these leaves the ground and climbs 
 up on plants in the heat of the summer. Rand (Hor. Urb. p. 161) 
 renders: crawling to the shelter of the \-ines — which can hardly be 
 the meaning of the Greek. Both Proclus and ^t. Mag. state that 
 in Arcadia there was a peculiar animal like a bee (wasp), or a weasel, 
 which carried its house with it in winter, but in summer climbed the 
 plants. This simply shows the dtfficidt\' the ancient commentators 
 had with the passage. It seems probable that the snail is meant 
 here and that the author of the Works was mistaken as to its habits. 
 Compare Cicero, de Div. II 64 (133), where an old poet calls the 
 snail, terrigenam, herbigradam, domiportam, sanguine cassam. 
 Herodotus (IV 46) uses the term of the Scj-thian nomads. 
 
 572-3. See on 383-7 supra, rare 617 or 5^ t6t€ (also in combina- 
 tion with other particles): see on 197, 417, 529, 565 supra. Sri 
 emphasizes rore then and not sooner or later, Le. then at last or 
 then already, etc. aKcupoi — oufeujv: the season to culti\-ate the 
 \Tnes. For the process cf. Od. XXIV 226, 242 and Hom. H\-mn to 
 Hermes 87, 90. apxas: see on 387 supra. The word is used here 
 and in Th. 175, 179 of a sickle. In D. XIX 350 it is used of a falcon, 
 or some bird of prey. As Sittl sa^-s, rousing the ser\-ants implies 
 that the master shall rise first of aU. 
 
 574-5. fl&Mcow used of seats or abodes in H. XTH 439: O&aw 
 mcero 0oi>Kovi. Also Aesch. Prom. 831, where the oracle and seat 
 {daxos) of Zeus are at Dodona. Here it seems to be used of shady 
 places in general with reference to 2nd half of 575. koitov properly 
 a couch, but here it is used as in Od. XIX 515 of sleep (till dawn — 
 ex' 176a), i.e. hustle out before daylight and do not waste your time 
 in the shade, even if the sim is hot. Theocritus (X 48-51) suggests 
 that reapers ought to begin at the rising of the lark and cease when 
 it goes to rest, but to rest during the heat, while threshers should 
 avoid sleeping at mid-day, because then the chaff is best separated 
 from the stalk. KdfHpa, see on 7 supra and cf. Od. XIII 398 = 430: 
 jcap^cu — xpoa koKop, and Archil, Frag. 100: ovkW ofiufs OaXkas araXop 
 Xpoa, Kapipercu yap ri&7i. 
 
 577. opdpov at dawn — cf. Plato, Laws 95 ID: dx' 6p0pov fuxptrep ap 
 iiXuK di'd<rxZ7= between dawn and sunrise. The word is not Homeric; 
 it occurs in H)mm to Hermes 98: opBpoi — 5rituoefyr6s = daiwn that sets 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 167 
 
 men to work. For the 2nd hemistich cf. 31 and 501 supra. Here as 
 in 606 infra we have an optative in a final clause after a primary tense. 
 This is explained by Goodwin (M. T. 322) as a mere anomaly, 
 while Monro H. G. 306, 1 a, takes it as indicating a consequence 
 not immediate or certain. 
 
 578-80. Three consecutive verses begin with the same word also 
 5-7, 182-4, 317-9 supra. So in Th. 833-5. ataav: the morning has 
 as its portion a third part of the work, i.e. "well begun is half done. " 
 For this meaning of the word cf. Od. V40: \ax<^v dir6 Xr?(5os altrav, and 
 II. XVIII 327. TfxxpkpeLi Morning advanceth a man upon his 
 journey and advanceth him also in his work — Mair. The verb 
 takes the Ace, as in II. VI 346; Od. 64; or is used absolutely as in 
 Th. 742 : (pkpoL irpd ^ueXXa. 68ov is a local genitive, as in II. IV 382 : 
 7rp6 6dov ey €vovTo= they got forward on the way (see Leaf), irpoykvovro 
 is used in this sense without the genitive in Shield 345. Ipyov fol- 
 lows the analogy of 65o0. Sittl supplies rt with the genitives and says: 
 The fields are often so far from the house that in modern times the 
 inhabitants of some villages sleep in huts in the fields, and Waltz 
 following him renders: C'est Taurore qui donne le signal du depart, 
 le signal du travail. KtKtvBov is genitive after kwefirjae. Cf . 659 infra. 
 The intransitive use is found in Od. IX 83-4: hirk^rifxev yalris. kiri — 
 Ti6r](nv\ tmesis. So Apoll. Rhod. Arg. Ill 1190: d Kal irep kirl ^vyd. 
 ^oval jSdXotro. Horace refers to the opposite scene in Carm. Ill 
 6, 41-3: Sol ubi montium / mutaret umbras et iuga demeret / bo- 
 bus fatigatis. 
 
 582-7. Cf. II. Ill 151-2, and especially Shield 393-400: What 
 time the dark-winged chattering cicada perched upon a green branch 
 beginneth to sing to men of summer — the cicada whose meat and 
 drink is the fresh dew, and all day long and in the morning he poureth 
 forth his voice in the time of the fiercest heat, when Sirios parcheth 
 the flesh of men — in that season the beards grow round the millet, 
 which men sow in summer, when the unripe grapes are turning, 
 which Dionysus hath given to be at once a boon and a bane to men 
 — Mair. A closer i mitation is Alcaeus Fr. 39: T€77€ wvevjJLovas 
 oLv(^' t6 ydp &(TTpov TrepireXXerat, d 5' cbpa xaXcTra, iriivTa hi bbpaifT* {fird 
 Kav/jLaTos. Ax^t 5' €k TrerdXcoj' fdSea rerrt^, irrepvycov 8' ijiro KaKx^ei 
 Xtyvpav (irvKvov) dolSav, (depos) binroTa ip\6yiov /card yav ireTT^fxevov 
 iriiVTa KaTaviivp. &v6€l Kal ffKdXvfxos' vvv bi yvpoiKes /xtapcbraTai, XcTrrot 5' 
 
168 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 avdpes, eirel Kal KeipaXav /cat yova Zetptos a^et. See also Anacreontic 32, 
 and Vergil, Georg. Ill 327-8: Ubi quarta sitim caeli collegerit hora 
 / et cantu querulae rumpent arbusta cicadis; Buc. II 13: Sole sub 
 ardenti resonant arbusta cicadis. 
 
 According to Proclus and Hesychius the scolymus is a wild plant 
 with thorns, and Theophrastus (H. P. VI 4) describes it as having 
 a root edible either raw or cooked, and says that this is best when it 
 flowers, which is about the summer solstice. According to Sittl 
 it flowers in June and the stalk, when stripped of the thorny covering, 
 has an excellent flavor. It was eaten in Pliny's time (see N. H. 
 XXI 94). For the form of rjxera see Monro H. G. 96 and cf. 53, 
 104 supra. rerTi^ : the Latin cicada, an insect somewhat like our 
 locust. The male produces a vibratory sound with its wings, whence 
 the joke in the Hymn of Xenarchus: Aren't the cicadae lucky? 
 Their women can't talk. With 585 compare Vergil, Georg. I 341-2 
 Tum (vere sereno) pingues agni et tum moUissima vina; Tum somni 
 dulces densaeque in montibus umbrae (cf. 574 supra and 593 infra). 
 Pliny (N. H. XXII 86) refers to 586 and the Alcaic fragment quoted 
 above: Venerem stimulare (scolymum) Hesiodo et Alcaeo testibus, 
 qui florente eo cicadas acerrimi cantus esse et mulieres libidinis 
 avidissimas virosque in coitum pigerrimos scripsere. iiaxi^os : 
 applied only to women, whence II. XXIV 30 was rejected by Aris- 
 tarchus. 2etptos : see on 417 supra. Cf. Archilochus Frag. 61: 
 TToXXovs fJLev avTcov Setptos Karavavet, o^vs eWainrcov, where Hesychius 
 seems to take it as refering to the sun. Cf. 575 supra. The des- 
 tructive influence of the dog-star is referred to in Aesch. Ag. 967: 
 While the root lives, the leafage protects with its shade the house 
 from the ravening dog-star. 
 
 588-9. TOT* rjdr] : see on 417 and 572 supra: tum demum. For 
 the optative in 589 see on 28 supra. TreTpalrj-aKLrj : cf . Vergil, Georg. 
 Ill 145: (pascunt ubi) speluncaeque tegant et saxea procubet umbra; 
 Isaiah 32, 2: As the shadow of a great rock in a weary land. Bibline 
 wine was from Thrace according to Hesychius. Sittl says: Whence 
 it got its name cannot be determined, whether from a place in Thrace 
 or from a river of Naxos or from a Phoenician city. So much is 
 sure: It was a species of vine that flourished around Ascra. As 
 to its quality Wheler says: Je bus la le meilleur vin et le plus fort 
 que j'eusse bu dans toute la Grece. It is mentioned in Theocritus 
 XIV 15. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 169 
 
 590-1. fxa^a a/jLoXyalr} may well be a cake made with milk. So 
 a scholiast. But ajjLoKyalr] may be connected with afioXyos in the 
 Homeric phrase vvKrds afioXyc^ (II. XV 324; XXII 28, 317; Od. IV 
 841), which is usually explained as an old Achaean word for aKfir]. 
 Thus it would mean prime, made of the finest flour. So Proclus. 
 See Leaf on II. XI 173. a^evvvfjievdoiv : the kids have been weaned — 
 Proclus. Cf. Aristotle H. A. Ill 21: 17 MrjdLKrj iroa a^evvvau (dries 
 up) TO 7dXa. With jSoos vKoipayoio compare jSous v\o(pop^ovs in Eurip. 
 I. T. 261 and see II. V 162. The first hemistich of 592 occurs in 
 543 supra. By the latter part of June the first-born kids would 
 be in prime condition. Theocritus (I 6) says that the flesh of 
 yearling kid is good, eare k d/xeX^r^s. 
 
 592-4. Cf . Pyth. Orac. (Athenaeus I 22E) : eUoai rds irpo kvvos 
 Kal ct/coo-t rds fxereTeLra / o'lko) kvl aKiepQ Aiovvaco XPW^^'' '^WP^i 
 and Theognis 1039-40: a<ppoves avdpcoTOL Kal vrjinoL, o'lrLves olvov jiri 
 irlvova' aarpov Kal kvvos apxop-kvov. eirl : besides, as in 194 supra. Sittl 
 justifies the accusative-participles in 593-4 (see note on 459 supra) 
 by the generic character of the precept. This is hardly borne out 
 by 746 and 748 infra, where it seems a matter of meter. See also 
 715-6, 735, 806. For the case of eScoSr/s see note on 33 supra, ^op 
 is limiting accusative with KeKoprjfxevov. See Goodwin, Gk. Gr. 1239. 
 
 595. A spring which always flows out and is never muddy. Cf. 
 Soph. O. C. 469: Ipas e^ aeipvrov xods /cpiyi/iys = holy drink-offerings 
 from a perennial spring. It is possible to connect this verse with 
 the preceding or following. With this and the next verse compare 
 Ovid, Fasti, I 403-4: Vina dabat Liber; tulerat sibi quisque coronam; 
 Miscendas large rivus agebat aquas. 
 
 596. Pour three measures of water and the fourth of wine — 
 Mair. Homer uses irpox^eiv in the sense of pour forward (of rivers, 
 etc.), as II. II 465; XXI 219. Cf. 757 infra, rpis : either arbitrarily 
 lengthened in the thesis, as 130, 430, 515, 537, 651, or an acephalous 
 verse, as 436 supra. Three parts water and one part wine was a 
 weak mixture. Cf. Alcaeus, Frag. 41, where the ratio is two to one, 
 and Aristoph. Eq. 1187, where it is three to two. 
 
 597-8. An account of the threshing process is given by Xenophon 
 (Oec. XVIII 3 ff.): They thresh the wheat with oxen, says he; and 
 
170 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 the men all the time keep throwing under their feet the untrodden 
 part of the grain, divenev is used of the cattle going round the cir- 
 cular threshing-floor, adhos '^aplcovos : cf. 615, 619 infra and see 
 note on 518 supra. As Orion rises before Sirius (see on 417 supra) y 
 this seems to mean sometime after the constellatio|i has made its 
 appearance in the morning sky, or sometime in July. 
 
 599. In a windy place and on a well-rounded threshing floor. 
 Windy for blowing away the chaff, and well rounded for driving the 
 oxen. Cf . II. V 499-502 : As the wind carries away the chaff on the 
 threshing floor, when men are winnowing and Demeter separates 
 the grain from the chaff; and the piles of chaff become white, etc. See 
 also Od. V 368 and Vergil, Georg. I 178-9: Area cum primis ingenti 
 aequanda cylindro / et vertenda manu et creta solidanda tenaci, 
 whence Van Lennep explains eurpoxaXo) as well-rolled. The 2nd 
 hemistich occurs in 806 infra. 
 
 600-1. Measure and store it in vessels — Mair. For ayyeaiv see 
 on 475. KOjilaaadai and KaTadrjaL are virtually identical in meaning. 
 For the latter see on 27 supra, ^iov : as in 42 supra. eTrapjievov : as 
 in 627 infra: in its proper place. Cf. 407 supra. 
 
 602-3. dyjra as compared with 5/xcoo-t (597) seems to refer to a hired 
 man (so Photius) to take care of the grain. The two words are 
 distinguished in Od. IV 644. Compare the use of the verb in II. 
 
 XXI 444: drjTevorafjiev — nuadc^ ein pr/rw, and see Od. XI 489. TroLtiadai : 
 hire a man without home or family (that he may give his whole time 
 to your interests). The interpretation dismiss him from your ser- 
 vice would require the active, as the proverb of Planudes 275: iroirjaov 
 lie evoLKov, Iva, ce iroLrjao) s^olkov. Compare the use of the middle in 
 707 infra. epiBov : a woman to work — cf . 406 supra. In II. XVIII 
 550, 560 it is used of reapers. 
 
 604-5. KapxapodovTa: an epithet of the dog in 796 infra, and 
 II. X 360; XIII 198; of a sickle in Th. 175, 180. The first part of the 
 compound is a reduplication of the root xap- found in xapao-o-co — 
 see note on 387 supra. rifiepoKOLTos : see note on 524 supra, and cf. 
 the use of dormitator in Plautus, Trin. 862, 984. Treat well your 
 sharp-toothed dog, lest the day-sleeper (i.e. the night-prowler) 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 171 
 
 Steal your goods— Rand (p. 152). Cf. Vergil, Georg. Ill 404-7: 
 Nee tibi cura canum fuerit postrema, sed una / velocis Spartae 
 catulos acremque Molossum / pasce sero pinqui. Numquam 
 custodibus illis / nocturnum stabulis furem . . . horrebis. afxepb- 
 KOLTOL is used in Eurip. Cyclops 58 of kids asleep during the day. 
 For the two accusatives in 605 cf. 11. I 275: Anjre crv rovb' ay ados 
 •jrep €<j3V a-jroaipeo Kovprjv. 
 
 j 606-7. Get in fodder as well as litter for bedding. For the 
 optative see on 577 supra. For the use of oxen and mules in Hesiod 
 see on 46 supra. 
 
 I 
 
 608. avaxl/v^au : cf . Od. IV 568, where Ocean always sends up the 
 breezes of Zephyrus avaypvx^Lv avdpoyirovs (in Elysium). (pi\a: Hom- 
 eric epithet used with an object closely connected, and virtually 
 equivalent to a possessive adjective. Cf. II. IX 610: ets 6 /ce . . . 
 fjLOL (plXa yovvar' 6p6)pri, and see on 360 supra. For the two accu- 
 satives d/jLcoas . . . yovvara see note on 28 supra. 
 
 609-11. For Sirius, Arcturus and Orion see on 417, 566, 598 
 supra. The morning rising of Arcturus occured shortly after the 
 middle of September. podo8aKTv\os : rosy-fingered — a frequent epi- 
 thet of Aurora in Homer, as II. I 477. airobpeirev (Doric infinitive) 
 violates digamma, but from the preceding and following infinitives 
 (see however 627 infra, where an imperative stands between two 
 infinitives), and from the MSS. seems to have been the original 
 reading: cut off and bring home. 
 
 612-13. Proclus has the following comment: They cut off the 
 bunches and exposed them to the sun in order to dry out the watery 
 part that does not keep well; this was called OeiKoTrebemLv (cf. Od. 
 VII 123: Here the fruitful vineyard is planted, one part of which, 
 a warm spot (deiXoTedov) on level ground, is dried by the sun; else- 
 where men gather grapes, and elsewhere still they tread them). 
 Then they laid them in the shade to cure the tendency to ferment 
 by a counteracting coolness. The third process was to tread and 
 squeeze out the wine. Cf. Pliny N. H. XIV 8 (77): Uvae paulum 
 ante maturitatem decerptae siccantur acri sole, ter die versatae per 
 triduum, quarto exprimuntur, dein in cadis sole inveterantur. a77€a : 
 apparently a generic term for -n-idoL — see on 94 and 475 supra. The 
 
172 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 treading out or the wine is here taken for granted. Od. II 340-42 
 gives a picture of wine-jars in storage: Great jars {-kWol) of old deli- 
 cious wine were standing there ... in order ranged along the 
 wall, etc. In* Th. 940-41 Semele is said to have borne to Zeus 
 ^loivvaov TToXvyrjdka. In II. XIV 325 she bore him to be a x^Pf^o, 
 — ^poTolai, while in Shield 400 ( = Frag. 121, 1) the gifts of Dionysus 
 are avbpadi xapM^ koI axOos. See also Od. XXIV 74, where a golden 
 amphora is said to be AioivvaoLo bOipov. But the god of wine does 
 not occupy a prominent place in the early epic. See further II. 
 VI 130-140 and Od. XI 325; and cf. Horace Carm. IV 15, 26: inter 
 iocosi munera Liberi. 
 
 615-16. At the setting of the Pleiades, plow again. This com- 
 pletes the annual cycle indicated at the beginning of these instruc- 
 tions (383-4). See note on 381-2 supra. From the association of 
 Orion with the Pleiades and Hyades it seems that Hesiod was not 
 always careful to be exact, especially with reference to the larger 
 constellations. Compare note on 598 supra. For the season of 
 plowing see on 448-51 and 458-9 supra. With these verses compare 
 Vergil, Georg. I 221-4: Ante tibi Eoae Atlantides abscondantur 
 . . . Debita quam sulcis committas semina quamque Invitae 
 properes anni spem credere terrae. 
 
 617. Suspected by Goettling as a later addition. TrXetcbi' does 
 not occur before the Alexandrians, who use it in the sense of year. 
 See Callim. Hymn to Zeus 89; Lycophron 201, 1039; Manetho II 
 419; Antipater Sidon. in Anth. VI 93, 3; and Hesychius. It is 
 perhaps derived from the use of ttXcTos in such a phrase as Ska TrXetous 
 kvLavTovs (Th. 636). /card x^ovos : explained by Moschopulus as 
 eiri rCiv tt]s yrjs epyo)v, and so substantially Proclus. The meaning 
 then is: And thus may the year be properly distributed as to farming 
 operations, or as Waltz renders: Voila comment il faut repartir, 
 au cours de I'annee, les divers travaux des champs. The nearest 
 parallels to this use of Kara are II. XXI 172 (fxea aoir ay es e6r)K€ Kar' 
 hx^ris lyxos), and Th. 498 (Zeus tov Xldov aTTjpu^e Kara x&ovos): of a 
 spear and stone fixed partly in the earth, just like growing vegeta- 
 tion. Rzach adopts the emendation elaLP : And so in fitting wise the 
 year will go beneath the earth, i.e. come to a conclusion (cf. Eurip. 
 Alces. 618). Peppmiiller reads tr? (Rh. Mus. XL 625) and renders: 
 Also gehe das Jahr nach schicklicher Arbeit zu Ende. Sittl's expla- 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 173 
 
 nation of ttXcicoj^ as seed-corn (based on Hescychius s.v. irXeLovet, and 
 the fact that for this purpose ears with full and complete grains were 
 chosen-^cf. Geopon. II 16, 2) is adopted by Mair: And let the seed 
 be duly bestowed under the earth. 
 
 618-694. Precepts on Navigation. A sort of appendix to the 
 farmer's year, as Hesiod considers a trader's life uncertain and 
 dangerous (see on 236-7 supra), and only to be indulged in under 
 stress of cirsumstances. See 631-8, 646-7, 682-6 infra. 
 
 618-20. vavTLXirjs dvaTrefx<pe\ov : stressful seafaring — Mair. See 
 also Leaf on II. XVI 748. (pevyovaat : Many of the Greeks thought 
 that the constellations represented the hunting of Orion, so that he 
 with his dog Sirius pursued the Bear, the Doves (Pleiades), etc. — 
 Goettling. Cf. II. XVIII 488; Od. V 274. The same figure is found 
 in Vergil, Georg. I 217: adverso cedens Canis astro (i.e. Tauro), 
 and IV 234: sidus fugiens Piscis aquosi (of Taygete). By the falling 
 of the Pleiades and Orion into the sea is meant their cosmical set- 
 ting about November 1st. See note on 383-7 supra. 
 
 621-3. driTOTe: see on 572 supra. For the rest of the line cf. 
 Od. V 292-3: waaas — bpbSvvev deXXas iravToloiv ave/jtccv, and see II. 
 XIV 254. Winds of this sort are described in Th. 872-7 as winds 
 blowing fitfully upon the sea: they fall upon the misty deep, a great 
 bane to mortal men, and rage with evil tempest. Different at 
 different times they blow, and scatter ships and destroy sailors. 
 And there is no defence against woe for men who meet those winds 
 upon the deep. iJLeiJLvr]fjLhos : see note on 422 supra. But mind thee 
 to till the soil — Mair. It is possible however to take the infinitive 
 as complementary, thus avoiding asyndeton. 
 
 624-6. He bids draw up the ship on land and surround it with 
 stones that the winds may not shake it, and pull out the plug that 
 the rain may not rot it — Proclus. VidoLai : apparently the same as 
 the epfxara used to prop up a ship on shore (ex/JiCLTa v-qdv) in II. I 486; 
 II 154; Hom. Hymn to Apollo 507; one of which Ajax hurled at 
 Hector in II. XIV 410, where see Leaf's note, vypbv : adverbial 
 (Ace. of inner object) with akvroiv, as in Od. V 478 and elsewhere. 
 xdfjLapov : the plug in the keel of the ship to let out the water when 
 it rained — Proclus. It seems related to x^^lJ^o.ppovs (winter-torrent) 
 
174 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 from the stream of water that gushed through the hole. For the 
 construction of a Homeric ship see Merry and Riddell's Odyssey, 
 Vol. I (I-XII) Appendix I. 
 
 627-8. oTrXa : everything belonging to a ship: mast, sails, ropes, 
 rudder, etc. — Proclus. So used in Od. II 390. kiraptxeva : in prop- 
 er order — see on 601 supra, rew eyKardeo o'lkco : an epic tag occurring 
 in a variety of forms. See 27 supra; II. XIV 219; Od. XXIII 223; 
 Th. 487; etc. crToKiaas: fold — compare Eurip. Bacch. 936, where 
 (TToXldes are folds of garments. Trepa : used of the sails, as in Fr. 
 76, 7: larla-vrios Trrepd and Eurip. Hel. 147. In Od. XI 125; XXIII 
 272 they refer to the oars. 
 
 629. See on 45 supra, and compare Aristoph. Birds 711: /cat 
 Tr7]8a\Lov rore vavKkr]pcd (ppd^ei Kpefxaaavri Kadevdeiv (of the crane — see 
 448 supra), and Acharn. 279: rj d' aairls kv tQ (pepakcjo KpefxijaeraL. 
 
 631-2. Cf. II. XIV 97: vrjas evaaeXfjLovs aXa5' eXKe^ev and Od. II 389: 
 Kai TOTe vTJa Ootjv oKad' etpvae. Solon Frag. XIII 44 speaking of the 
 straits to which poverty will bring men sayfe: One wanders over the 
 sea in ships desiring to bring profit home {xp'h^^v o'Uade Kepdos ayeiv) 
 tossed by dangerous winds and taking no account of his life, apixevov : 
 proper — practically equivalent to ixerpiov. Cf. 689-94 infra, kvrhv- 
 aadai : make ready — virtually equivalent to deo-dau in 643, 689 infra. 
 For the pregnant force of o'Uade cf. 611 supra. 
 
 635. T€t5e (Doric for Tfjde — see Buck's Greek Dialects, 132, 2) 
 is taken by Bergk (Gk. Lit. p. 952 and note 27) as evidence that 
 Hesiod was living by the sea (at Naupactus) when writing this part 
 of the Works, and was denouncing an unfavorable clime from which 
 he had been driven by unjust persecution: Who once also came 
 this way (passed by here on his way to Ascra) after crossing much 
 sea and settled near Helicon in a miserable village, bad in winter 
 and no better in summer. 
 
 With the end hemistich of 635 compare Theognis 511: ^aOvv 
 5td TTovTov dvvaaas, and Hymn to Hermes 337: ttoXvv 5td x^pov dvvaaas. 
 
 637-8. According to Paley oXjSos is prosperity, of which ttXovtos 
 (riches) is only a part, and a(pevos (landed property or produce from 
 it) is only an accident. See note on 24 supra. Such is the meaning 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 175 
 
 of oXjSos in Od. VI 188: Zeus avros vktiei ok^ov 'OXu/xTrtos avdpcoTroKnv. 
 It may be an emphatic accumulation of synonyms — cf. II. I 171; 
 XVI 596. For poverty as a gift of the gods to men see on 717-8 
 infra. 
 
 I 639-40. Eudoxus says that Ascra was sunless in winter because 
 of Mount Helicon and parching in summer — Proclus. It was 
 situated on the northern slopes of Mt. Helicon, where Boreas had 
 full sweep, and where in summer the mountain tops intercepted 
 the fresh winds from the south— Waltz. Sittl says the atmosphere 
 is fresh and healthy in summer, and refers apyaXeri to the unpro- 
 ductiveness of the soil. Cf. Ovid, Epist. ex Pont. IV 14, 31-4: 
 Esset perpetuo sua quam vitabilis Ascra / ausa est agricolae Musa 
 docere senis. vdaaaro: compare the use of the active voice in 168 
 supra. x^'^^fJ'OL: accusative of duration, depei,: dative of time. 
 
 641-2. Hesiod constantly insists that everything should be done 
 in its proper season (392, 422, 460, 617 supra), but this is more 
 important in navigation (cf. 630, 665) owing to its risky nature than 
 in agriculture. For rvvrj see on 10 supra. 
 
 643. Commend a little boat and put your cargo in a big one — 
 Rand (p. 152). alvelv : explained by Plutarch (Mor. 22F) as eTaLveXp 
 in the sense of decline with thanks, as xcttpeti'. Cf. Soph. Frag. 25 
 (Athen. Ill 122C): to. /xev St/cat' kiralvei, rov be Kepbaiveiv exou, and see 
 Aristoph. Frogs 508. Also Vergil, Georg. II 412-3: Laudato ingen- 
 tia rura, Exiguum colito, where Conington says: The form of the 
 expression is evidently taken from Hesiod, Works 643. Laudato 
 does not itself mean reicito: if it did, there would be no force in the 
 antithesis. Still the same feeling is at the root of this use of the 
 word and that of Greek eiraLvelv in the sense of decline. 
 
 644-5. fjLev-8e = 6(Tco-TO(7ovT03 : the greater the cargo, the greater 
 the gain, em Kepbei Kepdos : cf. 361 supra and see note on 382. Also 
 Aesch. Septem 437: /cat rwSe Kepdeu Kepbos aXXo TiKTeraL. For 645 see 
 on 621 supra. 
 
 646-7. aea'uppova'. see notes on 315-16 and 236-7 supra. xP^a 
 -'Xl/jlov: cf. 404 supra; and for the form of xp^cl see on 532. 
 
176 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 648-9. Tro\v(p\ol(Tl3oLo dakaaaris : a constantly recurring epic 
 phrase, as II. I 34. With 648 compare the oracle given to Croesus 
 in Herod. I 47 ( = Sib. Orac. VIII 361): oUa 8' eyoj yl/dfiixov r' apidtiov 
 Kal juerpa da\d(T(7r]s. <Te(TO(pL(Tfxevos : skilled or experienced, as TrewelpTjiiaL 
 in 660 infra, croiplr] occurs in II. XV 412 of the carpenter's craft 
 (TeKTovLKrj rkxvri)'-, and rexvri Kal (TOiplrj (artfully and skillfully) is used 
 in Hymn to Hermes 483 of musical skill; while the music of the 
 lyre is called ereprjs aoipl-qs rkxvT] (the skill of a new art) in same Hymn 
 511. In these examples there is no suggestion of wisdom, but of 
 skill in handiwork. 
 
 650-51. eireirXoiv evpea TovTov : an epic tag (cf. II. VI 291) not 
 especially appropriate to the narrow Euripus, which is now spanned 
 by a bridge. The verb is 2nd aorist — see Monro H. G. 20. For 
 the quantity of the final syllable of Ev^otav see Monro H. G. 375^ 
 and Paulson, Stud. Hes. p. 109. 
 
 652-3. xetM<S^a : waiting for a wind (so Peppmiiller), though 
 nowhere else is the word used of a wind for navigation. Waltz 
 takes x^t/xcoi^a as an accusative of duration: during the winter. Sittl 
 presses the tense of the participle (having waited during the season 
 of storms) and says: Unless there had been a stormy season, the 
 whole expedition could not have been assembled at Aulis. Goettling 
 renders: Exspectantes, dum desineret tempestas. KoWiyvvaLKa is an 
 epithet of Sparta in Od. XIII 412; of Hellas in II. II 683; of Achaia 
 in II. Ill 75, 258. There is perhaps no allusion to Helen in any of 
 these passages. 
 
 654-6. When Amphidamas, king of Chalcis, had fallen in a war 
 with the Eretrians, funeral games were held by his sons in honor 
 of their father, and at them also a musical and poetical contest, 
 in which Hesiod was victor according to the author of these verses. 
 See Proclus on 650 and Plutarch, Conv. Sept. Sap. 10 (apparently 
 after Aristotle), elaeirkprjcra (of the MSS.) is an a-Tra^ \ey6p,evov, for 
 which Rzach reads ets kweprjcra. For this position of the preposition 
 cf. II. XV 59 {fjidxw «); Od. Ill 137 {dyop^v ks); VII 318 (a(>pLov ks); 
 XV 541 (UvXov ets). TrpoTr€(ppadjjL€va: proclaimed beforehand — an 
 Aeolic form. Cf. the Homeric Unev. A similar contest is mentioned 
 in II. XXIII 630-31, when the Epeians were burying Amarynces, 
 and his sons held the king's funeral games (7rat5es de deaav ^aatXrjos 
 ae^Xa). For /le (656) see note on 44 supra. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 177 
 
 657-9. TpiTToba : The Certamen (205-6) says that Hesiod set up 
 the tripod to the Heliconian Muses after vanquishing Homer in 
 song at Chalcis. Hes. Frag. 265 (Schol. Find. Nem. II 1) locates 
 the contest in Delos. Pausanias (IX 31, 3) says of the tripod: On 
 Helicon there are a number of tripods, including a very old one, 
 which they say Hesiod received at Chalcis on the Euripus for vic- 
 tory in song. For the genitive (dotSrys) see on 580 supra. 
 
 660. See on 649 supra, rot is ethical dative, which has practi- 
 cally become a particle. See on 307 supra. Tro\vy6ix(po3v : not 
 Homeric — but see on 431 supra and cf. Aesch. Persae 71 (of Xerxes' 
 bridge). Verse 661 is composed of two epic hemistichs: see II. 
 XXIV 106 and XIV 160. 
 
 662. In Frag. 197 it is said of the Muses that they avbpa irokvfppa- 
 bkovra Tideiui / dkainov avb-qevra. The divine inspiration of the bard 
 is referred to in Od. VIII 44, 64, 488; XVII 518-9; XXII 347. The 
 idea is found in Job XXXII 7-9: I said, Days should speak, and 
 multitude of years should teach wisdom. But there is a spirit in 
 man, and the inspiration of the Almighty giveth them understanding. 
 Great men are not always wise; neither do the aged understand 
 judgment. 
 
 663-5. irevTrjKovTa ixera Tpowas : see note on 564 supra. Here of 
 the summer solstice, after which about the rising of Sirius the Etesian 
 winds begin to blow and continue 40 days. Cf. Apoll. Rhod. II 
 527-8: Tolo-eKTjTL (because of sacrifices offered to Sirius and Zeus) 
 •yata^' einyl/vxovcnv errjaiai eK Atos avpau / ^/xara reaaapaKovra. 
 Hesiod seems to have counted the Upodpofiot, which blow about 8 
 days before the Etesian winds. Cf. Pliny N. H. II 47: The north 
 winds, which are called Prodromi, precede the rising (of Sirius) by 
 about 8 days. But in 2 days after its rising, the same north winds, 
 which are called Etesiae, blow more constantly during this period 
 (i.e. the dog-days). 
 
 669. Kava^aLs : an Aeolic form. It seems that Karfa^ais became 
 Kaffd^ais, which in turn produced Kavd^ais. See Danielson, Eranos, 
 II 21; Gunther, I. F. XX 53; Schmidt, K. Z. XXXVIII 9; Schulze, 
 Quaest. Ep. 60. irpoippcov: on purpose, intentionally. Paley sug- 
 gests that there may be an allusion to the anger of Poseidon against 
 
178 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Ulysses. For 7€ cf. 660 and see note on 15 supra. The issue of 
 good and ill (669) for mortals is generally in the hands of Zeus. See 
 474 supra; II. XXIV 527-33; Od. IV 236-7: Bebs HWore ciXXco / Zei^^s 
 ayadov re KaKov re bibot' bbvarai yap airavTa. VI 188-9; etc. Here in 
 matters pertaining to the sea Poseidon shares in the prerogative — 
 cf. II. XV 190, etc. 
 
 670. The opposite condition is described in 621 ^w/>rfl. Semonides 
 (VII 37-42) likens a moody woman to the changing sea. 
 
 671-2. Cf. 631 supra. eUrjXos : for efkr/Xos, from root feK- found 
 in (EKrjXos and hcov with prothetic e. Equivalent to Latin securus. 
 Cf. Od. XIV 479; and II. XVII 340. indrjaas : see note on 359 supra. 
 The MSS. vary in 672 between es and ev. h with the dative is used in 
 643 and 689. eadeiievov es avTrjv (i.e. the Argo) aWr)v re eKaroiJL^Tiv /cat 
 5ri Kal TpiTToba xaX/ceoi^, etc. occurs in Herod. IV 179. 
 
 674-7. The time of the new wine was about the middle of Sep- \ 
 tember. See 609-14 supra. The autumn rain here is apparently 
 the same as that of 415 supra. Notus blows from the beginning 
 of November till March — Sittl. For the scansion of beivas see on 
 564 supra. ofxapTelv : with the dative, as in 196 supra. The aorists 
 in 676-7 are gnomic. The effects of blasts of wind falling upon a 
 ship at sea are described in II. XV 624-8. 
 
 678. There seems to be no good reason why navigation should 
 not have been safe earlier in the summer before the Etesian winds 
 had begun, but as trading was only an incident to farming, it is 
 taken for granted that the harvest time is not available. 
 
 679-81. Plutarch (Mor. 410E) has this passage in mind, when 
 he speaks of fig leaves in spring reaching the size of a crow's foot. 
 Compare the old saying in some parts of this country: Plant corn 
 when the oak leaves are the size of a squirrel's ear. eirL^daa : sc. 
 TTJs yrjs and see note on 580 supra, eirolrjaev : gnomic aorist. Kpadji 
 refers to the wild fig according to Sittl, who says that the tame 
 variety does not flourish at Ascra. According to Theophrastus 
 (H. P. Ill 4, 2) the wild fig puts forth leaves in the early spring. 
 The leafing of the fig tree is the sign of the approach of summer in 
 St. Mark XIII 28. a/z^aros is used in II. VI 434 (of the walls of a 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 179 
 
 city) and in Od. XI 316: IV ovpavos afx^aros etrj (of the efforts of the 
 Aloeides). Pindar (Pyth. X 27-9) had the Od. and perhaps the 
 Works in mind when he said: 6 x^X^eos oupaws ou ttot' aju/Saros aurcS* 
 but whatsoever splendors we of mortal race may reach, wepalveL wpds 
 eaxo-Tov tXoov. In this passage it is explained by Moschopulus as 
 meaning dwafievrj ifK^laBai. 
 
 683. aivrjfjLL : Aeolic for alveo). Compare the Sapphic KaXTy/xo 
 (pl\r]fjLL and the Pindaric atrry/zt; and see Buck's Greek Dialects, 157* 
 Also cf. 22 supra. For Kexapiafihos cf. II. V 243; XX 298; Od. XVI 
 184; XIX 397. 
 
 684. apTaKrds : to be snatched, hazardous. Compare Od. VIII 
 164: Kep5ecav apToXeo^v, and see on 320 supra. Rand (p. 153) sug- 
 gests that the epithet applied to this dangerous art makes it almost 
 a form of thieving or gambling. Homer (Od. Ill 73-4; IX 254-5) 
 takes into account robbers and pirates, but Hesiod seems to fear 
 nothing but the winds and the waves. dWd vv Kal rd : but as it is 
 even such things as this men do, etc. See on 513 supra. aLdpelrjo-L 
 vooLo (685) occurs in Od. XI 272 of the deed of Epicaste in marrying 
 her son without knowing it. Compare also Pindar, Nem. XI 42-8, 
 where men in undue hope embark on excessive undertakings, because 
 the streams of foreknowledge lie far away {irpofiadelas dTroKeLvrai 
 poal). Sophocles, An tig. 222: Lucre {to Kepdos) hath often ruined 
 men through their hopes — Jebb. 
 
 686. Money is life for mortals. Cf. Timocles Fr. 35, 1 (Sto- 
 baeus 91, 15): rdpyhpibv kariv alfxa Kal xl/vxv ^poTols' whoever does not 
 have it walks around dead among the living. Pindar (Isth. II 11) 
 endorses the saying of the Argive, who when robbed of goods and 
 friends said: xp>7Mara xpw^-t' oLvrjp. Alcaeus (Frag. 49 — Schol. on 
 Pind. I. II 11) designates the Argive as Aristodemus and says that 
 he made the statement in Sparta and added: irevLXPos-ovdels TreXer' 
 eadXos ov8e tL/jllos. So Theognis 699: JTKrjdei 5' avSpcoirctiv dperr] p.la 
 ylveraL i]8e, ifKovTeiv . . . (718) ttXoOtos TrXelcFTrjv wdaLv ex^t bvvaiiiv. 
 Euripides, Phoen. 439-40: rd xpw^-t' dvdponroiai nfiioiTaTa / duvafiiv 
 
 T€ TXelaTTJV T(x)V kv dvdpCOTTOLS €X€t. 
 
 687. Death on the waves was the more terrible, because the body 
 was not buried — Sittl, who refers to Od. V 312, where a death by 
 sea is designated as XeuYaXecj) Bolvcltq^. 
 
180 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 689-90. These verses warn against risking all on one venture and 
 only apparently contradict 643-4. For ^iov see on 42 supra. 691 
 repeats 687. 
 
 692-3. These verses are rejected by Flach and Rzach. But as 
 Waltz suggests, it may be a sort of generalizing comparison, indicated 
 by the opposition. Paley has this note: The sense seems simple 
 enough: No man of sense would overload his cart; why should he 
 do this with his ship? vwep^iov : excessive. The phrase virep^Lov v^piv 
 txovres is used of the suitors in Od. I 368; IV 321; XVI 410. Bvyibs 
 virep^Los is used in II. XVIII 262 of the fierce temper of Achilles, 
 and in Od. XV 202 of the stern disposition of Nestor, virep^tov rjrop 
 exovTes describes the Cyclopes in Th. 139, and the mighty unborn 
 son of Zeus in id. 898. Likewise the adverb virkp^iov is used in an 
 ethical connection in Od. XII 379; XIV 92, 95; XVI 315. It has 
 the sense of the present passage (above measure) in II. XVII 19. 
 For Kavd^aLs see on 666 supra. The MSS. vary between (popHa 
 fiavpoodelt] and (popri' djjiavpoidelr] in 693. With the former cf. 325 
 supra, with the latter 284. The a of d/xaupos is prothetic — see Cur- 
 tius. Ft. pp. 567-8 and G. Meyer, Gk. Gr. p. 163. 
 
 694. This verse is best interpreted by comparison with Theognis 
 401: firjdev aYai* cnrevdeLv' Katpos 8' eirl Trdauv api<jTOS / epy/jLaaiv dvdpojirojv : 
 335: iJLrjdev dyav (nrevbeiv ttclvtoov /aea' dpLara : Be not over-hasty in 
 anything; moderation is best for all the works of men. So Pytha- 
 goras (Aureum Carmen 37-8): iiri ba-jravdv irapd Kaipbv . . . fjirjd' 
 dveXeWepos Udi' nerpov 8' ewl Trdaiv dpLarov, and the proverb quoted in 
 Diog. Laert. I 41: p,r)8ev dyav Acatpw irdvTa Tpoaearc Ka\d. Cf. Pindar, 
 01. XIII 47-8: eireTai 8' kv eKdarco / fxerpov' vorjaai 5e Kaipos dptaros : 
 A limit is becoming in everything, and to apprehend it is the best 
 due measure. This would make it apply to the immediately pre- 
 ceding caution not to overload a ship (or wagon): Observe modera- 
 tion: due measure is always best, /catpos does not occur in Homer 
 (for KalpLos see Leaf on II. IV 185). This and Theognis 401 (quoted 
 above) are the earliest examples. The meaning due measure is 
 found in Pindar (as cited above and Pyth. IX 84) and Aeschylus 
 (Ag. 787; Prom. 507); but the sense of proper time occurs also in 
 Pindar (Pyth. IV 286: 6 yap /catpos dvdpdcircjov ^paxv ixerpov ex^t) and 
 Aeschylus (Prom. 379, 523; Ag. 365; Cho. 710); and is the common 
 meaning later, as Soph. O. T. 1516; Electra 75; Phil. 837; Eurip. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 181 
 
 I. T. 908; etc. Waltz understands the word in this latter sense 
 here and applies the verse to farming and navigation: Gardens une 
 juste mesure: en toute circonstance, I'essentiel est d'agir au bon 
 moment. This is the first appearance in literature (see however 
 Od. XV 69-71) of the fjLrjdev ayav or aureum medium doctrine. Be- 
 sides the examples already cited see Pindar, Pyth. XI 52: The mid- 
 dle course I find to prosper most enduringly in the commonwealth. 
 Nem. XI 47: One should set limits to his desire for gain. Also 
 Isth. VI (V) 71; Pseudo-Phocyl. 68-9 fxerpco Ueiv, nerpco de Tieiv Kal 
 fivdoXoyeveLv. iravTOiv iikrpov dpicTTOv, VTrepjSacriaL 8' oKeyeivai. Aesch. Eum. 
 529: iravrl fxeaco to Kparos deos chiraaev. Aristotle (Pol. IV 11) calls 
 IJieaoTrjTa rr)v apeTrjv, and top jikaov ^lov ^'eKTidTov ; and Horace (Carm. 
 II 10, 5) praises that auream mediocritatem, which according to 
 Cicero (De Off. I 89) is inter nimium et parum. 
 
 695-723. General precepts on choosing a wife and on dealings 
 with friends. The subject of marriage has already been mentioned 
 (405) and it would seem from 399 that Perses had a wife. 
 
 695-7. cbpatos : at the right age, explained in the following verse. 
 The phrase ttotI oIkov {oUabe-ks bobiia) ayeadai is regularly used of 
 taking a wife — see Hom. Hymn VI 17; Th. 410; etc. tpltjkovtccv: for 
 the inflected numeral see Buck's Greek Dialects, 116. Solon (Frag. 
 27, 9) says the seasonable age for a man to marry is 35. Plato (Rep. 
 460E) puts a woman's prime at 20 and a man's at 30. Aristotle 
 (Pol. VII 16) sets the period of marriage for women at 18 years, 
 and for men at 37 or less. For the form of 696-7 compare 489 supra. 
 
 698-9. TtTopa is Doric. See Buck's Greek Dialects, 114, 4. 
 ri^dooi: for the form see Monro H. G. 55 (d); for the mood see on 
 28 supra] and as to meaning see note on 438 supra. The maturity 
 of Greek girls begins at 12 years. The girl of 12 summers already 
 sings love songs, but the age of marriage is 13 years, though on the 
 islands some are married at 12. At present most of them have 
 husbands at 15 — Sittl. The Gortynian Law Code 12, 32 says they 
 shall be married when 12 years of age or older. In Xen. Oec. VII 
 5 the wife of Ischomachus was married when not yet 15 years old. 
 ^Bea : see note on 67 supra. The inexperience and training of a 
 young wife are described in Xen. Oec. VII 5 ff. 
 
182 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 700-1. With 700 compare 343 supra. Eurip. Med. 238-40 says 
 that a woman coming to new abodes and customs has need of divine 
 foresight (since she has learned nothing from home) as to how to 
 get on with her husband, ydroai xapixara : compare ^lokti xo-pfJ-a 
 (II. VI 82) and xwa roXs HWoLaiv (II. XXIII 342). Maximus 
 Phil. 87-8 speaks of bringing home ydrocn xo-PiJ'd, ^vvrjv odveloiaLv Ixoiv 
 evvrjv. Compare Semonides Frag. VII 110-11: ol 8e yelroves / xatpouo-* 
 bpCivres koI tov, cos aixapravei (i.e. in his wife). 
 
 702-3. Semonides Frag. VI imitates this passage: ywaiKos ohbh 
 XP>7m' ^^'^P X^tr^Tttt e<j9\y)s aiieivov ov8e plyiov KaKrjs. See also Soph. 
 Frag. 621 (Phaedra); Eurip. Frag. 497 (Melanippe); Frag. 47; 
 Theognis 1225; Soph. Antig. 650-51; etc. A woman is pronounced 
 an unmitigated evil in Od. XI 427; and the author of Orphic Frag. 
 264 shares the same opinion: cos ov Kvvrepov rjv koI p'lyiov aXXo yvvaiKos. 
 The articles in 703 are generic. Xrjl^eTo : get or acquire without the 
 idea of seizure. Compare the use of \7]l8a in Th. 444 of the increase 
 of flocks. 
 
 704-5. deLTrvoKoxrjs : a compound adjective of three terminations. 
 Cf. Th. 269 {ii€Taxpoviai) and 912 {iro\v(p6p^r]s) ; Theognis 11 {drjpoipovr]). 
 It seems to mean: scheming for invitations to dinners. Compare 
 notes on 373-5 and 701 supra. Kal lipdijibv irep ebvra is an epic tag. 
 Cf. II. XVI 620. For the metaphor of singeing without a torch cf. 
 Eurip. Orest. 621, where discord is called an unhephestean fire 
 {avr)(pai(jTLo irvpi). There were two recensions of 705 (see Rzach): 
 Kal (hjjLco yrjpaL dcoKev and Kal kv co^ucS yqpau diJKev, the latter occurring 
 in Od. XV 357. Proclus explains: makes old age harsh for her 
 husband, giving wjuos its usual meaning, and not that of untimely, 
 premature, early as in II. XXIII 791, where Ajax is called CotxoykpovTa : 
 already an old man, but still vigorous, as Vergil's iam senior, sed 
 cruda deo viridisque senectus (Aen. VI 304). It was understood as 
 premature in Pal. Anth. IX 165, 3/4: Woman consumes a man 
 with cares and contention, and brings upon his youth swift old age 
 (7^pas TrpoTTcres). 
 
 707. TTOLeladai'. for the voice cf. 602 and 714; also Theognis 113: 
 M17 TTore rot KaKov avbpa ip'Ckov Troieladai eralpov. See on 708. Homer 
 would place the stranger and suppliant on par with a brother (Od. 
 VIII 546-7) and considers a companion (eratpos) with understanding 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 183 
 
 heart no whit inferior to a brother {id. 585-6). The Carmen Aureum 
 agrees with Hesiod (4-5): Honor parents and relatives, to3v 8' aXXco^ 
 aperfj iroLev <p'l\ov octtls aptcrros. This subject is discussed and this 
 verse is cited by Plutarch, de Fraterno Amore 20 (Mor. 491a-b). 
 
 708. iroLTjaris : not in the same sense as the middle of the pre- 
 ceding line: but if you do it, do not be the first to wrong him. Soph- 
 ocles makes Ajax say (678-83): I now know surely that my foe 
 Must be so hated, as being like enough To prove a friend hereafter, 
 and my friend So far shall have mine aid, as one whose love Will 
 not continue ever. Men have found But treacherous harbour in 
 companionship — Campbell. So Euripides (Hippol. 253 9) says: 
 Mortals should form only moderate friendships, and not to the 
 depths of the soul. The bonds should be easily tied and easily 
 sundered; for one soul has a grevious burden to suffer for two. Cicero 
 (de Amicitia XVI 59) protests against this view. Solon (Diog. 
 Laer. I 60) says: Acquire not friends quickly; but whom you have 
 do not reject. And so Pythagoras (Aureum Carmen 7) advises not 
 to hate a friend for a small wrong. Cf . Hamlet (I. 3, 62 5) : Those 
 friends thou hast and their adoption tried, Grapple them to thy 
 soul with hoops of steel, But do not dull thy palm with entertainment 
 Of each new hatched unfledged comrade. 
 
 709-10. y\coaa7]s x^P^v : for the sake of talking, idly, without 
 meaning anything by it. Cf. Aesch. Cho. 266; Prom. 294; Theoc. 
 XXV 188. (T€ owes its case to ep^as. airoBviiLov : unpleasant — a 
 euphemism as 344 supra. Cf. II. XIV 261 and the phrase airo dvfxov 
 in II. I 562, etc. eliroiv . . . ep^as : cf. Od. IV 690 and see note on 
 321-2 supra. 
 
 711. Be sure to pay him back two-fold — for the participle see 
 on 422 supra. This is one of the earliest and most firmly fixed 
 principles of popular Greek ethics. See Schmidt, Ethik der alten 
 Griechen, Vol. II pp. 309-13. It appears in Th. 166, 172: irporepos 
 yap det/cea /irjaaTO epya, and Od. XX 394: irporepoL yap aeLKea p.7]- 
 xavocovTo. It is based on the principle of like for like and in good 
 measure — cf. 349-50 supra, and Od. XXIV 286, where a fair return 
 of gifts and a generous welcome is declared to be just, when one 
 begins a kindness. It is frequent in Theognis, as 363-4: Flatter 
 your enemy; but when he gets in your power, pay him back and 
 
184 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 offer no excuse: 337-40: May Zeus grant me to requite friends and 
 enemies in greater measure. So should I seem a god among men, 
 if I could die after paying off friend and foe. 1089-90: et wore jSou- 
 \emaLjjLi (plXco KaKov, avros cxotM^' ^^ ^^ tl Ketvos ejjLol, 8ls togov avros exot. 
 See also 869-872; Pindar, Isth. IV (II) 48: XPV ^e tclv epdovr' 
 afiavpo^aai tov exOpov. Archil. Frag. 65 : One thing I know, how to 
 requite terribly one who injures me. Aesch. Septem 1049; Cho. 
 122-3; and especially 309-14: The instant voice of Justice tells her 
 debtor's doom: ''Let hatred on the tongue of hate recoil! Do and 
 suffer." So from hoary time the old refrain is echoed. "Blood for 
 blood and blow for blow." — Warr. Sophocles generalizes in O. C. 
 228-9: No man is visited by fate if he requites deeds which were 
 first done to himself — Jebb. Eurip. Med. 809-10: (Let me be con- 
 sidered) severe to enemies and gracious to friends; for the life of 
 such is in best repute. Fr. 1077: exOpovs KaKcbs 8pdv av8p6s riyoviiai 
 fxepos. Also Bacchae 876-880; Ion 1334; Heracleid. 444 and 940: 
 €K yap evTVXovs / ^8l(ttov kxOpov avbpa bvaTVXovvd' bpav. Isocrates (I 
 26) says: Consider it in like manner to be disgraceful to be sur- 
 passed by enemies in injuries and by friends in benefactions. Com- 
 pare the boast of Sulla (inscribed on his tomb, Plutarch Sylla 38, 
 5), who said that no friend had ever outdone him in benefits, nor 
 enemy in injuries. Hirzel discusses this doctrine in Themis, etc. 
 p. 190 (and note 4 for Works 709-11). The first protest against the 
 principle is found in Plato — see Rep. 335A and Crito 49A, etc. Cf. 
 St. Matthew V 38-9, where an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth 
 is replaced with whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn 
 to him the other also. 
 
 712-13. bUr^v: satisfaction. 5etX6s : worthless. See II. I 293 
 and cf. 214, 369 supra. aXXore aWov. a tag — see Od. IV 236 and 
 Theognis 157, etc. Gnomic rot here is equivalent to yap — see on 
 730 infra. 
 
 714. Compare Tyrtaeus X 9: alax^vet re yevos, Kara 6' ayXaov 
 eUos eXe7X€t : He disgraces his birth, and belies (by his circumstances 
 — of the exile) his noble appearance. Pindar 01. VIII 19: rjv 8' eaopdv 
 KttXos, epyo) r' ov /card feWos eXeyxoiv : He was fair to look upon, and 
 not belying his appearance by his deeds, i.e. nor shamed by his deeds 
 his beauty; see also Pyth. VIII 36; Isth. Ill 14: av8poiv dperdv avpr 
 (pvTov ov KareXeYxet : He does not belie or put to shame the prowess 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 185 
 
 of his kinsmen. It would seem from these passages that the meaning 
 here is: But in no wise let your outward appearance belie your real 
 heart or purpose, i.e. forgive him frankly and freely. It is to be 
 noted that here eUos is the subject, while in Tyrtaeus and Pindar 
 it is the object. The context would justify the interpretation: Let 
 not appearance convict you in heart, i.e. do not acquire the reputa- 
 tion of being a worthless man by changing friends every day — com- 
 pare note on 760-62 infra. 
 
 715-16. For the accusatives in these verses see on 593-4 supra. 
 KaKcov erapov : cf. Theognis 113 (quoted on 707 supra). eadXcbv vei- 
 Kearrjpa: cf. 190-191 and 193-4 supra. There may be a reference 
 to the veUea of 29-35 supra. 
 
 717-18. The Greek feeling towards poverty is well expressed by 
 Theognis 351-4: Ah wretched poverty! why dost thou tarry long 
 with me an unwelcome guest and not go to some one else? Nay, 
 visit another home and do not always share with us this wretched 
 life. See also note on 317-19 supra. For the thought of these 
 lines cf. Theognis 155-8: Never in anger reproach a man with poverty; 
 for Zeus inclines the scales now one way, now another. Eurip. 
 Frag. 401: Be not unpleasant towards the unfortunate, being thy- 
 self a mortal. Isocrates I 29: Reproach no one in calamity; for 
 misfortune is common and the future uncertain. Proverbs XVII 
 5: Whoso mocketh the poor reproacheth his maker: and he that 
 is glad at calamity shall not be unpunished. In 638 supra poverty 
 is the gift of Zeus to men. oveidl^eLv: so used in Theognis 1115: 
 XPWClt' ex(jov 'jrevlr]v p,' (hveidiaas. 
 
 719-20. Cf. Theognis 159-60: prj iroTe-kyopaaOaL eiros /ie7a' ot5e 
 yap ovdels / avOpoiircov 6 tl vv^ xw^Pl o.vbpl TeXel. Proverbs XXVII 
 1 Boast not thyself of tomorrow; for thou knowest not what a 
 day may bring forth. Waltz cites the maxims of the seven sages: 
 y\6:a(Trjs Kpareiv, yXojaaav tVxe, yXcoaaav €V(pr}pov KeKTrjadau, piaet to raxv 
 \a\eLv, oLKove ttoXXo, ; XdXet 6\lya, etc. Cf. Hamlet: Give every man 
 thy ear, but few thy voice. Kara pkrpov : see on 694 supra. 
 
 721. Cf. II. XX 250: dinroLov k elir'uada eTos, toIov k ewaKovaaLS. 
 Alcaeus Frag. 83: If you speak what you wish, you shall hear what 
 you do not wish. Eurip. Alces. 704-5: el 5' rjpds /ca/ccos / epets, d/couo-et 
 TToWa Kov \J/evdij KaKa. Terence, Andria 920: Si mihi perget quae 
 
186 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 volt dicere, ea quae non volt audiet. d/coi»co is not here an idiomatic 
 passive, as frequently in Attic, i.e. to be called so and so, as d/couo-o/iat 
 KaKos (Soph. 0. C. 988); tclvt' olkovojv at(rxpct-€7rr; (id. Phil. 607); etc. 
 
 722-3. Do not be intolerant of, or disinclined to a club-feast at 
 common expense; the pleasure is greatest and the expense least. 
 iroKv^elvov: cf. 715 and Orhpic Arg. 232: deiTva—roKv^elvoLo rpaTre^rys. 
 dv(nren(pe\os is used with reference to the sea in II. XVI 748 (see 
 Leaf, who takes it to mean fastidious, dvaapearos in this passage); 
 Th. 440; and 618 supra. The present figurative meaning does not 
 seem to be found elsewhere. For the meaning of x<^pts compare 
 Theognis 496: Drink remaining by the bowl, talking in common 
 both to one and to all; for thus the banquet proves ovk ax apt. 
 
 706. Guard well against the vengence of the immortal gods ; or 
 guard well your reverence for the immortal gods. (pvKaTTeadaL means 
 guard or observe in 491, 694 52//>ra. See note on 263. For the double 
 meaning of oTrts see on 251 supra. The latter sense of reverence is 
 found in Herod. IX 76, where the Persians ovre baivbvoiv ovre decbv 
 OTTLV exovau. For the thought cf. Theognis 1179: 6eovs al8ov Kal 
 dddidL, and Aureum Carmen 1-2: adavarovs ixh Trpcora deovs—TL/jLa. 
 
 This verse is rejected by Lehrs and Rzach. Kirchhoff connects 
 it with 724 by rejecting 707-723 as a later interpolation. Waltz 
 simply places it between 723 and 724, which is the only suitable 
 place for it if it is to be retained. 
 
 724-764. These superstitions are discussed by Sikes in Classical 
 Review, Vol. VII pp. 389 ff. 
 
 724-6. e^ Tjovs : at dawn, as rjSydev in II. XVIII 136. It seems to 
 refer to the morning sacrifice mentioned in 339 supra. It was cus- 
 tomary also to pour libations and make sacrifices facing the dawn — 
 see Jebb on Soph. O. C. 477. aWoira : see note on 363 supra, x^po-ti' 
 aviTTToicnv '. For the scruple against pouring libations with unwashed 
 hands see II. Ill 270; IX 171-2; XXIV 302; Od. II 261; XII 336; and 
 especially II. VI 266: x^Pt^t 5' avlirTOKjiv AuXel^eiv aWoira olvov a^ofxai,, 
 and XVI 230-31: vbparo—avTds x^^po-s, aipvacraro 8' aWoira olvov . . . 
 Xetj3e 8e olvov ovpavov daaviboiv, where the phraseology is strikingly 
 like the present passage, dpds : prayers, as in II. XV 378; XXIII 
 199. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 187 
 
 727-34. Tpos ijXLov rerpafXfjLevov /jlti oijllx^Xp is a saying ascribed to 
 Pythagoras in Diog. Laer. VIII 1, 19. Cf. Pliny N. H. XXVIII 
 69: Magi vetant contra solem lunamque nudari. avrap: and 
 furthermore (aber auch — Peppmiiller). It is thrice repeated in 
 this sense in II. II 102-108. kird Ke 8v7]-h r' olvlovtcl'. from setting 
 to rising, p.eixvqiikvos is to be taken with ovprjays — see note on 422 
 supra. 7rpo^a8r)v=irpo^ds : co-ordinate with diroyviuLvcodels (for which 
 cf. Od. X 301) in 730. There is however a variant reading diroyvpr 
 vo^dfjs. TOL is gnomic — see on 302 supra — here equivalent to yap, as 
 in 713. With the 2nd hemistich of 730 compare Eurip. Bacch. 
 486, where Dionysus says that the Bacchic worship is generally 
 carried on at night, because '* darkness bringeth awe." The ene- 
 mies of Dionysus might cite St. John III 19: Men loved darkness 
 rather than light, because their deeds were evil. Waltz renders 
 the last 4 words of 731: un homme sage, inspire par les dieux (ed. 
 p. 11) and applies them to Hesiod. Herodotus (II 35) after stating 
 that the Egyptians have customs different from other men adds: 
 opeovcTL, at fiev yvvalKes opdai, ol de av8pes Kar-qiievoi. Pliny (N. H. 
 XXXVIII 69) alludes to 732: Hesiodus iuxta obstantia reddi 
 (urinam) suadet, ne deum aliquem nudatio offendat. For 6 ye 
 (731-2) see note on 15 supra, albola is to be taken with both TrcTra- 
 \ayp.'evos and Trapaipaivkixev. On 734 Sittl remarks: In the house the 
 sacred hearth represents the sun. It appears that at that time 
 already many slept near the hearth — cf. Od. XI 190-91, where 
 Laertes is represented as sleeping through the winter in the house 
 where servants sleep, in the dust beside the fire. 
 
 For the Greek attitude of reverence to the sun cf. Soph. O. T. 
 1424-28: But ye, if ye respect the children of men no more, revere 
 at least the all-nurturing flame of our lord the Sun, spare to show 
 thus nakedly a pollution such as this (the blinded Oedipus), one 
 which neither earth can welcome, nor the holy rain, nor the light — 
 Jebb. The light of the sun and the fire of the (sacred) hearth are 
 associated in Soph. Trach. 606-7. 
 
 735-6. rdipov: a funeral feast, as in II. XXIII 29; Od. Ill 309. 
 For the case of the participle see on 593 supra, ddavdroiv airo dairos : 
 such as is referred to in 336-7 and 342-3 supra. 
 
 737-41. Traces of a primitive natural religion. Cf. 757-9 infra. 
 Rivers were regarded as gods — see Th. 337-45; etc. aUvdoiv Trorafxcov : 
 
188 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 compare 550, 595 supra. Ihdjv es KoKa peed pa : The eye of the wor- 
 shipper follows the hands and mind to the place where the god dwells, 
 usually towards the heaven (cf. II. XVI 232: ovpavov el(ravL8<j)v)f 
 here to the river, sometimes towards the sea — Sittl. x^tpas vv\paixevos : 
 see note on 725 supra. In 740 the MSS. read KaKOTrjTL de and KaKorrjT* 
 I8e. The former means: whoever crosses a river, and does it with 
 unwashed hands out of perverseness. In the latter KaK6rr)T is to 
 be taken as a dative with ha^^. rcu be Beol veixeaihai : cf . 303 supra 
 and Theognis 660. 
 
 742-3. TrevTo^oLo : defined by Et. Mag. 127, 39 as hand. See note 
 on 524 supra. Becov h dairl : cf. 736 supra; Od. Ill 336, 420; VIII 
 76; Eurip. Bacch. 383: When joy that is born of the wine Comes in 
 at the feast of the gods (h Satrt decov). For the epithet daXelrj cf. 
 115, 231 supra, avov a-wb x^copoO : Do not trim your nails at a sac- 
 rifice (Trapct Bvalav fxij ovvxi^ov) is a precept assigned to Pythagoras 
 (in Symbolis) — see Goettling-Flach and Paley. Plutarch (Mor. 
 35 2E) explains these two verses as meaning that one should go to a 
 sacrifice already pure. 
 
 744-5. ''Do not place the ladle across the mixing bowl, so long 
 as any one is drinking" — apparently as a sign that the banquet is 
 ended. irivovTOiv is best taken with KprjTTJpos : the bowl in which the 
 wine is mixed for the banqueters, fiolpa reru/crat is used with the 
 simple dative in II. Ill 101 and XVIII 120. The meaning seems 
 to be: for ilMuck attends it, making it simply a superstition. Pro- 
 clus interprets this passage thus: fii) eTrlTr pocdev a7etj/ rov kolvov to Idiov 
 = Do not prefer the ladle which fills your own cup to the bowl which 
 is common to all, i.e. do not be so selfish as to prefer private interests 
 to public weal — Paley. Proclus adds: Some explain. Never at a 
 banquet indulge in drinking; for it is only those who are always 
 drinking that have the ladle all the time on the bowl. This makes 
 the ruinous consequence of 745 refer to drunkenness. 
 
 746-7. Nor when building a house leave it unplaned, lest the 
 croaking raven sit on it and croak — Rand p. 154. This passage is 
 discussed by Sikes and Lang in Classical Review, Vol. VII pp. 452-3. 
 Proclus says: One must finish a house before winter, the cawing of 
 the crow being the sign of that season. Cf. Artemidorus I 20. The 
 exact application of the proverb is unknown. The crow evidently 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 189 
 
 portends evil, being numbered among the birds of night (Athenaeus 
 X 414E). In Epirus, according to Sittl, a crow lighting and cawing 
 upon one's house was looked on as a messenger of death. So Pal. 
 Anth. XI 186: The nightly crow sings a song of death. The half- 
 finished house of the unfortunate Protesilaus in II. II 701 may point 
 to this superstition. Also the metaphor of Aesch. Suppl. 646-51 
 may have a similar source: AXov eiribbnevoi wpaKropa iravaKowov 
 bvairoKeiiov , rbv ovtis av dofios exo)v ew' bpbipoov lalvoiTO' jSapus 5' e^t^et. 
 Cf. Shakespeare, III Henry VI 5, 6, 41-2: The raven rooked her on 
 the chimney's top / and chattering pies in dismal discords sung. 
 XaKepv^a Kopcovq I cawing crow rather than croaking raven — occurs 
 in Aristoph. Birds 609; cf. Aratus 1002: iroKvipoiva Kop6)vrj. 
 
 748-9. av€Tnpp'eKTO)v : upon which sacrifice has not been made — 
 Proclus. Plutarch (Mor. 703D) says: Hesiod rightly forbids to 
 set out food from pots without sacrifice, but to offer the first-fruits 
 to the fire on account of its service. Compare Od. XIV 429 ff., 
 where the swine-herd divides the viands into seven parts and offers 
 one part to the Nymphs and Hermes before distributing the other 
 six among the guests. It has been suggested (see Proclus on 746 — 
 405, 7 G.) that the epithets of 746 and 748 have become interchanged: 
 When building a house do not leave it undedicated, lest a cawing 
 crow light upon it and croak (and so bring misfortune) ; nor draw 
 from unpolished vessels food, or water for bathing, since a penalty 
 is attached to these acts too. For the case of the participles in 746 
 and 748 see note on 593 supra. The reading ewi rather than evi 
 in 749 is supported by Aesch. Eum. 542: ttolvcl yap kirkarai. 
 
 750-52. aKLvqroKjL '. see on 524 supra. Apparently tombs here, 
 though it is also defined as altars, boundary stones, etc. See Et, 
 Mag. 48, 36; Zenobius, Paroem. I 55; and Classical Review, Vol. 
 VII p. 392. Also see Herod. VI 134: Kivqcrovra ri rchv aKLvqTCJv (in 
 the sanctuary of Demeter) and Jebb's note on Soph. O. C. 624. The 
 sense is: Do not place a child of 12 days or of 12 months on a tomb, 
 for it makes him an unmanly man. In Plato, Rep. 614B ScoSe/caratos 
 is used of 12 days. Here some take it to mean 12 years. It would 
 seem from II. II 792-3 that the superstition about contact with a 
 tomb was not universal in the epic age, or at least did not apply 
 to grown persons, avqvopa delri occurs in Od. X 301 — it is to be 
 noted that here woLeiv is used where TiSkvai is common in epic. Cf. 
 
190 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 518 and see note on 18 supra. 6t' is for ore and is causal, as in II. 
 I 412 (see Leaf's note) and XVI 433. See also Monro H. G. 269 (3). 
 
 753-4. \ovTpQ (paidpvveadaL : for the phraseology cf . Aesch. Ag. 
 1108; Eurip. Hel. 676-8; Apoll. Rhod. Ill 300; Moschus II 31; etc. 
 avepa is subject of (paidpyveadai, which is the normal case for 3rd 
 person-subject of imperative-infinitive. See note on 458-9 supra 
 and cf . Theoc. X 48. The ancients seem to have felt that there was 
 some special impropriety about a man's using a woman's bath, an 
 act which entailed a penalty. So Proclus and Clemens Alex. Paedag. 
 Ill 5. The interpretation " warm bath " which according to Aristoph. 
 Clouds 1046 makes a man worthless is shut out by such Homeric 
 passages as II. XXII 444, where Andromache is preparing a warm 
 bath against the arrival of Hector. An anonymous scholiast ex- 
 plains: Do not in bathing use perfumes and ointments like a woman. 
 Compare Sophocles (Athenaeus XV 68 7 C) who says that Aphrodite 
 is perfumed with myrrh, but the manly Athena with olive oil. This 
 effeminate custom prevailed among the Babylonians according to 
 Herodotus, who says (I 195) that they had their whole body covered 
 with perfumes. 
 
 em xpovov : this phrase should mean for a while or time, as in 
 II. II 299. See on 133 and 326 supra. If that is the meaning here, 
 it must be temporary (Paley), which would support the suggestion 
 of Proclus, that the point of the whole passage is that men may con- 
 tract some disease from the women. Peppmiiller's rendering dauern- 
 de Strafe receives support from the use of xpovov in Od. IV 599: 
 (jv bk lie xpovov evddd' epvKeis. Waltz takes it to be equivalent to 
 oTrlaaco in 741 supra and renders: au bout d'un certain temps. 
 
 755-6. eir' aWofxevois lepolai occurs in II. XI 775 of burnt offerings. 
 So Od. XII 362. Sittl suggests that it was easy to happen upon such 
 offerings in those days, as they were commonly made in the fields^ 
 and cites the instance in Eurip. Electra 774 ff., where Orestes chanced 
 to find Aegisthus sacrificing by the road-side. For the construction 
 cf. II. Ill 23: ixeybXij^ eirl ccb/xart Kvpcras. aidrjXa: see on 524 supra. 
 This adjective occurs several times in Homer in the sense of making 
 invisible, destructive — see Leaf on II. II 318. In Hes. Frag. 112 its 
 apparent equivalent del5e\a means unseen or unrecognizable: orrt Ke 
 Xepul Xa^ecTKev, deldeXa wdvTa rideaKev (of the thief Autolycus). Here 
 perhaps it means dark, obscure; and by comparison with Od. VI 274, 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 191 
 
 where fxcafxeveLv (the sole example of the word except here) means 
 blame, censure, the expression fxoifxeveLv al87]\a would seem to mean: 
 make dark murmur (Mair), or rather: se moquer des mysteres 
 (Waltz). This word and aKivr]fa (750) seem to belong to the priestly 
 language, one meaning sacred monuments not to be moved, the other 
 the mysteries pertaining to things invisible (divination, etc.). But- 
 mann (Lexilogus p. 49) observes: In all ancient reUgion there were 
 rites, whose origin the people, sometimes even the priest, might 
 not know. A thoughtless person chancing on the celebration of 
 these might ridicule what he did not understand. vv : mark my 
 words — see note on 207 supra, tl is inner object and rd refers to 
 jio)iJLeveLv aldr]\a — for the case of the latter see on 333 supra. 
 
 757-9. See on 737-41 supra. iroTaixCiv oXabe irpopebvTOiv is an epic 
 tag. Cf. II. V 598. The rivers that flow into the sea are designated 
 as sacred in Od. X 351: lepcbv irorafjichv, ot t' els aXaSe irpopeovo-L, 
 Herodotus I 138 says of the Persians: ks irorapov de ovre evovpeovau ovre 
 e/jLTTvovaL, oh xeTpas kvaTzovi^ovrai ovde aWov ovbkva TrepLopooaL, dXXd ak^ovTai 
 TTora/zous /jLoXtaTa. Kprjvacov : apparently contrasted with irpoxo^s : 
 neither in the mouths of rivers nor at their sources. hairoxl/vxeLv = 
 airoTraTeiv according to Proclus. So Eustathius on II. XXII 2 and 
 Et. Mag. Sittl understands it as \oveadaL, or more literally cool 
 yourself in a river. 
 
 760-62. If these verses refer to the preceding injunctions (724- 
 59), the dread report of mortals must be that reputation in the 
 eyes of men, which an irreverent and unorthodox character acquires 
 by his disregard for established customs. Cf. note on 714 supra 
 (end) and the use of AcXeos rd bhdipaixov in Pindar, Nem. VIII 36: To 
 the paths of simpUcity let me cleave throughout my life, that being 
 dead I may set upon my children a name that shall be of no ill- 
 report (Myers). 
 
 An ill-report (bad reputation) is likened to a burden which is 
 taken upon the shoulders: For Rumor is a bad thing, light and easy 
 to raise up, but grevious to bear and hard to lay aside. Vergil's 
 conception of Fama in Aen. IV 173 ff. is drawn from that of Eris in 
 II. IV 440 ff. Cf. id. II 93-4. 
 
 763-4. Cf. Aesch. Ag. 938: (prjjjLrj ye iievroL drj/jLoOpovs ixeya aOkvei. 
 (prjfxr] is a common noun in the preceding verses, but it is clear from 
 
192 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 the 2nd half of 764 that she has been gradually changed into an 
 abstraction like Eris (11-24), Aidos and Nemesis (200), Horkos 
 (219), Dike (220 and 256). (pTj^il^coai : For the extension of ^ in the 
 future and aorist of verbs in -^co from gutteral stems see Buck's 
 Greek Dialects, 142. w : I tell you, or don't you see, as in 756 
 supra: Yea, in some sort is Rumor also divine — Mair. 
 
 With verse 765 begins the part of the poem entitled Days, the 
 oldest Greek calendar on record. The month consists of 30 days, 
 which are divided for the most part into 3 decades designated by 
 the terms (a) irpo^Trj (785), TrpoiTlcTi) (811), larafjievos (798); (b) fieaarj 
 (782, 795, 805, 810, 820); (c) (pSlvc^v (798), rpiaeLvd^s (814), fxer' einLba 
 (820). A second system of dividing the month into two halves 
 corresponding to the increase and decrease of the moon may appear 
 in 798 (cf. Od. XIX 307: rov jxev ipdlvovros jjLiqvbs, tov 5' laraiJihoLo), 
 to which would belong 774, 780 and perhaps 773; while the expres- 
 sions in 790, 791, 792 seem to be used without reference to any 
 division of the month at all. Hesiod's calendar is discussed by Mair, 
 Hesiod, pp. 162-6, and by Bouche-Le Clercq, L'Astrologie Grecque, 
 pp. 459-60. 
 
 765-8. Heed thou and duly declare to thy thralls the days that 
 come from Zeus: remembering that the 30th day of the month is 
 the best to inspect works and divide rations, when people hold the 
 true calendar — seems to be the meaning of these lines. Kara fxolpav 
 is an epic phrase occurring most frequently with a verb of speaking, 
 as in the oft recurring expression of II. I 286, and meaning rightly, 
 etc. It does not occur with ev in Homer, but eu Kara Koajiov is found 
 in II. X 472, etc. ireippabkixev is a reduplicated 2nd aorist infinitive. 
 See Monro H. G. 36. TpLrjKada {elvai) aplaTrjv seems to depend on 
 the idea of remembering implied in ireipvKayp.kvos, as Paley suggests. 
 For TreipvKa'yixkvos see on 706 supra and cf. II. XXIII 343: (ppovecov 
 ire(pv\a'ypievos elvai, used absolutely and perhaps meaning: be thought- 
 fully observant of my injunctions, rather than: be wise and on thy 
 guard (against driving against the stone). It seems that (pvMaaeadac 
 is not used in Epic in the sense of guard against — see Ebeling. 
 apjjLoXLrjv : see on 560 supra and cf . Theoc. XVI 35 : In the halls of 
 Antiochus and king Aleuas many serfs had monthly provisions 
 measured out to them {apfjLaXLrjv efifxrjvov kjjLeTprjaavTo). akqBelav — 
 Kplvovres : mit rich tiger Rechnung berechnend (Peppmiiller) — see 
 
 ■ 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 193 
 
 Hirzel, Themis, etc. 109, notes 1 and 2. ayo3<nv : keep or observe, 
 as in Pindar Pyth. VI 20. The probable meaning is: Whenever 
 people observe it according to the correct calendar, i.e. in the unset- 
 tled state of the calendar a month had 30 days with some people, 
 29 with others, and confusion and mistakes were common. In 
 Attic the 29th day of the ''hollow months" was called rpta^as, just 
 as the 30th of the "full months," as in Aristoph. Clouds 616 ff. 
 
 769. Schoemann, who is followed by Paley, Rzach and others, 
 places 768 after 769, which makes it refer to all the days from Zeus, 
 and not simply to the last day of the month. Waltz in Rev. des 
 Etud. Ancien. Vol. VI pp. 210-11 would put 766-7 after 776, and so 
 he prints them in his edition. It is evident from 814-24 infra that 
 the author is giving superstitions current in his age and land. For 
 a similar discussion of lucky and unlucky days see Herod. II 82 and 
 Vergil, Georg. I 276-86, where Servius has the following note: Plenis- 
 Bime de lunae diebus omnibus expressit Hesiodus. 
 
 770. At the beginning of the enumeration it seems natural to 
 take evT] in the sense of first, especially as the rptaicas has been men- 
 tioned in 766 and the enumeration proceeds from 4th to 7th, 8th, 
 9th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 16th, 18th, 20th, etc. with certain natural 
 irregularities towards the close; and so Proclus explains. Yet there 
 is no evidence that it was so used elsewhere. The use of evq koI vka 
 to designate the rpiaKas dates apparently from Solon, who made the 
 months to consist alternately of 29 and 30 days. As a lunar month 
 is about 29 and 3^ days, the 30th of each ''full month" belonged 
 partly to the old and partly to the new moon; hence the expression 
 evf] Kal vea, which came to be applied to the last day of a "hollow 
 month" also, the bevrkpa (pdivovros being omitted. Whether Hesiod 
 counted the days of the last decade backwards as the Athenians did 
 is not known, rerpas : according to Horn. Hymn III 19 Hermes 
 was born on the 4th. Cf. Plutarch, Symp. IX 3, 2: Amongst all 
 the numbers the 4th is peculiarly dedicated to Hermes, because, 
 as some say, the god was born on the 4th day of the month. 
 
 771. xpi^o-aopa : an epithet of Apollo in II. V 509; XV 256; Hymn 
 to Apollo 123, 395; Pindar, Pyth. V 104. A discussion of its meaning 
 as applied to Apollo is given by Leaf on II. V 509 and Sikes and Allen 
 on Hymn to Apollo 395. Plutarch, Symp. VIII 1, 2 in speaking of 
 
194 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OE HESIOD 
 
 Apollo says : t6v deov—vfieis ol Trpo(prJTaL Kal tepets ^E^do/jiayhrj KaXetre. Cf . 
 the epithet e^do/jLayeTrjs (yhrjs) applied to him in Aesch. Sep tern 800. 
 Also in Herod. VI 57 we are told that at Sparta sacrifices were ojffered 
 to Apollo on the 1st and 7th. For the period of seven days in the 
 Apollo cult see Nilsson in Archiv f. Religionswissenschaft, Vol. 
 XIV 1-2. 
 
 772-4. 76 fxev (772, 774) = 76 fivv: though sacred, yet excellent 
 to perform works. Vergil, Georg. I 168 ff. gives a list of works 
 that may be done on holidays, ireveadai: with €^oxa = pre-eminent 
 to perform the works of mortals. It is from this sense of the verb 
 that the Thessalian serfs were called ireveaTai. See Aristoph. Wasps 
 1273; Eustathius Hom. 298, 30-31; etc. 
 
 775. Both to shear sheep and to gather the crops, or the one to 
 shear sheep, the other to gather the crops, eixppova Kapirov : compare 
 laetas segetes in Vergil, Georg. I 1. The expression "glad fruit" 
 seems to refer to the pleasure experienced by the gatherers — cf. 
 II. XVIII 557, where the king stood among his reapers in silence, 
 rejoicing in heart {yqdbcrvvos Krjp). 
 
 776-9. The 12th is better to shear sheep and get in grain, because 
 on that day the spider spins its web and the ant lays up its store. 
 Likewise a woman should set up her loom and push forward her 
 work. aepaLTTOTrjTos : high-flying. The gossamer-spider appears to 
 be meant, and its habits are correctly described — Paley. Cf. Aratus 
 1133: ore v-qveixlri k€v dpdxJ^ta XeTrrd ipkp'qr ai, and Catullus LXVIII 
 49: tenuem texens sublimis aranea telam. In Shield 316 swans are 
 called aepGLTTOTai. ^fxaros eK TrXelov: see note on 617 supra and cf. 
 792 infra. Usually taken to mean the longest day. Perhaps it 
 simply refers to any day in summer — so Peppmiiller: zur Som- 
 merszeit. Waltz renders: tout le long de la journee, in which he is 
 supported by Th. 636: efxaxovro 8eKa irXelovs kviavrovs. 'ibpis'. see on 
 524 supra, and cf. Horace Sat. I 1, 35, where the ant is called haud 
 ignara ac non incauta futuri. In the preceding line aepaiiroTrjTos, 
 though similar in composition to the adjectives mentioned under 
 524, is not sufficiently characteristic to admit of the ellipsis of the 
 noun. Compare Aesch. Persae 612, where the bee is called the 
 flower- worker {rj avdefiovpyos) . For the optative in 779 see on 28 
 supra. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 195 
 
 781. Sowing of grain is here distinguished from planting the 
 vine, fig, olive, etc. See note on 22 supra. Vergil (Georg. I 284) 
 prefers the 17th for planting the vine: Septima post decimam felix 
 et ponere vitem / et prensos domitare boves (cf. 795-7 infra). 
 
 782-4. {jLeacrrj: Pollux (I 63) says: Hesiod calls the 16th the mid- 
 dle 6th, but we speak of the 1st after the 10th, etc. up to the 20th. 
 Proclus seems to have read fjLaXa (jvynpopos. avbpoybvos : for the 
 birth of a boy. Cf. the use of yevkadai in 784. Cf. also Plutarch, 
 Quaes. Rom. 77: evTOKetv yap kv rats wavaeXrjvoLs /xaXto-ra SoKovcnv. 
 For the case of yajiov cf. Od. IV 547: crv bk Kev racpov avTLJSoXTjaaLS. 
 The reverse of this construction occurs in Od. XVIII 272-3: arvyepds 
 yajjios avTL^oXrjaeL ovKoiikvy]s e/ie0ei/= marriage shall fall to my lot. 
 
 785-7. The chronological order is abandoned here for the sake 
 of comparative reference. Nilsson (see on 771 supra) considers 
 785-804 an interpolation, but irregularities in order occur also in 
 809, 811, etc. apfxevos : suitable, virtually equivalent to avficpopos and 
 dyadi] in 783. TCLixveiv=kKTkixveiv. Cf. 791 infra. For Trobea fjLr]\o)P see 
 on 516 supra. Mair renders 787 as follows: For building a sheep- 
 pen it is a kindly day. arjKov: of a permanent fold in Od. IX 219, 
 439; here rather of a temporary enclosure, as in Vergil, Georg. I 
 270: segeti praetendere saepem. 
 
 788-9. dvhpoybvos : see on 783. <^tXe€t (Rzach reads (pCKkoC) : 
 subject to be inferred from dvbpoybvos. Mair renders: Yet he that 
 is that day born shall be prone to raillery and lies and cunning words 
 and secret dalliance, /cepro/xa : taunting. Cf . Od. XXIV 240, where 
 Odysseus resolves to try the aged Laertes KeproixioLs eireeaaiv and 
 begins by praising and flattering him. With verse 789 compare 
 78 and 374 supra, bapiu^iovs : chats with women — Moschopulus. 
 Compare the irapdeviovs bdpovs of Aphrodite in Th. 205 and the use 
 of the verb bapl^eiv in II. XXII 127-8; VI 516. 
 
 791. TajjLveiJLev : see on 786. It was asserted by ancient writers 
 that in Syria, Cappadocia, etc. mules produced offspring. See 
 Aristotle, de Animal. VI 24 and 36; Pliny N. H. VIII 44 (citing 
 Theophrastus) ; Varro, de Re Rustica II 1, 27. 
 
 792-3. fjLeyd\ri-ir\kcx) : In Th. 795 and 799 the phrases TereXeafievou 
 els eviavTbv and ^ie7ai' ds eviavrbv are used in the same connection and 
 
196 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 sense: to the end of a full year. Perhaps here the 20th day of the 
 month, in which the longest day occurs is meant. Compare note 
 on 778 supra. Mair renders: On the great 20th at full day. Chap- 
 man renders TrXecj) rnxaTi: when full the morn's broad ray Shines 
 through thy windows, taropa : from the root vid- found in etSoj/, 
 olba, videre, wit, wissen, etc. — one who perceives or knows, wise. 
 Cf. Soph. Elec. 850: Kayih roOS' larcap, vweplaTcop : I know that all 
 too well. In II. XVIII 501; XXIII 486 it is used of an umpire, 
 arbiter, judge. See Leaf's Iliad, Vol. II, App. I 26, and Hirzel, 
 Themis, Dike, etc. p. 65 note 6. Here, as Hirzel suggests, it is 
 perhaps a man of practical wisdom in the neighborhood. Superior 
 knowledge and wisdom were in epic times the qualities essential to a 
 judge or arbiter, and these were supposed to come with age, as in 
 the case of Nestor (Od. Ill 244-5), who Teploide 5t/cas r)de (ppovLv aXXco?', 
 because he had already ruled three generations of men. Hence 
 judges were yepovres, as in II. XVIII 503. So conversely Nereus 
 in Th. 234 is called yepcov, because he was clement and just — the 
 qualities expected of a judge. See Hirzel, p. 67 note 4. yeivaadai : 
 this verb seems to be used passively only in the present and imper- 
 fect, as in 804 infra. The aorist middle is perhaps used here as in 
 II. V 880 (avTos eyelvao iralda) and laropa ipdra may be subject (for 
 case see on 753): a knowing man should beget a son, or object: 
 beget a son to be a wise man. In either case the child begotten is 
 the subject of kcTiv. voov ireirvKaajjievos : cautious or discreet in mind. 
 
 794-7. avdpoyovos : cf. 783 and 788 supra. etXtTroSas eXt/cas : roU- 
 ing-gaited, crumple-horned. Cf. 452 supra and see Leaf on II. IX 
 466. Kapxapodovra : see note on 604 supra. eirl-TLdeis : tmesis, sup- 
 ply avTOLs. Compare Vergil, Georg. I 285: prensos domitare boves. 
 
 798-9. If 799 is to be considered an interpolation (GoettHng- 
 Flach, etc.) rerpaba is the object of aXevaadaL : be careful to avoid 
 the fourth, etc., and there is no trouble. Otherwise rtTpcibi is dative 
 of time, as in 809, 819 infra, and Rzach's emendation: avoid troubles 
 that vex the heart, seems better than the MSS. reading, according 
 to which aXevaadai means practically not to permit: be careful not 
 to allow troubles to vex your heart. For ireipvKa^o see on 765 supra. 
 TeTeXeafihov : generally taken as equivalent to lepov in 819, perhaps 
 with reference to the initiation into the Mysteries — so Waltz. How- 
 ever in Hymn to Hermes 572 TereXea/jLevov ayyeXov is appHed to Hermes 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 197 
 
 as a messenger duly appointed (see Sikes and Allen's note) to Hades. 
 Perhaps here it means that the day is to be considered as duly con- 
 stituted a lucky or sacred day. (pdlvovTos-ldrayikvov : see introductory 
 note on verse 765: whether of the waning or the waxing month — 
 Mair. 
 
 800-801. oLyecrB' els oIkov olkoltlv : see note on 695 supra. The 
 4th is sacred to Aphrodite and Hermes (see on 770 supra — end), 
 and therefore suitable for marriage — Schol. ouavovs Kplvas : cf. 828 
 infra. That divination from birds was known to Homer is evident 
 from Od. I 202. According to Aelian, de Animal. Ill 9, the best 
 birds for marriage were crows. 
 
 802-4. Tre/jLTTTas : it is not clear whether this word refers to the 
 5th of each month, or to the 5th of each part of the month. The 
 fifths are nowhere else mentioned in the Days. The interpretation 
 of 803-4 depends on whether yeuvojievov {yivbixevov — see Leaf on II. 
 X 71) or TLvvfxevas {rLvvfxevov) is read in 804. Vergil (Georg. 127 7-8) 
 seems to have read the former and to have misinterpreted the pas- 
 sage: Quintam fuge: pallidus Orcus / Eumenidesque satae. With 
 this reading anKpLiroktveiv is imperfect infinitive: they say the Erinyes 
 attended the birth of Horkos — Mair. For Horkos see note on 219 
 supra, and cf. Th. 231-2, where Eris produced Horkos, 6s bi] TXeZarov 
 kiTLxBovlovs avdpcoTOVs I TrjfjLalveL, ore Kev rts eKOJv ewiopKov o/jLoaay. 
 The Romans seem to have used Orcus of Hades. Compare Vergil's 
 pallidus Orcus cited above, and Catullus III 13-14: At vobis male 
 sit, malae tenebrae / Orci, quae omnia bella devoratis. If the second 
 reading is to be adopted, TLvvjuevov represents the normal construc- 
 tion. In Homer (see Ebeling) TlvvfiaL and the middle of tIvco mean 
 to avenge one's self on, punish. This gives the sense: the Erinyes 
 attend Horkos as he dispenses chastisement (to perjurers). The 
 word is used in this sense and this function is assigned to Hades and 
 Persephone in II. Ill 279; to the Erinyes in II. XIX 260; to Zeus in 
 Od. XIII 214: avdpcoTTOus ecpopa Kal TLVVTaL, 6s rts ap.dpTy. riveadaL is 
 found occasionally in Homer in the sense of avenge, punish with 
 an impersonal object. See II. II 356, 590; III 351; XV 116; XIX 
 208; Od. XXIV 470. The two accusatives occur in Od. XV 236-7: 
 erlaaTo epyov aeiKes / — Nr}\7Ja = h.e punished Neleus for his unseemly 
 deed. The reading TLvvp,kvas makes it used here in the sense of 
 avenging a person, unless we are to assume a change in the meaning 
 
198 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 of opKov : punishing people for a violated oath, which divinity Eris 
 bore as a bane to perjurers. This meaning seems to occur in Th. 
 472: TelaaLTO-epLvvs TraTpos-Traidcov re = avenge, or satisfy the avenging 
 Furies, visit upon him (Cronos) the curses of his father (whom he 
 had mutilated) and children (whom he had devoured); and agrees 
 with the meaning of ciinpnroKeveLv in Od. XX 78 = attend and punish 
 (of the Erinyes) : they say the Erinyes go around and punish people, 
 avenging or satisfying Horkos, whom Eris bore as a woe to perjurers. 
 Just as opKos, the object by which one swore and which was 
 invoked in an oath, as Styx, Zeus, etc., came to be personified as a 
 deity that punished perjury (see on 219 supra)', so the kpLvhes, which 
 were the curses called down (invoked) upon the injuring party by 
 the injured, came to be personified as goddesses which avenged the 
 wrong by executing the curses on the wrong-doer. The former 
 meaning is found in II. XXI 412: ovrm Kev rrjs /jLrjTpos epLvvas e^aTOTivoLs, 
 where epivhas is equivalent to dpds. Cf. Aesch. Eumen. 517: 'Apat 5' 
 kv oIkols yrjs viral KeKhrjiieda, and Septem 70: 'Apd r' 'EpLvvs irarpos rj 
 fieyaadevns. In Od. II 135 : From her father I shall suffer ills, aXXa 8e 
 balfjLOiv I Scoo'et, CTret pirjrrjp arvyepas aprjaer' kpLPVS / o'lkov aTrepxofJievr) 
 = when my mother shall utter terrible curses on departing from 
 home, we have the meaning of curse, while in Od. XI 280: Epicaste 
 left behind for Oedipus many woes, oaaa re p.r}Tp6s epivves eKrekkovai, 
 there is an approach to the idea of an avenger. In II. IX 454-7 
 the father of Phoenix utters curses and invokes the Erinyes, but 
 Zeus Chthonios and Persephone bring the curses to completion; 
 while in id. 566-72 the mother of Meleager utters curses and invokes 
 Hades and Persephone, and her Erinys heard and answered her 
 prayer. The relation of the curse to the Erinys is well illustrated 
 by Sophocles O. C. 1375/96, where Oedipus curses his sons and 
 calls on Tartarus and the Furies to execute his curses, and id. 1434, 
 where these curses are referred to as roiv irarpos ^pivvoiv. 
 
 805-9. Proclus has this comment (Orphic Frag. 27) : If as Orpheus 
 says, the 17 th is dedicated to Ate and for this reason is suitable for 
 cutting wood and stripping fruit from the pods, Hesiod not ill devotes 
 the day to these works. Vergil, Georg. I 284-5 considers it good for 
 planting the vine, breaking oxen and weaving. ev-dinirevovTa : taking 
 great pains, using great care in the work. vKotoiiov : accusative is 
 normal of 3rd person (see on 592-4) : wood-cutter should cut timbers 
 for the construction of houses, as well as for the building of ships. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 199 
 
 For the number of ireXovraL see Kuehner-Gerth II 1 365, especially 
 Anmerk. TT]yvvadai : cf . 455 supra. In II. II 664 the active is used 
 of ship-building: vijas eirrj^e. dpatds : long and narrow — Proclus. 
 Compare the Homeric doal vrjes and see 631 supra and 817 infra. 
 
 810-13. kwl 8ele\a: cf. 821 infra — toward afternoon (Mair). The 
 19th is better in the afternoon (than in the morning), being part 
 lucky and part unlucky. In II. XXI 232 (see Leaf's note) SeleXos 
 oxpe 8v(x)v is used of late evening when darkness comes on. Travair'qiioiv : 
 appearently with reference to the preceding verse: the middle 9th 
 is not so good in the morning, but the first 9th is altogether free 
 from evil for men. kadXi] : used here with the infinitive as in Th. 
 439, 444. Cf. 788, 794 supra and Th. 435, where it is used in the 
 same sense without the infinitive. (puTeve/iev : cf. Eurip. Alces. 662: 
 (pvreveLv iratdas. The same figure occurs in Th. 986 {(pLTvaaro-vldv) 
 and Eurip. Phoen. 18 (uri aireipe reKvojv aXoKo). For Te-rjde (813) = 
 both — and, see on 22 supra. 
 
 814-18. wavpoL, etc.— cf. 818, 820, 824 infra and see note on 769 
 supra. Tpiaeivaba : the 9th of the 3rd decade, or the 29th according 
 to Proclus. Some take it as referring to the 27th. 815-16 are 
 rejected by Rzach. ^ Goettling supposes that there were two recen- 
 sions: 1st, Few know that the rpLaeLvds is best to open a jar and put 
 the yoke on oxen, etc. 2nd Few know that it is best to launch a 
 ship upon the sea. As it is, the asyndeton in 817 is unusual. ap^aaOai 
 — irWov. cf. 368 supra and 819 infra. The MSS. reading avx^va 
 is barely possible in the sense of place yoke on neck, the accusative 
 being governed by eirl, but as the dative is so invariably the rule, it 
 seems best to accept the emendation ahx^vi. Cf. Theognis 1357: 
 eirl ^vyov avx^vL Ketrat. Verse 816 is a combination of two Homeric 
 expressions — see II. VII 333 and XXIII 504. This is the sole instance 
 in the Works and Days, where horses are mentioned, and it is to be 
 noted that they are associated with draft animals — see on 46 supra. 
 The horse was not generally so used by the ancients — see Vergil, 
 Georg. Ill 72-208; also Aesch. Prom. 466, where horses are called 
 the delight of luxurious wealth, and Isoc. XVI 33. With verse 
 817 compare II. VII 88: vrjl iroXvKXrjLdi irKkojv eirl oivoira ttovtov. ttoXv- 
 KX-fjida : many-benched — from kXtjIs, the plural of which is used by 
 Homer of rowing-benches, as in Od. XII 215. oKTjdea: probably 
 used adverbially (neuter plural): few call it {rpKreivas) by its right 
 
200 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 name, i.e. with reference to its right place in the calendar (see note 
 on 768), or by its right name as best (814). 
 
 819-21. olyeTTidov: see on 815. The 4th as well as the 29th 
 (?) is favorable to open a jar. In like manner the 16th (783) and 
 the 10th (794) are good for the birth of a boy. Compare also 812. 
 irepl TrdvTCx)v ; above all, as in 54 supra. For lepov see on 799 supra. 
 Iieaar]: sc. Terpas. 820-21 are thus explained by Proclus: Few 
 know that the 24th is best in the morning, but worse in the afternoon. 
 By juer' ekada in this connection the fourth after the 20th is meant. 
 For kirl 8ele\a see on 810 supra. 
 
 822-3. fjiky' ovecap: this verse-close is found in 41 supra', Od. 
 IV 444; Th. 871; Orphic Arg. 38; etc. Compare Aratus 15: fiey' 
 avdpooTTOidLv bveiap. nerddovTroL : falling at random, "from the noise 
 of the fall" — Sittl. aKrjpLos in Homer has two meanings: 1st, from 
 KTJp: heart, as II. XI 392; XXI 466; 2nd, from Kr)p: death or doom, 
 as Od. XXIII 328 (cf. XII 98). If it is from the 1st here, it means 
 without heart, without character or sentiment, and so neither fav- 
 orable nor unfavorable; if from the 2nd, which seems more probable, 
 the meaning is: without fate or luck, and so simply neutral or indif- 
 ferent. For the close of 823 cf. Theoc. XV 105, where the Seasons 
 are said to come, Trdvreacn ^porols alel tl (popevaai. 
 
 824-5. aXXolrjv : for oWtjv — Proclus. The repetition of the expres- 
 sion few know (814, 818, 820) insists on the mysterious character of 
 this science and the special competence of the author — Waltz. 
 With the form of 825 compare Quintus Smyrn. VIII 473: iiWoTe yap 
 T€ (pi\7] Tv'eKei i](jos, aXXore 5' kxdprj. p^rjrpvLrj : for the reputation of a 
 step-mother in antiquity cf. Aesch. Prom. 727, where the rough sea- 
 coast of Salmydessus is called exdpo^^vos vavTauaL, p.iqTpvid vedv ; Plato, 
 Menex. 237B: Tpeipojikvovs ovx vto fxrjTpvLas-aW viro /jLrjTpos] Ovid, 
 Met. I 147: Lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae; Pal. Anth. 
 IX 23, 7-8; etc. 
 
 826-8. TCLcov: depends on rdde tclvt a = 3,11 this about these days. 
 Cf. Orphic Lith. 57: tolcjv rjnideos re Kal oK^los 6s k ecplKrjraL, where 
 TOMv depends on kipUriTaL. evdai/jLOiv re Kal oXjStos : fortunate and 
 prosperous, the latter usually referring to wealth — see Ebeling and 
 note on 637 supra. Herodotus however says (I 32) that the very 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 201 
 
 wealthy is not oK^LOirepos than the one who has sufficient for the 
 day, unless rvxv follows him all through his life. Many who are 
 very wealthy are clvoX^lol, while many who have moderate means 
 are eurux^es. epya^eordai reverts to the precepts of 286-694. For 
 the dative with avalnos cf. II. I 153: I did not come hither to fight 
 the Trojans, kirel ov tl /jlol alTLol eiaiv. For opvidas Kplvoov see on 801 
 supra, and compare the later technical use of bveipoKpiT-qs found in 
 Theophrastus, Characters XVI (XXVIII) 24 and Theocritus XXI 
 d>?). Also Aesch. Prom. 485-6: KCLKpuva Trpwros e^ bveiparoiv a XPV I 
 ijirap ytvkcdcLi, K\r)86vas re dvaKpLTOvs / kyvoipiaa, kt\ and see Persae 
 225. 
 
 According to an anonymous scholium, ApoUonius Rhodius 
 rejected verse 828 as having formed a transition to another poem, 
 the Ornithomanteia, just as the last four lines of the Theogony 
 seem to have formed a transition to the Catalogue of Heroines. 
 
202 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIO,D 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 I. The Myth of Prometheus and Pandora : In the Theogony (507-616) an account 
 is given of the offspring of the Titan lapetus and the Ocean-nymph Clymene, inckiding 
 thoughtless Epimetheus, who proved the cause of evil for men/ in that he received 
 the woman fashioned by Zeus (511-14), Menoetius, whom Zeus hurled down to Erebos 
 for his pride and presumption, and Atlas, who at the ends of the earth upholds wide 
 heaven with his head and unwearied hands; for Zeus assigned him this task. But the 
 wily Prometheus he bound with unescapeable bonds and sent an eagle to devour his 
 Hver, which grew as much by night as the bird devoured by day; till Heracles slew 
 it and rescued the son of lapetus from his woeful plight, not without the will of the 
 Ol5niipian Zeus, that the renown of Alcmene's son might be greater than ever over the 
 earth. 
 
 Then to explain why Prometheus was punished there is introduced an account 
 of his deceiving Zeus at Mecone, which according to Strabo (VIII 6, 25) was an old 
 name of Sicyon. At this place gods and men had assembled, apparently to determine 
 what part of the victims was to be the portion of the former in sacrifices.^ Prometheus 
 divided an ox into two portions; the flesh and the vitals he placed in the hide and 
 covered it all over with the paunch, while the bones he arranged in crafty wise and 
 covered with rich fat. Then he told Zeus to take whichever portion his heart desired. 
 And Zeus knowing eternal counsels saw through the trick, but was designing {oaaero) 
 evil in his heart for men, and so he picked up the fat with both hands. Rage filled 
 his heart, when he saw the bones arranged in crafty wise.^ Ever since then the races 
 of men on earth bum for the immortals white bones on fragrant altars.^ 
 
 After this always mindful of the deceit Zeus withheld fire from mortals; but the 
 son of lapetus deceived him and stole it in a hollow reed. And again Zeus was filled 
 with unutterable rage when he saw the gleam of fire among men. And so to offset 
 this blessing he prepared a pest for them. By his order Hephaestus fashioned from 
 earth the form of a noble virgin, and Athena adorned her with shining raiment; down 
 from her head she draped a beautifully wrought veil, wonderful to behold; around 
 her head Pallas Athena put charming wreaths of newly blooming flowers and on her 
 head a rrown of gold, which Hephaestus himself wrought as a favor to father Zeus. 
 When she was finished, he led her forth where the other gods and men were — appar- 
 ently still assembled at Mecone in spite of the lapse of time — and wonder held immor- 
 tal gods and mortal men, when they beheld the 86\ov aiirvv (cf. Works 83), from wliich 
 
 ^ See Lisco, Quaest. Hes. p. 15 and cf. Mythog. Vat. II 64. Perhaps the 
 time had come when the common banquets of gods and men (see note on Works 
 108) were to cease and sacrifices were to take their place. 
 
 2 It seems that in the original form of the myth Zeus actually was deceived 
 at Mecone, as in Works 48-55 and the stealing of fire below; but the author of 
 the Theogony, wishing to assert the omniscience of the Supreme God, represents 
 him as seeing through the trick in spite of the fact that he is manifestly deceived. 
 See Lucian, Prom. Ill 6, 7-10 and Mythog. Vat. II 67. oaaiTo in Homer nor- 
 mally means perceived, foresaw; but here the meaning may be designed. Cf. 
 Aeschylus, Prom. 228-236, where Zeus desired to destroy the human race, but 
 was hindered by Prometheus. 
 
 3 The Mecone episode is clearly an aetiological attempt to explain the 
 origin of later sacrificial customs. See Thomsen, Der Trug des Prometheus, in 
 Archiv f. Religionswissenschaft, 1909, pp. 460 ff. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 203 
 
 lere was no escape for men. For from her came the race of women, who are a great 
 >lague to mortal men, no helpmeet for poverty but for abundance. Then follows a 
 lirade against the sex. They are likened to drones which remain in the hives eating 
 ;the labor of the honey-bees, while they all day long make haste to fill the waxen cells. 
 Still if a man avoids marriage, he spends an unhappy old age; and though he have 
 i^wealth, his distant relatives divide it among them at his death. And even if one has 
 ?.a good woman, all his life ill vies with good, and if he has bad children, this is an 
 ^irremediable calamity. The story ends by reverting to Prometheus: &s ovk €<ttl 
 iAids Kkk\paL voov ov8e wapeXdelv (cf . Works 105) ; for not even the son of lapetus escaped 
 ^his wrath, but in spite of his shrewdness a strong bond confines him. 
 
 In the Works and Days (42-105) the same myth is told with some modifications 
 .and additions to illustrate the necessity of labor. The Mecone incident is simply 
 referred to (48). The punishment of Prometheus is merely hinted at (56) — very 
 naturally, as the Titan is only an* incident and the author would go directly to the 
 point. Zeus was angry because Prometheus deceived him and concealed fire; but 
 the son of lapetus stole it without his knowledge in a hollow reed. Therefore Zeus 
 devised an evil for men, not labor as might have been expected; for the poet has 
 decided to tell the myth and in the myth woman was the evil imposed upon man. 
 She is constructed so as to be a bane in two particulars: 1st, she is to consume and 
 waste men with the fires of love and all its attendant calamities; 2nd, by her unfor- 
 tunate disposition she is to render unhappy his domestic life.* After her completion 
 she was sent to the thoughtless Epimetheus, who forgetful of the warning of Promech- 
 eus received her; but after he had the pest, then he saw what he had done. 
 
 So far the myth of the Works is not essentially different from that of the Theo- 
 gony, unsuitable as it is to illustrate the necessity of labor. But a new element is 
 introduced (90-104) which does not seem to have belonged to the original form. The 
 woman took off the lid of a jar and scattered the contents and since then men, who had 
 formerly lived without evils and hard labor, are now subject to diseases and innumer- 
 able calamities. Even in this new element labor is not made prominent except in 
 so far as it is included among evils in general. But the beginning of evil was con- 
 nected with the reign of Zeus and the deception of Prometheus, and when the hard- 
 ships and misfortunes of the present age are contrasted with the Golden Age and ];^i^ 
 of Saturn, the story of the Titan comes to mind, and once begun the poet goes through 
 with it, however imperfectlv it may illustrate his point.^ 
 
 * In the Theogony woman is made and adorned as a bride to captivate man; 
 but after he has her, he finds her an idle burden productive only of ill. Again 
 in the Theogony Hephaestus makes the woman and Athena adorns her; while 
 in the Works her creation and equipment is entrusted to four divinities (60-8) 
 whose tasks are peculiarly appropriate to their respective characters and abilities. 
 
 s It is evident that we have in the Works and Theogony two versions of the 
 same story told from a different point of view. Meyer (Hesiods Erga— p. 166 
 and note 1) is of opinion that the Works contains an extension and modification 
 of the myth as told in the Theogony; which is itself a modification of an earlier 
 version used by the poet. Raddatz (De Promethei fabula Hesiodea — pp. 6- 
 30) argues both from style and content that Theogony 532-616, containing the 
 Mecone incident, the theft of fire and the woman episode, is the work of a later 
 poet, and contends that it is based on Works 47-105 after 69-82 had been in- 
 serted, but before the interpolation of 90-104. See also Lisco, Quaest. Hes. 
 pp. 7-48. 
 
204 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 II. Pandora: Verses 69-82 of the Works, in which the name Pandora occurs, 
 even if we reject 76 & 79, do not agree with 60-68; for there Athena was to teach 
 her works, here she adorns her body; there Aphrodite was to give her charm, 
 here she receives bodily charms from the Graces, Persuasion and the Seasons, 
 while Aphrodite is not mentioned. And at the close the name Pandora is intro- 
 duced with an erroneous meaning (all-given), which ,the preceding passage 
 seems to have been written to support.^ 
 
 There was a Satyr-drama of Sophocles (see Fr. 441-5) which according to 
 Hesychius was called Pandora or the Hammerers. To judge from a black-figured 
 lekythos in Bibliotheque Nationale^ this play must have had to do with the 
 rising of Pandora, the earth-goddess, from the earth pounded by the hammers 
 of the Satyrs. Another interesting painting is on the Oldfield Vase of the Ash- 
 molean Museum^ which on the obverse side has two groups of figures. "On 
 the left Zeus gives commands to Hermes, while on the right Pandora rises out 
 of the ground before Epimetheus. She is clad in bridal drapery and veil with 
 a tall crown on her head. Her arms are stretched towards Epimetheus, who 
 wears a wreath and holds a hammer and who shows no repugnance to the fair 
 vision, who thus takes him by storm. Eros flutters above, holding out a fillet. 
 All the persons are identified beyond question, as their names are clearly written 
 over them." Now it is evident that we have here a confusion of two myths. 
 The rising of Pandora from the earth and the hammer of Epimetheus belong to 
 one, and the commands of Zeus to Hermes as well as the bridal attire and fillet 
 of Eros belong to the other. It is interesting further to note that on a Hydria 
 of Genoa* Aphrodite is represented as rising from the earth in Pandora-fashion. 
 
 Thus it appears from literature and art that Pandora meant all-giving and 
 was applied to the earth-goddess (Demeter) and Aphrodite. Now as to the 
 v/oman in Hesiod, it must be conceded that in Works 60-68 a genuine woman with 
 representative qualities according to the Greek conception was to be constructed 
 by very appropriate divinities to be a plague to men. On the other hand in 
 Theogony (571-80) no qualities are mentioned, but the form of a noble maiden 
 is arrayed in bridal attire, very much like the figure on the Oldfield Vase. Then 
 from the fact that verses 70-72 of Works are identical with Theogony 571-3 it 
 
 ^ The adjective iravdopos occurs four times in Greek (Hom. Epig. VII; 
 Bacchyl. Fr. 24; Cleanthes, Fr. 48, 32; Oppian, Cyn. I 12), always in the sense 
 of all-giving and twice applied to earth. Pandora as a proper name occurs in 
 Aristophanes, Birds 971, where it is explained by the scholiast as the earth, since 
 she gives all things that pertain to living. The meaning given the word in 
 Works 81-2 does not occur elsewhere except in later references to this passage, 
 as Apollodorus, I 7, 2 and Pausanias, I 24, 7. Another explanation of the name 
 is that all the gods gave a gift in making her, and not that all the gods gave her 
 as a gift to man. See Hyginus, Fab. 142; Tertullian, de Corona 7; and cf. Et. 
 Mag. ilavdcopa' eip-qrai on irapa iravTcov 5u>pa t\a^tv fj ort dojpov tuiv deSiv, cis (pijaLV 
 'HaioSos. 
 
 2 See Welcker, Atlas Taf. XV 1 and Journal of Helenic Studies, Vol. XX p. 
 106: "A gigantic head arises from the ground, on which two human figures 
 strike with huge hammers." 
 
 3 See Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. XXI pp. 1-9: A new Pandora Vase, 
 by Percy Gardner, who assigns the vase to the middle of the 5th century b. c. 
 
 * Middle of 5th century B. c. See Mittheilungen des Archaeol. Instituts 
 in Rom., Vol. XIV pp. 154 ff. Die Geburt der Aphrodite, von E. Petersen — 
 Taf. VII. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 205 
 
 would seem that the author of Works 69-82 started with that account, got the 
 function of Hermes from Works 67-8 and explained the woman's name after 
 the fashion of popular etymology from the fact that many gods had taken part 
 in makmg her. But why did he call her Pandora? And where did he get verses 
 73-75, which take the place of Aphrodite's function, and the first half of 78? 
 It is natural to suppose that the shaping from earth of the likeness of a noble 
 maiden was suggested by the rising of the earth-goddess Pandora, but as this 
 woman was to ensnare men with her personal charms and the wiles of love, the 
 author of the Theogony passage went on to describe a bridal Aphrodite, such 
 as is represented on the Hydria of Genoa, thus introducing into his account 
 the same confusion as is reflected by the Oldfield Vase. This is further sup- 
 ported by the striking similarity of Hom. Hymn to Aphrodite VI ;^ the likeness 
 of which to the Theogony passage, both in general and in particular, is too 
 close to doubt their connection. Starting from the description in the Theogony 
 the author of Works 69-82, having the goddess of love in mind, eliminates the 
 function assigned to her in 65-6 and introduces three verses (73-5), which are 
 very charteristic of poems describing Aphrodite.* Then Hermes, instead of 
 giving her the Kvveov voov of 67, endowed her with lies and wheedling words (78), 
 which are the very qualities ascribed to Aphrodite in Theogony 205.^ Verse 
 76 may have been added because in the Theogony Athena did give her all her 
 adornment. 
 
 Thus it would seem that the author of Works 69-82 started from the Pan- 
 dora-Aphrodite conception of Theogony 570-89, added other Aphrodite ele- 
 ments, introduced Hermes from 67-8 and confused his function with that of 
 Hephaestus, unless 79 is spurious, gave her the usual name Pandora and sup- 
 posed that she was so called because all the gods previously mentioned had taken 
 part in her construction and so had given her as a gift to men. 
 
 HI. Works 90-104: This passage presents unusual difficulties. It is not 
 found in the myth as related in the Theogony, and seems to be a fragment, cut 
 off from an unknown source and inserted here. It is necessary, however, in 
 the Works and Days, as it alone makes the myth answer the purpose for which 
 it is told — the origin of evils and among them labor. But it is impossible from 
 the meager details and the lack of extraneous evidence to determine satisfactorily 
 two points: The source and contents of Pandora's jar and the meaning of Elpis. 
 
 ^ I shall sing albol-qv xpv(ToaTe<pavov 'A<ppo8iTr}v, whom the Seasons received 
 gladly and clothed with ambrosial garments. Kparl 8' kir' adavari^ <TTe<pdvr{v 
 evTVKTov edrjKav / koXtiv xP^'^^'i-Vv • • • 8tLp^ 5' djU(^' ciTraXf? koI arrjdecnp apyv(f>eoLai.v 
 opuoLCTL xPi'O'^oto-ii' tKoaneov, olal irep avral I *Opat KoaixeLcrdrjv . . . avrap CTret 5i) 
 iravra -rrepi xpol Koa/jLov Wr]Kav / riyov es adauarovs, who all welcomed her and 
 each one admiring her beauty wished to take her home as his wife. 
 
 ^ Besides the Hom. Hymn cited above cf. the Frag, of the Cypria in Athe- 
 naeus XV 30: eip.aTa fxev xpoi earo to. oi Xdptres re /cat *i2pai / irolTjaTjp Kal t^axpav kv 
 avdeaiv fXapivoiaiv / ola (pepovcr' '12pat. 
 
 ^ This explains irapOkvco alSoLri Uekov, where the epithet is generally ren- 
 dered modest. But the only case in Epic where albolos has this meaning is 
 Od. XVII 578, where there seems to be a play on the preceding albetTai. and a 
 reference to atScos in 347 of the same book. Voss renders it ein edles Gebild, 
 which is the normal sense. The same epithet is applied to Aphrodite in Th. 
 194 and Hom. Hymn VI 1. 
 
206 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Pandora's Jar: The natural inference from the text is that the Hesiodic jar 
 contained evils. Men had lived on earth without evils, hard labor and diseases; 
 but after the contents of the jar had been scattered, innumerable evils wandered 
 among them, especially diseases which bring death. Still we find in Homer 
 (II. XXIV 527-33)' that there are two jars (irLdoi) on the floor of Zeus, one of 
 evils and the other of blessings; if Zeus gives from both to a man, he sometimes 
 has good, sometimes evil; but if he gives only of the evils, he becomes a reproach 
 and goes to and fro on earth, honored neither by gods nor men. Commenting 
 on Works 94 Proclus says that Hesiod's jar comprehends the two of Homer, 
 and therefore contained blessings too, of which Hope alone remained in it, con- 
 soling the unfortunate with the expectation of better things than their evils. 
 Babrius (LVIII) represents it as a jar of blessings exclusively: Zeus put in a jar 
 all blessings, covered it and placed it with man; but he curious to know what 
 was in it took off the lid^ and the blessings all flew away to the home of the gods. 
 Hope alone remained: therefore Hope alone is still with men and she is always 
 promising that she will give back the blessings that have escaped. Macedonius 
 (Pal. Anth. X 71), apparently describing a painting, which represents Pandora 
 as having opened the jar, from which the blessings are flying away towards 
 heaven, says: "I laugh at the sight of the jar of Pandora. It is not the woman, 
 however, that I blame, but the wings of the blessings which fly away towards 
 Olympus. Would that some of them had fallen on the earth ! As to the woman, 
 her cheeks have become pale and she has lost the beauty of the charms she 
 brought. Life has now a double misfortune: the old woman and the empty 
 jar. " A beautiful woman came bringing blessings. She let the blessings escape 
 to heaven and lost her beauty from old age, leaving man nothing desirable. 
 Theognis (1135-46) refers to Hope as the only good divinity that has remained 
 among men; the rest have all left and gone to Olympus.^ 
 
 If the Hesiodic jar contained evils and blessings, or blessings only, we must 
 suppose that when Pandora scattered the contents, Hope alone remained behind 
 for men; the rest of the blessings flew away to heaven, but the author, not being 
 interested in them, mentioned only the evils, which then had full sway.^ 
 
 But the majority of the commentators have assumed that the jar of Pandora 
 contained evils only. Eustathius (1363, 24 — commenting on II. XXIV 527-33) 
 remarks that the evils in Hesiod's one jar were not lying passive like those of 
 Homer and waiting to be dispensed, but were lively daemons, like Ares shut 
 Xa\Kk(i) kv Ktpa.ix(^ (II. V 387), and took wing and left the jar empty. This 
 brings up the question: What connection can the opening of the irido'i of Pandora 
 have with the HidoLyia, as the first day of the Anthesteria was called at Athens? 
 The Anthesteria in general as well as the Pithoigia in particular as celebrated 
 
 ^ Philodemus says that according to some not Pandora, but Epimetheus 
 opened the jar, which however he considers a jar of evils. See Th. Gomperz, 
 Herculanische Studien, Vol. II p. 51. 
 
 2 It seems, however, that Theognis had in mind the departure of Aidos and 
 Nemesis (Works 197-201) rather than Pandora's jar. This is supported by 
 Ovid (Epist. ex Ponto I 6, 29-40), who says that Hope alone remained on earth, 
 cum fugerent sceleratas numina terras. 
 
 3 This view is maintained by P. Girard, Le Mythe de Pandore dans la Poesie 
 Hesiodique, in Revue des Etudes Grecques, 1909, pp. 217-230. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 207 
 
 at Athens was a festival of Dionysus, celebrating the opening of the jars of wine.* 
 But an interesting theory has recently been advanced, based on the comments 
 of lexicographers and scholiasts, according to whom it would seem that the 
 Anthesteria may have been originally a feast of all-souls. On the third day of 
 the feast a meager banquet was served to the ghosts of the departed, at which 
 sacrifice was offered to Hermes Chthonios in behalf of the dead. After the 
 banquet the spirits were dismissed with the formula: Qvpa^e, Krjpes, omer' 'Avdecr- 
 T-qpLo? which Suidas and Photius explain by saying that during the Anthesteria 
 the ghosts wander about the city." Then on a flask published at Jena in 1887 
 (Eine Attische Grablekythos — Schadow) there is represented a large Trldo% sunk 
 more than half way in the ground. Hermes is standing by, the TrwAta is off and 
 winged forms are fluttering up from the mouth, one of which is falling back into 
 the jar. Here we have a indoLyla and as it is clear from excavations (see Schadow's 
 Diss.) that -jrldoL were used for the burial of the dead, it seems that Hermes Psycho- 
 pompus is calling forth from their graves {-wWoi) the souls to wander at large 
 during the Anthesteria. Hence it may be that the festival of Dionysus took 
 the place of an earlier feast of all-souls, and that the author of Works 90-104 
 had in mind some ceremony of this earlier feast v/hen he represented Pandora 
 as letting the misfortunes of mankind fly forth like evil spirits from a ttWos. 
 Elpis: The meaning of Elpis has been much debated. Elpis to the Greeks, 
 as Hope to us, primarily and usually meant anticipation of something in the 
 future, which was felt to be better and more desirable than what one at present 
 has. This hope in itself is a consolation in misfortunes and an incentive to under- 
 takings, and whether it is an ultimate good or not depends on circumstances and 
 the judgment of the one who indulges in it. 
 
 Hope is extolled as the greatest blessing to men by Antiphon (VI 5); Theo- 
 critus (IV 41-2) says one should keep a brave heart: perhaps tomorrow will be 
 better; while there is life there is hope. Demosthenes (XVIII 97) says brave men 
 should undertake all noble deeds, using good hope as a shield; Euripides (Here. 
 Fur. 105) says that he is the best man who always trusts in Hope; and (Frag. 
 412) the wise should live a life of hope. Even illusive hope may be a blessing, as in 
 Aeschylus (Prom. 248 ff.) where it is conceded that Prometheus did men a great 
 service by planting in them blind hopes, that they might not foresee death. So 
 Babrius (LVIII — see above) considers Hope a blessing, even though she never 
 brings back the other blessings as she promises. 
 
 It is only when indulgence in a false hope causes one to overlook the real 
 demands of the situation, or a presumptuous hope leads m.en to rash undertakings 
 that it proves in the end an evil. It is to be noted that Hesiod uses the word 
 cXttis but twice outside of the present passage (498 and 500), and both times of an 
 empty hope or a hope that profits not. Semonides (Frag. I 3-7) says: We 
 mortals always live like cattle, not knowing what will be the result of each act; 
 
 * See Plutarch, Quaest. Conv. Ill 7, 1; and Proclus on Works 368. 
 
 ^ Compare the formula found in Ovid's account of the Lemuria (Fasti V 
 443): Manes exite paterni. 
 
 ^ See Jane E. Harrison, Prolegomena, pp. 32 ff. Also Suidas and Photius 
 s. V. Qvpa^e ; Photius and Hesychius s.v. niapd rj/jiepa ; Schol. on Aristoph. Frogs 
 218 and Acharn. 1076. Cf. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States Vol. V pp. 214- 
 224 and Rohde, Psyche Vol. I pp. 236 ff. 
 
208 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 but Hope supports us in all our impracticable designs. Pindar (Nem. XI 
 40-46) says: Though Zeus gives us no clear sign, we embark upon great under- 
 takings; for our limbs are fettered by excessive hope (cf. Thuc. V 103). Theognis, 
 who in verses 1135 calls Hope the only good divinity left on earth, says in 637-8 
 that 'EXtti's (Hope) and KLvdwos (Hazard) are both alike grevious divinities among 
 men; while Euripides (Sup. 479) declares that Hope is the greatest evil for mortals, 
 Hope which has involved many cities in war, ay ovaa Ovixov ds virep^oXds; and 
 Sophocles (Antig. 615) recognizes both sides of the uncertain Elpis.^ 
 
 It is evident therefore that Elpis to the Greeks was not only Hope that con- 
 soles in misfortunes and encourages to successful undertakings, but also the 
 illusive Hope that causes one to expect or pursue impossibilities and which was 
 considered an evil in spite of the temporary consolation it gives. 
 
 It seems impossible to draw any decisive conclusion from the abrupt state- 
 ments of Works 90-104; but the question seems to be, whether Elpis is a blessing 
 or an evil, and this is involved with the question of the contents of the jar con- 
 sidered above. If there were evils only in the jar, the most natural explanation 
 is that when the evils, which were shut away from men, had escaped from their 
 confinement and were abroad among men, then b}^ a simple shift — the poet did 
 not trouble himself about consistency — Hope is represented as remaining behind 
 in their possession to console them in their misfortunes. We are not told what 
 was in the jar or what Pandora scattered when she opened it; but the fact that 
 Hope alone did not fly out, while innumerable other things which are calamities 
 wander among men, seems to imply that the evils were companions of Elpis in 
 the jar, though aWa (see note on 100) does not necessarily imply that Elpis is 
 an evil. To obviate this difficulty it has been suggested (Goettling and Paley) 
 that owing to its dual nature, as illusion it was in the jar of evils, but as consoler 
 it remained behind with men. 
 
 The double meaning of Elpis and the inconsistency of having evils go forth 
 among men and Hope remxain behind with them were recognized by the ancients. 
 A rather corrupt scholium of Proclus has been emended (see Gaisford, p. 87 and 
 Goettling- Flach, note on Works 94) to run as follows: How does he say that hope 
 (17 eXTTis) rem.ained in the jar? for it is among m.en — consequently Aristarchus 
 says that 17 fiev rdv KaKciv enetvev, 17 Se ruiv ayadoov e^rj/Xdev; which seems to mean 
 that the expectation of evils remained, i.e. shut up in the jar away from men 
 while the hope of blessings escaped, i.e. is at large among men. This interpre- 
 tation of the Elpis that remained in the jar has been advocated in modern times 
 by two French scholars, Lebegue and Waltz. The latter says:^ Among the evils 
 one alone remained prisoner, which the poet calls Elpis, and which is without 
 
 ' a yap 817 Tro\vir\ayKTOS kXTis / ttoXXoTs fxkv ovaaLs kvbposv / ttoXXoTs 5' aTrara 
 Kovifovowv kpuiTojv. Othcr cxamplcs of this sinister force attached by the Greeks 
 to Elpis are: Pindar, 01. XII 5-6; Nem. VIII 46; Isth. II 43; Aesch. Persae 
 804; Soph. Ajax. 478; Electra 1416; Eurip. Phoen. 396 ff. and Stobaeus 98, 29. 
 See also Schmidt, Ethik der alten Griechen, II 69 ff. and Naegelsbach, Griech. 
 Volksglaube, pp. 382-3. 
 
 ^ H^siode et son poeme moral, p. 56. This theory was first advanced by 
 Lebegue in Annales de la Faculty des Lettres de Bordeaux, 1885, pp. 249 ff. 
 It is attacked by P. Girard in Revue des Etudes Grecques, 1909, pp. 217-230. 
 Waltz reiterates his position in the same journal, 1910, pp. 49-57: A propos de 
 I'Elpis Hesiodique. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 209 
 
 doubt the expectation, the foreknowledge of evil (I'attente, la prescience des ^ 
 malheiirs), the sole scourge with which humanity has not been afflicted. This 
 neutral sense of Elpis, which receives a sinister signification from the connection, 
 occurs occasionally in Greek. Hesychius explains kXirls as irpoadoKia, which must 
 refer to some unusual use of the word in that sense. Plato (Laws 644C) says 
 that each one of us has two counsellors, Pleasure and Pain, and besides opinions 
 about the future, which have the general name of Expectation (cXttis); and the ' 
 specific name of fear {<p6^os) when the expectation (eXTrts) is of pain, and of 
 hope (dappos) when of pleasure. So Thucydides (VII 61, 2) where Nicias trying 
 to encourage his soldiers tells them not to be despondent like those utterly with- 
 out experience, who worsted in the first encounters afterwards 8ia iravrds rijv e\ir- 
 Ida Tov (po^ov dfxoiav rats ^u/x^opats €xov(tiv.^ This explanation is supported by 
 Works 104, where diseases bring evils to mortals in silence since Zeus in his 
 wisdom (so Waltz) deprived them of voice; and by Aeschylus, Prom. 248-251, 
 where, though eX-n-ts is used in a different sense, causing mortals not to foresee 
 death by implanting blind hopes in them is declared to be a great boon (cf . Plato, 
 Gorg. 523D). Waltz concludes: Far from Elpis being identified with hope ' 
 it is precisely by retaining her a prisoner that the gods still permit us to hope. 
 If evils were in the jar, they were certainly shut away from men. And if after 
 their escape among men, Elpis still remained shut away from them, it must be 
 taken in the unusual sense of expectation of evil, or we must suppose that the 
 author has temporally indulged in extreme pessimism on the hopeless lot of 
 mortals; for surely Hope, both as illusion and consolation, is among men. It is 
 perhaps better therefore to assume with tradition that blessings were in the 
 jar and Pandora was the sole evil. The story was perhaps well known and it 
 was not necessary in the Hesiodic age to give the details, and so in the abrupt 
 account of the Works the blessings were overlooked in the eagerness to describe 
 the evils caused by Pandora. By mere accident, as it were, one of the blessings 
 was mentioned, the one that did not escape. So men, who had lived with all 
 blessings (an Eden state or Golden Age,) have now lost them through Pandora, 
 the impersonation and source of evil, and there remains only Hope to console 
 them in their hard lot.^" 
 
 IV. The Myth of the World Ages: In illustrating the necessity of labor 
 by the myth of Prometheus the origin of evils is of necessity introduced. This 
 point is further developed in the myth of the World-Ages which follows. The 
 two myths are different in that the one represents man as having fallen by . 
 transgression at once from an Eden state to the present condition of crime and 
 
 ' In this passage rod (pb^ov is perhaps a genitive of source expressing cause 
 rather than an objective genitive with Ti)v h\irlba, as Girard and Waltz take it. 
 Other examples of this force of kXirU are Soph. O. R. 486 and 771; Plato, Rep. 
 330E. 
 
 ^^ Perhaps Elpis is the hope of a return to the previous state of blessedness. 
 Then the ever desiring but never being able to realize it would make Elpis an 
 evil and explain why Pandora kept it for men. A blessing thus becomes an 
 evil, not as an illusory hope, but as an unattainable desire, which later the Orphic 
 Elpis and Christian Hope strove to satisfy. While Works 90-104 may not be 
 an Orphic interpolation, it may thus have fore-shodowed a favorite doctrine of 
 the Orphics. See Pizzagalli, Saggio sulla Teogonia di Esiodo, pp. 240 fi. 
 
210 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 misery, while the other represents him as having come to his present condition 
 by gradual stages of deterioration. The popular conception that man was 
 originally good and in a state of blessedness, whereas now the imagination of 
 his heart is evil from his youth, is contained in both. The inclination to look 
 on the past as better than the present is too well known to need illustration. 
 On the other hand persons who have fallen on evil days have a tendency to 
 magnify the undesirable features of their own age and contrast it with some ideal 
 condition remote in time or place. The most natural form of the myth, there- 
 fore, and the one which occurs most frequently in literature, is that in which the 
 present age of evil and misery is contrasted with a remote place of blessedness, 
 as in the Prometheus myth and the account in Genesis. 
 
 The conception of world ages and the gradual degeneration of man occurs 
 first in Classical Literature in Hesiod and there in its most elaborate form. In 
 fact all succeeding versions except that of Plato are based on his and there is 
 practically no material existing to show its source, development, or original 
 form. Outside of Greek there are two related conceptions, that of the Hindus 
 and that of the Etruscans. The latter maintained that there were in all eight 
 ages of men, differing from one another in customs and ways of life. And to 
 each of them was assigned from God a space of time comprehended by a Great 
 Year. When each period was completed and another was setting in, some mar- 
 vellous portent occurred in heaven or earth, by which it became evident to those 
 skilled in such matters that men of other customs and ways of life were now 
 coming into existence, caring less (or m.ore) for the gods than those before.^ 
 
 The Hindus had a doctrine of four world ages which went round in an end- 
 less cycle. In the first age, characterized by the color of the supreme god, 
 Vishnu, which was light, right had full sway and creatures did not die. There 
 was no sickness nor pain, no pride nor dislike, no strife nor exhaustion, no enmity 
 nor fear, no jealousy nor wickedness of any sort. All lived together in peace, 
 each pursuing his own business. In the second age, in which Vishnu becomes 
 red, right loses a fourth of its power, but men still cling to duty and industry. 
 In the third age Vishnu becomes yellow and right has but half of its original sway 
 among men. Those who do v/rong suffer sickness and pain, and death makes its 
 appearance in the world. In the fourth age right has but a fourth of its power 
 left, and even this vanishes. The color of Vishnu becomes black. Diseases 
 and plagues, anger and other faults, accidents and cares, hunger and fear have 
 full sway. Right and happiness return again as the world-ages revolve. ^ 
 
 It is probable that the Hindu and Greek myths are different developments 
 of the same idea without being directly connected. While the colors of the one 
 — light, red, yellow, black — correspond to the metals of the other — gold, silver, 
 bronze, iron — in the case of the former there is a gradual and unbroken deteriora- 
 
 ^ Suidas, s.v. XvWas and Plutarch, Sylla VII 7-8. See also Servius on 
 Vergil, Buc. IV 4; IX 47, where the tenth age is the last; and cf. Mayor's note on 
 Juvenal XIII 28 and 30. 
 
 2 See Roth, Uber den Mythus von den V Menschengeschlechtern bei Hesiod 
 und die indische Lehre von den IV Weltaltern, 1860. The version chosen by 
 Roth to illustrate the doctrine is found in the third book of the Mahabharata. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 211 
 
 tion and the ages repeat themselves in endless cycles, while in the case of the 
 Classic myth so well defined a doctrine was never developed.^ 
 
 In Classic Literature the four world ages named from the metals are fre- 
 quently referred to, but the most elaborate treatment after Hesiod is found in 
 Ovid (Met. I 89-150). The general scheme is taken from Hesiod, the age of 
 heroes being omitted. The differences are such as could be expected with the 
 lapse of time and from the fact that Ovid was the poet of imperial Rome. As to 
 the golden age, but one idea is common to Hesiod and Ovid, that of the spon- 
 taneous abundance of the earth. The god-like freedom from care and ill of 
 Hesiod becomes in Ovid a universal peace (cf. Works 228-9). The reign of 
 right without laws, judges and penalties may have been sugggested by Vergil 
 (Aen. VII 203-4), where the race of Saturn is spoken of as haud vinclo nee legibus 
 aequam. The absence of ships and the perils of the deep begin with Hesiod 
 (Works 236). The conception of mild and unchangeable weather is common, 
 but that it was perpetual spring seems to have arisen in Vergil (Georg. II 338), 
 where after a description of spring the poet goes on to say that such were the 
 days at the beginning of the world: Ver illud erat, ver magnus agebat orbis. 
 The honey dripping from the oak begins with Works 233, where the top of the 
 oak bears acorns and the m.iddle bees, but Ovid is following the figurative con- 
 ception of Vergil in Eel. IV 30: Et durae quercus sudabunt roscida mella. 
 
 The only similarity between the silver age of Hesiod and that of Ovid is 
 the name. In the former the end of the race seems to coincide with the fall of 
 the Titans and mark the beginning of the reign of Zeus, while in the latter the 
 silver race comes after Saturn has been hurled to Tartarus and the world is under 
 Jove. The perpetual spring of the previous age gives way to the four seasons 
 with extremes of heat and cold and the resulting need of shelter, while earth no 
 longer yields her spontaneous abundance and agriculture begins. The bronze 
 age of Ovid is simply that of Hesiod in brief: fierce in disposition and prone to 
 arms, but not criminal. 
 
 The iron age is described at length and is based largely on Hesiod. It is 
 an age of selfishness and greed for gain, when all scruple and fidelity have given 
 place to insidious plots and open violence. Men sail the sea in quest of fortune; 
 and land which was once common property like air and sunlight is carefully 
 measured off by the surveyor. The earth is not simply taxed for crops, but 
 iron and gold are dug from her depths to incite men to evil, and war shakes 
 rattling arms with bloody hand. Guest is not safe from host and all bonds 
 of relationship are broken up. All sense of duty is gone and the Virgin Astraea, 
 the last of the celestials, leaves the earth reeking with blood. But while the 
 form is Hesiodic, in content it is rather th% deterior ac decolor aetas of Vergil 
 (Aen. VIII 326), in which belli rabies et amor successit habendi. For while 
 neither bloodshed nor greed for gain is emphasized in Hesiod, they are the promi- 
 
 3 Goettling (note on Works 109) supposes that in Hesiod three cycles are 
 described, each ending worse than it began. Cycle one includes (a) aureum 
 saeculum, innocentiae humanae tempus; (b) argenteum, desidiae humanae 
 tempus; (c) aeneum, quo impietati hominum accedebant facinora. Cycle two 
 begins with (a) aetas heroica, insignis quidem iustitia, sed bellicosa tamen; 
 and ends with (b) Hesiodi aetas, quam ipsa Iustitia et Pudor relicturae sunt. 
 Cycle three is the better age yet to come hinted at in 175. 
 
212 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 nent features in Ovid and reflect all too well the Roman spirit. Navigation and 
 war are introduced as opposites to the golden age and mining shows the pre- 
 sumption of man in demanding of earth things not needed and harmful. But 
 the idea that land was common property in the golden age never suggested itself 
 to Hesiod, whose whole moral theory on the contrary was based on the right of 
 individual possession and inheritance. Finally it was from Aratus (96-136), 
 who represents Dike as dwelling among men in the golden age, withdrawing to 
 the mountains in the silver age, and taking her flight to heaven as the constella- 
 tion Virgo in the age of bronze, that the Roman poets got their idea of the Vir- 
 gin Astraea, goddess of justice.* 
 
 V. The Golden Age: The conception of a place of ideal happiness occurs 
 in four connections: First, a Golden Age in the remote past, when men were 
 fresh from the hand of the creator and still unsullied by terrestrial influences, as 
 Genesis 2-3 and Works 109-119. Second, an age or place of blessedness either 
 in the remote future, as Revelation 21-22, or in the immediate future, as Vergil's 
 fourth Eclogue. Third, a distant place where chosen persons live in bliss, as 
 the Elysium of Od. IV 561-9, or the Islands of the Blest in Works 167-173. 
 Fourth, a purely ideal conception without reference to place or time of what the 
 just and contented may enjoy, as Hesiod, Works 225-237, or Vergil, Georg. II 
 458-540. The general characteristics of such a place and time are: The gods still 
 associate with men, and either bear rule themselves or the rule is in the hands 
 of just princes, so that laws and penalties are unknown. An ideal climate 
 prevails with serene sky, soft breezes and no extremes of heat, cold or rain. The 
 earth of her own accord produces abundantly and there is a life of ease and plenty 
 with feasting and enjoyment. Diseases do not exist, and death is unknown or 
 is like sleep. There is peace and prosperity, and in a state of primitive con- 
 tentment men have not yet presumed to brave the seas in ships. 
 
 This happy state first appears in Greek literature in the Odyssey, where 
 (VI 42-6) Olympus, the abode of the gods, is described as being without wind, rain 
 or snow, but the sun is always bright and the sky cloudless. Then the Phaea- 
 cians (VI 203) are said to be very dear to the immortals, and the gods (VII 
 201-3) appear visibly to them and banquet with them; and again (VII 82-132) 
 the golden palace of Alcinous is described as gleaming like the sun, where the 
 leaders of the Phaeacians eat and drink in abundance, and without were all 
 manner of trees with never-failing fruits. And Mehelaus is told (IV 561-9) 
 
 * Vergil (Buc. IV 6) declares that the Virgin will come back and the reign 
 of Saturn will return, and in Georg. II 473-4 he says that Justice when leaving 
 the earth left her last traces among the farmers. Ovid (Fasti I 249 f.) speaks 
 of the Hesperian reign of Saturn as a time when nondum lustitiam facinus 
 mortale fugarat: Ultima de superis ilia reliquit humum. Juvenal (VI 1-20) 
 unites Hesiod and Aratus in making Pudicitia dwell on earth while Saturn was 
 king, while she and Astraea took their flight together to heaven under Jove. 
 
 The account of creation, the world ages and the deluge in Sibylline Oracles 
 I 1-318 is a strange confusion of biblical and classical elements, largely from 
 Genesis, Hesiod and Ovid. First we have four ages corresponding in a general 
 way to those of Hesiod and Ovid, but not designated by the metals. After the 
 fifth race of giants has been destroyed by the flood, then comes the golden age of 
 blessedness as the sixth, followed by the race of Titans who warred against 
 Olympus. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 213 
 
 that he shall not die in Argos, but the gods will transport him to the Elysian 
 plain at the ends of the earth, where men have a very easy life and where there 
 is no rain nor snow nor winter, but Ocean always sends up the breezes of Zephy- 
 rus to soften the climate. And finally (XV 403) there is mentioned an island 
 of great abundance, where hunger and diseases are unknown and where Apollo 
 and Artemis remove men by an easy death when old age comes on. Their 
 king is like to the immortals. 
 
 Such is the surviving literary background of the Hesiodic myth. There 
 is no reference to a golden age in the remote past, much less to a cycle of ages. 
 Whether the myth of the world ages, or at least of the golden age, was older 
 than Hesiod, or was constructed by him from earlier materials, is hard to decide 
 (see note on Works 108). All the ideas of the Age of Gold are Homeric except 
 two: that of a definite age in the far off past when Cronos ruled, and that the 
 men of that age after death became Daemons, going to and fro over the earth as 
 guardians of men and givers of blessings. 
 
 Cronos: This is the first appearance of Cronos in this role. Numerous 
 references are made to him in the Iliad. Hera is his eldest daughter (IV 59) 
 and Zeus, Poseidon and Hades are the sons of Cronos and Rhea (XV 187-93), 
 and they divided among themselves the universe (apparently the realm of their 
 father after his overthrow). Zeus is said (XIV 203-4) to have sent Cronos down 
 beneath the earth and sea, and lapetus and Cronos are spoken of (VIII 478-81) 
 as sitting at the uttermost confines of the earth and sea, enjoying neither the 
 rays of the sun nor the breezes, but deep Tartarus is around them. And the 
 Titans (XIV 274, 279) are nether gods with Cronos in the depths of Tartarus. 
 The events suggested by the Iliad are described in the Theogony. Cronos and 
 Rhea have six children — Vesta, Demeter, Hera, Hades, Poseidon, Zeus — who are 
 swallowed down by their sire as soon as born, all except Zeus, who is saved by 
 the device of Rhea and Gea and reared to maturity in Crete, when he forced 
 his father to disgorge the rest of his offspring (453-500). Then followed the 
 conflict between the gods and Titans, in which Zeus with the aid of the hundred- 
 handed giants hurled the latter down to Tartarus and bound them in hard bonds 
 (617-735). While Cronos is not mentioned in this episode, it is to be in- 
 ferred from the passages in the Iliad that he was confined with the Titans. 
 But there is nothing in the Iliad or the Theogony that would suggest a golden age 
 during his reign. 
 
 Cronos seems to have been a god of an older race who gave way to Zeus, 
 and whether he was a divinity of vegetation who sent up blessings to men from 
 the earth, while the story of the Titanomachy and fall of the Titans arose from 
 the conflict of the old religion with the new and the decline of the former; or 
 his role as king of the golden age arose regardless of his previous character, because 
 that age was conceived as ante-dating the present age in which Zeus reigns and 
 imposes hardships upon men; it is clear that the Cronos of the Works and Days 
 is the god of the popular religion, in whose honor the harvest feast of the Cronia 
 at Athens and the Saturnalia at Rome was celebrated, during which all busi- 
 ness was suspended; rich and poor, bond and free feasted together and there 
 was a general season of generosity and merrymaking.^ 
 
 ^ See Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, Vol. I chap. 3. Also Kronos in 
 Roscher's Lexikon, and Kronia and Saturnalia in Daremberg et Saglio; and cf. 
 
214 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Daemons: Though as Plutarch says (de Def. Orac. 10) Homer sometimes 
 calls gods daemons, even there it usually has the more general meaning of divinity 
 or divine power which exerts an influence good or bad upon men. The golden 
 race became after death daemons on earth, guardians of mortals and givers of 
 wealth. 2 If verses 124-5 are genuine, the daemons of 122 are apparently identi- 
 cal with the divinities of 249-255. There we are told that' the immortals are 
 near among men and observe those who wrong one another, disregarding the 
 gods. For innumerable divinities from Zeus, are upon earth, watchers of mortal 
 men, who have an eye on judgments and unrighteous deeds, going to and fro 
 everywhere on earth unseen. If these passages are to be connected, the daemons 
 are not only protectors of the just, but also punishers of the unjust. Now it 
 chances that the latter function is ascribed to certain personified abstractions 
 in the Works, as Horkos (219, 804) and Dike (220-256). The latter is clothed 
 in mist (223) like the divinities in 125 and255;and Aratus (101) calls her e-rnxdovir] 
 like the daemons in 123. She dwells with men in the golden age and departs 
 to heaven in the age of bronze because of the crimes of men, just like Aidos 
 and Nem.esis (200) in the iron age of Hesiod. This has led to the theory that 
 the Hesiodic Daemons are nothing else than personifications of virtues and moral 
 qualities, and that in the golden age each mortal being was a virtue incarnate.^ 
 Plato (Sym. 202E) calls Eros, who in Theogony (120-122) has sway over gods 
 and men, a great daemon, and then defines daemons as mediators between gods 
 and men: for God does not associate with men; it is through the daemons as 
 mediators that communication is m^aintained between gods and men.'* In the 
 Politicus Myth and Laws (713C) an account is given of the happy life and spon- 
 
 Lucian, Saturnalia, Cronosolon, and Saturnalian Letters. Cronos is represented 
 as ruling during the golden age in Plato (Politicus Myth and Laws 813B-C), 
 and generally by the Roman writers, who frequently, however, refer to a golden 
 age brought to Hesperia by Saturn after his expulsion from Olympus by Jove, 
 as Vergil Aen. VIII 319-325, etc. 
 
 2 According to the reading of 123 in Plato (Crat. 398A and Rep. 469A) they 
 are also dXe^kaKoi. Cf. Phocylides Frag. XV: Daemons are present for men, 
 sometimes one, sometimes another, and some to deliver them from impending 
 evil; and Menander Frag. 550: A daemon accompanies every man straightway 
 from birth as a good guide (ixvar ay coy 6s) of his life. In Plato (Rep. 617E) when 
 the unborn souls are to choose their lots in life, the decree of Laechesis is: Your 
 daemon shall not choose you, but you shall choose your daemon. And when all 
 the souls had chosen their lives (620D), Lachesis sent with each one the daemon 
 he had chosen as the guardian of his life and the fulfiller of his choice. A related 
 idea occurs in Homer— see II. XX 127-8; XXIV 209-10; Od. VII 196-8. 
 
 ^ See Hild, Etude sur les Demons, pp. 88-9. Abstractions of this sort are 
 common in Homer and Hesiod, as the war-daemons of the Iliad: Eris, Deimos, 
 Phobos (ly 440; V 518; XI 3, 37, 73; XIII 299; XV 119; XX 48). Besides the 
 four mentioned above (Horkos, Dike, Aidos and Nemesis) we have in Works 
 Eris (11-24 and 804); Zelos (195); Pheme (760-64); Elpis (96). In the Theogony 
 the range is much wider, including the children of Nox and Eris (211-232); 
 Zelos and Nike (384); even Themis and Mnemosyne (135) are abstractions, 
 and the daughters of Themis are Eunomia, Dike and Eirene (902). 
 
 * They do not differ much here from the daemons of the Works except that 
 they are not spirits of the departed. Plutarch (de Def. Orac. 10) says that 
 Hesiod was the first who divided rational creatures into four classes: gods, 
 daemons, heroes and men. This seems rather to refer to Plato (Crat. 397C-D), 
 which however seems based on Hesiod. Cf. Proclus on Works 122. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 215 
 
 taneous abundance of the reign of Cronos. Knowing the perversity of human 
 nature the supreme God set over men as rulers a race of Daemons, who cared 
 for men as shepherds do for sheep. And this fable tells that whatever cities are 
 ruled by men and not by God, for them there is no escape from evils and labors. ^ 
 
 VI. The Silver Age: Meyer (Hesiods Erga, p. 176) is of opinion that the 
 silver age was constructed on the model of the golden.^ Certainly their creation 
 by the same gods and their nearly parallel condition after death, little as they 
 deserved it, support this view. By the Olympian gods who created both races 
 would normally be meant the dynasty of Zeus, but as Cronos ruled during the 
 golden age, it must be supposed that the gods in a general way are refered to 
 without any particular thought of Zeus or Cronos. ^ The silver race seems to.be 
 identified with the Titans by their refusal to give honor to the gods of Olympus 
 (138-9), a trait quite characteristic of them both in the Theogony and in Aeschy- 
 lus, by the fact that Zeus in his wrath concealed them as divinities beneath the 
 earth, and then apparently with full control created the bronze race. But 
 whether they are identical or not, it is apparent that the golden and silver ages 
 
 '^ Cf. Works 201. The idea of setting Daemons over men in the golden 
 age may have been suggested by Works 122, but their peculiar function as rulers 
 was given them from the desire of Plato to illustrate the ideal ruler by making 
 God and his subordinates rulers in the golden age. 
 
 For further information on Daemons see Rohde, Psyche Vol. I pp. 95 ff- 
 and 152 ff. Stewart, Myths of Plato, pp. 434 ff. Heinze, Daemonenlehre in 
 Xenocrates, pp. 78-123; Hild, Etude sur les Demons; Daremberg et Saglio, 
 Daemon. 
 
 ^ It is evident that the metals were applied to the ages in a symbolic sense 
 to represent different grades of excellence or deterioration. Iron was applied 
 to the present age because it was known historically that the use of iron came 
 later than that of bronze (cf. Works 150-151). There was no knowledge of a 
 stone age, and in keeping with the popular conception that man was originally 
 a happy and blessed creature the most precious metal known was applied to the 
 first race. It is probable that Meyer {id. p. 174) is correct in supposing that 
 the silver race was invented to give a place to the fourth chief metal. Plato 
 (Crat. 398A) in speaking of the golden age says that Hesiod did not call the race 
 golden because it was of gold, but because it was noble and good; for he says 
 also that we are an iron race (cf. Rep. 468E). So Seneca (Epist. CXV 13) after 
 speaking of the tendency of the posts to laud gold as the greatest ornament of 
 life and the best gift of the gods, says: Denique quod optimum videri volunt 
 saeculum aureum appellant. On the other hand Theocritus (XII 16) speaks of 
 golden men, and in Pal. Anth. V 31 Antipater Thess. speaks as if the men were 
 of gold, silver or bronze; while Lucian (Sat. 7 and 8; Epist. Sat. I 20) represents 
 the men of the golden age as being literally of gold. Also Apollonius Rhodius 
 (Arg. IV 1638 ff.) speaks of brazen Talus as a survivor of the brazen race of 
 ash-born men (cf. Works 145) encircling Crete with brazen feet, and the rest 
 of his frame and limbs were of brass and unbreakable. 
 
 2 It is not necessary to adopt the reading of Plato (Crat. 397E and Rep. 
 468E) in 122. Aios /xeyaXov 5td /SouXds may be used in a general sense without 
 reference to Zeus, as in Th. 465, where Cronos learns from Heaven and Earth 
 that he is to be overthrown by his own son Atos fxeyaXov 5id fiovXds though as yet 
 Zeus had no existence. The creation of man by the gods is not emphasized 
 by the Greeks (but see note on Works 61). Mankind is generally conceived of 
 as springing from the earth or descended from the gods. 
 
216 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 belonged to the old dynasty, while the reign of Zeus began with the bronze.* 
 The Bronze and Heroic Ages: The bronze race was a race of mighty war- 
 riors, w^ho self-destroyed like the brood of the dragon's teeth (see on 152) went 
 nameless (154) to the home of Hades> It is altogether probable that this account 
 was suggested by the tradition of an early warlike race who lived before the use 
 of iron, perhaps the Cyclops^ Centaurs and Lapithae, as Hild (Demons, p. 94) 
 suggests. The race of heroes is not found in any other version of the myth^ 
 and interrupts the process of deterioration which the myth was evidently in- 
 tended to illustrate; but whether it is a part of the original poem or a later inter- 
 polation, it seems to have been introduced because the race of heroes who fought 
 at Thebes and Troy was considered too real and important to be omitted." 
 The Iron Age: The iron age of Hesiod is a pessimistic description of the 
 evils of an age by no means primitive by one who cannot see any virtue in his own 
 time. And it is becoming worse, and will continue to do so till scruple to do 
 wrong and indignation at wrong-doing shall leave the earth and there shall be 
 no escape from evil. Never by day shall they cease from, weariness and woe, 
 nor by night from wasting away, and the gods shall give them grevious cares — 
 a condition just the opposite to the ease and contentment of the golden age and 
 very like the nervous rush of modern life. It is not an age of violence and war 
 like the bronze age, or the iron age of Ovid, nor is emphasis laid on irreverence as 
 in the silver age, or on greed for gain as in the iron age of Ovid, but it is marked 
 by a complete collapse of all bonds of relationship and justice among men. Fami- 
 ly ties are loose, guest-friendship and companionship are no longer sacred, nor are 
 
 3 In Ovid (Met. I 113-4) the reign of Saturn ends with the golden and that 
 of Zeus begins with the silver age, and generally the golden age ends with the 
 dethronement of Cronos by Zeus. Meyer (p. 176), who rejects verses 124-5 
 of Works, identifies the daemons of the golden age with Cronos and the Titans 
 in their character as benign earth divinities of the popular religion. Thus the 
 golden race would represent one conception of the Titans, while the silver race 
 would represent the other. 
 
 * It is to be noted that this is the only reference in the Works and Days to 
 what in Homer is the normal condition of the dead. In the Theogony as in the 
 Iliad Tartarus is the prison-house of the gods, which is as far beneath Hades as 
 heaven is above the earth (II. VIII 16). The golden and silver races become 
 divinities (on earth and beneath the earth) after death, the heroes dwell in the 
 Islands of the Blest, but the hereafter of the present race of iron is not hinted 
 at, and nowhere else does Hesiod rise to the conception of an existence other than 
 the present. 
 
 * In the Republic (415A), where Plato has Hesiod in mind (cf. id. 546E), 
 only the four metals are mentioned: the guardians of gold, the warriors of silver, 
 the artisans and farmers of bronze and iron. Aratus (96-136) has only the 
 golden, silver and bronze ages. Ovid (Met, I 89-150) has the four ages named 
 from the metals, and so Claudian (Laud. Stil. II 446-450). For the fragmentary 
 proem of Babrius, in which the race of heroes is mentioned, see Rutherford's 
 note. 
 
 * Rohde, Psyche, Vol. I p. 95, holds that the age of heroes was introduced 
 by Hesiod, because he wished to refer to the Islands of the Blest as an abode 
 of departed spirits, just as the after-existence of the other races had been des- 
 cribed. 
 
 Meyer (p. 182-3) is of the opinion that the bronze race represents one side 
 of the heroic age, the destroying might of a race of warriors; while the race of 
 heroes gives the other side, their nobility, their connection with the gods and 
 their happy fate. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 217 
 
 brothers friendly as formerly. Children no longer respect their parents, but 
 reproach them with bitter words and refuse to support their old age. There 
 is no regard for the good or just man nor for the man of his oath, but the evil- 
 doer is in honor; might is right and no one scruples to do wrong. The bad man 
 wrongs the good, lying and swearing that he is telling the truth. Envy is the 
 dominant daemon of the age and Aidos and Nemesis take their flight to heaven.^ 
 
 VII. Works 146 and Pythagoras: It was from the departure of Aidos 
 and Nemesis (Works 200) that Aratus got his inspiration for an account of the 
 world-ages (96-136): The constellation Virgo once dwelt on earth among men. 
 Though a goddess, she associated promiscuously among them and they called 
 her Dike. She would call together the old men and deliver the Themistes for 
 the people. They knew not strife nor war, nor did ships bring merchandise from 
 afar, but oxen and plows and Justice herself gave all things in abundance. Such 
 was the state during the golden age. With the silver race she associated less, 
 missing the customs of the ancient people. At eventide she would come from 
 the mountains alone; she greeted none familiarly, but when she had assembled 
 the men, she censured them for their baseness: How inferior a race your golden 
 fathers have left! And you shall beget offspring yet worse (cf. Horace Carm. 
 Ill 6, 46-8). War and bloodshed shall come upon men: woe shall be added to 
 crime. But when the bronze age succeeded — a more destructive race of men, 
 who first wrought the highwayman's blade and slew the plow-ox — then Dike, 
 coming to hate this race, took her flight to heaven; and there she took her place, 
 where nightly Virgo now shines. 
 
 A prominent feature of this account is that Dike took her flight when men 
 no longer lived on the fruits of the earth, but began to spill blood and eat the 
 flesh of cattle. One feature of the golden age is the spontaneous abundance 
 of the earth, and in Hesiod (146) as in Aratus the bronze men no longer lived on 
 grain-food.^ But in Empedocles (405 ff.) first appears the doctrine which was 
 later assigned to Pythagoras. Evidently referring to the golden age he says: 
 There was no Ares nor war, no god save Cypris, whom they worshipped with 
 
 ' A remarkable parallel to this condition is found in the 13th satire of Juvenal. 
 Calvinus has been cheated out of a sum of money and Juvenal writes him a 
 consolatio, declaring that the commonest thing of the age has befallen him. 
 There is no day tam festa ut cesset prodere furem, perfidiam, fraudes atque 
 omni ex crimine lucrum quaesitum (23-5). Good men are as rare as the gates 
 of Thebes, or the mouths of Nile. Our age is worse than the age of iron, so bad 
 that nature has no metal to give it for a name. Don't you see how ridiculous 
 your simplicity seems, when you demand that no one shall commit perjury? 
 Such were the customs before Saturn exchanged the diadem for the sickle, when 
 Juno was a little girl and Jupiter was still in Crete. But now perjury is uni- 
 versal, etc. See especially verses 60-63. It is evident from this that Hesiod's 
 iron age is not of a primitive character. 
 
 ^ According to Plato (Pol. 27 ID) in the golden age there was no devouring 
 of one another among the animals, though in Protag. 321B it was given to some 
 animals to live on others. In each myth man lived on the fruits of the earth 
 (Pol. 272A; Protag. 322A). Cf. Genesis I 29-30, where to both men and animals 
 vegetation and fruits were given for food. It was not till after the flood that 
 flesh was given for food (Gen. IX 3), though animals had been sacrificed before 
 that time (Gen. IV 4). 
 
218 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 pious offerings of myrrh and frankincense and libations of honey, but her altar 
 was not wet with the blood of bulls; for the greatest abomination among men was 
 to deprive animals of life and eat their flesh. Both animals and birds were tame, 
 and trees were burdened with abundant fruit all the year. 
 
 The Pythagorean doctrines are set forth by Ovid (Met. XV 60-478). Pytha- 
 goras is made to declare that the ancient race which we call golden was satisfied 
 with fruits of trees and herbs, and did not pollute itself with blood. ^ After the 
 flesh of animals was used for food, the way was opened for crime. Suppose 
 that some animals because of their destructive nature merited death: what of 
 the sheep? and especially the ox? Immemor est aequi nee frugum munere 
 dignus. Qui potuit curvi dempto modo pondere aratri Ruricolam mactare suum, 
 qui trita labore Ilia, quibus totiens durum renovaverat arvum. Tot dederat 
 messes, percussit coUa securi (122-6). As a further reason for abstaining from 
 flesh-food the doctrine of transmigration of souls is urged (158 ff.): Souls are 
 immortal, and changing their abode live in new homes. All things are changed; 
 nothing perishes. The spirit wanders hither and thither and occupies whatever 
 body it pleases. It passes from wild animals into human bodies, and from human 
 bodies into wild animals. Ergo — nee pietas sit victa cupidine ventris — Parcite, 
 vaticinor, cognatas caede nefanda Exturbare animas; nee sanguine sanguis 
 alatur.3 
 
 VIII. The Islands of the Blest : The first mention of a distant place where 
 transported heroes live in bliss occurs in the Odyssey (IV 561-9), where 
 Menelaus, because he is the son-in-law of Zeus is not to die in Argos, but is to 
 be taken to the Elysian Plain at the ends of the earth, where Ocean always sends 
 up the breezes of Zephyrus to temper the climate, and where men have a very 
 easy life without rain, snow or cold. Next in Works (167-173) we are told that 
 Zeus transported certain heroes to the ends of the earth and gave them abodes 
 apart from men. And they dwell free from care in the Islands of the Blest by 
 Ocean's stream, and the earth bears them fruit thrice j^early. The manner of 
 life in both cases is that of the golden age and the location is the same, only in 
 Homer it is the Elysian Plain, while in Hesiod it is the Islands of the Blest. 
 
 The myth next occurs in Pindar (01. II 67-88), where we are told that after 
 death the noble receive a life free from toil, neither cultivating the earth nor 
 sailing the sea for the sake of living; but with the gods who rejoice in uprightness 
 they pass a tearless life. And all those who after a second incarnation keep 
 their souls entirely free from injustice go the royal road to the tower of Cronos, 
 where the Ocean breezes blow around the Islands of the Blest, where flowers 
 of gold gleam on glorious trees under the just rule of Radamanthus, whom Rhea's 
 spouse has ever by him as counselor; and among them are numbered Peleus 
 and Cadmus, and thither his mother brought Achilles after persuading the heart 
 
 2 Cf. Vergil Georg, II 536-8: Ante impia quam caesis gens est epulata 
 iuvencis, aureus hanc vitam in terris Saturnus agebat; Seneca Epist. XC 45: 
 Parcebant adhuc etiam mutis animalibus. 
 
 3 Cf. Shakespeare, Mer. of Ven. IV 1, 130: Thou almost makest me waver 
 in my faith To hold opinion with Pythagoras, That souls of animals infuse them- 
 selves Into the trunks of men. For a further discussion of this subject see 
 Graf in Leipziger Stud. Vol. VIII pp. 12-42. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 219 
 
 of Zeus.^ In the Odyssey Rhadamanthus was in charge of the Elysian Plain, 
 but here the god of the golden age is over the Islands of the Blest. This seems 
 to occur first in Pindar, as the release of the Titans is also first mentioned in 
 Pindar and Aeschylus. ^ 
 
 In Vergil (Aen. VI 637 ff.) Elysium is confused with the Asphodel Meadow 
 by being located in the underworld, and to suit the purpose of the author the 
 Trojan heroes are placed in it.^ Here warriors who have endured wounds for 
 their native land, priests, bards, inventors and others who have benefitted man- 
 kind receive special distinction. The sports and entertainments in which they 
 indulge seem to have been suggested by Pindar (Frag. 129), where the sun 
 lights up the night for the blessed in the under-world. Their dwellings in mea- 
 dows of roses are shaded with incense and golden fruits. Part with horses and 
 gymnastics, part with draughts, and others with lyres amuse themselves. Every 
 blessing blooms with them and a fragment odor is diffused over the country, 
 as they burn all manner of incense on the altars of the gods. 
 
 With the extension of geographical knowledge there was a tendency to 
 locate the Islands of the Blest. Plutarch (Mor. 941A) speaks of three islands 
 lying west of Britain, in one of which the barbarians say Cronos was shut up 
 by Zeus. The same author (Sertorius 8-9) says that certain sailors told Ser- 
 torius of two islands in the Atlantic more than a thousand miles from Africa 
 and called the Fortunate Isles. Fruits were abundant and spontaneous, and 
 the climate ideal, and even among the barbarians the tradition was current 
 that there was the Elysian Plain and the Abode of the Blest of which Homer sang. 
 Sertorius desired to go thither and pass the rest of his life in peace, but was 
 prevented by his warlike followers. Perhaps Horace had this tradition in mind 
 in his 16th Epode, where he declares that Rome, though superior to all outer 
 foes, will collapse of herself in civil wars, and urges the better part like the Pho- 
 caeans of old to abandon their native land and seek the blessed fields and rich 
 islands, which Jove set apart for the pious, when he sullied the golden age with 
 bronze, and where an ideal life is found.* 
 
 ^ In the Odyssey (XI) Achilles was in Hades, in the Asphodel Meadow (539), 
 where (XXIV 13-4) dwell the shades of the departed, and where Achilles and 
 various other heroes are found. According to the Skol. of Callistratus (Athen- 
 aeus 695B) Harmodius was in the Isles of the Blest, where are Achilles and 
 Tydides. In Eurip. Bacch. 1339 Ares is to bear Cadmus to the land of the 
 blest fxaKapcov es alav. 
 
 2 See Pyth. IV 291 and Aesch. Frag. 190, 193. Verses 169-169e of Works 
 seem to be a later interpolation. 
 
 3 In Lucian (Charon 22) the Asphodel Meadow is a general abode of the 
 dead, where Irus and Agamemnon are in equal honor and Achilles is no better 
 than Thersites. 
 
 * An answer to this pessimistic view seems to be contained in Vergil's fourth ^ 
 Eclogue, where the poet declares that the iron age is at an end and that a golden 
 age is at hand. Verses 21-24 of Vergil: Ipsae lacte domum referent distenta 
 capellae Ubera nee magnos metuent armenta leones . . . occidet et serpens 
 were clearly suggested by verses 49-50, 52 of Horace: lUic iniussae veniunt ad 
 mulctra capellae Refertque tenta grex amicus ubera. . . . Nee intumescti 
 alta viperis humus. The expression nee magnos metuent armenta leones had 
 two steps in its development. According to Herodotus (I 165) the Phocaeans 
 on leaving their city sank a mass of iron into the sea and swore never to return 
 till it reappeared on the surface. Horace taking up this idea in Epode XVI 
 
220 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 IX. The Age-Myth in Plato: In the Politicus (268E-274E) Plato, in 
 trying to define the true statesman, whose unlimited initiative should be supe- 
 rior to the laws and the human rulers who imperfectly execute them, tells the 
 myth of the golden age when God himself was at the helm and the world had 
 ideal rulers. The peculiar features of the Platonic myth are based on an attempt 
 to explain the tradition of the earth-born and the story that God reversed 
 the motion of the heavenly bodies to bear witness to Atreus in his quarrel with 
 Thyestes. This story he explains by declaring that the universe has two motions 
 in opposite directions: the one belongs to its primal chaotic nature, and the 
 other God gives it when he has charge. And as God alternately takes hold of 
 the helm and lets go, alternating world-ages of an opposite character are pro- 
 duced. Between two ages there is a period of earthquake and confusion, in 
 which practically all animal life perishes. Plato seems to have had in mind four 
 ages: one before the reign of Cronos, that of Cronos when God was at the helm, 
 the present age of Zeus in which the world moves of its own impulse, and an age 
 yet to come, when God to keep the universe from lapsing into Chaos will again 
 take the helm and set all things aright. But the two ages described as illus- 
 trating the ideal ruler and the period of imperfect rule are the former age of 
 Cronos and the present age of Zeus. 
 
 During the reign of Cronos God was at the helm and the universe had the 
 opposite of its present motion. First the age of every creature stood still and 
 all ceased to become older. Then they began to go in the opposite direction. 
 They became younger and more tender; the hoary locks of the old became black, 
 and the cheeks of the bearded became smooth, and men were restored to the 
 by-gone springtime of life. The bodies of the young became smaller every day, 
 returning to the condition of the new-born babe; and then ever dwindling away, 
 they at last utterly vanished. After the old men had gone back to childhood 
 and disappeared, then there followed those who were dead and lying in their 
 graves; each in turn rose from earth to life again, and hence were called earth- 
 born, as our first forefathers tell, who lived immediately after the end of the 
 former period and had remembrance of those things. Inferior divinities or 
 daemons were set over all flesh, including animals, so that there was no savagery 
 nor devouring of one another nor war. There was no government or marriage, 
 nor were creatures begotten after their kind, but all came up to life again from 
 the earth. 
 
 When this cycle was completed, the Governor of the universe let go the 
 helm and retired to his watchtower; his subordinates left their positions without 
 oversight, and innate impulse caused the universe to revolve backwards again. 
 Man's age stood still; the child that was about to vanish grew larger, and the 
 old man who had just been born gray-headed from the earth died and went down 
 to earth again. Just as the universe was master of its own course, so it was or- 
 
 25 expands it thus: Simul imis saxa renarint Vadis levata, ne redire sit nefas 
 Neu conversa domum pigeat dare lintea, quando Padus Matina laverit cacumina. 
 In mare seu celsus procurrerit Apenninus Novaque monstra iunxerit libidine 
 Mirus amor, iuvet ut tigris subsidere cervis, Adulteretur et columba miluo, 
 credula nee ravos timeant armenta leones. Vergil in reply declares that herds 
 no longer will fear lions in the golden age which is at hand. Thus arose a con- 
 ception which has often been compared with Isaiah XI 6-8. See Hardie, Lec- 
 tures on Classical Subjects, pp. 120-131, the Age of Gold. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 221 
 
 dained that its parts should in their own ways beget, bring forth and provide 
 nourishment. At first all things were more perfectly produced as being not 
 far removed from the divine rule, but later as the natural character of matter 
 began to prevail, good things were few and the opposite many. Man, being 
 deprived of God's care and exposed to the wild beasts which had become fierce 
 by nature, while he himself was defenseless, and lacking the food which had 
 formerly grown spontaneously, was in sore straits. Then the gifts of the gods, 
 of which old stories tell, were bestowed upon him: fire from Prometheus, the 
 arts from Hephaestus and Athena, seeds and plants from others, and thus men 
 were provided with living.^ 
 
 ^ According to this peculiar myth, which seems not to have influenced later 
 literature on the Age-Myth, the present race of men were helpless, degenerating 
 creatures after the golden age, until cared for by the gods, as in the Protagoras 
 Myth and the Prometheus of Aeschylus. The peculiar idea of Works 181 seems 
 to have originated from the birth, in this myth, of men gray-headed from the 
 earth in the age^of Cronos, and is perhaps a late interpolation 
 
222 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Allen, T. W. The Date of Hesiod, with Appendix on Works 564 ff. Journal of Hellenic 
 
 Studies, vol. 35 (1915), pp. 85-99. 
 Aly, W. Die literarische Ueberlieferung des Prometheusmytlios, Rhein. Museum 
 
 LXVIII (1913) pp. 538-559. Hesiod von Askra und der Verfasser der Theogonie, 
 
 id. pp. 22-67. 
 Banks, J. Hesiod, Callimachus and Theognis — a literal prose translation with notes, 
 
 London, 1901. Contains also Elton's translation. 
 Bapp, K. Prometheus — ein Beitrag zur griechische Mythologie, Oldenberg, 1896. 
 BeUi, M. Le opere e i giorni di Esiodo, Commentario, Venezia, 1892. 
 Beltrami, A. Esiodo — Le opere e i giorni, Messina, 1897. 
 Berg, W. Testimonia scriptonmi antiquorum quid conferant ad priorem partem 
 
 Hesiodi Operum et Dierum recensendam quaeratur, Halle, 1885. 
 Bergk, T. Griechische Literaturgeschichte, Vol. I pp. 912-1024, Berlin, 1872. 
 ,^onner, R. J. Administration of Justice in the Age of Hesiod, Classical Philology, 
 
 Vol- VII (1912) pp. 17-23. - 
 Boiling, G. M. The Participle in Hesiod, Catholic Univ. Bulletin, III (1897) pp. 
 
 421-471. 
 Cassara, A. I luoghi Esiodei intomo alia creazione della donna, Catania, 1911. 
 Christ, W. Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, Munich, 1908, Vol. I pp. 103-123. 
 Cook, A. B. Descriptive Animal Names in Greece, Classical Review, Vol. VIII 
 
 (1894) pp. 381-5. Zeus: A Study in Ancient Religion, Vol. I Cambridge Uni- 
 versity Press. 
 Cornish, W. F. A Study on Hesiod, Oxford, part I 1893, part II 1904. 
 Croiset. Histoire de la Litterature Grecque, Paris, 1887, Vol. I pp. 459-580. 
 Davies, J. Hesiod and Theognis, Edinburg and London, 1897. 
 Devantier, F. Die Spuren des anlautenden Digamma bei Hesiod, 1 Teil 1878; 2 
 
 Teil 1894; 3 Teil 1897. 
 Dimitrijevic, M. R. Studia Hesiodea, Leipzig, 1899. A complete discussion of 
 
 the Works in antiquity. 
 Dressier, M. Prometheus, Preuss. Jahrbiicher, Vol. 96, II. pp. 193-202. 
 Eichhoff. Ueber die Sagen von einem goldenen Zeitalter, Fleckeisen's Jahrbiicher, 
 
 Vol. CXX (1879) pp. 581-601. 
 Elton, C. A. Poetical translation of Hesiod, London, 1894. 
 Evelyn-White, H. G. Hesiod, Homeric Hymns and Homerica (Loeb Classical 
 
 Library), London and New York, 1914. Reviewed by Agar in Classical Review 
 
 XXX (1916) pp. 16-18. Hesiodea, Classical Quarterly, VII 217-20. Hesiodea 
 .-..^,11 id. IX 72. Iron Age in Hesiod, Classical Review, XXX p. 72. Hesiod's 
 
 Description of Winter, id. XXX pp. 209-213. 
 Fick, A. Hesiods Gedichte in ihrer urspriinglichen Fassung und Sprachform wieder- 
 
 hergestellt, Gottingen, 1887. 
 Forest, P. Prom6t^e — le mythe et ses interpr6tations po6tiques, Tuniversit^ catho- 
 
 lique, Lyon, 1909, pp. 570-601. 
 Fraenkel, E. Griechische Themis— die fest Stehende, Glotta IV (1912-13) pp. 22 ff. 
 See Kretschmer, zum Namen der Themis, Id. pp. 50-51. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 223 
 
 Fraenkel, J. Wandlungen des Prometheus, Berne, 1910. A good treatment of the 
 
 subject in modern Uterature. 
 Friedlaender, P. Heracles in Philologische Untersuchungen, Vol. XIX (1907) pp. 
 
 39-45: Prometheus bei Hesiod. TxodrJKai. 1. Hesiod and Theognis, Hermes 
 
 Vol. XLVm (1913). 
 Friedel, O. Die Sage vom Tode Hesiods, Jahrb. f. klass. Phil. 10 suppl. (1878-9) 
 
 pp. 233-278. 
 Fuss, W. Versuch einer Analyse von Hesiods Werken und Tagen, Boma-Leipzig, 
 
 1910. 
 ^Gardner, P. A New Pandora Vase, Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. XXI (1901), 
 
 pp. 1-9. 
 Girard, J. Le Sentiment Religieux en Grece d'Homere k Eschyle, Paris, 1879. Chap- 
 ters 2 and 3. 
 Girard, P. Le My the de Pandore dans la poesie Hesiodique, Revue des Etudes 
 
 Grecques, Vol. XXII (1909), pp. 217-230. 
 Gonnet, P. Hesiode Moraliste, Les Lettres chretiennes. Revue d'enseignement, de 
 
 philologie et de critique, V (1882), pp. 191-212. 
 GoettUng-Flach. Hesiodi Carmina, 3rd edition, Leipzig, 1878. Critical and Explana- 
 tory Notes. 
 Gow, A. S. F. Hesiod's Wagon, Journal of Philology, XXXIII pp. 145-153. The 
 
 Ancient Plow, Journal of Hellenic Studies, XXXIV pp. 249-275. Elpis and 
 ' Pandora in Hesiod's Works and Days, pp. 99-107 in Essays and Studies to William 
 
 Ridgeway, Cambridge, 1913. 
 Graf, E. Ad aureae Aetatis Fabulam Symbola, Leipziger Studien, Vol. VIII (1885). 
 
 An exhaustive collection of material. 
 Haas, H. Der Zug zum Monotheismus in Homer, Hesiod, Pindar and Aeschylus, 
 
 Archiv f. Religionswissenschaft, III. 1. 
 Hardie, W. R. Lectures on Classical Subjects, London, 1903. The age of Gold, 
 
 pp. 102-131. 
 Harrison, J. E. Pandora's Box, Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. XX (1900), pp. 
 
 99-114. 
 Hartmann, W. De quinque aetatibus Hesiodeis, Diss. Freiburg i. Br. 1915. 
 Hild, J. A. Etude sur les Demons dans la litterature et la religion des Grecs, Paris, 
 
 1881. Ill chez Hesiode. Le pessimisme religieux chez Homere et Hesiode, 
 
 Revue de I'Histoire des Religions, Vol. XIV pp. 166-188; XV pp. 22-45; XVII 
 
 pp. 129-168 (1886-1888). 
 Hirzel, R. Themis, Dike und Verwandtes, Leipzig, 1907. 
 Hoffmann, M. Die Ethische Terminologie bei Homer, Hesiod, und den alten Ele- 
 
 gikem und lambographen, Tuebingen, 1914. 
 Illek, F. Ueber den Gebrauch der Praepositionen bei Hesiod, 1 Teil 1888; 2 Teil 
 
 1889. Zur Syntaz des Hesiod, 1890. 
 Kausch, E. Quatenus Hesiodi elocutio ab exemplo Homeri pendeat, Elbing, 1878. 
 Keith, A. L. Simile and Metaphor in Greek Poetry from Homer to Aeschylus, 
 
 Menasha, Wis. U. S. A. 1914. pp. 52-7 for Hesiod. 
 Kirchhoff, A. Hesiodos Mahnheder an Perses, Berlin, 1889. Reviewed by Pepp- 
 
 muUer, Jahrb. f. Phil. 1890, pp. 641-656. 
 Kretschmer, P. F. De Iteratis Hesiodeis, Diss., Breslau, See B ph W. 1914. 
 
224 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Konitzer, Th. De Fabulae Prometheae in arte litterisque usu, Koenigsberg, 1885. 
 Lawton, W. C. The Successors of Homer, New York, 1898, pp. 41-106. 
 Lebegue, A. Notes de mythologie grecque. I. Le mythe de Pandore dans Hesiode — 
 
 Annales de la Faculte de-^ lettres de Bordeaux, 1885, pp. 249-255. 
 Lehrs, K. Quaestiones Epicae, Koenigsberg, 1837, pp. 177-252. 
 Leo, Fr. Hesiodea, Goettingen, 1894. 
 Lilie. De Hesiodi Opeiibus et Diebus disputatio, Breslau, 1849. a. De rebus divinis; 
 
 b. De rebus humanis; c. De rebus naturalibus. 
 Lisco, E. Quaestiones Hesiodeae Criticae et Mythologicae, Goettingen, 1903. A 
 
 reply to Kirchhoflf. Prometheus and Pandora, pp. 7-48. 
 Mahaffy, J. P. Studies in Greek Literature, I Hesiod, pp. 297-330 in Vol. II of 
 
 Hermathena, 1876. 
 Mair, A. W. Hesiod — the poems and fragments done into English prose with intro- 
 duction and appendices, Oxford, 1908. Contains a good discussion of farmer's 
 
 agricultural implements and calendar of lucky and unlucky days in appendices. 
 Martin, S. Das Proemium zu den Erga des Hesiodos, Wiirzburg, 1898. 
 Mazon, P. Hesiode, la Composition des Travaux et des Jours, Revue des Etudes 
 
 Anciennes, Vol. XIV (1912), pp. 329-256. 
 Meyer, E. Hesiods Erga und das Gedicht von den fiinf Menschengeschlechtem, 
 
 Genethliakon zu Robert, Graeca Halensis, Berlin, 1910, pp. 159-187. 
 Murray, G. Rise of the Greek Epic, Oxford, 1911, pp. 101-112. On the Iron Age 
 
 and Aidos and Nemesis in Hesiod. 
 Nilsson, M. P. The older way of measuring time among the Greeks, Archiv f. Re- 
 
 Ugionswissenschaft, Vol. XIV nos. 1-2. Reviewed in Rev, de Phil. 1912, p. 13, 
 
 26 ff. On the Hesiodic Calendar, 
 Norden, E. Philosophische Ansichten iiber die Entstehung des Menschengeschlechts, 
 
 seine kulturelle Entwicklung, und das Goldene Zeitalter, Jahrb. f. Phil. Sup- 
 
 plementband 19, Neue Folge, pp. 411-28. 
 Paley, F. A. The Epics of Hesiod, 3rd edition, London, 1889, with an English com- 
 mentary. 
 Patin. French translation of Theogony, Shield and Works, in Poetes Moralistes 
 
 de la Grece, Paris, 1882. 
 PeppmiiUer, R. Zur Composition der hesiodischen Werke und Tage, Jahrb. f. kl. 
 
 Phil. 141 (1890), pp. 641-656— Reply to Kirchhoff. Hesiodos, Halle, 1896. 
 
 Translation into German of Theogony, Works and Shield with introduction and 
 
 notes. 
 
 Paulson, J. Studia Hesiodea. I. De Re Metrica, Lund, 1887. Index Hesiodeus, 
 
 Lund, 1890. 
 Phoutrides, A. E. Hesiodic Reminiscences in the Ascraean of Kostes Palamas, 
 
 Classical Journal XII (1916) pp. 164-175. 
 Pizzagalli, A, M. Mito e Poesia nella Grecia Antica, Saggio sulla Teogonia di Esiodo, 
 
 Catania, 1913. Discussion of Hesiodic Corpus in Introduction. 
 Pochop, J. Ueber die poetische Diction des Hesiod, Prog. Gym. Mahrisch-Weiss- 
 
 kirchen, 1881, pp. 3-18. 
 Raddatz, G. De Promethei Fabula Hesiodea et de Compositione Operum, Greifs- 
 
 wald, 1909. Reviewed by J. Sitzler in Bph. W. LII. pp. 1850-54, and WUP. 
 
 1912, pp. 1109-13. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 225 
 
 Rand, E. K. Horatian Urbanity in Hesiod's Works and Days. A. J. P. Vol. XXXII 
 (1911), pp. 131-65. Reviewed by Waltz in Rev. d. Et. Gr. XXV. pp. 240-41; 
 and Rev. d. Et. Anc. XIV. pp. 97-8. 
 
 Robert, C. Pandora — Krater of Ashmolean Museum, Hermes, Vol. 49 (1914), 
 pp. 17-38. 
 
 Rohde, E. Psyche, 5th and 6th editions, Tubingen, 1910. Vol. I pp. 68-111: Islands 
 of the Blest and World- Ages; 146-199: Heroes. 
 
 Roth, R. Ueber den My thus von der fiinf Menschengeschlechtem bei Hesiod und 
 die indische Lehre von den vier Weltaltem, Tubingen, 1860. 
 
 Rzach, A. Der Dialekt des Hesiodes, Jahrb. f. Phil. Supplementband VIII (1876), 
 pp. 353-466. Zur altesten Ueberlieferung der Erga des Hesiodos, Symbolae 
 Pragenses, 1893, pp. 165-194. Hesiodi Carmina, accedit Homeri et Hesiodi 
 Certamen, Leipzig, 1902 — Great critical edition with elaborate commentary in 
 4 sections: 1. Homeri loci similes. 2. Poetarum imitationes et loci similes. 
 3. Testes. 4. Varia lectio. 2nd minor edition with text and critical notes, 
 1908. 3rd edition, 1913. 
 
 Savelsberg, H. De modonun usu Hesiodeo, Diss. 1886. 
 
 Schmidt, H. Observationes Archaeologicae in Carmina Hesiodea, Diss., Halle, 
 1894. De Prometheo et Pandora, pp. 117-137. 
 
 Schmidt, L. Die Ethik der alten Griechen, Berlin, 1882. 
 
 Schoell, Fr. De Pandora Hesiodi meletemata critica, in Satura Philologa H. Sauppio, 
 Berlin, 1879, pp. 133-147. 
 
 Schwartz, E. Charakterkopfe aus der antiken Literatur, Leipzig, 1910. Chapter I. 
 Hesiod and Pindar. 
 
 Scott, J. A. A comparative study of Hesiod and Pindar, Chicago, 1898. The voca- 
 tive in Homer and Hesiod, in A. J. P. Vol. XXIV (1903), pp. 192-6. 
 
 Seip, O. De participii et infinitivi apud Hesiodum usu, 1886. 
 
 Setti, G. Esiodo, Bologna-Modena, 1909. 
 
 Sikes, E. E. Folk-lore in the Works and Days of Hesiod, Classical Review, Vol. VII 
 (1893), pp. 389-394. 
 
 Sittl, K. Complete Works of Hesiod, Athens, 1889. With Greek notes of great 
 value for geography, history and antiquities. 
 
 Steinacher, J. Die Syntax des hesiodischen Infinitive mit stetem vergleichenden 
 Riicksicht auf Homer, 1885. 
 
 Steitz, A. Die Werke und Tage des Hesiodos, Leipzig, 1869. Discussion of the 
 composition of the poem. 
 
 Stewart, J. A. The Myths of Plato, London, 1905. pp. 173-211: Politicus Myth; 
 212-258: Protagoras Myth; 437-450: The Doctrine of Daemons. 
 
 Stickney, T. Les sentences dans la po6sie grecque d' Homere a Euripide, Paris, 
 1903, pp. 51-78. 
 
 Terzaghi, N. Prometeo — Contributo alio studio di un mito religioso Ellenico, Flor- 
 ence, 1907. II mito di Prometeo prima di Esiodo, Napoli, 1916, dagli Atti della 
 R. Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti, Vol. V. 
 
 Thomsen, A. Der Trug des Prometheus, Archiv f. ReUgionswissenschaft, 1909, 
 pp. 460-490. 
 
 Thraemer, E. Die Form des hesiodischen Wagens, Strassburger Festschrift, 1901, 
 
 pp. 299-308. 
 Troiano, P. R. Idee Morali ed Economiche di Esiodo, Naples, 1892. 
 
226 NOTES ON THE WORKS AND DAYS OF HESIOD 
 
 Voss, J. H. Hesiods Werke iibersetzt. Newly edited with introduction by Kern- 
 von Hartman, Tubingen, 1911. 
 
 Waltz, P. Note sur deux passages des Travaux et des Jours (504-535 et 765-778), 
 Rev. d. Etud. Anc. Vol. VI (1904), pp. 205-211. De la portee morale et de 1' 
 authenticite des oeuvres attribuees a Hesiode, Id. Vol. IX (1907), pp.205-227 
 et 293-311. Heesiode et son poeme moral, Bordeaux et Paris, 1906. Les Tra- 
 vaux et les Jours — with introduction, notes and French translation, Brusselles, 
 1909. Reviewed in Rev. d. Etud. Gr. 1910, pp. 477-480 by L. Meridier, etc. 
 Note sur Hesiode, Works 257-289, Rev. d. Etud. Anc. 1913, pp. 28-30: Description 
 of Frag, of ?>3 verses of Works, pubHshed in Oxyrhynchus Papyri, VIII. p. 121, 
 London, 1911. Hesiode Charron et Geometre (Works 426), Rev. d. Etud. Anc. 
 XIV. pp. 225-238. 
 
 Wassner, J. De Heroum apud Graecos Cultu, Kiel, 1883. 
 
 Westerwick, O. De Plutarchi studiis Hesiodeis, Mtinster Diss., Miinden, 1893. 
 
 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. Vitae Homeri et Hesiodi, Bonn, 1916. 
 
 Wlastoff, G. Promethee, Pandore et la legende des siecles, St. Petersburg and Leip- 
 zig, 1883. 
 
 Ziegler, K. Menschen und Weltenwerden, Neue Jahrb. f. kl. Altertum, XXXI 
 (1913), p. 555 ff. Pandora myth in Hesiod compared with Genesis, Politicus 
 of Plato, etc. Prelude of Hesiod's Works and Days, Archiv fiir Rehgionswis- 
 senschaft, Vol. XIV. Nos. 1-2. 
 
 For bibliography on Hesiod from 1870 to 1898 see Bursian, Jahresbericht, 1899, 
 pp. 92-170. An extensive bibliography before 1878 is contained in the edition of 
 Goetthng-Flach (1878), Introduction, pp. LXX-LXXXVI. 
 
I5942S 
 
 ^ 
 

 RETURN TO the circulation desk of any 
 University of California Library 
 
 or to the 
 
 NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY ' 
 BIdg. 400, Richmond Field Station 
 University of California 
 Richmond, CA 94804-4698 
 
 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 
 
 • 2-month loans may be renewed by calling 
 (510)642-6753 
 
 • 1-year loans may be recharged by bringing 
 books to NRLF 
 
 • Renewals and recharges may be made 
 4 days prior to due date 
 
 DUE AS STAMPED BELOW 
 
 S EKTONIL L 
 
 JUN 7 6 2003 
 
 U. C. BERKELEY 
 
 DD20 15M 4-02