THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 RIVERSIDE 
 
 IDEAL
 
 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 OR 
 
 GEEEK AND KOMAN BEFOEE JESUS CHEIST 
 
 A SERIES OF ESSAYS AND SKETCHES DEALING 
 
 WITH THE SPIRITUAL ELEMENTS IN 
 
 CLASSICAL CIVILIZATION 
 
 E," G! SIHLER, PH.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 
 
 IN THE NEW YORK UNIVERSITY, SOMETIME FELLOW 
 
 IN GREEK IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY 
 
 Since by strength 
 
 They measure all, of other excellence not emulous. 
 
 MiLicm. 
 
 NEW YORK 
 G. E. STECHERT & CO. 
 
 LONDON, LEIPZIG, AND PARIS 
 1908
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1908, 
 BY E. G. 8IHLEE. 
 
 All Sight* Reterttd. 
 
 VcrtacalJ 
 
 J. 8. Gushing Co. Berwick A Smith Co. 
 Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
 
 ALL LOVERS OF HISTORICAL TRUTH 
 
 ESPECIALLY TO CLASSICISTS AND CLERGYMEN 
 
 WITH THE EARNEST HOPE THAT THE LARGE EXTENT 
 
 OF THEIR COMMON DOMAIN MAY BE 
 
 MORE CLEARLY SEEN 
 
 THIS BOOK 
 IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED
 
 PREFACE 
 
 that I might leave 
 
 Some monument behind me which pure hearts 
 Should reverence. 
 
 WOBDBWOBTH. 
 
 THE autumnal frosts of life are apt to bare many a 
 bough which in our own springtime had delighted our 
 souls with the beauty and the promise of vernal blossoms. 
 And so too in the case of classical scholarship, so long and 
 so strongly attached to the culture and educational tradi- 
 tions of modern times, the writer cannot but feel that it 
 has come to be in evil case. Well nigh there has passed 
 from the minds of men the conviction that the Greeks (an 
 abstraction glibly made) were exemplars and exponents 
 of fair and perfect humanity : that, being without the 
 shackles of a religion or creed brought to them from 
 abroad, they had achieved the ideals of our human kind. 
 
 Of late indeed and particularly in the zoological phi- 
 losophy of modern times, they have not figured so highly, 
 but have been reduced to furnish convenient social data 
 for Herbert Spencer, as do the Ashantee negroes of Africa 
 or the Papuas. Of all the didactic and doctrinal fictions 
 moulded into a dogma, not one is so apt to take the very 
 heart out of history as, e.g., Spencer's thesis that individual 
 man is but a cell in the social organism whereas he is 
 really a small universe in himself and passes through this 
 world of sense and seeming absolutely alone, guided and 
 determined by himself alone. The noisy diversion of gre- 
 garious joys, the prattle of quasi-common concerns may 
 for a while deceive the soul of man as to his essential soli- 
 tude and as to his personal responsibility, but not for 
 always.
 
 vi PREFACE 
 
 This book is written in the full conviction that man is 
 endowed with an immortal soul and with a transcendent 
 responsibility of conscience and conduct, a responsibility 
 rising infinitely above social convenience or convention, 
 and that man's personality is the highest thing in 
 nature known to us, and that all efforts to bestialize man 
 by any form of physical or zoological hypothesis must 
 prove futile in the end. 
 
 I have spent some thirty-six years in reading and re- 
 reading with earnest and loving concern most of the 
 writers which have survived of classical antiquity, so- 
 called; I have also, as very many scholars have, examined 
 and attempted to determine many of the minor problems 
 possible in this aftermath of our own time, have followed 
 with maturer powers, much of the life and learning of 
 famous classicists from Petrarch, from Erasmus to Bent- 
 ley, Ritschl and Mommsen but at the end of it all there 
 has come over my soul a profound melancholy. So much 
 of the infinite industry I see about me seems to be spent 
 in the fond belief (hallowed by long academic tradition) 
 that Classic Literature was something absolute, something 
 precious and transcendent in itself, that the addition of 
 a monograph no matter on how infinitesimal a detail of 
 classic tradition (though destined to be read by two or 
 three specialists alone, perhaps) was an adequate object 
 of life and labor. All technical scholarship as all work 
 of man has a moral side as well ; let us hear Pascal : 
 "and finally others devote their lives to recording all 
 these things, not to become wiser thereby, but merely 
 to display the fact that they know them." 
 
 But, as a matter of fact, there is also a fashionable de- 
 preciation and decrying of classical scholarship in the 
 zoological philosophy and in the meek and vicarious utter- 
 ance of the same in many mouths, as of a mere department 
 of anthropology. 
 
 To return : Wilamowitz of Germany and many others, 
 eminent and brilliant in these studies, have in some 
 measure abandoned for the Greeks (glib and erroneous 
 abstraction) the claim of perfect humanity. This too is
 
 PREFACE vii 
 
 to be laid away then in the herbaria of human fancy and 
 academic nomenclature. What then, we say, remains ? 
 
 Much indeed for all those souls who desire to recover 
 the feeling of freshness and youth and to bathe their spirit 
 in the simple directness and original power ever dormant 
 in those letters : but greater I believe is their historical 
 import. They show, nay they are-, in great measure, the 
 course and range of man's powers and aspirations : and 
 they abundantly reveal this to us in our concern for the 
 higher and highest things. 
 
 I propose to set forth, then, for younger or older 
 scholars and for all those readers who with the author 
 hold to the absolute and divine worth of revealed reli- 
 gion, to set forth, I say, what was the course and character 
 of the religion and worship, of the morality and conduct, 
 of the Greeks and Romans among whom the church of 
 Christ came up : to present, very largely in the exact words 
 of their most eminent writers, in versions made for this work, 
 their views or aspirations concerning the soul, life and 
 death, God and the world in short, whatever we may 
 designate as the spiritual elements in classic civilization. 
 And I hope to accomplish this with greater exactness per- 
 haps and with greater fairness too than has hitherto been 
 the case. 
 
 The two first chapters are written by way of prelude : 
 Culture and the Human Soul, Humanism and the Hu- 
 manists. Why are these themes presented first ? Because 
 in both of them Classicism attempted or attempts to re- 
 duce Christianity to a position of inferiority or even of 
 hostility; further, because Classicism, quite justly, has 
 demeaned and still does demean itself as one of the purest 
 forms of human culture ; and because it is of lasting im- 
 portance to see whether, when Classicism had attained an 
 absolute and dominant position in European culture, the 
 fruits of that tree may not fairly be inspected for evidence 
 of its practical and palpable relation to spiritual things.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAG* 
 
 I. CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL .... 1 
 
 II. HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS .... 24 
 
 III. GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD ... 53 
 
 IV. THE SEVEN WISE MEN. JSsop .... 79 
 
 V. VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS .... 96 
 
 VI. HEROES AND HERO-WORSHIP AMONG THE GREEKS . 118 
 
 VII. THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY. PYTHAGORAS. 
 
 THE MYSTERIES OF ELEUSIS. GREEK PIETY . 131 
 
 VIII. THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS. JESCHYLUS. 
 HERODOTUS. WITH SOME PERTINENT NOTES ON 
 
 THE GREEK CHARACTER 148 
 
 IX. SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 173 
 
 X. THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING. EURIPI- 
 DES 189 
 
 XI. THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS .... 210 
 
 XII. HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY. THE SOCI- 
 ETY DRAMA OF MENANDER. EPICURUS AND ZENO 251 
 
 XIII. ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES. THE 
 
 VOICE OF TOMBS 289 
 
 XIV. ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER . . . 312 
 
 XV. RITUAL AND WORSHIP AMONG ROMAN INSTITU- 
 TIONS . . 340
 
 x CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAOB 
 
 XVI. CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA . . . 362 
 XVII. Two ROMAN EPICUREANS . . . . .382 
 
 XVIII. L. ANN^EUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE, AND THE 
 
 ROME OF SENECA . , 402 
 
 EPILOGUE AND APPIAN WAY 431 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II : CHRONOLOGY OF HUMANISTS . 435 
 INDEX OF PHRASE, NAMES, AND MATTER .... 439
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 
 
 CULTURE is a much quoted term: it is one of the current 
 coins in human exchange and human valuation, standard 
 and absolute: it is considered meritorious to enhance cul- 
 ture even in the slightest degree: to be called uncultured 
 is a severe and humiliating designation. Certain lands 
 claim more culture as a whole than others. Athens claimed 
 a vast preeminence over Bceotia and Thebes, where physi- 
 cal excellence and good eating flourished in the days of 
 Aristophanes: Florence in the Renaissance and in a meas- 
 ure beyond excelled Rome in this respect, and even more 
 outranked Naples: mere physical loveliness and large 
 generosity of soil and charm of sky and sea "always seem 
 to deaden and dull the higher mental and spiritual powers 
 of the dwellers in such regions. Who would compare 
 Naples with Scotland in this respect? 
 
 The German cultured class is having a severe struggle 
 at the present time to withstand the imperious call to 
 material success, to wealth and worldly power, in fact. 
 A recent writer, Oskar Weissenfels, would find a panacea 
 in a return to the study of the great German classics. But 
 apart from this, his book deals with many incidental ques- 
 tions warmly and searchingly. Many, he justly observes, 
 are so shallow as to take social etiquette and the amenities 
 of that life as culture. One cannot deny that if we form 
 an exact conception of culture the practical view of the 
 B 1
 
 2 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 matter will prove exacting in turn. Culture is a condition 
 of certain powers in man, a condition of reasonable per- 
 fection of certain powers within us. Clearly not of all 
 powers. The professional boxer possesses physical powers 
 cultivated to an uncommon degree. The overvaluation of 
 physical culture in our day is a notorious fact: it is a 
 matter, however, that must not divert us much at this 
 point. 
 
 The Greeks themselves, with their unmatched faculty 
 of symbolism, have in their sculpture created a type of 
 Hercules which is essentially coarse and vulgar, and with- 
 out even the slightest intimation that that hero* too was a 
 saviour of primitive society, and an enemy of the enemies 
 of mankind. And so the witty Athenians with their un- 
 failing instinct for the absurd and inconsistent were rather 
 fond of producing him as a gigantic eater in some of their 
 comedies. 
 
 To return : the loudest cry of the present time is that 
 of material culture: man indeed has appropriated force 
 after force of nature: some leaders of public opinion are 
 fairly intoxicated in the sense of that power, and bless 
 human kind with a great blessing for having witnessed 
 these things: none of which, however, has essentially 
 affected, enhanced, or deepened the specific powers of man, 
 through which alone true culture exerts itself for I do 
 not believe that trip-hammers, telescopes, or Rontgen rays 
 have added one hair's-breadth to the essential stature of 
 the purely human powers. 
 
 Futile, too, and ecstatic is the idea of the indefinite per- 
 fectibility of man held by poor weak Rousseau and iterated 
 by many of the modern zoological philosophers. 
 
 But let us proceed in a somewhat orderly fashion to see 
 how in modern times earnest students of man have con- 
 ceived of culture in the larger movements of mankind and 
 particularly of the classical world. 
 
 And first we must decline to see in " humanity " so 
 called more than an academic or literary fiction: the grasp 
 of, and sympathy with, the best thought of all ages is 
 given but to a few souls among the millions. Extraor-
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 3 
 
 dinary penetration and survey of some one great student 
 is often in a vague and awkward fashion credited to a 
 whole generation, or epoch of history and national life. 
 Thus Aristotle was himself a veritable cyclopedia of Greek 
 achievement, and from him proceeded the movement of 
 pure erudition, soon to be continued under circumstances 
 of dynastic favor and generosity at Alexandria. And 
 still the world of central Greece was then rapidly passing 
 into decay : the debilitation of political life, the with- 
 drawal from action, the contempt for labor, the decline 
 of the family, the veneer of mere rhetoric and sophistry, 
 all these and more were salient features in that world, in 
 which the most cultured of Greeks lived his life. 
 
 Herder (" Ideas on the History of Mankind "), a pupil 
 of Spinoza and Shaftesbury, was a Pantheist. He was an 
 enthusiastic believer in the fiction of a Humanity im- 
 perishable while the souls perish. Humanity is the great 
 and multiform organ of God. Man rose above the other 
 beasts but gradually : his upward course was mainly the 
 blessed sequence of his perpendicular gait which favored 
 the development of his brain. He acquired his reason 
 gradually. The Greeks were possessors of a perfect 
 humanity. Human nature is capable of indefinite per- 
 fectibility. Athens was the mother of all good taste. 
 Her climate and marbles were advantageous for the at- 
 tainment of the Beautiful. You must not apply Christian 
 standards to the practical morality of the Greeks, an ideal 
 foreign to them. They were as far advanced as we are : 
 in a certain point of view, they were further advanced. 
 Their political fabrics grew and perished like a flower in 
 nature. Like Buckle and the modern zoological philoso- 
 phers, Herder believed that political history followed ever 
 recurrent natural laws, in cycles. 
 
 The Gods of Greece were the fairest idols of human 
 fancy. They have perished. Will the less beautiful 
 ones also perish? 
 
 Of the Romans on the whole, Herder speaks with 
 aversion. Rome was the tomb of Italy. Rome's con- 
 quests are an object of his abhorrence. Rome gave noth-
 
 4 TESTTMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 ing to the East which it conquered. The Romans brought 
 no light into the world. Her culture consisted of blossoms 
 already faded. The genius of Rome was not that of national 
 freedom and philanthropy. He hates Rome as the de- 
 stroyer of nationalities, being radically different in his esti- 
 mate and sympathies from Gibbon or the later Mommsen. 
 Throughout he declines to recognize any element of design 
 in human history. Nations are simply huge plants and 
 when blossom and fruit have had their unfolding, the 
 process of decay sets in with intrinsic necessity. To 
 conceive the Roman world as preparatory of Christianity 
 would be unworthy of " God," which figment differs in 
 Herder not essentially from the cosmic movement of 
 Herbert Spencer. The movement of history of any given 
 nation belongs to the general category of physical phe- 
 nomena, which follow each other in endless cycles 
 of growth and decay. There is no moral freedom and 
 there are no decisive personalities. 
 
 One readily recognizes the intellectual sympathy of 
 this curious philosophy with his friend Goethe, who 
 helped him to the post of chief clergyman of Weimar. 
 Curious post, was it not ? A religion without a God, a 
 world without design, without objective or divine laws of 
 life and conduct. Herder, like Goethe, is your typical 
 pantheist in this too, that there is not in him a trace of 
 moral judgment as something primal and absolute. Even 
 when he refers to things essentially immoral, as when a 
 sculptor made a model of his boy-concubine, he refers to 
 it with a light and graceful touch. 
 
 Herder had, much to the displeasure of his erstwhile 
 academic teacher, Kant, passed decisively from Deism, 
 the fashionable philosophy of the eighteenth century, to 
 Pantheism. Among the Deists proper, the greatest critic 
 in the domain of letters was Lessing, whose virility and 
 veracity greatly excelled that of Goethe. 
 
 We will here briefly turn to Lessing's famous essay, 
 " Uber die Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts," the last 
 important work of his life, published in 1780. Education, 
 he holds ( 4), gives nothing to man, which he could not
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 5 
 
 possess himself of, by himself alone, too ; only more 
 quickly and more easily. Hence and this is the very 
 essence of Deism revelation gives nothing to the human 
 race, which human reason, left to itself, would not reach, 
 but it is only more early that revelation gave and gives 
 to man the most important of these things. To Lessing 
 the movement of history is replete with design. Lessing, 
 a keen and eminent classicist, held that polytheism came 
 out of monotheism. God gradually trained the Jews to 
 the idea of The One. 
 
 The reflecting scholar, here as always, was in great 
 temptation to project his own cogitation into things and 
 events, and Christianity in its turn for him was mainly a 
 cogitative process. Indeed ! God, his being and plan 
 ( 22), may very well be conceived as consistent with the 
 mortality and annihilation of human souls. Common un- 
 derstanding was bound to arrive at the immortality of 
 the Soul. Lessing conceives God as a being of which 
 reason, by intrinsical necessity, must have a true concep- 
 tion, a necessity utterly declined by the modern zoological 
 and mechanical philosophy, and by its occasional corollary 
 of agnosticism. All religious progress, as all progress, 
 is a refinement of reason and of its processes. Christ 
 inferred truths. Christianity brought nobler motives of 
 right conduct, whereas the nobler ones among the Greeks 
 and Romans had been moved largely by the desire of 
 posthumous fame. 
 
 The New Testament ( 65) is a book which has occu- 
 pied human understanding more than all other books. 
 
 Lessing, like all one-sided intellectualists, is naive 
 enough to believe that a very high degree of clear reasoning 
 will produce purity of heart, goodness of will and conduct, 
 and (in 85) he utters a dithyrambic prophecy of a ra- 
 tionalistic millennium when motives for right conduct will 
 cease to be necessary. All this is the philosophy of his 
 " Nathan," the Cantica Canticorum of Deism. The inci- 
 sive and earnest words of Lessing impress one vastly more, 
 to-day, than the flighty and somewhat sophomoric enthusi- 
 asm of Herder's naturalism and pantheism, but it ap-
 
 6 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 pears to me also utterly dogmatical to assume that Reason 
 of itself points to great intellectual and moral truths or 
 even goals, and furnishes, so to speak, not only chart and 
 magnet for the soul's navigation, but also port and end of 
 voyage, or even Isles of the Blessed. 
 
 The great metaphysician of Konigsberg, Immanuel Kant, 
 in 1784 published his "Idee zu einer allgemeinen Ge- 
 schichte in weltbiirgerlicher Absicht, " a cosmopolitan phi- 
 losophy of History. He is impressed with the observation, 
 that but a poor idea of wisdom and design is noticeable in 
 the history of man. But perhaps a Kepler or Newton for 
 History may arise. It is to him intensely antipathetic to 
 conceive that bleak and sombre thing, accident, as taking 
 the place of the standard of Reason. Reason does not 
 operate instinctively: perhaps infinite series of genera- 
 tions are required for the perfection of the race, one gen- 
 eration transmitting its enlightenment to the other. He 
 is not friendly to Rousseau's state of nature an Arcadian 
 shepherd's life of mankind would permit all talents to re- 
 main dormant: men would not be much more than sheep 
 themselves. From a fibre as twisted and gnarled as the 
 wood from which man is builded, nothing straight can be 
 builded. Kant believes in a theory of human progress 
 from beast condition or savagery upward. 
 
 History is generally conceived by Kant as a design of 
 nature (Naturanstalf). 
 
 A more decided turn towards classical antiquity was 
 taken by Wolfgang Goethe, the master of German expres- 
 sion, wizard of letters, and himself a notable exemplar of 
 a kind of universal culture. Before I enter this theme, I 
 desire to say that I am entirely emancipated from the 
 charm and thraldom of my youth, which period of life is 
 apt to lend itself to the witchery of that great writer's 
 pen. Here it is well to hold in reserve the moral judg- 
 ment which must remain sovereign above aesthetics and 
 the genius of literary perfection. Thackeray's critique of 
 Madame Sand may here be fitly cited: " We may, at least, 
 demand in all persons assuming the character of moralist 
 or philosopher, order, soberness, and regularity of life;
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 7 
 
 for we are apt to distrust the intellect that we fancy can 
 be swayed by circumstances or passion ; and we know how 
 circumstances or passion will sway the intellect ; how mor- 
 tified vanity will form excuses for itself, and how temper 
 turns angrily upon conscience that reproves it." 
 
 When Goethe in the latter part of summer, 1786, some- 
 what suddenly and abruptly decided to leave Karlsbad for 
 Italy, he was thirty-seven years of age, a pupil of Rousseau 
 in his belief in the autonomy of human sentiment, passion, 
 or appetite, and a pantheist of strong conviction: strongly 
 attached, also, to the wife of another man, Charlotte von 
 Stein, mother of seven children, and forty-four years old: 
 still, I say, in this attachment, though the sojourn in the 
 South in great measure forced his mobile and susceptible 
 soul from these bonds. For Goethe had been from his 
 youth up the particular object of women's admiring wor- 
 ship, and as regards them, he was truly weak as water. 
 
 To Frau von Stein he wrote, Aug. 23, 1786, " and then 
 I shall live in the free world with thee (mit dir) and in 
 happy solitude, without name or station, come nearer to 
 the earth from which we are taken." On concubinage in 
 Germany he writes (Oct. 25, 1786): "Our priests are 
 clever people who pay no attention to such trifles. Of 
 course, if we were to request their approval, they would 
 not permit it." Goethe's interest in classical antiquity 
 was mainly if not exclusively directed to art: he drew 
 and designed with indefatigable industry and it took 
 nearly a year and a half to have him realize that all these 
 aspirations were futile apart from this he was convinced 
 in advance that the freer and continual contemplation of 
 works of art, in sculpture and painting, as well as of 
 southern landscape, would powerfully and fruitfully 
 quicken his faculty of style and expression, for with his 
 wonderful sense of literary form, there was coupled amid 
 all the rapt habits of swift production a practice of acute 
 self-observation and psychological analysis of his own 
 mental processes and states of being, and much practical 
 shrewdness in converting the world and circumstances to 
 his own advantage, interest, and comfort. Of classical
 
 8 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 history, Goethe never had any accurate or first-hand 
 knowledge ; the stern lessons of history were a strange 
 thing to this sesthetical and literary voluptuary, and 
 Greek philosophy as all metaphysics he in the main ab- 
 horred. We may therefore fairly define him as an archae- 
 ological enthusiast, indifferent to the mere erudition of 
 that department, keenly attentive to the elements of the 
 beautiful in it everywhere. 
 
 He desires "to learn and cultivate himself before he 
 reaches forty." He gains an "unalloyed sense of the 
 value of an object." He purchases a plaster cast of the 
 large head of Zeus: "it stands opposite my bed, in good 
 light, that I may at once direct my morning prayers to 
 it." 
 
 On Jan. 19, 1787, of the recent death of Frederic the 
 Great : " that he may converse with the heroes of his 
 own kind in the lower world." In Naples he met Lady 
 Hamilton, whom he calls " the masterpiece of the great 
 artist." In Sicily he utters strong disinclination for his- 
 torical reminiscence : no Punic wars for him : he prefers 
 the present : beautiful nature and the gratification of his 
 aesthetical faculties. Sicily kindles in him a design to 
 reconstruct with these forms the court of Alkinoos and 
 the island of the Phseacians, and his Nausikaa is to com- 
 mit suicide because she cannot possess Ulysses : a classic 
 Werther in petticoats indeed! conceiving himself by 
 the bye as the wandering Ulysses with whom all fair 
 women fall in love. He feels ecstasy in contemplating 
 the image of a young goddess on a cameo. Regrets the 
 absence of sculptured forms in his youthful training. He 
 uses Winckelmann everywhere for a guide. He does not 
 share Herder's dream of a millennium of pure humanity. 
 He removes remorse and pain from his soul as merely dis- 
 agreeable states of being. 
 
 " These high works of art (of classical antiquity) have 
 at the same time been produced as the highest works of 
 nature by men in accordance with true and natural laws : 
 whatever is arbitrary and fanciful collapses: there is 
 necessity, there is God," i.e. the God of pantheism.
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 9 
 
 " Thus I live happily because I live in that which is my 
 Father's." This insolent and contemptuous use of scrip- 
 tural forms is quite characteristic of Goethe, who was 
 utterly emancipated from Christianity. Coupled with 
 his ecstatic pursuit of classic art is the incessant interest 
 in concrete science from which he was swift to gather 
 over and over again substructure for his pantheism. He 
 was absurdly naive in his belief that it was a necessary 
 and intrinsically simple act to go forward from any exact 
 study of any branch of natural science to his own view of 
 things, to pantheism : and his allusions to Lavater, Clau- 
 dius, Jacobi, who believed in a personal God, are full of 
 bitterness and scorn. 
 
 He enjoys Herder's " Ideas " : " As I am not looking 
 for any Messiah, this is my dearest Gospel." 
 
 In a few significant words (of Oct. 27, 1788) he lays 
 down his own axiom of living : " So to bear oneself, that 
 one's life, as far as it is dependent on oneself, may con- 
 tain the greatest possible amount of rational happy 
 moments." Early in 1788 he penned the following, also 
 of the same Epicurean vein : " The importance of each 
 and every momentary enjoyment of life, often appearing 
 insignificant. . . . Now I see, now only do I enjoy 
 the highest that has remained for us from antiquity, the 
 statues." March 15, 1788: "In Raphael's villa, where in 
 the company of his mistress he preferred the enjoyment 
 of life to all art and to all fame. It is a sacred monu- 
 ment." As not believing in a personal God, he adopted 
 at this time the phrase of " higher demons " when he de- 
 sired to express something like " providential," a phrase 
 which recurs much in the conversations of his old age. 
 
 How poor and puny after all was this aspect and this 
 culture of Greek statues and cameos, this determination 
 of ignoring everything that did not touch the aesthetic 
 chords in his own being : as if great and gifted nations 
 had lived their life on earth, had struggled, sinned, es- 
 tablished notable institutions, laid the foundations of 
 culture, taste, political order, kept at bay the despotism of 
 Asia, had essayed all the problems of thought and being,
 
 10 TESTIMONIUM ANIftLE 
 
 had lost their pagan and natural mode of being in a great 
 religious revolution that gave a new moral order to the 
 western world, merely to the end that the human form 
 modelled in great perfection should delight a few choice 
 spirits of the same western world! Absurd. And when 
 Goethe at last from this new birth of his culture had re- 
 turned to Weimar, he did two things: he began to study 
 anatomy and he installed a young woman of the humbler 
 class as a concubine (Egmont and Klarchen, over again), 
 and wrote his Roman Elegies: in his culture there was 
 no place for any divine law. 
 
 Goethe has written a novel, "Wilhelm Meister," in 
 which we may fully believe we have his delineation of 
 much of himself and particularly of the stages of growth 
 in the development of his own culture. 
 
 Few books so strikingly as this one reveal the demoral- 
 ization which France had produced in Germany: "to 
 France," Goethe himself says, " we owe the greatest part 
 of our culture." Strolling actors and actresses and loose 
 living : highborn men and women almost every one is 
 morally corrupt, all, however, presented in graceful colors 
 as of one who was at one with this society: to have only 
 one paramour constitutes a young woman "a good girl." 
 There are few other elements of romance in this novel (if 
 that is romance) than illicit love : passages which are in- 
 terpolated with pretty essays on all kinds of themes : on 
 Shakespeare's " Hamlet " ; on Corneille and Racine ; on 
 art collections ; on stagecraft and the drama in general ; 
 essays on society and social classes. 
 
 All the women, from the mere child Mignon to the 
 Countess, fall in love with Wilhelm, who is morbidly sus- 
 ceptible towards them all : his literary powers raise him 
 to easy familiarity with the wellborn and the highborn. 
 
 In these tangles of loose living, of incessant intrigue 
 and adultery, one fails to find any trace of absolute or 
 objective moral law. It is really a pathological mirror of 
 the corruption which in great measure was swept out of 
 Germany by the stern actualities and the misery which 
 the iron broom of Napoleon's legions and eagles caused to
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 11 
 
 the people and to the courts and courtlets of the Holy 
 Roman Empire of the German nation. 
 
 The only person who turns towards Christianity is the 
 Count, a superstitious fool and dotard, and the fear of 
 death is his main motive. The morality or theory of 
 ethics which pervades this congeries of clever essays, 
 of social putrescence and a few noble lyrics, is Rousseau- 
 ism : we need heed nothing but the unalloyed motive 
 which comes from our human impulse, which is called 
 heart, or nature, or some other fine name ; it is sentimen- 
 talism running rampant and uncontrolled. There is no 
 sin but only folly or unwisdom. Moral remorse is 
 absurd : why not, when there is no objective law of 
 righteousness and no personal God who is going to judge 
 the quick and the dead ? Principles are a mere supple- 
 ment to mode of living, morality a mere human creation. 
 " O how unnecessary is the severity of morals, since 
 nature in her beautiful manner moulds us into that which 
 we are to be ! " 
 
 The apotheosis of culture and the implied apotheosis 
 of self cannot be carried much further. What utter per- 
 version have we here of the transcendent value of the 
 human soul ! What of the millions of plain people who 
 cannot attain to such culture ? Are they mere hewers of 
 wood and drawers of water, to till the lands and pay 
 tithes and taxes that the few heroes of culture may strut 
 as peacocks among the highborn and wellborn ? Or is the 
 belief in a righteousness willed by the God of Eternity a 
 mere Hebraism as Matthew Arnold, a later high-priest of 
 culture, would have us believe ? We pass on to another 
 noted pantheist. 
 
 Hegel was a thinker who at first blush in his philos- 
 ophy of history had much to say of spirit and of culture. 
 His fanciful theme was that, e.g. in the sequence of Greek 
 political history, there was a logical necessity in the un- 
 folding of things, really the revelation of his pantheistic 
 " God." Of course, the individual soul counts for nothing, 
 the millions only live and die in order to " produce " 
 (whatever that may be) the occasional great men of gen-
 
 12 TESTIMONIUM ANI&LE 
 
 erations and of nations. It is the world through academic 
 eyes and rearranged in academic reflection. The " world 
 spirit " manifests itself in the extraordinary men, and when 
 Napoleon in the autumnal days of 1806 hurled the Prus- 
 sian monarchy to the ground, Hegel saw in the great 
 Corsican the incarnation of the world spirit. The ab- 
 stractions which the reflecting professor of metaphysics 
 gained out of his cogitations he projects into the practical 
 measures of governmental procedure and into the policy 
 of states : ideas govern, so with the Spartans the " idea " 
 of civic virtue : as a matter of fact, there prevailed in 
 their commonwealth the hard practical necessity of main- 
 taining an armed camp to the end that the helots, the 
 ancient owners of the soil, might be kept in serfdom and 
 subjection. Why did Alexander die so early ? Not be- 
 cause he had weakened his health by many forms of ex- 
 cesses, nor because malaria had been superadded, oh no: 
 " it was rather a necessity ; in order that he might stand 
 as the youthful hero for later generations, an immature 
 death had to carry him off." These intrinsic necessities 
 abound in that weird and fanciful so-called philosophy of 
 history the reductio ad absurdum is easy enough now, 
 but time was when this wisdom was reverently treasured 
 and fed to academic youth from the professorial chairs. 
 But this Hegelian creed for it was like most meta- 
 physical systems, but vicariously held has in the main 
 receded into that herbarium or museum of intellectual 
 anatomy called history of philosophy. Mommsen, the 
 vigorous worshipper of Caesar, still remains a widely read 
 author. I have noticed in his popular book, " History of 
 Rome," a curious revelation of the Hegelian spirit in deal- 
 ing with the problem of spirit, of culture, of the human 
 soul. " It is more than an error," Mommsen says (Book 
 V, Chap. 2) ; " it is a wanton crime against the Holy 
 Ghost potent in history, if one considers Gaul solely as 
 the training or drill space in which Csesar trained himself 
 and his legions for the impending civil war." As to the 
 semi-blasphemous phrase of the Hegelian, we wash our 
 hands in transcribing it. Why then did the myriads of
 
 CULTURE, AND THE HUMAN SOUL 13 
 
 free Kelts perish ? In order that Germany and other 
 commonwealths should base their culture on Classicism. 
 Indeed! And is it not rather the truth that but a handful 
 of the cultured ever read a Greek play with devotion and 
 vivid sympathy : and what an infinite blessing has it 
 proved that to a limited class of professional teachers, the 
 "Antigone" of Sophocles is not as remote and faint as 
 the literature of Sanscrit, or Persian ? 
 
 But for Mommsen there is nothing positive or absolutely 
 true or precious in the history of humanity. All indeed 
 is in a flux : "Even the loftiest revelations of mankind" 
 ("Roman History," Book V, Chap. 10) "are transitory; the 
 religion once true may become a lie ; the political system 
 once beneficent may become a curse." What then, one 
 may say with Pilate, what is truth? 
 
 Culture is not even the greatest boon of human kind, 
 if the soul were perishable and mortal, because it is an 
 economic and political necessity that the overwhelming 
 majority of the race must spend life and strength in the 
 support of life and social order ; and it is as absolutely true 
 as an axiom of mathematics that for this body practical 
 justice and peace are of incomparably greater value than 
 culture. 
 
 But we will admit that when the immortality of the 
 soul be abandoned, when even the belief in God is given 
 up and Atheism is dignified as the finality in the forward 
 and upward movement of the human mind and absolute 
 truth then both the soul and culture assume a different 
 position, are subject to new and quite different valuations. 
 
 Thus Auguste Comte, who carried forward the mate- 
 rialism of the French Encyclopedists and spiced his theory 
 of Atheism with a sociological codification, gives a new 
 appreciation of all these things and of the great concerns 
 of mankind. He holds the biological theory of man, who 
 reaches his proper perfection when he puts all belief and 
 concern about God away, and with an equally radical 
 elimination of metaphysics, limits all his higher concerns 
 to assuming a practical relation to natural laws, the 
 irrefragable and final truth positivism. History is dis-
 
 14 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 solved into an analysis of former " society " and its 
 economics and its anthropological phenomena. Comte, with 
 his pretentious dogmatism of the three stages and the arti- 
 ficial creation of an absolutely successive routine in the 
 movement of the human mind, treats history, of which he 
 had but a general, cyclopedic knowledge, with a naive 
 brutality and dogmatic conceit rarely observable elsewhere 
 in the history of speculation. His glib generalizations fit 
 but ill many parts of history, for every phase of which he 
 had the moulds of his categories ready. Why one should 
 reason or argue in this system, at all, is not clear : when 
 the brain functions are physical phenomena given like any 
 other and operate with mechanical definiteness. His vision 
 of history was clearly modified by his direct environment 
 and by the Parisian atmosphere in which he was reared, 
 e.g. as when he says (ed. Martineau, Vol. II, p. 185) : " The 
 political influence of religious doctrine has never been 
 great," whereas the spread of Christianity in the Roman 
 Empire, the dual monarchy of pope and Roman Empire in 
 the Middle Ages, the Crusades, the spread of the Islam 
 from Delhi to Granada, the split of Europe in the Refor- 
 mation, utterly turn to absurdity that shallow apothegm. 
 As all the concerns of the soul in the positivist creed 
 are with this world of sense and seeming alone, interest in 
 material well-being and political and economic things dis- 
 place the spiritual interests : "As theological hopes of a 
 future life lose their power, and till the positive philosophy 
 establishes itself forever by exhibiting the connection of the 
 individual with the whole human race, past, present, and 
 future" ($., p. 195), really Spencer's "cell " in the social 
 organism. He speaks of the Greeks : " Their cerebral 
 energy, finding no adequate political occupation." He 
 calls Christianity (p. 211), " This revolution, the greatest 
 the world has ever seen, except the one in progress," i.e. the 
 adoption of Comte's philosophy as the finality of human 
 attainment. Quite Hegelian (although utterly mistaken) 
 is his note on the rise of Christianity, "A necessary 
 (<?) result of that combination of Greek and Roman in- 
 fluence, at the period of their interpenetration. . . ."
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 15 
 
 In the course of his life, Comte was more and more 
 filled with a missionary fervor, which is revealed in his 
 " Positivist Catechism ": he is the founder of a new "reli- 
 gion," in which humanity takes the place of God : prayer to 
 the dead heroes of humanity is inculcated as a daily duty 
 of the new cult : the new Trinity consists of Space, Earth, 
 Humanity ; scientific men are to be priests. There is 
 then a Faith of Positivism (Foi Positive) limited to the 
 interest in the mechanism of phenomena, utterly banishing 
 concern as to the causes and ends of things. Draper and 
 Buckle were his disciples in their attempt to bring the 
 new insight to bear in the domain of human history, 
 "for," he claims, "the phenomena of intelligence and 
 sociability are also subject to invariable laws which 
 permit a systematic prevision of recurrent phenomena, the 
 only characteristic aim of true science." The submission 
 to fundamental law is the positive dogma. Of the new 
 religion of Humanity, Love is the principle, Order the 
 basis, and Progress the aim. He charges Christianity 
 with a fundamental egoism because it holds that we are 
 guests and strangers in this world. The altruism of Comte 
 is stolen from the universal charity in the divine obligation 
 of Christian ethics this altruism is a spook and an in- 
 truder which endeavors with much academic prattle and 
 fuzziness of technical nomenclature to occupy the throne 
 on which Christ has placed the Love of Mankind. There 
 is in this final society the moral providence of women, the 
 intellectual providence of the priest of the new religion, i.e. 
 the man of science, and the material providence of the patri- 
 cians as a body : the new religion is sociocratic, not theo- 
 cratic, whereas theological religion is essentially egoistical 
 and individualistic. The two things which this sociological 
 atheist most detests are " theologism " and " war." One 
 thinks of the Horatian phrase that some things are so 
 ingrained in man that they will ever return : even here, 
 reasoning without reason and establishing a religion with 
 saints, with a calendar, with a service and a Supreme 
 Being, though without God and without an immortal 
 soul one of the undulations that came out of Paris
 
 16 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 not alone the Paris of Diderot and Helvetius, but also the 
 Paris of Robespierre and of St. Simon. 
 
 Rarely has human thought attained a greater abase- 
 ment of the human soul and a more brutal divestment of 
 that spirituality which constitutes at once its dignity and 
 its essence, to rob it of hope and reduce it to a sum of 
 cerebral irritations. Though all this lore is at bottom 
 not so very novel: let us hear Berkeley, who wrote of 
 some foes of Christianity in his day, in the England of 
 1732 (Alciphron, Dialogue 2) : " with an air that would 
 make one think atheism established by law, and religion 
 only tolerated. ..." Indeed in the Comtian order the 
 soul of man really disappears, and we have (to use again 
 an expression of Berkeley's) " a beast, without reflection 
 or remorse, without foresight or appetite of immortality, 
 without notion of vice or virtue, or order, or reason, or 
 knowledge." No, true culture can hardly stand with 
 materialism and mechanism, the dignity of the soul as 
 well of all human personality is closely bound up with 
 its immortality and with its specific and separate dignity 
 in each human being. 
 
 This dignity of the immortal soul, then, is the central 
 point of our own contention, and this also, that no matter 
 how profoundly it is connected with this transient body 
 in marvellous interdependence, still it in itself is immate- 
 rial. " For," to use the words of Blaise Pascal, " it is im- 
 possible that that part of our being which thinks within 
 us should be other than spiritual, and if one were to 
 affirm that we are but corporeal, this probably would even 
 more exclude us from the comprehension of things, inas- 
 much as there is nothing as incomprehensible as to say 
 that matter understood itself." And it is in this impor- 
 tant and grave relation of things, I believe, that Pascal 
 elsewhere in the earlier part of his " Pensees " utters the 
 remark that man has really no relation at all to (that 
 mystery of material recurrent phenomena which we call) 
 nature. " We shall never," says Lotze (" Metaphysics, 
 III, 239), "succeed in analytically deducing the feeling from 
 the nature of its physical excitant"; and (z'6., 248):
 
 17 
 
 " We shall never see the last atom of the nerve imping- 
 ing upon the soul, or the soul upon it . . ." and ($., 
 249) " We do not look for man's personality in body an 
 soul alike, but in the soul alone." 
 
 Rarely, I believe, in the academic controversies of the 
 nineteenth century have these matters been discussed 
 with more vigor than by the noted historian, Johann 
 Gustav Droysen, in his critique of Buckle's injection of 
 physicalism into history and historiography. This was 
 essentially making a mechanism of even operation out of 
 human consciousness, and decrying the moral principle 
 and the freedom of the will. Droysen finds himself called 
 upon to define civilization and to give the delimitation of 
 culture from it. " That, which in history, Times and 
 Nations have elaborated or achieved for mankind, to 
 have worked through it in spirit, with thinking, as a 
 continuity and lived through it this we call culture 
 (Bildung^). Civilization is contented with the results of 
 culture ; civilization is poor in the abundance of wealth, 
 blasee in the opulence of enjoyment. And what 'prog- 
 ress' is that where perhaps there is some advancement 
 of intellectual truths coupled with a weakening of moral 
 truths! In the history of nations, there are at work 
 moral forces and ideas. Duty, virtue, choice of action, 
 are there at work. Mind, conscience, will, are the great 
 elements in history: or are men merely mental automata? 
 Nature study indeed is never concerned about individuals 
 but about types alone. History is the jv&dt <ravrdv of 
 mankind, the conscience of mankind." 
 
 I have said so much of the problems of culture and the 
 human soul because I now wish briefly to add the Chris- 
 tian position, which for the writer is absolute, because it 
 is that of Christ. 
 
 The soul of man is the precious thing in that valuation: 
 it is that which is the object of this concern: the turning
 
 18 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 of it back to God. The little children, the poor, the un- 
 cultured, are no less precious in His sight, because they 
 are endowed no less with immortal souls. How pro- 
 found, how incisive his spiritual righteousness, the inner 
 attitude of the soul, not the satisfaction of outward stat- 
 utes (Matthew 5, 20; 15, 2; Mark 2, 27; 7, 2-15). The 
 Summum bonum is not indeed this life, but the life be- 
 yond this life (Matthew 5, 25 sq. ; 6, 20; 7, 23; 8, 12, etc.). 
 Christ and Christians must dispense with the approval of 
 the Neopagan Nietzsche, who has called the Gospel a 
 system of Ethics for slaves. As if a little eloquence or 
 some lyrical faculty or keener analytical power, or per- 
 haps a symmetrical countenance, or some other possession 
 or acquisition raised the possessor above these soul-needs 
 or soul-truths, or as if such exceptional particular quali- 
 ties or possessions really satisfied the soul, where genuine 
 honesty and veracity prevails, or as if a novel or clever 
 rearrangement of the lapilli that constitute the assets of 
 human consciousness and human history as if this could 
 do more than make a new pattern in the mosaic of the 
 ages. 
 
 Christianity is not the sum of an evolution of human 
 speculation, it is not the goal of any purely human move- 
 ment, although it has suffered sorely at the hands of those 
 who wished to justify it academically, for ever it has been, 
 and is, and will be, "unto the Greeks, foolishness." It 
 seems utterly wrong, to me, to separate the progress of 
 understanding and of art, letters, and material civiliza- 
 tion from the moral decadence and decay of the Classical 
 World as summarily delineated by Paul (Romans 1). 
 Even where no higher standard of ethics prevails than 
 a utilitarian, it would seem wrong to dissever the one 
 from the other. 
 
 Paulsen, a voluble and voluminous writer, has said 
 some apt and not at all shallow things about Christianity 
 coming into the world not by any means as a product of 
 evolution, but as the hard fact of the greatest revolution 
 the history of mankind has known (" Gresch. der EtTiik "). 
 He writes felicitously of the essential difference between
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 19 
 
 Christianity and Greek humanity, but his first-hand 
 knowledge of classical antiquity is by no means in con- 
 formity with the sweeping abstractions and universal 
 theses so dear to the pen and voice of academic men : his 
 vision of the classic world is not close and clear enough, 
 though of distant landscapes mere sketches are often most 
 useful to those who have no access of their own nor closer 
 vision. I propose, later on, to furnish data that will war- 
 rant a fair induction in the formation of judgment. 
 
 As to culture and the human soul, it remains for me to 
 pen a few pertinent matters before closing this chapter. 
 
 I radically dissent from much of the loose generalization 
 of current unbelief, which, while removing a personal God 
 and his design from this world (of which we really know 
 but a very little), talk glibly of a systematic progress in 
 which culture is accumulated for future generations. 
 Thus then we are to believe that man, and the souls of 
 individual men, are as nothing in themselves but gain 
 value merely as elements in a totality comprehended and 
 enjoyed by what happens to be at the given moment, the 
 last or most modern generation. What legislation then 
 establishes this new kind of design? Who brings this 
 purpose into human history ? A full generation have I 
 striven to gain a closer vision of the classical world, and 
 I have seen there a movement, which, taken as a whole, 
 was one of decline and decay, even in a cultural aspect. 
 
 It is entirely possible for academic arbitrariness or any 
 other whim to make out a fictitious unit of successive hu- 
 manity when the actuality are individual persons, and 
 souls. " Humanity," says Lotze (" Outlines of the Phi- 
 losophy of Religion," 1882, Leipzig, 81), "for certain re- 
 quirements of morality may be fictitiously assumed as 
 something actual in this universality. But specific, 
 living reality it does, in fact, possess only as the plu- 
 rality of generations that succeed each other ; and an 
 ' education ' is incomprehensible which constantly changes 
 its material, throws away those who are incompletely
 
 20 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 educated, and accumulates the fruits of education upon 
 later generations without the deserts of the latter, and 
 without having the previous generations, which have 
 shared in the production, receive any share in the enjoy- 
 ment of these fruits." 
 
 There is little space in this chapter and little inclination 
 in the writer to turn aside to Matthew Arnold's " Culture 
 and Anarchy," essentially a polemic of the passing hour 
 and permeated by a flippant spirit and pretty shallow wit, 
 
 controversial papers which have given to Swift's phrase 
 of " Sweetness and Light " a new currency. His main 
 thesis is that the British Philistine (a phrase borrowed 
 from the German) was too much devoted to " Hebraism," 
 the righteousness of the Old Testament, and that he, the 
 Philistine, should turn more to "Hellenism," i.e. "the 
 habit of fixing our minds upon the intelligible law of 
 things," or " the letting of our consciousness play freely 
 and simply upon the facts before us." 
 
 Arnold has evidently pondered much on culture, and he 
 has coined terms which he jingles much and with the air 
 of a very confident trader. " Culture and Totality " are 
 man's one thing needful. Culture he also defines as the 
 harmonious perfection of our whole being : whereas 
 Goethe, for whom Matthew Arnold has some affinity, 
 certainly excluded, or subordinated, morality to culture. 
 And righteousness is greater than taste, is it not ? " Cul- 
 ture," then, for Arnold is the court of last appeal, which, 
 e.g., determines what is essential in any given religion 
 
 culture, personified in what man or men ? In that 
 loose and light fencing, this modern pupil of the Deists, 
 with infinite ease, couples and really identifies reason and 
 the will of God : one thinks of Lessing or Shaftesbury. 
 Elsewhere he calls culture " a harmonious expansion of 
 all the powers which make the beauty and worth of hu- 
 man nature. ..." Again he presents culture as a study 
 of perfection. He credits the Greeks (the old glib and 
 convenient generalization) with "the immense spiritual 
 significance . . . due to their having been inspired with 
 this central and happy idea of the essential character of
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 21 
 
 human perfection " a quality largely injected into " the 
 Greeks" by Matthew Arnold himself. Also, Arnold 
 speaks with enthusiastic reverence of Herder and Lessing. 
 We get at the root of the matter when Arnold, at last, 
 reaches the greatest and gravest theme of the experience 
 of mankind, Sin (p. 117), and here we cannot consider 
 him otherwise than as a man with little historical sense, 
 and very shallow moral sense, when he marvels that there 
 is so little of sin in Plato and so much in St. Paul ; the 
 mere ease in itself with which Arnold chooses to make 
 such crude juxtaposition at all is odd. He is one who 
 looks out upon the world across a library table, and who, 
 of himself, believes that all recorded utterance is merely 
 letters and equally food for the critic. The present 
 writer utterly declines to assent to the following defini- 
 tion of Christianity (p. 120) : "Those beneficent 
 forces which have so borne forward humanity in its 
 appointed work of coming to the knowledge and posses- 
 sion of itself. ..." As if Christianity fairly considered 
 were not something for which humanity owes absolutely 
 no thanks whatever to itself, and which in its very founda- 
 tions contradicts, denies, antagonizes the pride and strength 
 of mere humanity. 
 
 The concerns of the Human Soul, we hold, are universal 
 and (unless we descend to the conception of mere myriads 
 of zoological units, perishable as to body and soul) are 
 indissolubly wrapt up with the hope of immortal life and 
 of a divine law of conduct for this being, here, and now. 
 Compared with this vast periphery of interest and tran- 
 scendent concern, the interests of culture must of neces- 
 sity deal with a small number who actually have 
 in the main, very many of them, overvalued them- 
 selves and their exceptional endowments, and have con- 
 tributed little, very little, to the real, that is the universal, 
 postulates of the human soul. Does the professional 
 study of the classical world at all affect or determine the 
 spiritual interests of the student ? I am not prepared to
 
 22 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 speak for others. It cannot be denied, however, that the 
 attitude of the given man to Christianity or the absence 
 of a definite attitude will certainly color the vision of men. 
 How different the conception of a Luther and of an Eras- 
 mus, of a Milton and of a Shaftesbury, of a Thirl wall and 
 of a Byron, of a Gladstone and of a Swinburne. 
 
 We close this chapter with a few citations : two from 
 Goethe, whom the Germans are wont to revere as the in- 
 carnation of culture, the other from John Ruskin, who, in 
 the English-speaking world, has furthered interest in the 
 Beautiful more than any other man of letters. Goethe, 
 at the age of sixty-four, wrote to Jacobi (Jan. 6, 1813) as 
 follows: " I for myself, considering the multiform tenden- 
 cies of my own nature, cannot satisfy myself with a 
 single way of thinking. As poet and artist, I am a poly- 
 theist, as a student of nature, I am a pantheist, and the 
 one as decidedly as the other. If I need a God for my 
 personality as that of a moral human being, that is pro- 
 vided for. The affairs of heaven and earth are so exten- 
 sive a realm, that the organs of all beings alone, united, 
 can comprehend it." 
 
 His culture-pride is also well expressed in these lines: 
 
 " Wer Wissenschaf t und Kunst besitzt 
 
 Der hat Religion ; 
 Wer jene beiden nicht besitzt, 
 Der habe Religion." 
 
 "Zahme Xenien," VI, publ. in 1836. 
 
 On the other hand, Ruskin, in his old age (" Praeterita" : 
 The Campo Santo), wrote thus: " One must first say a 
 firm word concerning Christianity itself. I find numbers, 
 even of the most intelligent and amiable people, not 
 knowing what the word means; because they are always 
 asking how much is true, and how much they like, and 
 never ask, first, what was the total meaning of it, whether 
 they like it or not. 
 
 "The total meaning was, and is, that the God, who made 
 earth and its creatures, took at a certain time upon 
 the earth, the flesh and form of man ; in that flesh sus-
 
 CULTURE AND THE HUMAN SOUL 23 
 
 tained the pain and died the creature he had made; rose 
 again after death unto glorious human life, and when the 
 date of human race is ended, will return in visible human 
 form, and render to every man according to his work. 
 Christianity is the belief in, and the love of, God thus 
 manifested. Anything less than this, the mere acceptance 
 of the sayings of Christ, or assertion of any less than 
 divine power in His Being, may be, for aught I know, 
 enough for virtue, peace, and safety; but they do not 
 make people Christians, or enable them to understand the 
 heart of the simplest believer in the old doctrine."
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 
 
 IT is almost six hundred years since Petrarch gave 
 himself up to the joy and study of his own classicism. 
 The movement which he led was away from the dictation 
 and control of the mediaeval church and from its literary 
 forms and from its culture. This movement is often 
 called Humanism : the German writers Voigt and Burck- 
 hardt, the English aesthetician Symonds, and others have 
 unfolded this powerful movement in the higher pursuits 
 of men quite fully. The sanest of the three scholars I 
 have named is Voigt. The base and hope of each of the 
 three is the force that determines and guides the limner's 
 hand, that furnishes shade and color in their painting. 
 Symonds is often curiously ecstatic as when he speaks 
 of the " new-found, Holy Land of Culture," of the " inde- 
 structible religion of science and the reason," this " search 
 after the faith of culture," and other phrases morbidly 
 exaggerated, wide of the truth. And the same writer 
 says very justly : " Yet we, no less weary of erudition than 
 Faust was " or again : " Disenchanted and disillusioned 
 as we are by those four centuries of learning, the musical 
 lament of Dido and the stately periods of Latin prose 
 are little better, considered as spiritual sustenance, to us, 
 than the husks that the swine did eat." We hear the 
 same soul, uttering itself accordingly as the intellect 
 and aesthetic sense, or the immortal spirit, predominates. 
 
 My own study aims at this: I desire to show, fairly, 
 how conduct and spiritual interests kept company, and 
 what company, with the new movement of culture domi- 
 
 24
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 25 
 
 nating and precious for its own sake. In this quest 1 
 have striven to gain a closer vision of things and minds : 
 I am not content to merely transcribe from the pages of 
 Symonds or of the two Germans. Symonds indeed has 
 fully seen and felt the moral and spiritual reverse side of 
 this bright coin : he has seen there " the conflict of medi- 
 asval tradition with revived paganism;" "it led to 
 recklessness and worldly vices, rather than to reformed 
 religion." He speaks of "ascetic piety and pagan sensu 
 ality ; " " it was the universal object of the humanists 
 to gain a consciousness of self, distinguished from the 
 vulgar herd;" "the standard whereby the Italians 
 judged this ' virtue ' was sesthetical rather than moral ; " 
 " only at rare intervals, and in rare natures of the 
 type of Michel Angelo, did the Christian ideal resume its 
 sway." 
 
 As for the great exile of Florence, Dante Alighieri, he 
 is indeed not so permeated with the spirit of the Middle 
 Ages as many would have it : he clearly stands on the 
 threshold of new things. His high valuation of what he 
 knew of classics and the classical world, pointed the way : 
 it must have been in the air : for the human soul will not 
 be permanently a mere funnel and conduit pipe for the 
 tenets and paragraphs of bygone ages and generations. 
 Aristotle, who furnished to Scholasticism logic and cate- 
 gories, was revered by Dante. As he idealized everything 
 written in classic Latin, so did all the further spirits of 
 Humanism to Erasmus, to Montaigne and far beyond. 
 And this attitude of idealization is both the strength and 
 the weakness of the entire movement. And so it is even 
 now. But why should the Tiber be more " classical " or 
 associated with loftier or finer ideas and reminiscences, 
 than the Thames ? Or why should Helicon, Kastalia, or 
 the Ilissos be more precious than the Charles River at 
 Boston, Lucian more classic than Voltaire, Horace more 
 than Addison or Chesterfield, Philopoimen or Aratos 
 more so than George Washington, Lysander more so than 
 Nelson or Blake ? And even the very guide of Dante's 
 Inferno, Vergil, has been, by common consent, reduced to
 
 26 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 a much lower position as an Epic poet than Dante him- 
 self. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the canonicity of Vergil as " the 
 poet" came to Dante through an unbroken tradition of 
 the Roman grammatici from Quintilian onward. And as 
 Vergil was idealized by the genius so vastly superior, thus 
 too did the Ghibelline Exile idealize Julius Caesar, one of 
 the most consummate self-seekers among the practical poli- 
 ticians of all time, because the victor of Pharsalos and 
 Thapsus was, to Dante, the incarnation and type of Mon- 
 archy and the Emperor. Dante knew not that he himself 
 was, or was to prove to be, the very Homer and more of 
 the Tuscan tongue, the " vulgar " tongue, in comparison 
 with Latin, of which in the " Convito," I, 5, he says : 
 " in nobility, because the Latin is perpetual and incorrupt- 
 ible ; the language of the vulgar is unstable and corrupt- 
 ible. Hence we see in the ancient writings of the Latin 
 Comedies and Tragedies that they cannot change, being 
 the same Latin that we now have ; this happens not with 
 our native tongue, which being home-made, changes at 
 pleasure." 
 
 Dante's Greek lore is a faint and distant thing, through 
 reflection from Latin letters ; suspended in Limbo though 
 these Greeks were, still were they possessors " of great 
 names," " souls of mighty worth. " 
 
 Dante, too, cherished it as a dear and noble conception 
 that the Italians were, after all, heirs and descendants of 
 the race that once held universal sway, were in fact Latin 
 (J)e Vulgari Eloquentia). 
 
 Pain and disgust with the present had much to do with 
 the new movement. Villani (who died at Florence of the 
 great plague, 1348) visited Rome in 1300 under the spe- 
 cial indulgence proclaimed by Boniface VIII. Among the 
 thoughts there suggested and set free was this one: " and, 
 seeing the great and ancient objects of it (viz., of Rome}
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 27 
 
 and reading the stories and great deeds of the Romans, 
 written by Vergil and by Sallust and Lucan, and Titus 
 Livius and Valerius and Paulus Orosius and other masters 
 of history, who described both the little things and the 
 great things, also of the uttermost parts of the whole world; 
 to give record and examples to those who are to come close to 
 their style and form, but, considering our city of Florence, 
 daughter and product (fattura) of the Romans" etc. In 
 Petrarch, bel esprit of Europe's fourteenth century, the 
 newly discovered elements of beauty and strength of Clas- 
 sic Latinism found a soil curiously fitted and predisposed 
 through aims and ideals. Not only did he "study" the 
 literce humaniores whether he himself coined the phrase 
 or not, I have not been able to determine but he led the 
 way in the dash of immersion, appropriation, imitation. 
 For the aim was now to think the thoughts, to be con- 
 cerned in the concerns, to write the style, of Vergil, of Cic- 
 ero, of Seneca ; to endow them, in a word, with a practical 
 and absolute authority, at which their own contemporaries 
 would have marvelled, at which they themselves perhaps 
 would have smiled. His time became enamoured of him: 
 his letters were eagerly copied for their Latin style: it 
 became the most notable achievement of power and taste to 
 write in this fashion. " Virtue and Glory " are a prominent 
 feature in these letters, particularly glory : it was his delight 
 to dub his friends Lselius, Simonides, and the like. It is 
 tedious to us to wade through his pages dripping with 
 classic allusion and ornament. The reminiscence of the 
 Ciceronian phrase fails to flash upon us as a superhuman 
 achievement: his treasures have largely turned to ashes. 
 His pages curiously reveal the struggle between Christian 
 morality and pagan worship of glory and of the things of 
 this world. His poems to the eyes of Madonna Laura 
 were based on what Symonds calls a respectable friend- 
 ship: though they have given to the world of letters the 
 sonnet. Knight or Prelate was still the choice of gifted 
 men in that age : Petrarch had to live and mainly lived from 
 the favors and prebends of great prelates. His two ille- 
 gitimate children, Giovanni (1337) and Francesca (1343),
 
 28 TESTIMONIUM ANUVLE 
 
 were subsequently legitimized by papal bulls. The great- 
 est labor of his life was devoted to an epic in heroic verse 
 in the Vergilian manner, devoted not indeed to the glori- 
 fication of Pope or Emperor, but to the memory of achieve- 
 ments of the elder Scipio. He called it Africa and he was 
 duly crowned on the Capitoline Hill at Rome, in April, 
 1341, receiving the Laurel from the hand of a Roman Sen- 
 ator. In our own day, Oxford and Cambridge are well- 
 nigh the only places left in all the Renaissance movement, 
 where high academic prizes are awarded to this form of 
 culture the elevation of the Exotic once dominating 
 the intellectual ambition of Europe. Like Aristippos of 
 Kyrene, he knew how to use without much being used, to 
 hold and not be held, to receive ample donations and still 
 maintain a high degree of personal independence and free- 
 dom of movement. The ancient man belonged to his 
 state, the mediaeval man belonged to church and feudal 
 overlord this graceful stylist, often called the first of 
 modern minds, belonged, in the main, to himself alone. 
 
 His letters are often very charming: the purity and 
 psychological truth with which he reveals and delineates 
 sentiment, reflection, emotion, would still entertain us, if 
 the heavy parallels of ancient history and classic citation 
 in general did not weary and repel us. But it was this 
 very thing which encircled his brow with the laurel 
 eagerly offered by his contemporaries. And if he had 
 written all this in his own superb Tuscan, we would read 
 and reread with permanent delight. But as for Cicero, 
 Vergil, and Seneca, we enjoy them more, if we enjoy them 
 at all, at first hand and in their virginal utterance. 
 
 When, at thirty-two, he had accomplished the ascent of 
 Mt. Ventoux, in the Provence, not far from his favorite 
 abode of Vauclause, this brought to his mind the Haemus 
 in Thrace and Philip of Macedon, Hannibal, and the 
 Livian story of his passage of the Alps, as well as Athos 
 and Olympus. It was just ten years that he had brought 
 to conclusion, at Bologna, his academic career. His soul 
 was flushed and strongly moved by the thought of much 
 sin and folly of the past, the feeble and imperfect steps
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 29 
 
 towards betterment and Christian virtue. With him he 
 had a copy of St. Augustine's Confessions : he opened and 
 accidentally lighted upon 10, 8, 6, which made so strong 
 an impression upon him because it was so near and so 
 much in harmony with his own favorite train of thought, 
 with his very philosophy of life. The words were there: 
 " And men go to admire the peaks of mountains, and the 
 huge tides of the sea, and the vast moving volumes of 
 streams, the vast extent of the ocean, and the orbit of 
 the stars, and they neglect themselves" Indeed, he goes 
 on to say, there is nothing wonderful besides the soul of 
 man : to the soul nothing is great. Here we have, as 
 Voigt well urges, the central point of Petrarch's concern : 
 and all his further life long there was in him some strug- 
 gle between the cultural and the spiritual concerns of the 
 soul. And still his active actual life was one long chas- 
 ing after the phantom of glory, immediate, direct contem- 
 porary glory. And so it remains to him a moral axiom 
 (" Rerum Senilium," V, 6) that to richly endowed minds 
 glory is a mighty spur generosis ingeniis ingens calcar 
 est gloria. It was the glory attainable through human 
 speech and its literary forms: and so he says (in the same 
 letter) of his secretary who had left him: "and he him- 
 self, through reading, writing, reflection, imitation, seemed 
 destined to grow better day by day and destined to reach the 
 summit of a lofty name : " in a few and simple words we 
 have here that which was the life and labor and the goal 
 of the Humanists who revered in Petrarch their founder 
 and great exemplar. 
 
 Few mortal men are able to bear so heavy a burden as 
 is high praise of one's own entire generation; a more 
 than human humility would be required for any man, 
 soberly to realize, that his whole century was following in 
 his footsteps and bidding all hail to the pathfinder. It 
 was Petrarch's fortune, if fortune it be. Many were the 
 searching visits into his own heart: earnestly he often 
 represented to his soul the passing of this little life ; he 
 lay down on his couch as corpses were wont to be laid out 
 for burial ; representing to himself the moment of disso-
 
 30 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 lution, first, and all the awe that men are wont to associate 
 with the great crisis, but actually he remained insatiable 
 of that contemporary glory in which he had so long lived 
 among his own generation, and which had come to be the 
 very atmosphere of his being. 
 
 The church fed and nurtured this pathfinder of the 
 Humanists. And still soon it was clear that the New 
 Learning at bottom tended to emancipate its devotees from 
 the church, nay, from the very basis of living and being 
 on which it was at first grounded and reared. The 
 shocking swiftness with which was revealed the interde- 
 pendence of the new movement with the emancipation of 
 morals and morality was strikingly revealed in an admirer 
 and disciple of Petrarch, viz., Giovanni Boccaccio of Cer- 
 taldo near Florence (1313-1375), nine years younger than 
 Petrarch. The Black Plague of 1348, which so cruelly 
 ravaged Italy, found Boccaccio thirty-five, and the chain 
 of novels which is reared upon this catastrophe constitutes 
 the most powerful plea of mere animality known to human 
 letters. I am too fond of truth and too profoundly con- 
 vinced of the eternal obligation of divine law to pour any 
 further tepid dish-water into the well-established puddle of 
 literary admiration obligate which wearily iterates 
 itself in the books of the literary historians and sestheti- 
 cians. And this, while Boccaccio after 1361 would have 
 gladly cancelled and recalled his "Novelle," when it was 
 too late. " Triumphant Adultery " one might ins'cribe the 
 greater portion of these narratives. From Burckhardt's 
 delineation of the Renaissance we do indeed receive the 
 impression that little exaggeration, if any, of social disrup- 
 tion and decadence is here met with. We do seem indeed 
 to be face to face with a society which knew no romance 
 beyond the snapping asunder of matrimonial law, and 
 shrank from no detail which added to the delineation of 
 impurity. Contemptible as Boccaccio made purity and 
 marital fidelity, he trampled upon a sacrament of the 
 church as well. But the church itself and its official
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 31 
 
 representatives, the clerics from the Pope down to hermits 
 appear in these " Novelle " as utterly corrupt and contemp- 
 tible. Boccaccio hated the monks even in his character 
 as classicist and restorer of the Old Learning. In the 
 great library of Monte Cassino (where he often stopped in 
 passing and repassing between Florence and Naples) he 
 noticed with disgust how, frequently, the indolent clerics 
 instead of studying precious parchments of old, abraded 
 the ancient characters and inscribed missals and legenda- 
 ries to sell them to the people. Other classics lay in dusty 
 oblivion on the shelves. The Jew Abraham of Paris 
 (I, 2), willing to become a convert to Christianity, goes to 
 Rome, and there sees the " court of Rome." There, with- 
 out revealing either himself or his mission, he studies care- 
 fully the life of all. He finds them all abandoned to 
 dissoluteness both natural and contrary to nature, fond of 
 gluttony and the bottle, given up to grasping avarice also, 
 the buying and selling of church benefices in full vogue, 
 with current euphemism for all this, as though God, says 
 Boccaccio, could not pierce this thin veil. Returning to 
 Paris then, the Jew Abraham replies to his Christian 
 friend : " As I judge of it, with all anxious device, and 
 with all his native power and with every art, your shep- 
 herd, methinks, and consequently all the others, are 
 rushing forward to reduce to nothing and to drive out of 
 the world the Christian religion." And that in spite of 
 shocking corruption of the pastors and leaders, the Chris- 
 tian religion does not vanish from the earth, this so the 
 Jew Abraham reasons must be a proof of that religion's 
 divine character. And so, in Paris, is the Jew Abraham 
 baptized. 
 
 Still more incisive is Boccaccio's attitude towards the 
 Christian church in his novel (I, 3) of the three rings, 
 which has furnished the central theme to that classic Song 
 of Songs of Deism, Lessing's "Nathan." This famous 
 didactic parable leaves it quite undetermined and un- 
 determinable whether Mosaism or Christianity or Mo- 
 hammedanism has the better or more divine authority : 
 each earnest in asseveration and conviction, none really
 
 32 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 stronger than the other. Swift's "Tale of the Tub" 
 will occur to many of my readers. 
 
 The "evil hypocrisy of the Religiosi" is, as I have 
 above suggested, one of the favorite themes of these 
 stories, hypocrisy largely in two forms, viz., those of 
 Greed and of Lust. The corollary that they were not 
 any better than the secular people who went about their 
 quest without any pretence or cloak, is quite obvious. 
 We are fairly entitled to believe that here as elsewhere 
 this clever Florentine, with his curious mixture of moral 
 indifference and searching moral satire, merely mirrored 
 the current conviction of his own time. Calm and delib- 
 erate are these words (I, 7) : " The vicious and foul life 
 of the clerics, a sure sign (fermo segno) in many matters 
 of wickedness, without undue difficulty, presents itself as 
 an object of conversation," etc. 
 
 And still Boccaccio made his peace with the dominant 
 corporation of human life of his day : he became serious, 
 he turned state lecturer on the life and works of Dante. 
 Earnest monition had reached him from a Carthusian of 
 Siena to change his life and his works. As for selling 
 his library also, Petrarch dissuaded him. His own last 
 years were full of disease and other misery: he desired 
 death and still he greatly feared it. Suffice to say that 
 he willed his library to Brother Martino da Segna, his 
 confessor, providing that ultimately the books were to 
 go to the convent of Santo Spirito of Florence for the 
 use of students. One may fairly ask : if that freedom 
 and that emancipation which the early manhood of Boc- 
 caccio did so much to spread abroad if this freedom 
 was good and wholesome for the human soul, why did not 
 its erstwhile devotee proclaim it to the end ? 
 
 The popes indeed had returned from Avignon and 
 from their French vassalage to the Seven Hills of Rome. 
 But after a few years, in 1378, followed the election of 
 a counterpope, who again established his court at Avignon, 
 Clement VII, who thus became a much more pronounced
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 33 
 
 vassal of the French court than his predecessors had been. 
 Thus began the great Schism, which not only rent Chris- 
 tendom in twain, but dealt an irreparable blow to the 
 Papacy itself, whose Vicarage of God was now in the 
 balance. Whose excommunication was divine? At the 
 same time, each court with its full measure of needs, and 
 with the reduction of the taxable area for each, was con- 
 strained and driven by sore need to increase the financial 
 burdens which it imposed, for its sustenance, upon its 
 own subjects. 
 
 We thus reach the beginning of that fifteenth century 
 of European History which was destined to be the space 
 of time made memorable by the Renaissance of Letters 
 and Art, a Golden Age indeed, if we are to believe some 
 of the ecstatic eulogists thereof. 
 
 But it is utterly unhistorical to ignore the profound 
 and very essential interdependence which prevailed actu- 
 ally between the Renaissance and the decadence and 
 convulsions marking the Annals of the Church itself. 
 Who were the leaders of Humanism then ? What sort 
 of men were they ? What attitude did they take in the 
 agony of the Church and in those tremendous struggles 
 which were made, in the first half of the century, at Pisa, 
 Constance, and Basle, for a Reformation of Head and 
 Members ? 
 
 Poggio Bracciolini of Florence (1380-1459), who had 
 studied Greek under Manuel Chrysoloras, became Apos- 
 tolic Secretary at the Papal Curia at Rome, in 1402 or 
 1403. It is not necessary here to enumerate the Latin 
 Classics which he conveyed to Italy out of Swiss or 
 German monasteries, openly or by filching them. Our 
 task here is to gain a closer view of his moral personality. 
 If he had any moral ideals, the very court of which he was 
 so conspicuous a part was impregnated with practices and 
 principles essentially vicious and vile. It was an age 
 " when the psaltery chimed ill with the secular lyre," 
 when Balthasar Cossa, the infamous Neapolitan, a mem- 
 ber of the Sacred College, as John XXII (charged later 
 with having procured the removal of his predecessor
 
 34 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 through poison), became an expert in finding new prices 
 for the entire range of ecclesiastic preferment. 
 
 Of all the works of Poggio, his collection of anecdotes 
 alone remains in the hands of men : nor can they be read 
 at all unless we agree to consider them a pathological 
 symptom of the culture and concerns of the foremost men 
 of that generation. For all the graces and turns of highly 
 polished Latinity are here debased to the service of jestful 
 impurity, compared with which Boccaccio is elevated and 
 refined. And so even the very form of phrase or speech in 
 which Cicero had presented the most serious thoughts of 
 the Greek sects on Religion and the concerns of the soul, 
 the tongue in which the incomparable moralist Seneca had 
 lashed the foibles of the human heart, the tongue in which 
 venerable forms of liturgy and worship had been handed 
 down fairly from the primitive church itself this noble 
 and grave speech, I say, was debased to the company of 
 Satyrs and Pan, as though the court-robe of a great and 
 noble lady were used to deck a smirking and berouged 
 courtesan. Nor is the sang-froid with which the papal 
 secretary refers to the corruption of his own class as a 
 matter of course and of no further concern, to be neglected 
 in these Facetiae. 
 
 The scorn with which the clerics proper do duty in the 
 Satire of this Humanist is even more strongly revealed in 
 his Latin dialogue to be presently named. The faintest 
 sympathy or trace of concern in the great councils of 
 Constance or Basle is sought and searched for in vain in 
 the lines of Poggio. His " Dialogus contra Hypocrisim " 
 was written in his advanced age under the great Human- 
 ist pope, Nicholas V himself (1447 sqq.}. Poggio, in that 
 famous diatribe, intimates that Eugene IV (1431-1447) 
 had been surrounded with such clerical hypocrites, ea- 
 gerly pursuing the interests of their several orders. The 
 preachers before the pope had furnished Poggio much quiet 
 amusement with their empty prattle. One faint and fleet- 
 ing citation of St. Matthew, the rest Cicero, Terence, Sal- 
 lust, Seneca: the further discourse, a Chronique Scandaleuse, 
 in which there is infinitely more joy in the vileness itself
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 35 
 
 than moral concern whatever: and while spreading out 
 this putrescence, Poggio, entirely in the manner of his 
 great rival and contemporary, Laurentius Valla, slips 
 into a defence of incontinence as being obedience to an 
 overmastering impulse of our common nature : utter- 
 ances consummately cynical and coming from a mind eman- 
 cipated from any divine law and subject to a "humanity" 
 of its own fabrication. All this dramatically, with an 
 abbot as one of the participants in the dialogue. And 
 when this protagonist of the new learning and confiden- 
 tial secretary and adviser of many popes concluded his 
 sweeping charges against the friars, viz., that their pur- 
 suit in the end was " the setting of bird-catchers' traps 
 for women or money" then we must remember that 
 Poggio retired to Florence rich and honored and was 
 buried at last with pomp in Santa Croce. 
 
 His fellow-student, Lionardo Bruni of Arezzo, was a 
 more serious soul and a somewhat nobler character. Pog- 
 gio survived him to deliver his funeral eulogy before the 
 magistrate of Florence. 
 
 Early he too served in Rome as Apostolic Secretary, 
 where the new taste for purer Latinity determined pre- 
 ferment. His scholarship and interest in the newly ac- 
 quired Greek seems much more pure and genuine than 
 in Poggio's case. He refers to Plato with awe : " The 
 majesty of that great man." Contemporary history and 
 politics are wrapped to his gaze in classic names and 
 moulds ; the ancient Romans are : Nostri, our own men, 
 our own ancestors. He calls the schism of popes: "This 
 pestiferous division." Bruni himself, while he saw the 
 curia full of men looking for preferment, declined the 
 bishopric offered him by Innocent VII. 
 
 The modern Romans are a poor lot, " to whom from their 
 ancient glory nothing but empty boasting has remained." 
 
 He too visited Constance in connection with the great 
 Council, January, 1414. His correspondent at Florence, 
 Niccoli, indeed, is not at all interested in ecclesiastic 
 matters : his soul is wrapped up in the renaissance of 
 the old letters; to him church affairs are "wearisome
 
 36 TESTIMONIUM ANIM^J 
 
 concerns and objects of craze of men" (tcedia et delira- 
 imnta hominum). Non-Italians are, of course, barbarians. 
 He calls Nature "that mother and maker of the Uni- 
 verse." A year later Bruni was settled at Florence while 
 Poggio,in the retinue of John XXII, was at the Council. 
 But Bruni's concerns were centred as before, not on that 
 matter of mighty moment, the reformation of the church, 
 the pacification of the souls of Europe; but the recovery 
 of the classical world remained the essential point of his 
 concern. " This " (under date of Sept. 13, 1416) " as- 
 suredly will be thy glory" (to Poggio), "that thou art 
 restoring to us, through thy toil and care, the writings 
 now lost and perished, of eminent men." And when he 
 hears that Quintilian entire is at last regained, he wishes 
 only to see the work before he dies : a Nunc dimittis of 
 the ecstatic classicist. Poggio had written with enthu- 
 siasm of the noble defence and noble death of Jerome 
 of Prague, at the stake : " You might have called him 
 another Cato," his eloquence the papal secretary had 
 compared " with that of the ancients whom we admire so 
 much " " none of the Stoics ever had a soul so unswerv- 
 ing and so brave." Bruni warns him to be more cautious 
 in praising a heretic. Angrily he calls a detractor at Rome 
 a wretched Sodomite. His study of Aristotle's " Ethics " 
 was not merely historical and critical : the Stagirite 
 furnished to his soul a very pabulum and dogma : a 
 veritable substance and authority, while Cicero is to fur- 
 nish the literary manner. He confesses that in literary 
 matters he has become a voluptuary, an Epicurean. He 
 commends a certain Englishman who has come to Italy 
 for culture : " A most enthusiastic devotee (ardentissimus 
 affectator) of our own studies, as far as the endowment of 
 that nationality permits." Referring to the open flout- 
 ing of moral law and decency of life by one of the fore- 
 most classicists of Florence, Niccoli (Bruni, "Epistolce," 
 Florence, 1741, Vol. II, 20), he goes on to say: "and 
 do we wonder, if this is the opinion of the common peo- 
 ple, that the men devoted to the study of letters do not 
 believe in God, do not fear him ! "
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 37 
 
 This same Niccoli is called by a modern student of 
 these times, Gregorovius, " beautiful personality." O 
 words, words, words ! And still this same ecstatic de- 
 lineator of the Renaissance knows his ground too well to 
 be quite blinded to the truth (" History of the City of 
 Rome," Engl. Tr., VII, 2, 531) : " But in spite of Dante, 
 Cola di Rienzi, Petrarch, and Boccaccio (sz'c), the Renas- 
 cence in the fifteenth century appears as a sudden resur- 
 rection of paganism ..." (p. 533), "while at the same 
 time the laxity of morals reached a depth of depravity 
 equal to that of the time of Juvenal." The interdepen- 
 dence of the classic cult with that demoralization is ad- 
 mitted. Why then, in Gregorovius, the tedious iteration 
 of " noble culture " ? How so noble, if it so utterly, so 
 signally failed to ennoble its most prominent devotees 
 and professors : or shall we also become ecstatic and call 
 them confessors? 
 
 A protagonist among them was Antonio Beccadelli of 
 Palermo (1394-1471), student at Siena, court poet, and 
 secretary and historiographer at the court of Alfonso the 
 Magnificent of Naples. While pursuing academic life of 
 the baser kind, at Siena and Bologna, he infiltrated him- 
 self with the matter and manner both of the debauched 
 verse of Catullus, Ovid, and Martial: he published these 
 elegies of pornography in 1425-1426, and dedicated them 
 not to the world of libertines but to the first citizen 
 of Florence, Cosmo dei Medici. Even Poggio shook his 
 head, but Beccadelli defended himself by naming " Catul- 
 lus, Tibullus, Propertius, Juvenal, Martial, splendid poets 
 and Latin poets " exemplars in the literary Olympus of 
 that generation and a court of last appeal. And Guarino 
 of Verona, the classical professor so highly esteemed as 
 sane and industrious and of reputable conduct, is so 
 ravished with the literary cleverness of this verse as to 
 greet Beccadelli as a rising bard, and with transcendent 
 absurdity to compare the Sicilian's muse with that of 
 Theocritus ! Both were Sicilians. And as to the gross- 
 ness, Guarino finds a curious justification therefore: " Or 
 will you on that account bestow less praise upon Apelles,
 
 38 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Fabius, and the other painters because they painted bare 
 and undraped details in the human body . . . ? " "Of 
 greater weight with me is the authority of a poet of the 
 same earth with myself'' (conterranei : he alludes to Catul- 
 lus), "a poet of considerable grace, than the clamor of 
 the uncultured, whom nothing but tears, fasting, psalmo- 
 dies can delight, forgetting that one there must be placed 
 before our gaze in life, another in literary expression." 
 
 Such were the dominant voices and the leading senti- 
 ments almost throughout this entire fifteenth century, 
 hailed as voices of the light. 
 
 A far stronger mind was that of Beccadelli's rival at 
 the court of Naples, Laurentius Valla (1406-1457). He 
 translated Herodotus and Thucydides and with keen 
 study of Quintilian more than of Cicero became a prac- 
 tical model and laid down theories of pure Latin writing. 
 He served his master Alfonso of Naples efficiently and 
 thus further undermined the authority of the papal see, 
 if that were possible then, by proving the Constantine 
 donation a forgery, but shrinking not even from an 
 attack upon the Apostles' Creed. More frankly than his 
 fellow-humanists, he cast aside the checks and norms of 
 divine obligation in conduct. His essay, "De Voluptate et 
 vero Bono" gives voice, in order, to Stoicism, Epicurean- 
 ism, and Christianity. The second voice pleads for the 
 justification of lust and against the immortality of the soul 
 and against a judgment to come. He was opposed to the 
 Scholastics of his time who held that the Christian Faith 
 can be reasoned out in the Aristotelian manner and pro- 
 cedure. He profoundly detested the claims of the Clerics 
 claims of spiritual superiority, claims of being some- 
 thing apart from the laymen. In his essay, "DeProfessi- 
 one Religiosorum" he attacks these spiritual claims of that 
 most powerful class and corporation of the Middle Ages, 
 whose autocratic rule even then was being enfeebled, and 
 in this controversy exhibits a good knowledge of St. Paul. 
 He deals vigorous blows too against the normal monastic 
 vows, and quotes St. Paul against enforced celibacy, I Tim- 
 othy 4, 3, and goes on to say: " O would that bishops,
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 39 
 
 priests, deacons, were husbands of a single wife, rather 
 than lovers of one courtesan ! " The Clerics were power- 
 less to destroy the bold critic who reposed under the 
 powerful shield of King Alfonso. Under the Human- 
 ist pope, Nicholas V, Valla even triumphantly entered 
 Rome itself and reaped there high honors and rich emolu- 
 ments. " Thus, for the sake of his erudition and stylistic 
 talents, the supreme pontiff rewarded a man whose chief 
 titles to fame are the stringent criticism with which he 
 assailed the temporalities of the church and the frank 
 candor with which he defended a pagan theory of human 
 conduct" ("Encycl. Britannica "). This same Pope 
 Nicholas was much more moved by the desire to save 
 Greek manuscripts when Constantinople fell than to save 
 the Greek Empire itself from the Ottoman deluge. 
 
 More clear-headed on these grave issues of the Christian 
 world was the second one of these Humanist popes, Enea 
 Silvio Piccolomini, who took the title of Pius II. 
 Neither he nor the church at large were able to rouse 
 distrustful Europe to a new crusade; the laity and the 
 feudal aristocracy merely suspected a new pretext for an 
 impost of money. As for this Pius II himself, how could 
 he who was the very incarnation of secular scheming and 
 a man of the world in his character and career how 
 could such a one rouse the spirit of Peter the Hermit or 
 of St. Bernard of Clairvaux ? The world and the flesh, 
 money and pleasure, had then well-nigh smothered what 
 spirituality there was in the church. 
 
 In his youth, he had written an erotic novel in which 
 he had dissected all the phenomena and all the sensuality 
 of sexual passion with a detail and a love for these things 
 in which he fairly outdid Boccaccio. A diplomatic agent 
 and negotiator of great prelates of the Council of Basle, 
 he ultimately became the secretary and adviser of Fred- 
 eric III of Austria. His restless and active mind was 
 bent upon grasping the actualities of things, of seizing the 
 vital point of human affairs. He loves learning, he loves 
 fully as much money and power. With bright and exact 
 eyes he outlined eminent contemporaries in his "De Viris
 
 40 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 illustribus." Of the military leader, Braccio de Montone, 
 he says: " He says he was bitterly hostile to the clergy, 
 thinking there was nothing after death." He notes the 
 honors and the rich stipends which Guarino won at 
 Ferrara, where he taught the prince's son to compose a 
 Latin poem, to write a Latin letter. With an admiration 
 (as genuine as that of our contemporary journalists when 
 they commend the millions derived from some accumula- 
 tion of industry) he expatiates on the splendid success of 
 Cosmo dei Medici, richest man of Florence, nay, of Italy, 
 whose vast financial transactions were not even checked 
 by exile, who is now ruling in Florence without seeming 
 to rule: who furnishes money for the government by hav- 
 ing the revenues hypothecated to himself. His mansion 
 is fine enough for an emperor. He has built the mon- 
 astery of San Marco for the Dominicans. There he has 
 installed "a wonderful library packed with Latin and 
 Greek books." 
 
 The present successor of Bruni in the chancellery of 
 Florence is Carlo of Arezzo, " soaked in Greek and Latin 
 letters. His Latin verse is written with good taste and 
 his prose is not inferior to the former." In his own youth 
 Enea Silvio heard the glowing ascetic, the Franciscan 
 Bernardino of Siena and was almost swayed to follow him. 
 
 Barthold of Cremona, apostolic secretary and later arch- 
 bishop of Milan, who crowned the emperor Sigismund at 
 .St. Ambrose's, was impregnated with Vergil and wrote very 
 good Latin verse. Enea's characterization of Sigismund 
 (who had actually brought to a conclusion the great schism) 
 shows how church politics or world politics were equally 
 manipulated by men who were without a spark of inward 
 religiosity. " Sigismund," says Enea, " was of manifold 
 impulse, but lacking in consistency, witty in speech, fond 
 of wine, passionately inclined to sexual indulgences, 
 charged with numberless adulteries, prone to wrath, 
 easily moved to forgiveness, guardian of no treasure, a 
 lavish spender, more generous in the promise than in 
 keeping his word, a great story-teller. When he was at 
 Rome with Pope Eugene, he said : ' There are three
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 41 
 
 things, most holy father, in which we differ, and again 
 there are three in which we agree. You sleep in the 
 morning, I rise before daybreak. You drink water, I 
 drink wine. You flee from women, I pursue them. But 
 we are at one in these things : you generously spend the 
 treasures of the church, I keep nothing for myself. You 
 have gouty hands, I have gouty feet. You are ruining 
 the church, I, the empire.'" 
 
 We pass on to one who among all the Humanists of the 
 fifteenth century was himself a conspicuous exemplar, a 
 veritable microcosm of the entire Classic Renaissance. 
 
 This was Francesco Filelfo (1398-1481). Trained at 
 Padua, and a budding professor of the Classics at Venice, 
 he spent eight important years at Constantinople as sec- 
 retary of the Venetian embassy. His aim was to become 
 a master of Greek. Returning to Venice in 1427, with a 
 Greek wife and a collection of Greek codices noteworthy 
 in that day, he was engaged by some of the richest and 
 most prosperous states of Italy to teach the language and 
 the culture of the Classics : he thus became, in a way, for 
 longer or shorter periods, the intellectual centre, the auto- 
 crat of the most cherished forms of learning at Florence, 
 Siena, Bologna, and, for the longest stay, at Milan, both 
 under Visconti and Sforza. His reading was wide, his 
 interest in Greek and Latin letters, antiquities, and above 
 all, in the reproduction of prose and verse, was genuine 
 and profound. It is hard for one who has carefully 
 perused some one of the folios containing letters of his, to 
 determine, whether his craving for gold or his desire 
 to acquire codices or his insatiable appetite for notice 
 and renown was stronger or strongest. 
 
 His letters often were composed as official epistles from 
 state to state by direct mandate of his princely patrons at 
 Milan. Among the noble or distinguished recipients we 
 notice the Emperor of Byzantium, several popes, car- 
 dinals and archbishops a plenty, the republic of Florence, 
 King Charles VII of France. But the most besetting of 
 all his sins, the typical failing of the Humanists, was his 
 vanity. At thirty (1428) he writes to his fellow-human-
 
 42 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 1st, Victorias da Feltre : " that thou rejoicest that my 
 name is dwelling in the mouth of all, far and wide, 
 throughout Italy. ..." "I am fully aware who I am!" 
 . . . Aristotle's ethics, rather than that of the New 
 Testament, had taken possession of his soul. He ad- 
 dresses the cardinal of Bologna (in 1432) as "pater hu- 
 manusime." At Florence (Oct. 1, 1432) "the eyes of all, 
 the conversation of all, are directed towards myself. All 
 rate me highly, all extol me to the sky with praises." 
 He reminds Cosmo dei Medici (May 1, 1433) that Cosmo 
 had first called on Filelfo when the latter came to Flor- 
 ence as professor. He deplored the jealousy of two 
 scholars of Florence : " but are they really superior to 
 me in native ability, in learning, in power of literary 
 expression, in taste of demeanor, in spotless conduct ? " 
 
 He has a lively consciousness of his power (dated Siena, 
 Sept. 13, 1438) not only to teach classic diction to youth, 
 but impart to them the most refined theory of ethics. 
 With all this vanity which was powerfully nurtured by 
 the drift of the times, and by the universal itch for a 
 quick and wide reputation with all this there was in 
 Filelfo a keen and trenchant intelligence which forsook 
 him only when he dealt with himself. When Filelfo had 
 entered Milan in 1440, his report of the event was ren- 
 dered in these words : " My arrival was received with great 
 delight both by this distinguished prince as well as by the 
 whole commonwealth, so that Filelfo is highly regarded 
 by all." His theory of morals gradually takes on a dis- 
 tinctly Stoical coloring in terms and categories. This 
 was the effect of his academic expounding of practical 
 Stoicism, and that noble striving for the boons inherent in 
 the soul, a soul withdrawn entirely from craving of wealth or 
 fame of this there is not the slightest trace in this rep- 
 resentative Humanist. The Envy of the Gods is fused 
 in his moralizing with a frequent admixture of ill-related 
 Christian phrase. 
 
 It is clear that Filelfo's desire to publish ultimately all 
 his letters proved a check on him (which check he 
 utterly threw aside in his "Satyrce"). As many others
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 43 
 
 of the Humanists, so Filelfo too when (rarely) he seems 
 to speak with genuine sentiment of his religious feelings, 
 betrays that vague deism of God and Virtue which 
 went hand in hand with peaceful or even friendly rela- 
 tions to church and to Clerics (in the miseries brought 
 on by the siege of Milan, Feb. 26, 1450) : " whether one 
 should call that Fate or Necessity or by any other name 
 whatsoever that which is above us. ..." But the 
 chastening influences of this time of need and stress seem 
 actually to have quickened his earlier Christian senti- 
 ments: he writes in October, 1450: " For thou knowest well 
 that we are sojourners only in a strange land, and are un- 
 free as long as we live here." And, soon after this time, 
 he was deeply immersed in the writing of his frivolous 
 " Satyrce" In short, while the Humanists charged the 
 Clerics with hypocrisy, they were very far from consist- 
 ent sincerity themselves, much as they vaunted that they 
 spoke and lived in complete harmony with their convic- 
 tions. Of these indeed the proud belief, that, by their 
 Latin verse, they could bestow immortality, comparable to 
 that once bestowed by Vergil or Horace, this conceit 
 was exceedingly strong, and we must add it produced them 
 many purses of gold from those who were thus immortal- 
 ized (cf. letter of January, 1451 : ex hominibus deos 
 facer e to make gods out of men). We will close this 
 brief delineation of Filelfo with a citation from an 
 epistolary admonition directed to Poggio and Valla: 
 Why (March 7, 1453) do you hate me so bitterly ? And 
 why are you so foul towards one another ? " As far as 
 I hear, there is no form of abuse, which while you are 
 flashing your blades at one another through every insult 
 of vituperation, you have left unhandled. And that too 
 in the Roman curia, that is, in the most famous and the 
 most brilliant theatre of the whole world." 
 
 The tutor of the children of Lorenzo dei Medici, Poli- 
 ziano, in his mastery of Greek and Latin, stood quite alone 
 in Italy after the death of Filelfo (1454-1494). A Wun-
 
 44 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 derkind in the exceptional precocity of his early resplen- 
 dent powers, translating at sixteen several books of Homer 
 into Latin hexameter, he soon lectured at Florence, and 
 from this academic source the first English teachers of 
 Greek as well as the German Reuchlin derived impulse 
 and instruction. 
 
 The wonderful ease and grace of his Latin verse almost 
 makes one pause to ask whether the cunning of Horace, 
 of Catullus or Ovid, had actually had a literary palingene- 
 sis on the Arno. 
 
 But we must turn to his themes and look beyond this 
 formal facility. We see, indeed, the paganism of glori- 
 fying lust ; both Latin and Greek verses are there so foul 
 in their enthusiasm of unnatural lust that we marvel not 
 that Madonna Clarice, the wife of Lorenzo, in the end 
 caused Politian's removal from the household, as being a 
 plague to her sons. This man was teacher of the future 
 Pope Leo X. 
 
 The greatest skill and an almost incredible control of 
 word and phrase does Politian display in this verse, in 
 which the phenomena of mere sexualism are enumerated 
 in a manner that fairly outdoes the Pans and Satyrs of 
 Catullus and Ovid. We notice that the most repulsive 
 of these themes both in Greek and Latin is so turned that 
 the more recondite tongue, Greek, is to him an even more 
 unrestrained sphere of animal abandon and truly pagan 
 art. Weirdly incongruous there appear in this company 
 of Aphrodite Pandemos some lines of a quasi-religious 
 nature in Greek hexameters, filled of course with solid 
 patches of Homeric phrase, grotesque application of Zeus- 
 epithets to the Almighty to whom in the end the creature 
 of clay confesses his sins. But the studies in the portfolio 
 of this protagonist among the later Humanists are mainly 
 pagan and unreservedly so, and in the laudation of a rav- 
 ishing maiden, masked under the classic name of Lalage, 
 we are told that she is worthy of the couch of Jove. Two 
 hymns in honor of the Virgin Mary were penned by the 
 same hand (v. " Prose Volgari inedite e Poesie Latine e 
 Ch-eche" Florence, Barbera, 1867).
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 45 
 
 Meanwhile the notorious decline of the church and its 
 government had kept pace with this much vaunted Re- 
 naissance of Classic imitation. Church politics, church 
 government, the financial exploitation of Christendom 
 with ever new forms of Sacerdotal Commerce, the un- 
 blushing secularization of the central see of Rome and all 
 its works, the conversion of the Roman pontiff into a 
 prince and politician among the princes and politicians of 
 Italy, the splendid nuptials of papal daughters, the estab- 
 lishment of short-lived dynasties and principalities for pa- 
 pal sons these and many more things mark the last gen- 
 eration of the Italian quattro cento. The paganism of the 
 Humanists found itself in calm concord with the general 
 drift. This church and this world indeed were as one, 
 nay, they were merely different phases of the same world. 
 In 1478 Pope Sixtus IV supported the murderous plot 
 of the Pazzi at Florence, in which a brother of Lorenzo 
 dei Medici was actually stabbed to death in a church dur- 
 ing divine worship, and Lorenzo himself, the central saint 
 in the wearisome cult of the Renaissance, barely escaped. 
 The pope made his case worse by issuing an edict of ex- 
 communication against all Florence, all, it seems, on ac- 
 count of the political interests of the Count of Imola, his 
 nephew. 
 
 In 1484 Innocent VII succeeded. He had seven bas- 
 tard children. He had pledged himself to the cardinal 
 politicians of the conclave to promote but a single one of 
 his kin. He broke this pledge, and also enraged the 
 municipal Romans by bestowing the fat places on non- 
 Romans. He chose his son-in-law of Genoa, a financier, 
 to supervise the city taxes ; in fact, with the commercial 
 spirit of his native Genoa well expressed, he was cleverly 
 attentive to the papal ledger. One of his sons married 
 a daughter of Lorenzo, the so-called magnificent. As a 
 practical consequence of this family alliance, three years 
 later Lorenzo's son John was made a cardinal, though a 
 mere stripling of fourteen, destined to become pope 
 further on, and last of the Humanist popes, a species 
 which, after the revolt of Luther, became somehow quite
 
 46 TESTIMONIUM ANI&LE 
 
 impossible, a cessation which the Herr Geheirarath von 
 Goethe greatly deplored in his time. In 1492 Alexander 
 VI (Roderigo Borgia) at sixty-two purchased the papacy 
 from his fellow-cardinals. What he did for his children 
 and what they were and what they did, is it not recorded 
 in the diary of the papal master of ceremonies, Burchard ? 
 Recorded, I say, in a very cold-blooded manner, although 
 the Latin is not at all up to the Humanistic standard. 
 And so we will leave the genial Cesare and the romantic 
 Lucrezia to those who wish to rave about the great moral 
 emancipation wrought in beautiful Italy by the Renais- 
 sance ; or when they have become a little exhausted by 
 the ecstasies of the comely Walter Pater, ecstasies about 
 Mona Lisa or some other item in the latter's calendar of 
 Renaissance saints both male and female, to which I sup- 
 pose Rafael's Fornarina also belongs. For the aesthetic 
 Pater is indeed a great guide in the worship of the 
 beautiful, and if the senses could replace the conscience, 
 and if the emancipation of the flesh could make the 
 spiritual needs of the soul dispensable, then the ecstatic 
 worshipper of the comely would indeed not be what he is, 
 a blind leader of the blind. 
 
 An arch-saint also in the traditional cult of the Renais- 
 sance was Lorenzo dei Medici, very magnificent indeed in 
 spending the wealth of his grandfather and barely suc- 
 cessful in concealing his own insolvency with money that 
 belonged to the commonwealth : a commonwealth that he 
 had with cunning planning gradually deprived of self- 
 government, and which under his wretched son Peter 
 became an easy prey to France. We must content our- 
 selves here with transcribing from the pages of Villari, 
 one of the most patriotic and learned Italians of these lat- 
 ter times : " Among all his inventions, the most celebrated 
 were those called the Canti Carnascialeschi, gay ballads, 
 composed for the first time by him, and intended to be 
 sung at masquerades during the carnival. ..." " We 
 cannot have a better picture of the corruption of those 
 days than by reading those songs. In the present da;y, 
 not only the young nobles, but the lowest rabble would
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 47 
 
 be disgusted by them, and were they to be sung in the 
 streets, it would be such an outrage to public decency as 
 to call for punishment. But their composition was the 
 favorite occupation of a prince praised by all the world, 
 and held up as a model to other sovereigns as a prodigy 
 of talent, as a political and literary genius. And such as 
 he was then reckoned, many now hold him to have been. 
 He is pardoned by them for the blood he shed in main- 
 taining a power which had been unjustly acquired by 
 his family and himself ; for the disorders he caused in 
 the republic ; for plundering the public treasury to de- 
 fray his extravagant expenditure ; for the indecent prof- 
 ligacy to which he was given up, although infirm of 
 body ; and for the rapid and infernal system of corrup- 
 tion of the people an object to which he never ceased to 
 apply the whole force of his mind : and all this is over- 
 looked because he was a patron of letters and the fine arts." 
 
 But Erasmus remains, and without some view and 
 vision of this protagonist among the Humanists this chap- 
 ter would be wretchedly truncated and inadequate. Of 
 him even in our own day may be said what Schiller said of 
 Wallenstein. For here too preeminently do we see the 
 variation and vacillation, the mutations and oscillation in 
 the delineations of his character, which are due to the 
 favor and to the hatred of party and faction. 
 
 I must be somewhat precise myself. Fair indeed I can- 
 not be to those critics who with the literary and eesthetical 
 voluptuary Goethe and all his school and kin deplore the 
 reformation as a jarring in the current of the Renaissance, 
 and as a displacement of a movement dear to them by 
 one alien to them. 
 
 For a century or more had the more earnest spirits whose 
 spirituality had not been smothered by the inferior things 
 cried out for a radical betterment. The Humanists had 
 contributed somewhat less than nothing to this cry and 
 craving. Their satire could not amount to anything be- 
 cause they themselves were the most pronounced advocates 
 of that emancipation of the flesh which they fully and 
 unrestrainedly exemplified in their own lives. Erasmus
 
 48 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 then, born and reared in the time of great, if not the 
 greatest, humiliation of the papacy, was, in the production 
 of Latin letters, the greatest of all the Humanists. A 
 keen and penetrating soul was his, and the lifelong occu- 
 pations of critical scholarship were ever whetting that 
 edge. Is there anywhere in literature a more radical 
 satire than his Praise of Folly (" Encomium Morice" 1509) ? 
 Lye and vitriol, vitriol and lye, do drip from this pen, scorn 
 and sweeping condemnation alone is here uttered, in the 
 cosmopolitan scholar's learned tongue. We may ignore 
 the classicist embroideries so dear to the Renaissance and 
 their humanists: to-day indeed no one would tolerate such 
 in the letters that people cherish. And so we ignore 
 what his time so eagerly cherished : his allusions to Midas, 
 Pan, Hercules, Solon, Jupiter, Plutus, Homer, Hesiod, 
 Gardens of Adonis, of which, in spite of the ever increas- 
 ing erudition of little coteries, the souls of men have be- 
 come somewhat weary. There is much affinity with 
 Lucian, some of whose things Erasmus edited. But he 
 also edited the New Testament and spared not there the 
 arid futilities of scholasticism nor the actual corruption in 
 the actual church. It was in the air: in England noble 
 souls, men like Colet and Thomas More, became his friends. 
 Again and again he visited England, and the young 
 Prince Henry assured him that he wrote a style which all 
 the world praised. After he had gained European celebrity 
 through Aldus of Venice, and during a sojourn at Rome, 
 after this he was again invited to England, where he notes 
 that Thomas More " has his hours of prayer, but he uses 
 no forms and prays out of his heart." Even then, in 
 1509, the corruption of things clerical and ecclesiastical 
 was so universally, so perpetually felt, that the young 
 king, Henry VIII, uttered these words (whether the 
 ideas had oozed into his soul from men like Colet, I do 
 not know) : " It has been and is my earnest wish to 
 restore Christ's religion to its pristine purity." 
 
 To proceed: the revival of the Scriptures followed upon 
 the revival of the Classics. Which was more potent? 
 Which was more important ? As for Erasmus, he loved
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 49 
 
 truth in a certain intellectual and scholarly way, and he 
 loved to utter his satire : and still he understood with 
 marvellous adroitness to maintain pleasant and profitable 
 relations with the very powers whose substance and 
 foundations he had so brilliantly attacked. Thus in his 
 New Testament, on Matthew 19, 12, he had published 
 sharp comments, widely condemnatory of the practices of 
 the clergy in his day. On Matthew 24, 23, he had com- 
 pared the military pope Julius II to Pompey and Caesar; 
 elsewhere he had proclaimed against the use of Latin as 
 the language of public worship; on I Timothy 1, 6, he 
 had condemned the problems of scholastic theological 
 learning; on I Timothy 3, 2, he had fairly approved 
 clerical marriage (as had Valla before him): and still, 
 curiously enough, his New Testament, of which 100,000 
 copies were sold in France alone, was published with the 
 approbation of Giovanni dei Medici, better known 
 as Leo X, last of the Humanist popes, quondam pupil of 
 Poliziano, and long canonized in the Renaissance cult. 
 
 There was probably no single soul in the church more pro- 
 foundly indifferent to the New Testament than Leo himself. 
 Leo is he of whom a distinguished English critic and ex- 
 pert in Italian letters (Richard Garnett) wrote (" Encycl. 
 Britannica ") : " The essential paganism of the Renaissance 
 was not then perceived." "His aesthetic pantheism, 
 though inspired by a real religious sentiment " (whatever 
 that may be, Dr. Garnett), " fixed the reproach of pagan- 
 ism upon her " (the church) " at the precise moment when 
 an evangelical reaction was springing up." He and his 
 Italian generation were greatly interested in Beauty and 
 Pleasure, but in no wise were they concerned in spiritual 
 things. To our ears it is mere timbrel noise when his 
 beneficiary and biographer, Paul Giovio, Bishop (save 
 the mark) of Nocera, raves about that " Golden Age " and 
 calls his patron the "delight of the Human race." It is 
 this man then of whom Erasmus made a kind of patron 
 for himself. For some one wrote to Erasmus in 1514 or 
 thereabouts : " The Holy Father was charmed with your 
 style." So great was Erasmus become that he could
 
 50 TESTIMONIUM ANI&LE 
 
 afford to decline a bishopric offered him by young Charles 
 of Spain. In dedicating his Jerome to Leo X he indulged 
 iu flattery so fulsome that Leo recommended him to Henry 
 VIII for an English bishopric. We must credit his 
 biographer and eulogist, Anthony Froude, with very con- 
 siderable candor, when he says ("Life and Letters of 
 Erasmus," 1894, p. 205) : " He (Erasmus) had none of the 
 passionate horror of falsehood in sacred things which in- 
 spired the new movement." The reader must be reminded 
 here also that in these grave matters, Froude indeed took 
 sides, and emphatically (on p. 206) utters his denial of any 
 divine revelation, and also sets forth, that on questions of 
 absolute religious truth the temperament of Erasmus was 
 essentially negative. The great crisis of 1517 forced men 
 into avowals and into definite positions. But Erasmus 
 chose to abide with and within the church which he had 
 so bitterly satirized and censured. And even after the ref- 
 ormation had actually begun, he wrote: " Time was, when 
 learning was only found in the religious orders. The re- 
 ligious orders nowadays care only for money and sensuality, 
 while learning has passed to secular princes and peers and 
 courtiers." And still he says of himself: " I have written 
 nothing which can belaid hold of against established order." 
 " I would rather see things left as they are than to see a 
 revolution which may lead to one knows not what. Others 
 may be martyrs if they like. I aspire to no such honor." 
 " Luther's movement was not connected with learning " 
 (p. 288, Froude). Abundantly the arch-humanist testifies 
 that the great revolt and the rehabilitation of the New 
 Testament was essentially not kin to Humanism. " You 
 remember Reuchlin," he wrote on Oct. 10, 1525, " the 
 conflict was raging between the Muses and their enemies " 
 (the "JSpistolce Obscurorum Virorwm"} "when up sprang 
 Luther and the object thenceforward was to entangle 
 the friends of literature in the Lutheran business so as to 
 destroy both them and him together." 
 
 Nor do we hear of any martyr for spiritual truth in the 
 fatherland of Humanism, Italy. They were generally 
 quite willing to accept some preferment in the church it-
 
 HUMANISM AND THE HUMANISTS 51 
 
 self : when they were sometimes eager to suppress some 
 of their Latin verse. The reformation was to them, to 
 use a phrase of Giovio's, " the crazy mouthing " of the 
 Saxon monk, and they continued to measure everything 
 by the "majesty of Cicero's style." For such a one 
 Savonarola was an object of taunts and reproach. The 
 exotic repristination of letters of long ago in the naive 
 conviction that these forms were a finality of perfection 
 with but slight immersion in Greek this remained the 
 type of the Italian Humanist. 
 
 But their immorality and generally contemptible char- 
 acter rather made a byword of the name Urnanista, as we 
 may see in the Seventh Satire of Ariosto, when the great 
 poet of Ferrara on the one hand speaks of the humanistic 
 culture as of the " arts which exalt man," but also adds 
 that few Humanists are really free from the practice of 
 unnatural lust. Much of the current coin had proven 
 spurious : the world wearied of it. 
 
 Uncritical admiration and mechanical reproduction had 
 seemed to the leading minds of Europe for some two hun- 
 dred years a finality of culture : thus they had committed 
 the grave arid stupendous error of ignoring the broad 
 basis of sin and corruption, the worship of nature and the 
 apotheosis of our common clay, which lie at the base of 
 the history of the classic world, together with that rigid 
 limitation of concern in narrow bounds of petty republics 
 or the glorification of force, as in Rome. 
 
 The Humanists, in a word, knew the ancient world but 
 ill, but as the bluebottles gather around the carcass of an 
 animal, or clouds of gnats hover over the effluvia of the 
 barnyard, so many of them circled around what was de- 
 based and putrescent in the letters and art of the classic 
 past of the Mediterranean world. 
 
 NOTE. Much of the available leisure during two years of my life 
 was devoted to the task of gaining a closer and fairer vision of this im- 
 portant subject. For I have a constitutional dislike of using aught but 
 first-hand material. Burckhardt, it may be well to note for younger 
 readers, with all his mastery of infinite detail, is wholly under the
 
 52 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 thrall of Hegelianism. Pater is a morbid worshipper of the Beautiful. 
 Geiger's " Petrarka " is not very searching and decidedly inferior to 
 Voigt. In Symonds's fine books there is a note of sadness. I will now 
 briefly enumerate some of my more original material. But I must 
 content myself now with mere enumeration : J. A. Froude, " Life and 
 Letters of Erasmus," 1891 ; Erasmus, " Encomium Moriae " : Pe- 
 trarch's Latin works, fol. Basle, 1581 ; Boccaccio, " Decamerone " ; Leo- 
 nardo Bruni, " Epistolae," ed. Mehus, Florence, 1741 ; Macchiavelli, 
 " The Prince " ; Burchardi " Diarium " ; Traversari, " Epistulae," in 
 Muratori ; Enea Sylvio, " De Viris illustribus " ; Poggio, " Dialogus 
 contra Hypocrisim " ; the same author, " Facetiae " ; von der Hardt, 
 " Documents, etc., of the Council of Constance " ; Gieseler, " Church 
 History," Vol. 4 ; Patdus Jovius (Giovio), " Vita Leonis Decimi " ; 
 the same author, " Elogia vivorum in literis illustrium " ; Filelfo, 
 "Epistolse," Venice, 1489; L. Valla, various essays; L. dei Medici 
 autobiographical sketch. 
 
 Of the painters of the Renaissance I will say little ; but compare 
 their treatment of the traditional biblical and religious subjects with 
 that of the outright mythological ones, which they owed really to the 
 craze of the Humanists. You will then see as in a flash how the 
 worship of beauty per se had come into power and how spirituality 
 had departed. Compare, e.g., Lionardo da Vinci's head of John Bap- 
 tist with the same painter's head of Leda. It is incredible how much 
 there is of the same mould and design, pose of head, and that gentle 
 smile or faint suggestion of a smile over which the conoscenti rave. 
 His Christ bearing the cross is by no means St. Bernard's Salve caput 
 cruentatum but is of incredible physical beauty. Merely cancel 
 cross and crown of thorns, and fairly nothing remains of the Man of 
 Sorrows and the Redeemer of the World.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 
 
 IN settled Greek education, Homer simply was The 
 Poet. Merely to trace, to-day, the erudition bestowed by 
 Greek scholars upon these Epics, would be a task of 
 many years (Sengebusch). One has spoken of the Greek 
 Bible. The Greeks as a nationality certainly never 
 dropped or disavowed those poems of their Gods and 
 mighty men of war. I am uttering a commonplace of 
 academic tradition. Even as I write, Greek, as an ele- 
 ment of general or liberal education, is receding like an 
 ebb-tide : and while learned men will certainly maintain 
 Greek erudition, culture derived or derivable from Greek 
 will be ever more circumscribed. The more need of a 
 book like mine. Gladstone's " Juventus Mundi " is a 
 term fairly commonplace. But these Epics are by no 
 means primeval, let alone primitive, things. Centuries 
 may have passed until they assumed the form in which 
 not Solon only, but before him, Archilochos or Hesiod 
 even, heard or chanted them. The best units of metrical 
 phrase and, particularly, of hexametrical cadence, early 
 passed into usage and currency. I must decline here to 
 drag in any tags or tatters of erudition, or tell for who 
 cares what the various critics have uttered, critics from 
 Plato or Aristotle, from Aristarchos of Alexandria, from 
 Krates of Pergamos, down to Porphyry, down to Wolf, 
 Lehrs, Grote, Jebb, or Seymour. I must disavow any 
 concern as to how these things, the Gods of Greece, were 
 "evolved": concern, e.g., for Herbert Spencer's "Ani- 
 mism" or any other figment misbegotten out of present 
 scientific conceits. 
 
 53
 
 54 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 It is the singer who creates and transmits fame and 
 repute, chanting in baronial halls he an essential con- 
 comitant of an aristocratic order of society. So Phemios 
 in the Odyssey (8, 479) is the son of " Terpios " (who 
 produces delight.) This singing of Gods and men had 
 long been going on when these Epics were making. The 
 legends themselves were as the warp: and as for the woof 
 (of phrase), the shuttle of centuries had been active. 
 Each community had its local heroes and legends: at 
 Corinth it was Sisyphos and Bellerophontes; in southern 
 Thessaly, Peleus, Thetis and Achilles, Jason and Medea ; 
 in Thebes and Argos, Heracles; in Crete, Europa and 
 Zeus, Minos and Pasiphae, Minotaur and Daidalos ; in 
 Thebes again, the dark fate, the woes and curses of 
 CEdipus; at Argos, in particular, the golden gleam of 
 Pelops and the curse upon his house, and many more. 
 Almost any of these might have been wrought into an 
 epic of the bulk and worth of the Iliad. The vale he 
 happened to traverse, the hall where he was entertained, 
 determined the theme of the travelling singer. But 
 whether the minstrel was matched in direct contest (agdri) 
 or whether he had to chant, where many a harper had 
 chanted before (" Hymnus on Delian Apollo," 169 sqq.*) 
 he was compelled to strive to excel. Thus were produced 
 the hexametrical formulae in a practice where the ear was 
 trained wonderfully, even long before the general use of 
 letters: formulae, I say, satisfying and iterated without 
 causing critical offence. The charm of exceptionally per- 
 fect elocution, rather than the creation of anything really 
 new, was that which gave pleasure, a pleasure which 
 approved of " immortal gods, who hold the wide heaven," 
 " the child of the Aigis-holding Zeus," " shepherd of the 
 people," " Hear me, O Lord," " ambrosial night," " rose- 
 fingered Dawn," and a hundred more formulary units of 
 hexametric phrase. But even more did the singers thus 
 fix and canonize the Gods and their attributes. 
 
 But, while of epic art and kindred matters I could not 
 well say less, I must not say more: Bacon, on the whole, 
 has well said on this subject: " for you may imagine what
 
 55 
 
 kind of faith theirs was, when the chief doctors and fathers 
 of their church were the poets. " Poets and poetical minds 
 will always feel, as Schiller did, much affinity for these 
 bright images, for these significant symbols of nature. I 
 must now ask the reader to consider well the much quoted 
 words of Herodotus, II, 53 (after stating that the Hel- 
 lenes took over the names of the Gods from the Pelas- 
 gians, Herodotus goes on to say) : " but whence each of 
 the Gods arose, whether even they always were, all of 
 them, what kind of beings they were as to their shapes, 
 they (the Greeks) did not know, so to speak, until the 
 day lief ore yesterday and yesterday" (compared with 
 Egypt). " For I think that Hesiod and Homer as to age 
 were four hundred years before my time (i.e. before, 
 about, 430 B.C.) and not any more : these are the ones 
 who made (we should say fixed or canonized) a theogony 
 for the Greeks, both bestowing upon the Gods their 
 appellations and discriminating their (various) honors 
 and functions, and indicating their forms." A great 
 number of later poets and prose writers dealt with these 
 things, Pindar, ^Eschylus, the beginners of Greek histori- 
 ography but the consciousness of the Greeks, broadly 
 speaking, remained unaffected, unimpressed, unswayed, 
 by these epigones, many of whom nobly strove to elevate 
 or to refine the religious ideas of their countrymen. 
 The descriptions of local usages as they are given by 
 Pausanias in the sunset of Greek paganism, abundantly 
 testify how naively, and how stubbornly, these things 
 were actually conserved. 
 
 What we seek here is this : not to carry owls to Athens, 
 nor to add any new theory to those sleeping in the her- 
 baria of libraries, but to set forth, with the utmost fair- 
 ness, the actual attitude of the Greeks towards their God 
 and his under-gods. Zeus indeed, the god of light and 
 of the bright firmament vaulted over us, is also (with that 
 smoothly gliding symbolism so innate in the Greek in- 
 genium) the power over all. It is he who plans to honor
 
 56 TESTIMONIUM ANDkLE 
 
 Achilles and bring discomfiture upon Agamemnon (II., 1, 
 523 *<?#.) Though Poseidon and Hades (II. ,15, 185) are 
 called co-regents, with distinct and independent spheres of 
 power, still Zeus is above all. When or how this physical 
 dome celestial has passed into personality, we are entirely 
 unconcerned. Storms, indeed, rain showers, winds retard- 
 ing or speeding seafaring men, sudden gales: these are not 
 so much the work of Zeus in a way they are Zeus ; they 
 are, what men perceive of him. " Zeus rains" (II., 12, 25), 
 he " started a gale of wind from the Ida range " (v. 252), 
 he starts the snowflakes on a winter's day, nay, " he starts 
 to snow," the rain shower is his (v. 286), his thunderbolt 
 uproots the sturdy oak (14, 414). A congeries, then, of 
 physical forces is he, and, as supplanting his father 
 Kronos (Time breeds and devours its own begetting, 
 obviously), Zeus is simply the cosmic order in which men 
 actually live. Rarely is Zeus, in Homer, conceived 
 as a moral force: " On a day of autumn when Zeus pours 
 down water profusely, when he has an angry grudge 
 against men who violently on the market give crooked 
 decisions at law and drive out justice, having no concern 
 for the vengeance of the Gods" (II., 16, 385 <?<?.) 
 Further, Zeus does indeed protect strangers (Zeus Xenios) 
 and their plaint is his concern (13, 625; Od., 6, 207; 7, 
 180, 269; 13, 25; 213; 14, 283, 389). He too ordains 
 the order of time: hence are "sacred day," "sacred 
 darkness," "ambrosial night," "seasons of Zeus." The 
 rivers are "Zeus-fallen," i.e. (14, 434) the water that 
 replenishes them ultimately comes from the sky. A 
 physical power then, order, ordainer, in the main : his 
 will is ascertainable through te'rds (wonder) and sema 
 (sign) (see the Homeric Lexica). 
 
 The fatherhood of Zeus is of practical import mainly to 
 the aristocracy. The historical retrospect of the Greeks 
 of these earlier records was narrow. Clearly their legends 
 were in the making, when the southward movement down 
 to Malea, when the displacing and dislodgment of Achae- 
 ans by the sterner and stronger Dorians, when the forcing 
 of the lonians across the JEgean had not yet been con-
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 57 
 
 summated. It was a time when the cone of Olympus was 
 of a truth a central " high place," the " highest place " the 
 Hellenes all knew or knew of. Of Zeus-derived ancestry 
 then I was speaking: an undisputed preeminence of he- 
 roic leaders was best maintained with such claims of ances- 
 try. The Greeks, I say, came into their own peninsula 
 from the north, and still in every vale were potent living 
 legends potent to the time of Hadrian and into the very 
 eventide of the Greek pagan world. In these legends 
 almost uniformly the local founder is presented as an " au- 
 tochthon " (springing from the soil), not as an immigrant. 
 This, particularly, was the proud belief of the leaders of 
 Greek intelligence, the people of Attica (although they 
 were really of immigrant stock no less than their compa- 
 triots) a form of particularist vanity which perpetually 
 interfered with real political consolidation of this excep- 
 tionally gifted nationality. It was not any more mirac- 
 ulous then to cite Zeus as an ancestor, Zeus, under whose 
 specific grace and inspiration lay kingship and all talent to 
 rule and direct: from him particularly are derived fame 
 and honor (II., 17, 251). 
 
 But is Zeus himself fully and absolutely sovereign ? 
 He indeed moderates, directs, dispenses, retards, acceler- 
 ates, in one word, manages: thus only is the plot and plan 
 of the Wrath of Achilles conceived and conceivable. But 
 " Moira " (Fate, i.e. allotment, portion, share) (more rarely 
 " Aisa ") is the coordinate power, gloomy and oppressive. 
 
 Vainly thus does Zeus bewail the impending doom of 
 his own son Sarpedon (II., 16, 433). Whereat his spouse 
 Hera reminds him of the folly of this concern : does not 
 Sarpedon belong to that order of beings to whom death is 
 fated long ago ? " But (v. 445) if thousendest Sarpedon 
 alive to his home, ponder thou lest thereafter many a 
 nobler one of the Gods may wish to send his own beloved 
 son away from mighty battle: for many sons of the Im- 
 mortals are warring about Priam's great city whom you 
 will inspire with direful anger." We must content our- 
 self with citing the eminent student of these and kindred 
 things, Carl Friedr, Naegelsbach (" Homerische Theologie,"
 
 58 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 2d ed., 1861, p. 145): "Homer's conception utterly failed 
 to keep apart the spheres of both activities, inasmuch as 
 it sways to and fro between distinguishing and amalga- 
 mating the will of the deity and the will of fate." Zeus 
 indeed is presented as holding the golden scales in which 
 repose the fates of death as he listeth, apparently, caus- 
 ing one to descend (cf. II., 8, 69 sqq.; 11, 336; 12,402; 
 19, 223; 22, 209, etc.). 
 
 And so, too, the Overgod rules over and overrules his 
 Olympian household, enjoining (though not really with 
 success) neutrality upon them all: he alone is conceived 
 as being a match and more for them all (8, 210 sqq.). 
 
 On the whole, earthly power and prosperity is merely 
 another name for the favor and blessing of Zeus; and there 
 is not, in the entire range of Epic poetry, as there is not 
 in the noblest strains of ^Eschylus, any inkling whatever 
 of the inscrutable profundity of the chief verities reposing 
 in the Book of Job. 
 
 The Odyssey has been aptly compared (by an ancient 
 critic) to the sun in his lower slanting ra} r s, after the 
 noon : in the Odyssey then in the Book of the Dead (book 
 11) there is a general view of the woe of Agamemnon (v. 
 436): "Oh, verily, greatly, and with uncommon force 
 did Zeus hate the race of Atreus, on account of woman's 
 wiles from the beginning; for many of us, for Helen's sake, 
 did perish," etc. 
 
 I wrote above this chapter "Gods and Men." In the 
 higher sense Zeus towers alone. As for the undergods 
 they are, in their essence, repositories in perfection of cer- 
 tain powers and gifts which men hold and have from them. 
 From Hera are matrimony and matrimonial blessings, and 
 these ever repose with her. Thus she favored Jason (Od. 
 12, 72). Again: the daughters of Pandareos had been 
 left orphans (Od., 20, 685 <?<?) Aphrodite reared them 
 with cheese and sweet honey and pleasant wine (they be- 
 came fair to see). Hera endowed them above all women 
 with form and with wisdom: tall stature chaste Artemis 
 provided them: Athena brought them to work famous 
 works. Apollo, in the Iliad, has nothing to do whatsoever
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 59 
 
 with the sun. Helios is not of the Olympians at all. 
 When the crews of Odysseus have slain the steers of 
 Helios (Od., 12, 382) the latter threatens to descend into 
 the realm of Hades and shine among the dead. Upon 
 which the sovereign of Olympus promises prompt satisfac- 
 tion. Apollo, then, is as yet purely the archer and the de- 
 stroyer of pests (II., 1, 39): prophet at Delos and Delphi; 
 giver of music, personal minister of Zeus. Antiquarian 
 speculation, e.g. as to how the symbolism of swift death 
 (e.g. by paralytic stroke) and of archery blended and 
 united in this personified force, concern us not here. We 
 seek merely to gain a closer vision of the actual religious 
 ideas of the Greeks, the working ideas. 
 
 Where a mortal is distinguished by extraordinary skill 
 with bow and arrow, such a one palpably enjoys exceptional 
 grace and good will from the archer god ; and he, who 
 conspicuously fails of the mark, has been hampered by the 
 same Apollo (8, 311) : great archers, like Eurytos of 
 Oichalia, challenge even him, with dire results (Od., 8, 226). 
 
 These forces, then, humanized though they be, have but 
 rarely the whole range of human joys, sorrows, and sym- 
 pathies. They are all the undergods of Zeus limited 
 forces, living on from generation to generation of men, 
 but, to say it at once and once for all, they are not good, not 
 essentially good. They may be beneficent or they may not. 
 Who will determine their mood or favor? Their foibles 
 and their passions are merely those of man, actual, average 
 man. During the Wrath of Achilles, Hera plans to with- 
 draw her sovereign spouse from his concern for mortals 
 by connubial blandishments. These are furnished her by 
 Aphrodite, the goddess of sensual beauty and sensual love 
 at the petition of the Olympian queen (II., 14, 198): "give 
 me now love and desire, wherewith thou overcomest all 
 Immortals and mortal men." (Aphrodite) "spoke it and 
 from her bosom she loosened the zone worked with the 
 needle, splendidly composite, where all her blandishments 
 were wrought : therein resided love, therein desire, there 
 whispering persuasion which beguiles the minds even 
 of those who think shrewdly." We are presenting the
 
 60 TESTTMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 permanent and enduring book of the Grecian world. 
 On this book the literary culture, we may boldly 
 say the universal culture of Greek youth, was grounded 
 for roughly one thousand years or more. What a sovereign 
 God, or sovereign of gods is this one of whom the singers 
 chanted further (v. 294) : " As he beheld her, so desire 
 darkened his shrewd mind," etc. No effort whatever was 
 here made to etherize or to symbolize. The affinity which 
 this unvarnished naturalness always had for all those who 
 deceived their souls of " pure," i.e. unalloyed, humanity in 
 Homer, grist on their particular mill (as Rousseau, Goethe, 
 Byron) is quite obvious. Neither Purity nor Humility 
 nor Mercy have a seat at the Olympian board. Zeus him- 
 self a grotesque lapse of psychological concinnity to 
 his lawful spouse recounts the rare and radiant beings, 
 mortal or immortal, through whom mortal heroes traced 
 paternity to him (the Alexandrine critics desired, in 
 their higher criticism, to set these verses aside, but the 
 lines were there long long before Aristarchus, Zenodotus, 
 and the rest were born) : the spouse of Ixion, mother of the 
 valiant Pirithoos, Danae of Argos, the Phoanician princess 
 Europa and the rest, staple of much of Greek art and 
 Greek verse, later on. And so, too, the warriors before Troy 
 have captive women for concubines, Briseis, Chryseis, 
 Tekmessa. Agamemnon himself returns to royal Mykenai 
 as an ox enters the shambles, with the ill-fated prophetess 
 Kassandra, his unwilling concubine. The unveiled though 
 ever euphemistically phrased sensuality of Odysseus and 
 Kirke or Kalypso, of the suitors in Ithaca with the maids 
 in that baronial hall, is familiar to readers of Homer. 
 
 Gladstone ( " Juventus Mundi " ) has made some clever 
 conjectures explanatory of the contemptuous treatment 
 dealt to Aphrodite in the martial Epic. Did this par- 
 ticular Personification not, in time, become refined or en- 
 nobled or was not this grossness purged away ? I cannot 
 see it. Thus in the " Homeric " " Hymn to Aphrodite," 
 Zeus indeed had been her victim : easily (v. 35 *qq.~) she 
 had filled him with passion for mortal women. But now 
 Zeus turns about in retribution, filling Aphrodite with love
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 61 
 
 for a comely mortal youth Anchises, who tends the sheep 
 on the slopes of Ida. The sovereign and overpowering 
 impulse is delineated (149 sqq.) : This impulse will I fol- 
 low, no man or God will hold me, now, this moment: 
 " not even if the far-shooting Apollo himself shall send 
 forth his groauful missiles from his silver bow," etc. And 
 so, too, in the morality of the earlier Epic, the avowal of 
 concupiscence is made with absolute frankness, as, e.g., of 
 the Suitors of Penelope (Od., 18, 212 sqq.}. 
 
 But, one may say, is not Intelligence highly extolled? 
 Is not Athena the second figure in the entire Olympus ? 
 Is she not, indeed, rather than Hera, really the foremost 
 one among the undergods of Zeus? It is so. And so too 
 it is Odysseus, rather than the valiant and choleric Ajax, 
 who is the veritable microcosm of Greek nationality and 
 the embodiment of Hellenic consciousness. 
 
 If one examines with patient care, as I have done, 
 every passage concerned with Athena in the two Epics, 
 one realizes, in a very impressive manner, that this much- 
 vaunted deity of Intelligence is purely a force of shrewdness 
 and prudence and discretion : utterly alien to goodness or 
 mercy, inextricably bound up with profit and loss, with 
 success and with the avoidance of failure : success is every- 
 thing. The delicate symbolism of early Greece made her 
 leap forward, panoplied, from the head of Zeus, who hears 
 her more willingly than his own spouse. So bitter is she in 
 her hatred of Troy, that she even seconds Achilles : ignoble 
 to the most elementary sense of chivalry is her being in 
 at the death (II., 22, 276) of by far the noblest figure 
 in the entire Epic, and draining deep the cup of revenge. 
 In the roaming adventures of the wily Ithacan she is, so 
 to speak, the divine correlative of her favorite, his source 
 of strength, his unfathomable resource. When at last 
 he awakes on the soil of his native isle, there enters to 
 him his tutelary deity in the garb of a young shepherd, 
 whom the wily wanderer asks what the name of the 
 land might be. And to hide his identity he proceeds 
 to tell a glib but mendacious story* about himself and 
 how he came there (Od., 13, .220 *<?<?) But i* * s
 
 62 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 this very trait of resourceful lying which Athena loves and 
 admires in him ; she is fairly carried away by delight : she 
 changes her form of epiphany (v. 282) to " a woman fair 
 and large and knowing shining works " : having stroked 
 him with her hand " and giving voice she addressed to 
 him winged word : Lucre-loving must he be and crafty 
 who would get ahead of you in every wile, even if a god 
 should meet you. Intolerable one ! Tortuous-minded, 
 insatiable of wiles : thou then wast bound not to cease 
 from thy deceptions, not even when thou wast in thine 
 own, and from crafty tales which are dear to thee from the 
 ground up. But come, let us no more discourse on these 
 things, we both knowing the gainful things, since thou art 
 by far the best of all mortals in counsel and tales and I 
 among all gods in design am I famed and gainful conceits." 
 And as he still perseveres in pretending ignorance, she 
 bursts forth (v. 330) : " Always have you such a conceit 
 in your heart : therefore also I cannot forsake you when 
 you are in distress because you are glib of speech and 
 close-minded and prudent." 
 
 In a word, then, these "gods" are merely narrow 
 powers and impulses of man, " laws," as some say, 
 in his range of growth and being. 
 
 Clearly, then, in this circumscribed substance and 
 range of their being they not only lack all moral eleva- 
 tion, nay, they are, to specify closely, alien to all moral 
 category in themselves. Their motives in action are pre- 
 cisely as good or as bad as the motives of the natural man 
 are apt to be. Curious Godhead in which the good has no 
 share, is no element; puzzling congeries of forces, this 
 Olympus. 
 
 To turn to the darker side, then : they are lustful, 
 and adulterous even, as in the ballad of Demodokos con- 
 cerning Ares and Aphrodite. The seducer " gave much 
 and shamed bed and couch of the lord Hephaistos " 
 (Od., 8, 269). Helios told the wronged husband who 
 later trapped the guilty pair. But why go farther?
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 63 
 
 Here is revealed the current morality of the aristocracy 
 of the ^Egean Sea, to whom such adventure and intrigue 
 were, in the main, amusing : "unquenchable laughter arose 
 among the blissful gods, as they looked upon the devices 
 of the shrewd Hephaistos "(v. 326 sq.) : amusing, this scan- 
 dal in " high life," how the slow one caught the swift one. 
 
 There were critics, higher or otherwise, in antiquity, 
 who would consider this an "interpolation." This is no 
 longer believed : the modern absurdity (J.wm, e.g.*) is to 
 differentiate " the gods of the cult from the gods of 
 comedy." No, this ballad fits the essence of both fig- 
 ments with perfect aptness. " Evolution," that divine 
 maid of all work of the zoological philosophy, did not 
 at all somehow operate here with academic propriety. 
 But why be so squeamish about a " divinity " worshipped 
 by Greek prostitutes and courtesans everywhere, e.g. at 
 Corinth? If she be a divinity, then the legend sung by 
 Demodokos is divine enough. 
 
 But I say, and must say for them, many Greek teach- 
 ers and scholars (v. Dindorf's " Scholia," Oxford, 1855) 
 were annoyed or distressed. Some said that Homer in- 
 serted this story to make his hearers sober and sane : it 
 was really a deterrent example. Allegorical interpreta- 
 tions also were resorted to Beauty associated with fire 
 and with iron to produce works of art ; others dragged 
 in, absurdly enough, the tenets of Empedocles of Agri- 
 gentum (fl. 444 B.C.). For as Homer more and more 
 became the canonic book of Greek education, the teach- 
 ing profession strained its ingenuity in such futilities. 
 But even if such refining and purging exegesis (for which 
 there is no scintilla of evidence) had dominated the 
 Greek world, still we must remember that the local le- 
 gends (as they appear to us in Pausanias, in the even- 
 tide of Greek paganism) had a vitality as tenacious as 
 the recurrent seasons, exceeding all eruditional crusts set- 
 tled on the national Epic. In these legends the forcing 
 of beautiful mortal women by some of the "gods " is not 
 rare. The following may be cited (Apollodorus's "Bibli- 
 otheca ") : Apollo enamoured of Hyacinth ; Thamyris and
 
 64 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 his unspeakable wager with the Muses; Poseidon, from 
 anger, causes the bestial love of Queen Pasiphae ; He- 
 phaistos tries to force Athena even. Aphrodite caused 
 Smyrnar who had not honored her, to couch with her 
 own father. But why go on? 
 
 The academic lie of drawing " culture " from everything 
 Greek ought to cease, the sooner the better : the histori- 
 cal perspective of classical antiquity being the only true 
 and wholesome one, and tenable one too, which is to be 
 well considered by all concerned. 
 
 Graver still is the legend of Ganymede, of the Trojan 
 aristocracy (II. , 202, 32), " who was the fairest of mortal 
 men, whom too the gods snatched away on high to be 
 cupbearer on account of his beauty, that he might dwell 
 with the immortals." To call the fair divine, Winckel- 
 mann and the other sesthetical hierophants would say: 
 it is very well said, very fine. Unfortunately soberer 
 thinkers than these and better judges of Greekdom 
 speak differently; mask and justification was Ganymede 
 for the most unspeakable form of lust ; thus the legend 
 was particularly elaborated in Crete and Euboea, where 
 this vice was particularly endemic. The greatest disciple 
 of Socrates, Plato, wrote in the work of his old age, the 
 "Laws," I, 636, C: "We, all of us" (all Greece), " charge 
 upon the Cretans the legend concerning Ganymede, (al- 
 leging) that they invented the story, since it was the 
 settled belief with them that their laws had come from 
 Zeus, and that they superimposed this legend directed at 
 Zeus, in order that, following the god, they may reap this 
 pleasure also." If then we say the Iliad passage is merely 
 (very convenient adverb) the apotheosis of beauty, it 
 certainly did not long remain so. For, after Plato's 
 clear condemnation the ogling article in Roscher's Lexi- 
 con, with its moral obtuseness, is doubly vapid. Again 
 we ask : where is thy Altiora Peto, thou Evolutionist 
 believer ? For history here records but decadence and 
 decay. But leaving this to the coming herbaria of Time, 
 we proceed. Man deifies that which he would justify in 
 himself. Justify the law in the members, I take it. Thus
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 65 
 
 too the youth in a Menandrian play of that decadent Attic 
 society (Menander flourished ab. 300 B.C.) latinized in the 
 " Eunuchus " of Terence : " there was this painting, i.e. the 
 fashion in which they say Jove sent a golden rain into 
 the lap of Danae. I also began to view it, and because 
 he (Jove) had played quite a similar game even of yore, 
 my spirit rejoiced more greatly that a god changed him- 
 self into a man and came upon another man's tiles through 
 rain for the purpose of fooling a woman. But what a 
 god ! who shakes the tops of temples with the crash of 
 the heavens. I, little human being that I am, should not 
 do it? Indeed I should, and freely, too." 
 
 Thus the gods are mirrors of human lust. But they 
 are also jealous and revengeful. Artemis sent the 
 Kalydonian boar, because King Oineus in ^Etolia had 
 not included her in the sacrifices of the harvest (II., 9, 
 534). The following are in the collection of Apollodorus: 
 Apollo flayed Marsyas for challenging him in Music; 
 Hera flung Side into Hades for vying with her as to 
 beauty of form. Phineus was blinded by the gods 
 because he foretold the future to mankind. Zeus 
 blinds the healer Asklepios because he fears men may 
 make too much headway against death and disease. 
 Such were the gods made by the Hellenes for them- 
 selves. What then was the worship of sacrifice and 
 prayer ? 
 
 The Homeric men " raise up their hands " when they 
 pray (II., 5, 174; 6, 257 <?<?.)> * Zeus in the main: gen- 
 erally when they desire some specific advantage or suc- 
 cess : before speeding an arrow, to stay flight, to grant 
 retribution : often they pray for a sign whether they shall 
 venture upon an enterprise or not : he hears them by 
 sending his eagle (II., 24, 301), cf. Od., 3, 173 ; or Od., 
 20, 98 (thunder follows). The reader may find abundant 
 data in the books of antiquarians such as Schoemann. 
 Two things may be noted : one is the symbolism of 
 cleansing before prayer. Deep is the feeling, I am sure, 
 that sin makes the praying person unworthy. So II., 9,
 
 66 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 172 : " bring water for our hands and bid all hush, that 
 we may pray to Zeus, if he will have pity," etc. So also 
 Telemachos on the beach (Od., 2, 262), "having washed 
 his hands in the gray sea water, prayed to Athena," etc. 
 Or Achilles, in a famous passage (II., 16, 225 *<?<?.) hav- 
 ing made libation from the cup which he used for Zeus 
 alone : " he washed his hands, and dipped from sparkling 
 wine : and then he prayed, having taken his stand in the 
 middle of the enclosure and poured out wine, looking up 
 into the sky : O lord Zeus of Dodona, dwelling far away 
 ruling over frosty Dodona. . . ." " You heard me in the 
 past, now crown with success my plan of sending out 
 Patroklos," etc. Often the praying one reminds Zeus 
 (and this is another point) of the sacrifices which he has 
 made to him in the past (II., 15, 272). And indeed the 
 function of priests largely resolves itself into an interpre- 
 tation of a teras or a suggestion as to the proper mode of 
 removing obstacles, e.g. the adverse winds at Aulis: how 
 to placate, soothe, or propitiate. The symbolism of " clean 
 hands " was not utterly unmeaning. For while Odysseus 
 thanks Athena (II., 10, 280) for accomplishing the massa- 
 cre at night of many sleeping victims, in their tent 
 on the other hand the murder of a guest is heinous : the 
 murderer cannot pray to Zeus : cf. Od., 14, 406. (Eu- 
 maios the swineherd to Odysseus disguised as a beggar.) 
 In the main, however, the gods are convenient forces 
 who may help or mar, bless or destroy: Fear seems to be 
 at the base of it all. 
 
 As for oaths, that by Styx (trickling Shudder-brook) 
 has often been discussed. This, the symbol of cold death, 
 is awful to the gods themselves : for the Olympians are 
 the very personifications of life, pleasure, vigor : their 
 immortality is curiously vague and often quasi-contin- 
 gent (II., 14, 271 sqq. ; 15, 36), for they are abiding, 
 but sinful and morally weak themselves, and cannot 
 dispense with periodical consumption of ambrosia, the 
 very stuff of immortality. One appeal, too, I observe in 
 the war-epic to those powers that inflict retribution 
 in an existence consequent upon this life (II.,
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 67 
 
 8, 276 *5'9'.) : "Father Zeus, and Sun who seest upon 
 all things and overhearest all things, and Rivers and 
 Earth and Ye two who even below inflict retribution upon 
 those who have toiled " (above) : " he teaches," says an 
 ancient Scholiast, "that even after death those who do 
 wrong are not relieved." 
 
 While the sacrifice may seem to be a more substantial 
 form of propitiation than prayer, the finest portions serve 
 as a banquet for the worshippers, and the gods must be 
 content with the savor of suet and thigh bones. Every- 
 where the soul of the Greeks sought satisfaction in symbols 
 or symbolic fitness of certain specific forms, as a heifer to 
 Virgin Athena, a black ewe lamb for Earth, a white one 
 for the Sun : matrons to bring a peplon (or a draping 
 garment) to Athena. Sacrifices are, outright, called the 
 proper way of desiring to accomplish a worldly aim 
 as in II., 8, 238. Here Agamemnon declares that on his 
 way to Troy he never passed by any altar of Zeus " but 
 at all burned fat of oxen and thigh bones, desiring to 
 destroy the well- walled city of Troy." And an answer 
 came, too : an eagle came and dropped a fawn at the altar 
 of Zeus Pan-omphaios (of every omen). This is striking : 
 not righteous living, but a multitude of sacrifices invests 
 the worshipper with a merit, which the gods cannot fairly 
 fail to recompense : so when Hector perishes, Apollo calls 
 his fellow-Olympians cruel and destructive (II., 24, 33) 
 for not requiting the many gifts of honor, i.e. ascending 
 savor and libation. The sinner, too, fully aware of the 
 moral wrong of his conduct, actually rewards the gods 
 for the successful accomplishing of his designs. Thus 
 Aigisthos, the paramour of the queen Klytaimnestra 
 (Od., 3, 273) : " many sacrifices he made to the gods, and 
 many precious gifts (textile fabrics and gold) he hung up" 
 (i.e. when at last he had accomplished the seduction of 
 Klytaimnestra) " having accomplished the great feat, 
 which he had never dared to hope in his mind." 
 
 Sometimes indeed more than those slender symbols of 
 suet and thigh bones are given up : as when the swine- 
 herd Eumaios (Od., 14, 419) acts as priest (Aparelie is
 
 68 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 the beginning, initial portion : also called argma : clearly 
 the gods are conceived as the honored guests to share the 
 cheer of men, to share the best they have). But Eu- 
 maios goes farther : when the roast was on the table he 
 made seven portions : one for the nymphs and Hermes, 
 the other six for those present. 
 
 Autolykos, the maternal grandfather of Odysseus, was 
 distinguished among men "by cunning and oath " (i.e. he 
 was "smart" as the New England farmer says). Why? 
 God Hermes bestowed this upon him, for he was wont to 
 burn for him pleasing thigh bones of lambs and kids. 
 
 The essential sameness of gods and men (apart from im- 
 mortality and an irrevocable title to happiness) is the re- 
 sult of this partial interpretation of salient and recurrent 
 data. But the advancing of mere men to that divinity of 
 the heros, sharing with the older Olympians and often re- 
 ceiving greater worship than they, this striking feature 
 of Greek religion, the apotheosis of our own kind, has not 
 yet been established at the time when the great epics 
 were consummated. In the Iliad at least Kastor and 
 Polydeukes (Pollux), the brothers of Helen, are merely 
 underground, are merely dead and gone, like other mor- 
 tals, valiant though they be (II., 3, 243). But even Hera- 
 cles (Hera-klei, renowned through Hera's rancor against 
 him) is merely mortal and has died in the common way. 
 Indeed he is described as "awful, worker of enormous 
 feats, who has no remorse in doing wicked things, who with 
 his archery inflicted hurt on the gods who inhabited Olym- 
 pos " (i.e. on Hera), often miraculously succored by Zeus 
 (II., 8, 362), cause of violent quarrels in the Olympian 
 household (15, 18) : but he too had to die. " For not 
 even the mighty brawn of Hercules escaped Fate (TT^r), 
 Hercules who was dearest to Zeus the lord, son of Kronos ; 
 but him the Moira subdued and the heavy anger of Hera " 
 (18, 118). No trace then as yet in the older Epic of the 
 worship of mighty men. As for the Odyssey (8, 223), 
 Hercules is rated with the mightiest archers of old who
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 69 
 
 dared to vie with the Gods themselves : nay, he wickedly 
 slew his own guest (21, 25 <?<?.) 
 
 In the Book of the Dead (Od., 11, 601 sqq.') his image 
 only (eidolon) dwells among the shades, " but he himself 
 among the immortal gods rejoices in the feasts and has 
 for wife the fair-ankled Hebe." Critics agree that this is 
 a later insertion into the younger Epic. Life, strength, 
 stout valor, feasting, satisfying to the full every appetite 
 or impulse, these are the ideals that gleam over the sur- 
 face of the Homeric world. Death, however, reigns in the 
 Odyssey, book 11. In the gloomy farthest westland is that 
 abode, on the current of Okeanos : the sun never shines on 
 it. A momentary reanimation is granted to such only who 
 are permitted to lap of the elements of mortals' sustenance, 
 sheeps' blood, with wine, honey, and flour. They are 
 called, but the real prayers are directed to Hades and Per- 
 sephone. To weep for the dead and to bury them is di- 
 vinely enjoined upon the living. It is a "joyless abode" 
 (v. 94). The fire has destroyed flesh and blood, but the 
 soul like a dream flew away and is flitting. Significant 
 are the names of the infernal rivers : Acheron (Lamenta- 
 tion), Kokytos (piercing wailing), Pyriphlegethon (burn- 
 ing with fire), and the trickling water of the Styx (Shud- 
 dering) (Od., 10, 513 <?<?) Of all the idola in that 
 nether abode, that of Teiresias alone remains wise, the 
 others flit as shadows. There is not even the bliss of 
 Lethe "the other souls of the dead stood grieving, and 
 each told her several woes" (v. 541). 
 
 Passing by the familiar figures of Tityos, Tantalos, Sisy- 
 phos, we take leave of this world of grief, gloom, and shades 
 with the significant utterance of the mighty Achilles 
 (487) : " don't recommend death to me ; I should prefer in 
 the fields to be a day laborer for another, with a man who 
 has no land-lot of his own, who has not much of a living, 
 rather than rule over all the dead." 
 
 Apart from some regard for the stranger who is within 
 the gates, I would be greatly puzzled to name some one
 
 70 TESTIMOXIUM ANBLE 
 
 specific point where this " religion " furnishes or consti- 
 tutes a rule of conduct. On the whole it is a futile re- 
 ligion. For that other category, an " sesthetical religion " 
 of Walter Pater et id omne genus, that too is a futility, 
 albeit an academic one. For the wrath of Achilles, the 
 pride and anger of Agamemnon certainly were to blame. 
 When, however, at last there is accomplished a reconcili- 
 ation between these two, the guilty king very solemnly 
 declines to shoulder the responsibility for the evil he has 
 caused (II., 19, 86): " but I am not to blame; Zeus and 
 Moira and Erinys who strides in darkness, who in the 
 assembly put in my mind fierce Ate." The Odyssey in- 
 deed ends with the reunion of the heroic and cunning 
 wanderer with his spouse, rare Penelope, honor of women. 
 Still all is accomplished amid unspeakable carnage, far be- 
 yond just retribution. Sombre are the words of that lady 
 when at last she receives the wanderer (Od., 23, 209) : " Be 
 not angry with me, Odysseus, since in other respects thou 
 art wise among men : it was the Gods, who bestowed mis- 
 ery upon us, who begrudged it to us to remain together 
 and so enjoy our youth and come to the threshold of age." 
 As for Helen, she would not have broken her marriage 
 vows, if she had known the consequences. " Her a god 
 stirred to do the unseemly deed, and the Ate she did not 
 in advance place in her soul, grievous Ate, from which 
 first sorrow came to us too." 
 
 Truly, then, men, even the foremost in station and most 
 gifted in powers, are " wretched " (deiloi) : this is their es- 
 sential nature as over against the blissful gods (Naegels- 
 bach, p. 375). Men thus are nothing. Nowhere are they 
 (in these Epics) rated typically, by noble will, by conscien- 
 tious conduct, least of all by immortal soul. Thus the 
 archer-god to the sea-god (II. , 21, 464) : " Earthshaker, 
 you could not call me sane, if indeed I were to wage war 
 on you for the sake of mortal men, wretched ones, who, 
 resembling leaves sometimes are very fiery, while eating 
 the fruit of the field: at another time they waste away 
 without heart." Or, as Glaukos the Trojan says to Dio- 
 rnede (II., 6, 146) : " just as is the generation of leaves,
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 71 
 
 such also is that of man. The leaves, in part, the wind 
 tosses upon the ground, but others does the forest produce 
 when it quickens the blossoms and the season of Spring 
 comes along thus the generation of men both grows and 
 terminates." When men are done living they are done 
 toiling also, done laboring, suffering ; hence the dead are 
 named "they who toiled once" (kamtintes, II., 23, 72). 
 Where then is the much vaunted vernal gleam of Homeric 
 humanity ? Fear on the part of man ; jealousy, indiffer- 
 ence, or arbitrary whim on the part of the gods : this, in 
 essence, is the Homeric conception. As Achilles, the slayer 
 of Hector, speaks to suppliant Priam (II., 24, 525): "For 
 thus the gods have allotted the thread to wretched mortals: 
 to live with lamentation ; but they themselves are without 
 troublous concern." (We will think of these grave words 
 later on, again, when we have come to JEschylus and to 
 Herodotus.) 
 
 The soul of man with the experience of the billions of 
 his kind before him, ever before him, will, somehow, look 
 upon death as a gloomy mystery. Why not cheerfully sub- 
 side into this ocean of periodic coming and going ? Why 
 should men, in the face of this uniform and overwhelm- 
 ing experience, call themselves Brotds, Brotoi ? This word 
 really means, as the best etymologists (e.g. Vanicek) ex- 
 plain it : obsessed by fate, by death, in fact mortal; whereas 
 ambrosia, conversely, is the food of immortal life. But 
 the voice of the Latin world strongly enough confirms this 
 wail ; for homo is from humus; man is of clay veritably ; 
 but he alone in the wide domain of organic life is conscious 
 of his limitation, it is from this gloom of vision that he 
 designates his own kind. 
 
 Many pages could be filled with transcriptions from 
 Greek thinkers, bitterly rejecting or censuring the Ho- 
 meric Olympus. A few must suffice. Of Pythagoras : 
 "They say that he (P.) having descended to Hades saw 
 the soul of Hesiod bound to a brazen pillar and screeching, 
 and that of Homer suspended from a tree and serpents
 
 72 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 about him in return for what they said about the gods " 
 (Suidas). Xenophanes of Kolophon, poet, thinker, rhap- 
 sode of his own verse (fl. ab. 540 B.C.): "But mortals 
 think that gods are born, and have their own faculty of 
 perception {i.e. men's) and voice and shape." "All those 
 things did Homer and Hesiod assign to the gods, whatever 
 among men is opprobrious and censurable ; to steal, to com- 
 mit adultery, and to deceive one another." " But, indeed, if 
 cattle or lions had hands, either to paint with hands or to 
 accomplish the precise works which men do, steeds would 
 design images resembling steeds, and the cattle like unto 
 cattle, and they would make bodies resembling precisely 
 the form which they themselves had" (Mullach, "Frag- 
 menta Philosophorum Graecorum," 1883, Vol. 1, pp. 101- 
 102). Plato repeatedly reverts to Homeric religion and 
 its intrinsic conflict with pure morality or with any re- 
 fined conception of the gods {e.g. in his " Republic," 2, 
 p. 379, c). 
 
 Clearly he charges Homer with the current religion of 
 actual Greece in his own day. Of this we may append 
 an illustration or specific example : " The wandering beg- 
 gar-priests" ("Republic," 2, 364, b) going to the doors of 
 the rich persuade them that there is in their own posses- 
 sion a power provided by the gods, by means of sacrifices 
 and incantations, whether a sin has come from himself or 
 his ancestors, to heal it with pleasures or feasts and, if he 
 wishes to inflict any injury upon an enemy, with small 
 expenditure, to injure the just or the unjust." The cleav- 
 age here observable grew deeper in time. In vain did the 
 Stoics endeavor to make Stoics out of Homer and Hesiod, 
 viz., by allegorical interpretation (Cicero, "De Natura 
 Deorum," I, 41). But the people at large clearly were 
 unconcerned as to the assent or dissent of these illuminati, 
 and went on in these conceptions and in this religion. 
 
 Hesiod, the son of a Greek immigrant from JEolic 
 Asia Minor, is a very distinct personality, moving about 
 among the farmer folk and shepherds of Bceotia. It is
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 73 
 
 day there, but a humdrum day and a hard-working world 
 of peace and small things. 
 
 The Homeric epics are essentially made and consum- 
 mated before his day. Hesiod deliberately strove to sys- 
 tematize the religion of Homer and that world. Likewise 
 he strove for some refinement of the morality of Zeus and 
 his court. Not very effectively. For as he told the tale 
 also of the rare and radiant local heroines, he could not 
 do aught but iterate the amatory passions of the god of 
 light. 
 
 Hesiod was indefatigable as a nomenclator. But I deem 
 it wasted labor to tread after scholars like Schoemann and 
 turn over his muse-names, his names of the fifty daughters 
 of Nereus the Seagod; the luxuriant faculty of the Greek 
 tongue is charmingly revealed (Theogony, 240 <?<?.); or 
 again, in the enumeration of the daughters of Okeanos, 
 346 sqq., beating very thin the poetical gold of popular 
 tradition. 
 
 Thus the vapory mists were fixed as on a drop curtain, 
 fixed, I say, but as unsubstantial as such a painting : the 
 recurrent life and order of this nature teeming with fig- 
 ures. But Hesiod dovetails into this fabric a whole world 
 also of human concerns and human woes and human expe- 
 rience. How readily and smoothly does he append to his 
 primeval Night the kindred abstractions of Fate and of 
 Death, of Sleep and Dreams, and of Discord, of Toil, of 
 Hunger, of Griefs ("Theog.," 211 ^.). 
 
 Clearly the farmer and the shepherd has been badly 
 treated by his brother Perses, who has bribed the 
 " Kings," the local aristocracy who had jurisdiction. The 
 poorly rewarded toil of his lot, and a bitter and pessimis- 
 tic view of women, particularly, are salient features in his 
 "Works and Days." 
 
 He transmits to us the popular legend of Prometheus, 
 and of the steady decadence in the successive generations 
 of men. The familiar descent from the Golden Age to the 
 present, the wretched Iron Age, is related (" Works and 
 Days," 109 ^.). (That " Golden Age " differs not much 
 from Homer's description of the Phseacians, their life
 
 74 TESTIMONIUM ANIMUS 
 
 and their land.) It was under Kronos, in a cosmic order 
 preceding that which we know. " Like gods they lived, 
 having a spirit void of grief, without toils and lamenta- 
 tions ; nor was wretched old age associated with them, 
 but always like as to feet and hands they lived a life of 
 enjoyment in banquets, beyond the reach of all evils ; and 
 they would die as overcome by sleep ; all fine things had 
 they ; fruit bore the wheat-giving land of itself plenteous 
 and abundant . . ." and so forth, in a gloomier and 
 gloomier decrescendo. We notice further, how Hesiod 
 furnishes forth and provides a world of spirits and of 
 intermediate beings, from the spirits of these more blessed 
 earth dwellers of old : spirits " on earth, guardians of mor- 
 tal men, givers of wealth." This crude first philosophy 
 of history is, however, inconsistent in one point : a race of 
 mighty men of war (temporarily) checked (as they lived 
 and fought) this otherwise irresistible decline. 
 
 " The divine race of heroes who are called half -gods, a 
 former race on the unlimited earth; " those who fought 
 against Thebes, those who made war on Troy. And these 
 have their particular reward : they dwell, without any 
 care or sorrow, on the Isles of the Blessed (W. and D., v. 
 171), along the deep-whirling Okeanos, " rich heroes, to 
 whom pleasant fruit blossoming three times in the year 
 bears the grain-giving field." Let us observe all this a 
 little more closely. Simple and childlike is this belief : 
 that the mighty men of war have assigned them a para- 
 dise. Why? Because all Greeks are proud of them. And 
 the gods are essentially national; they are all-powerful, 
 but they reward Greek heroes for being heroes, primarily 
 for being Greek heroes. This is the beginning of Greek 
 hero-worship. The moral puzzle remains how gods were 
 held as gods whose favor and sway was after all so cir- 
 cumscribed, whose concerns were so limited. And this 
 admission of men-made gods and nation-made deities did 
 not at all lead them to doubt or distrust. 
 
 Religion was essentially national or ethnical, and the 
 notion of a revelation or of a deeper authority or guar- 
 antee troubled them not. The fact that they, the Greeks,
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 75 
 
 lived and flourished was to them intrinsically a living 
 guarantee, stronger than any academic demonstration or 
 philosophical proof. And when they saw, later on, the 
 religion of other nations, as when Herodotus, e.g., trav- 
 elled in Egypt, they had no doubt of a national correla- 
 tion of the divinities of the Nile, a correlation to the 
 Egyptian nation in no wise less genuine, actual, and 
 effective, than the Hellenic Olympus held for the Hel- 
 lenic nation. 
 
 There is not the faintest trace of a desire to win pros- 
 elytes ; nay, the prevailing sentiment is one of utter 
 contentedness and even exclusiveness. This is our way, 
 this is ancestral, this is bound up with glorious traditions. 
 The Persians, the Phoenicians, the Egyptians, have their 
 own ways, which concern us no more than their food or 
 dress, or their mode of giving in marriage, or burying 
 their dead. 
 
 But to return to the Heliconian farmer and shepherd. 
 These times, our times are evil : where might is right, 
 where the hawk despoils the nightingale at will (202 
 sqq.^). This is the Iron Age (v. 176 sqq.): neither in the 
 daytime do men cease from toil and woe, nor at night do 
 they pause in their experience of perishing. Infidelity 
 is common in marriage and children dishonor their own 
 parents as they grow old. Violence and perjury prevail. 
 Envy is everywhere. Aidds (the delicate shunning of 
 evil) and Nemesis (the suum cuique in the dealings of 
 men) have left the abodes of men and sought refuge 
 among the Olympians. How gray and gloomy is this 
 life, then. Twice did the knowing husbandman of Askra 
 work into his verse the national legend of Prometheus, 
 so close was his affinity for it. That men have some fair 
 measure of civilization, the very possession of Fire, that 
 mighty and universal instrument to better this poor life of 
 man on the earth: it has come to man, not at all through 
 the mercy or bounty of Zeus, but against his will. Pro- 
 metheus (fore-counsel, fore-thinker) secretly filched it 
 from the abode of the Gods and brought it to men. The
 
 76 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 gods then begrudge to men the prime agency for better- 
 ing their life and lot : their own exclusive privileges are 
 trespassed upon by Titan's son : men assimilate them- 
 selves unduly to those beings who are essentially their 
 betters, but who cherish and desire to maintain their own 
 superiority and men's inferiority. Such gods are feared : 
 they cannot be loved. 
 
 As to the bitter and gloomy delineation by Hesiod of 
 the estate of marriage, of celibacy and fatherhood we have 
 reason to surmise, that the Heliconian had personal expe- 
 riences that colored unfavorably his general abstractions 
 and led him to the cheerless views which he takes of 
 women and children, the former being for him, in the 
 main, drones in the hive ("Theog.," v. 595). It is a 
 narrow horizon. 
 
 In the latter part of the " Works and Days " we have 
 the odd blending of wisdom and folly, of hard sense and 
 superstition, of experience and folklore beliefs. We learn 
 when work must be done, and how it must be done in 
 order to be profitable and productive a farmer's alma- 
 nac and also the earliest exposition of the homely cycle 
 of semi-religious fancies growing into the souls of men 
 out of his worship of Nature. Marriage and offspring 
 are treated ("Works," 695 sqq.^) in the main as a matter of 
 husbandry and domestic economy: the moral aspect of 
 all these things is not at all conspicuous. 
 
 The essence of these earlier records of Greek supersti- 
 tion is an obvious symbolism, e,g. do not beget children 
 when you have returned from a funeral, but when you 
 have come from a sacrificial banquet. Do not cross 
 rivers on foot before you have prayed, looking into the 
 current, and washed your hands with clear water. Simi- 
 larly is the Sun honored. As to the variety of days, good 
 and bad, we must limit ourselves here to a small number 
 of illustrations : the sixteenth day of the month (v. 782) 
 is very profitable for plants : it is not a good day for 
 birth or marriage. The seventh day of the month is a 
 sacred day : on this day Apollo was born by Leto. It 
 is bad for a girl baby to be born on the sixth of the
 
 GODS AND MEN IN HOMER AND HESIOD 77 
 
 month ; but a good day for the gelding of kids and 
 young rams. 
 
 The ninth is a favorable day for the birth of girl or boy. 
 Few know that the twenty-ninth of the month is the best 
 day for launching a ship. The fourth is the best day to 
 bring the new bride into your own home. On the whole 
 there was much dependent on personal and on individual 
 experience : " One praises one kind of day and the other 
 another, but few know" "Sometimes a day is a step- 
 mother and sometimes a mother." The "discrimination 
 of birds " (v. 801) is a subject upon which I cannot enter 
 here in detail. Suffice it to say that Bird and Omen, both 
 in Homer and in Hesiod, are veritably interchangeable 
 terms. These particular birds, however ( Oi6n6&), are the 
 great ones, eagles, vultures, kites, hawks, who soar and 
 float in the ether, and are thus "co-dwellers with the 
 gods." On the whole we feel that these tenets and ten- 
 dencies mark the religion of the Greek people, a congeries 
 of usages bound up with worship and observation of this 
 nature in which men live and have their being, the mo- 
 tives being in the main comprehensible as residing within 
 the categories of profit and loss. 
 
 NOTE. This book is intended neither to be a further antiquarian 
 book nor a bibliographical index. Such accumulation has come to be 
 quite an academic fad, and utterly fictitious as to serious value. 
 Particularly is this so when dished out (from the card catalogues of 
 modern well-stocked libraries, like that of Columbia University, in 
 New York, e.g.) upon the unsuspecting and somewhat remote reader ; 
 particularly by some youth who in a year or two desires to attain 
 distinction as a "scholar." I shall, then, append (for those who 
 wish to pursue the subject further) the names of only a few books or 
 of their authors. 
 
 In America, Professor Seymour of Yale, taken from us since I first 
 wrote this, has pursued Homeric studies with more consistent devo- 
 tion than any other classicist. Of Hesiod the hundred years or more 
 of American classicism have not, if I am not mistaken, produced a 
 single edition. The most eminent student of Hesiod in Europe 
 during the nineteenth century, in my opinion, was Georg Friedrich 
 Schoemann of Greifswald (1793-1879). His discussion of Greek 
 Religion (in Vol. 2 of his " Griechische Alterthiimer," Berlin, 3d ed., 
 1873) remains the sanest and soundest treatise known to me. Schoe-
 
 78 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 maun had a profound aversion to inject into remote data any current 
 academic notions or categories of speculation. The " Scholia " on 
 Homer's Iliad, precious remnants of the best learning of the Greek 
 world itself, are available now especially in the Oxford edition by 
 Wilhelm Dindorf, 1875-1877. From these relics of the past, infinitely 
 better than from any modern edition, can we realize the tremendous 
 import of Homer for the Grecian world. Unchanged by any later 
 book is the value of C. Fr. Naegelsbach, Homerische Theologie, Niirn- 
 berg, first edition 1840, and later editions. This great and noble 
 scholar had at bottom the vision of St. Paul, of antiquity groping 
 after truth. Of English scholars, I mention Gladstone's "Juventus 
 Mundi" " the Gods and Men of the Heroic Age" published by him at 
 fifty-eight or so, 1868. 
 
 For mere knowledge of data and spirit of ancient myths, Preller 
 remains notable. The Mythological Cyclopedia of W. H. Roscher, 
 " A usfahrliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Romischen Mythologie" 
 1884 sqq., is well known. It is a sweeping together of every shred 
 or grain without any regard as to intrinsic value or weight. Anti- 
 quarian and sesthetical interests dominate here : many of the collabo- 
 rators are morally obtuse and suffer from a certain strabismus. If 
 it had not been for the wonderful dexterity and noble perfection of 
 Greek sculpture, most of that detail would be, to the last degree, 
 vapid and without importance. There is an unctuous and devout 
 tone in many of these writers, which tone, considering the essential 
 futility of their lucubrations, is quite amusing. I conclude this note 
 with a passage of Quintilian, who lived so much nearer to, nay, m the 
 bliss of both legends and art works (I, 8, 18) : " For to pursue in 
 detail (persequi) what every individual person, at any time, of those 
 absolutely unworthy of any consideration, has said, is the mark 
 either of excessive wretchedness or of empty boastfulness, and re- 
 tards or smothers the native abilities (of young students) which were 
 better devoted to other things." My second chapter has, I flatter 
 myself, put the Golden Age of the Humanists into soberer illumina- 
 tion. It is simply absurd to claim that you cannot get too much of 
 this culture. How much insincere pretence is still bound up with 
 this academic attitude 1
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. JESO? 
 
 IN the century or more preceding the Persian wars 
 a popular philosophy gained wide currency among the 
 Greeks, which they attached to definite men of their own 
 speech, mainly men of practical life and public service. 
 The currency of any form of wisdom demands our re- 
 spectful attention. Let us see what the Seven Wise Men 
 really were. 
 
 A Canonic number is more quickly established than are 
 the canonic qualifications for intellectual and moral leader- 
 ship. Of course and obviously the Seven never met. But 
 the Greek people loved to conceive all human goodness and 
 wisdom in some concrete and palpable human relation, of 
 descent or discipleship : here they had tales of banquets 
 or conferences, or of a splendid prize, a golden tripod, 
 which was sent from one to the other. That the names 
 of these Sages became dear to the Hellenes is honorable 
 to them. How did they become national figures ? After 
 all, the bright world of the ^Egean was in a state not of 
 lethargy but of incessant contact of its elements through 
 trade, through tale and gossip, but much more through 
 the local or regional or universal assemblies, a form of 
 non-political concourse which the Greeks called Pane- 
 gyris (All-gathering), where things Greek were born and 
 whence, I believe, they passed into common possession. 
 In the main, as I have already intimated, these were men 
 honored at home for public service or guidance. It was 
 this tried and tested character in the main that endowed 
 pithy sayings of theirs with so wide acceptation. No 
 efforts were here made to solve the great problems of life 
 and thought : any Greek could appropriate and absorb 
 the homely wisdom ascribed. It would be quite futile to 
 
 79
 
 80 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 waste effort on attempts to decipher and delineate indi- 
 vidual or racial character here. Greek national feeling 
 cherished these sayings and some were, in time, rendered 
 doubly famous by especial commemoration in what we 
 may call the Westminster Abbey of the Greek world, 
 the temple of Apollo at Delphi. Thus Pausanias, the 
 travelling antiquarian of Hadrian's time and of the An- 
 tonines, reports (book 10, 24, 1) : " In the pronaos (fore- 
 temple) at Delphi there are written beneficial sayings 
 bearing on human life : they were written by (i.e. the 
 authors are) men who the Greeks say were wise. These 
 were, of Ionia, Tholes of Miletus and Bias of Priene, of 
 the ^Eolians in Lesbos, Pittakos of Mitylene, of the Dorians 
 in Asia, Kleobulos of Lindos (Rhodes), and Solon of Athens 
 and Ohilon of Sparta. As for the Seventh, Plato the son 
 of Ariston has enumerated" (in his " Protagoras," 343, 
 a) : "instead of Periander son of Kypselos, My son of 
 Chenai. ..." "These men then came to Delphi and 
 dedicated to Apollo the ever quoted sayings : ' Know 
 Thyself and ' Overdo Nothing.' r Periander, the autocrat 
 of Corinth and patron of the poet Arion, Periander, I say, 
 was by the current judgment of Greece enrolled with the 
 Seven, and so too by Plutarch in his dramatized essay. 
 The Seven were, in short, honored for their wit and 
 wisdom: no standard of moral or political perfection was 
 exacted of them by the consciousness of that earlier 
 Greece. The main thing then for us is to observe that 
 the Greeks laid aside the extreme clannishness and the 
 petty and mortal jealousy which ordinarily vitiated their 
 political life and made their peculiar failure of political 
 neighborliness. 
 
 Nearest to exact habits of scientific observation and of 
 physical speculation was Thales, whom Greek tradition 
 made journey in the famous Kingdom of the Pharaohs in 
 quest of science and wisdom. 
 
 What then were the sayings which the Greek spirit 
 prized so much ? " Money, money makes the man : no 
 poor man can attain eminence." As a mere convenience 
 of tradition, I shall ascribe names as they are transmitted
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. J3SOP 81 
 
 in the compilation of Diogenes Laertius, I. (It is purely 
 an antiquarian matter and of exceptional futility to try to 
 do more.) 
 
 Of Thales : " Not many words display sensible opinion. 
 Some one wise thing search for, some one precious thing 
 choose thou ; for (thus) you will stop the unlimited talk- 
 ing tongues of babbling men." " The most ancient of ex- 
 isting beings is God, for he is unborn. The fairest is the 
 Universe, for it is the work of God. Greatest thing is 
 Space, for it holds all things. Swiftest thing is the 
 Mind, for it runs through all. Strongest thing is Ne- 
 cessity, for it has power over all. Wisest thing is Time, 
 for it finds out everything. ..." To Thales is ascribed 
 the saying that "everything was full of gods" (Aris- 
 totle, " De Anima," I, 5) : an abstract axiom of the basis of 
 the popular polytheism of the Greeks, i.e. life is curi- 
 ously and mysteriously all-prevailing, a brief point only 
 away from the Pantheism which seems so obvious to the 
 soul that loses sight of the soul. Practical wisdom, how- 
 ever, will rarely concern itself with problems so profound, 
 with concerns so grave. Of Bias were cited the follow- 
 ing : " Be pleasing to all the citizens, in whatever common- 
 wealth thou tarriest ; for it has very great gratefulness ; 
 but Self-pleasing manner often flares out into harmful 
 woe." "Unfortunate is he on whose shoulders misfor- 
 tune is not laid." "It is difficult nobly to bear the 
 change for the worse." " It is a disease of the soul to be 
 in love with things impossible." " One should measure 
 life as though anticipating a long and a short span of 
 living." "One should love with the conviction that 
 sometime in the future the loved ones will hate you ; 
 for most men are evil." Being asked in what pursuit 
 man takes pleasure he answered : "In making a profit." 
 "Do not speak fast, for it betokens insanity." "Of the 
 gods say, that they are." "Whatever welfare thou hast, 
 ascribe it to the gods." "Do not praise an unworthy 
 man on account of his riches." "As thy travelling 
 money from youth to old age take with thyself wisdom ; 
 for this is more enduring than the other possessions."
 
 82 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 Even Heraclitus, the bitter-souled philosopher of Ephesus, 
 spoke appreciatively of Bias, and the people of Priene, 
 the city of Bias, consecrated an enclosure (re/iei/o?, tSmenos) 
 to his memory (Diogenes Laertius, I, c. 5). Of Kleobu- 
 los of Lindos in Rhodes, there were quoted : " When thou 
 bestowest thy daughters in marriage, they should be vir- 
 gins as to their growth, but women as to their sense." 
 " Bestow benefactions on thy friend that he be more thy 
 friend: as to thy enemy make him thy friend." "Do 
 not be tenderly attentive to your wife nor have a conten- 
 tion with her in the presence of strangers." "Do not 
 chastise a slave in the course of cups, for you will seem 
 to be drunk." "Measure is best." " Ignorance prevails 
 in the major part of mankind, and so goes prolixity of 
 speech." "Be a master of pleasure." "Love to hear 
 rather than to talk." "Educate your children." "Dis- 
 solve enmity," or as it was presented in a later iambic 
 form : " Educate thy children, understanding that by so 
 much is the wise man stronger than the untaught, as a 
 god is judged to differ from a mortal man." "When 
 prosperous be not haughty, do not grovel when you are 
 in trouble." " Marry from among your equals, for if you 
 take from your betters you will get yourself masters 
 instead of kinsmen." "Know how to bear bravely the 
 changes of fortune." 
 
 One of the greater personalities among the Seven was 
 Pittakos of Lesbos. About 608 (a little before the prime 
 of Solon) his fellow-citizens made him a kind of dictator 
 or arbitrator among the bitterly contending parties or fac- 
 tions of his native isle. The aristocracy had succumbed 
 to the vindictive fury of the suffering demos : a tyrant or 
 autocrat thus arose : him, it seems, Pittakos drove away. 
 To Aristotle's retrospect (" Analytica Priora" II, c. 27) 
 this patriotic statesman was the embodiment of the stren- 
 uous and energetic character: further, he was on the one 
 hand ambitious but no less liberty-loving : he was good, he 
 was wise. A man, in short, not much below the stature of 
 Solon: for he too had it in his power to appropriate the 
 supreme power : he chose not to do so. Or was it merely
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. ^SOP 83 
 
 in his lucid mind the wiser balancing of boons and of 
 evils. I for my part, profoundly impressed with the 
 essential evil in the moral groundwork of man, an im- 
 pression deepened by a wide observation of life and human 
 history, I for my part am cheerfully willing to emphasize 
 this political goodness. Some of the interlocutors in 
 Plato's " Gorgias " would have called him a fool : so would 
 he be in the ethical system, of the great Corsican. With 
 this noble patriotism and political disinterestedness there 
 was coupled in this Lesbian sage a practical knack for 
 enacting wise statutes, e.g. that the penalties imposed 
 upon tort committed in drunkenness should be twice as 
 large as those laid on the sober malefactor. The little 
 commonwealths of the Greeks made such moderation and 
 self-denial as that of Pitta kos doubly noteworthy because 
 death, exile, confiscation, were the ordinary phenomena 
 attending political victories or factional defeats : an up- 
 rooting of the very blessings of civilization and social 
 order. The unutterable bitterness of exile reminds one 
 of Daute and the factional fury of Florentine politics in 
 his day, but it exceeded this by far. He died, according 
 to Diogenes L., in 569 B.C., a centenarian, according to 
 repute. I excerpt a few of the apothegms ascribed to him 
 (e.g. by Stobseus, " Florilegium" 3. 79, 4) : " Remember 
 friends when present and absent." "Do not affect beauty 
 in thy outward appearance, but in thy pursuits be thou 
 comely." " Do not enrich thyself wrongly." " Inaction 
 is annoying." " Lack of learning is an oppressive matter." 
 " The sweetest thing is to realize a passionate desire." 
 " Teach and learn what is better." " Put thyself under 
 bonds : woe is at hand." " Do not hesitate to flatter your 
 parents." 
 
 The noblest saying assigned to him by Greek tradition T 
 is this : " Forgiveness is better than Remorse," this, 
 whether it accompanied the pardon of Pittakos freely 
 granted to the (unwitting) slayer of his own son, or whether 
 it was pronounced when he permitted his bitter political 
 enemy, the leader of the aristocratic faction, the poet 
 Alkaios (Alcseus), to go free : so Heraclitus alleged.
 
 84 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 The saying in the later case varied a little : " Forgiveness 
 is better than retribution." Cited also in Stobseus, "Flori- 
 legia," 19, 14. Simonides, a thoughtful and somewhat 
 dialectic poet of the Persian wars, criticised a famous say- 
 ing of Pittakos. It was in a victory-ode written for the 
 rich baron of Thessaly, Skopas. " 'Tis difficult to be 
 good," i.e. morally good, sound. 
 
 CMlon represented Sparta in the canonic Seven. We 
 must rest content with the pale data of Greek tradition. 
 Should we anticipate any particular manifestation of the 
 Doric or Doric-Spartan spirit we would probably be dis- 
 appointed. Of the nobler sayings cited as from him are 
 these: his gold test may come first (Diog. Laer, I, 71) : 
 " On the sharp edges of (certain) stones gold is tested, 
 giving a palpable proof ; and in the matter of gold the 
 mind of good men and of bad gives demonstration." The 
 Spartan spirit, perhaps. " Control thy tongue, especially 
 at a wine party." " Do not threaten any one: it is 
 womanish." " Do not speak ill of the dead." "Rather 
 choose loss than a base profit, for the one grieves you for 
 once, but the other^ forever." Behold, dear reader, the 
 simple, but transcendent gravity of conscience: "forever," 
 why " forever " ? Clearly here too Matthew Arnold's 
 "free play of intelligence" is inferior to righteousness: 
 it does not, in itself, beget righteousness. But the danger 
 and elusive problem in bringing up from the fragments of 
 tradition a fair statement of what actually was held and 
 honored, lies in the subjective sympathies and antipathies 
 of your scholar. The truth, here, lies between the Eng- 
 glish Radical and follower of James Mill, and believer in 
 the institution of democracy, George Grote on the one 
 side and Ernst Curtius on the other. A pupil of Welcker 
 and Otf ried Miiller, Ernst Curtius, has been called the last 
 of the Olympian victors. Particularly in his " Greek 
 History," II, 4 (" The Unity of Greece "), Curtius yields 
 himself up to that ecstatic idealization, which his own sub- 
 jective temperament has injected into the Hellenic world. 
 
 I return to Chilon. Other sayings are these : " Do 
 not speak ill of the dead." "Do not laugh at the un-
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. ^ESOP 85 
 
 fortunate." "Let your tongue not run ahead of your 
 mind." " When you are strong, be gentle, in order that 
 those near you may revere you more than fear you." In 
 his old age, so says the tradition, he once said that he was 
 not conscious of anything unlawful in his own life. But 
 he was doubtful about one thing. He was judge in the 
 case of a friend. When the time came for the verdict, he 
 himself gave it in accordance with the statute, but per- 
 suaded his fellow-judge to acquit the defendant: before 
 death then he regretted such a compromise. The person- 
 ality of Periander as one of the Seven is indeed a problem, 
 no less for Plato who refuses to recognize him as worthy 
 of a place among the Seven as for the modern student of 
 the spiritual elements in Greek civilization. It is indeed 
 
 guzzling that the Greeks should at all have assigned so 
 igh an honor to a personality of which their own records 
 told so much evil. Son of a successful autocrat of Corinth, 
 he reflected much on the best ways of managing such a 
 government. Periander ruled over Corinth forty-four years, 
 drawing the reins of government much more taut than his 
 father Kypselos had done (Aristotle, "Politics," 5, 12). 
 But he is charged with having caused the death of his 
 pregnant wife Melissa by a kick. Later he slew the con- 
 cubines through whose slandering insinuations he had been 
 induced to do the deed. Of acts involving the extremest 
 forms of sexual infamy I will say nothing : these reports 
 may be due to the bitter hatred which his hard govern- 
 ment and ruthless acts of spoliation had engendered in the 
 breasts of his Corinthian subjects. Vastly more than 
 Croesus might he have served Herodotus as the example 
 to illustrate the transitoriness of human happiness. 
 Plutarch indeed sets his banquet of the Seven Wise Men 
 at the very court of this prince, but, with a fair regard for 
 the fitness of things, he places it at a point in the career 
 of the Corinthian ruler preceding that chain of sin and 
 of woe. The Italian princes of the Renaissance could 
 furnish ample material for parallels, for which, however, 
 we have no space. Aristotle rates him with the Seven, 
 maintaining herein, it seems, the prevailing voice of the
 
 86 TESTIMONIUM AKIALE 
 
 popular Greek tradition. To him were ascribed, e.g., 
 "It is difficult to please all." "Pleasures are perish- 
 able, honors immortal." "Do nothing for the sake of 
 money." He is said to have died from grief at baffled 
 revenge. 
 
 The greatest name among the Seven is that borne by 
 Solon of Athens, whom his countrymen soon canonized. 
 Aristotle's specific account of the history of the Athenian 
 government (one of his numerous monographs on specific 
 city commonwealths, first published in 1891 by Kenyon) 
 has added much to our previous knowledge. A patriotic 
 Athenian, impatient of any stain or humiliation of the 
 fair fame of Athens even in his earlier manhood, he served 
 her in her greatest need. In so small a commonwealth, 
 with so narrow opportunities of livelihood, the lot of the 
 poorer citizens, of tenants and other humble people of 
 Attica, had become deplorable. The bitterness and tension 
 had reached a point where internecine strife and civil 
 disruption seemed truly imminent. Here Solon as an 
 extraordinary commissioner (while nominally the first one 
 of the Nine "Archons") revised the form of government, 
 facilitated a settlement of hopeless debt troubles, not only 
 by reducing the value of the monetary standard of Athens, 
 but also by bearing a personal loss of seven talents. 
 
 From his earlier manhood Solon was wont to compose 
 practical poetry, in the current form of the Elegiac two- 
 line form, the " distich." In that earlier portion, how- 
 ever, Solon also sung of love. Comprehensive word, this. 
 I am grieved to say with all plainness that the " love " of 
 these poems was as vile and gross as the current form of 
 Greek vice. Plutarch ("Erotikoa" c. 5) cites the lines with 
 apologetic comment. I cannot well omit them. " In the 
 lovely blossoms of youth thou wilt love boys, yearning 
 for thighs and sweet lips." Let us credit Plutarch at least 
 when, proceeding, he refers to all this as an association 
 contrary to nature (napa <v<nz>). The passage just cited, 
 then, Plutarch charges to Solon's young manhood : the 
 following he thinks were composed by him when advanced 
 somewhat : " The deeds of the goddess born in Cyprus
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. ^SOP 87 
 
 are now pleasing to me, and those of the wine-god and 
 those of the Muses who cause good cheer to men." Solon, 
 I say, wrote both. And Apuleius of Madaura, a pagan 
 rhetor of Africa (fl. 170 A.D.), refers to the first citation 
 as versus lascivissimus, in spite of which Solon was a 
 "serious man, severe, and a philosopher." One might 
 refer to this unspeakable vice as the very worm which 
 under the bright and beautiful surface was destroying the 
 very core and kernel of Greece. Whether the successive 
 philosophies accomplished anything for betterment here, 
 we will see later on. I shall not devote any specific treat- 
 ment to this awful and persistent matter (in my book). 
 Plutarch may fairly be described as one of the earlier 
 classicists, who strove to idealize and nobly illumine the 
 greater figures of the Hellenic past. But, with all this, 
 his vision of " Greekdom " was vastly truer than that of 
 Winckelmann, Goethe, Walter Pater, and the remaining 
 ecstatic members of the choir innumerable. I say I shall 
 not build any one chapter of my book that it may be a 
 charnel house. Still I will so far digress at this particular 
 point as to cite significant words not indeed from St. Paul, 
 but from this same Philhellene, Plutarch of Chaeronea, 
 from his discourse on Love ("Erotikos," 9). " Only the 
 other day " (so to speak) " subsequent to the stripping 
 of lads and the baring of their persons Love slipped into 
 the gymnasia and gaining association imperceptibly and 
 working its way in, then little by little in the wrestling 
 schools having grown feathers (a Platonic reminiscence 
 of Plutarch) in the wrestling schools, is no longer re- 
 strainable, but it abuses and treats with contumely that 
 connubial love. ..." 
 
 As for the rest, Solon, in his famous code of 594 B.C., 
 had a statute forbidding a pornus (male prostitute) to 
 address his fellow-citizens, to speak in public at all, thus 
 branding him with that civil infamy which was the chief 
 deterrent from evil doing in the commonwealths of Greece, 
 there being no religious or philosophic system of morality 
 (cf. Diogenes Laertius, I, 55). To realize this is espe- 
 cially difficult for the modern reader. A few other data
 
 88 TESTIMONIUM ANIM^E 
 
 from his code noteworthy to us here are these : " If one 
 does not support his parents, he shall be wilfully infamous. 
 So also shall he be who consumes his patrimony." Infamy 
 also was laid upon him who remained neutral in the time 
 of civil feud or, as they called it, " Stasis," when two parties 
 actually rose against each other. (Aristotle, on the 
 " Grovernment of Athens " c. 8.) On the whole, he reaped 
 small thanks from the rich as well as from the poor and 
 had to be content with the consciousness of having achieved 
 the political salvation of his own commonwealth. With 
 that noble endowment for reflection and searching after 
 underlying causes a gift, I say, more possessed by the 
 Attic people than the other Greeks thus then Solon too, 
 in his maturity of achievement and service, refers to the 
 moral consequences of excessive wealth : " for surfeit in- 
 solence begets, when great wealth goes with those men 
 whose mind is not fair" (Aristotle, ib., c. 12). His politi- 
 cal wisdom and rare penetration of judgment might be 
 further illustrated, but let us rather turn to the most 
 significant utterance of this man of affairs preserved for 
 us in Stobaeus, " Florilegium" 9, 25, which that noted com- 
 piler transcribed under the caption of " Righteousness '* 
 (SucoKHTvvrf). I append my version : " Ye bright children 
 of Memory and Olympian Zeus, Pierian Muses, hear ye 
 my prayer. Give me prosperity from the blissful gods 
 and from all men always to have good repute. And that 
 I may be thus sweet to my friends* but bitter to my enemies : 
 to the former an object of reverence to behold, but awful to 
 look upon for the others. Money I eagerly desire to have, 
 but unjustly to possess it I will not ; at all events later 
 comes retribution. Wealth, which the gods give, comes 
 into the possession of man (as wealth) enduring, from the 
 lowest root to the top : but he, whom men honor under 
 the spur of insolence, he walks not in orderly fashion, but 
 then follows the persuasion of evil deeds, against his (better) 
 will; and swiftly baneful ruin is intermingled. 
 
 " A beginning comes from a little like a grain of wheat : 
 paltry at first, but it ends with distress : for not long for mor- 
 tals endure the deeds of insolence. But Zeus looks at the
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. ^SOP 89 
 
 end of all, and abruptly, as the wind suddenly scatters clouds 
 in springtime, a wind which first moves the very ground 
 waters of the billowy barren sea, and then, over the wheat- 
 bearing earth ravages the fair tilling of men, and then 
 arrives at the steep vault of heaven, abode of the gods, 
 and makes one behold the cloudless blue again: and the 
 power of the sun shines fair over the fruitful earth, but of 
 clouds there is nothing more to see : such is the retribution 
 of Zeus, nor at each individual occurrence like a mortal man 
 does he become filled with sharp anger; but not always to 
 the very end does he escape his attention who has a sinful 
 spirit, and utterly is it revealed at the end; but one suffers 
 retribution at once, another later; but if they escape them- 
 selves and the fate of the gods does not pursue and over- 
 take them, by all means it will come again another time; 
 guiltless men suffer retribution for the deeds, or their chil- 
 dren or their race farther on. Now we mortals thus think 
 both good and the evil one holds the opinion that he him- 
 self will find one (advantage?) before suffering anything; 
 but then (when stricken) immediately he wails; up to this 
 point gaping we are rejoiced by empty hopes. And who- 
 soever is oppressed under troublesome diseases, how he will 
 be well, this he deeply devises; but if one lives in penury, 
 and the works of poverty force him, his thought is that by all 
 means he will acquire much money. One strives from this 
 starting point, the other from that : the one roves over the 
 sea, the deep, rich in fishes, desiring to convey home in 
 ships his grain, carried along by troublesome winds, in no 
 wise sparing his soul; another, tilling the earth rich in 
 trees, for a year does he play the serf, of those to whom 
 the curved ploughshares are a care; another, knowing the 
 accomplishments of Athena and of Hephaistos rich in 
 craft, with his two hands gathers a living; another, taught 
 endowments (that come) from the Olympian Muses, know- 
 ing measure of lovely wisdom; another has been made a 
 soothsayer by the lord the far-shooting Apollo, and discerns 
 the evil coming to man, from afar off, whom ever (i.e. the 
 soothsayer) the gods attend on; as for that which is fated 
 neither any bird will fend it off, nor sacrifices. Others are
 
 90 TESTIMONIUM ANIMJ3 
 
 they who hold the achievement of Paion rich in remedies, 
 the physicians; and on them attends no consummation. 
 Often from a small smart a great pain results and one cannot 
 remove it by giving soothing remedies. But him who is 
 disturbed with evil and troublesome diseases, taking hold of 
 him with his two hands speedily he renders sound. Moira 
 (Fate) brings to mortals both good and evil; but the gifts 
 of the immortal gods one cannot escape from. 
 
 " Upon all works does risk attend : nor does any one know 
 how it will be when the affair is beginning; but he who 
 attempts to do it well, falls into great and heavy woe, and 
 to him who does badly, a deity (#eo?) in all matters 
 grants good fortune a delivery from foolishness. Of 
 wealth no stated limit is established for men; for those of 
 us who now have the amplest living, strive hard with twofold 
 earnestness. Who can satiate all? Gain do the immor- 
 tal bestow upon mortals, but baneful ruin (from gain) 
 raises its head: which, whenever Zeus sends to avenge, 
 one man suffers it now, another suffers it then." 
 
 A kind of searching after some divine order: but a 
 grave admission that is by no means discoverable in the 
 way men fare : for the essence of Moira is, that it is in- 
 computable and incalculable: it would seem akin to him 
 to blind whim. We see, however, amply enough, that 
 the sage, as he looks out upon actual life, and the varied 
 pursuits of men, lays stress on the absolute helplessness 
 of man and also expresses his belief in a divine retribution 
 of wrong. The gravest sentiments I have made more 
 striking to the eye of my readers. 
 
 As a kind of foreign member of this famous assemblage 
 of Sages, the Greeks were fond of placing Anacharsis the 
 Scythian. Even Homer has an admiring conception of 
 the " excellent milkers of mares " of the North, trans- 
 danubian Nomads, whose communal mode of living made 
 a strong impression upon the Greek world: the lack of 
 squabbles about profit and loss, the contentment with 
 their simple existence, especially however the rigid ex-
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. ^SOP 91 
 
 elusion of material luxury, which latter breeds so much 
 of economic and of moral evil among the sons of men 
 all these things invested these rude barbarians with a 
 glamour, which we may fairly compare with that dogmatic 
 veneration bestowed upon the so-called children of Nature 
 by Rousseau and all thinkers kin to him. The estimation 
 in which the Romans in their decline, e.g. Tacitus, held 
 the Germans, may likewise be fitly adduced. These 
 Scythians, by the by, are considered by the experts to 
 have been of the great Mongolian race. A queer and 
 rare phenomenon to the Greeks then was the above-men- 
 tioned Anacharsis, who came among the Greeks to learn 
 of their culture and civilization. The Greek Cynics 
 of later times made him a kind of saint in their particular 
 cult, an advocate of the simple life. As the tradition is 
 presented to us in Diogenes Laertius, I, 101, he came 
 to Athens in 592 B.C., in Solon's day. Of that eminent 
 man- he requested to be made a guest-friend, although the 
 Attic sage asserted that such relations were possible only 
 in one's own land. But he, the Northern stranger, pro- 
 fessed himself a citizen of the world. The furious onset of 
 Greek athletes, and their bruising strokes, they say, made 
 him pause in wonder. The use of wine, the mendacity 
 of trading, the risks of navigation, and other forms of 
 civilization he considered foolish, or evil. 
 
 Even more faint and vague is the personality of ^Esop, 
 embodiment of the practical wisdom of human experience. 
 The item alone that he was once the slave of ladmon of 
 Ephesus, seems to be widely established in ancient tradi- 
 tion: a Phrygian perhaps. Plutarch gives him a foot- 
 stool in the august company of the Seven Sages. As to 
 the philosophy or literary theory of the Fable, the keen 
 mind of Lessing has disposed of these things decisively. 
 We notice the wonderful receptivity and assimilative dis- 
 position of the Greeks for this homely philosophy, in 
 which the folly and wrong-doing of mankind are marked 
 and mirrored. It is obvious that so germane a sphere 
 and substance of human wisdom was ever increased. The 
 nimble-witted and nimble-tongued Athenians ever im-
 
 92 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 provised freely in this realm: for the fixity of detailed 
 symbolism, where each beast had a well-established 
 meaning made for continual employment, the tendency 
 of the human soul to endow non-human and non-spiritual 
 things, beings, beasts, with moral and spiritual meaning, 
 all this is well illustrated. The general, the prevailing 
 and ever recurrent type of human folly or error or sin is 
 exemplified: at bottom we see the abstractions of human 
 life, and the experience of mankind. The individual 
 is lost, and universal conviction settles down as it were 
 into palpable and permanent moulds. Large indeed 
 is the range of this symbolism. There figures a start- 
 ling array of beasts: the eagle, the nightingale, goat, 
 weasel, the cock and hen, fox, bear, frog, ox, crane, owl, 
 pig, gazelle, stag, elephant, heron, viper, tortoise, mule, 
 tunnyfish, gull, horse, camel, ape, dungbeetle, crab, 
 beaver, donkey, jackdaw, cuckoo, raven, dove, swan, dog, 
 dolphin, gnat, hare, lion, wolf, bee, ant, mouse, hind, bat, 
 wild ass, panther, quail, ostrich, steer, peacock, cicada, 
 hyena, watersnake, toad, swallow, goose, parrot, flea. 
 But gods and men too appear, nor are trees lacking. 
 Personifications even serve, such as Pleasure and Virtue. 
 The homely world is thus endowed with a kind of spiritual 
 significance. 
 
 This morality in the main is of the utilitarian order, and 
 the wisdom is that of deeper and better fathomed self- 
 interest. These tales entertain children, but they were 
 all of them devised for the sake of the moral. Many of 
 them have become the possession of mankind, as, e.g., 
 the country mouse and the town mouse, the donkey in 
 the lion's skin, the false cry of " wolf," the bag with alien 
 faults to the fore and our own unseen, the peasant's sons, 
 who could not break the bundle of sticks, the two women 
 picking the dark and the gray hairs from the head of 
 their lover, the stag admiring his antlers but holding 
 his fleet legs in slight esteem, how the steed purchased 
 its own servitude, the oak destroyed and the swaying 
 reed surviving the hurricane, the dog in the manger, the 
 dog swimming across the stream and carrying meat. In
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. ^ESOP 93 
 
 the main these fables cry out in monitory fashion : " Do 
 not! " And so, as in the German epic of Reineke JFuchs, 
 the fox is the deepest, the resourcef ulest, it must be 
 added, the most prosperous, exponent of mendacity and 
 intrigue: a bitter tone of resignation is there in this 
 condemnation of actual human society. Negative and 
 condemnatory are almost all of these fables. Thus many 
 lead up to what we may call the Hellenic virtue of Modera- 
 tion, Saneness, Knowledge of one's limitations (/ZCT/JIO'TTJ?, 
 vafypovvvif) . A number of these Apologues deal with 
 the practical, current religion of the people. A poor 
 man (No. 58, Halm) suffering from disease vows a heca- 
 tomb to the gods if he recover. He regains his health, 
 but pays his vow in little oxen formed of tallow. There- 
 upon the gods send him a dream: he is to go to the 
 strand and find a thousand gold pieces. Hurrying hither 
 he is carried away by pirates who sell him for a thousand 
 drachmas. 
 
 A poor man has a wooden god, to which (or should I 
 say to whom) he prays in vain for benefaction. In a fit 
 of anger the worshipper dashes it to pieces against the 
 wall. The head breaks off and gold rolls forth. The 
 man shouts: " Tortuous art thou and unreasonable: when 
 I honored thee thou gavest me no benefaction, but when 
 I struck thee, thou didst reward me with many bless- 
 ings" (No. 66). 
 
 A master is smitten (No. 73) with an ugly slave girl, 
 and the latter, loaded with gold and purple, defies the 
 mistress of the house, and also sacrifices, vows and prays 
 to Aphrodite who wrought all this. But the goddess, 
 appearing to her votary in a dream, tells her: "Not have 
 I made thee comely, but I have perverted thy master's 
 mind in my anger." 
 
 A carter (81) had the misfortune of having his cart 
 tumble into a ravine. The carter stood by idly, praying 
 to Hercules for aid. But the god appeared and said: 
 " Take hold of your wheels and prod your oxen, and then 
 pray to the god, when you too do something." 
 
 A farmer's hoe was stolen and- he determined to put
 
 94 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 under oath those whom he suspected. But as he deemed 
 the rustic gods too simple he determined to hie himself to 
 town, the urban deities being shrewder. But barely had 
 they entered the gates when they heard the voice of a 
 herald proclaiming a reward for the capture of the thief 
 who had robbed the god. The swain then said : " I come 
 for nought, I see, for this god knows not who filched 
 from him!" (91). 
 
 A peasant a-digging finds a piece of gold and daily puts 
 a garland around Rhea's (Demeter's) idol. But Fortune 
 appears to him and chiding him for the false turn of his 
 gratitude, says : " If this gold should escape from your 
 possession, then indeed you would blame Fortune! " (101). 
 
 A sorceress made a good living by offering incantations 
 concerned with the ill will of the gods. She is haled into 
 court as an innovator of religion and condemned to death. 
 A person who saw her in court addressed her thus: "You 
 professed to have the power of turning the anger of the 
 gods : why were you not able to persuade mere 
 men ? " (112). 
 
 Zeus enjoined upon Hermes the task of administering 
 a dram to all craftsmen. The god of Cunning did so 
 and came last of all to the cobbler. The remnant of the 
 potion was very large, but it was all given to the worker 
 of the last. And so it came about that the craftsmen all 
 do lie, but most of all the shoemakers (136). 
 
 Zeus ordained that Hermes should write the sins of 
 men on shells and place them in a chest near him in order 
 that he might exact the penalties of each. But inasmuch 
 as the shells have been utterly jumbled together, some 
 shells fall more slowly and some more swiftly into the 
 hands of Zeus (152). 
 
 A man had a demigod (heros) in his house and made it 
 his business to sacrifice to this one in a costly fashion: as 
 he was consuming his fortune, the demigod stepped to 
 his side by night and said: " My good man, stop wasting 
 your substance, for if you drain all, in the end you will 
 blame me" (161). 
 
 A raven, caught in a snare, prayed to Apollo, promising
 
 THE SEVEN WISE MEN. .ESOP 95 
 
 to sacrifice incense to him. But, having been saved from 
 the danger, he forgot his promise. And again, caught by 
 another snare, letting go Apollo he promised to sacrifice 
 to Hermes. And the latter said to him: "You scoundrel, 
 how can I trust you who denied and wronged your former 
 master ? " 
 
 Interesting sidelights these, affording glimpses of the 
 actual religiosity of the Greek people, mainly of the 
 order: I give that thou mayest give. 
 
 A few, only a few of these fables, are positive and noble 
 in spirit, pointing to laws that are categorical, absolute, 
 or eternal. The morality is utilitarian, self-interest well 
 understood. 
 
 But these homely forms of literature made of a people 
 in successive ages, symbolizing the shrug of the shoulder 
 and the bitter sneer, are endowed with that curious force- 
 fulness of actuality. 
 
 The jEsopean fable was not inaptly made the chief 
 theme for the preparatory exercises in the schools of the 
 Hellenic world, where the future orator and pleader was 
 prepared for his professional life.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 
 
 RHYTHM and Melody, chant and footfall, have passed 
 beyond the vapor of the Nevermore here : and nowhere, in 
 the main, is there more insincerity in the conventional 
 ecstasy of the professional classicist than in dealing with 
 these fragments of ancient tradition. 
 
 More than elsewhere, in passing among these remnants, 
 are we compelled to be content with gleam and rarer ray, 
 and even the strength of a Pindar is as numb and remote. 
 
 The measure of the Elegy, with its unit of the proud 
 hexameter joined to its truncated epodic brother, formed 
 a field quite different from this, its epic sire, the proud 
 measure of the banquet hall and of the listening multi- 
 tudes. Thought, reflection, truth, and maxim, as well as 
 the knell of death and the setting forth of the worth of 
 the departed, all this and more found expression in the 
 Elegiac distich. 
 
 Solon we have discussed above, and now shall first take 
 up some of his fellow-writers of this measure. Mimnermos 
 of Kolophon (fl. ab. 600 B.C.) presents that ever familiar 
 view of life, the worth of which passes when youth and 
 comeliness depart. It was the time when Ionian towns 
 submitted to the conquest of the Lydian kings, when 
 there ensued much interfusion of spirit and civilization, 
 antithesis of Doric hardness. Sexual joys then are the 
 summum bonum (Fragm. 1) : the flower of the perfect 
 bloom of life: when these have passed away: woe when 
 painful old age comes on, " that renders ugly even the 
 comely man." In this valuation of Life man is more 
 truly a mere brother of bud and blossom than metaphors 
 have it. There is no ascent to higher things, no rare- 
 fying and elevating process for mere animality. " We 
 
 96
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 97 
 
 grow (Fragra. 2) like the leaves in the season of spring 
 rich in blossoms, when abruptly it increaseth by the gleams 
 of Sun; these resembling do we for a cubit's length of 
 time enjoy the blossoms of maturity, of the gods knowing 
 nor evil nor good. At our side stand the black Fates, 
 the one holding the consummation of troublesome old age, 
 and the other, of death; small grows apace the fruition of 
 nature's maturity, to that extent only as the sun is 
 scattered over the Earth. But when this consummation 
 of season has passed, straightway is it better to die than to 
 live. For many evils come up in his soul. At one time 
 his substance is ground away, and Death performs his 
 painful deeds : another in turn has to do without offspring, 
 yearning most after which he goes down into Eartli to 
 Hades. Another has a soul-wearing disease : nor is there 
 any one among men to whom Zeus does not give many 
 evils. " Gloom in the main and other sentiments ancient 
 anthologists did not excerpt from his works: versified 
 wantonness it seems constituted a goodly portion of his 
 production. 
 
 The short pithy sayings of Phokylides of Miletos (fl. 
 ab. 537 B.C.) had much vogue among the Greeks, and 
 conformed to the Ionic spirit: they remind the modern 
 reader not a little of Hesiod's saws and sentences. Little 
 is left for our purpose in the small remnant that has 
 escaped Time. Fragment 9 (Bergk) reveals a little more 
 precisely the true meaning of that elusive Greek term, 
 a-cbcfrpwv : really he who is of sound mind, sane. The 
 Ionic sentence-maker conceives as the antithesis of this 
 the light-minded (e\a</3oVoot), so that the virtue of 
 crci)<f>po<rvvr) would not be very far removed from the 
 gravitas of the Romans : to be well balanced, well poised 
 in action: nothing very deep in motive of conduct. 
 Much as the Greeks vaunted this virtue, it cannot fairly 
 be credited to the Greek nationality as a whole. The 
 Roman spirit, up to the agony of the Republic, may lay 
 claim to this avoidance of excess much more fairly. (The 
 Greeks of Magna Graecia, who were much richer than those
 
 98 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 of the mother country, were, to the Romans, the very em- 
 bodiment of riotous luxury; see the phrase pergrcecari of 
 the age of Plautus.) "In the Love of Justice," says this 
 versifying proverbial philosopher, " in the Love of Justice 
 every Virtue is comprehended." 
 
 Theognis of Megara, next to Solon, was probably most 
 highly prized by the Greeks as a writer of sententious 
 Elegy. He flourished about 544 B.C., suffered much, as 
 the narrow humanity of the ancient world involved keen 
 suffering, as an exile from his native land. 
 
 He, in the manner of aristocrats of birth in many ages, 
 reveals the spirit of pride with unreserved decisiveness. 
 These families are the good : there were probably few 
 Cotters like that of Burns in any pagan world, and the 
 striving after the seemly was even more emphasized by 
 the fact that every social valuation involved the institu- 
 tion of the slavery of man. 
 
 "Rams we seek and asses, O Kyrnos, and horses, of 
 noble breed, but with ludicrous inconsistency many a 
 noble desires to mate with a rich wife of mean extrac- 
 tion" (v. 183 ^.). 
 
 " The money (197 <?.) which comes to a man from 
 Zeus and with justice and cleanly, always abides with 
 him." 
 
 (Many verses from Solon's collections have crept into 
 this body of verse, e.g. 731 <?<?.) Some of the most 
 stirring lines seem wrested from his very heart by the 
 bitter experience of a father, lines penned long before 
 "King Lear" was written by the greatest poet of all 
 (273 sqq.*) : " But the worst of all among men, more griev- 
 ous than death and all diseases is this : when you have 
 reared children and furnished to them all things fitting, 
 and stored money for them, having suffered many trouble- 
 some things, they hate their father and curse him that 
 he may perish, and they abhor him as they would an 
 approaching beggar." Erring and sinful is mankind in 
 its very essence, you cannot (325 sqq.) square yourself
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 99 
 
 and be friendly to your friends if you were to nurse 
 anger for missteps of your friends. Sins (a//.a/3To>Xai) 
 among men will follow, will be intrinsically associated 
 with mortals : " but the gods are unwilling to bear them " 
 (328). Excellence is attained if you follow the middle 
 course, and avoid extremes, excellence, so difficult to 
 seize. 
 
 Let me reward my friends and avenge myself on mine 
 enemies, I ask nothing further but let the very words 
 come forward, for it is here that we behold the very 
 essence of the natural man : " May Zeus (v. 337) grant 
 me requital on my friends and on my private foes, while 
 I am to have greater power (for either work). And thus 
 I would seem to myself to be a god among men if the fate 
 of death were to overtake me, after I had achieved my 
 requital" (cf. v. 869 8qq.~). He would drink the black 
 blood of the men who have impoverished him. "Well 
 beguile thou with fair words thy private enemy : but 
 when he comes to be in your power, avenge thyself upon 
 him, making no pretence whatever." The problem of 
 prosperous wickedness (a note so familiar in the book 
 of Psalms) (although Bergk suggests here that Solon 
 may have penned the lines), 373 : " Dear Zeus, I wonder 
 at thee : for thou rulest over all, having honor thyself 
 and great power ; and thou knowest well the mind of 
 men and the spirit of each one : and thy power is the 
 highest of all, O King. How then, O son of Kronos, 
 does thy mind dare to hold wicked men in the same es- 
 timation as the righteous one, whether the mind be turned 
 to self-control, or whether men turn towards insolence, 
 obedient to unrighteous deeds ?" (cf. 743 sqq.*). Often 
 cited in later anthologies were these lines (v. 425) : " Best 
 of all for earthly men is it, not to have come into exist- 
 ence at all, nor to have beheld the rays of the keenly 
 gleaming sun : but having been born as speedily as possi- 
 ble to pass through the portals of Hades and to lie, with 
 a great mass of earth heaped over one." There is a 
 lengthly warning against drunkenness (480 sqq.^). No one 
 can be sophrdn then. Satiety (/co/ao?) has undone more
 
 100 TESTBIONIUM ANDLE 
 
 men than Hunger (605). Intelligence must dominate ap- 
 petite (631 sqq.) if thou wouldest not lie in great distress. 
 Some form of excellence or prosperity arete still is, not 
 yet any definite or intrinsic virtue at all : " Prosperous 
 would I be, and (653) a friend to the immortal gods : no 
 other aret do I yearn for." As right conduct has not at 
 all any religious character, but is largely determined by 
 the civic relations of a man, we do not wonder when we 
 read that the exceptional virtue of Rbadamanthys (who 
 was ultimately created by Zeus a judge of departed souls) 
 consisted in his exceptional possession of sdphrosijnG, i.e. 
 sobriety and sanity (v. 701), a very moderate measure of 
 moral perfection, perfect control of his own faculties, uni- 
 form avoidance of excesses and extremes. Excellence 
 and Comeliness are rarely associated in the same person : 
 " Happy (v. 934) is he who had allotted to him both of 
 these." " All honor him, both young and old yield to 
 him in place. When aging he is eminent among his 
 fellow-citizens, nor is any one willing to do him harm in 
 either the sphere of reverence or justice." It is the true 
 spirit of the Greeks. 
 
 The latter part of the bequeathed verse of Theognis 
 is of that erotic kind which was cherished almost exclu- 
 sively among the Greeks. It is grave that the moralizing 
 verse should have proceeded from the same pen as the 
 other, but it is graver that Greek antiquity should have 
 thought fit to transcribe and transmit. It is still more 
 portentous that scholars like Bergk should ignore, in 
 their surveys, this ulcerous cancer of the Greek people. 
 To say that this reveals the normal early manhood of a 
 typical Greek, seems fair enough. In Solon's case the 
 contrast between youth and the moral earnestness of ad- 
 vanced age is at least inspiring and, in a measure, whole- 
 some. How vague and unmeaning is the striving to 
 endow Zeus with the attributes of Providence, Justice, 
 and Righteousness, when the poet justifies himself by the 
 legend of Ganymede whom " the King of the Immortals 
 was enamoured of and ravished him away to Olympus,"
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 101 
 
 etc. (1345 sqq.~). The sesthetical phrases of Winckelraann 
 and all his disciples gloss over and ignore this practical 
 result of the Hellenic cult of beauty. For if all the 
 higher endowment of man is to find its summum bonum in 
 the worship of the Beautiful, if, as Winekelnaann (Vol. 4, 
 p. 72, ed. 1811) says, it was eminently worthy of human 
 conception of sensuous deities, and very charming for the 
 imagination to typify the condition of a perpetual youth 
 and the springtime of Life what follows? Why then 
 is it that the Greek spirit has after all revealed some 
 moral sense in creating the types of the Satyrs and the 
 Sileni? In Winckelmann's case, as always, we see the 
 dyer's hand soundly infected with the dye it deals in, and 
 that moral obtuseness or strabism revealed, which vitiates 
 so much of mythological writing. Theognis certainly re- 
 veals that there was essentially no genuine progression from 
 the Homeric level of Religion, and that the close practical 
 relation between pulchritude of form and unnatural lust 
 passed in Greek life not merely as a matter of course, but 
 as an essentially vernal thing, a complement of, an inci- 
 dent of, Hebe. It is vain to bring in the phraseology of a 
 pure and romantic love between the sexes, ending in life- 
 long companionship it is futile, I say, on the part of 
 modern writers to gloss over the Venus Canina in this 
 manner. The fact is that in the course of time classical 
 antiquity degraded, in its interpretation, friendships like 
 those of Achilles and Patroklos, 1 for instance, and the 
 essentially low level of Greek myths, held and perpetuated 
 in the very valleys where they had originated, defied all 
 efforts at moral elevation, and triumphed over every at- 
 tempt at spiritual refinement. 
 
 There is an almost irresistible inclination in modern 
 man to abstract from the exquisite lines chiselled by the 
 great sculptors of Greece, and to project into Hellas itself 
 the subjective simulacra and phantoms of absolute perfec- 
 tion, which psychological process, fortified by a little con- 
 tact with literary productions of exceptional originality 
 and vigorous simplicity, endows the Greek nationality 
 
 1 Roscher, Lexikon, v. Achilleus, Col. 43.
 
 102 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 with a fatuous and utterly unhistorical ne plus ultra of 
 elevation. Chaucer and Pepys's Diary present a goodly 
 part of the actual Britain of their day ; but how futile 
 would it be to abstract from the rare company alone 
 whose marble or bronze images in Westminster and St. 
 Paul mark the gratitude or admiration of Britannia, and 
 conceive such a Britain at large ! 
 
 The Iambic writers exhibit the very abandonment of 
 that Greek virtue of self-control and sanity, and even in 
 passing amid their fragments it is often necessary to step 
 warily. But few are the remnants available for this book. 
 The sharp and bitter verse in the very swiftness of its 
 metrical form cleaves to its themes as the skin to the flesh. 
 Simonides of Amorgos (Fragm. 1) thus writes gloomily on 
 human life at large : " My son, 'tis Zeus of heavy thunder 
 who holds the end of all that is, and places as he wills ; 
 but sense does not attend the human kind, but ephemeral 
 we live like grazing cattle alway, knowing nothing how 
 God will bring each one to his end. 'Tis hope and confi- 
 dence that nurtures all as they indulge in vain impulse. 
 Some abide the coming of a day and others the circular 
 movement of years. Next year each mortal thinks he 
 will come close to wealth and blessings. But old age un- 
 lovely outstrips the one in seizing him before he reaches 
 his goal ; other mortals are destroyed by grievous illness, 
 still others, overcome by god of war doth Hades send to 
 murky realms. And others on the deep by gale are wildly 
 driven, and in the myriad billows of the purple deep they 
 die . . . and these attacked the noose with grievous end, 
 and self -despatched leave the light of Helios. No form of 
 evil then is wanting. ..." 
 
 Precisely the same personality stands revealed in the 
 famous poem on women and their types; we think of 
 ^Esop when we read of her whose type is (Fragm. 7) the 
 long-haired ass, whose home is filthy and disorderly. The 
 vixen hears of every one's evils and troubles, even those 
 of her betters. Another runs aimlessly hither and thither
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 103 
 
 as do the dogs in Eastern towns. Another merely eats 
 and eats, her sole accomplishment. Another changes in 
 her moods like the surface of the sea. Another is likened 
 by this bitter writer of iambic verse to the weasel, insati- 
 able of sensuality and a desperate thief, who will not even 
 spare things destined for the altar. Another is a proud, 
 high-stepping steed, all for finery and dress : she needs a 
 king for her husband. An ape another is, so ugly, so ma- 
 licious, and so mischievous^. One noble type alone is given 
 us, it is the bee. One hardly would credit woman with a 
 soul, in fact ; from Hesiod to Menander resounds this low 
 and bitter note, a social, a political necessity then, but 
 little more. Where, then, is the Greek Frauenlol ? Read 
 the extracts in the anthology of Stobseus, the sixty-four 
 extracts, among which no less than thirty-five are from 
 the pen of Euripides. That third leaf in the trifolium 
 of Attic tragedy, intensely human as he is, has come down 
 almost to the lowest rung of the ladder from the high 
 level of Homer. No age of chivalry there, before Troy 
 or Thebes, however, in spite of the shallow plausibility of 
 Mahaffy's pen strokes ; he is essentially the milliner who 
 tricks out his puppets with a finery unknown to the saner 
 view of clarified and critical vision. 
 
 Even the noble figure of Penelope the vile spirit of the 
 later Greeks dragged down from the superb elevation of 
 the Odyssey. Her husband is probably the true imper- 
 sonation of your genuine Greek ; cunning, adroit, perse- 
 vering, always riding on the crest of all the billows of 
 emergency or circumstance, but she is noblest womanhood, 
 whether as wife or mother. There is recorded one play, 
 " Penelope," in the annals of Old Attic Comedy. She 
 was also said to have borne a son by Hermes during the 
 long absence of her husband, or, according to a still more 
 repulsive fabrication, she became mother to a child, of 
 which all the suitors were the fathers. Thus, with all 
 the canonization of Homer, the Greeks honored neither 
 the heroine of the Iliad, for which dishonor there was 
 more warrant, nor the lady of Ithaca.
 
 104 TESTBfONIUM ANIM^l 
 
 Indeed, before we pass on to the puzzling and difficult 
 theme of Sappho, the poetess and music-teacher of Lesbos, 
 it may be well to look at a few essential features of Greek 
 womanhood. So young were the brides and so exclusively 
 was marriage an economical and political settlement, that 
 the seeking out, and the personal choice and deeper satis- 
 faction of ultra-physical comradeship, was utterly excluded. 
 But I believe I will best serve the interests of historical 
 truth and of my work if I simply transfer 29 of C. Fr. 
 Hermann's " Private Antiquities of the Greeks." That 
 scholar, in his wonderful erudition, preserved a degree of 
 equipoise and sanity rare among the great German classi- 
 cists of the nineteenth century, almost all of whom, in 
 their own generation, were enslaved by the practice of 
 absolute valuation of classical things and themes. 
 
 " In the nature of the case indeed the commonwealths 
 of Greece were compelled to lay no little stress on the 
 preservation of houses and the matrimonial unions of their 
 citizens. This was necessary even on account of certain 
 ordinances, civil and religious, which were founded upon 
 the family. In some communities we find that this con- 
 cern of the states was extended to statutes aimed at un- 
 married men. Still, by such means the moral character 
 of matrimony but too easily was merged in the legal, and 
 as adultery was considered primarily as a disturbance of 
 domestic peace which permitted the offended party to 
 execute summary and immediate vengeance, so the out- 
 raging of a virgin was considered merely as a usurpation 
 of alien rights, which usurpation was entirely atoned for 
 by subsequent marriage. For the same reason concubi- 
 nage in the estimation of the Greeks had but this one 
 offensive feature, that the offspring therefrom lacked the 
 civil or legal advantages of statutory wedlock. ..." 
 
 " As to what concerns the courtesans, who in manifold 
 gradations either personally or in the service of another's 
 pursuit of gain made a trade of the satisfaction of sexual 
 desires, it is true here that both the general contempt for 
 any mercenary trade united with the particular ignominy 
 of the courtesan's pursuit joined to establish a stain which 
 

 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 105 
 
 found expression in many exceptional laws directed 
 against this class; but the practical use which the mascu- 
 line sex made of their advances was subject at most to the 
 considerations of civil prudence, while the commonwealth 
 and social custom rather encouraged than curbed it : and 
 in the same measure as their freedom from the restraints 
 of female decorum made it possible for some courtesans 
 to approach more nearly to male society in refinement 
 and in the sharing of cultural movements in the same 
 measure that contempt gave way to an indulgence and a 
 recognition, of which the first intellects of Greece were not 
 ashamed." (And so Socrates himself Xenophon, "Memo- 
 rabilia," 3, 12 discusses with the beautiful Theodote 
 how best she might manipulate and hold her lovers.) 
 " Still more early the inadequacy of domestic intercourse 
 with the female sex had endowed the love of men with an 
 importance in which this relation appeared outright as a 
 preeminence of Greek freedom and culture above other 
 nations, difficult though it was there to maintain the 
 slender line of demarcation which separated it from ad- 
 mitted debauchery and perversion of nature. It was 
 legally encouraged by most of the states and considered the 
 object of such love as enviable (Nepos, preface of Chap. 
 4), and even where the statute threatened the voluntary 
 degradation of the latter with deserved ignominy, the 
 statute granted protection to the fair youth only against 
 violence, whereas the corrupter found in the success of 
 his suit and in the consent of his victim ample excuse." 
 The Gottingen Scholar then proceeds (in 30) : " Hence 
 it is easily understood that it was a necessary consequence 
 in Greece that matrimony was considered as barely better 
 than a necessary evil, and certainly was treated merely as 
 transaction in law, the moral features of which were due 
 not so much to the personal affection of bride and groom 
 as rather to the general importance bestowed by law itself 
 upon this union of the sexes to provide the foundations of 
 civil society. As for the virgin at least, every personal 
 motive was removed by her domestic seclusion, or if in- 
 deed this barrier had been broken through by the occasion
 
 106 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 of a public festival, never was there any question, but the 
 girl accepted the husband with whom her parents directly 
 or by means of a stranger's mediation had concluded the 
 contract concerning her future ; and this contract then 
 constituted the betrothal which the Greeks considered as 
 the essential condition of a legal association of matrimony." 
 But these exact and historically well- fortified delineations 
 of Hermann cannot be cited any further. 
 
 Let us now approach the remnants of Sappho. The 
 mere scanning of these sometimes reminds me of the play- 
 ing on a chordless piano for the sake of the fingering and 
 tempo: at all events, the Greek lays or chants have passed 
 to the limbo of nevermore, in spite of Horace's imitations. 
 Of these fragments, but two are large enough that we too 
 may grasp or lay hold of at least some ground for stand- 
 ing with the Hellenic world in its praise or high valuation 
 of this gifted woman. Love: what a theme! But how 
 raised above the stars, how dragged down to the very 
 depths of Tartarus! If anywhere, here it should be re- 
 vealed, if the Greek soul was not after all earthy, or 
 whether in the strongest impulse of man there was any 
 admixture of aught but body and physical craving, to be 
 satisfied in the only way in which mere animality is to be 
 satisfied; whether, at bottom, Love and Lust were inde- 
 terminable affections of man; whether they were not 
 perhaps convertible terms. As for Aphrodite, the coarse 
 idols of older Cyprian art which emphasize mere sex and 
 sexuality, as for this personification it remained the gross 
 thingwhich at bottom is treated with contempt by the bright 
 and fearless poet who in the Iliad manipulated the Olympus 
 in his own way a personification essentially incapable 
 of serious elevation: typifying an impulse powerful and 
 potential for a myriad of consequences. This " Kypris," 
 then, was plentifully, with a wealth of consummately 
 felicitous epithets and in language positively pulsating 
 with passion, invoked, over and over again, by Sappho of 
 Lesbos (fl. ab. 590 B.C.). That a middle-aged woman, 
 mother and widow, should compose such verse, puzzled 
 the Greeks more and more so as time passed by. No less
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 107 
 
 than six comedy writers of Athens wrote plays on Sappho 
 bearing her name. And no wonder, if they made good 
 sport of the paternity of Hercules, and of the wiles that 
 deceived the good and faithful Alkmene, why not of 
 Sappho ? If the very birth of Athena was fair sport for 
 them, though she was the tutelary deity of the Athenians, 
 why should they have refrained from the Lesbian com- 
 poser? The very development of the full powers of a 
 woman's personality was almost a challenge to the Greek 
 spirit. Aphrodite, " weaver of wiles " (SoXoTrXo'/co?), I 
 said, was invoked in these odes: wiles to attain sexual 
 gratification, for of romance and chivalry there is nothing 
 to be found (cf. Fragm. 52, 130). She loves her daughter 
 Kleis with intensity (Fragm. 85), for her she would not 
 accept the wealth of Lydia, and still the passionate tone 
 of love for whom ? Her very soul borders on insanity 
 in the frenzy of her love-sickness (Fragm. 1, v. 28). Per- 
 suasion is to lead the beloved one to her and it is a girl, 
 too, who now spurns presents, and flees from Sappho. 
 What accomplishment or attainment the " Kypris " is to 
 work for the poetess we know not; for this, however 
 (reXeoroy!), she prays. 
 
 The other complete poem is an enumeration, physio- 
 logical, let it be said, of the symptoms of erotic ecstasy, 
 an enumeration of symptoms roused in the music mistress 
 by a girl, one of her pupils it would seem. Other Lesbian 
 ladies seem also to have given instruction how to sing and 
 play on the lyre. They also composed bridal songs. I 
 will not go on to the charges made against Sappho by the 
 Greeks themselves. Had we the entire nine books of her 
 verse, we would be in a far better case. Theognis bor- 
 rowed her " weaver of wiles." Quintilian did not con- 
 sider her verse fit to form a part of regular literary 
 instruction in the schools for Roman pupils. We advance 
 little in our estimation by chewing over the Laodicean 
 phrase of " unsuitable for the young person," or some such 
 current form of eclectic morality. Is it the beginning of 
 the particular form of Perversion and the Pervert ever 
 after associated with the very name of Lesbos ? Scholars
 
 108 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 like C. F. Hermann, Welcker, Bernhardy, enter the lists 
 as her champions. Poor champions. For they speak of 
 the perversion of the male sex often in a semi-apologetic 
 manner a terrible stain that cannot be palliated. We 
 may well doubt with Colonel Mure as to what "limb- 
 loosing Eros " can mean in the verse of Sappho. Her far- 
 famed champion, Welcker, actually believes in some rare 
 and radiant youth, Phaon, for whom the poetess took her 
 own life. One thing is quite definite : let us remove 
 fancies of ideal love from our conception of the Greeks. 
 If we would like to conceive them loftily, that is quite 
 intelligible : unfortunately the data of literary tradition 
 permit us in no wise to do so, as far as Love is concerned 
 and the particular meaning of erotic has been aptly lodged 
 in this Greek word. I append a few lines never yet done 
 into English, I believe, of Bernhardy 's (" Hist, of Gr. Lit."): 
 " delicate and confidential was the intercourse (of Sappho) 
 with virgins beautiful and susceptible, partly also faithful 
 (in not changing their lessons?) who entered into the 
 presence of Sappho " (the very phrase bespeaks the pro- 
 fessional reverence of the typical classicist) for what 
 end, do you think, dear reader? To learn from her art 
 (i. e. how to play on the lyre) " and wisdom " (what wis- 
 dom ?), the sorrows and joys of Love ? Elsewhere the 
 scholar of Halle utters the following nonsense (p. 672): 
 But Sappho has mitigated the bold sensuality of her race 
 (i.e. the ^Eolic) by the delicate fragrance (Dufi) of ten- 
 der womanliness. Where? How? I will not pass on 
 before I have cited fair and fit words, written in 1857, 
 and published in the Rheinisches Museum for that year, 
 an essay entitled : " Sappho and the Ideal Love of the 
 Greeks." This judgment of Mure has my cordial appro- 
 bation (p. 577) : " One who has written so much on the 
 Greeks and to the same effect as the author of these 
 remarks, can hardly be accused of undervaluing their 
 genius. But no admiration for their great qualities has 
 ever blinded me to the defects of their social condition. 
 Of those defects the worst, the dark spot which sheds a 
 gloom over all their glorious attributes, is their unnatural
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 109 
 
 vice. That so obvious an impulse, the mere suspicion of 
 which attaching to a man, causes him, in most parts at 
 least of modern Europe, to be shunned as a pest to society, 
 should have been so mixed up with the physical constitu- 
 tion of a whole nation as to become a little less powerful 
 instinct than the natural one between the sexes ; that its 
 indulgence should have been regulated by law ; that in 
 the extension of metaphysical science, all speculation on 
 the passion of love, its principle or influence, would, in the 
 leading schools of philosophy, have been concentrated 
 around this detestable impulse, as the mode of that pas- 
 sion most honorable to enlightened men, all this 
 constitutes so monstrous, to the Christian moralist so 
 revolting, an abnormity in the history of our species as 
 can barely be reconciled with the general scheme of provi- 
 dence, when viewed as a humiliation to which this tran- 
 scendently gifted race was subjected, in order to place 
 them on a level with the rest of mankind." 
 
 And while the poetess addressed her glowing verse to 
 girls, her fellow-countryman, to use the phrase of Quin- 
 tilian, " lowered himself to erotic verse " (ad amores de- 
 scendif), and we may pass on. 
 
 Anakreon of Teos (fl. ab. 531), a contemporary of the 
 times when Persia rapidly came forward as the world 
 power, and when autocrats ruled, probably, in the greater 
 number of Greek communities. His verse glorified the 
 boy favorites at such courts, as at that of Polykrates of 
 Samos (Smerdis, Kleobulos, Bathyllos). "He loves all 
 the comely ones, and extols them all," says an ancient 
 critic, Maximus of Tyre. It was all in the service of 
 Aphrodite, a religion, if we may force this term to such 
 use, of infinite convenience, almost as comfortable as 
 Rousseau's pure nature, a service, I say, in such worship, 
 where Eros also is much named, a name much bestowed 
 later, at Rome, on Greek slave boys. "A great and bold 
 design did the Grecian world undertake," said Cicero (in a 
 citation from some lost work) (" Lactantius' Institutiones," 
 1, 20, 14), " in that it set up images of Cupids and Loves 
 in the Gymnasia." An allusion more deeply and gravely
 
 110 TESTIMONIUM ANIMvE 
 
 elaborated by one of the best Greeks of his or any time, 
 Plutarch of Chaeronea, in his " Amatorius," cited above in 
 Chapter 3. And what, pray, can we say of a religion, 
 however ecstatically we may call it a religion of the beau- 
 tiful, which could not be brought into any sort of harmony 
 with any postulates of moral law, nay, which as at Corinth 
 (and Babylon) constituted and appointed a divine worship 
 consisting in acts of impurity? The sestheticians from 
 those times to the present have almost uniformly acquired 
 a curious callosity in that portion of their souls where 
 moral judgment is to utter itself, and when brought into 
 uncomfortable narrows of controversy, fall back on a 
 denial, direct or implied, of moral law. It is an old 
 matter : " Of all things is man the measure," said Pro- 
 tagoras the Sophist ; " the difference of conceptions as to 
 what is permissible," says Welcker (" Kleine Schriften" 
 I, 256). In the miserable combination of his gray hairs 
 with the same old wretched themes and concerns, Anak- 
 reon is about as cheerful and as sincere as one who chews 
 apples of Sodom and pretends they are from Eden. Solon's 
 old-age verse has a truer ring, as we saw. 
 
 Teuffel of Tubingen in a popular lecture full of con- 
 straint, of euphemism and palliation (" Studien und Char- 
 akteristiken" etc., 1871, p. 73) is, at least, fair enough to 
 call the amatory poems of the Greeks eine Sumpf- 
 pflanze, a plant flourishing in morass ; but we may say 
 at once, where, in classic Greek literature, is there any 
 other? In vain will we look, then, in Greek literature 
 for women like Shakespeare's Miranda, Isabella, Beatrice, 
 Portia, Rosalind, Katherine, Helena, Olivia, and the others 
 women loving, loving with faithful and honorable love, 
 women with personalities so rich and so superbly endowed, 
 with moral splendor illumined, and withal so human, that 
 we love them all, without the first concern or curiosity 
 as to their complexion or eyes, or eyebrows or straight 
 noses, or other transitory gift of the Graces. For the 
 higher concerns of mankind one of these women of 
 Shakespeare is of worth and price so great, that if all 
 the Aphrodites of Melos, or Capua or Knidos, were sunk
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 111 
 
 into the sea where it is deepest, together with the cow- 
 eyed and morose Hera of Ludovisi or other provenience, 
 if this should eventuate as a condition that Shakespeare 
 should not perish from the possession of our human kind, 
 I for one would contemplate that submersion with much 
 equanimity. Such women, I say, are not to be found in 
 the wide range of Greek letters, because they were not in 
 Greek life and mode of living. 
 
 Pindar of Thebes (522-442) ranks as the greatest of 
 the Nine Canonic Lyrists of Greece : his poems in part 
 survive, his melodies or lays have perished. His odes of 
 victory for those Greeks who were able to remunerate so 
 eminent a poet and composer have been transmitted. Few 
 things are so exclusively the domain of a narrow number 
 of scholars as the technology of his metres, few things 
 as utterly impossible of a renaissance as Pindar's victory 
 odes, few if any works of the ancient world so untrans- 
 latable as the choral lyrics of Pindar. But our quest is 
 not in the hard and well-beaten footpath of literary val- 
 uation. 
 
 The visible palpable glory of physical excellence and 
 endurance, the fame of Pan-hellenic observation and praise, 
 a renown not less dear to the victor and his kin and com- 
 monwealth than portrait statues of marble or bronze, 
 these things are in and over all these compositions. Great 
 national services had not been earned by many Greeks 
 before the Persian wars, but all the more each community 
 clung to myth and legend connecting its aristocracy with 
 some one of the gods. These present achievements are 
 extolled as a true confirmation of ancestry and mythical 
 feats. In the sunset even of this Hellenic world the con- 
 tests at Olympia, together with the Eleusinian mysteries 
 in Attica, were designated by one of the closest observers 
 as the concerns of an especial tutelary divine providence 
 (Pausanias, 5, 10, 1). It is, then, hi the main the eulogy 
 of strength, wealth, glory, and social culture which per- 
 vades these odes. Aretd (virtus) in Pindar is simply
 
 112 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 Excellence, some one form of outdoing one's fellows, an 
 eminence of mind, body, or fortune power, in short. In 
 the dependence of the individual excellence on the favor 
 of some specific god or gods, Pindar stands on the whole 
 on the essential basis of the Homeric Epics: it is in a 
 certain way the last golden appearance in lofty letters of 
 the Homeric Olympians. The critics have observed (any 
 reader may easily do so, it is obvious enough) that Pin- 
 dar tried to deprive myths of ignoble elements. The tra- 
 ditional ecstasy drove Professor Christ to call Pindar a 
 " sacred singer filled with deep religiosity," if any Greek re- 
 ligiosity could be essentially lofty or deep. Bernhardy 
 speaks of " religious consecration " which made Pindar 
 strong. But one could not endow the legend of Ganymede 
 with purity, one could not explain away the sense in which 
 it was held in the wide range of the Hellenic world. The 
 naive carnality of Apollo when his concupiscence was 
 directed at the innocent nymph Koronis, could not be 
 elevated or refined at all, nor does it seem possible to 
 endow the Olympians with any essential goodness, or 
 dignify in any way the endless and ever present legends 
 of the concupiscence of Zeus. Allegorical refinements 
 are not essayed by the poet of Thebes. The myths were 
 rooted in the soil of the Greek world ; brook, spring, rock, 
 and meadow commemorated them from generation to gen- 
 eration: they were often inextricably bound up with the 
 anniversaries and festal days of the particular community. 
 One can take them or leave them, endow them with any 
 moral nobleness one could not. Still, it would be unfair 
 thus to dispose of Pindar. 
 
 There is a nobler striving in the soul of Pindar. 
 
 The fate of Tantalos is a warning that no man can in 
 his action escape the notice of God (Ol., 1, 64). Zeus is 
 invoked as Saviour, " Zeus of the high clouds"; but also as 
 honoring the venerable grotto in Crete (where he was hid- 
 den as an infant), Ol., 5, 15 sqq. Truth is called daughter 
 of Zeus (Ol., 10, 4). He, the poet, desires for himself 
 that (in his further course of life) he may not chance upon 
 changes instigated by the jealousy of the gods (Pythian,
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 113 
 
 10, 20), holding therefore his prosperity by a precari- 
 ous tenure. Pindar would love fair things that come 
 from God (Pyth., 11, 50). A notable passage is that of 
 Nemean Odes, 6, 1 : " One is the race of men, one that 
 of Gods : from one mother breathe we both ; but an ut- 
 terly separate force holds them asunder, so that the one is 
 nothing, but their ever safe abode, the brazen firmament, 
 abides. But in some respects we resemble utterly the im- 
 mortals, either in great mind or body, although neither 
 by day or night do we know what fate has written for 
 us, what goal we are to run to." 
 
 Humility is the wiser course : " Do not vainly try to 
 become a Zeus" (Isthmian, 5, 14). "Do not vainly strive 
 to become a divinity " (OL, 5, 24). The race of men is es- 
 sentially " swift-fated" short-lived (Ol.,l,66). Avoid inso- 
 lence and satiety (OL, 13, 10). What are the chief boons or 
 blessings ? " To have a pleasant life is the first of prizes: 
 to have a good reputation is the second lot ; but the man 
 who haps upon them both, and seizes them, has received the 
 loftiest wreath " (Pyth. ,1,99). " To be rich with the asso- 
 ciated lot of wisdom is best . . . "(Pyth., 2, 56). "Wealth 
 is widely valiant, when a mortal man has it blended with 
 pure excellence." "I love not to hold great wealth con- 
 cealed in my hall, but to enjoy what I have, and to have 
 good repute and satisfy my friends " (Nemean, 1, 31). 
 The association of fair deeds with a comely person is 
 highly extolled : a characteristic Greek conceit (Nem., 3, 
 19), which we met above in the didactic verse of Theog- 
 nis. " The prosperity planted with God is more abiding 
 for men" (Nem., 8, 17). The sum of Greek felicity is 
 here brought together : " But if one possessing wealth in 
 his personal comeliness excels others, and excelling in con- 
 tests demonstrates his strength, let him remember that the 
 limbs he drapes are mortal, and that he will be clothed 
 with the end of all, earth " (Nem., 11, 13). 
 
 He moralizes (Fragm. 146) on a feat of Hercules, and 
 comes to the gloomy conclusion that the sovereign law is 
 at bottom nothing but the justification of strength and 
 force, i.e. Might, after all, makes Right.
 
 114 TESTIMOXIUM ANBLE 
 
 Pindar was much in Sicily at the rich and splendid 
 courts of Syracuse, of Akragas and ^Etna. Perhaps his 
 truth-craving soul was arrested by the graver precepts of 
 Pythagoras, whose disciples were ever fain to pursue a 
 cult of a rigid, if esoteric, observance, a cult concerned 
 with the soul, its moral purity or impurity, its transcen- 
 dental life from Eternity to Eternity, and the retributive 
 justice of a divine ordination. It was a philosophy which 
 in its very essence denied most sharply the very fabric of 
 life and culture which many now call Greekdom or Hel- 
 lenism, i.e. the serene satisfaction with these earthly 
 things and their physical limitations. Among the most 
 eminent disciples or Apostles of this serious cult was 
 Archytas, and Philolaos of Tarentum. Whatever may 
 have been the concern or interest of the Theban poet, 
 some grave and curious lines of his pen are preserved 
 among his verse, as in OL, 2, 66 : " He knows the future, 
 that the souls of those who died here, the wicked souls, at 
 once pay the penalty, and that the shortcomings com- 
 mitted in this realm of Zeus some one judges below the 
 earth, giving his verdict with bitter necessity ; but the 
 good possessing the sun with equal nights always and equal 
 days receive a less troubled life, not stirring the soil with 
 the strength of their hand nor the water of the deep on 
 account of slender livelihood, but in the company of the 
 honored gods all those who have rejoiced in keeping their 
 oaths have allotted to them a span of Time that knows no 
 tears, but the others endure trouble which eyes refuse to 
 look upon. But those who have for three times endured 
 sojourning in both places to keep their soul utterly from 
 unjust things, they accomplish the way to Zeus along the 
 tower of Kronos, where the Isle of the Blessed is fanned 
 by the breezes of Okeanos, where golden blossoms gleam, 
 some from the soil from brilliant trees, and water nurtures 
 others, and with garlands and wreaths of these they en- 
 fold their hands in the upright counsels of Rhadaman- 
 thys," etc. 
 
 Specifically it is the virtue of reverence for the gods in 
 actual worship (eiWy&eta) and its counterpart, unrever-
 
 115 
 
 ence or impiety which receive condign treatment or re- 
 ward in the world which follows after death : so Pindar 
 wrote in his funeral verse, his Threnoi, Fragm. 106 sqq.: 
 " For them shines the power of sun during our night, 
 below, and in meadows adorned with scarlet roses is their 
 suburb ancj shaded with incense-bearing trees and loaded 
 with golden fruits, and some with steeds and wrestling feats, 
 and some with throw of dice, and others with the harps 
 rejoice themselves. ..." 
 
 " And all in blessed fate (receive) a consummation free- 
 ing them from toil. The body of all goes in the wake of 
 powerful death, but a living image of time is still left ; 
 for that alone is from the gods. And it sleeps while the 
 limbs are active, but for those who sleep does it show in 
 many dreams the imperceptibly approaching judgment of 
 things delightful and of those which are heavy. ..." 
 Again, in Fragm. 110 : " And those for whom Persephone 
 will receive the punishment of ancient woe, in the ninth 
 year does she give up to the upper sun again their souls ; 
 of these, splendid kings are born (grown), and men swift 
 in strength, and very great in wisdom. But henceforth by 
 men are they called stainless heroes" (i.e. demigods, in the 
 peculiar sense of Greek religious ideas). Stainless, as 
 though it were indeed highest consummation of the human 
 soul to free itself from guilt and sin. At the same time, 
 guilt and sin are not conceived very profoundly, not even 
 by the noblest of the Greek lyrical poets. Nowhere do 
 we observe that sharp antithesis between the moral law 
 and between the law in the members ; their morality 
 could not very well be higher than their objects of wor- 
 ship, and these, in all truth, were not high. The reader of 
 Pindar may see for himself in Pyth., 1,97-98 ; Nem., 8, 
 2; Isthm.,2, 3-5; and particularly the frank and un- 
 blushing manner in which a comely youth is praised : fr. 
 100, v. Athenseus, XIII, 601, c, especially the third line. 
 Pindar was no prophet of righteousness for his nation. 
 Was there any figure at all comparable to the prophets 
 of Israel? No. The belief was widespread that certain 
 forms of ritual or sacrificial procedure were quite sufficient.
 
 116 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Greek men craved no righteousness deeper or higher than 
 those of their own gods. These indeed were figments of 
 physical personification, but in their morality they were 
 indeed very real, for they mirrored the standards of life 
 and conduct of that nationality that moulded these idola. 
 While very little would be lost to the essential strength 
 and truth of the Christian religion, if the masterworks of 
 Donatello, Michel Angelo, Rafael, or da Vinci had never 
 been made, if worship were carried on by the waterside, 
 or under a tent rather than in St. Peter's or St. Paul's, so, 
 on the other hand, the low level and the intrinsic worth- 
 lessness of the Hellenic religion gains nothing whatever 
 through the artistic excellence of a Homer, a Phidias, or a 
 Praxiteles. 
 
 NOTE. Bergk's "Lyrici," is the most important book of reference 
 for Chapter 5. I have used the third edition, 1866. Gilbert Murray, a 
 Scottish Professor of Greek Literature (" A History of Ancient Greek 
 Literature," Appleton, 1901, p. 84) : " There is some sentiment which 
 we cannot enter into : there were no women in the Dorian camps." 
 On the Greek cult of masculine comeliness v. Winckelmann " Werke" 
 Dresden, Vol. 4, passim: The aesthetic sense of the Greeks, as this 
 fifth chapter abundantly suggests, was very far from furnishing, as 
 Winckelmann claims (t'6., p. 19) for Greek Freedom, the " germs of 
 noble and elevated sentiments. . . ." 
 
 The close association between pulchritude and libido is abundantly 
 emphasized by Plutarch and Cicero, the former of whom (Amatorius) 
 makes the Greek gymnasia directly responsible for the moral degra- 
 dation of the Hellenic world : and even there the mien of the Sage 
 of Chseronea is not even ruffled. A fling at women in general seems 
 to have been permitted every literary man almost : there is no ideal- 
 ization of woman anywhere, v. Stobaeus, " Florilegium " (c. 73), and 
 the precepts for wedded life (c. 74) are not much kindlier. Even 
 Pythagoras said of her that woman's function was chiefly " to keep 
 the house and remain within and receive and wait upon her hus- 
 band." I cannot see that Welcker's essay (" Sappho von einem her- 
 schenden Vorurleil befreit," " Kleine Schrtften" II, 80-144) disposes 
 of the problem. Mure was justly astonished at the indulgent tone 
 with wtich Welcker had spoken of the Hellenic vice. 
 
 Before Pindar died, most of the great Sophists of Greece were born 
 when less and less the minds of the Greek leaders remained content 
 with the popular religion. The Greek mythographers show that con- 
 cupiscence, often bestiality, was the main thing in the " loves " of 
 the Greek gods, hence the utter absence of romance in the relations
 
 VOICES FROM THE LYRICAL POETS 117 
 
 of the sexes is not so marvellous : e.g. Hephaistos enamoured of 
 Athena ; Poseidon pursuing Demeter in Arcadia, Zeus (whom Lac- 
 tantius justly calls Salacissimus) smitten with Kallisto, Heracles and 
 Auge, and so on. Genuine Neopaganism cannot but degrade woman, 
 and the purest Lyrics cannot veiy well be conceived in any social 
 order inferior to the Christian. 
 
 Seneca's brief utterance as to the Greek lyricists should not be for- 
 gotten : " illi ex professo lasciviunt " (Epist., 49, 5).
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 HEROES AND HERO-WORSHIP AMONG THE GREEKS 
 
 THE narrow limitations of physical force and potency 
 stained with legends of concupiscence, wrath, revenge, 
 jealousy, and every human weakness, the gods of Greece; 
 all these were a bar impassable for any serious spiritual 
 aspiration in the Hellenic religion, so-called. The worship 
 of men, or the extolling close up to the point where wor- 
 ship begins, this the Greeks had practised from the begin- 
 ning among one another. They had made gods very like 
 unto themselves : what need we wonder if they made gods 
 of their own kind ? Given the incredible narrowness and 
 intensity with which every polls or community advanced 
 its own honors, it is easy to see how honors should be 
 shown to those of the dead whose names and services kept 
 afresh that peculiar form of local pride so characteristic 
 of the Hellenes, whose political history is an almost un- 
 broken chain of deterrent lessons. 
 
 The usage of creating and honoring in a distinctly 
 religious way the spirits of those departed ones to whom 
 some particular eminence was gratefully ascribed, this 
 usage, I say, is distinctly younger than the Homeric Epics. 
 In the Iliad, as I have shown before, Herakles had by no 
 means as yet been raised to the Olympus. 
 
 I must revert for a little while again to Hesiod of Askra. 
 His rude philosophy of History, the steady decline and 
 decay from an almost paradise-like status of new and fresh 
 mankind is one of the features of that congeries of Epical 
 verse, the " Works and Days." In tracing the Fourth Race, 
 he calls it (159 sqq.y the divine race of hero-men who 
 are called demi-gods: of these were the Seven who went 
 against Thebes, and the valiant men of the Trojan war. 
 
 118
 
 HEROES AND HERO-WORSHIP AMONG GREEKS 119 
 
 These, after death, passed on to abodes where they know 
 no trouble or care, in the Isles of the Blessed, along 
 Okeanos of the deep current, where the generous soil 
 presents them every year three crops. 
 
 These, like Achilleus on an island in the Black Sea, were 
 revered, while the dead of the Golden Age, the First 
 Race, had a more positive and practical relation to man- 
 kind. 
 
 These, after death, are still in existence, in a spiritual 
 fashion, as (v. 123) "guardians of mortal men." "They 
 watch over acts of justice and over heinous deeds ; clothed 
 in mist they go everywhere to and fro on the face of the 
 Earth, givers of wealth." . . . Philo, the Alexandrine 
 Jew, was reminded by them of the Angels of the Old 
 Testament. 
 
 Clearly these departed Spirits were not by the Greeks 
 conceived as removed to Olympian felicity, unconcerned 
 with the labors and distress of their one-time state and 
 place, but approachable in the very spot where they were 
 buried, their tombs, their monuments. 
 
 Thus Pelops was conceived to be near the Panhellenic 
 site of Olympia: of him Pindar says (OL, 1, 93): "but 
 now he is made the participant of blood-satisfaction 
 splendid, laid at rest by the current of Alpheios, having a 
 tomb widely conspicuous, close to an altar visited by very 
 many strangers. And from afar off he beholds the fame 
 of the Olympian games. ..." 
 
 The scholiasts say that a black ram was annually sac- 
 rificed to the heros Pelops. The ritual all pointed, not 
 upward to the gods of Light and Life, but downward to 
 the abode of the dead: the blood symbolizing some tem- 
 porary nurture and sustenance: quite within the material 
 limitations and conditions of this earthly life, a procedure 
 not much different from that at the pit of Odysseus in the 
 Eleventh Book of his Wanderings. And to this same 
 class of beings intermediate between gods and men does 
 Pindar assign Asklepios the physician, Agamemnon, 
 Peleus, Adrastos, Aiakos and his progeny, the Argonauts : 
 the essential thing is that the heros is A,aoo-e/3?fc, "revered
 
 120 TESTIMONIUM ANIIVLE 
 
 of the people." No quasi-theological belief is uttered of an 
 essential, specific immortality or translation to the gods : 
 it is the voice of harmonious and unanimous honor rising 
 either from any given community or from the sense and 
 feeling of the entire Grecian world. The thing so very 
 hard for us moderns who in the main are reared in reli- 
 gious and moral conceptions transcending time and space, 
 absolute and eternal, I say for us it is difficult to realize 
 the narrow limits within which the typical Greek lived 
 and died, in which he was content to be honored, the 
 fancies and traditions which he absorbed, as the particular 
 oak on the particular hillside is nurtured or retarded by 
 the limitations of its specific soil and climate, air, light, 
 and sunshine. 
 
 Herodotus (2, 44) realizes that the Theban Herakles is 
 much younger than the Syrian: hence, he says, the Greeks 
 acted wisely in establishing a twofold worship : viz., that 
 of the Olympian god Herakles, to whom they offer up 
 regular sacrifice with feast attached (Ovo-ta), and cut the 
 throat of victims for the other. Herodotus (2, 55) also 
 made record of the fact that the Egyptians had no cult of 
 such demi-gods. 
 
 Founders of tribes and political forms were particularly 
 so honored, the consciousness of common descent being 
 the essential thing in citizenship, and there was no ob- 
 jection to artificial creations, as of the eponymous Found- 
 ers in Attika, under the adroit reforms of Kleisthenes there, 
 in 510 B.C. (including Ajax, the great name and glory 
 of Salamis), when the whole legendary history and great 
 names of Attic past were thus incorporated in the daily 
 life and nomenclature of the Attic people. 
 
 Many of these heroes had a sacred enclosure (rep^vos) 
 and a fane or sanctuary (r)pSx>v). There was, also, a belief 
 in their power to benefit and bless, or to injure and 
 work harm ; so that on the whole the motives of fear, hope, 
 and civil pride are clearly discernible in this institution. 
 The striking uniformity observable here was due, in no 
 small measure, to the corporation of Delphi, for Greek re- 
 ligion was incessantly concerned with current events and
 
 HEROES AND HERO-WORSHIP AMONG GREEKS 121 
 
 particularly with extraordinary or abnormal happenings, 
 when the resort to the central point of authority ever deep- 
 ened the practical dependency of communities as well 
 as individual persons on the Parnassian verdict. The 
 Athenians appointed a sacred enclosure for the JEginetan 
 Founder Aiakos (Her., 5, 89) by Delphian direction; was 
 it to deprive their naval rival of that blessing and power ? 
 And when the assembled Greeks at Salamis were prepar- 
 ing for the great crisis, they despatched (Her., 8, 64) a 
 ship to bring Aiakos to bless and strengthen them : did 
 they transfer actual bones ? Or was a transfer effected 
 merely by some ritual act ? 
 
 The paternity, and thus the legitimacy, of a Spartan 
 king was put in jeopardy by the belief of the queen 
 mother's husband that the local heros Astrabakos had 
 assumed his, the king's, form and appearance (Her., 6, 
 69). After Salamis the Persian governor in the Cherso- 
 nesos was nailed to a plank by the enraged Greeks because 
 he had taken particular pains to defile the sanctuary of 
 the heros Protesilaos at Elaius. Besides this the Oriental 
 had removed the money and consecrated gifts from the 
 fane (Her., 9, 116, 120). On the wall of the Painted Porch 
 at Athens there was limned the " heros Marathon " as 
 helping to victory ; also there was the founder Theseus 
 actually rising from the soil (Paus., 1, 15, 3) : and 
 even in that late traveller's time (160 A.D.) "one may 
 hear at night the neighing of the steeds and the cries of 
 men giving battle." 
 
 In the year 476 the Athenians removed what they 
 believed to be the bones of their founder, Theseus. An 
 eagle, Plutarch says (" Theseus " 36), indicated the spot. A 
 tomb was found containing a coffin with a giant skeleton 
 and spear and sword lying alongside of it, of the Bronze 
 Age. The sanctuary built for this "Theseus" by the 
 enthusiastic Athenians was a legal asylum for slaves and 
 for those who feared those who were too powerful for them. 
 The greatest annual sacrifice (as to a god) the people made 
 to him on the day on which he had once returned from 
 Crete, on the eighth day of the month Pyanepsion. Am-
 
 122 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 phiaraos was one of the Seven against Thebes, of a race of 
 soothsayers. He perished before Thebes ; that is, Zeus 
 split the earth for him, and with his chariot he disappeared 
 in the cleft. The people of Oropos were the first to rate 
 him a god; later all the Greeks followed their example 
 (Paus., 1, 34, 2). 
 
 But why enumerate more ? Every village and valley 
 had a heros. Epaminondas sacrificed to Spedasos and his 
 daughters before he unfolded his oblique order of battle 
 on the fateful field of Leuktra, 371 B.C. Why ? Because 
 once upon a time two Spartans had outraged these virgins ; 
 but these, in their shame and anguish, had slain themselves 
 by the noose. The power of retributive justice therefore 
 was here invoked by the great Theban captain. 
 
 And not only with names hallowed by civic gratitude 
 and an unbroken series of anniversary celebrations did the 
 Greeks practise this form of worship and honor, but also 
 with figures which stand out in the full light of historical 
 noonday. Thus the commonwealth of little stout Platsea 
 undertook (Plutarch, "Aristides," 21) to make a blood- 
 sacrifice every year to the Greeks who had perished there in 
 the national battle (of 479) "and lay there." There was a 
 procession led by a trumpeter who blew the signal for the 
 charge, there were also chariots full of myrtle and wreaths. 
 The victim was a black steer. There were jars with liba- 
 tions of wine and milk, nor were oil and unguents lacking. 
 After sacrificing the steer so that his blood was absorbed 
 by the pyre, there was a prayer to Zeus of the Earth and 
 Hermes of the Earth (escort of souls), whereupon the chief 
 magistrate of Platsea summoned the brave men who had 
 died for Greece, to the feast and to the blood-satisfaction 
 (haima-kuria : Plutarch maintains the Pindaric phrase). 
 Their health also was drunk. 
 
 " I have a bronze statuette," says a physician (in Lucian, 
 " Philopseudes " 21), "a cubit in size, which, whenever 
 the wick of the lamp is extinguished, makes the rounds 
 of the whole house, making a noise, and overturning the 
 phials, and pouring together the potions, and overturning 
 the door and particularly when we postpone the sacrifice,
 
 HEROES AND HERO-WORSHIP AMONG GREEKS 123 
 
 which we bring to him once each year." Aratos of Sikyon 
 was the leading statesman of the Achasan League in his 
 time (d. 213 B.C. at Aigion). The Sikyonians (Plutarch, 
 "Aratos," 53) conveyed the corpse into their town, the peo- 
 ple being crowned with garlands and attired in white rai- 
 ment, and buried him in a conspicuous place there, and 
 sacrificed to him as to a founder and saviour, down to 
 Plutarch's time, i.e. more than three hundred years, for 
 having saved that commonwealth from autocratic rule. 
 There was a particular priest of Aratos as there was of 
 Zeus the saviour. Some said Aratos was a son of Askle- 
 pios (Paus., 2, 10, 3). 
 
 In the course of the Peloponnesian war, Brasidas, the 
 Spartan general, died 422 B.C., in defending Amphipolis 
 against the Athenians (Thucydides, 5, 11). He received 
 a public burial : his tomb was placed close by the market- 
 place and the monument surrounded with a barricading 
 enclosure ; blood-sacrifices downward were rendered to 
 him as to a heros, with games and annual burnt-offering, 
 they deeming him their saviour. 
 
 The philosopher Anaxagoras was similarly honored in 
 Lampsakos on the Hellespont, where he was buried. 
 Theron, autocrat of Akragas in Sicily, was honored with 
 similar distinction after his death, and when his tomb 
 was emptied by the Carthaginians and a plague fell upon 
 them, it was widely believed that here was the vengeance 
 of the heros (Diodorus, 13, 86). The laws of Lycurgus 
 provided that the deceased kings of Sparta should be 
 honored " not as human beings, but as heroes " (Xeno- 
 phon, " State of Lacedaemonians," 15, 9). 
 
 Whosoever has perused this volume from the beginning 
 will not marvel that it would have been not a very vio- 
 lent step forward to assign divine honors to one living, to 
 raise by one definite step or grade him who was to be 
 honored. The Stoics, in many ways the most spiritual 
 thinkers of the ancient time, were fond of saying that it 
 was in the matter of lasting alone that the Sage dif- 
 fered from the gods. A curse always is slavery: given 
 the trend to extol and deify force and power (the pal-
 
 124 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 pable ulcer in every neopagan movement), what need 
 we marvel at the last and consistent sequence drawn by 
 the pagan spirit? The call to be good goes out to 
 all mankind, the privilege of being uncommonly strong 
 seems an endowment of but few, veritably a natal endow- 
 ment : why so greatly extol a gift ? But to return to 
 the past. 
 
 When Lysander, generalissimo of Sparta and her allies, 
 in 405, at Goat's River in the Hellespont, had, with one 
 stroke, destroyed the Athenian empire, the " freed " com- 
 monwealths "reared to him altars" (Plutarch, "Lysan- 
 der," 18), " as to a God, and sacrificed offerings," hymns of 
 victory as to a new Apollo were sung, the Samians voted, 
 actually voted, to rename their Hera-anniversary and call 
 the celebration Lysandria instead. Poets were eager to 
 attune their lyre to the new god : it was the year in which 
 a Sophocles passed away. A little later in Greek politics 
 the people of Thasos offered divine honors to Agesilaos of 
 Sparta. The hard-headed and sober-minded king asked 
 of the delegates why, if the Thasians could translate mere 
 men to divinity, why they did not so extol themselves ? 
 Also he refused the setting up of his images (Plutarch, 
 " Apophthegmata Laconica" 25 s<?.). 
 
 When Philip had begun to set his foot on the neck of 
 Greece after his great victory of Chaironeia, 338 B.C., he 
 built a commemorative fane at Olympia, where images of 
 members of his dynasty were placed (Paus., 5, 20, 9-10), 
 of gold and ivory, like unto the Olympian Zeus of Phei- 
 dias. The catastrophe of King Philip was curious. It 
 was in the summer of 336 B.C. A splendid assembly 
 had gathered at Aigai in the north to attend the nuptials 
 of the king's daughter, Kleopatra. Feasts and contests 
 were the order of the day. His ambition was now 
 clearly facing toward Persia. Golden wreaths were ar- 
 riving from many commonwealths. In the festal pro- 
 cession were borne images of the twelve Olympian gods, 
 and as thirteenth the splendidly adorned statue of King 
 Philip himself, who thus appeared as assessor of the 
 Olympians. When all were seated in the vast theatre,
 
 HEROES AND HERO-WORSHIP AMONG GREEKS 125 
 
 the royal host at last appeared, draped in white, far re- 
 moved from his satellites, enjoying this occasion to present 
 himself to the loyalty and good-will of the Hellenic 
 world. But at this moment one of the king's own Gany- 
 medes, a man at arms, hastened up and pierced Philip's 
 body with a Keltic sword (Diodorus, 16, 92-94). When 
 Alexander came to the Nile in carrying forward his 
 father's ambition with still greater genius and energy, he 
 posed as a son of Zeus Ammon. " He needed this honor," 
 says a modern scholar, " to be rated by the natives as a 
 genuine successor to the Pharaohs of old. ..." The chief 
 hierophant, in the name of the god of the desert, greeted 
 the western conqueror as " Son." The priests also told 
 Alexander that the vastness of the young king's achieve- 
 ments would (Diodorus, 17, 51) be proof of the Macedo- 
 nian's divine descent. And this was the soul that had had 
 the instruction of the keenest and clearest mind of the 
 classic world, that of Aristotle. 
 
 So in this royal youth there was a puzzling congeries of 
 motives and impulses, deep policy, and irresistible enthusi- 
 asm. 
 
 And so at the very end and issue of Greek things have 
 we this craving, so incompatible with any sincere pretence 
 of humanity, as we have the demi-gods in the initial 
 myths and in the nebulous beginnings of Greek records. 
 
 Pure humanity indeed ! Subsequently, drunk with 
 sweet fortune, the young king demanded prostration even 
 from his own race, from the Macedonians, while Greek 
 flattery had been engaged in undermining Alexander's 
 equipoise and self-control, literary men were these who 
 offered him the incense of their verse, for his eastern gold. 
 They told him (Curtius, 8, 5, 8) that, one day, in 
 Olympus, Herakles and Dionysos, no less than Pollux and 
 Kastor, would yield to the new divinity. So Kallisthenes, 
 historian in ordinary to the conqueror, and nephew of 
 Aristotle, finally fell a victim, in part, to his own frank 
 avowal of human freedom. 
 
 With the deeper and earnest Stoics, Alexander's fame 
 fared but ill : " Alexander, who hurled his lance among
 
 126 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 his own guests, who cast one friend before wild beasts, the 
 other before himself," says Seneca (" De Ira," 3, 23). " For 
 what difference is it, I pray thee, Alexander, whether you 
 cast Lysimachus before a lion, or himself mangle him 
 with your own teeth? Thine is the mouth, thine that 
 savagery " (Seneca, " De dementia," 1, 25, 1). The same 
 thinker says: "Alexander of Macedon, when as victor of 
 the East he was lifting his spirit above the level of man, 
 the Corinthians congratulated through envoys and pre- 
 sented him with their citizenship." When Alexander had 
 smiled at this sort of attention, one of the envoys said : 
 " We have never given citizenship to any other but to you 
 and to Hercules. . . . And that person devoted to glory 
 of which he knew neither the nature nor the limit, pur- 
 suing the tracks of Hercules and of the Wine God, and 
 not even halting there where they had given out, looked 
 away from the givers to the partner of his own honor, as 
 though he held the realms of the sky which he was en- 
 deavoring to embrace with his vain soul, because he was 
 put on a level with Hercules. For what had in common 
 that crazy youth, whose lucky recklessness was rated as a 
 virtue ? " 
 
 Alexander's successors in the main organized their own 
 worship and that of their several dynasties, with priests, 
 temples, and court-poets the latter the true spirit of 
 later Hellenism, very learned, very adroit, worshipping 
 the hand that fed them, without any civil or political 
 attachment, bitterly jealous of one another but guar- 
 dians of culture! The second Ptolemy made his sister 
 Arsin6e his wife and queen. The locks of Berenike, 
 spouse of the third Ptolemy, were promptly assigned to a 
 constellation by the court-astronomer, Konon. Incest 
 became the system of this deified dynasty down to Kleo- 
 patra, who successfully ensnared the great Csesar himself. 
 
 The venerable commonwealths of central Greece more 
 and more became mere pawns in the incessant struggles 
 for power which prevailed among Alexander's successors, 
 particularly the dynasts of Syria, Egypt, and Macedon. 
 Whatever pride the Athenians had in their forbears, they
 
 HEROES AND HERO-WORSHIP AMONG GREEKS 127 
 
 had none whatever in themselves, and prostrated them- 
 selves before that autocrat who happened to dominate on 
 soil or billow, with consummately abject felicity. Thus 
 it was in 307-306, when Demetrios, the city-besieger 
 (Poliorketes), wrested Athens from the grasp of Macedon. 
 The commonwealth of Aristides and Socrates enrolled the 
 Syrian king and crown prince as " the Saviour Gods " and 
 appointed an annual priest for the new deities (Plutarch, 
 " Demetrios," c. 10). And this priest was to give his name 
 to the year, as the first archon had been wont to do. The 
 place, where Demetrios stepped from his chariot, was con- 
 secrated and an altar erected on it. This Athens too, this 
 much vaunted Athens, was the place where soon a new and 
 nobler school of philosophy was to emerge, the Stoa, which 
 was to glorify freedom and spiritual autonomy, the very 
 sovereignty of the soul, and a certain contemptus mundi as 
 well; but the nobler and noblest confessors were to be 
 found, much later, on Italian soil, among the Romans. 
 This post-Alexandrian generation too was that of Euhem- 
 eros, a Greek of Messana. He pointed out that the gods 
 of Greek tradition had indeed once upon a time been in 
 existence: they had indeed been kings and mighty men 
 of war of the hoary past : these, in course of time, had 
 been deified by admiring mankind. Euhemeros indeed is 
 the very complement of Greek myth-making, and of the 
 essentially low level of Greek popular religion, so-called. 
 The scrawl of the mound builders and the rude totems 
 of Alaska may be dubbed " art" I believe: and so of Greek 
 "religion"; but it's an undeserved honor in both cases: 
 while German classicists have over and over perpetrated 
 the absurdity of actually speaking of Greek " church " and 
 " theology " : some of these mere simply stupid, others 
 more positively malignant, some half-unconscious of the 
 deistic or pantheistic drift which such brutalizing manipu- 
 lation of nobler terms involves. 
 
 We cannot very well conclude this chapter without 
 turning once again to the " navel of the world," to Delphi.
 
 128 TESTTMONIUM AXL\LE 
 
 That Walhalla, Hall of Fame, Westminster or St. Paul of 
 Greek glory, revealed the peculiar kind of Greek hero- 
 worship much more conspicuously, palpably, and signifi- 
 cantly than any other thing or any other institution 
 within the entire periphery of the Hellenic world. These 
 things are set forth, as they were arrayed in the great 
 Apollo-temple under Parnassos, as late as 160 A.D., or 
 so, in the Tenth Book of Pausanias the traveller and 
 antiquarian. A curious revealing this of Greek glory and 
 hero-worship. No clear line there between myth, local 
 legend, and history. There was a statue of Phayllos of 
 Kroton, athlete and later a captain among the defenders 
 of national honor in Persian times : of Arkadian Tegea, 
 Kallisto (once ravished by Zeus), and the eponyme heros 
 Arkas and his offspring, and these gifts did the stout little 
 commonwealth send once when they had taken prisoners 
 from their irksome neighbors the Spartiats. 
 
 The Spartans themselves commemorated their great 
 naval victory over Athens, 405 ; there was a Poseidon, 
 and Lysander, their admiral, crowned by Poseidon, and 
 some one commander of each allied state sharing in this 
 discomfiture of Athens. Athens chose Miltiades, joined 
 with Apollo, Athena, and local Attic heroes tithe really 
 of loot of Marathon. As a rule, some victory in some 
 border feud or some of the endless contentions concerning 
 some little bone or other. These were the actual occa- 
 sions for such consecrated gifts. Greek vaunting over 
 Greek, in fact. One could read the history of Greece in 
 that great gathering of Greek art. And it would have 
 differed little from the lessons furnished by their three 
 foremost historians : seeking their felicity in cutting short 
 the welfare of their fellow-Greeks, trying to impose their 
 will on weaker neighbors, unwilling to devise, with fair 
 mind, any political equality among their brethren, pain- 
 fully incapable, as a whole, of larger construction ; jealous, 
 envious, small. 
 
 And so they revealed themselves in the great crisis of the 
 Persian invasions, when vanity, feud, jealousy, were quite 
 strong enough to inhibit any real, universal, national move-
 
 HEROES AND HERO-WORSHIP AMONG GREEKS 129 
 
 ment or unity, when Syracuse balked, because she claimed 
 admiralship, when Corcyra held back to see, first, which 
 side would win. As for Argos, her hatred of Sparta was 
 far greater than her concern for national independence : 
 "Thus the Argives say" (Herod., 7, 140) "that they did 
 not endure the covetousness of the Spartiats, but chose 
 rather to be ruled by the barbarians, than to yield in any- 
 thing to the Lacedaemonians. . . ." Nay, the " navel of the 
 Earth " itself lost courage in 480; the corporation directing 
 things at Delphi was utterly demoralized by the steady 
 advance of Xerxes. The political history of Greece is a 
 pitiable record. 
 
 Of that Greek Westminster, however, there remains one 
 curious item : the famous courtesan Phryne was repre- 
 sented there, also ; to use the simple words of Pausanias, 
 10, 15, 1 : "Of Phryne Praxiteles he too a lover 
 wrought a gilded portrait-statue, and the portrait-statue 
 is an ' anathema' (a consecrated gift) by Phryne herself." 
 At Thespiai the Kyprian as well as Phryne herself, of 
 marble, by the same eminent sculptor, could be seen, in 
 bold juxtaposition : the model's pride. 
 
 She was a poor girl of Thespiai, but became enormously 
 wealthy at Athens from the courtesan's profession. Alex- 
 ander of Macedon had destroyed Thebes in the year 335 
 B.C. She promised to rebuild the walls, if the Thebans 
 would make an inscription with these words : " Razed by 
 Alexander, but rebuilt by Phryne the courtesan " (Athe- 
 nseus, book 13). At Delphi her own statue stood between 
 that of King Philip of Macedon, and although a philoso- 
 pher once exclaimed on seeing all this : " A consecrated 
 gift of the wantonness of the Greeks! " everything seemed 
 to be in harmony. 
 
 But miserable remains the attitude of many professional 
 archaeologists, who, with their mental eyes closed, and 
 their bristles up, stubbornly interpret moral excellencies 
 and all kinds of " divine highness " (whatever that may 
 mean) into Phryne's portrait. " Enslaved as to his soul " 
 such a one is Overbeck, and all other enthusiasts 
 who crave divinity without any moral predicates. That
 
 130 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 ecstasy is denied us common mortals : Overbeck and the 
 members of his cult of course know best whence they de- 
 rive their notions, e.g. " That Praxiteles understood very 
 well, to express, for a more delicate perception, the god- 
 dess in the woman." (Overbeck, "G-eschichte der Grrie- 
 chischen Plastik," 1870, Vol. 2, p. 35.) 
 
 O autonomous and absolute sestheticism, how hast thou 
 ever perverted and degraded her who should remain sov- 
 ereign over thee, the human soul, whose destiny is ever 
 to pass beyond vernal things of pleasing contours? Phryne 
 at Delphi ; but in the Greek cult of naturalness she was 
 by no means out of place Kypris was among the Olym- 
 pians why not her eminent priestess among the foremost 
 of the Hellenes ? But let us pass on to a nobler theme. 
 
 NOTE. Those who desire wider reading on this topic may con- 
 sult : Naegelsbach, " Nachhomerische Theologie" p. 105 ; Joh. Jos. 
 J. Dollinger, " Heidenthum und ludenthum," 1857, p. 90; Stephanus, 
 Thesaurus, s.v. rjpo><;. 
 
 F. Deneken, article "Heros," in Roscher, Lexikon; C. F. Hermann, 
 Gottesdienstliche Alterthiimer," 16; Killer von Gartringen, article 
 "Apotheosis," in Wissowa-Pauly.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY. PYTHAGORAS. THE 
 MYSTERIES OF ELEUSIS. GREEK PIETY 
 
 THE concern of the varied forms of local cults (so 
 largely making up the whole of Greek Religion), this con- 
 cern was largely with the immediate present, this world, 
 this life, some gain: the peeping through the curtain of 
 the future. It is the weakest side of the classicist's 
 concern. Lifelong devotion tempted many a classicist to 
 overstatements like this one by Welcker (" Grriechische 
 Grdtterlekre" III, 227) : " the peculiar religious system of 
 the Hellenes, which, after it had produced its greatest 
 effects in regard to Ethics and ^Esthetics. ..." As 
 to the latter, yes ; as to any theory of morals or morality 
 where ? when ? how ? I have been trying to find out 
 for many years. Still the testimony of the soul among 
 the Greeks furnishes some data of a vital concern for things 
 not altogether of this earth of ours, and transcending this 
 narrow span of life. 
 
 Pythagoras of Samos flourished 539-520 B.C. Our data 
 of classic tradition are very unsatisfactory and inadequate. 
 He left the famous isle of Hera, Samos, then ruled over 
 by the autocrat Polykrates, and went out into the western 
 world of the Hellenes, Greater Greece, as they called it 
 with some pride. It was a curious body of followers, a 
 remarkable kind of pursuits which he built up in Croton. 
 The charm of mathematics there is such a thing for the 
 esoteric few this charm possessed his soul. The human 
 mind (when fresh and young and unwearied by a large 
 mass of traditional and conventional academic things) is 
 constitutionally inclined to give body and substance to 
 its own achievements. In that noble striving to compre- 
 
 J31
 
 132 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 hend the Universal somehow, or from some point of view, 
 Pythagoras builded a system or a philosophy of mathe- 
 matics, that is to say, he endowed mathematical notions 
 with a curious symbolism and significance ; as though the 
 essence of Being which indeed we grasp in numerical com- 
 prehension and order were substantially so determined 
 and constructed. But these symbolisms of the Limited 
 and Unlimited, of Monad, Triad, Tetrad, must not delay 
 us here. Or should we attempt now to retrace how the 
 Pythagoreans endowed Five with the meaning of definite 
 qualification, Six with the symbolism of Animation, Seven 
 with that of clearness or brightness, health and reason, 
 and so on ? Certainly not. 
 
 We turn to the soul. This nobler part of our being is 
 very different from the body. The essential and very 
 shallow overestimation of all things of matter and those 
 which give joy to this little life of sense and seeming, this 
 striving, I say, so characteristic of the Greeks at large, was 
 radically antagonized in the Pythagorean system. The 
 body is not all the summum bonum of existence, but it is a 
 prison, it is a tomb and sepulchre, a penalty imposed ; but 
 still the passing from this life was in no wise left to the dis- 
 cretion of man, but of sovereigns : divine rulers. The soul 
 has a heavenly, an eternal origin, and its identity is not 
 destroyed, its continuity not terminated, by its passing 
 into new bodies, by its descent even into bodies of much 
 lower order. Pythagoras himself said that his first incar- 
 nation was as Aithalides, reputed a son of Hermes. His 
 second birth was as Euphorbos, who was slain by Mene- 
 laos in the Trojan war : meanwhile, however, he had also 
 entered into divers plants and animals. The third passing 
 into human flesh was as Hermotimos : this was followed 
 by a sojourn in the body of a fisherman of Delos, named 
 Pyrrhos ; lastly he became Pythagoras. There is much 
 in this system that is essentially gloomy: for the Earth, 
 they claimed, as a whole, was one of those cosmic bodies, 
 which refused to adjust themselves (v. Schwegler) to 
 form and order, to be in complete accord with the har- 
 mony of the Universe ; " and the life on Earth, therefore,
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY 133 
 
 is an imperfect condition, into which the soul, which in 
 itself is ' harmony,' may have passed not through nature, 
 but through its own guilt, and which, consequently, it 
 must remove from itself again, in order to gain permission 
 to return to those purer regions whence it has its origin." 
 Conduct of Life is very much loftier a matter than 
 academic originality or fitness for the consistent and 
 consecutive paragraphs of the scholar's tabulation. The 
 great point about that brotherhood was that it made 
 incisive postulates upon the lives and living of the mem- 
 bers. And while there may be here before us certain 
 elements of pantheism resembling Buddha-tenets, still, 
 the soul of man essentially is not free, not emancipated, 
 but it is subject to divine laws, loyal to tenets binding 
 and absolute. "Men must not" (Diog. Laer., VIII, 9) 
 " pray for themselves," personally why not ? " Because 
 they know not what is beneficial or truly advantageous 
 for themselves." A stray notice this in a late and some- 
 what mechanical compiler, but still precious. Worlds 
 above the current and coarsely material and selfish 
 notions of Greek prayer was this : because in the primacy 
 of the soul the ordinary impulse and craving of common 
 desire and pleasurable convenience rarely is set upon that 
 which is beneficial to the imperishable and transcendent 
 part of ourselves, our soul, our spiritual well-being. No 
 one but the young or the spiritually shallow will deny 
 this. Puzzled, I say, I am as to the deeper attitude of 
 that nobler cult : were they Pantheists ? But your 
 thoroughgoing Pantheist will make himself the sover- 
 eign and manifestation of the Universe : where then is 
 there any sovereign authority outside of the subject, 
 absolute and obligatory for man ? So, while on the one 
 hand we seem to read a belief of a cosmic soul of which 
 our souls are but infinitely small particles, comparable to 
 the delicate specks of dust made manifest in a dark 
 chamber into which a few rays of sunshine are admitted, 
 so, on the other hand, we meet everywhere the urging 
 of the soul and its needs, its future, its responsible gov- 
 ernment of this physical life of ours. They seem indeed
 
 134 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 to have availed themselves of the current nomenclature of 
 traditional mythical beings; thus Hermes was the steward 
 of the souls: he led them and admitted them from the 
 bodies, from earth and sea (Diog. Laer., VIII, 31), and 
 that those that were pure were led to the loftiest habita- 
 tion, but the non-puritied could neither approach closely to 
 the former, nor to one another, but they were bound with 
 chains unbreakable by the Erinyans. We regret that 
 we do not find any full and satisfactory exposition as to 
 what is understood by souls pure and unpurified. But 
 we are not left indeed without some noble traces. Thus 
 (32) " the greatest concern in human society was to per- 
 suade the soul to the good rather than to the bad. And men 
 were happy when a good soul fell to their lot." There 
 seems to have been a body of precepts, some of them of 
 decidedly ascetic character, some also referring to food, 
 and the abstinence from many items of diet involving 
 the destruction of organic life. Many rules were there 
 also of personal purity and purification coupled with much 
 symbolism. Everywhere does there seem to have been 
 imposed the law of restraint, of moderation, temperance, 
 perhaps we may go so far as to say of spiritual domi- 
 nation. That these grave and lofty tenets, so alien to 
 the Hellenic spirit (a spirit of consummate contentment 
 with the transitory outwardness of being), proved fair 
 sport to the free lances of Attic comedy goes without 
 saying. That they pursued a certain positive form of 
 righteous living and genuine piety, and not merely cer- 
 tain forms of ritual and purification, may be set down 
 quite positively. Porphyry, in his life of Pythagoras (a 
 very late production, it is true, of a period when paganism 
 grasped convulsively after everything spiritually com- 
 mendable and brought all ingredients of the past into 
 uncritical commingling), Porphyry, I say, claims that 
 Pythagoras demanded that man should deeply review or 
 plan his conduct of life in the morning and evening, after 
 waking and before going to sleep. I have already referred 
 to the severe and sweeping condemnation of Homer and 
 Hesiod (Diog. Laer., VIII, 21) poets, whose works had
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY 135 
 
 long been received in the practice of the Hellenic world as 
 repositories and standards of current religious ideas. A 
 genuine respect for the latter on the part of the older 
 Pythagoreans was, indeed, impossible. This tradition 
 placed those poets in a veritable hell of torture and retri- 
 bution. And here we may well incorporate a passage 
 from Cicero, " De Natura Deorum," 1, 42 : " for not much 
 more absurd are those things, which, widely spread in 
 the utterances of the poets, have done harm by their very 
 charm of attractiveness, who have brought forward gods 
 inflamed with anger and insane with carnal lust, and have 
 caused us to see their wars, engagements, battles, wounds, 
 besides their feuds, their ruptures, discords, births, deaths, 
 complaints, lamentations, their unrestrained lusts in every 
 form of self-indulgence, adulteries, bonds, co-habiting with 
 human kind, and mortals begotten from immortals." 
 These popular poets, however, Homer and Hesiod, main- 
 tained a measure of authority not seriously impaired, for 
 they were inculcated as the basis of all liberal education. 
 The spiritual call of the Pythagorean practice and cult 
 had warm and earnest disciples, but it never made any 
 impression on the Hellenic spirit at large, a spirit not ill 
 repristinated in Schiller's " Gods of Greece " an ecstasy of 
 sesthetical fervor, oddly incongruous as coming from the 
 pen of a man going forward to the severity of Kantian 
 categories. 
 
 Much more popular was a certain striving for a con- 
 dition after death more favorable and fraught with more 
 promise than that afforded by the coarse cult of tradition 
 and the figures in Homer and Hesiod. I mean the Mys- 
 teries in Greek Religion . Of these, three were particu- 
 larly renowned, viz., those of the Kabiri on the island 
 of Samothrace, the private ritual of the Orphic mysteries 
 of Dionysos, and, lastly, those of Eleusis, in honor of 
 Demeter and her daughter Persephone, whom the Greeks 
 generally called briefly Kora, the maid. After the 
 microscopic elucidation of the ancient tradition by the 
 Konigsberg scholar Lobeck ("Aglaophamossive de Theo-
 
 136 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 logise Mystiese Graecorum Causis 1829," 2 vols.), it would 
 be presumptuous for any one to hope to contribute even 
 a shred or tuft to this discussion. But these essays of 
 mine are not at all intended to be antiquarian. 
 
 Old indeed were these rites of Eleusis and very dear to 
 Attic pride. So in the " Homeric " Hymn to Demeter, 
 274, the rites or ceremonial of the Eleusinian anniver- 
 sary are presented as Orgia, taught and suggested by 
 Demeter herself. " Orgia " properly means " things 
 wrought," i.e. religious rites practically enacted, the 
 actual ceremonial of a religious form of service. And 
 we are told, somewhat farther on in the same Hymnus, 
 v. 480 : " Blessed is that one of men of this earth who has 
 gazed upon these things. But he who is not initiated in 
 the sacred rites, and he who has a share therein, never 
 have they a similar allotment, passed away though they 
 be, under the dank and mouldy darkness." No heaven 
 then, no consummation of the soul's intrinsic being, but 
 in the main a guarantee of a condition after death much 
 more tolerable for the initiated than for those who had 
 not been initiated. For these the current Attic phrase 
 was " to lie in the morass " (eV j3opfidpq> Keur0ai~) . All the 
 Mystai (the Initiated, or admitted to share in the 
 Cult) purged themselves by ablutions on the seacoast 
 and the postulates of moral fitness were of a minimal 
 measure : their hands must not be stained with murder. 
 It is not accidental that we learn little of the actual 
 phrase of the Initiated from Greek classical prose writers, 
 -^schylos was charged, it seems, with having profaned 
 the mysteries, and a versatile Athenian of a later genera- 
 tion, Alkibiades, the exemplar and mirror of the incipient 
 generation of Attic decadence, actually did profane them. 
 Clement of Alexandria (fl. 200 A.D.) refers to all these 
 things, naturally, as an Upholder of Christian revelation, 
 with perfect freedom. Some scholars think it probable 
 that he himself, before his own conversion, had been 
 initiated. But passing over much of the antiquarian 
 detail and leaving it to its own herbaria, we ask very 
 sincerely : how did the fates of Demeter seeking her lost
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY 137 
 
 daughter have any bearing whatever, even in the elastic 
 band of tensile and ductile symbolism which constitutes 
 so vast a portion of Greek and Roman religion, so-called ? 
 The celebration was held annually in Boedromion 
 (about September), from the 16th to about the 28th. 
 There was a vast procession or pilgrimage from the Pot- 
 ters' Suburb in North Athens. It is somewhat difficult 
 not to think of the mediseval pilgrimages to particular 
 shrines or sacred places. These escorted lacchos-Diony- 
 sos, the child of Kora, to Eleusis. The tone of it all, par- 
 ticularly during the pilgrimage of the distance (some 
 eleven to twelve miles), was not over solemn, but hilari- 
 ous, and when they crossed the bridge over the Kephissos, 
 the jests and jokes (due largely, we may believe, to the 
 incidental jostling and crowding) do not seem to have 
 been of a more saintly character than those of a Roman 
 or Venetian Carnival. But the further symbolism was 
 more gloomy. As Demeter in deepest sorrow roamed 
 over the face of the earth, with burning torches, without 
 eating or drinking : she, the deeply distressed mother, 
 seeking in vain her beloved fair daughter, so the pilgrims 
 did with much imitative representation and pantomime ; 
 while lacchos really represents humanity. Torn in pieces 
 by the Titans, his heart only preserved in Zeus, for 
 Zeus really is the father who has co-habited in serpent's 
 form with Kora even before she has been ravished by 
 Pluton. But lacchos is specially favored to live anew : 
 in his person and in his legend there is bound up the 
 human hope and the human idea of a palingenesis, of new 
 birth, new life, of a triumph over death and decay. The 
 Greeks at large did not trouble themselves much to dis- 
 tinguish him from Semele's son, the vintage-god of Thebes. 
 So he comes to be called the " fair god," the god ever 
 fresh and vernal, new life, new hope. And as Demeter 
 (Earth) and Kora (the ever new life on the Earth) shelter 
 and love lacchos (our human kind), so, it seems, the Initi- 
 ated Greeks, the Mystai, hoped to be sheltered in the 
 period after death, to be sheltered and loved by the great 
 mother and daughter.
 
 138 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Before the pilgrims left Athens, the Hierophant made 
 a solemn proclamation. He, the " demonstrator of sacred 
 things," warned all who were not Greeks against min- 
 gling in the sacred procession. For this was a cantonal, 
 and by extension a national feeling, a Panhellenic rite and 
 service. And this limitation and national conceit was the 
 rule in the ancient world. Their religion was a deliber- 
 ate act or institution like any other: myths involving 
 epiphany of some kind, and a revelation of some sort, 
 abounded, and still there was lacking any belief in a re- 
 ligious truth of world-wide importance and obligation. 
 Where, too, do we find any spirit of proselytizing or 
 propaganda? The great structure or sacred edifice, 
 called also Telesterion or Anaktoreion (i.e. Abode of Initia- 
 tions, Abode of the Sovereigns), was very large. It had 
 to hold the vast congregation of the Mystai. According 
 to Strabo (time of the beginning of the Christian era) ft 
 was able to hold such a multitude as an open-air theatre 
 (amphitheatre) could accommodate : hence, by a fair com- 
 putation, not less than twenty thousand people. 
 
 The celebrations were at night. There must have been 
 a stage : for a full view of " what was said and done " 
 was a very essential part of the experience so highly 
 prized by those admitted to be spectators, Eptiptai. I 
 now cite from one of the best-read of scholars, Preller 
 (Pauly, s.v. Eleusinia, p. 107) : "Then, before the initia- 
 tory rite itself all horrors, shuddering and trembling, per- 
 spiration and shrinking astonishment. From this point 
 there bursts forth a wonderful light : pleasant regions 
 and meadows receive us, in which voices and dances and 
 the splendors of sacred chants and apparitions make 
 themselves manifest" (Plutarch). Similarly in another 
 passage where the same author says of the disciples of 
 philosophy ("-DeProfectibm in Vtrtute") that at first they 
 disport themselves in a disorderly and noisy fashion, " but 
 when they have entered in and seen a great light as 
 though at the opening of a temple of consecration, they 
 assume a different kind of demeanor, become still and mar- 
 vel. , . ," Finally Themistios (" Oration," 20, p. 235, f),
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY 139 
 
 who likewise compares the complete opening of philoso- 
 phy with the moment "when the prophet widely opens 
 the foregate of the temple and draws the curtain from 
 the temple and presents it radiant and illumined with 
 divine brilliancy to him who has been admitted to 
 initiation. . . ." "It seems that the Ep6ptai (i.e. 
 those admitted to the degree of spectators) at Eleusis 
 were led in a symbolical fashion through the Tartaros into 
 Elysion. ..." Connected with this seems to have 
 been a so-called presentation of the mysteries, i.e. of certain 
 sacred objects, which partly were symbols of the blessings 
 and secrets of the Eleusinian divinities, partly a kind of 
 religious relics. These were shown to the Initiated in the 
 act of consecration, were touched and kissed by them. 
 
 "... At first the conception of the divinities of the 
 lower earth was on the whole one of awe : particularly 
 the specific forces of death, Aidoneus (the Lord of the 
 Abode where you cannot see, the Prince of Darkness) and 
 Persephone (the Slayer-goddess) appearing as absolutely 
 terrible, defying reconciliation, the entire realm of death 
 is opposed to the luminous upper world as fearful horror 
 without consolation and hope. But gradually their image 
 acquires milder colors : they do not terrify, but they bless 
 also, conceal the dead in their lap as a grain of seed, 
 afford a hope full of propitious significance to the crop of 
 the departed intrusted to them, when they send up the 
 grain of seed to the light in the freshly vivified stalk of 
 grain." (An ear of grain figures conspicuously in the 
 ritual of the Eleusinian mysteries.) These statements 
 then are Preller's. We will now go on to append a number 
 of utterances on the bliss and consolation of these rites, 
 drawn from ancient literature at large. Pindar we have 
 already cited in Chapter 5. Sophocles, in a fragment pre- 
 served by Plutarch ("De Audiendis Poetis" Chap. 4) : 
 " Thrice blessed are those mortals who having gazed upon 
 these mystic rites go to the lower world : for they alone 
 are there allowed to have life, the others have nothing but 
 evil there." Plutarch, by the by, utterly rejects the 
 doctrine implied, for it seems no demand was made upon
 
 140 TESTIMONIUM ANEVLE 
 
 the spiritual side of man, the mere act of sharing in the 
 ritual being deemed quite sufficient and adequate. Har- 
 lots and thieves could come in and go on being harlots 
 and thieves and still console themselves with the blessed 
 assurance of a lot infinitely transcending that of the non- 
 initiated. The hard-headed cynic Diogenes (fl. 336 B.C.) 
 expressed a similar rating : " What is that you say ? " 
 said he. " Is the lot which Pataikion the thief will 
 have after death better, because he has been initiated, 
 than that of Epaminondas ? " (Plutarch, 16.). Epami- 
 nondas, one of the few truly great men of Greece, 
 was also a devotee of Pythagorean doctrines, one of the 
 small number of public men of Greece who actually rose 
 high above the temptations of ambition and of personal 
 aggrandizement, and who neither feared nor flattered that, 
 which to most Hellenic statesmen was in the place of gods 
 and of their very conscience, his own fellow-citizens of 
 Thebes. Plato (" Republic," 2, 363) speaks with unmiti- 
 gated censure of the kindred promises of orphic mysteries : 
 eternal banquets for the pious (o<rtot), i.e. for those ad- 
 mitted a coarse eternity of carousing for those who had 
 satisfied mere externalities of formulary and purification. 
 This at least seems to have been the actual current view 
 of these things in Plato's time. Aristophanes, in his 
 comedy of Euripides and JEschylus tried as poets in the 
 lower world, when looking around for suitable equipment 
 of scenery and plot, introduced a chorus of Mystai (405 
 B.C.). See especially "Frogs," v. 324, 340 sqq., 382, 397, 
 440, 686. See particularly 454: "for to us alone Sun and 
 Light are cheerful, to all of us who have been initiated 
 and have lived in pious wise. ..." From the dis- 
 tinctive or specific Attic point of view these mysteries 
 and all the blessing of agricultural civilization were among 
 the chief assets of cantonal pride : let us hear Isocrates in 
 the " Panegyricus" 28 : " For when Demeter had come into 
 our country, when she roamed after Kora who had been 
 carried away by force, and when she had become kindly 
 disposed to our own sires on account of the benefactions 
 received by her, the which none other but the Initiated
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY 141 
 
 may hear, and when she had given gifts which actually 
 are the greatest, viz., the produce of the soil which have 
 been the cause of our not living like the beasts, and the 
 Initiation, the sharers in which cherish more pleasing hopes 
 both as to the end of life and all eternity. ..." Similar 
 is the presentation of the matter in Cicero, who was an 
 earnest classicist in his day and for his day : " Athens 
 seems to have begotten many exceptional and more 
 than human things and to have brought them into human 
 life, and particularly nothing better than those mysteries, 
 by which we have been trained to civilization and rendered 
 refined from rude and uncouth living: and as they are 
 called Initiations, so have we in all truth realized that 
 they are the initial bases of life: and not only have we 
 a theory of living with joyfulness, but even of dying 
 with a better hope " (" De Legilus" 2, 36). 
 
 On the whole there was, as Plutarch and Plato suggest, 
 very little indeed of genuine spirituality, nor of a deeper 
 reaction upon the soul, in these secret and far-famed rites. 
 The circle of life there was ; the symbolism of the endless 
 succession of seed and fruit, of germ and growth, there 
 was some taking hold of and appropriating of all this ; but 
 as the fundamental weakness of Greek Religion, so-called, 
 remained unchanged here, I cannot see that there was any 
 very material elevation above, nor any radical emancipa- 
 tion from, Nature-cult to be observed here. And just as 
 we, we of the human kind, cannot dispense with reason 
 and spirit, with cause and effect, with time and space 
 so our soul cannot seriously turn with deeper satisfaction 
 to forces and recurrent phenomena in this world of sense 
 and seeming, which mean, nay, which are merely the 
 coming and going of matter in organic forms, nor can the 
 soul be content in subordinating itself to showers and sun- 
 shine, in turning to clouds and winds, in recognizing the 
 cycle of life and decay: it is among these, but it is not of 
 these. After all they worshipped the continuation of 
 material and organic life, but they craved not a state im-
 
 142 TESTIMONIUM ANIIVLE 
 
 material or spiritual ; they frankly sought consolation in 
 the very symbolism or symbol of physiological propaga- 
 tion in which man differs not from the lower beasts. 
 Diodorus, 4, 6, says : " but some say that the generative 
 members being the cause of production of human kind 
 and of their enduring for all time, obtained immortal 
 honor. . . . And in the mysteries, not only of Diony- 
 sos, but pretty nearly in them all, this god obtains a cer- 
 tain honor, being introduced with laughter and sport in 
 the sacrifices." 
 
 It is not essentially different from ''das Ewig Weib- 
 liche " of Goethe's Pantheistical dithyramb. Whether 
 the individual soul derives much or any consolation from 
 the prospect of the continuation of frames like unto its 
 own, I know not; I fear indeed that the soul does not. 
 Here let us think of the last couch, often so wearisome 
 and so woful, and the last hours. The precocious lines 
 indeed of young Bryant are supremely futile ; Hamlet's 
 soliloquy intones more truthfully the psalm of death as 
 rising from our human kind at large. It is this one soul, 
 my soul, which concerns me, and Hadrian's last verses 
 truly are wrung from the dying agony of man at large. 
 What consolation was to him, then, the continuity of his 
 kind ? A conceit of supreme indifference and insignifi- 
 cance indeed. 
 
 All this may well lead us to make some inquiry into 
 Greek Piety, into that virtue which in their categories 
 and nomenclature figured as Eusebeia, literally, " well 
 reverencing" : that is, not merely fidelity in acts of 
 prayer and worship, but a reverent soul as well, the atti- 
 tude of such devotion and respect. 
 
 To pray, to sacrifice in the proper manner, to the proper 
 gods : what, then, was the right manner ? What were 
 the proper gods ? After all these are questions answered 
 mainly by practical conformity to the particular common- 
 wealth, often a very little one, where, however, the observ- 
 ances of the past were held with no less tenacity than in 
 one of the greater states such as Athens, Sparta, Thebes,
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY 143 
 
 Argos, or Corinth. With all these traditions and usages, 
 the corporation of Delphi remained the court of last appeal 
 and was held an ultimate resort in every question of pro- 
 cedure, and in every problem of piety. " Do not," says 
 Socrates in Xenophon (" Memorabilia " 3, 3, 16), " do not 
 be distressed about this : for you see that the god in 
 Delphi, whenever any one asks him how he could gratify 
 the gods, answers : ' by the Usage of the Commonwealth.' " 
 Even the particular citizenship (Naegelsbach, " N. H. 
 Theol." p. 217, a book to which I owe much) rested largely 
 on having a share in the sacred rites and ancestral tombs. 
 And so, at Athens, at the opening of every session of the 
 general assembly (Ekklesicf) of the citizens, curses were 
 uttered against the wicked, and ancestral prayers were 
 uttered by the herald. Religious acts were bound up 
 with war, with domestic and family life, from birth to 
 burial, and the calendar of the commonwealth identified 
 as it was with the ever recurring ring of Nature and the 
 Seasons, constituted a veritable garland, the flowers of 
 which were ever renewed. 
 
 Agreeably to the character of this book, I shall conclude 
 this chapter with a number of significant and character- 
 istic utterances, presented to my readers with particular 
 care, both as to choice and also as to reproduction. Plato 
 in his old age wrote as follows (" Laws," 4, 717, a) : " First 
 then, we say, bestowing honors (after those due to the 
 Olympians and due to the divinities possessing the com- 
 monwealth), bestowing, we say, upon the divinities under- 
 ground adequate and secondary and subsidiary honors 
 he who does this would most correctly hit the mark of 
 piety . . . and after these gods to the daimones also 
 would the sensible person offer up the particular ceremo- 
 nial of rites, and to the heros after these. ..." And from 
 these observances the old philosopher goes on to enumer- 
 ate the honors shown to the paternal gods, and, finally, to 
 the parents themselves, a scale of duty and obligation in 
 which there was indeed no link which could be displaced 
 or broken by the citizen or householder. And this iden- 
 tity of obligation to gods and parents is met with also in
 
 144 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 a passage in Xenophon, praising JEneas of Troy (" Essay 
 on Hunting," 1, 15) ; " And .2Eneas having saved his 
 paternal and maternal gods" (think of Rachel fleeing from 
 her father Laban), "having saved also his father in person, 
 carried off the reputation of piety, so that also the foes 
 granted to him alone, when they mastered Troy, that he 
 should not suffer pillage." 
 
 The same writer, Xenophon, himself an exemplar of 
 close observance of ritual tradition, presents Socrates in 
 the latter's own catechetic fashion drawing out the con- 
 ception or current notion of jfc6eta (" Mem.," 4, 6, 2) : 
 " Tell me, Euthydemos, what kind of a thing do you deem 
 Eusebeia to be ? " And he said, " A very fine thing, by 
 Zeus." " Are you able to say then, what kind of a person 
 the Eu*ebs is ? " " It seems to me it is he who honors 
 the gods." "May one honor the gods in any fashion one 
 wishes to ? " " No, but there are laws in accordance with 
 which one must do this." "He therefore who knows 
 these usages (laws) would know in what fashion one 
 must honor the gods ?" "I think so." "Really then he 
 who knows how to honor the gods does not think he 
 ought to do it otherwise than in the manner he knows ? " 
 " Why no," said he. " Does any one honor the gods in a 
 way different from that in which he thinks he must honor 
 them?" "I think not," said he. "He then who honors 
 them conformably to established usage, honors them as 
 he ought to ? " " By all means," said he. " He therefore 
 who knows the established usages concerning the gods 
 would correctly meet our definition of what the pious man 
 is." In the brief enumeration, in that little paper among 
 Aristotle's writings (on " Virtues and Vices," p. 1258, c), 
 Eunebeia is defined as an element of, or a consequence of 
 righteousness, at bottom consistency with civic virtue, so 
 that the good citizens will reverence his particular gods 
 no less than the next class in the hierarchy of being, viz., 
 the daimones, after which come one's native community, 
 one's parents, and finally the departed. For the gods 
 are topical, i.e. local, says Servius (in the dusk of things 
 pagan and things classical), the gods are local, and do not
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY 145 
 
 pass over to other countries (Servius, "^En.," 7, 47). " Gods 
 not inferior," says the suppliant lolaos (in Euripides, 
 " Heraclidse," 347), " have we for allies than have the men 
 of Argos ; over them is Hera, spouse of Zeus : Athena over 
 w." Or "did the gods," says Kreon in anger of the 
 brother-slain Theban prince Eteokles, " did the gods" (i.e. 
 of Thebes) " exceedingly honoring him as a benefactor con- 
 ceal him (i.e. kept his corpse covered with dust) who 
 came to set on fire their temples' peristyle, who came to 
 scatter to the winds their sacred gifts, their lands, their 
 laws?" A politico-topographical limitation of piety we 
 see. And here I may save from obscurity and oblivion 
 a curious fragment of the Attic antiquarian Philochoros 
 (fl. 270 A.D.), a curious bit of Attic religious usage 
 preserved for us in a scholion on Sophocles, " (Edipus 
 Coloneus," v. 1047, i.e. "when a sacred delegation goes to 
 Delphi, then the soothsayer sacrifices at Oinoe (near the 
 frontier nearest to the Parnassos-country) daily, in the 
 Pythian sanctuary, but whenever the holy mission is de- 
 spatched to Delos, then the soothsayer makes oblation in 
 the Delian sanctuary at Marathon : and there is observa- 
 tion of entrails (hieroskopia) on the part of the sacred 
 delegation destined for Delphi at Oinoe, and on the part 
 of that for Delos in the Delian shrine at Marathon." 
 What does all this mean ? I think the following is signi- 
 fied : the sacrificial act, coupled with entrail inspection, is 
 done and performed as near to the deity to be consulted 
 as possible, without, however, leaving the territory of the 
 particular commonwealth interested in that ascertainment. 
 After all there is a curioup circumscription both of reli- 
 gious trust as well as of the potency and power of the 
 same god, in his two habitations. One point : the sacred 
 delegates sacrifice, through their mantic expert, until the 
 entrails say: go to Delphi: or: go to Delos. Is it not 
 quite fair to think of the Ephesian Artemis here ? " All 
 with one voice," St. Luke tells us (Acts 19, 34 <?.), "All 
 with one voice about the space of two hours cried out, 
 ' Great is Diana of the Ephesians.' ' And when the town 
 clerk had appeared to the people, he said : " Ye men of
 
 146 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Ephesus, what man is there that knoweth not how that 
 the city of the Ephesians is a worshipper of the great god- 
 dess Diana, and of the image, which fell down from Jupi- 
 ter ? " The question remains whether the vast majority 
 of the Greek people did not after all attach their piety 
 to these idols or simulacra, without any elevation of soul 
 towards a more spiritual or adequate object of worship. 
 For the oldest idola were white stones, and all the art of 
 Pheidias and Praxiteles did not really divest these primi- 
 tive objects of piety of their importance with the people 
 at large. With such data Pausanias abounds : see, for 
 instance, book 7, 22, 4 (at Pharai, in Achaia) : " And there 
 are standing very close to the statue of the god four-cor- 
 nered stones, about thirty in number ; these the Pharians 
 worship, dubbing each stone with the name of some god. 
 And still farther back in time white stones in the estima- 
 tion of all the Greeks had the honors of gods instead of 
 statues" (agalmata). But in a later essay I shall hope 
 to deal with the actual religion and religiosity of Greek 
 communities. Let us moderns not be carried away by 
 archaeological exaltation in dealing with this grave matter. 
 
 NOTE. The great work of Zeller is the best for those who desire 
 deeper knowledge of Greek Philosophy, and so of Pythagoras as well. 
 This is so because Zeller has quoted and sifted the entire extent of 
 the ancient tradition with exhaustive fidelity ; the most precious part 
 of his volumes is in the footnotes. For his own person, Zeller was 
 trained in the pantheism and in the so-called Philosophy of History 
 of the Wiirtemberg metaphysician ; and the fiction of the cast-iron 
 dialectic progression of human history and human culture maintained 
 by the Hegelians vitiates every utterance with which Hegel or, for 
 that matter, Zeller, turn to, or pretend to dispose of, the historical 
 beginnings of Christianity. Martyrdom and absolute self-denial of 
 the contemporary disciples of the Founder of Christianity are impos- 
 sible on the conception of a mythical and mystical self-deception of 
 these witnesses. St. Peter turns, and turns with absolute correctness, 
 to face the essence of the Greek religion : " For we have not followed 
 cunningly devised fables, when we made known unto you the power 
 and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, but were eye-witnesses of his 
 majesty." 
 
 On Eleusinian matters see Aristides Rhetor, p. 415 (the great 
 building having been destroyed in 182 A.D.). It seems that moulded
 
 THE CRAVING FOR IMMORTALITY 147 
 
 figures and paintings figured there, i.e. in the structure. Even this 
 late witness of declining paganism asserts the exclusive bliss of the 
 initiated : that they will fare better, that they will not die in darkness 
 and morass like the non-initiated. See also Schoemann, Vol. 2, pp. 380 
 sqq. ; Dollinger, " ludentum u. Heidenthum," pp. 156 sqq. 
 
 The work of Lobeck, " Aglaophamos" Vol. I, pp. 1-228, deals ex- 
 haustively with every item of the tradition. At the same time 
 Lobeck's slurs against Creuzer are now indifferent to us. We note, 
 however, that Lobeck treats with scorn the (deistic) notion that here 
 something profound or the essentially precious substance of Natural 
 Religion was delivered to mankind. Lobeck also shows that there was 
 no esoteric and exoteric doctrine. Add C. Fr. Hermann, " Gottes- 
 dienstliche Alterthumer," 55; Naegelsbach, "Nachhomerische Theo- 
 logie" p. 396, article " Eleusis," by Kern, in Pauly-Wissowa's "Classical 
 Cyclopedia." On Greek Piety see particularly the section in Naegels- 
 bach, pp. 191-227. But I cannot omit or forbear saying that the 
 extant data are too rare and scattered to justify all the generaliza- 
 tions of that distinguished scholar.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS. AESCHYLUS. HE- 
 RODOTUS. WITH SOME PERTINENT NOTES ON THE 
 GREEK CHARACTER 
 
 As I move forward in these essays, I am ever guarding 
 against two dangers which, like reefs by the pilot, must 
 be avoided by the present writer, viz., a mere anthology 
 on the one hand, a quasi-dogmatic manual on the other. 
 ^Eschylus of Athens, like his contemporary Pindar, has 
 often been drawn upon by compilers who have essayed 
 foolishly essayed to write a catechism of Greek religion. 
 There is, however, here, no Isaiah nor Elijah, no John the 
 Baptist nor anything which might remind the student of 
 any prophet or preacher of righteousness. Still JEschylus 
 is really one of the chief figures in our survey. It is often 
 inspiriting to see how he endeavors to endow the tradi- 
 tional personages of the Homeric Olympus with a gran- 
 deur or sovereign worth deducible from moral qualities. 
 It is not to his discredit that he fails, as fail must any 
 attempt to maintain the tradition of the national Epic and 
 to refine it, too. 
 
 At the outset, we pause for a necessary premonition. 
 The seven plays now reposing in the famous Codex at 
 Florence were by no means the only plays that stern 
 and grandiose playwright and stage director produced. 
 According to Suidas, he wrote ninety plays, of which, 
 however, a goodly number were satyr-dramas : extrava- 
 ganzas, to set right the emotions depressed or grieved 
 by the gloomy or terrible import of his tragic trilogies. 
 Of seventy-nine pieces the titles are known. " Slices," 
 or " cuts," from the rich feasts of Homer, ^Eschylus called 
 his plays, according to a classic tradition : not crumbs, 
 then. From Homer he was dependent, and a certain epic 
 
 148
 
 149 
 
 breadth of magnificent enumeration, a series of splendid 
 and often lofty scenes, rather than rapid action, mark 
 most of his extant plays. The avoidance of the mean and 
 commonplace he carries to a very fault. The great and 
 truly soul-stirring events of Marathon and Salamis in 
 which he too stood embattled among his countrymen 
 lodged deeper in his soul than his dramatic successes, and 
 found expression on his tomb in the rich isle of Sicily. 
 
 That brilliant critic of Attic letters, Aristophanes, in his 
 " Frogs," in 405, quite adequately set forth what those of 
 his countrymen felt ^Eschylus to be for them, who loved 
 him for more than externalities. Even these did not deny 
 that in his striving for the grand style he is often obscure, 
 and that while ever desiring to move on the lofty cothur- 
 nus, he often fails to escape being bizarre. The matchless 
 pliability of Greek expression is often stretched to the 
 utmost. " A Titanic wielder of words," Aristophanes (v. 
 820 sqq.) calls him : " his breathing is like that of a giant " 
 his words, like huge units of masonry or pieces of an edi- 
 fice, are "fitted together with bolts." In that intermedi- 
 ate state between Oriental despotism and between the fickle 
 rule of the mob he saw his own political ideal, and bitterly 
 resented the earlier activities of politicians like Pericles 
 when they deprived the venerable court of the Areopagos 
 of much of its former power and of the privilege of curb- 
 ing and restraining the restless demos of Athens. 
 
 JEschylus, I say, should not be judged by the seven 
 plays alone. There is little or nothing of any ultra- 
 spiritual appreciation in the critique of Aristophanes. 
 Plutarch cites ^Eschylus very often in his moralizing 
 essays, but by far the greater number of the citations is 
 from plays other than the seven. In these seven, Kypris 
 figures little, nor is she endowed with any beneficent 
 power ; she is on the verge, it would seem, of a mere 
 convenient abstraction or potency of our common nature, 
 barely Olympian. And still that absolute bowing and 
 submitting themselves of the Greeks to the force of sexual
 
 150 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 passion is met even in this, the stateliest and loftiest of 
 Attic poets ("Athenseus," 13, 600, a) ; the spreading of it 
 to cover the very giant units of this cosmic order echoes 
 the spirit of Greek mythology : " Fair Heaven loves to 
 wound the soil: and love's desire doth seize the earth her 
 nuptials to attain ; and showers falling from the liquid 
 heaven did kiss the earth: and she gives birth, for mor- 
 tals, to pasturage for sheep and nurture from Demeter: 
 the bloom of trees from moistening espousal is consum- 
 mated" pretty and symbolically apt, this, no doubt. 
 But there were entire plays the central theme of which 
 was that Eros, which is simply the Greek for lust or con- 
 cupiscence: such a one was his "Kallisto," a play of the 
 " clefts of Pan," i.e. of Arcadia. Kallisto was a nymph 
 or king's daughter there, hunted with Artemis, and vowed 
 to remain a virgin like unto that deity. But Zeus be- 
 came enamoured of her beauty, forces her (see Apollodorus, 
 " Bibliotheca," 3, 8, 2) to his lust, assuming the resem- 
 blance as some say of Artemis, and as others, of Apollo. 
 But wishing (as usual) to escape the notice of his spouse 
 Hera, he transformed her into a she-bear, but Hera per- 
 suaded Artemis to shoot Kallisto to death as being a 
 wild beast, etc. The guilt, if any, in this tragedy, must 
 have lain on Zeus, the misery, as usual, on man or 
 womankind. The poets could not really create new 
 legends, nor refine those much which had been handed 
 down from the hoary past. 
 
 His "Myrmidons" seem to have dealt with Achilles 
 and Patroklos. Professor Mahaffy regrets the loss of this 
 play particularly. But it seems from Athenseus not only 
 and Plutarch, but from Plato even, that we are to under- 
 stand the vilest bond as the central element in that classic 
 friendship. So low had these things been brought : the 
 loftiest man of letters in that state which had been tried 
 as by fire in the Persian invasions, that same JEschylus 
 utters the common view of his own Greek world, the 
 ineradicable ulcer, the Venus Canina. As a specific and 
 separate personality, ^Eschylus certainly had a very cer- 
 tain affinity with themes and images lofty and grandiose :
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 151 
 
 the golden gleam indeed perfect content with the felici- 
 ties of the Homeric Olympus has passed away. Little 
 man should be humble and never forget his own limita- 
 tions thus briefly may be expressed his religious philos- 
 ophy, nay, his personal piety. What he saw and what he 
 lived through at Marathon, at Salamis and Plataea by 
 all these things that reverence was graven more deeply in 
 his soul. And that testimony is fully set forth in his 
 " Persians," a play in which legend and history, religion 
 and political sentiments, are curiously fused. 
 
 Politically speaking, it was no very bold conceit for 
 the lord of Asia to have desired to add to his vast em- 
 pire the little peninsula inhabited by the tribes of lavan. 
 Dareios truly had been a veritable god, and thus rose over 
 his own generation it is the phrase of the chorus of old 
 Persian councillors a god : but who knows what sudden 
 catastrophe some divinity may have in store for Persia! 
 " AtS (v. 97) for a while, like a fawning dog, will draw a 
 mortal on, until she has closed her snare upon him, whence 
 there is no escape." " When Xerxes was apprised through 
 the cunning private message (of Themistocles) that the 
 Greeks would presently escape from the channel of Sala- 
 mis, he did not perceive the astute trick of the Grecian 
 man, nor the envy of the gods ..." (v. 362). Fate 
 was in store for him. It was a hateful daimon who de- 
 ceived the minds of the Persians (472). To ask the 
 spirit of the departed ruler, the prosperous Dareios, to 
 give heed to the offerings and come up from the lower 
 world for counsel and consolation it is that widespread 
 custom of asking the dead, the great dead, the ^peoe?, or 
 daimons. We think of Endor,! Samuel 18, 14 : "And he 
 said unto her, what form is he of ? And she said, An old 
 man cometh up : and he is covered with a mantle. And 
 Saul perceived that it was Samuel, and he stooped with 
 his face to the ground, and bowed himself. And Samuel 
 said to Saul : Why hast thou disquieted me to bring me 
 up ? And Saul answered : I am sore distressed : for the 
 Philistines make war against me, and God is departed from 
 me, and answereth me no more, neither by prophets, nor
 
 152 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 by dreams : therefore, I have called thee, that them mayest 
 make known unto me what I shall do." 
 
 In Xerxes too there is that curious interfusion of guilt 
 and fate which strikes us in the house of Pelops and in 
 the terrible legends of the kings of Thebes. It was bold 
 wickedness for the royal son of Dareios to lay on the 
 sacred Hellespont a yoke, as though he were a slave : to 
 throw into his current forged fetters. "Being mortal, 
 he weened that he would subdue all the gods, and Po- 
 seidon" (v. 749). The great treasure he inherited un- 
 balanced his mind. To this was added the " godless spirit 
 (808 sqq.) in which the invaders shunned not to commit 
 sacrilege against the images of the gods, and to burn their 
 shrines. " Plataea too is prophesied by the risen shade of 
 Dareios : Plataea, where the mounds of dead even to the 
 third-born generation, though speechless, to their eyes 
 shall signify that being mortal one must not hold over- 
 weening Spirit. " Zeus is close at hand, an ever present 
 chastiser of thoughts that rise too high, severe is his 
 account" (827). 
 
 This gloomy and distrustful cowering of mankind with- 
 out the faintest idea of love and trust, is also revealed in 
 the Prometheus legend. Of course Hesiod long before 
 had given it the form and substance which JEschylus 
 elaborated in a series of declamations. It is indeed a 
 gloomy view that material civilization and the very refine- 
 ment of life for men to have and hold, was a trespassing 
 beyond their proper sphere. The gods of ^Eschylus no 
 more than those of Homer are in bliss (^a*a/3e?), nay, are 
 often called the Blessed, not because they are holy, sinless, 
 untempted,the source of goodness : but simply because they 
 live in pleasure for evermore and because their existence 
 is not terminated by death. But man is "for a day," 
 ephemeral, the latter word recurring often in ^Eschylus. 
 
 As for Prometheus, of the Titanic order, really a kind 
 of uncle to Zeus, he had sided with the new dynasty, but 
 he had been, also, the patron of the human kind, and 
 " filching the gifts (privilege to belong to the gods) (82) 
 bestowed them upon the creatures who are for a day
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 153 
 
 only." Plutarch, in his day, said Prometheus (fore- 
 thinker) was simply- Computation (\oyi<r fjuk^) : man's ap- 
 plication of his reason to the utilities of his physical 
 environment: simple even without Plutarch's translucent 
 abstraction : but why the furious ill-will of Zeus against 
 such a share of happiness in man? Our kind indeed are 
 in no wise creatures of Zeus. All the Olympians: (120 
 sqq.) hate Prometheus " on account of his excessive friend- 
 ship for mortals." Nay, Prometheus once upon a time 
 had formed men of water and earth : his creatures they 
 were, he was their benefactor, he faced the jealousy and 
 anger of Zeus for them. The humiliation and torture on 
 the cliffs of Caucasus he bore for his creatures, for man- 
 kind. Nay, hope itself, the only antidote of death, men 
 owed to the same benefactor (250). It is a significant 
 enumeration which we may well transfer (442 <?<?.): 
 " Listen to the sufferings prevailing among mortals, how 
 when they at first were foolish I rendered them intelligent 
 and capable of reflection. And I will tell it, not having 
 any blame for men, but setting forth the good-will of my 
 gifts: who first when seeing saw in vain, and hearing 
 could not hear, but comparable to shapes of dreams at 
 random and confusedly did mingle all, their lifelong time, 
 nor entered homes brick-woven, warm, nor timber work ; 
 in caverns sunk in earth they dwelt, like teeming ants in 
 sunless nooks of caves. No fixed goal had they of winter 
 time nor flowery spring nor summer rich in fruits, but 
 lacking thought did everything, until I showed them when 
 the stars come up and when they set, a matter hard to 
 judge. And numeration, eminent device, I found for 
 them, and how to bind the signs of script, a culture-breed- 
 ing tool to record all. And first with yokes I joined tre- 
 mendous beasts as slaving under straps in order that they 
 to mortals should succeed, relieving them of hardest tasks, 
 and hitched steeds inured to rein to draw the chariots, 
 adornment of luxurious and excessive wealth." 
 
 " Nor aught but I devised the carriages of vessels by 
 salt sea buffeted with canvas-pinions fraught. . . . The 
 greatest this: if one would fall into disease, there was no
 
 154 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 remedy: to eat, to use as salve or swallowed potion, but 
 through lack of healing drugs they pined away until I 
 showed them compounds of soothing remedies with which 
 they fend themselves 'gainst all array of fell disease." 
 To this curiously enough ^Eschylus adds the whole range 
 of mantic power and procedure: the interpretation of 
 dreams, the signs on journeys, the flight of birds, their 
 various modes of life, their enmities and friendships: the 
 lore of victims' entrails as to smoothness or color, and thus 
 the implied pleasure or displeasure of the gods. 
 
 Also mineral resources did he uncover, copper, iron, 
 silver, gold. To us it is a somewhat curious delinea- 
 tion of human civilization and progress: particularly the 
 weighty place of mantic things. One smiles at Mahaffy's 
 efforts to stamp ^Eschylus as a stalwart champion of ad- 
 vanced thought. But, seriously speaking, this mantic 
 matter, so essential a part of Greek religion so-called, is of 
 a piece with that religion in its other aspects: a total of 
 ritual things to better or to smooth this terrestrial exist- 
 ence. So ^Eschylus presents it, so it was. There is an 
 appalling paucity of matters or concerns which involve, 
 or appeal to, the deeper, the spiritual concerns of the 
 human soul. 
 
 But to return: how little after all does man owe to 
 these Olympians: they are mighty, but they are mainly 
 feared. 
 
 As for Zeus: "No one is free but Zeus" ("Prom.," 50). 
 He is " the new sovereign of the Blessed ones " (96) ; " a 
 character that none can reach and a heart that none can 
 sway with words " has he (184). " Rough is he, and 
 holds in his hand all jurisdiction " (186) : " A rough 
 monarch, and subject to no one's revision does he hold 
 sway" (324). "The mouth of Zeus knows not how to 
 utter falsehood, but fulfils each word" (1032). He is 
 the one who assigns what is due, who fixes retribution 
 ("Septem," 485) : " Justice is his virgin daughter " (662). 
 " Lord of Lords " is he, most Blessed of the Blessed and 
 perfecting power most perfect" called, and called upon 
 by the forsaken maidens of Argos (" Supplices," 424).
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 155 
 
 " Zeus, whoever he may be, if so to be called is pleasing 
 to him," prays the chorus in " Agamemnon," 159. The 
 catastrophe of the destruction of Troy was wrought by 
 the justice of Zeus (526). But Klytaimnestra, too, calls 
 upon Zeus to fulfil and accomplish her project of slaying 
 her royal husband with the help of her paramour (973). 
 The chorus recognizes this universal sway even amid the 
 crimes and horrors of the king's family (1485). 
 
 "If the only Power and Justice with the Third, the 
 greatest of them all, Zeus, would join with me," Electra 
 aspires, in the "Choephori," 244. And more might be 
 adduced : the poet, for himself, clearly rises and essays 
 to ascend to a conception of a universal, almighty, and 
 altogether righteous God, whose Justice is seated on the 
 footsteps of his throne, even when we, the beings for a 
 day, behold but wrong and misery. One cannot help 
 thinking of St. Paul's utterance made in Athens, too, 
 recorded by Luke (Acts 17, 27) : " That they should seek 
 the Lord, if haply they might feel after him, and find 
 him." 
 
 For indeed the minor deities of the Olympian tradition 
 are of slight consequence in the pages of ^Eschylus, who, 
 for his own person, clearly was vastly more spiritual than 
 the religion of his fathers and forefathers. But he could 
 not well divest this Sovereign Deity of the low and mean 
 elements which stained it in all parts of legends. 
 
 And so Zeus figures in " Prometheus Bound " as the 
 weak and ignoble lover of To, the royal maid of Argos, 
 changed to a heifer by the husband of jealous Hera, chief 
 Olympian indeed, but slave of lust, and a henpecked hus- 
 band. Zeus, I say, first beset the princess with dreams, 
 less lyrical indeed than the amorous sonnets of the earlier 
 Shakespeare, blunt enough : " for Zeus is warned by the 
 shaft of desire that has issued from thee and with thee 
 wills to join in Kypris " (" Prom.," 649). Hesiod began, 
 as I suggested before, to treat and elaborate with some 
 moral regard the Zeus of the Homeric Epics, Pindar was 
 annoyed by some of the traditional fables : the Attic 
 dramatist stands on a positively higher level than his
 
 156 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Theban contemporary : but the primacy of Homer re- 
 mained undisputed, the Stoics, later on, with a mass of 
 physical and moral allegories, attempted both to preserve 
 and to refine the Epic tradition. It was in vain. 
 
 A little more of the grandiose Athenian must we ap- 
 pend. The objects of Greek worship are it cannot be 
 urged enough these palpable forces of nature : they are 
 not merely divine, they are indeed the very gods. So is 
 Earth, Graia : " one shape of many names," says ^Eschylus 
 ("Prom.," 210), the abiding abode and support of life 
 Rhea or Demeter or what you will: the thing is beyond 
 us : the terminology our own. In the imprecation of 
 " Zeus and Earth " (" Septem," 69) it is really Heaven 
 and Earth, forces correlated and supreme, which were 
 before we came, and which go on being, when we gasp 
 out this fleeting breath. And still Earth has a relation 
 to the dead it is the abode of the Perished "Earth 
 and the Perished " a phrase twice met in the Persians 
 (220 and 523) : you may sacrifice to them both in one 
 act : for the dead somehow still have a power over the 
 living, to bless or to curse. Here we must append an 
 antiquarian note we spare our readers as a rule: He- 
 sychius in his glossary (s.v. KpeiTTovas, "The more 
 Powerful ") has this to say : " They call the heroes (in 
 G-reeTc parlance) so. And it seems some of them are as- 
 sociated with ill fate. On this account also those who go 
 by the shrines of heroes keep silence, lest they suffer some 
 injury." The Gods also are so named. JEschylus in his 
 play, " The Women of JEtna." Add vv. 640, 687, 689; 
 " Eumenides," 2. Indeed Klytaimnestra even after death 
 is " dishonored amid the other dead, the censure for her 
 murder endeth not" (" Bum.," 94 sqq.'). 
 
 Turn we now to Ernest Curtius's "God of Light." If 
 the spiritual beneficence of that Hellenic figment had been 
 actually and historically as great as the fervid extolling 
 of that classicist could warrant I say then greater had 
 been the blessings of Greece. Unfortunately, the cun- 
 ning devices and the vulpine doubling of the Delphian 
 corporation in seasons of storm and stress robbed Loxias,
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 157 
 
 the speaking God, of much credit, even in the very times 
 when the Pythian priestess mounted the tripod for the 
 proper fees. The Greek legend in the Wrath of Achilles 
 makes Apollo a narrow and vindictive partisan of the 
 Trojan side : not very chivalrous either, in striking 
 Patroclus from behind (II., 16, 788). He bore a grudge 
 against Diomede and caused him to lose his whip in the 
 games (II., 23, 383). And why was the god of light 
 condemned by his Olympian father to be a neatherd among 
 mortal men for a while ? According to Kallimachos it 
 was because the God of Light was enamoured of Ad- 
 metos. In the great trilogy of the Oresteia, Kassandra 
 even more *han Agamemnon is a figure around which 
 clustered the awe and the pity of the first spectators. 
 Kassandra, splendidly gifted princess of Troy : we quote 
 from Apollodorus (" Bibliotheca," 3, 12, 5) : " After this 
 one, Hekabe gave birth to these daughters : Kreusa, Lao- 
 dike, Polyxene, Kassandra, to whom, desiring to unite 
 with her in love, Apollo promised to teach the mantic 
 art. But she having acquired this lore, refused to grant 
 these favors, whence Apollo took from her mantic art the 
 power of persuading others." 
 
 Apollo in the "Eumenides" is a mere counsellor at law 
 to the matricide Orestes and cuts a poor figure in the so- 
 phistical devices of that role. The massive and grandiose 
 jEschylus made poor work of such a task. 
 
 The grave matter of the Third and Fourth Generation 
 is brought forward in the trilogy just named as it is in 
 the plays concerning (Edipus and the woes of Thebes, dull 
 Thebes, the quick witted Athenians were wont to say: but 
 the cluster of deep and sombre legends grown on the soil of 
 Boeotia far outweighs the slender production of the thin 
 and rocky soil of Attica. A mystery after all is the 
 curse steadily attending the successive generations of cer- 
 tain families. And so at Thebes: "hated of Phoebus the 
 entire race of Laios " (" Septem," 691). " Who could de- 
 vise cleansing rites, who could wash them? O miseries
 
 158 TESTTMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 new of the palace fused with ancient ills" ("Septem," 738). 
 One generation cursed its own offspring. We must, how- 
 ever, be brief. Notice, if you please, both in the royal 
 castle of Thebes as well as at Argos the grave and weighty 
 matter of an initial sin and first step in wrong-doing. 
 Take the Argivian dynasty with their sire : Tantalos, 
 Pelops, Atreus-Thyestes, Pleisthenes, Agamemnon, Mene- 
 laos, and their cousin Aigisthos. Tantalos (immensely 
 rich), a fellow-banqueter with the gods, in his mad inso- 
 lence attempts to have them feast on his own son Pelops. 
 The latter, miraculously restored to life, emigrates to 
 southern Greece, henceforth named after him: his great 
 wealth in those primitive times gives him swift preemi- 
 nence. He wooes Hippodameia, the much-sought daughter 
 of Oinomaos of Elis: to gain the decisive race, Pelops prom- 
 ises rewards wicked in themselves to the king's charioteer 
 JVIyrtilos: but instead of keeping his word, the immi- 
 grant prince caused the guilty Myrtilos to drown on the 
 coast of Eubo3a. His sons Atreus and Thyestes mur- 
 dered their brother Chrysippos, envied of them because 
 of the particular affection shown him by the old king. 
 Thyestes seduces his brother Atreus's wife, and is expelled 
 by the latter. From abroad he, Thyestes, then sends 
 the son of Pleisthenes, whom Thyestes had reared as his 
 own child, that Pleisthenes should slay his real father, 
 Atreus. But things go so that Atreus kills Pleisthenes, 
 his own son, as though he were his nephew. Atreus then, 
 to accomplish his revenge, assumes the guise of recon- 
 ciliation and recalls his brother Thyestes from exile. But 
 Thyestes resumes his intrigue with his brother's wife 
 -5rope. Atreus now slays the sons of Thyestes and sets 
 their flesh before their own father: Thyestes hastens into 
 a northern exile, cursing all the race of Pelops. 
 
 When barrenness and famine visited the land of Atreus, 
 the oracle directed the latter to recall Thyestes from ex- 
 ile. But Atreus only found the latter's daughter Pelo- 
 pia, then with child through her own father's violent 
 crime. Atreus considers Pelopia the daughter of a north- 
 ern king and brings her home as his wife, where she
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 159 
 
 gives birth to Aigisthos. But why go on with these hor- 
 rors, most of which seem composed by Greek poets after 
 the consummation of the Homeric Epics ? The legend of 
 CEdipus is much better known to the general reader. Note 
 here, too, the initial sin, the original wrong. Laios, a 
 prince of Thebes, sojourning in the Peloponnesos, in exile, 
 gains the hospitality of Pelops which, however, he re- 
 quites but ill. He becomes enamoured of Pelops's son 
 Chrysippos, whom he pretends to teach the art of driving 
 a chariot. Thus he finds an opportunity to carry him 
 away by force to Thebes. This was, among the Hellenes, 
 the beginning of the national ulcer which never healed. 
 Chrysippos slew himself for shame. Pelops uttered a ter- 
 rible curse against the robber. Later Laios became King 
 of Thebes and married locaste. Their son was GEdipus, 
 creator and bearer of woe unutterable. 
 
 Before passing from the great and massive figure of 
 ^Eschylus, whom, by the by, Cicero called a Pythagorean, 
 we may well pause to ask ourselves as to the moral ele- 
 ments in the Attic tragedies at large. In recent times 
 sober-minded scholars have wisely resolved to strip off the 
 straight jacket of the Aristotelian definition or inductive 
 abstraction. I recall distinctly that Adolph Kirchhoff in 
 my Berlin days (1872-1874) very positively refused to 
 measure all Attic plays by that yard measure. It has 
 very properly been pointed out, that the range of emotions 
 stirred by tragedy is much wider than Aristotle's pair of 
 awe or fear and pity (Wilamowitz): there is, e.g., patriot- 
 ism, there is devotion, there is, I may add, humiliation, nay, 
 moral mortification, as we are confronted with the weak- 
 ness and the temptations of our common nature. Here, 
 too, we must unreservedly assent to the strictures of the 
 Berlin Hellenist: the subject-matter of the Greek legends 
 was the given material of these plays, which the dramatists 
 had to employ, which they could not essentially modify. 
 
 My warrant for presenting Herodotus in this same 
 chapter, as the second picture in a diptych, is this: This
 
 160 TESTTMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 genial historian, genial though he be, and entertaining 
 though he strive to be continuously, has this in common 
 with ^Eschylus : everywhere he records the great events 
 of the Persian wars with a profoundly religious awe : he be- 
 lieves in a divine regulation of human events. While he 
 delights in bright and sunny things and a certain quiet 
 humor is lambent around his cheerful and bubbling narra- 
 tive, no writer of classical antiquity is there in whom 
 there occurs so incessantly and with such impressive 
 gloom that stern and awful Leitmotiv, viz., of the Envy 
 of the Gods, the central theme of the "Prometheus 
 Bound" : a theme .in the Halicarnassian reciter carried 
 into the very marrow of actual life and elevated, so 
 to speak, into a veritable Philosophy of History. 
 
 And first, this author was an author whose authorship 
 was built largely on his travels and what he could see 
 with his own eyes, hear with his own ears. Asia and 
 Egypt he traversed: Susa and Babylon he visited, he 
 gazed upon the stupendous ruins of Nineveh : he tested 
 the thickness of Egyptian and Persian skulls on a battle- 
 field of the wonderful kingdom of the Nile, he was initi- 
 ated in the mysteries of Osiris, and measured the mighty 
 pyramid of Chephren. Nor was he unacquainted with 
 Kyrene and with the entire periphery of the Euxine. His 
 second home he made in Magna Graecia, at Thurioi. Few 
 Greeks had so wide and so genuine an acquaintance with 
 general mankind, few ever were as open and fair as the 
 wanderer of Halicarnassus, to value and appreciate human 
 culture. And here he was far superior to the narrow 
 conceit of Hellenism at large as well as to the cantonal 
 and local pride of the Greek communities, tribes, and dia- 
 lects. 
 
 Since this is so, he exhibits to us in a manner most wel- 
 come for our general theme many sides of what I may 
 call the typical Greek consciousness. For it is well for 
 us to examine this matter and it is my duty to help destroy 
 that modern figment of the " pure humanity," of the typi- 
 cal humanity of the Hellenes, in fact, that production of 
 literary fancy and tradition, " Greekdom " itself. Thus
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 161 
 
 he notes the belief of the Egyptians that they were the 
 first human beings created (2, 2) ; that there were no 
 priestesses in Egypt (2, 35) ; that the Egyptians were the 
 first to maintain the statement that the soul of man is 
 immortal, and that when the body perishes the soul enters 
 into another living being, and that when the soul has made 
 the rounds of all the beasts of land and sea and air, it enters 
 again into a human body at the moment of birth and that 
 this circular tour is accomplished in three thousand years. 
 It was a presumption, Herodotus adds, that some Greeks 
 claimed this doctrine as specifically their own (2, 123). 
 He is struck by the fact that the Thracians do not hold 
 thunder and lightning in awe, "but discharging their 
 arrows upward into the sky threaten the God, believing in 
 no other God but their own " (4, 94). The king of the 
 Scythians recognizes as master but Zeus, his own ancestor 
 (4, 127). The Libyans sacrifice to Sun and Moon only (4, 
 188). A certain tribe among the Thracians bewails each 
 infant at birth, relating (quite in the manner of Hamlet's 
 famous monologue) all the sufferings of human kind, 
 while the dead they conceal in the earth amid sport and 
 rejoicing, recounting all the evils of which the deceased is 
 then freed and now dwells in all bliss (5, 4). Herodotus 
 treats many of the religious doctrines of Egypt with re- 
 spectful awe (4, 2, 3) ; he evidently respects the reasons 
 of the Egyptians for worshipping animals (transmigration 
 of souls). He was himself initiated in the mysteries of 
 Samothrake (2, 51) and as regarding Hellenic worship and 
 mythology our traveller had quite freed himself from the 
 notions of Greek originality. He weighed the influence 
 of the Pelasgians who were in central Greece before the 
 Greeks came down from the north. With so wide a vision, 
 and living a little after the zenith of things Greek, his 
 view of Hesiod and Homer remains most precious to the 
 modern student (2, 53). I have fully brought this matter 
 forward in my third chapter. The Greek poets indeed 
 were makers in more senses than one. Herodotus has 
 written his own sentiments and his own type of soul quite 
 freely into his work : when the endless myriads of the
 
 162 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Orient, under King Xerxes, crossed the Hellespont, that 
 monarch first called himself happy, but soon tears welled 
 up : " as I have computed it came over me that I felt com- 
 punction of pity, if of this vast number no one will survive 
 to his hundredth year" (7, 46). In a free dramatic way 
 Herodotus presents his dread and humility through an uncle 
 of King Xerxes, Artabanus : " and he replied, saying : other 
 things more woful than these do we suffer in the course 
 of our lives. Short as this life is, there is not one human 
 being so happy in his essence, neither of these nor of the 
 others, to whom the thought will not present itself, often- 
 times, not once only, that he would rather be dead than 
 live (Hamlet again). For the disasters that befall it and 
 the diseases that confound it cause life, even though it be 
 short, to seem long. Thus Death, as Life is full of burdens, 
 has come to be the choicest refuge for man ; but G-od, having 
 allowed us to taste the sweetness of life, is found to be envious 
 in it." It is the voice of the chorus in the orchestra, warn- 
 ing the protagonist who passes over the stage on his raised 
 cothurnus. 
 
 Solon and Croesus the world has long appropriated 
 their dialogues about human power and happiness. In 
 these legends, Herodotus in a manner ranges himself not 
 unworthily as an eighth Sage, fitted to rank and to be hon- 
 ored with the canonic Seven Wise Men. Solon is walking 
 through the treasure chambers of King Croesus and with- 
 holding from the richest of mortals the verdict of the 
 greatest happiness. 
 
 The happiest then was Tellos of Athens (1, 30 s<?.) : ne 
 lived to a good old age, while his native commonwealth 
 was going along well ; he saw none of his children dying 
 and saw them all with children of their own, and per- 
 ished in battling for Athens. He was the happiest. Next 
 were Kleobis and Biton of Argos. These were crowned 
 athletes, and once when their mother, priestess of Hera, 
 wanted to ride to the fane and the oxen were not ready 
 from the pasture, then the young men themselves drew 
 their mother to the sanctuary, a distance of five and forty 
 stadia (eight and a half miles). When they had done this
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 163 
 
 and had been beheld by the festal assembly both their 
 prowess and their filial devotion their mother stepped 
 before the agalma of Hera (the idol) and prayed that the 
 goddess would give her sons that which is best for a 
 human being to obtain. The youths thereupon after sac- 
 rificing and feasting fell asleep in the sanctuary and awoke 
 no more and thus " the deity pointed out (1, 31) that it 
 is better for man to be dead than to live." Threescore 
 years and ten, Herodotus goes on moralizing, is the span 
 of human life : and every single day in these seventy years 
 is subject to accident or disaster. "Man indeed is all 
 accident " (1, 32). 
 
 We must wait for the conclusion of each individual life 
 before we can praise it, the vicissitudes of the remainder 
 lying before us are simply incalculable. But let me pro- 
 ceed further to set forth the interfusion of moral and 
 religous ideas in this well-informed and deeply reflecting 
 historian. 
 
 The Persians besieged Potidsea on the Thracian coast. 
 But the siege corps was cut in twain by the sudden rising 
 of the tide (8, 129), a very extraordinarily great tide, 
 the besieged put out in boats and slew that corps. 
 
 The Persians (who despised Greek polytheism) had 
 committed acts of impiety on the temple of the God 
 Poseidon and on the idol. Herodotus cordially agrees 
 with the allegation of the people of Potidsea that their 
 tutelary deity imposed revenge. Cyrus called down from 
 the pyre his royal victim Croesus, "reflecting (1, 86) that 
 he himself, being a human being, was in the act of giving 
 to the fire alive another human being, who had not been 
 inferior to himself in happiness, and in addition thereto 
 fearing the punishment, and considering that no element 
 of human affairs was safe." Schiller has made the Ring 
 of Polykrates a household word among Germans by his 
 splendid ballad : in the Rousseau period the protagonists 
 of culture elevated classics on the one hand and the 
 South Sea islanders on the other in their quest of a " pure 
 humanity." The Greek autocrat, indeed, had prospered 
 most uncommonly among his generation, but his friend
 
 164 TESTIMOXIUM ANEVLE 
 
 Amasis of Egypt wrote to him as follows (3, 40) : " Pleas- 
 ant indeed is it to learn that a friend and guest friend is 
 faring well : but your great bursts of good fortune please 
 me not, as I know the deity how jealous it is ; and my de- 
 sire on the whole is this, that those for whom I am con- 
 cerned may, in some portion of their affairs, be prosperous, 
 and in some other portion slip up, and thus live through 
 their lives, faring alternately well and ill, rather than be 
 prosperous in everything. For I know of no one of whom 
 I have heard tell, who in the end did not terminate his 
 existence badly, root and all, when he had been (before) 
 prosperous in all things. You therefore heed my word, 
 and with a view to your series of prosperities do the 
 following : think of that which you find to be your most 
 precious possession, and the perishing of which will cause 
 your soul the greatest grief, and this cast away so that it 
 never more arrive among men." 
 
 The ring we know was chosen, cast into the sea, and 
 brought back by the fisherman and the cook. 
 
 But this was not yet the end of Polykrates. His lust 
 for gold lured him to the mainland of Lydia where he 
 became the prey of the cunning satrap Oroites. The 
 soothsayers indeed had urged Polykrates not to go. And 
 particularly his daughter dreamed, and her vision was 
 this : it seemed to her that her father was suspended in 
 air and was washed by Zeus and was anointed by the Sun. 
 Her warnings, however, were all in vain. The prince of 
 Samos steered for the mainland : he then went to Magne- 
 sia, where the satrap was. This official put Polykrates to 
 death in a manner too shocking to relate and raised his 
 corpse upon a cross : . . . and as he was hung up there, 
 he fulfilled all the vision of his daughter ; for he was 
 washed by Zeus whenever it rained, and he was anointed 
 by the Sun himself, causing liquid substance to ooze 
 forth. The many good fortunes then of Polykrates had 
 this consummation as Amasis the king of Egypt had 
 prophesied (3, 125). Herodotus, surveying with a 
 glance the span of the Grecian past, says that the 
 princes of Syracuse alone excelled the Samian in splen-
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 165 
 
 dor, a splendor largely due to the persistent policy which 
 Polykrates had pursued : the upbuilding of a great sea 
 power. In this he had followed Minos, the fabled king 
 of Krete, and he became the precursor of Athens, of 
 Rhodes, of Karthage, of Venice, and of the British Isles. 
 Elsewhere in the pages of Herodotus we find the follow- 
 ing : Pheretime, the mother of Arkesilas, prince of Kyrene, 
 indeed took terrible revenge on the people of Barke ; 
 but hardly had she returned from Libya to Egypt (4, 205), 
 " when she died badly : for out of her living body worms 
 swarmed in teeming multitudes, since excessively severe 
 acts of punishment are an object of jealousy or odium on the 
 part of the gods ." But all this and many other data in 
 Herodotus are merely, as I have intimated, iterations and 
 reverberation of the stern melody of human excess and 
 divine retribution and the humiliation of man, exemplified 
 most signally and most significantly in Xerxes himself. 
 Thus we return to Artabanos, from whose lips comes the 
 wisdom of JEschylus and of Herodotus : " Thou seest 
 (7, 10, 5) how the deity strikes with the thunderbolt 
 those beasts that tower above their fellows, but the little 
 ones worry him not: and you see also how his missiles 
 always smite the largest edifices and trees of such kind. 
 For God loves to truncate all those things that rise too 
 high. Thus too a large army may be destroyed by a 
 small one in some such way : when God in his jealousy 
 casts a panic or a thunderbolt, through which they were 
 destroyed in a shocking manner. For Grod does not per- 
 mit any one to entertain grand ideas but himself." 
 
 It is but a slight step from this to gloomy fate and 
 to the evil end of uncommon individual men : " It was 
 necessary" " it was fated " that the Scythian king Skyles 
 should perish evilly (4, 79). "It was fated that Mil- 
 tiades, once a prince in a colony, and foremost at Mara- 
 thon, should come to an evil end" (6, 135). 
 
 It is God himself who causes human folly : thus Cyrus 
 asks of the Lydian king (1, 87) : " Croesus, what human 
 being induced you to make a campaign against my coun- 
 try and become a foe to me instead of a friend ? " " O
 
 166 TESTIMOXIUM ANBLE 
 
 King," said he, "I did this through your good fortune 
 and through my own ill fortune. And the cause of this 
 was the God of the Greeks (Apollo) rousing me to make 
 the expedition." 
 
 And this may well introduce another theme pertinent 
 to this essay, viz., the attitude of Herodotus to Greek 
 worship in general and to the oracles in particular. In 
 his pages we see everywhere reverence for all oracles, of 
 Delphi, Alai, Dodona, or written oracles copied and propa- 
 gated out of the past, greatly tempting the forger to 
 modify or to invent, as Onomakritos was an editor and 
 an interpolator of oracles at the court of the prince 
 Hippias at Athens (7, 6) ; there were indeed spurious 
 oracles in circulation (1, 66, 75 ; 5, 91). On the whole, 
 Herodotus is a stanch defender of Delphi. And this is 
 the more noteworthy because early in 480 B.C. the Del- 
 phian corporation had clearly despaired of the cause of 
 Greek freedom. A foreign office of the interests of the 
 Hellenic world, the curious self-perpetuating body at 
 Delphi was better informed of things transpiring in Asia 
 than any single Greek commonwealth. Herodotus credits 
 his favorite state of Athens with a stanch patriotism all 
 the greater because awe-inspiring responses came from 
 the Pythian centre (7, 129), responses which might well 
 have moved a community less intrepid to abandon all and 
 seek a new home in the west. Vividly the second oracle 
 presents the Homeric religion in all essentials (cf. Her., 
 2, 53), the current standard of Greek worship in 480; 
 Athena has interceded for her own Athens with Zeus, 
 but in vain (7, 141) : " Pallas is not puissant to assuage 
 the Olympian Zeus, though she entreats him with many 
 utterances and cunning design." I say on the whole our 
 historian is very loyal to Delphi, although he knew that 
 powerful politicians in the past had tampered with the 
 oracle, as had Kleomenes of Sparta (6,66; cf. 5, 63; 6,75). 
 Herodotus defends the oracle given to Croesus: the fault 
 was the Lydian king's, not Apollo's (1, 91) ; cf . the oracle 
 given to Siphnos, defended and interpreted by Herodotus 
 himself (3, 58) ; the oracle given to Thera (4, 150, 151).
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 167 
 
 The evening of life for the Father of History was gloomy 
 enough. The long struggle among Greek common- 
 wealths, known to us as the Peloponnesian War, had 
 begun. Our historian was an earnest champion of Athens 
 and lost no opportunity in his narrative to argue with 
 deliberate emphasis as a pleader for Athens, and to urge 
 that on her policy and self-sacrifice the very maintenance 
 of Greek independence turned, not only in 480, but also 
 in 479 as well. 
 
 Now we have derived not a little stirring of nobler 
 emotions from the spectacle of Leonidas in the pass of 
 Thermopylae: the very emancipation of modern Greece 
 from Turkey was powerfully aided in 1827 and before by 
 the enthusiastic sympathies of classicism, although the 
 modern Greeks are, without any doubt, essentially and 
 substantially Slavic. But there is little, apart from 
 Leonidas and a few others, that deserves our moral enthu- 
 siasm in the pitiable history of the Greek commonwealths. 
 The incredible pettiness and narrowness of their actual 
 political feeling and aims you cannot palliate nor explain 
 away. And this was often curiously bound up with, nay, 
 rooted in the traditional local fancies and mythical legends. 
 Thus in a quarrel between Athens and Mitylene concern- 
 ing Sigeion in the Troad, the Attic contention cited the 
 records of the Wrath of Achilles (Her., 5, 94). No 
 bitterer arraignment of the general Greek character is 
 found anywhere than in Herodotus himself, although he 
 puts the utterance into the mouth of a Persian councillor: 
 " The Greeks are jealous of prosperity and hate greater 
 power" (7, 236) . In 431 the jealousy and malice of cantonal 
 and topical feeling had made it well-nigh impossible for 
 an historian to allot praise or blame in reciting the great 
 events of half a century before. Thus, as to Salamis, 
 the Athenians gave an evil account of the Corinthian 
 commander, while Themistocles accepted a goodly purse 
 from Eubceans, a bribe of which he kept the lion's 
 share, while giving minor portions to other Greek com- 
 manders (8, 5). 
 
 The reply of the Athenians to the Spartans (before
 
 168 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 Platsea) was indeed fervid and lofty. But no doubt 
 many of his contemporaries called Herodotus a prejudiced 
 partisan of Athens. A severe arraignment too lies in the 
 advice of the Boaotians to Mardonius to make his camp 
 in their own territory and move no farther to the south : 
 and " if you will do what we recommend, you will possess 
 yourself of their designs without trouble. Send money to 
 the men who are powerful in the several communities; if 
 you do so you will rend Greece: thereafter you will easily 
 with poor troops subjugate those that do not side with 
 you " (9, 2). King Philip did so, later on. 
 
 In 479, before Plataea, when the fate, of Greek indepen- 
 dence was still in the balance, the Spartiats at home cele- 
 brated their Hyakinthia. What was this celebration ? 
 Hyakinthos was a youth of Amyklai in Lacedsemon, of 
 surpassing fairness, object too of the love what the 
 Greeks understood that term to mean of Apollo. Well, 
 this too was commemorated at the celebration. Such 
 were the Spartiats, flower of the Dorian race. As to the 
 crisis of 479, unless we should reject the presentation of 
 Herodotus utterly, they contemplated with equanimity 
 the possibility of seeing Athens extinguished. 
 
 It is a custom among classicists to say that the Grrceculus 
 of Cicero's time, of Lucian's age, was greatly changed 
 and had deteriorated from the type of the Persian wars, 
 of Perikles, of Agesilaos, and of Epaminondas. I do not 
 think so. 
 
 The fervor and cultural enthusiasm of Cicero indeed 
 was strong ; he was an uncompromising Philhellene : but 
 his valuation of their moral character was low : prevarica- 
 tion and duplicity he held were almost a national charac- 
 teristic : " the scrupulous regard for evidence in court and 
 good faith that race never cherished " (" Pro Flacco," 9). 
 " The quarrelling about a phrase has ever been keeping in 
 unrest the poor Greeks, men more eager for strife than for 
 truth " (" De Oratore," I, 47). Action indeed was denied 
 them in his day, erudition and rhetoric were still their 
 resources. The Pindaric ideals lasted on : " to have 
 gained a victory at Olympia among the Greeks is almost
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 169 
 
 greater and more glorious than at Rome to have gained a 
 triumph" ("Pro Flacco," 13). 
 
 As to the influence of the gymnasia observed by Cicero, 
 it was bad then, it was supremely vicious in Plato's time, 
 in Pindar's time, probably at all times. Here there was 
 no decline : merely a maintenance of a pestilential evil. 
 
 The truth is that the Macedonian hegemony and the 
 development of Greek empires in Egypt, Syria, and Per- 
 gamos; the rise of that ancient Venice, the naval power 
 of Rhodes; the world position of Alexandria; the conti- 
 nental eminence of Antioch, the new economic drift in 
 trade and traffic left Athens and ^Egina, Naupaktos, 
 Corcyra, and Corinth in the stiller eddies of the current 
 where foam and driftwood gather. Central Greece be- 
 came impoverished and lived on the memories of the past, 
 long before Hadrian became the patron of a manifold re- 
 naissance, or before Pausanias the traveller observed the 
 fallen-in roofs of many an ancient temple, or before Pliny 
 wrote that the pasturage for sacrificial cattle had no mar- 
 ket value any more. The Greeks of the beginning of the 
 Christian era, I say, were not more ignoble than those of 
 Aristophanes, or than the miserable democracy that ap- 
 plauded Demosthenes and ignored him too, that gave the 
 hemlock to Socrates and was led by the nose by cunning 
 demagogues at will, whose cultural opportunities made 
 them fond of dialectic fencing, and whose immense aggre- 
 gation of extraordinary art had no real or palpable enno- 
 bling influence upon them. They were the same; they 
 were not worse, at least. For Seneca is entirely right 
 when he says: "These (inborn qualities) no philosophical 
 culture " (" Epistula," 11) " will drive away." Many of the 
 talented men of central Greece went to the marts of 
 Alexandria, Syracuse, or Antioch, while the old places 
 sank into decay. There is a memorable glimpse of that 
 process in a letter written to Cicero when the latter 
 mourned for his daughter Tullia, a letter addressed to the 
 orator by the eminent jurist, Sulpicius Rufus ("Ad Fa- 
 miliares," 4, 5) : " Returning from the province of Asia, 
 when I was sailing from ^Egina towards Megara, I began
 
 170 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 to look out upon the regions round about. Behind me 
 was .J^gina; before me Megara; on my right, the Piraeus; 
 on my left, Corinth: towns which once upon a time were 
 so flourishing; now they lie before our eyes prostrate and 
 tumbled down. I began to reflect in my own heart: 
 well! we poor manikins are hot if some one of us has died or 
 been stricken with the sword, whose life must needs be 
 briefer, when in one spot the corpses of so many towns 
 are lying on the ground!" (written in 45 B.C.). 
 
 NOTE. Of ^Eschylus, as of many other classical writers, our 
 present and actual judgment would be probably not a little modified 
 if we had his entire vast production. We would probably esteem him 
 less. The grammatikos, however, of both Alexandrine and Byzantine 
 era could not avail himself of many plays, he had to proceed eclecti- 
 cally. The poet's fatalism, his divine preordination of Sin and Evil 
 was vigorously rejected by Plato (" Republic," 2, 380, a) : " Nor must 
 we permit our young to hear that God makes the cause for mortals 
 whenever he wills utterly to injure a house " (in the " Niobe "). 
 
 Cicero calls the poet a Pythagorean philosopher, " Tusculan Dis- 
 put.'" 2,23: "non poeta solum, sed etiam Pythagoreus; sic enim 
 accepimus." 
 
 ^schylus's personal political sentiments (Persians, 241 sqq. ). Athens 
 glorified for Salamis (Pers., 285,429). His aversion to the rule of a 
 mob (Agam., 883 ; Eumen., 516, 699). Athens called " a fortress of the 
 Gods" (Eumen., 919 ; cf . St. Paul in Acts). His Piety (Pers., 454, 497). 
 The Persians sacrilegious (Pers. 808). It is well here to append more 
 data or references from Apollodoros amply illustrating jealousy, fear, 
 pride, revenge, of the Gods. 
 
 Apollodoros of Athens was a pupil of the foremost of the Alexan- 
 drine literary scholars and critics, Aristarchos. He wrote in the 
 second century before Christ, when classical production was at an 
 end. Personally he was a Stoic, and in twenty-four books presented 
 his allegorizing view of the origin of Myths. The little " Biblio- 
 theca " may be an extract or brief reduction ; it is simply a genealogical 
 and chronological manual of data palliating nothing, glorifying noth- 
 ing, but leaving that to the absurd and mendacious ecstasy of scholars 
 of the Christian era, who are delving for their " pure humanity." 
 Even if the little manual has had no actual relation to Apollodoros 
 its substantial accuracy no one can deny ; it is absolutely free from 
 any animus, and the original work, of which it is a compilation, faith- 
 fully recorded the variants of legends and the individual presentations 
 as they are found in the chief poets or mythological writers, "as 
 Euripides says," " as the Tragedians say," " as he who wrote the 
 Nostoi" (i.e. the legends of the return of the various heroes from
 
 THE ANGER AND ENVY OF THE GODS 171 
 
 Troy), "as some say," " as Homer says," " as Hesiod says," " as Aku- 
 silaos says," " as Pherekydes says," or Telesilla, Eumelos, Philocrates, 
 Panyasis. The following data then are recorded in the little manual, 
 which any one may verify for himself by consulting the index of any 
 of the current editions : Hercher's or Westermann's. Zeus feared 
 Hera and so buried Elare underground, who had conceived Tityos 
 from him. Apollon, god of light and all other virtues, flayed alive 
 Marsyas, whom he had defeated in a contest of music. HWa flung 
 Side into Hades because she had vied with her as to beauty of form. 
 Aphrodite punished Eos with undying love for Orion, because E6s 
 had couched with Ares. Artemis, neglected at Kalydon, caused un- 
 utterable woe in the family of Meleagros. Phineus was blinded by 
 the gods because he foretold the future to mankind. Poseidon dried 
 up Argos, angry at Inachos, because the latter bore witness that the 
 land belonged to Hera. The Nereids caused exposure of Andromeda, 
 because the maiden's mother had vied with them as to beauty ; Posei- 
 don shares in their anger. Zeus blinds Asklepios, because he fears 
 that human kind might get too much aid against death and disease. 
 Poseidon, angry because he was worsted in his struggle about Athens, 
 with Athena, floods Attica. Zeus corrupted lo, who was then priest- 
 ess of Hera at Argos, revenge of Hera. Zeus forced Kallisto in 
 disguise, ravished Aigina, quarrels with Poseidon about possession of 
 Thetis. Hera persecutes Herakles through life ; causes Dionysos to 
 be insane. Demeter (a contribution of the pure pastoral humanity 
 of Arcadian fancy) became mother of a horse through Poseidon. 
 Teiresias was blinded by the gods, because he told human kind what 
 the gods wished to conceal. Poseidon, from anger, caused the beast 
 love of Pasiphse. 
 
 This was the hemp of which Attic tragedy was spun, and we must 
 not marvel that great talents failed to endow these themes with more 
 nobility and dignity than they actually did : the wonderful thing was, 
 that they sometimes succeeded. 
 
 We are here reminded of a saying of Samuel Johnson about a 
 dancing dog moving on his hind feet ; it would not be fair to criticise 
 the performance, it was quite wonderful that he could do it at all. 
 
 Where, indeed, is the slightest vestige of chivalry or of tender and 
 self -sacrificing demeanor toward the other sex? Where, indeed, is 
 the slightest vestige of romance ? And where all tragic situations are 
 determined or predetermined by an inexorable fate and by sins com- 
 mitted by others where, I say, is that real, tragical conflict in the 
 breast of man confronted by his own evil will alone, and tempted by 
 the daimon within his own breast ? King Arthur, Macbeth, Chriem- 
 hild, Roland, the political figures of the English Wars of the Roses, 
 they all are, as heroic subjects, infinitely more fitted to afford stuff 
 for tragedies than the low and crude themes of Hellenic personifica- 
 tion of nature forces, in the garb of an anthropomorphism main- 
 tained on a pitiable level. 
 
 Mahaffy has essayed to find chivalrous things in the Homeric 
 Epics : nothing can be more pointless and forced.
 
 172 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 And as to the heroic legends of the Greeks, we may well assert, 
 against Aristotle, that there are nobler and loftier things in a succes- 
 sion of human experiences than felicity and infelicity of outward 
 faring : there is possible a greater consummation than that. 
 
 For then only do the higher and highest things enter human life, 
 when a transcendent responsibility grasps and holds the soul of man. 
 
 Dante thus is unspeakably lofty because this is in his poem. But 
 where there is nothing in any catastrophe but the absolute cessation 
 of these our present animal and social functions, then the clock of 
 being indeed has lost its pendulum. 
 
 It will serve no particular purpose to cite Grote, or Curtius, or 
 Wilamowitz, or this one or that one but I conclude this part of my 
 note with a statement in Aristotle (" De Arte Poetica" Chap. 13) : 
 " Formerly the poets told the familiar tale of haphazard legends, but 
 now the finest tragedies are composed as dealing with a small number 
 of (princely) houses, such as Alkmaion, CEdipus, Orestes, Meleagros, 
 Thyestes, and Telephos" a practical elimination of by far the great- 
 est portion of myth tradition, we see. Why then deliberate, with 
 some eminent modern critics, e. g. Wilamowitz, on that infelicity 
 which produced a limited standard or canon of best plays? How 
 small is the number of those who really appropriate the extant 
 plays 1 
 
 In connection with Herodotus, the reader may profitably consult 
 the elaborate monograph by Wecklein: " Ueber die Tradition der 
 Perserlcriege," Munich Academy, 1876, pp. 239-314. Two American 
 scholars, A. V. W. Jackson, of Columbia University, and Tolman, of 
 Vanderbilt, have dealt much with the trans-^Egean data furnished 
 by this historian. Herodotus certainly is inferior to Thucydides as a 
 historian, but he mirrors the life of fairly the entire range of the 
 Mediterranean world of 480-430 B.C., with a universality which is quite 
 unique. As for the polygraphous Mahaffy, with his " uncompromis- 
 ing positivism of Thucydides," etc., he employs a trick of clapping 
 modern categories and the catch phrase of yesterday upon thoughts, 
 principles, and themes very remote. What is gained by clothing the 
 son of Oloros in a vestment woven by Auguste Comte ? It is a fetch- 
 ing trick, and much resorted to by many other writers, especially by 
 Mommsen. But it is quite unhistorical.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 
 
 OF this famous author, composer of music, and accom- 
 plished stage director, endowed, too, with an uncommonly 
 handsome person, and Athenian patriot, the Munich 
 scholar, W. Christ, says (in his " Hist, of Greek Litera- 
 ture") the following: "To the sweet gifts of Aphrodite 
 he was in no wise averse, nor does he seem to have kept 
 himself free from the perversion of Greek antiquity, the 
 love of fair boys." Welcker, Schoell, and others try to 
 explain away other stains in the record. This pleading 
 and this rubbing out of spots is a familiar process: but 
 why not be inexorably exact here too when you boast of 
 your critical akribeia? (We like to love and esteem 
 that which forms the very staple of our pursuits, I know.) 
 He was born a few years before Marathon, and died in 
 405 B.C., not long before that Trafalgar of his country's 
 sea power and empire (Clinton's date), the battle of 
 -3gospotamos ; so brief was the blossoming, flowering, 
 and maturity of the inter-Greek power of that famous 
 commonwealth. Pindar wrote and composed the inci- 
 dental music long after the birth of Sophocles, Plato was 
 born twenty-four years before his death. A life, indeed, 
 long, and of unique comprehension, a life, one may fairly 
 call it too, of the Periclean Age. Now even Thorwaldsen 
 and Canova have not equalled Pheidias, the greatest figure 
 of that age. Let us moderate the mandatory ecstasy pre- 
 scribed by the hierophants of culture, the Goethes, the 
 Hermann Grimms, and the others. For while we have 
 no sonnets of Rafael, no Burchard's diary, no Politian's 
 Greek verse, to unveil the real morality of the Periclean 
 Age (as these did of the much vaunted era of Lorenzo 
 and his son, Leo X), still we have not a little of evidence 
 
 173
 
 174 TESTIMOXIUM ANIALE 
 
 for assuming that there was the slightest extra-sesthetical 
 upward movement in that same Periclean Age. Of it 
 Plutarch writes with a fervor quite natural in the idealiz- 
 ing pursuit of this ancient classicist (Plut., "Pericles," c. 
 13) : " As the works were going up, works surpassing in 
 material greatness, and inimitable in form and grace, and as 
 the craftsmen were vying with one another to surpass the 
 workmanship by the artistic beauty, the most marvellous 
 thing was the rapidity of execution. For those works, 
 each of which they thought would barely reach comple- 
 tion in many successions and generations of men, these 
 all received their consummation in the zenith of a single 
 political administration. . . . For the dexterity and 
 speed in production do not endow a work with enduring 
 importance nor with the precision requisite for beauty: 
 but the time which like a capital fund has been invested 
 in advance, in the toil devoted to production, that time 
 repays in bestowing strength, in the imperishable endurance 
 of that which has been created. Hence even greater is 
 the admiration bestowed upon the works of Pericles, inas- 
 much as they were produced in a brief period of time and 
 still facing the plenitude of time. For in beauty each 
 one (of the works) immediately then was classical (an- 
 tique), but in the consummate flower of achievement it 
 is to this day (say from 440 B.C. to 100 A.D.) fresh and 
 newly wrought: so there blooms on these creations a 
 certain novelty preserving that which our eyes seize as 
 something that time cannot touch, as though the works 
 possessed an ever vernal breath and an unaging soul " 
 (interfused with their material substance). Something 
 of this is still exhaled from the Elgin marbles and other 
 notable remnants, although everywhere in the world the 
 boast of possession and the unstinted generosity of acquisi- 
 tion is not in proportion to the end sought. The refining 
 influence of art on men at large remains pitiably small. 
 Taste is in the main the very last fruit of culture, but 
 a fruit which many frosts often prevent from reaching 
 maturity. Hence excavation and torsi and such additions 
 to the present assets are not significant and important
 
 SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 175 
 
 nor is there to be found anywhere among men any refine- 
 ment of the sense of beauty attained and achieved without 
 severe labor. It remains the concern of an lite, a chosen 
 body often much permeated with vanity and culture 
 pride. 
 
 Of this Periclean Age and its perfection in sculpture, 
 Ernst Curtius once upon a time wrote these words, a typi- 
 cal dithyramb of the archaeologist's ecstasies ( " Hist, of 
 Greece," Vol. 2) : " The art of endowing marble with a 
 soul, in the school of Pheidias, has been brought to the 
 uttermost perfection attainable for man. One still feels 
 the severity of drawing peculiar to the older school and 
 the incisive articulation, but the hardness and the stiff 
 symmetry have been overcome; in graceful abandon the 
 figures lie and sit near one another: one feels the breathing 
 process which moves the limbs, and realizes in the shapes 
 of surpassing fairness which fill the something of the bliss- 
 ful life of the Olympian gods." Particularly in the rare 
 pauses when Hera was not embittered against her incon- 
 tinent and ever faithless spouse. But to return to Sopho- 
 cles, who in his own sphere was one of the brightest stars 
 in that Periclean firmament. 
 
 From his fragments I transcribe a few pertinent items 
 mostly owed to the anthology of Stobseus, from Ajax the 
 Lokrian: "Man is but passing breath and shadow only." 
 And with exquisitely moulded phrase (Fragm. 146, Nauck) 
 he speaks of Life's brief Isthmos, a brief isthmus indeed 
 between the two oceans of the eternity of time past and 
 future, a cry of the soul familiar to all who refuse to be 
 content with mere matter. " Cutlets from the feast of 
 Homer," from that veritable barbecue, we remember 
 that jEschylean phrase of confession. The phrase is lack- 
 ing in the slender tradition concerning Sophocles, but, if 
 anything, the Trojan cycle dominated here even more. 
 
 Achilles on Skyros, the Lovers of Achilles, Captive 
 Women of Troy, Paris or Alexander, Andromache, the 
 Gathering of the Achseans, the Men of Antenor (who 
 fled from Troy), Helen, Hermione (daughter of Menelaos), 
 Iphigeneia, Laokoon, Nausikaa, and so on. We see how
 
 176 TESTIMOXIUM 
 
 time deepened the hold of these legends, in art, in educa- 
 tion, in everything. And we shall see that Sophocles does 
 not essentially rise above the Homeric level. Nay, does 
 he not fall below it, when he composes a play entitled 
 " The Lovers of Achilles " ? And Ovid too, who more 
 than any ancient versifier has attempted to turn impurity 
 into belles-lettres, even he could cite this play in extenua- 
 tion of his own writings : and still Sophocles was not so 
 morally obtuse as not to feel profoundly the evil as an 
 evil he calls it a disease, an evil (Fragm. 154, Nauck) 
 an evil comparable to children handling a piece of ice in 
 winter : they will not hold it, or rather they would not, 
 nor would they drop it. And it seems the fair sons of 
 Niobe were a theme similarly dragged into the dust. 
 
 The old problem (the theme of the book of Job) recurs 
 here too: " The Beings above should not so deal with 
 mortals: those who are pious should have some conspicu- 
 ous profit from the gods, and the unrighteous should pay 
 the penalty opposed to these, a penalty avenging their 
 evil deeds" (Stobseus, 106, 11). To be content with lim- 
 ited blessings: "neither married life, my maiden friends, 
 nor wealth exceeding measure, would I wish to have at 
 home; for these are the paths of envy" (Stob., 38, 26). 
 In matters of worship, it seems, there is no desire at any 
 point to break away from ancestral usage: the Homeric 
 level seems to be everywhere maintained. So we learn, 
 incidentally (fr. 411, N.), that the Trojan gods carried 
 " their own idols " on their shoulders away from Ilion, " know- 
 ing that its capture is transpiring." 
 
 The recognition of man's limitations, qua man: the 
 essential element of what the Greeks called sophrosyne: 
 it is the very atmosphere of their morality : loose writers 
 have striven to take over the curiously delicate sense of 
 symmetry possessed by the Greeks and conceive it as in- 
 terfused and blended with their morality and religion 
 it is a conceit of remote admiration. For the self- 
 abandonment to the lowest appetites, the worship of 
 Dionysos, the very sovereignty of Kypris among the 
 Olympians, the Satyr, the goat-man, and many of the ex-
 
 SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 177 
 
 tremely animal joys bound up with the grape and all its 
 works where is your symmetry, where is your Doric 
 peristyle, or where the exquisite symbolism of your draped 
 Muses? But we must pass from these crumbs of the 
 fragments to something more tangible and substantial 
 presented by the plays actually preserved. 
 
 The " Ajax " presents a legend whose main features 
 were given, and really had become immobile. A hero 
 maddened by wounded pride, then recovering his sanity, 
 determines not to survive his disgrace and so destroys 
 himself. Observe that, exactly as in the Epic, Athena is 
 the specific guardian of the adroit and never puzzled 
 Odysseus: "'tis her hand that pilots him:" it was she 
 who drove him into his misery, it was she who had made 
 Ajax believe that she was his ally. That Greek or Attic 
 figment is, as in Homer, chiefly astuteness personified, dei- 
 fied, if you like : our moral sense revolts at the role which 
 she plays in the drama, owl-eyed or otherwise. 
 
 Ajax really had slain but sheep, in the belief that he 
 had avenged his wounded pride on the Peloponnesian 
 brother chiefs, and still he pretended to withdraw by 
 himself to the meadows by the sea, to purify himself by 
 ablutions, and guard himself against the heavy wrath of 
 the goddess, to gain a reconciliation. But, frankly speak- 
 ing, his fault is not that he sinned, but his sin is this that 
 he has to bear the antagonism of an Olympian Force, that 
 he came into collision, he the champion of physical 
 courage, with the goddess of astuteness who had quite 
 another pet. The drifting pot of burnt clay collides with 
 the granite cliff. True, Ajax once appeared so haughty 
 that he defies the gods, so impious as to disdain military 
 glory, unless achieved by himself alone. " For bodies that 
 exceed their proper measure, troublous hulks, did fall in 
 misfortune sent by the gods so said the seer of such 
 who while begotten of the human kind, then nourish a 
 spirit not in harmony with mere man." His father 
 Telamon, when Ajax departed from Salamis for the war, 
 wished him success in war, " but ever to prevail with God 
 his ally." But he replied: "My father, one who has the
 
 178 TESTIMONIUM ANB1JE 
 
 gods with him, even though he be nothing, could gain 
 puissance : but even without them do I trust that I will 
 snatch this fame" (v.758 sqq."). It is precisely the same 
 spirit which is in Herodotus, contemporary and spiritual 
 congener of the dramatist. A Theodicee, or justification 
 of the ways of gods with men. The bitterness of the 
 Athenian against Sparta is everywhere revealed: Ajax 
 falls, but the hero of Salamis is, for all that, an Attic 
 heroa, and one of the worthies (Paus., 1, 5, 2) after whom 
 were named the ten Tribes of Attica. In passing we should 
 not forget how it always grated on the moral sense of 
 Greece, that for one fair and faithless woman so much woe 
 and misery was enacted in the world of Greece (v, 1111). 
 Not less than six plays in Greek Comedy dealt with 
 Helen and her lovers. 
 
 Bitterness is not to be carried on and maintained beyond 
 death : the corpse of the hero is to have honorable burial 
 (theme of "Antigone") and the insatiable vindic- 
 tiveness of the Peloponnesian kings is humbled and 
 defied, these are the laws of the gods (1343). How 
 are the mighty fallen ! 
 
 In the matricidal revenge taken by Electra and her 
 brother Orestes on their mother Klytaimnestra, we have 
 little to observe for our present volume and purpose. 
 Revenge and Requital go on : the royal children in a 
 way are but puppets in the active fulfilment of the 
 curses of the past ; and noteworthy is the art of Sophocles 
 here : for even thus he achieves it, that definite and 
 thoroughly well-drawn personalities do pass before us. 
 But while the sorrows of the Pelopidae have not yet an 
 end the Erinyans are still to harrow the soul of Orestes 
 let us turn to one definite matter to further our quest. 
 
 It is prayer, prayer by all who do or suffer here. 
 Klytaimnestra has been troubled by dreams and prays 
 to Apollo for solution (644) : " For visions which I did 
 behold this night of double dream, these, O Lord Lykeios, 
 if they foreshadow good, grant them fulfilment; but if
 
 SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 179 
 
 inimical, then upon my enemies let them fall, and do 
 not, if by stratagems there be who plot to cast me from 
 my present wealth, permit it, but that I always thus ex- 
 isting knowing naught of harm the palace of the Atrides 
 and this sceptre shall maintain, companion of friends with 
 whom I now reside, enjoying fair days even at the hands 
 of those of my children from whom no ill-will touches 
 me or bitter grief. These things, wolf -warder Apollon, 
 graciously hear and grant to all of us just as we pray. 
 And all the other things, though I be silent, I think it 
 right that thou that art divine shouldst fully know." No 
 moral justification here, for this invocation. 
 
 Conversely the last heir of Pelops and young avenger 
 of his father's shades enters the scene of his coming deed 
 with a prayer (v. 65) : " But, O paternal land and local 
 gods, receive me faring well in these your streets, and thou 
 paternal home : for I do come thy cleanser in justice, 
 propelled by the gods." His sister invokes her father, 
 on whose tomb she pours the proper libations, and then 
 addresses herself to the powers below (110) : " O house 
 of Hades and Persephone, O Hermes of the soil below, 
 and puissant Curse, ye venerable offsprings of the gods, 
 Erinyans, who see the shedding of innocent blood, come 
 ye, aid ye, avenge our father's murder." 
 
 When at last Orestes and Pylades have entered the palace 
 to work vengeance, the prayer of Elektra pursues them to 
 their deed (1376) : " O Lord Apollo, graciously hear the 
 twain, and me, with them, who often did present myself 
 before, with my hand generously filled from what I had ; 
 but now, wolf- warder Apollo, from such (gifts) as I have, 
 I ask, I do fall at thy feet, I pray, be a propitious helper 
 in these our designs, and show to mankind what kind of 
 reward the gods bestow upon impiety." " Hermes (1395) 
 leads the youthful pair, concealing in darkness their design 
 to the very goal of execution, and tarrieth no more." 
 
 CEdipus, prince of Thebes, is a psychological master- 
 piece as gradually he learns the terrible truth, remotely
 
 180 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 indicated by the Seer Teiresias : " Thou art the man " 
 thy father's slayer and thy mother's husband first 
 saviour of the land, and ruler, then self-blinded and 
 self-curst, an outcast from the company of human kind : 
 while unrevealed to his land and to himself he was the 
 cause of plague, the very curse, the stain of Thebes. 
 
 After all, the gods in this famous play are the Homeric 
 gods. That fateful babe, once exposed on Kithairon 
 who was its sire ? a nymph, perhaps, bore it, some one of 
 the long-lived nymphs having couched with Pan who 
 treads the mountains ? or art thou an offspring of Loxias, 
 who is fond of all the spaces of the pasture land ? or be 
 it he who rules over Kyllene, or the god of grapes who 
 sojourns on the tops of mountains received thee as a find 
 from the nymphs of Helikon, with whom he sports so 
 much? 
 
 To us, I say, the fate of (Edipus is intolerable : quiet 
 and happiness : it is all fate and fated. The fearful curse 
 which the sovereign prince himself utters earlier in the 
 play, it is impressive and makes one fairly shudder : 
 " This man (236) I do forbid, whoever he may be, that 
 no one in this land, of which I hold the sovereign throne, 
 may shelter under roof, nor him accost, nor have him 
 share in prayer to the Gods, or sacrifice, nor give him 
 water for his hands, but all shall thrust him from their 
 homes, because he is a stain for us," etc., the entire land 
 is uncleansed (256) until the evil-doer be discovered: a 
 curse upon the fields, and barren wombs for wives of 
 those who remain aloof from quest for guilty one. And 
 when finally the woe unutterable has lowered around the 
 head of the prince himself, then indeed neither Danube 
 nor the Phasis can wash with purification this roof (1227), 
 all that it doth conceal. . . . The wretched prince fared 
 as he fared, from babehood to the throne, why ? be- 
 cause he was hated of the gods. But why ? The Greek 
 legends had no answer here. For (Edipus had ever 
 trembled lest he injure Poly bos of Corinth, his reputed 
 father. The misery of the self-blinded wanderer : to take 
 his own life, 'twere a quick release : but how, in Hades
 
 SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 181 
 
 (1372), could he bear to see his sire, his mother too, 
 with whom his consciousness was connected by deeds 
 more potent than the noose? The end is simply misery 
 unutterable the chorus feels the fall from fortune's peak 
 to this abyss and gives vent to one of those noble strains 
 of Sophocles which may be called the commonplaces of 
 disconsolate humanity (1186) : " O generations of men, 
 how do I rate you like unto nothing, when you have 
 lived. For who, what man, bears greater share of 
 happiness, than so much only as but to seem, and hav- 
 ing seemed, to decline ? " Like a dirge or funeral march 
 resounds the incisive recessional of the chorus as it de- 
 parts from the orchestra: "Ye who dwell in Thebes 
 ancestral, do behold CEdipus here, who did know the 
 famous riddles, was a most puissant man, into flood how 
 great of awful misfortune has he come! Hence we that 
 are mortal should fix our attention on beholding that 
 final day and so call no one happy before he has 
 traversed the goal of life without having suffered any 
 sorrow." Solon and Kroisos again, we see. Sophocles 
 himself was not satisfied with a disposition of the legend 
 which furnished by no means any moral solution or any 
 satisfaction to the human sense of guilt and justice. But 
 to this we shall revert in dealing with the last of his plays. 
 
 " Antigone " is of the same Theban cycle of royal le- 
 gend you might here too say : The sorrows of the Lab- 
 dakidai have not yet an end. 
 
 The bold and noble soul of the royal maid who 
 defies bridal felicity and life itself, rather than leave un- 
 buried the corpse of her brother fallen in fratricidal duel, 
 victim of a father's curse rather, I say, than have dogs 
 and vultures despoil these remains. Woe and Felicity 
 it is all a matter of grim fate it depends on the daimon: 
 " some god " is pursuing the princely house of Labdakos 
 (596), ruining it. 
 
 The stern statute of King Kreon, and the higher law: 
 that vengeance and retribution of human institutions 
 should not pass beyond death. A gloomy firmament is 
 vaulted above human concerns; and the divine power
 
 182 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 and rule is feared, in the main: generally it is fearful 
 whenever it reveals itself to pigmy man: it is the Puny 
 as over against the Strong, the irresponsibly Mighty. 
 Fear, I say, and Dread are the chief elements of this re- 
 ligion. And so the chorus voices it (582 sqq.^): "Happy 
 they whose span of life knows not the taste of troubles. 
 For those whose house is shaken from God, no part of woe 
 is spared but it will stealthily find its way to the fulness of 
 the generation: as when the flood of briny deep rolls from 
 the bottom dark sand, when the gloom of the nether sea 
 comes charging on with fiercely whistling blasts from 
 Thracian north, and the stricken coasts sorely lashed by 
 gales utter groaning roar. So too I behold the ancient 
 sorrows of the families now perished from Labdakos fall- 
 ing upon sorrows, nor does generation furnish requital to 
 generation but some god hurls them to the ground: nor 
 has it any deliverance." Whereas Zeus is to be feared 
 why? because he endureth: "As for thy power, O Zeus, 
 which of men can restrain in transgression, that power 
 which neither all-aging sleep captures ever, nor the un- 
 tiring months of the gods, but ruler thou in unaging time 
 thou boldest fast the shimmering gleam of Olympos "(604). 
 It is that vault above us and all its works, under which 
 and amid which we live our little lives. And Earth is 
 the correlative "the highest of the Gods" (337); "and 
 replenish the earth and subdue it" we read in Genesis 1, 
 28; but as in the Prometheus tale of Hesiod, so here in 
 " Antigone," 335 sqq., all human civilization and conquest 
 of the earth is still conceived as a defiance and a bold 
 invasion on the part of man; and even though he tame 
 and subdue all creatures to his use and profit ever so 
 much, though he has devised speech, and his conceits ride 
 on the wings of the wind, though he has acquired the 
 instinct for civil institutions, and his substantial domicile 
 cares naught for hoar-frost or pelting rain showers, though 
 in short he be " all-devising " (360) : though resourceless 
 he approaches nothing of the future, of Hades only he 
 will never devise an escape. (Sophocles wrote this play 
 at fifty-five.)
 
 SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 183 
 
 Antigone herself avows the higher, the unwritten law, 
 in words of surpassing dignity and beauty, replying to 
 the angry reproof of the Theban prince (450) : (I dared 
 to do it) " For it was not Zeus at all who proclaimed this 
 to me, nor Justice, she who has her domicile with the 
 nether gods, she did not fix statutes such as these 'mong 
 human kind, nor did I wean that so strong were thy proc- 
 lamations, that mortal as thou art thou couldst outrun 
 the unwritten and untottering statutes of the gods. For 
 not to-day or yesterday, but from all time these (verities) 
 do live, and no one knows since when they did appear." 
 The real tragic figure is the king and father himself, so 
 haughty and so sure of himself and so utterly prostrate 
 and discomfited in the end. It is again the spirit of 
 ^Eschylus and Herodotus which everywhere prevails. 
 The overweaning and self-pleasing temperament of Kreon 
 is in itself a negation of man's impotence and dependency; 
 early in the play the chorus utters the Leitmotiv (127) : 
 " For Zeus exceedingly hates the boastings of a great 
 tongue." 
 
 Sophocles actually rises in this play above the narrow 
 limits of local piety and what we may call the institutional 
 religion of the Greek communities. For it is this very thing 
 of which Kreon is the stanch defender, it is this very 
 thing which must yield to the higher, to the unwritten law. 
 " Thou utterest intolerable things (282) in saying that 
 the gods have any forethought for this corpse. Would 
 they bury him, honoring him preeminently as a benefactor, 
 him, who came to set on fire their pillared fanes and con- 
 secrated gifts, their land and laws ? " a very significant 
 passage. 
 
 The " Trachinian "Women " exhibits the destruction of 
 a heros, of Hercules. The loneliness of his forsaken spouse, 
 Deianira, is touching; of stuff so crude to build a noble 
 play, none but a master hand could have achieved it. 
 The hand that drew the character of the forsaken Deian- 
 ira has deserved well of women everywhere, and for all 
 human civilization, the more so as the matron's place was
 
 184 TESTIMONIUM AXI1VLE 
 
 mean and obscure in the time of Aspasia. Kypris works 
 all the misery with which this play is replete, and as for 
 marriage, the purely zoological or political aspect thereof 
 is not particularly varied in this play. It is very diffi- 
 cult to maintain a heroic view of Hercules, driven 
 by mere lust, namely, by his desire for lole, to destroy 
 Oichalia and cause vast misery to the innocent (354). 
 The frank view of the Greek is that submission (441 <?<?.) 
 to the sexual impulse is the only proper attitude : " Who- 
 ever takes his stand to face Eros, as boxer will for hand- 
 to-hand encounter, is unwise. For Eros rules even over 
 the gods as he willeth, and me too," etc. Kypris rules 
 over all, " how she deceived the son of Kronos I say not, 
 nor the dweller in night Hades, or Poseidon the shaker of 
 the Earth" (500 *<?<?.) ^he WOI> st thing in the play is 
 this, that Heracles in passing from earth transmits the 
 poor girl lole to his own son lolaos, to be his wedded 
 wife. The youth very properly stands aghast at this sug- 
 gestion : he would rather perish, but submits finally to 
 the fear of the paternal curse. It is a mere segment of 
 the legend and lacks all true consummation and moral 
 solution. He who suffered retribution is a saviour of Greek 
 mankind, such as they conceived him, but in the main a 
 being of brutal self-indulgence in the pauses which inter- 
 vened between his various labors, canonic and other. 
 The current moral ideas of Sophocles are encountered 
 again: "An ancient saying is it of the human kind, that 
 you cannot fully learn the lesson of a life of mortal men, 
 before one dies, nor whether a man's span of existence be 
 wholesome for him, or evil." Always the same. Pros- 
 perity and outward fortune being the standard of all 
 so that Herodotus himself, if anything, is a little deeper 
 than this surface. 
 
 The central figure in the Philoktetes (Trojan cycle) is 
 young Neoptolemos, son of Achilles, who is to gain from 
 the forsaken archer the latter's mighty bow, once that of 
 Hercules, and bring it himself to the Greek camp before
 
 SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 185 
 
 Troy. The young hero is swayed by inherited nobility 
 and frankness. A foil to this is the cunning and policy 
 of the scheming Odysseus. Happiness and suffering some- 
 how are bestowed by a fate inscrutable in the main : even 
 where fate and gods are brought together in a deliberate 
 concatenation of phrase, as in 1466, when the long-suffer- 
 ing archer, a curious combination of Job and hermit, takes 
 leave of the island in which for ten years he led a preca- 
 rious and wretched existence, he utters the closing words : 
 " Farewell, O soil of Lemnos circled by the salt sea, and 
 send me in good passage blamelessly where great Moira 
 conveys me . . . and the all-subduing deity who decreed 
 these things, " Homer again. 
 
 The " (Edipus at Kolonos " in every way, may I say, 
 is the requiem of the old master. And still it is not all 
 Euthanasia. The royal wanderer, albeit beggar too, once 
 prince of Thebes, has come to the spot where the curse 
 shall be taken from him and where he shall enter into rest. 
 Perhaps there is a little of King Lear here too : I mean 
 of the royal father's curse against his own offspring, 
 " that she may feel how sharper than a serpent's tooth it 
 is to have a thankless child ! " It is very probable that 
 Sophocles was nearly ninety or thereabouts when he com- 
 posed this play. Kolonos was his native demos. In the 
 first place the old men there refuse to yield up the vener- 
 able wanderer to Kreon of Thebes. Sophocles himself, 
 with that coloring of subdialectical exposition so native 
 and intrinsic in Attic speech Sophocles himself puts 
 into the mouth of the blind royal beggar a stout moral 
 defence, the Attic poet gives to the Thebaii legend and 
 the blind strokes of its inscrutable Fate an ending, an 
 Attic end, may I say (265) : " for not my body was my 
 own nor were my deeds ; for my deeds are more of the 
 suffering than of the doing kind : . . . And still how am 
 I evil in my nature, who, when I suffered, wrought in 
 requital ?" In short, Sophocles asserts with simplicity but 
 as a moral postulate that sin must be associated with con-
 
 186 TESTIMOXIUM ANBLE 
 
 sciousness and deliberation that a higher moral law 
 (Athens even had an Altar of Pity) must shelter him 
 who was more sinned against than sinning. Also, the 
 justice of the gods is essential justice in the course of 
 time. "You men of Athens honor the gods, therefore 
 be convinced that the gods regard the pious man, and 
 that they also regard the non-reverential men, and that 
 never yet the wicked made good his escape" (381). 
 
 Theseus (the Washington of Attic political veneration) 
 appears as clothed in that modesty of sdphrosynd: fitted 
 with a sympathy derived from much wandering in his own 
 life he goes on to say (566) : "For I know I am a man, 
 no more, and of to-morrow's day I have no greater share 
 than thou." Omitting the bitter political feeling, nay, 
 very rancor towards the neighboring commonwealth of 
 Thebes, I note the following. Trust not the present state 
 of any merely human commonwealth: " Beloved son (607) 
 of Aigeus, none but the gods receive this gift of honor 
 that they live for evermore : for all the rest, all-powerful 
 Time confounds it. There perishes the strength of soil, 
 of body too it perishes. ..." 
 
 The old age of our dramatist had fallen on evil times, 
 when on the continent Athens was fairly isolated, when 
 her sea power too was rapidly crumbling away, and when 
 even nearer to himself there were of his own offspring 
 those who would have him declared incompetent from 
 senile decay. Everything in the play is in harmony with 
 this tradition. If the bitterness of hatred for Thebes 
 wrought up this aging soul, why should not the senti- 
 ment of fatherly affection grossly outraged have crept 
 into his lines ? GEdipus has just received kindly shelter 
 from the old men of Kolonos, from the very king of 
 Attica, but he is like adamant in refusing to take the 
 curse from his own son : of Mercy there is nothing in his 
 breast, nay, he damns him afresh to the very depths of 
 Tartarus and calls upon the dire Goddesses of requital 
 to hear these awful words. 
 
 The poet here turned with tender affection to his native 
 deme : Kolonos was holy ground also, because it was con-
 
 SOPHOCLES OF KOLONOS 187 
 
 secrated to those very Goddesses of the heavily burdened 
 conscience and inexorable requital, the Erinyans. And 
 here the purifications of the unfortunate come in : they 
 are an essential part of the play. Attica purifies and fur- 
 nishes a departure in peace to the Theban prince, who has 
 been cast forth by his own polis, his own community. 
 There is a moral and a religious earnestness about these 
 rites and this ritual which is significant : everywhere the 
 symbolism is easily understood. Jars of water from ever 
 flowing spring (not stagnant pool), carried by pious 
 hands (469 <?.), their tops and handles wrapped in freshly 
 shorn lamb's wool. From these the water must be poured : 
 he who pours must face the early morn. Honey must be 
 mingled with the water, then thrice nine olive branches 
 placed upon the ground, then the invocation to the Eri- 
 nyans that they as Eumenides (changed into benignant 
 powers) may receive the suppliant : this prayer to be 
 brief, whereupon the sinner is to withdraw without turning 
 around. And when the end is near, the sufferer CEdipus 
 turns his soul to Hermes, guide of souls, and to Persephone, 
 with a farewell blessing to the deme Kolonos and the Attic 
 commonwealth. Theseus alone witnessed this removal of 
 the redeemed one. The stranger passed away in Eutha- 
 nasia, as in a moment, no groans there, no painful disease, 
 a marvellous end and blessed. The golden gleam so-called, 
 and harmony of the Greek aspect of life, we fail to see here 
 in this posthumous work of aged Sophocles, Sophocles so 
 often distinguished by the dramatic prize, fair and favored 
 by all those things which his community and his profession 
 called fortune and felicity. For the Greek soul aspires 
 not, in the main, beyond sublunar things : it is a Psalm of 
 long Life which the chorus chants, no stout Cato here : 
 " not (1225) to have come into being at all, this is the 
 triumphant position in the whole range of discourse : and 
 the other, namely, when man has appeared, that he should 
 go to that bourne, whence he came, as speedily as possible 
 this is easily second. For when youth comes on, bear- 
 ing frivolous follies, who can swerve from the course of 
 many troubles? Who is not within travail? Murders,
 
 188 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 riots, jealousy, contentions, and envy. And by lot comes 
 last old age, invalid, unsociable, unloved, where universal 
 troubles are housed with troubles." 
 
 NOTE. The great services of Wilamowitz in the field of under- 
 standing Attic Tragedy better need no encomium from my pen. They 
 stand out the more when one views the futilities of Mahaffy in trying 
 to fit things into the Aristotelian canon, e.g. "the purifying the 
 terror of the spectator," words, mere words. The teeming num- 
 ber of superlatives in the literary valuations of Mahaffy, while it 
 dazzles youth and ignorance, is endured painfully by those who read 
 Greek for themselves. The looseness of Mahaffy's hurried pen 
 strokes may be well exemplified by the following remarkable state- 
 ment (Chap. 16 of his "History of Classic Greek Literature"). "It 
 was possibly on account of these liberties that the tragic poets avoided 
 (sic) as a rule the Iliad and Odyssey. . . ." 
 
 The spiritual kinship of Sophocles with Herodotus hardly needs 
 any reassertion or new demonstration. Sophocles sometimes filled in 
 quite deliberately, as in the allusion to certain curious usages of the 
 Egyptians, " CEdip. at Kolonos," 437. This in turn should induce us 
 to treat conservatively the conceit that a new husband may be found, 
 but not a new brother, "Antigone," 909 sqq., with which compare the 
 wife of Intaphernes, Herod., 3, 118 : " O King, another husband I 
 might get, if God should will it, and other children, if I should lose 
 these. But as my father and mother live no more, another brother I 
 could in no wise get." 
 
 As to Sophocles, he clearly wrought with more artistic deliberation 
 than JSschylus. One may ask why, after his death and that of 
 Euripides, first-class production of tragedy terminated at Athens? 
 It was not merely that the old themes had been written into the 
 ground. There is no mechanical or " sociological " way to explain 
 the arising of a literary genius of the first order. The shallowness of 
 the Taine-positivist school in their attempt to explain literary pro- 
 duction by ancestry, environment, and so further this shallowness 
 has been for some time masquerading under the modest veil of 
 Science, falsely so-called. As a matter of fact, the productive soul 
 steadily goes on seeking and appropriating material which it may 
 assimilate or use up in expanding and unfolding its innate self, food 
 for itself but for itself alone, which to the very brothers and fellows 
 of the author may be mere sticks, stone, or stubble.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING. EURIPIDES 
 
 ATHENS, somehow, became the most attractive domicile 
 for every talent. Of course I do not refer to the power of 
 enriching oneself a power so viciously and so falsely 
 extolled, while I write and where I write. To speak well, 
 to prove cogently, to compose a tragedy or comedy, to 
 write a chorus for men and boys, to be an architect, 
 sculptor, or painter of skill and grace beyond one's fellows 
 all such talents found appreciation, valuation, rewards, 
 in the political centre of the insular and riparian domains, 
 which the political genius of Themistokles had based on 
 that other base of Greek life, the sea. A sea power, 
 Athens led the Delian confederation, and while she ex- 
 ploited her so-called allies by tribute and certain vexatious 
 forms of centralization, she certainly offered them a 
 capital of which they could be proud. Though no Greek 
 ever, while Greece had a political life, was proud of any 
 polis but that in which he was born. 
 
 To Athens, in the time of Perikles, converged whatever 
 was endowed with talent: and the glory of having furnished 
 matrix for many germs which came from abroad, must not 
 be taken from her, particularly when her great political 
 rival, Sparta, the perpetual camp on the Eurotas, was 
 holding down the old owners of the soil, as her serfs, 
 with inexorable and never relaxing rigor, and was besides 
 hermetically secluding herself from any contact or in- 
 fluence hostile to, or incongruous with, her own cast-iron 
 set of institutions. So too a son of Athens, though smit- 
 ten by the bitter rod of exile, Thucydides, uttered the 
 praise of his state in the famous Epitaphios, or funeral 
 address, given to, or actually uttered by, Perikles, son of 
 Xanthippos (II, 35 sqq.*). Any one, we are told there, 
 
 189
 
 190 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 was welcome to come to Athens to learn, welcome to see 
 and view the many fair things there built or established. 
 Clearly the common humanity of the Greek world at large 
 was not so friendly to strangers. But we pass on to the 
 much cited phrase (Chap. 40) : " We are devoted to the 
 beautiful with the expenditure of moderate sums, we pur- 
 sue wisdom without softness" enough: it is the key 
 to much of the noblest cultural achievements of Athens. 
 Whether sober valuation of history will subscribe to all 
 points of that eulogy of Athens, is quite doubtful. For 
 it was penned by an exile, to whom the aureole around 
 the remote acropolis was doubly radiant as he penned 
 these famous lines sojourning among strangers. Besides 
 he summed up what he loved, the Athens still, in the 
 main, yielding herself to the guidance of the best and 
 strongest of her own citizens, and not yet stooping to 
 the middle and lower stratum of her democracy for 
 heralds and counsellors. And still, even then, precious 
 forces of conservatism had been truncated as Aristotle has 
 it (" Polit.," 2, 12); the feebler power of the Areopagus 
 had been cut short by Ephialtes and Perikles. Besides 
 this, a form of people's government was organized there 
 in which a vast proportion of the electorate was paid for 
 some share (paid some fee or other), some share in the 
 government, and the Attic sovereignty was, in a curious 
 fashion, carried almost into every household, and felt 
 there through some obols or other. We may shrink from 
 adopting as our own Aristotle's disgust with a common- 
 wealth which makes the Banamo* (the handicraftsman 
 or mechanic) a citizen: we may not appreciate the disdain 
 of the scholar: but we must not forget that slavery de- 
 graded those pursuits. At Athens particularly it was 
 unsafe to treat any slave rudely in public, because one 
 might find oneself in contact with one who belonged to 
 the sovereign demos. But such a sovereign was easily 
 swayed to vicious or foolish courses, the resolutions 
 (psephismafa') of that sovereign people could override or 
 cancel existing laws at any time no constitutional check 
 there, no system of balancing forces. " And this " (we
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 191 
 
 quote Aristotle, " Polit.," 6, 4) "happens on account of 
 the demagogues." Such a composite monarch often acts 
 the autocrat and the despot; the resolutions of the Attic 
 demos often corresponded to the decrees of these 
 latter. One of the keenest and sanest political thinkers 
 of antiquity, Polybios (6, 44), compares the Attic democ- 
 racy to a vessel lacking a master, the crew of which heeds 
 the pilot and acts together only when the presence of the 
 foe or the rising of a tempest compel harmony, but other- 
 wise the performances of the crew on that ship of state 
 were an exhibit appearing shameful to those who looked 
 on from without. 
 
 It was this political society then in which the new learn- 
 ing of the so-called Sophists, and the poetical mirroring of 
 all these new forces, had a free field and swift germination 
 too the latter in the plays of Euripides. 
 
 The puissant pen of Plato has endowed the term of 
 Sophist with an odium which is imperishable. Every 
 professor in the academic field of a scholar's or scientist's 
 vocation could be fairly dubbed a Sophist in that sense 
 which the term had in Greek speech before Plato. We 
 are now all agreed that most of them lived by their 
 lectures or instruction, and we cannot very well condemn 
 that, certainly. 
 
 The Humanists of Italy in the fifteenth century afford 
 many curious parallels to that older Greek movement. 
 The latter, however, was more genuine and organic the 
 morbid craze for mere reproduction in the Renaissance 
 differed greatly, and was essentially inferior to the Greek 
 movement which was much more spontaneous and original 
 and dealt with and involved incisive steps in the history 
 of human culture. The censure then and the delinea- 
 tions of Plato, I say, must be accepted not with one but 
 many grains of salt : we recognize the " peremptory ne- 
 cessity," to borrow from George Grote, " of not accepting 
 implicitly the censure of any one, where the party in- 
 culpated has left no defence. ..." This is particularly 
 important when we look into the convex mirror of Attic 
 Comedy of those times : in Aristophanes particularly the
 
 192 TESTIMOXIUM ANIM.E 
 
 ingredients of youth and impudence, however seasoned 
 with exquisite genius of symbolism and invention, have 
 produced a result of caricature which is often absurd and 
 outrageous caricature. Whoever takes this precocious youth 
 who wrote " Banqueters, " " Babylonians," "Acharnians," 
 " Knights and Clouds," 427-423 B.C., at his own valuation, 
 commits a gross blunder, entirely pardonable in academic 
 youth but inexcusable in mature men. But I must not be 
 drawn too far from my specific and proper theme. Few 
 people in any given society are academic or analytic in 
 temperament or trained power the movements of the 
 great bulk of given contemporaries are strictly gregarious, 
 especially in the segment of those who intrinsically glory in 
 being conformists with a mode, society so-called. So, par- 
 ticularly in the Athens of Perikles and of Euripides, Pro- 
 tagoras of Abdera, Gorgias the Sicilian Greek, Prodikos 
 of Keos, Hippias of Elis all non- Athenians, were re- 
 ceived by the Attic aristocracy with a bountiful hospi- 
 tality and with an admiration entirely devoid of criticism. 
 The art of a rhetorical delivery with definite technical 
 procedure merely allowed the Greeks to handle their 
 wonderfully organized and tensile speech with still more 
 consummate force and grace. But logos, their own word, 
 a lexical lanus-face, means both thought and utterance. 
 Protagoras held that every theme or subject permitted 
 antithetical judgments dialectic was mightily propelled; 
 but the disciples snapped up inferences of Wrong and 
 Right, arguing for the convertibility of all merely dialectic 
 handling of any given theme, which to many conserva- 
 tives seemed to destroy the very verities in which the 
 institutions of life and citizenship had their sphere and 
 being. His book or series of popular lectures began with 
 words of large and simple structure (Diog. Laer., 
 9, 51) : " About the gods I am not able to know, either 
 that they are, or that they are not : for many are the things 
 which prevent (me) from knowing : both the obscurity 
 (of the problem) and the fact that brief is the life of 
 man." To this must be added the other remnant ($.) : 
 " The measure of all things is man, of those that are, that
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 193 
 
 they are, and of those that are not, that they are not." 
 To rush into the view that he denied all truth or the 
 possibility of all positive statements would be hasty. 
 Some two generations before him the travelling poet 
 Simonides, whose art and profession was inextricably 
 bound up, like that of Pindar, with the institutional 
 religion of the Greeks, this same Simonides, I say, once 
 on a western tour, sojourned at the court of Hiero, prince 
 of Syracuse. When this ruler had asked him, what and 
 what kind of being G-od was (not the gods), he demanded 
 one day (Cicero, "I)e Natura Deorum" 1, 60) for reflecting. 
 When Hiero put the same question to him the next day, 
 Simonides asked for two days' time : when the master more 
 often kept on doubling the number of days, and Hiero 
 marvelling asked why he acted in this fashion, " Because," 
 said he, " the more I ponder the matter, the more obscure 
 it seems to me." The question for us is this : did the 
 new learning (together with the physical speculation of 
 Anaxagoras, Herakleites, or Demokritos) have any inci- 
 sive and profound influence upon the religious and moral 
 ideas of the Greeks, particularly of Athens and Attica ? 
 
 Of Perikles indeed Plutarch says that he owed much 
 of his trenchant and moving personality to the broadening 
 influence received from Anaxagoras. But the people at large 
 do not seem to have been greatly swayed by the new move- 
 ment. Protagoras himself thought better to quit Athens 
 some time after 422-421 B.C., and his book " On the Gods " 
 was burned at Athens by public decree. Zeller says the 
 Sophists " lost religion " : what kind of religion, and how 
 much? At this point I must raise my voice in earnest 
 protest against a certain facile and much abused practice. 
 It is this of speaking of a Greek Aufklarung, of the 
 defenders of the old " faith " or " creed," even of speaking 
 of " Theology " here : the vicious and odious absurdity 
 based at bottom on academic rancor, of speaking of a 
 " church " in Greek religion, so-called these practices, 
 I say, one and all, are preposterous and absurd. These 
 monstrosities of designation are much employed by those 
 who in the grave and portentous problems of Christian
 
 194 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 revelation sit and vote with the Left or with the Mountain, 
 as they said in Paris in Jacobin times. 
 
 But it is time to turn to the poet, whom many students 
 of classic culture call outright the poet of " Greek Enlight- 
 enment" (Nestle) or "The Rationalist" (Verrall), borrow- 
 ing terms from modern times in a mechanical and shallow 
 fashion. Euripides was born of humble Attic people, small 
 tradespeople, who lived from hand to mouth. Mnesarchos 
 was his father's name : the profoundly gifted child was 
 born in the great year of Salamis, 480. As a youth he 
 pursued athleticism; on the verge of a definite career he 
 seems for a while to have taken up painting as a profession ; 
 the ancient biographies say further that he was a " hearer " 
 of Anaxagoras, of Prodikos, of Protagoras, and a fellow of 
 Socrates. He seems to have been cursed with a faithless 
 wife. He was immersed in the new virtuosity of dialectic 
 and rhetorical debate in which the new learning of his day 
 so largely found its practical purpose : he took up the pro- 
 fession of a playwright as a convenient profession, for the 
 civic competitions connected with the two anniversary 
 celebrations of the Theban god afforded a fair living. In 
 our own day perhaps Euripides would have betaken himself 
 to magazine writing or to editorial writing or to some other 
 form of periodical utterance addressed to his time and to his 
 world ; of course he, too, had to dispose of every problem. 
 He rarely won the first prize. His mythical heroes and 
 heroines, whether suitably bedecked with heroic garb or 
 not, were simply mouthpieces of the times of Euripides : 
 he also cared little for conventional obscuration of women, 
 some of his women lectured on Anaxagorean science with 
 a positive fervor worthy of any disciple of that master : 
 but the mythological varnish was hopelessly cracked, and 
 the tragic buskin was a pretence or mask that deceived 
 no one. 
 
 Declamatory passages and commonplaces from his plays 
 were the most widely held staple of culture at Athens 
 when Alcibiades was a rising politician and when the sea 
 power of Attica was staked on the desperate venture of 
 the Sicilian expedition, 416-414 B.C.
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 195 
 
 No Greek willingly quit the soil of his ancestors to lay 
 his gray head amid strangers ; and why Euripides first 
 sought residence at Magnesia in Thessaly and ultimately 
 at the court of Archelaos of Macedon no one now perceives 
 clearly or in detail. The popular tradition had it that 
 both the cenotaph near Athens and the tomb in Macedon 
 were struck by lightning, as though the Olympians had 
 thus marked their displeasure. 
 
 But let us see now, what really did Euripides do to the 
 popular and political legends of his countrymen? He 
 could not remake them. He could not get a chorus at 
 Athens if he would seriously set about to strip Theseus of 
 his glory or bring lower the tutelary Pallas Athena than 
 the Homeric hexameters held her. 
 
 A recent critic puts the whole problem (I mean the 
 problem which concerns the chief quest and theme of my 
 book) thus : " It was the conviction only that God must 
 be good, which impelled him to enter upon a polemic 
 against the faith (sic) of his people." Very good, but put 
 away the absurd word, faith: noblest word where it belongs, 
 but dragged in with monumental incongruity here. What 
 dogmatic, what transcendental, what moral ingredient was 
 in these tenaciously held legends of numberless valleys, 
 towns, mountains, brooks, villages, capes, hills, and rustling 
 oaks ? What binding truth ? What truth ? You will 
 find it very difficult to carve squares of masonry out of the 
 floating fleecy clouds of a fair day in June ; you will find 
 it simply impossible to distil the glorious tints of a sunset 
 into a refreshing draught of invigorating beverage ; the 
 deeply pondering playwright, Euripides, found it desper- 
 ately hard to endow the legends of Greece with any spirit- 
 ual significance whatsoever. From a dramatist with a wide 
 scale of life and characters you can excerpt a wide range 
 of utterance and you can substantiate any form of institu- 
 tional tradition from the plays of Euripides : also, you can 
 draw forth doubt and negation and analytical valuation 
 and revaluation on every topic of life and thought but 
 I must sum up my personal impression of Euripides in a 
 few simple words. The deep doubt and bitter spirit in
 
 196 TESTIMONIUM AXBLE 
 
 this latter poet of Greece betoken a profoundly earnest, a 
 supremely spiritual soul. Indifference is often veiled by 
 mechanical conformity with tradition, and among many 
 acolytes are found those who like the sons of Eli are adepts 
 in thrusting deep the flesh hook to bring up savory pieces 
 in the cauldron of the sacrifice. No : Euripides was pro- 
 foundly in earnest and suffered not a little in his profes- 
 sional career from his trenchant dissent. 
 
 But the plan of this book has been this, that the minds 
 of the Greeks (as later, of Romans) must make utterance 
 to the reader in fairly chosen and fairly significant speci- 
 mens of their own literature. 
 
 And the ninety-two plays were turned out very rapidly, 
 of course, and they constitute no system of thought or 
 conduct. I find that there is given no preordained order 
 of sequence here ; we must choose as best we may. Eu- 
 ripides was, in his day and for his time, an intensely mod- 
 ern man, and modernity was writ large over his plays. 
 
 The Delphi, too, is the Delphi of 440 B.C., filled with 
 art works, so that a visitor will spend three days in view- 
 ing them (" Androm.," 1086). Ulysses is a cunning popu- 
 lar orator who sways the multitude (" Hecuba," 131); this 
 is the honor to which he aspires (16., 254). Euripides at 
 all points projects his present into the legends whereby 
 the disharmony permeating his works became still greater. 
 
 The dialectical and oratorical performances of his heroes 
 and heroines could have been spoken in Attic ekklesia or 
 BuU (popular assembly or in the Council) without chang- 
 ing word or phrase or the particular pitch or coloring of 
 the discourse. 
 
 This would enable any one to gather theses quite anti- 
 thetical, on almost any given subject, the very unsettling 
 process, the very fermentation of minds then going on is 
 brought home to us. These encounters often grate harshly 
 on our moral feeling, as when King Admetos demonstrates 
 to his father that the latter should have died instead of 
 the king's wife, Alkestis with the father's rejoinder: it 
 is grossly unnatural, though good controversial exercise. 
 Similarly the wordy encounter between the Trojan exile-
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 197 
 
 queen Andromache and the Grecian young queen Hermi- 
 one : they hurl demonstrations at each other like young 
 collegians at a debating club, say at Bryn Mawr or Welles- 
 ley ; later on in the same play Menelaos, a king of men 
 in the old epic, figures as a malignant and unscrupulous 
 sophist. If Aspasia impressed the Periclean Age as an 
 emancipated woman, the Electras, Helenas, Medeas, Mela- 
 nippas, on the stage of this ultra-modern playwright, im- 
 pressed that age no less so. But to proceed. 
 
 We find, indeed, also, the old common and traditional 
 ground of life and conduct. " It is not an ancestral law, 
 that fathers should die for their children, it is not Greek " 
 (" Alkestis," 682). The sweetness of revenge : " What is 
 the wiser, and what is the fairer prize at the hands of the 
 Gods among mortals, than to firmly hold the more power- 
 ful hand above the peak of your personal foes?" ("Bac- 
 chse," 877). The humanity of this man of letters is limited 
 by many things one, his profound hatred for Sparta: 
 " O hateful most of men to all mankind, ye residents 
 of Sparta, tricky councillors, the lords of lies, devisers 
 of trouble, your way the wriggling serpent's way, no 
 soundness there . . ." ("Androm.," 442). The gym- 
 nastic displays of the Spartan girls are not reconcilable 
 with the proper virtues of modest womanhood ($., 595). 
 The poet utters the common boast of Attic men, the at- 
 mosphere and climate, so exquisitely tempered between the 
 extremes, the common mart for all the products of Europe 
 and of Asia (Fragm. 971). But we meet also the note 
 of the citizen of the world (later on so bravely urged by 
 the Stoics) : " every air the eagle can traverse ; and every 
 land a fatherland to noble souls" (Fragm. 1034). And: 
 " nature is the fatherland for every man's pedigree " 
 (Fragm. 1050). Athens is called " Pallas's holy city . . ." 
 ("Electra," 1319), rich in manifold worship of the gods as 
 Sophocles testifies in 405, no less than St. Paul did, much 
 later, in the time of the emperor Claudius, I believe. 
 
 A citizen of any Greek commonwealth owed everything 
 to his particular land and little particular state : there was 
 no law of right living higher than this obligation : so
 
 198 TESTIMOXIUM ANIALE 
 
 Theseus (" Heraklidse," 826) called his fellow-citizens 
 " that they must succor the soil that gave them suste- 
 nance, that gave them birth. ..." It is a statute of all 
 the Grecian world to abstain from deeds unseemly to the 
 corpses of the dead : it is the fair observance of such laws 
 of Greek civilization which preserves the commonwealths 
 of men . . . (" Supplices," 311). Similarly: "Three vir- 
 tues are, my child, in which thou must train thyself, to 
 honor the gods, and the parents that reared thee, and the 
 common laws of Greece ; and doing this thou'lt have the 
 wreath of good repute always " (Fragm. 219). 
 
 So too we meet again that Greek holding of a local and 
 tutelary god or goddess, which we may reckon among the 
 political sentiments powerful in the various commonwealths 
 to the very end. The stranger who by force tries to carry 
 away suppliants from Attic soil, dishonors the gods of 
 Attica (" Heraklid.," 78). Or again : " Gods not inferior 
 to the gods of Argos have we for our allies, my lord : for 
 these does Hera captain, spouse of Zeus, and us, Athena. 
 And I do say that with a view of faring well this too have 
 we on our side, to get the better gods : for Pallas never 
 will endure defeat" ($., 347). And so the chorus during 
 the battle prays to Athena, whose is the soil and common- 
 wealth of which she is "mother and mistress and guardian" 
 ($., 770). When a man is exiled he is barred from his 
 paternal gods ($., 877). If there were no other role, 
 then indeed the playwright of the new learning would 
 never have excited the ire of the conservatives. But let 
 us see farther. The envy of the gods, the limited and 
 unstable happiness of man : this too we can abundantly 
 verify. When Hercules delivers to King Admetos the 
 latter's queen recovered from death, he says : " (There) 
 You have her. And may there not arise some envy of 
 the gods" ("Alk.," 1135). To Andromache (v. 100): 
 "One never should call any mortal happy before you've 
 seen the last day of the man deceased, how he has crossed 
 entire the realm of light and will arrive below." Or 
 again : " Therefore let no evil-doer, if well he runs the 
 first part of the course, seem to me to gain victorious ver-
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 199 
 
 diet, before he reaches the line of goal and make the run- 
 ner's turn where life is ended" ("EL," 958). Similarly 
 he says in the " Supplices " (270) : " Nothing exists that 
 prospers to the end." " The deity doth overturn again 
 all things ..." (331). " Wrestling bouts make up our 
 life : some prosper soon, some once again, and other mor- 
 tals have so done. The Power above has wanton sport : 
 from the unfortunate he receives honors that the former 
 may have a stroke of fortune : and the prosperous, dread- 
 ing to leave this vital breath, extols high " (the power 
 above, 552). The essence of prayer there, which was 
 exclusively concerned with worldly welfare, not at all 
 with any spiritual concerns. Nothing more vacillating 
 than human fortune : " One man was prosperous once, but 
 that did God conceal from those who once did shine : nods 
 livelihood, nods fortune, unstable as the breath of breezes " 
 (Fragm. 152). "For many a day have I been looking 
 into mortals' fortunes, how readily they do shift about : for 
 who has fallen stands upright, and he who erst did pros- 
 per, has a fall " (Fragm. 264). " For all mankind and not 
 for us alone, either immediately or in the course of time, 
 the power above (daimon) trips up their lives, and no 
 one prospers through the end" (275). More grave and 
 gloomy still : " I do declare it best of all what all the 
 world repeats best of all for mortal man not to have 
 been born at all " (287) (cf. 900). " Never should one 
 reckon likely that a wicked man's prosperity and con- 
 temptuous felicity are firmly founded, nor the generation 
 of the unrighteous : for Time that knows no sire brings 
 on the measurements of justice, and shows the wickedness 
 of men to me " (305). " You see the princes waxed pow- 
 erful through large causes, how little are the things that 
 trip them up, and a single day takes down the one from 
 high, and puts aloft the other. A winged thing is wealth : 
 for those who had it once, these I behold, prostrate on 
 their backs, fallen from their hopes " (424). " Prosperity 
 I nowhere rate 'mong mortal men, which God wipes out 
 more easily than a painting " (621). 
 
 Life and death are the central theme of the " Alkestis "
 
 200 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 the commonplaces of helpless humanity everywhere recur 
 there: "No thing is there more precious than life" (301). 
 " Time will soften thy grief, the one who died is nothing " 
 (381). "Thou must perceive that dying is the due for 
 all of us" (418). Shorn locks, black garb, were symbols: 
 and even horses' manes were sometimes shorn (427). 
 "May the earth fall lightly upon thee, lady . . ." (463). 
 " The time below I reckon long, and living, little : but 
 still 'tis sweet ..." (692). 
 
 " May graciously the nether Hermes and Hades receive 
 thee : and if the good have some advantage there, mayest 
 thou share in these and have thy seat with Pluto's bride " 
 (743). And so the heroic trencherman Hercules himself 
 is made to say : " to die ... it is the due of mortals all, 
 nor is there any mortal man who fully knows the morrow, 
 whether he will live : for Fortune's lot is all obscure what 
 path 'twill take : one cannot teach it, cannot capture it 
 by skill of craft. When this you've heard and learned 
 from me, enjoy thyself, drink, do rate the life from day 
 to day thine own the rest, of Fortune's sphere." Curi- 
 ous son of Zeus, this viveur, and erstwhile heroic saviour 
 of mankind. 
 
 And here we may well begin to inquire more closely 
 how this earnest soul, Euripides, began to turn his back 
 upon the legends of the gods of Greece. Neoptolemos, 
 son of Achilles, is slain in the very sanctuary of Apollo 
 at Delphi : after completing his report the messenger goes 
 on to say (" Androm.," 1161) : " such things the Lord 
 who gives oracles to the others, the judge for all mankind 
 of what is righteous, such things he wrought on Achilles's 
 son who paid the penalty, and Apollo made remembrance, 
 like a wicked man, of ancient feuds, . . . how then can 
 he be wise ? . . ." The gods are concerned for Troy, 
 "although it fell through Pallas's eagerness" (16., 1252). 
 In the " Helena," Euripides adopts the palinody of Stesi- 
 choros, viz., that the real Helena was translated to Egypt 
 during the Trojan war, which was fought for a mere 
 shadow or image . . . and the chorus passes on to utter 
 these words (v. 1137) : " What is God or not-God or the
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 201 
 
 intermediate substance, what mortal man will say that he 
 having searched has found the farthest limit (a mortal 
 man I say), who beholds the affairs of the gods bounding 
 hitherward and again thitherward and again (in another 
 direction) with contradictory and unhoped for strokes of 
 fortune ? " Better no existence after death : " Let these 
 things " (says the maiden Makaria, " Heraklidte," 591), 
 "be for me precious things in place of children and of 
 virgin espousal, if there is anything underground. Still, 
 may indeed there be not anything. For if even there we 
 mortals that have died shall have cares, I do not know 
 whither I shall turn. For dying is believed to be the 
 greatest remedy for troubles." 
 
 Hercules really caught the Nemean lion in a trap and 
 then claimed to have throttled him by his mighty arms 
 
 this in a hostile argument in the mouth of a persecutor 
 (" Hercules Furens," 153). 
 
 So Amphitruo challenges the very Zeus, who had 
 occupied his bed, for loyalty and devotion to his own 
 offspring (i'J., 339). "If the gods had intelligence and 
 wisdom, as men do judge, a twofold measure of the bloom 
 of youth would bear off, conspicuous seal of their good- 
 ness, all those who have a share of the latter : but after 
 death again into beams of Sun they would go for a two- 
 fold measure of a course of life. But the ill-born would 
 have a single span of life, and thereby it were possible to 
 recognize the evil and the good among men . . . but now 
 no clearly appearing definition is there from the gods for 
 the good men and the wicked ones ..." still the general 
 Greek idea that piety is concerned chiefly with prosperity 
 
 physical and worldly blessings the chief or sole end of 
 worship and religious concern . . . (ib., v. 655). We 
 see that Euripides, as a man of letters, if not of personal 
 conviction, brings in the Pythagorean notion of a rebirth. 
 Further on in this same play Theseus, when he ponders 
 on the woes of Hercules as due to the rancor of Hera, 
 broadens out into the general observation (1313): "No 
 mortal man is free from corruption in his fortunes, no 
 God, if indeed the legends of the poets are not false
 
 202 TESTIMOXIUM ANDLE 
 
 (confirmation again of Her., 2, 53) : did they not seek 
 one another's couch in unions which no law permits ? 
 Did they not cast in chains disgraceful their own fathers 
 for the sake of autocratic power ? But still Olympus is 
 their domicile and they endure the fact that they have 
 sinned." 
 
 So the temple-servant Ion, fruit of a secret amour of 
 Apollo, is puzzled as to the righteousness of the prophetic 
 God. A few fragments may be added for further illus- 
 tration of this theme : and chiefly it is the ancient crux 
 of questioning souls: successful evil (Fragm. 228) : " Does 
 any one really say that there are gods in heaven ? They 
 are not, no indeed, unless one foolishly would resort to 
 the ancient legend. ... I do declare that autocratic 
 power kills very many men, and confiscates their wealth, 
 and does transgress its oaths in sacking towns ; and doing 
 this has more prosperity than those who live in peaceful 
 piety, day by day . . ." (Fragm. 294). " But I would have 
 you know, if gods some shameful deed perform, they are 
 not gods." That Euripides was compelled by sheer ne- 
 cessity to retract certain lines, uttered before twenty 
 thousand Attic hearers as of the paternity of Hercules 
 is quite credible (v. Fragm. 594). 
 
 But further: " See ye, how 'tis fair among the gods, too, 
 to gain lucre: and that God is most admired who holds 
 the greatest amount of gold in his temples ..." (792). 
 
 Clearly in his own deep conviction Euripides held the 
 higher view of divine goodness and moral nobility, widely 
 divergent from the crude figures of the tradition, gigantic 
 forces of whim or self-indulgence to be cajoled and feared. 
 Hercules is the mouthpiece of the dramatist-philosopher 
 (as Clement of Alexandria aptly calls him) when he says 
 ("Hercul. Fur.," 1345): "I neither hold that the gods 
 love couches that Justice would prohibit, and that they 
 clap fetters on hands, I neither have ever held a proper 
 thing to credit, nor will I ever be persuaded, that one 
 God has become the master of another. For Crod (o #609) 
 if indeed he is rightly Gf-od, is in need of nothing : these 
 are the wretched tales of poets, " Who will not here turn
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 203 
 
 to the discourse of St. Paul spoken at Athens (Acts 17, 
 25) : " Neither is worshipped with men's hands, as though 
 he needed anything. ..." And the positive asseveration 
 that there is a Deity (Fragm. 905) : " Who seeing these 
 things does not perceive God with his intelligence, and 
 casts far away the tortuous deception of the scientists 
 delving in things above, whose pernicious tongue casts 
 forth at random concerning things non-apparent. ..." 
 But perhaps divine things are beyond human comprehen- 
 sion (Fragm. 925) : " By many shapes of wise conceits the 
 gods do trip us up, for in their essence they are stronger 
 than we." We must never lose sight of the fact that 
 the dialectic and argumentative itch in Euripides was so 
 strong that positive and negative theses may be cited on 
 the gravest matters : while the essential dissent from the 
 legends of the poets was palpable enough and felt strongly 
 by his contemporaries. 
 
 But we must, further, make some selection from the 
 very numerous passages in which Euripides puts forward 
 his moral postulates. The central idea for him is Dike, 
 Justice. Orestes says ("EL," 583): "or one must no 
 longer believe in Gods, if injustice will outrank jus- 
 tice . . ." and (t'5.,771): "Ye gods, and Justice that 
 seest all things, at last hast thou come." Elsewhere 
 (102 sqq., "Heraklid.") the gods will not permit sup- 
 pliants to be torn from their altars, " for puissant Justice 
 will not suffer this. . . ." " Comest thou, hateful person ? 
 did Justice capture thee in time . . . ?" (t'6., 941) "if Jus- 
 tice is still pleasing to the Gods" ("Hercul. Fur.," 813). 
 " One thing alone I need, to have the gods, all those who 
 reverence Justice" ("Suppl.," 594). The moral law is 
 no less binding for gods as for men : " For whatever 
 mortal man is wicked in his being, him the gods do 
 punish. How then 'tis just that you shall write the 
 statutes for mortal man, and then yourself be burdened 
 with the charge of transgressing the laws?" ("Ion," 440). 
 "Of Justice they do say she is a child of Time, and she 
 points out all those of us who are not evil" (Fragm. 223). 
 " For I see that in time Justice brings all things to light
 
 204 TESTIMONIUM ANI^LE 
 
 for mortals" (Fragm. 550). "When I do see the fall of 
 wicked men, then I do say there is a race of powers 
 above" (Fragm. 581). "One righteous man outweighs in- 
 numerable hosts of those who are not just, for he doth get 
 the deity and Justice for his allies" (Fragm. 588). "The 
 sphere of Gods is not unjust: but among wicked men 
 these things are sore and sick and so have much confu- 
 sion" (609). "But whoever of mortals commits some 
 evil thing from day to day and thinks he doth escape the 
 notice of the gods, he entertains a bad conceit and is 
 taken in this same conceit: when Justice happens keeping 
 leisure, he (suddenly) does pay the penalty for the evils 
 he began" (832). "Dost thou believe the gods are in- 
 dulgent, whenever one would by an oath escape from 
 death, or the prison or the woes of hostile violence or 
 share a mansion with children who slew their own sire? 
 either they (the gods) are more unintelligent than mor- 
 tal men, or they consider random, likely things as valued 
 higher than Justice " (1030). He would deny the right 
 of asylum to the wicked (1036). The submission of chil- 
 dren to their father is justice" (i.e. a form of righteous- 
 ness, 111). 
 
 As to Euripides's view of the creation, it seemed fairly 
 established that he was greatly impressed by Anaxagoras. 
 At least he sought from that thinker on organic life to ac- 
 quire or appropriate some adequate or satisfying concep- 
 tion of how life and order came from chaos and out of the 
 primitive mixture of all elements of being, through the 
 powerful action of Mind, Spirit, or Intelligence (-2Vbw*), 
 which brought the homogeneous elements together. The 
 poetical narrative of Hesiod should not by us be conceived 
 as a little manual of "belief" or "creed" : there was no 
 abandonment of such in any attempt to comprehend this 
 universe. Neither the commonwealth nor the institutional 
 ritual of the same took any definite ground with reference 
 to such problems. It is possible that the dramatist-phi- 
 losopher sought to enthrone the Active Spirit or Intelli- 
 gence of the Ionic thinker as a veritable creator worthy
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 205 
 
 of reverent acclamation and worship. " Thee, self-sprung, 
 who, in ethereal revolution didst involve the creation of 
 all things, about whom is light, about whom dusky night 
 with varied tints, and the infinite array of constellations 
 perpetually performs its choric movement ..." (596). 
 " Great Earth and Ether of Zeus the begetter of men and 
 of gods, and she, conceiving the dripping globules of 
 moisture gives birth to mortals, gives birth to food and 
 tribes of beasts, whence not unjustly she has been deemed 
 the Mother of all. And those things which spring from, 
 earth, to earth they do recede ; but those that budded from 
 ethereal sperm, to heaven's firmament again they go and 
 nothing dies of what eventuates in being, but separated 
 one from the other displays another shape " (836). 
 " Beholdest thou on high this boundless ether that also 
 does compass about the Earth in fluid embrace? This 
 deem thou Zeus, this hold thou God" (935; cf. 938, 975). 
 " Happy the man who got the learning of searching en- 
 quiry, neither setting out for harm to citizens, nor to un- 
 righteous deeds, but fully viewing the unaging order of 
 immortal nature, where and how it was builded. Such 
 minds are never beset with design of evil deeds" (902). 
 The fervor of the poet needs no emphasis from the present 
 writer. 
 
 There are two heroes in the plays of Euripides who are 
 distinguished by chastity, Bellerophontes of Corinth, and 
 Hippolytos at Troezen, the son of Theseus. Chastity was 
 no moral postulate among the Greeks at large, it is to 
 them a startling and utterly remarkable phenomenon in 
 the sphere of conduct a prodigium. There is a keen ob- 
 servation (in Fragm. 132) that Eros is indeed the autocrat 
 of gods and men and that he is malignant in this : he 
 emphasizes comeliness but leaves the lovers often in the 
 lurch of their own passion. . . . Love "loves to rule the 
 worst part of our mind " (139). On the whole there seems 
 to be no diminution in the worship of Eros, i.e. the un- 
 questioning and unconditional submission to this impulse, 
 there seems to be not any advance whatever from the low 
 level of Homer nay a grave deterioration and decadence;
 
 206 TESTIMONIUM ANIM.E 
 
 cf . Fragm. 271. No worshipper is greater or better than his 
 gods. It strikes us as uncouth or incongruous that the 
 " Hippolytos " presents Kypris and Artemis as two forces, 
 equally divine: clearly Unchastity vastly stronger than 
 the Goddess of Chastity, they maintaining a curious neu- 
 trality towards one another. Clearly it is the current 
 conviction of the Greek people which the old nurse of 
 queen Phaidra utters (451) : " All those who have the 
 writings of the men of old, and who themselves are ever 
 conversant with learned lore, they know that once upon 
 a time Zeus was enamoured to unite with Semele, that 
 once upon a time the radiant Aurora carried off Kephalos 
 to dwell among the gods, for sake of love's desire . . . 
 if among thy deeds the good outweigh the evil thou 
 art but human thou wouldst fare right well" (471). 
 Did the devotees of the Orphic ritual, an esoteric creed, 
 lead a purer life? Was chastity at all a part of their 
 religion ? Hippolytos indeed is so classified by the poet's 
 determination (952 sqq.~). Hippolytos has a " virgin soul " 
 (1007), but his tragic death is half explained by his stub- 
 bornness and pride : one cannot, in all fairness, avoid the 
 general conclusion that it is folly to resist these appetites ; 
 and there is simply no highway nor path from this Welt- 
 anschauung to that other one, expressed, e.g., in these 
 words (I Cor. 9, 25): " And every man that striveth for 
 the mastery is temperate in all things. Now they (at the 
 Isthmian games, e.g.*) do it, to obtain a corruptible crown ; 
 but we an incorruptible." Or again : "What ! know ye 
 not that your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost which 
 is in you, which ye have of God, and ye are not your own ? " 
 (I Cor. 6, 19). And the hierodules of Corinth were an 
 integral part of that "service" of that Kypris who in the 
 " Hippolytos " of Euripides triumphs over Artemis. What 
 particular purging or refinement of the affections may be 
 derived from this particular drama, even Aristotle, nay 
 even Professor Wilamowitz would hardly succeed in set- 
 ting forth to us ordinary readers. 
 
 The satisfaction of the angry displeasure of the goddess 
 of lust (1325) is the consummation furnished by the
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 207 
 
 traditional legend, but whether it was any consumma- 
 tion satisfying the nobler soul of the searching author, 
 I doubt. And the deeply pondering mind is revealed in 
 two passages which must not be absent from this page. 
 The one on the essential divergence between the insight 
 and the will of man: "For otherwise before on night's 
 long couch have I reflected what it is that ruins human 
 life. And 'tis not from the essence of their reason, so it 
 seems to me, that men fail in conduct. For many have 
 clear understanding. For thus I think this must be 
 viewed : The good we know and grasp it with our mind, 
 but toil not hard for it, some from indolence, some rating 
 higher some pleasure than the good." (The words are 
 given to Phaidra, "H.," 374.) Another notable utter- 
 ance, still more gloomy: here I present Wilamowitz's own 
 version (Englished): 
 
 "Truly, when I grasp the faith in divine government, 
 then anxious pain departs. But the desire of my faith, 
 to find a ruling providence, is wrecked as soon as I con- 
 template the deeds and sufferings of human kind" (H. 
 1104). 
 
 Clearly, Euripides was not greatly elated by his con- 
 sciousness of Greekdom, nor deeply blessed by the bless- 
 ings of a fictitious "humanity" invented by modern 
 litterateurs as a drapery of exquisite folds for that wooden 
 puppet of academic tradition. 
 
 Euripides incessantly deprecated the overvaluation of 
 wealth, of birth, but even the current athleticism of 
 his fellow-Greeks found no favor in his eyes. "While 
 evils numberless in Greece prevail, none is more evil than 
 the tribe of athletes, who first do not learn well to live, 
 nor could they: for how could one who is a slave to 
 mastication and subject to his belly's needs, acquire a 
 prosperity greater than his sire's? Nor, on the other 
 hand, are they enabled to toil in poverty and keep their 
 oar with fortune's plying stroke: for untrained in good 
 habits, 'tis cruelly hard for them to shift to desperate 
 vicissitudes. Brilliantly conspicuous in their bloom of
 
 208 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 manhood, statues of divine perfection, their common- 
 wealth's own, they stride along ; but when bitter old age 
 comes to them, like threadbare cloaks that lose the nap 
 of woof 'tis over with them. 
 
 "I also blame the custom of the Greeks, who for the 
 sake of such make gathering and hold in honor useless 
 pleasure for a dinner's sake. For who, who wrestled 
 well, what nimble-footed man, or who that raised the 
 discus, or thumped some jaw with skill, did aught avail 
 his ancestral commonwealth after he received a wreath? 
 Will they give battle to the foe with discus in their 
 hands, or, without shields, with push of feet drive enemy 
 from their fatherland? None will pursue such foolish 
 things when he embattled stands close to the steel array. 
 The wise men and the good these are they who should 
 be crowned with leafy wreath and all who lead their 
 commonwealth in noble things, men who are self-con- 
 trolled and righteous" (Fragm. 284). 
 
 I close this chapter with that Hamlet-note of actual 
 humanity: 
 
 "O ye mortals enamoured of existence who yearn to 
 behold the oncoming day while carrying burden of num- 
 berless woes so deeply is imbedded the love of life in 
 human kind. For what it is to live we know; but, unac- 
 quainted as we are with dying, each wight doth fear to 
 leave this light of solar rays" (Fragm. 832). 
 
 NOTE. The citations from the plays of Euripides have been 
 made from the text of Adolph Kirchhoff, (Berlin, 1867-1868) the emi- 
 nent academic successor to Boeckh, or Bekker. The fragments were 
 cited from Nauck's edition, Leipzig, 1866. A notable recent book is 
 that of W. Nestle, "Euripides der Dichter der griechischen Auf kid- 
 rung" Stuttgart, 1901. There is a clever review of this book by 
 Thaddaeus Zielinski, in the "Neue Jahrbucher" 1902. The dialectic 
 faculty of Euripides to advance arguments on both sides of every 
 problem is well known : hundreds of long passages are merely versi- 
 fied essays on the problems of his own time, the more so as all verities 
 seemed to become problematical to many men of his place and time. 
 
 An English scholar, Verrall of Cambridge, published, in 1895, a 
 series of studies on three of the plays (" Alcestis," " Ion," " Iphigenia
 
 THE SOPHISTS AND THE NEW LEARNING 209 
 
 Taurica ") which he called : " Euripides the Rationalist : a Study in 
 the History of Ai-t and Religion " academic phrases and labels 
 largely forced in their application. 
 
 The " religion " so called, with which Euripides had to do : should 
 we actually strain terms by using the word at all. The religiosity of 
 Euripides impresses me as much more profound than that of Sopho- 
 kles, as much more spiritual in cast than that of ^Eschylus. The 
 question is not, whether we have more sympathy with the path of 
 Euripides, but, whether he seriously impressed, or helped to disestab- 
 lish the ritual, and the institutional anniversaries of the Attic com- 
 monwealth. Apart from these, every one knew (Her., 2, 53) that the 
 " gods " so called, were largely shapes of deliberate poetical creation, 
 largely a reproduction of all sides of man, an apology too for pretty 
 nearly every typical sin or moral weakness in man. 
 
 He who can separate the reeling satyr from the serious background 
 of Attic life presented to us in the plays of Aristophanes, will not 
 fail to feel that the Homeric type is over all : the naive merging 
 oneself in nature and looking for no more divine ordinances than 
 those afforded by her in her periodic mutations this is Attic re- 
 ligion, if any one wishes to use that word at all. Another modern 
 volume on Euripides is : " Euripides and the Spirit of his Dramas," 
 by Paul Decharme, translated by James Loeb, 1906, Macmillan : which 
 book in the earlier portion deals to some extent with our general 
 theme. The conception of Greek religion so called, as viewed by 
 Decharme, seems to me to fall far short of a precise and historically 
 correct grasp : the book is full of palliation, and of injection of 
 modern ideas. In concluding this note, I append grave words never 
 yet presented in an English version, for this book is written in 
 the profound conviction that there is a consummation of the most 
 precious things concerning man in a certain and definite religion, 
 not established or disestablished by academic assent or dissent or by 
 any measure or kind of cogitation or speculation. The passage I 
 refer to is among the concluding paragraphs of Naegelsbach's " Die 
 nachhomerische Theologie des griechischen Volksglaubens bis auf Alex- 
 ander" 1857, p. 476 : " But this speculation is never transmuted 
 into religion, and that indeed not merely because the overwhelm- 
 ing multitude of men is incapable of speculation. Every religion 
 rather is based on facts, false religion on imaginary ones, true re- 
 ligion on actual ones, and such were wanting to speculation. Then 
 further on speculation indeed endeavors to give an answer to the 
 three main interrogatories which human kind addresses to every re- 
 ligion: does God exist, and what is he? how is man relieved of his 
 sin? what takes place with man after death? but what speculation 
 says, remains speculation, has in its favor neither the testimony of 
 conscience nor objective facts. On this account speculation never 
 did firmly lodge in the hearts of the people, had no puissance to over- 
 come the world, but was split up into philosophical schools and 
 became a matter of erudition."
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 
 
 SOCRATES, the first of these eminent three, is often said 
 to have been the first Athenian philosopher. But as a phi- 
 losopher he does not primarily concern us here. The bare- 
 footed quizzer of his townsmen has a distinguished place 
 in academic tradition. But, really, is he important aca- 
 demically only ? Do we consider him worthy of concern 
 principally because in the series of efforts of human cogi- 
 tation his precedent and stimulus was so incisive and so 
 far-reaching ? Or would he not deserve our earnest good- 
 will even if there had not been any further history of phi- 
 losophy ? Should we not, in all spiritual concerns, firmly 
 fix our attention on the given personality without any 
 valuation of relative weight and scale ? For, unless I mis- 
 take not, he urged that men deeply examine themselves, 
 that in all action they proceed on the basis of conceptions 
 which were clear and consistent and productive of good 
 and adequate results : and he was energetically hostile to 
 mere conceit and mere opinion. Like Euripides he was 
 of somewhat humble birth, his father being a carver in 
 marble, his mother a midwife. He was born, probably in 
 the spring of 469 B.C. (eleven years after Salamis), when 
 Thucydides was a child of two years, Themistokles had 
 gone into exile, to Persia, when Anaxagoras, so eminent 
 in cosmic speculation, had sojourned at Athens some eleven 
 years, and was then thirty-one years of age, Herodotus 
 was fifteen, Pindar about forty-nine, ^Eschylus fifty-six, 
 Sophokles, twenty-six, and Euripides, eleven. 
 
 Socrates married quite late, probably, as it seems to me, 
 deeply impressed by the enormous losses which his native 
 commonwealth had suffered in the ill-fated expedition to 
 Sicily, 415-413. His oldest son is called a pecpd/ciov 
 
 210
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 211 
 
 rakion) in 399 when the child's father drank the hemlock, 
 and the other two were little children : the older then on 
 the verge of puberty : a young lad of some fourteen or so. 
 His wife Xanthippe clearly was a dowerless maid, probably 
 not a very young maid, when she married the philosophical 
 carver in marble. In a word, Socrates was a bachelor quite 
 likely until he was well past his fiftieth year. He led the 
 simplest life as far as food and dress were concerned, and a 
 very large part of this simple life was given up to clearing 
 up, first for himself, what thinking and what knowledge 
 really were. He was never quite satisfied with himself in 
 this respect, and it is related that on one occasion he spent a 
 whole night, rooted to one spot under the open sky, pursu- 
 ing one great train of reflection. It will not do to plaster a 
 convenient modern label on this rare man, and then jaun- 
 tily toss him aside among the mere mummies of Time, as if 
 the act of labelling had furnished us with adequate compre- 
 hension or valuation. Absurd to label him a " rationalist " 
 and pass on. Absurd to drag in modern words, of " En- 
 lightenment," of a " creed of authority," of "Criticism," as 
 though familiar modern labels involved closeness of his- 
 torical vision and furnished real insight to the student of 
 Greek culture. 
 
 Socrates was not made in one day : that deep and pas- 
 sionate pursuit of a truth obligatory to himself and oblig- 
 atory to all who were willing to strive for the real and 
 lasting comprehension of act and action I say, that ever 
 deepening current of his life is uncovered to us when it 
 had been running a long time, and of its sources and earlier 
 eddies we know nothing. Socrates deeply felt that a real 
 insight into material nature and into the mysteries of cos- 
 mic unity was denied to man: at all events, the one thing 
 needful was that he turn to himself, not in the furtherance 
 of comfort and wealth indeed, but that man direct himself 
 to his real concerns, i.e. to the question of right thinking 
 and the gaining of true knowledge, truly human concerns: 
 for, to his soul, there was a way from correct thinking 
 straight to correct doing and acting, a way categorical, 
 absolute and mandatory in itself. His profound, though
 
 212 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 noble error, seems to have been this, that whereas appe- 
 tite and selfishness pervert or ignore moral vision in 
 most men, he fell far short of actual human kind in the 
 belief that wrong acting and all sin could or must be 
 reduced to faulty judgment : whereas appetites, emotions, 
 and the infinite manifestations of selfishness, the sombre 
 account in human experience, cannot in any fair way be 
 reconciled with so rational a conception of actual and his- 
 torical man. 
 
 But we must, in accord with the general aim of this book, 
 turn to some decisive data of classic tradition. Indeed, 
 to use a familiar utterance of Cicero (" Tuscul. Disput.," 
 5, 10), " Socrates was the first to call the pursuit of wisdom 
 down from the vaulted firmament and to place it in com- 
 monwealths and to open the homes of men to it also, and 
 to compel it to make enquiry as to life and conduct and 
 good and evil things." 
 
 And it was a great and wonderful thing that this carver 
 in marble and this ambulatory disputant emphasized his 
 great theme, viz., that the sold is very precious, among a 
 people than whom no other ever more highly prized the 
 comeliness of the physical person and the beauty of this 
 body of ours. 
 
 And it was to such youths, often to those endowed and 
 distinguished by comeliness or symmetrical person to 
 whom with a certain preference Socrates directed his 
 nobler efforts, viz., to rouse them to deep and searching 
 reflection about themselves and to put the nobler part of 
 themselves, clear understanding and refined will, in the 
 saddle. Such youths, too, were Xenophon and Plato, to 
 whom we now owe most of what we know of Socrates. 
 How deeply his personality sank into their very souls is 
 obvious to any reader: also, that this wonderful man 
 arrested minds not merely different and diversified, but 
 such also as were antithetical and antagonistic ; such, e.g. 
 as Antisthenes who was carried away by the wonderful 
 simplicity of the material life of the master, and by the 
 manner in which his strong and clear soul soared high 
 above luxuries and softness of men : whereas Aristippos,
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 213 
 
 founder of a school devoted to pleasure, was probably 
 fascinated by the equipoise and by the versatility of con- 
 duct with which Socrates faced every character of men 
 and every situation of circumstance : for his was a serenity 
 and imperturbability of soul which induce the Stoics long 
 after his death, to canonize and enshrine him among their 
 particular saints. 
 
 I have mentioned Xenophon. An anecdote is told (by 
 Diogenes Laertius, II, 48) of the first meeting between 
 these two. Now young Xenophon, son of Gryllos, of the 
 deme of Erchia, was both very fair to see and also very 
 modest. And Socrates, they say, when he had met this 
 youth in a narrow lane, held out his staff and blocked the 
 passage and asked him where the various kinds of eatables 
 could be bought. And when the youth answered, the 
 other one asked again where honorable and good men 
 were turned out ; and when Xenophon was perplexed, the 
 friend of wisdom said: "Follow me then, and learn" 
 
 We may with all sincerity subscribe to the general re- 
 port of his pupils, that, deep as was in Socrates the con- 
 viction of the general unwisdom of his fellow-citizens, it 
 did not make him vain. 
 
 The well-informed corporation of Delphi had, at a com- 
 paratively early stage in his career, named him as the wisest 
 of living Greeks to his fervent disciple Chairephon: a 
 compliment which Socrates took as a call to induce his 
 own fellow-citizens to be wise : not indeed by cramming 
 rule or precept, but by refining their own consciousness 
 to the point of absolutely clear and firmly held concepts, 
 concepts gained, not indeed for the purpose of vain display 
 or dialectic fencing, but as the guide to right living and 
 correct conduct. So he became convinced (by abstracting 
 from his own quite extraordinary personality, mind you) 
 that all virtues were really forms of wisdom. " Between 
 (Xen., "Memorabilia," 3, 9, 4,) wisdom and sanity of 
 self-control (sophrosyne) he made no distinction, but he 
 judged the wise and the temperate man by this, that, rec- 
 ognizing what was honorable and good, he availed himself 
 thereof in conduct, and, knowing what was base, he was
 
 214 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 on his guard against such things." But we too must not 
 be abrupt or impatient, and cite more data to establish 
 our vision of Socrates. Much of his own calm, undoubt- 
 edly, was based on the trenchant character of his own 
 psychological analysis. " Once when some one was getting 
 angry because his greeting had not been returned, he said : 
 The fact that you would not become angry if you came 
 across some one who was worse off than you in his physical 
 health, but that you should be vexed because you fell in 
 with one whose frame of soul is more boorish that in- 
 deed would be absurd" ("Mem.," 3, 13, 1). We may 
 well doubt whether the getting and maintaining of so serene 
 and true a vision of the value of what is, and transpires, 
 within us, may well doubt, I say, whether such a desir- 
 able frame of soul is attainable to many men as a product 
 or consummation of sheer cogitation. I think not. By 
 far the greater number of actual men probably must sub- 
 scribe to the familiar confession of St. Paul (Romans 7, 
 15) : " For that which I do, I allow not : for what I would, 
 that do I not ; but what I hate, that do I." The knowledge 
 then, which played so great a r61e in the system and mission 
 of Socrates is not the mere appropriating of one or of many 
 items of data : the rows of scales of a fish, or the orbit of 
 a planet, or the growth of a plant : no, Socrates, pro- 
 foundly, I believe, held that such lore has no bearing 
 whatever on the human soul, that it is really irrelevant 
 and not within the periphery of man's true concerns. 
 
 But let us hear Xenophon further: " For also just as he 
 who has learned to play the lyre, even if he be not playing 
 his instrument, is still a lyre-player, and he who has learnt 
 the art of healing, even if he do not perform the function 
 of a physician, still is a physician, thus also this man here 
 from this time on will go on being a general, even if no- 
 body elects him to the office. But he who has not the 
 knowledge, is neither general nor physician, not even if 
 he be elected by all mankind" (3, 1, 4). A condemna- 
 tion of the ultra-democratic methods pursued in the Attic 
 commonwealth. And he further believed that the best 
 knowledge should be acquired through a process of rea-
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 215 
 
 soning (3, 3, 11). He utterly disapproved, in plain terms, 
 the choice of unfit men, without real knowledge or ex- 
 perience for many governmental posts: for "one Athenian 
 is as good as another," this absurdity was as clamorously 
 asserted there as in some modern democracies. 
 
 Little doubt that much of the practical fervor of Socrates 
 was really evoked by the slipshod modes of selecting mag- 
 istrates and determining fitness by lot or by majorities. 
 " And the best and the most god-beloved he said, in the do- 
 main of agriculture, were those who performed agricultural 
 tasks well, and in the domain of medicine those who did 
 medical ones best, and in government, those who transacted 
 political things best: and of him who did nothing well he 
 said that he was neither useful nor god-beloved " (3, 9, 15). 
 
 He was primarily concerned to exert a moral, rather 
 than a technical, influence upon those who sought his as- 
 sociation : sanity of self-control, e.g. (soplirosyne) he sought 
 to instil in them, rather than oratory or the faculty of dia- 
 lectic controversy. 
 
 Little doubt, too, that the living example and the actual 
 personality of the man was as potent as his incisive stirring 
 up of reflection and his bracing the will of his pupils to ends 
 which were felt as mandatory by their understanding. 
 Foremost here was his sexual abstinence: it is appalling 
 and it is awful that this virtue, dealing altogether with 
 fair boys and youths, should have been so striking in 
 his time and among his people. The growing refinement 
 of Attic culture had here achieved somewhat less than 
 nothing, had reformed nothing whatsoever. The gymnasia 
 (as Plato broadly suggests in his " Laws ") were the 
 sources and the spheres of unspeakable to us unspeak- 
 able depravity : in the times of Aristophanes and 
 Socrates indeed hardly felt by most Athenians as any 
 particular sin or fault, when, to corrupt or to be corrupted, 
 was simply the times in which we live, a form of moral 
 apology which youth is apt to put forward quite seri- 
 ously indeed as adequate and sufficient. At the same 
 time (and no regard for his great qualities must induce 
 us to ignore or to palliate this), there were plain
 
 216 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 intimations that there were indeed ways and means to 
 satisfy such appetite : " Just as adulterers enter into 
 the traps (like irrational beasts) knowing there is a 
 danger for the adulterer both in those things which the 
 statute threatens that he must endure, and that he may 
 be taken in ambush and when taken be subjected to 
 gross indignities: and while matters as great as these, 
 both evil and shameful experiences, are established for 
 the one who commits adultery and while there are many 
 things qualified to free one from sexual appetite, still 
 to rush into danger ..." (" Mem.," 2, 1, 5) really 
 not any loftier than the utilitarian warnings of Horace 
 in the second Satire of the first book and he a pro- 
 fessed Epicurean and man of the world, as the phrase 
 goes. And elsewhere Socrates considers matrimony as 
 chiefly a political institution and for the getting of 
 children, " for as for those agencies which free one (from 
 the sexual appetite) the streets are full of them and 
 the oikemata ('houses,' Attic euphemism for brothels) 
 are full of them " (" Mem.," 2, 2, 4). It is recorded on 
 the other hand that he incurred the bitter ill-will of Kritias 
 whom he chided severely for the pursuit of unnatural 
 lust, and his defiance of the seductive wickedness of that 
 ancient apostle of freedom, Alcibiades, has very often been 
 cited (Plato, " Symposion," 216 sqq.). Socrates, a Silenus 
 outwardly, but within all self-control and chastity : he 
 despises comeliness, he rates wealth as of no account : his 
 exterior seemingly without serious purpose, his inner man 
 profoundly in earnest with the greatest concerns. 
 
 At the same time the morality of Socrates in certain 
 other directions differed not greatly from that of his own 
 time and people. We see here that flaw and stain in the 
 humanity of the Hellenes that only choice and exceptional 
 souls are expected to rise above appetite and lower im- 
 pulse that not at all are all men called to goodness, but 
 according to sex and age and circumstances of life, there 
 are implied and conceded laxities of conduct, no general 
 law of goodness, obligatory and mandatory for all. And 
 so we read in Xenophon of a woman of the courtesan
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 217 
 
 class " who gave her company to such as persuaded her " 
 ("Mem.," 3, 11, 1 sqq.) , a woman whose comeliness was 
 the talk of the town. Socrates also and his followers 
 went to see her, but there was no Mary of Magdala here. 
 There is not the slightest intimation of the admiring 
 Xenophon that the eminent moralist saw in her any ob- 
 ject of any moral concern whatever. Theodote was her 
 name: they found her giving a sitting to a painter, to 
 speak precisely, she was standing : for she desired that her 
 beauty become as widely known as possible. It was a 
 gorgeous and a costly household, in which also the 
 woman's mother was present. 
 
 What, then, did Socrates discuss there ? The theory 
 of such a hetsera : how she captured and held her friends; 
 which was the wisest way, wisest, that is, with a view 
 towards material ends and lasting advantages : how to look, 
 to converse, to sympathize, how to deal with the insolent 
 suitor in a word how to please, and how to protract 
 and maintain the relation. But neither emphasis nor 
 exegesis is here further required : Aphrodite was one of 
 the Olympian gods, and mere academic speculation rarely 
 interfered much with her worship, nor will, I am afraid. 
 There were many agalmata or statues of Aphrodite 
 even in Athens. 
 
 But let us pass on to Socrates, the religious man. If 
 we consider how little call on heart and conscience Greek 
 religion made, it was not very difficult, in a historical and 
 political manner, to abide by usages ancestral and estab- 
 lished. And this Socrates sincerely desired to do. Had 
 he been a hypocrite, never would he have been so earnestly 
 commended in all his ways by Xenophon. For this dis- 
 ciple was one who took no important step without con- 
 sulting oracles, then selecting the god who might favor 
 a project, a man deeply impressed with dreams and signs, 
 but not a man to be held cheaply by any academic person: 
 a man was he who in grave and critical emergencies could 
 remain intrepid and cool: no academic sneer can seriously 
 belittle the very large elements of worth in his public and 
 private character: it is a very small performance to call
 
 218 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 him as does Wilamowitz " a major on half-pay " : ridicule 
 here is merely the twin-sister of sophistry, muses outside 
 the canonic Nine, muses, these two, which presume on 
 every theme, and dispose of none. Don't you think, " is 
 it not altogether palpable to you ('Mem.,' 1, 4, 14) that, 
 compared with the other living beings, men have a life 
 like the gods, being eminent in their nature both in body 
 and soul? " One could often see Socrates sacrificing both 
 at home and at the common Altars of Athens (1, 1, 2). 
 He advocated in the important transactions of life to 
 ascertain whether the gods were adverse or not (2, 6, 8) ; 
 specifically: "where we are unable to comprehend in ad- 
 vance, what is advantageous to us, in concerns of the 
 future, at this point (it seems altogether likely that) they 
 co-operate with us, through mantic art telling those who 
 make enquiries, what the results will be, and teaching 
 them how (these) might best be realized" ("Mem.," 4, 3, 
 12) : few passages in Greek letters are more significant than 
 this one. " No one ever saw Socrates either doing any- 
 thing irreverential or unholy, or saying such" ("Mem.," 
 1, 1, 11). For it is virtually impossible for us who live 
 now and here, in the United States, to feel to the full how 
 civil and religious duties were all but coterminous and 
 convertible: the mutilation of almost all the Hermse in 
 Athens, in a single night, in the year 415 B.C. not only 
 startled but shocked the entire body politic of Athens, as 
 though a veritable earthquake had threatened the very 
 substructure of the commonwealth: not only was the 
 occurrence felt as an evil omen, happening as it did, just 
 before the date set for the departure of the fleet for Sicily, 
 but it seemed also to be a project of a conspiracy to over- 
 throw the extant government, and to bring about the dis- 
 solution of the democratic polity of Athens (Thucydides, 
 6, 27). 
 
 But to return: it would seem that Socrates in referring 
 to the gods abstained quite uniformly, and I am sure not 
 without conscious design, from the more than questionable 
 and vicious legends legends which were indeed part 
 and parcel of the genealogical pride of many an aristo-
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 219 
 
 cratic family : he was, I say, silent on myths, clearly also 
 because he strove honestly to demean himself respectfully 
 towards the Attic religion. The greatest things in human 
 life, he claimed, were beyond human ken and human skill: 
 the gods reserved such things for themselves for the 
 results and ultimate consequences of all human enterprise 
 really were beyond the determination of man (" Mem.," 1, 
 1, 8). Clearly Socrates sought to conceive the "gods" in a 
 loftier way than the actual and current way: "for he 
 held that gods were concerned for men not in the fashion 
 in which the general public hold: for these think that the 
 gods know some things, and some they do not know; but 
 Socrates held that the gods knew all things, both what 
 was said and what was done and what was deliberated in 
 silence and were present everywhere and made significa- 
 tion to men about all human affairs " (" Mem.," 1, 1, 19). 
 " And he prayed to the gods simply to give him the good, 
 as the gods best knew what kind of things were good; 
 but those who prayed for gold or silver or for the power 
 of a prince, he held, prayed for something that differed in 
 nowise from throwing dice or from a battle . . ."("Mem.," 
 1, 3, 2). 
 
 The argument of design was one of the foremost things 
 in his soul he claimed here the manifest revelation of a 
 divine providence ; e.g. in the collaboration of the human 
 hands, feet, and eyes (2, 3, 19): "And he who arranges 
 and holds together the entire universe, in which all the 
 fair things and all the good things are, and whoever 
 renders the universe unworn and sound and unaging to 
 those who use it, and performs service swifter than a 
 thought faultlessly, he is perceived in his performance of 
 the greatest things, and (at the same time) while adminis- 
 tering these things is invisible to us" ("Mem.," 4, 3, 13). 
 Little indeed did that soul owe to books, and in his culture 
 clearly those things predominated which were spiritually 
 significant. Libraries as yet were rare (4, 2, 8). Socrates 
 himself cited Theognis, Hesiod, Epicharmos, Sophokles: 
 the .^Esopean fables were to his clear utilitarian vision a 
 veritable affinity; even in the last weeks of his life he
 
 220 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 was engaged in versifying JEsop : but of Homer he made 
 by far the largest use. And still we may assume with 
 great confidence that the gross anthropomorphism of that 
 most widely used book of the Greek world was quietly 
 ignored by him. Plato, we will see, was more sensitive 
 and more radical. Pointing once more, then, to the great 
 though noble error of Socrates (viz., that the clear insight 
 of the intelligence takes sovereign possession also of will 
 and conduct), let us go a little further. For life and 
 death are much greater than cogitation, and much of the 
 spiritual sincerity and earnestness of this man was so 
 revealed. The Stoics, later, never forgot to tell how he 
 defied the illegal order of the Thirty Tyrants (404 B.C.) to 
 be one of a number who were to arrest Leon, a rich man 
 of Salamis. He, however, went away and ignored this 
 utterly, because he deemed it unrighteous to obey. And 
 as he there withstood the oligarchy, he opposed the enraged 
 democracy with no less firmness. It was after the naval 
 battle of the Arginusian isles, 406 B.C., when the treacher- 
 ous cunning of the Attic enemies of Attic democracy was 
 striving to drive the citizens to abrupt and illegal meas- 
 ures in condemning the accused generals (Xen., "Hellen- 
 ica," 1, 7, 15). On this memorable occasion all the other 
 prytanes were intimidated into consent, but Socrates, the 
 son of Sophroniskos, withstood the clamor of the sovereign 
 people. 
 
 As to his death, we cannot here do a foolish thing. 
 We cannot recount the catalogues of valuations and re- 
 valuations. We must turn, first, to the commonwealth 
 that compelled him to drink the statutory hemlock. 
 We are then rudely arrested and almost shaken and 
 shocked by this observation. Much and incessantly as 
 he labored among them, the Athenians, as a whole, really 
 understood him not, cared not enough for him to under- 
 stand him. It is demonstrable that at least a quarter 
 century he dwelt and strove among them, and but a little 
 band clustered about him, and loved him to the end and 
 forsook him not. At fifty- four, as I write these lines,
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 221 
 
 I feel the shallow obtuseness and the stubborn unright- 
 eousness of his fellow-citizens much more profoundly 
 than I felt at twenty-one the worth and genius of the 
 famous victim. 
 
 The weak coddling directed at every eminent name 
 in letters has made no exception of Aristophanes. The 
 outrageous and deeply mendacious caricature of the 
 " Clouds " lies before us clearly no melioration of the 
 play actually given in 423 B.C. Socrates is charged 
 with idle curiosity about astronomy, with teaching so- 
 phistical perversion of truth for pay, cosmic ideas of 
 Anaxagoras are credited to him, he denies the gods of 
 Athens, he subverts all moral principle. The cocky 
 youth who wrote these plays posed even as a great power 
 for good and a reformer : academic youth (and some- 
 times academic age) takes him seriously. But if it was 
 a mere harlequinade it was also a serious thing for 
 Socrates. " Ill-will and traducing " clearly did their 
 work thoroughly : it was really impossible for Socrates 
 at his trial to call those by name who had so prejudiced 
 public opinion again, unless it was Aristophanes (Plato, 
 " Apology," 18, c). This long-established ill-will, rather 
 than the indictment of the petty politicians of 399 B.C., 
 was the real cause of his condemnation. 
 
 I have said that it was but a little band that followed 
 him and knew him. And this little band, in the main, 
 consisted of men who were well born, who were aristocratic 
 indeed. The people at large had a keen dislike to reflect 
 deeply about themselves or to examine their motives and 
 design in conduct, a keen dislike, too, to have their self-love 
 and their conceit punctured by any one. Most people 
 lacked leisure even : it is absurd, therefore, to felicitate 
 Athens as a community and endow it with a fictitious cult 
 of culture which spread its illumination through all the 
 strata of the population. Not only Socrates thought more 
 highly of Sparta, the social and political antithesis of Ath- 
 ens, but his greatest pupils as well. After the death of 
 Socrates, we are told (Diog. Laer., II, 43) there was great 
 remorse among the citizens. I do not think so. The
 
 222 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 elaborate book of Xenophon, the glowing dialogue of Plato, 
 prove it that traducing and ill-will were still active, and 
 that the master's popular image was but a miserable cari- 
 cature. As for his daimonion, what was it ? Clearly a 
 voice to him of power transcendental and absolute cate- 
 gorical, if you like, more, a good deal more, than mere 
 practical tact as to those things which he must avoid. 
 
 Socrates then, in facing death, soberly and gravely, not 
 in a rapture of enthusiasm, but, if I may say so, with su- 
 preme intelligence and with no transcendental consolation 
 or spiritual support, is a grave figure. We can readily 
 subscribe to the words of Grote : cool and analytic as the 
 English Scholar is, special pleader too, of the demos as the 
 most precious constituent of human polity, Grote still 
 wrote his admirable chapter 68 with a glow and a lively 
 feeling rarely met with in his sober pages. " No man has 
 ever been found strong enough to bend his bow; much less, 
 sure enough to use it as he did." 
 
 It is significant of that Greek habit excessive and all- 
 pervasive I mean the valuation of comeliness and bodily 
 excellence it is significant, I say, that Socrates compares 
 himself and his services with those who had brought great 
 honor on the commonwealth by victories at Olympia. 
 
 A more incisive denial of the Greek immersion in the 
 bliss of the mere surface, in the felicity of physical nature, 
 a more trenchant negation, also, of that satisfaction with 
 outward comeliness and with this transitory world of sense 
 and seeming, than we meet in the words and work of 
 Socrates, it were hard to conceive. 
 
 And still the aristocratic youth who was the most emi- 
 nent of the followers of Socrates, Plato, in a certain way, 
 emphasized still more this denial. Absent as he had to 
 be from pallet and stone-flags on that day when his be- 
 loved teacher and guide drank the hemlock, the high- 
 born and highspirited man consecrated himself in a 
 measure to the honor of that soul. 
 
 But we must be concise here and make an election.
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 223 
 
 We must bring forward a few great features in Plato's 
 utterance : the Idea of the Good, the Immortality of the 
 Soul, his theories as to the Regeneration of human society. 
 
 Early in his intellectual life Plato despaired of satis- 
 fying his soul with this material nature of sense and 
 seeming. The incessant flux of the physical universe 
 in the doctrine of Heraklitus, had made a deep im- 
 pression upon him. The phenomena of matter gave him 
 no definite basis of intellectual and rational rest. He 
 ascended to a world of " Forms " strictly that is the 
 meaning of Eidos and Idea : a world eternal and before 
 all time, of which the actual things of this terrestrial 
 life and sense-perception are but copies ; these latter 
 perish and pass away, while the other world is eternal 
 and imperishable. It is this, which is the true object 
 of the quest of the soul of man, and among all possible 
 occupations of man, this quest is the highest. Those 
 men who give their life and striving to this are the 
 foremost men, their life the worthiest and most precious 
 of all lives. It was the felicity of the most perfect soul, 
 in the period of the preexistence, to dwell there where 
 this essential and Eternal being could be viewed and 
 enjoyed (" Phaedrus," 247, c) : "For that being which 
 has neither color nor figure, which is impalpable, indeed 
 this is visible for the mind only, the pilot of the 
 soul. ..." In that cosmic, circular movement the 
 soul " beholds righteousness itself, it beholds self-control, 
 it beholds knowledge, not that which is associated with 
 the production of organic things nor one which differs 
 in the different individuals on whom we now bestow 
 the appellation of beings, but the knowledge which is 
 in that which has essential being ..." (ib., d). 
 
 It is this being which knows neither genesis nor de- 
 struction, neither increase nor diminution, which knows 
 no relativity of circumstances or time, which cannot be 
 comprehended by mere subjective opinion (" Symposion" 
 211, a). The objects of sense-perception are always in a 
 stage of becoming, they never are. In this world and in 
 this life, there are many individuals with an identity of
 
 224 TESTIMOXIUM ANIM43 
 
 form, but only one genus or Idea. Now the craftsman 
 (jdemiurgoi) fashions in accordance with the idea, while 
 he does not create the idea itself. " For this same crafts- 
 man is not only competent to make all utensils, but also 
 all the things which grow from the earth does he make, 
 and all animated beings are wrought by him, both the others 
 and he himself; and, in addition to these, heaven and 
 earth and gods and all the things that are in heaven and 
 those in Hades below the earth, all are wrought by him " 
 (" Republic," 596, c). 
 
 Plato feels and freely admits, that, in extolling Mind 
 and Intelligence in their view and vision of the Universe, 
 philosophers really magnify themselves and their office : 
 and that therein they are in harmony (" Philebos," 28, c). 
 And we have ample warrant both here and elsewhere for 
 believing that he withheld the name of philosopher from 
 those, who like Demokritos, were content with mechanical 
 and material causes, and an accidental aggregation of 
 atoms which somehow passed into organic and self -repro- 
 ducing forms. He goes on ($., 28, d) : " Shall we, Pro- 
 tarchos, say that all things and this so-called Universe have 
 for their guardian the force of that which is irrational and 
 proceeds at random and as chance had it, or, quite the 
 opposite, just as those before us (Anaxagoras ?) said that 
 a kind of Mind and Intelligence of wonderful nature 
 composed and piloted it ?" (soil, the Universe). " Pro- 
 tarchos . . . : The statement indeed which you now make 
 does not even appear to me to be compatible with reli- 
 gious respect (o<noz>) ; but to say that Mind arranged them 
 all in orderly fashion is postulated also by the sight of 
 the Universe and of sun and moon and stars and all the 
 circular movement, and not in any other way would I 
 ever speak or opine about them. . . ." 
 
 " What we have often said, Infinity is in the Universe 
 in abundance, and the Infinite also, in goodly measure, 
 and there is associated with them a Cause of no mean 
 character, arranging and composing years and seasons 
 and months, a cause which most properly might be desig- 
 nated as Wisdom and Intelligence" ($., 30, c).
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 225 
 
 The hard problem was presented to Plato's soul, to 
 understand how omnipotence and goodness could be con- 
 ceived as being consistent with the actual sin and evil in 
 the world. And as for the essential goodness of God, he 
 maintained it with categorical affirmation. The Homeric 
 myths of rancor and lust and other foibles of the Olym- 
 pians found no mercy before his eyes or abode in his re- 
 generated political society ("Republic," 2, 378, c sqq.^), 
 a matter to which we have adverted in a previous chapter. 
 Poets in the new commonwealth then must speak of God 
 as essentially good, and as harmful in no respect what- 
 ever, as causing no evil, but as causing good only. 
 
 " Not then (379, c) is God, since he is good, the cause 
 of all things, as the many say, but of few things is he the 
 cause for mankind, and of many not the cause ; for much 
 fewer are the goods than the evils; and of the goods 
 none other must be made the cause, but for evils divers 
 other things must be sought for as causes, but not God " 
 (ib., 379, c). Clinging as he does to his purer and 
 nobler idea of a potent and governing divinity, active in 
 life and world, but in no wise identical with it, Plato 
 cannot fairly be called a Pantheist. And as to the new 
 life and reproduction of forms in this Nature which we 
 see, he claims that "through the handicraftsmanship of 
 God (6eov BijfjLiovpyovvro^ they became later when for- 
 merly they existed not . . ." (" Sophista," 365, c), and he 
 regrets the tenet (Soy pa) of the many, "that Nature 
 begot them from some automatic cause and one which 
 caused growth without intelligence," but holds that they 
 came from a cause " originating with God, a cause associ- 
 ated with reason and divine knowledge." And further 
 and even more eloquently does he claim the divine con- 
 cern and providence as directed at man and here he 
 ascends to noble heights not attained in the Hellenic 
 world before him, I believe. For on the whole, the out- 
 ward and material prosperity was sincerely viewed as the 
 palpable and unmistakable standard of divine favor the 
 rich, the strong, the comely were admittedly god-beloved. 
 But the pupil of that Socrates who drank the hemlock
 
 226 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 could not very well satisfy his soul and mind with this 
 doctrine, popular though it was, and deeply lodged in the 
 very fibre of Greek conviction. Is it well with the soul, 
 the primary part of man ? this was to Plato the crite- 
 rion of life and happiness. Speaking of the righteous and 
 the unrighteous man, Plato says in his noblest and most 
 comprehensive work, the " Republic " (10, 612, e <?.) : 
 " Therefore first you will grant this, that each of them 
 does not escape the notice of the gods, as to what kind of 
 a man he is? We will grant it, said he. And if they do 
 not escape their attention, the one would be god-beloved, 
 and the other god-hated, just as we agreed in the begin- 
 ning. That is so. Will we not agree, that to the god- 
 beloved one, whatever comes from the gods, all happen as 
 well as possible, unless some evil necessarily belonged to 
 him from some former sin ? By all means. Thus then 
 must we assume concerning the righteous man, if he pass 
 into poverty or if into diseases or into any other of the 
 apparent evils, that, for this one (i.e. the righteous man) 
 these things will terminate in some good during his life or 
 after his death. For not is he ever neglected by the gods 
 whoever wishes to become righteous, and in the pursuit of 
 virtue, as far as is possible, to assimilate himself to God." 
 And this, too, Plato maintained in the work of his old 
 age, the " Laws " (899, d), where likewise he refuses to 
 honor the popular standard of outward and material pros- 
 perity. " But him who holds that there are gods, but that 
 they have no concern for human affairs, one must admon- 
 ish. My good man, let us say, that you believe that gods 
 are, perhaps a certain divine kinship leads you to honor 
 that which is of common origin with yourself and to believe 
 that it exists ; but the fortunes of evil and unrighteous 
 men privately and publicly, these are not in reality happy, 
 but vaunted as happy in opinions, strongly but not consis- 
 tently do they lead you towards impiety, not rightly 
 chanted both in poetry and in all kind of accounts. ..." 
 And so, too, Plato entertained a keen repugnance against 
 the doctrine of the subjective, the much-cited dictum of 
 Protagoras, that man is the measure of all things. " What
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 227 
 
 deed then is dear to God and follows in his footsteps ? . . . 
 God indeed for us would most be the measure of all things, 
 and much more so, than I dare say any particular man, as 
 they say. It is necessary therefore that he who is to be- 
 come beloved to such a one as much as possible, that he 
 even himself must become such a one, and by this rational 
 postulate the man of self-control among us is dear to God, 
 for he resembles him, and he who has no self-control is 
 unlike him, and different and unrighteous ..." ("Laws," 
 716, c-d). 
 
 The highest thing in the Platonic world is the Idea of 
 the Good. This furnishes truth and gives the faculty of 
 understanding to him who understands. It is, indeed, the 
 cause of truth in us. 
 
 The sun is indeed not our vision, but still, among our 
 senses, sight is most helioform ("Rep.," 508, a) sun-like : 
 withdraw the orb of day and all objects are dark ; so too 
 the Idea of the Good is as the sun to soul and mind. But 
 life and growth does the sun furnish to our material world : 
 likewise Being and Substance come from the Idea of the 
 Good. " God, desiring all things to be good, but nothing 
 to be bad as far as possible (/cara Svvafuv^), thus then tak- 
 ing in hand all whatsoever that was visible as not main- 
 taining rest, but being moved in an unharmonious and 
 disorderly fashion, brought it into order out of disorder, 
 thinking that the former was altogether better than the 
 latter. 
 
 " And it neither was nor is right for the Best to do aught 
 but the fairest. . . . On account of this computation 
 then composing Intelligence in Soul, and Soul in Body, he 
 kept construing the Universe, having now wrought it 
 completely that it might be the fairest and best possible 
 work within the capacity of Nature " (" Timseus," 30, a-b). 
 " Thus then in accord with plausible reasoning must we 
 say that this Universe has become a living being endowed 
 with Soul, endowed with intelligence, in truth, on account 
 of the forethought of God" (ib., b). 
 
 The motive of creation : " Let us say for what cause the
 
 228 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 composer composed birth and this Universe. He was 
 good, and in the good there is bred no envy at any time 
 about anything whatever . . ." ("Tim.," 29, d). This 
 same book, his " Timaeus," the philosopher closes with a 
 survey of orders of animals, a scale and hierarchy of being, 
 birds of the air, quadrupeds of soil and earth, and those 
 animals still lower which crawl and creep, and still more 
 inferior, the fishes, and crustaceans. "And now indeed 
 let us say that our discourse of the Universe has a conclu- 
 sion : for this Universal order (/coV/io?) having taken 
 mortal and immortal beings and having been completed, 
 a visible Being comprehending (containing) the visible 
 things, a divinity perceptible by the senses, image of that 
 deity which is perceptible by the intelligence, has come to 
 be greatest and best, fairest and most perfect, one heaven 
 this one, being only-begotten." 
 
 As for evil, or to be more exact, evils. These " cannot 
 perish; for they must needs always be the antithesis of 
 the good. Nor can they find settlement among the gods; 
 but they traverse mortal nature and this space, from ne- 
 cessity. Therefore also we ought to try to flee from here 
 thitherward as quickly as possible. And flight is an as- 
 similation to God as far as possible. And it is right and 
 holy that the assimilation be accomplished with intelli- 
 gence" (" Thesetetus," 176, a-b). He abominates the 
 shallow moralizing of the practical politician, who actually 
 rejoices in the reproach of cunning (zi., 176, d). "From 
 their stupidity and from their utter lack of perception, 
 they, without being aware of it, are assimilated to ungod- 
 liness (practical atheism, rov a#e'ov), assimilated on ac- 
 count of their unrighteous deeds, and also become unlike 
 the other (the divine). Thereof they pay the penalty in 
 this, that they live the life resembling that to which they 
 are assimilated; and if we say that unless they cut loose 
 from their particular puissance, even after death that place 
 clean of evils will not receive them, and here they will always 
 have a resemblance in their conduct consistent with them- 
 selves, evil men associating with evil men . . ." (ib., 176, e 
 g.). And the statute of local utility, adopted by some
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 229 
 
 particular commonwealth, is but rarely related at all to 
 the idea of the Good. For the former in the main deter- 
 mined the practical conduct and morality of most Greeks. 
 Now all utility-statutes are determined by a regard for 
 the future, we anticipate practical advantages. And here 
 again we see the poet-philosopher's deep antipathy for the 
 subjectivism of the Protagorean dictum, viz., that man is 
 the measure of all things (ib. 178, b). As to physical 
 perception, this may indeed be so: what impression on 
 him is made by white, by light, by heavy objects ; on these 
 he may base his own belief of such forms of truth, having 
 indeed the criterium within himself, but has he that device 
 of determination within himself also as regards the future ? 
 Anticipations and judgments there may widely differ, but 
 the actual result will only be one and of one kind. 
 
 Even in this brief survey we see continually the tenet 
 of the primacy of the soul, and of its supremacy in the 
 hierarchy of being due to its essential resemblance as to 
 its source and as to its aim, to God : to whom also led 
 the call and path of the soul as to conduct, so that right- 
 eousness creates likeness to him, and sin unlikeness to him. 
 For the soul is the imperishable within the perishable 
 body. To get at Plato's deep conviction here, we must re- 
 member that he fully assumed the doctrines of Pythagoras 
 and of his followers in Italy and Sicily whom he visited 
 and with whose noblest possessions he became closely 
 acquainted. We must, then, speak, not so much of an 
 immortality of the soul, but rather of an eternity of the 
 same both of past and of future. 
 
 In Plato's literary style there is a characteristic blend- 
 ing of the simple and of the noble, of the candidly urgent 
 and earnest tone, coupled with a certain majesty. And 
 this strain in his innermost fibre often finds expression in 
 simile, in myth, in allegory as though intuition on strong 
 pinions soared to altitudes beyond the ken of sense and 
 seeming, and beyond this little experience of our life and 
 our world.
 
 230 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 Thus, too, Plato delineates the source and composition 
 of the soul in a famous passage in the " Phaedrus " (245, 
 c sqq.}. 
 
 The soul every soul is immortal, because self-moved, 
 self-determined, not receiving life from any source out- 
 side of itself; whatever is moved or stirred by another, 
 experiences sometime a cessation of movements, or 
 life. 
 
 Now this, which is life and movement in itself, as an 
 immanent property, must be uncreated, from eternity. 
 And since non-created, this soul-substance must also be 
 incorruptible. This then is the rational theory (\dyos') 
 of the soul, and the principle of animation. 
 
 As to the form or shape of the soul, Plato goes on to 
 compare it to a winged span of steeds and a charioteer. 
 It is the latter, then, who symbolizes the dominant element 
 in the soul. Of the steeds, one is noble and obedient 
 to the reins, the other vicious, balky, and hard to 
 manage. 
 
 In its preexistence, then, the soul is winged, so to speak, 
 and, traversing the highest altitudes, i.e. feeding itself 
 with the noblest concerns of its nature, non-material truth, 
 Ideas : traverses and dwells within the entire universe : 
 but that soul which has shed its plumage sinks downward : 
 in short, incarnation in some body follows : it enters into 
 a casement of clay. A compound being thus presents 
 itself to our gaze, called mortal, though that pertains to 
 the body only. 
 
 Why did the soul lose its plumage? The vicious steed 
 is at fault interfering with the calm and perfect gaze of 
 the charioteer the soul cannot permanently maintain 
 itself in that perfect existence of the contemplation of 
 absolute and immutable truth : in short, some form of 
 incarnation follows. And this birth itself is determined 
 by the amount of ideal vision gained by the particular 
 soul in that primal state of being : and Plato at once re- 
 veals his own scale of human valuation. The highest in- 
 carnation that of the philosopher : then follow in rank and 
 order the constitutional king, the man active in public
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 231 
 
 life, administrator or banker, next comes the hardy athlete 
 and the physician, the fifth rank is held by soothsayer 
 and the man active in mysteries of religious initiation, 
 then comes the poet or other devotee of reproductive art, 
 further on the farmer and craftsman, followed by the 
 sophist and popular politician, and lowest and last is the 
 tyrant or autocrat that knows no limitations of law. Now 
 divine retribution operates in such a way, that in the next 
 incarnation the righteous receives a better lot, that is, we 
 may understand, a nobler character : the unjust, a worse. 
 
 Favored is the soul of him who loved wisdom with 
 sincerity : he, after three thousand years, if thrice in 
 succession he chose this life, is blessed with the original 
 plumage, i.e. he passes into that divine contemplation 
 of the world of Ideas. " But the other souls (249, a sq.), 
 when they have completed the first life, get their judg- 
 ment, and having received their verdict some pass into 
 the places under earth where justice is executed and 
 there they pay the penalty (&6np* e/cri'vovo-iv'), and the 
 others are raised by Justice into a certain locality of 
 the heavens and lead a life worthy of that life which 
 they lived in human shape." After a thousand years 
 new incarnations are allotted even of animals, or of 
 animals ascending to human incarnation. Pythagoras, 
 indeed. 
 
 Much later than the " Phsedrus," Plato wrote his " Re- 
 public," which carries man from birth to the Last 
 Things, though here, too, is the grave ring of Eternity 
 no Rest, no final and definite Consummation. A myth 
 in form, and still a postulate of the human soul. 
 
 An Armenian, Er by name ("Rep.," 614, b), who was 
 among the corpses of a battlefield and on the twelfth 
 day even laid on the funeral pyre, recovered life and 
 consciousness. 
 
 He told of what his soul had seen : two passages be- 
 low, two to heaven ; judges marking and sending souls, 
 the righteous to the right, upward, the unjust to the left, 
 downward. 
 
 Some came up from the Earth shrivelled and dust-covered,
 
 232 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 others came down from heaven, clean and pure, the ones 
 from great suffering and tribulation, the others from inef- 
 fable bliss and glory both periods of time having been 
 for a thousand years a tenfold retribution or reward. 
 One particular tyrant was condemned to unending tribu- 
 lation (615, d). Such souls Plato conceived as being 
 incurable. The Platonic vision of Bliss I cannot present 
 in any detail the movement of spheres and their celes- 
 tial harmony. Practically, this heaven is only a tem- 
 porary abode, where eventually the souls were to choose 
 new lots of life : and this act of choice indeed was the 
 great issue and the concern of concerns. For the new 
 Lives were taken by each soul from the lap of Lachesis, 
 daughter of Necessity. "For responsibility was of him 
 who chose. God was without responsibility " (617, e). 
 
 The great and grave thing, then, in this our present 
 life on earth, is to gain a faculty of judgment, a true vision 
 of the moral bearings, of the final achievements and at- 
 tainments of the things sought and prized, of comeliness, 
 wealth, poverty, noble birth or mean birth, high office or 
 private station, physical brawn or feebleness, not indeed 
 in themselves, " but coupled with what kind of attitude of 
 soul (/iera Trota? nvbs T/TU^? l^eeo?) they be." Let us note, 
 then, that not until we come to Socrates, and indeed, in 
 the highest degree, not until we come to Plato do we 
 recognize a distinctly and expressedly spiritual scale of 
 valuation, to which all the current objects of men's 
 striving are subjected. We meet it late, but we meet 
 it. Such felicity is not indeed a worldly felicity, it is 
 not of this world, nor is there any infelicity of things, 
 but of the soul alone. 
 
 In the glimpse which we may take at the ideas of social 
 regeneration such as Plato cherished and uttered, we will 
 be met by some startling and some puzzling things. 
 
 In his ideal state Plato establishes an aristocracy : not 
 indeed one in which birth and wealth endow a given 
 class with political preeminence. In the human soul
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 233 
 
 dominant intelligence, normally, should be sovereign, while 
 the Will and that more vicious steed, Concupiscence and 
 all other craving for pleasure, are equally subject to reins 
 and whip of the charioteer. So Plato would build his 
 political society, and construct a system in which Justice 
 should rule, nay in which that noble virtue should be the 
 very essence of the whole structure. His state indeed is 
 Justice writ large. And first and foremost we observe 
 that Plato at the outset abandons the effort to place all 
 citizens on a level, to value or rate them alike. It is after 
 all the magnifying of his personal ideals when he allots to 
 the friends of wisdom the specific duty and privilege of 
 administration, as though they were, among men and in 
 the body politic, the rational element, reason socially in- 
 carnate. It is just that they should rule. 
 
 There is a second class who are the " defenders," en- 
 dowed with courage above their fellows, and who force 
 the execution of all decrees issuing from the ruling class. 
 The maintenance of order at home, of the state's integ- 
 rity in foreign concerns, police and the military estab- 
 lishment these are their peculiar spheres of service. 
 Guardians, Custodians, (<v\a/ce9) Plato calls the former, 
 assistants, these latter ones. And further it is these, who 
 are to be the nursery of the first class, their ablest and 
 most promising members are to advance and become rulers, 
 after fifty. The third class, by far the most numerous, is 
 made up of those who merely crave and covet pleasure and 
 profit. Their dominant element is the striving after material 
 things, they accumulate wealth, pursue some craft or trade. 
 Plato with his radical anti-Hellenic depreciation of the 
 body and of the surface of all material things, has even 
 gone so far as to place the physician in this lowest 
 stratum, nor, with his elevation of absolute truth does he 
 assign a high rank to reproductive art which is fashioned 
 after those things which are perishable, transitory, and have 
 no relation to- absolute truth. As he reprobates the domi- 
 nation of passion in the human soul, he would clearly have 
 made short shrift in his commonwealth in dealing not only 
 with an Archilochos and an Anacreon, but no less with
 
 234 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 the verse of Alkaios, and Sappho, where the lower and 
 more vicious steed sways and turns from its proper course 
 the chariot of the soul. There are indeed ethnic limita- 
 tions even in this, the most gifted son of Attica's wonder- 
 ful soil, there are such limitations, but no Greek soul 
 strove more nobly, none has gained a greater claim upon 
 the ear of the world, none was so nearly free from the in- 
 crustation of practical paganism, none so little warped and 
 dwarfed by the vicious elements of Hellenic life and living. 
 How vast a portion of modern literature and art bound up 
 with giving rein to the more vicious steed of the chariot 
 of the soul, and devoted, simply, to the emancipation of 
 the flesh, would have been banished from his state ! 
 How often do the stencil-plated formularies of culture- 
 phrase, to-day, like a whitened sepulchre, enshrine ordure 
 and rotting carcasses under the inscription of Art and the 
 absolute right of sesthetical postulates ! Man is always 
 one in the innermost essence of his being, no matter what 
 academic discrimination and psychological map-drawing 
 may pretend to have achieved. There is indeed no way 
 of yielding equal rein to the two steeds of the soul. 
 
 In one way Plato's ideal State involves the poet-phi- 
 losopher's utter rejection and condemnation of the Attic 
 democracy. That government had put to death Plato's 
 beloved master ; it Yield in reprobation the thirty tyrants 
 and their leader, Plato's aristocratic kinsman Kritias. 
 And with burning indignation he scorned the current 
 doctrine of the practical politician of his day that the 
 demos can do no wrong. Evidently the cultural influ- 
 ence enjoyed by that demos, from the bema of the highly 
 trained orator, or from the stage of Dionysos, was vapor- 
 ous at best, slight and elusive : I am not ecstatic on this 
 score : clearly the fellow- Athenians who judged of their 
 own demos were not : not Euripides, not Aristophanes, 
 not Thucydides, not Socrates, not Plato, not Xenophon, 
 not Demosthenes, nor the great critic from abroad, Aris- 
 totle. First and foremost, then, the demos (people, plebs)
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 235 
 
 is not fit to govern, for the multitude is swayed merely 
 by pleasure and pain. Only when subordinate to those 
 who know, is it well placed. It is right (" Leges," 690, a) 
 that the Noble should rule the Ignoble, the Reflecting the 
 Ignorant. 
 
 It is immaterial to us how much there was in Plato's 
 soul of a deeper affinity for Doric and particularly for 
 Spartan institutions. 
 
 The main point is that he considers the multitude and 
 mass in civil society as gross and beyond the concern or 
 range of any genuine uplift. Let them fill their bellies, 
 make money and obey the Guardians, i.e. the ruling philo- 
 sophical class. Both these and their military and order- 
 keeping assistants (eTrwcou/aot) shall live exclusively so as 
 to maintain their kind, that is, their superiority of breed, 
 character, and ruling intelligence. To this end, and for 
 these two small classes alone, Plato shrinks not from an 
 abandonment both of the private family, perpetual monog- 
 amy, and of private property. But of modern socialism 
 there is here no vestige. This class and their executing 
 adjuncts are to be the dominating element, the Intelligence 
 of the quasi-political person, the State. 
 
 It is odd and puzzling to observe how radically Plato 
 conceives Love as merely a political and zoological device: 
 he hesitates not to bring in the parallel of fowls and dogs: 
 how only the finest individuals are allowed to mate (" Re- 
 public," 5, 458, e sqq.^). Plato himself was never married. 
 
 It is a matter exceedingly difficult for us to realize the 
 laxity and looseness of precepts of conduct of the Greek 
 world. Let us learn one grave matter. Apart from a 
 general reprobation of such misdeeds as murder, incest, 
 perjury, parricide, Greek worship furnished substantially 
 no rules of conduct. The usages of the state bound all 
 its members and also furnished concrete Ethics to the 
 members of the commonwealth. The question was not 
 what was good or evil in itself, but what was permitted 
 or prohibited in this particular polls : everything at bot- 
 tom is institutional ; at Athens you could marry your 
 half-sister, e.g., and a husband acted entirely within his
 
 236 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 rights if he refused to rear a new-born child, although he 
 acknowledged it his own, his own, as a pullet or a poorly 
 glued chair might be his property to deal with as he 
 chose. I fail to see in the entire range of Plato's utter- 
 ance any incisive precept or monition of radical reform or 
 call to goodness, for the people at large. He, too, was an 
 Attic Greek and in his old age (in his " Laws ") there are 
 abundant utterances in which, in a way, he is a conform- 
 ist with his country's institutions, inclusive of her gods. 
 Still he urges that they are gods of a curious limitation, 
 -viz., created gods. And people must also hold to the 
 lower ranges of superhuman beings, viz., the daimones 
 and the heros who may injure or bless the citizen. In 
 such matters the citizen must follow the law ("Timceus," 
 40, e). At bottom, then, all these generations of Greek 
 gods are under-gods and creatures of the One, Eternal, 
 and Uncreated ($., 41, a). And he who begat the Uni- 
 verse speaks to them as follows : " Ye gods of gods, 
 whose craftsman I am and father of their achievements, 
 which having eventuated through me are indissoluble if I 
 will not. That, then, which at one time was bound is all 
 soluble, but it is the part of an evil one to wish to dis- 
 solve that which was well fitted together and is in fair 
 state ; wherefore, also, since you have come to be, im- 
 mortal indeed you are not, nor indissoluble at all, still 
 you are in no wise to be dissolved nor will you obtain the 
 lot of death, since you obtained by lot my volition, to wit, 
 a bond greater still and more sovereign than those elements 
 with which you were tied together when you were born." 
 Prolix and still of monumental and imposing grandeur, 
 too, moods bitter or smiling, seriousness or irony all 
 these and many more strains are revealed from the soul 
 of Plato in his dialogues, to which we here bid a farewell. 
 
 Aristotle of Stageira (384-322 B.C.) was of a long race 
 of physicians. The medical art was a craft pursued 
 through many generations from mythical Asklepios and 
 Machaon. His father was at one time physician in ordi-
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 237 
 
 nary to King Amyntas of Macedon, father of Philip and 
 grandfather of Alexander. Envy, academic and other- 
 wise, has bedaubed the ancient biographies with vile or 
 mean things. But we have his Testament also. 
 
 Among the salient traits of this marvellous mind are, 
 perhaps, three which arrest mankind most. These are, 
 in my estimation, his universality, his incredible indus- 
 try, his profundity coupled with logical procedure : for 
 when one has gained a certain sympathy with his assent- 
 compelling advance from thesis to thesis, one feels an 
 almost sovereign force of pure thought. The very absence 
 of all those literary graces which issue from the free play 
 of the imagination and the emotions in his great but 
 narrower teacher Plato this sterility, I say, in the sestheti- 
 cal side of literature permits us with a curious entirety of 
 devotion to follow the Stagirite in his keen pursuit of 
 knowledge. What the microscope, the telescope, and the 
 retort have enabled mankind to achieve since, we know 
 . . . but the imperishable honor of Aristotle is in no 
 wise reduced thereby. When Dante in his initial steps 
 through Inferno saw " il Maestro di color che sanno," 
 "the Master of those who know" he uttered a winged 
 word not to be reduced or belittled by any revaluation 
 of mediaeval scholasticism. Make allowance as we may, 
 for his faithful pupils and co-workers, Theophrastos, 
 Herakleides Ponticus, or Aristoxenos, Dikaiarchos, the 
 mere sum of knowledge gathered sifted and arranged is 
 wonderful. 
 
 The psychological analysis of passions and emotions, 
 the reviewing of all political forms furnished by history, the 
 scientific basis of grammar, the essentials of the theory of 
 human conduct, body and soul, matter and spirit, eternity 
 and the mathematical aspects of astronomy, all these are 
 found in the body of his writings. Hermann Bonitz spent 
 a quarter century from 1845 to 1870, to prepare a Greek 
 concordance of the words occurring in Aristotle's writings : 
 but even so he had to use the cooperation of other scholars 
 for the zoological part. Curious and unique monument 
 of faithful and unrewarded industry and deep reading!
 
 238 TESTIMONIUM ANIM.E 
 
 Theory of Classification and all Logical processes, the 
 time of gestation of the lizard, the essence of Justice, or 
 the anatomy of the eel, the physiology of sleep, the con- 
 stitutional type and history of one hundred and fifty-eight 
 distinct commonwealths, winds and weather, the state- 
 records of the production of Attic plays, the conger-eel or 
 the analysis of sophistical syllogisms, the rhetorical function 
 of metaphor all these and such universality : but pro- 
 found, exact, original, and searching, no compilation, 
 nothing at second hand : this is Aristotle. 
 
 When he first came to Athens, his father was dead. 
 The eager youth was but seventeen and Plato, then sixty- 
 two, was for a while absent in Magna Greecia. There 
 was the brilliant author and thinker, an elderly man 
 over against the lad. Clearly for a number of years the 
 youth was a Platonist. Aristotle's first stay his Lehr- 
 und Wanderjahre at Athens was comprehended in the 
 period of two decades, 367-347, to Plato's death : a period 
 of gradual transition from discipleship to originality and 
 independence. 
 
 Aristotle's beloved friend, Eudemos of Kypros, perished 
 before Syracuse, a follower of Dio, probably in the summer 
 of 353, when Aristotle was thirty-one. The dialogue com- 
 posed by the young philosopher soon afterwards was 
 entitled " Eudemos, on the Soul " : clearly still strongly 
 in the thraldom of the great Athenian and perhaps, spe- 
 cifically there, of Plato's "Phaedo." Aristotle (Fragm. 
 36, Rose) spoke of the connection of body and soul, com- 
 paring it with the exquisite cruelty sometimes practised by 
 Etruscan pirates, who tightly laced together, face to face, 
 a living prisoner with a corpse. Coupled with a general 
 affirmation of the immortality of the soul, there seem to 
 have been many observations of actual phenomena of 
 psychical data. As to the graver aspirations of mankind, 
 I cite two passages from Fragm. 40 (Rose) : " Therefore 
 they cross over (die) most efficiently and most blissfully. 
 And in addition to the fact that the dead are blessed and 
 happy, we also hold that it is not pious to utter any 
 lie about them or a slander as against those who now
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 239 
 
 have entered into a better and a stronger estate. And 
 these things endure with us as established beliefs 
 (vevopicrijieva) so primeval and ancient, that no one alto- 
 gether knows either the beginning of the time nor him 
 who first established it, but it turns out that they have so 
 held during boundless time throughout." 
 
 Further on the answer extorted from Silenus by King 
 Midas : " Seed of a laborious daimon and heavy Fortune, 
 why do you force me to say that which it is better for 
 you not to comprehend ? For coupled with ignorance of 
 one's own evils, Life is most untroubled. But for men 
 altogether to be born is not the best of all, nor to get a 
 share in the best nature : best then for all men and 
 women is not to be born : that, however, which follows 
 after this in order, and is first of the other things, capable 
 of accomplishment, but second (in rank), is, to die as 
 quickly as possible after having been born. . . ." Aris- 
 totle in this early book also opposed the thesis that the 
 soul was merely a harmony of bodily functions. 
 
 In this stage, Aristotle also wrote a dialogue on Prayer, 
 in which (Fragm. 46) he said " that God was either Intel- 
 ligence or something in the neighborhood of Intelligence." 
 
 The most notable of these Dialogues seems to have 
 been that " On Philosophy," a hortatory discourse imitated 
 by Cicero in his " Hortensius." Here, however, he seems 
 to have dropped the senile doctrines of his master's last 
 years, the Ideal Numbers and the like. 
 
 From two principles (Fragm. 12), Aristotle held there 
 the notion of gods had arisen among men : from the things 
 that happened in connection with the soul, visions, and 
 from prophetic impulses. Men thus inferred that there 
 was something, God, a being which in itself resembled 
 the soul and which had the greatest capacity of knowl- 
 edge of all. Further also they derived the notion of God 
 from the things above us : " for having viewed in the 
 daytime the sun revolving and at night the well-ordered 
 movement of the other stars (TO>I> d\\cov a<TTpa>v) they 
 gained the belief (evofiLcrav) that there was some divinity 
 who was the cause of such motion and good order."
 
 240 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 A noteworthy fragment also is No. 14 (preserved by 
 Cicero, " De N. D." 2, 95) : " If there were (beings) who 
 had always dwelt under the earth in good and well- 
 lighted abodes which were fitted up with sculptures and 
 paintings and were equipped with all those things with 
 which those people are abundantly supplied who are 
 deemed very rich (beati) and yet had never gone out to 
 the surface of the earth, but had been informed by rumor 
 and hearsay that there was a certain power and force of 
 the gods, and then at some time, after the chasms of 
 Earth had been opened and so they had been enabled to 
 make their escape from those hidden domiciles, when 
 suddenly they had seen the earth and the seas and the 
 sky, had become acquainted with the greatness of clouds 
 and the force of the winds and had beheld the sun and 
 realized both its greatness and its beauty as well as its 
 power of production, the fact, that, when its light was 
 spread in the whole firmament it produced day, but when 
 night had darkened the world, then they clearly mark out 
 the heavens studded and adorned with stars, and the 
 vicissitudes of the lights of the moon now growing, now 
 declining, and the risings and settings of all these and 
 their courses set and immutable in all eternity: when 
 they saw these things, forsooth they would both believe 
 that there were gods and these so great works were the 
 works of divine beings." 
 
 But all these earlier utterances and aspirations were in 
 the main reverberations of his master. 
 
 We will now take up the mature and definite elements 
 of his own thought and speculation. 
 
 Aristotle was by no means content with the description 
 or classification of the phenomena of the actual world. 
 An explanation satisfied with mechanical and material 
 elucidation was to his mind utterly inadequate. He 
 elevates the principle of aim, end, design, as axiomatic 
 and primal. Hence his trenchant dissent also from De- 
 mokritos of Abdera, the scientist who dispensed with 
 cause and design in his view and reconstruction of the
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 241 
 
 Universe. " Demokritos, having cast off the task of stat- 
 ing the wherefore (TO o5 /e/ca), attaches all things which 
 Nature uses, to necessity, things which indeed are of that 
 kind, but at the same time exist for the sake of something 
 and on account of the better in connection with each ob- 
 ject. We may therefore freely assume that development 
 and result so transpire (i.e. with necessity) but not on 
 account of these things (i.e. mechanical causes), but on 
 account of the end " (" De Animalium Generatione," 5, 8, p. 
 789, b, 2 sqq.}. The fact that experience shows an un- 
 varying sequence of certain phenomena, does not satisfy 
 Aristotle : Demokritos improperly disdains finding a cause 
 for this always of sequence. Being appears to us as a 
 steady process moving from the potential (TO Swapa ov) 
 to the form and essence (TO evepyeia ov). 
 
 Let us advance even more closely to Aristotle's peculiar 
 and specific convictions. Matter is eternal. That which 
 " moves " (influences) it, is the first mover. That, into 
 which it is moved or changed, is the/orw, the essence or 
 substance of being. 
 
 There must be one finest or primary substance which is 
 one, and is itself unmoved (" Met.," 12, 6). This must 
 be from eternity. " It is impossible that movement should 
 either come to be, or be destroyed ; for it was always. 
 Not that Time ; for it is not possible that Earlier and 
 Later should be if Time were not. And movement, there- 
 fore, is thus continuous. . . . Nor will it even if we 
 assume eternal substances, as those who do so with the 
 Ideas, if there will not inhere in them a principle having 
 the power to effect changes." This first Mover is God. 
 His pursuit (Siaywyr)') is comparable to that which we 
 human beings have but a little while at a time, but he 
 eternally and always, viz., pure insight and contempla- 
 tion. It is his Intelligence, nay it is Intelligence Absolute 
 which is there at work. " And" (this Intelligence) "pos- 
 sesses Life; for the realization of Intelligence is Life" 
 (" Met.," 12, 7), " and he (God) is the realization: now his 
 own life in itself is the best and the eternal realization. 
 And we say that God is an eternal best being, so that God
 
 242 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 possesses life and duration continuous and eternal : for this 
 is God. And all those who assume, as do the Pythago- 
 reans and Speusippos (nephew, and successor to Plato), 
 that the fairest and best is not in beginning, on account 
 of the fact that the beginning of the plants and animals 
 are indeed causative, but that fairness and perfection are 
 in those things only which come from these, they believe 
 riot correctly. For seed is from other prior perfect beings, 
 and the First is not seed, but it is the Perfect ; as one 
 might say that man is earlier than the seed, not the one 
 begotten from this, but another one, from whom the seed 
 came. That there is then some substance eternal and 
 unmoved (i.e. not influenced or determined by agencies 
 outside of itself) and separated from objects of sense- 
 perception, is clear from the statements made. And it has 
 also been shown that no measurable quantity (/-teyetfo?) can 
 have this Being, but it is non-composite (a/Ac/??;?) and in- 
 dissoluble. For it moves during the boundless time, but 
 nothing limited has boundless power." He holds further 
 (" Met.," 12, 8) that the nature of the stars is some eternal 
 substance: (though it is difficult to follow his thought 
 here : for the mover who is himself unmoved, and who 
 moves that which is moved, and who is eternal and is 
 earlier than that which is moved, could not very well be 
 more from eternity than that which is moved by him). 
 The stars, then, are eternal. All motions celestial are for 
 the sake of the stars : the design is immanent in them. 
 There is no starred Universe but this one. "And it has 
 been handed down from those of old and from the very 
 ancient ones, left to posterity in the form of a myth, that 
 these (the stars) are gods, and that the Divinity embraces 
 All Nature. But the other things have been advanced in 
 a way actually mythical for the persuasion of the Many 
 and for the enactment of laws and utilitarian ends : for 
 they state these as being anthropomorphic and like to some 
 of the other animals, and they make other statements 
 sequential to these and resembling what has been said." 
 "From these (tenets of popular religion) sever the first 
 and comprehend it alone, to wit, that they believed the
 
 THE TFJAD OF GREEK THINKERS 243 
 
 first substances were gods, one might hold that it was 
 stated divinely, and, as is likely, each system of accom- 
 plishment (re'xvrf) and philosophy having oftentimes been 
 devised and destroyed again as far as was possible, (it is 
 probable that) these tenets of those men like relics have 
 been preserved up to the present time " (the conclusion 
 of "Met.," 12, 8). 
 
 The astral motions suggest " that there is one who 
 marshals them" ('o Siarda-crwv, Fragm. 13). Further, 
 God needs no friend : bliss is in himself. His essence 
 and perfection is the only object of his cogitation. But 
 what ? For he will not be asleep. Inasmuch as the con- 
 templative life is the highest an Axiom for the thinker 
 Aristotle that will be the divine life. 
 
 An academic and cosmic God, but singularly and utterly 
 severed from human beings by his essence. There cannot 
 be any affection, Aristotle holds, directed toward God or 
 gods: for friendship postulates a certain measure of equal- 
 ity : " the gods " so utterly exceed men in all good things, 
 that there cannot be any friendship between them and 
 men ("Eth. Nicom.," 9, 9). The love directed to God 
 does not receive (is not capable of receiving) any counter- 
 love : "for it would be preposterous if one were to say 
 that he loved Zeus" (Magna Moralia, 1208, b, 29); "hence 
 we neither strive for love of the god nor of inanimate 
 things." It would be ridiculous if one censured God if 
 he failed to requite love in proportion ("Eth., Nicom.," 
 8,3). 
 
 God does not propose to do the evil things (" Topica," 
 4, 5, 126, a, 35) ; i.e. it is in the power of God to do 
 the evil, but it does not conform to his nature. God is 
 better than Virtue, stronger than knowledge ("Magn. 
 Mor.," 2, 5). As we designate extraordinary badness as 
 bestiality, so the counterpart is something God-like, some- 
 thing beyond expression, as being beyond man. 
 
 What is the beginning of " motion " in the soul ? " Now 
 it is evident that just as God is in the Universe, so the 
 Universe is in God. For somehow the divinity within us 
 moves everything. And the beginning of reason is not
 
 244 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 reason, but something better. But what is better than 
 knowledge unless it is God?" (" Eth. Eudem.," 1248, 
 b, 24 sqqf). It would be absurd to define the bliss of "the 
 gods " as action, whether in the domain of righteousness, 
 or of bravery, or of generosity, or of continence. 
 
 What then remains but contemplation (#e&>/3ta)? ("Eth. 
 Nicom.," 10, 8). It is Aristotle's personal ideal : his con- 
 fession of faith : his God absorbed in contemplation, the 
 Intelligence of the Universe : therefore the searching and 
 thinking philosopher is nearest to God. Plato thought 
 in lines and circles not greatly different. The practical 
 moral robustness of Socrates is somewhat greater than 
 either. 
 
 The life and conduct of man is to be determined by 
 himself alone. There is no anticipation of a life to come, 
 nor any divine law imposing itself upon man. The "Soul" 
 (really animation) is omnipresent in the body : as the 
 form to the wax so is the specific soul related to the 
 specific body. Man is the aim and end of visible nature : 
 the body existing for the sake of the soul : Reason is 
 imperishable, whereas memory, desire, love are bound up 
 with a bodily function. And while the powers of the 
 soul are developed one from the other by gradations, 
 Reason is untouched and independent of all of these. 
 
 As to conduct Aristotle denies that we need to establish 
 any alternative between the pleasurable and between 
 rational action these do not mutually exclude one an- 
 other. Pleasure is the crown and result of all normal or 
 perfect action. 
 
 In virtue there must be pleasure in goodness. 
 
 There is a curious and painful lack of absolute and 
 universal law in Aristotle's ethics. 
 
 Virtue or specifically " Ethical Virtue " (i.e. excellence 
 in specific forms of human character) is greatly varied 
 according to sex, age, occupation, a man's virtue, a 
 woman's virtue. Children and slaves, strictly speaking, 
 have no virtue. And here we realize the desperate dif- 
 ficulty of all translating, for it is nothing but a tentative
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 245 
 
 and very imperfect substitution not merely of words for 
 words, but of notions for notions. Now this very word 
 aret' to which we particularly referred in our dis- 
 course on Pindar, this very term aretS' is not at all 
 our " Virtue," but really it is power, perfect attainment, 
 excellence. So, with Aristotle, the blackmailer, the thief, 
 have their specific aret f . 
 
 But Aristotle assumes a general apery of man at large, 
 and man without it is " a most wicked and savage being " 
 ("Polit.,"!, 2). 
 
 Now this positive virtue, or better, excellence of man is 
 revealed in many specific forms, all of which have this in 
 common that they maintain a certain intermediate point or 
 attitude (/ieo-or^?) between extremes. An enumeration, 
 e.g. in "Eth. Eudem.," 2, 3, where first are named the 
 two vicious extremes and then their middle-point, the 
 correlated specific virtue. 
 
 Irascibility, Stolidity, Gentleness, 
 
 Recklessness, Cowardice, Bravery, 
 
 Shamelessness, Stupor, Respect, 
 
 Dissoluteness, Callousness, Continence, 
 
 Envy, Obscurity, Giving each his due, 
 
 Gain, Loss, Justice, and so forth. 
 
 More and more, even in the narrow limits of this sketch 
 it grows clear that the essence of Aristotle's thought is 
 analytical, descriptive, driving stakes and drawing maps 
 in this actual world of men such as they are. For is it 
 not after all merely a supremely clever psychological 
 classification, this ethical theory? there is no clarion voice 
 equally calling upon all ; one may say that Aristotle has 
 not discovered the Conscience as yet. After all, the full 
 measure of truth is made dependent upon culture and 
 social station. The curse of slavery is revealed even here, 
 in the acutest and most universal Mind of the ancient 
 world, I mean revealed in his profound contempt for 
 manual labor. They who till the soil, who are craftsmen 
 and who trade on the market-place, are below his sympathy
 
 246 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 and concern. A great many crafts or mechanical trades 
 were actually carried on by slaves under the direction of 
 their masters. " The barbarians are more slave-like in 
 their types of character by nature than the Greeks " 
 (" Polit.," 3, 14). " Non-Greek and slave is the same 
 thing by nature" ("Polit.," 1, 2). Even before the 
 Stoics, it would seem, nobler voices had been raised among 
 the Greeks which called slavery an institution contrary 
 to nature. Now Aristotle undertakes to determine this 
 problem both by reason and actual experience ("Polit.," 
 1, 5). Certain beings from their mother's womb are set 
 apart for being ruled. It is a rule pervading animate 
 nature. In the best man the soul rules the body, a rule 
 essentially masterful. So, too, domesticated animals owe 
 their very preservation to human rule. Similar is the 
 relation of male and female, the one stronger, the other 
 weaker, the one ruling, the other, ruled. Now there are 
 certain human beings, whose intrinsic inferiority by a 
 parity of reasoning is as manifest as soul to body, as beast 
 to man beings whose sole function and purpose is bodily, 
 and these are naturally slaves : in social function and worth 
 differing but little from domesticated animals. And it is 
 profitable to them and it is right that these should be 
 slaves. 
 
 And here, in our concern for Aristotle's humanity and 
 for his estimation and valuation of actual mankind as he 
 saw it, let us append his delineation of the character- 
 types of the successive ages of man ("Rhetoric," 2, 12 
 <?.), particularly youth and old age. 
 
 " The young, as to their character, are given to desires, 
 and so endued as to realize whatever they desire. And 
 of physical desires they are most inclined to follow the 
 sexual ones, and they are without self-control as to these. 
 And they easily veer about, and are dainty about their 
 desires and maintain their desire with intensity, but 
 quickly cease. For their acts of will are keen but not of 
 large measure, like the thirst and hunger of those who are 
 ailing. And they are emotional and of keen feelings and 
 qualified to follow their impulse. And they are subject
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 247 
 
 to their feelings, for on account of ambition they cannot 
 endure being slighted, but they are aggrieved if they 
 believe they are wronged. And ambitious indeed they 
 are, but in a higher degree lovers of victory. For youth 
 desires preeminence, and victory is a kind of preeminence. 
 . . . And they are not malicious, but good-natured, 
 because they have not viewed many acts of badness. And 
 trustful because they have not yet been often deceived." 
 But this must suffice from this chapter. There follows 
 (chap. 13) the characterization of the elderly and those who 
 have passed the zenith of life. These in all ways form 
 the direct counterpart of youth. They have often been 
 deceived and they have learned "that the greater part 
 of things are poor" and so they "maintain nothing with 
 unswerving firmness ..." "and they surmise, but they 
 know nothing." . . . "And they are malicious; for 
 malice means to put the worst construction on everything. 
 Further are they suspicious of evil on account of their 
 distrust, and distrustful on account of their experience. 
 . . . And they are mean-spirited because they have 
 been humbled by life; for they desire nothing great or 
 extraordinary, but merely livelihood. And they are illib- 
 eral : for one of the necessary things is substance ; and at 
 the same time experience has taught them how difficult it 
 is to acquire, and how easy to lose. And cowardly are 
 they and fearful of all future things ; for their disposition 
 is the counterpart to that of the young; for they are 
 chilled and the young are hot. . . . And fond of life 
 are they, and especially near the last day. . . ." " And 
 they are selfish more than they ought; for this too is a 
 kind of smallness of soul. And they live with a view to 
 the useful, not to the noble, more than they should : be- 
 cause they are selfish. . . . And shameless are they 
 more than delicately-minded ; for on account of the fact 
 that they are not equally concerned for the noble and the 
 useful, they neglect appearances. . . . 
 
 " Therefore, also men of that age appear continent ; 
 for the passions have relaxed ; and they are slaves to 
 lucre. , ."
 
 248 TESTIMONIUM ANL\LE 
 
 " And compassionate old men too are, but not for the 
 same cause as the young ; . . . for they (the old) believe 
 that everything is close at hand for themselves to suffer ; 
 and this was an element of compassion. Hence they are 
 given to lamentation. ..." The utter nothingness of 
 the aesthetical bliss of Greekdom of which the conoscenti 
 have raved particularly from Winckelmann and Goethe to 
 Shelley and Walter Pater I say how as nothing was this 
 fictitious bliss in illumining that decline of life. 
 
 Exposure of children is entirely a matter of conven- 
 ience. And not only this: but ("Polit.," 7, 16) if preg- 
 nancy occurs contrary to the fixed number convenient to 
 the interest of the given commonwealth, then abortion 
 must be performed. 
 
 As to the Venus Canina, the ever growing ulcer of the 
 Grecian world. Where he actually does not hesitate to 
 ascribe it to Minos as a deliberate and primeval institu- 
 tion of Crete economic at bottom, to limit the popu- 
 lation ("Polit.," 2, 10) he falls unspeakably below the 
 lofty and burning condemnation of his master, Plato; 
 condemnation, it is true, only penned in that thinker's 
 old age, for the discussions in the " Symposion " and in 
 the " Phaedrus " are indeed lax enough. One shivers 
 at the coolness with which the tutor of Alexander re- 
 fers to the death of Philip, and the specific personal 
 circumstances (" Polit.," 5, 10) which caused the death 
 of Periander. 
 
 Aristotle was generous in his will towards several of 
 his slaves. He provided that, wherever his tomb was to 
 be made, there also the bones of his wife Pythias were 
 to be laid. For his concubine Herpyllis also he pro- 
 vided " because she proved to be devoted to me " 
 ("Diog. Laer.," 5, 13). Also, his son-in-law Nikanor 
 was to dedicate a sacred gift which Aristotle once had 
 vowed when Nikanor was in peril, marble figures of 
 four cubits to Zeus the Saviour and to Athena the 
 Saviour.
 
 THE TRIAD OF GREEK THINKERS 249 
 
 NOTE. It is clear that, as regards Socrates, Xenophon must 
 remain our chief authority. It is clear, too, that there was a quasi- 
 spiritual discipleship in the souls of the nobler of the pupils of 
 Socrates. Character and Soul are vastly greater than learning : 
 Socrates will go on to stir mankind more than the acute and cyclo- 
 pedic Aristotle. What Zeller, the erudite, means in the subjoined 
 utterance is hard to understand: that Socrates brought about "an 
 irremediable breach in the plastic unity of Greek life " a some- 
 what absurd phrase, in which the Hegelianism of the earlier Zeller 
 stands revealed. There is a slight resemblance with Franklin too, 
 in Socrates, viz., that his vision of culture is limited by utilitarian 
 considerations, Xen. "Mem.," 4, 7, 1 sqq. On the unwritten law 
 and the immanent morality of the regulations of Nature, 4, 4, 19. 
 As to Plato, the footnotes of Zeller contain substantially all the 
 available material. Dying Paganism endowed (in the Neo-Platonists) 
 the great Athenian with quasi-divine inspiration ; similarly they clung 
 to and magnified the Homeric epics. 
 
 What we may call the intuitive and transcendental element in 
 Plato's thought is by him often invested in a myth, and Plato 
 sometimes combines with the myths moral exhortations which he 
 never would have grounded on uncertain fables. Plato had contempt 
 for manual labor. 
 
 Plato's voyages to Sicily were partly determined by his profound 
 interest in Pythagorean doctrine and history, partly it seems by an 
 aspiration that he might find political conditions promising some hope 
 of reconstructing human society through some sympathetic autocrat, 
 perhaps. 
 
 On Prosperity of the Wicked, " Legg.," 849, d. 
 
 We learn that in Plato's day also " the many " held that Nature 
 begot men from some automatic and mechanical cause, " Soph.," 265, c. 
 
 His delineation of materialists in " Soph.," 246, a-b, remains sug- 
 gestive even for us. On Heaven and Retribution, v. " Gorg.," 523 sqq. 
 death, the judgment : souls stripped of all irrelevant properties, 
 ib. Reincarnation as a distinct form of divine retribution, "Phsedo," 
 81, e sqq. Like a true Socratic, Plato rates lower the virtue that goes 
 with tradition and practical effort than that associated with conscious 
 and deliberate reflection, " Phaedo," 82, b. Motives for purity, ib., 82, c. 
 
 Concupiscence in man bound up with his corporality, ib., 82, e; cf. 
 Hermann Bonitz, " Hermes," 5, 413 sqq. Pindar cited for immortal- 
 ity of the soul, " Meno.," 81, b. Sins and death, " Gorg.," 522, e. 
 
 Plato makes the gymnasia responsible for unnatural lust, " Leges," 
 636, b. 
 
 Athenian goodness less communal (and institutional) than that of 
 other commonwealths we may say less community-made, ib., 642, 
 c. Keep slaves in their place, ib., 778, a. 
 
 Jowett forgets often that Plato wrote and lived in a pagan world. 
 As for Aristotle, it is obvious that probably more than a decade elapsed 
 before the younger man. began slowly to emancipate himself from
 
 250 TESTLMONIUM ANIM.E 
 
 Plato : younger indeed Aristotle was : how overwhelming must have 
 been the prestige of the elder man at first : he being forty-five years 
 the senior. See on life and letters of Aristotle, also the article by 
 Gercke in " Pauly-Wissowa." As to Aristotle, we may say that prob- 
 ably never has there been such a combination in one person of the 
 man devoted to metaphysics no less than to exact study of mathe- 
 matics and science. 
 
 But we must go on to the descent and decline, though Stoicism 
 presents many noble elements.
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY. THE SOCIETY 
 DRAMA OF MENANDER. EPICURUS AND ZENO 
 
 OUR interest in the political history of Greece is due, 
 in the main, to that other one, namely, in the culture of 
 that gifted nationality. The time of Plato's dusk of life 
 and of Aristotle's establishing of knowledge as chief end 
 of man, that epoch, I say, witnessed also the rapid de- 
 cline of the freedom, at least of the self-determination, of 
 the Hellenic commonwealths. A hostage in Thebes in 
 his own youth, Philip, son of Amyntas, fully grasped the 
 true measure of the political morality of his southern 
 neighbors. The narrow spirit of those commonwealths 
 had remained narrow, or become narrower. A scholar 
 and stylist pure and simple, attaining to a great age with 
 undiminished powers of expression, entirely free from per- 
 sonal ambition and the rancor of the practical politician, 
 Isocrates of Athens witnessed the entire span of things from 
 the death of Pericles to the establishment of Macedonian 
 supremacy. In the year 340 the Attic observer completed 
 his "Panathenaikos." This political essay mirrors the 
 political consciousness of the highly cultivated Athenian, 
 it mirrors no less what we may call the political morality 
 in that eventide of Greek independence. Sparta had never 
 recovered herself after her collapse at Leuktra, 371. The 
 squabbles at the political congress preceding the catas- 
 trophe of Sparta's leadership are noteworthy in our present 
 design. It was at Sparta, too (Xen., " Hellen.," 6, 3), 
 where, at a Greek congress, the legends of primal times were 
 still as potent as ever : Triptolemos and Demeter, Hercu- 
 les, Castor, and Pollux were arguments in political debate, 
 Thebes still darkened by the shadows of (Edipus, and the 
 fear or hope of Persian money a very vivid matter. And 
 
 251
 
 252 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 so even the old Attic man of letters, Isocrates, after these 
 events, directs a bitter passage against Thebes unnamed 
 (121 85-.), a record of unspeakable crime which they must 
 still, and justly, bear. Even more intense is his aversion 
 for the Spartans. Their unfriendliness to culture and 
 progressive civilization is scored again and again. Cul- 
 ture and the arts : " from which they keep away more 
 than the barbarians ; for the latter may seem to have been 
 both learners and teachers of many inventions, but the 
 former have fallen short of the common culture and phi- 
 losophy to such a degree that they do not even learn let- 
 ters." . . . Decisive is the fall of the Spartan spirit away 
 from the immortal sacrifice at Thermopylae, for now " they 
 look towards nothing else than how to obtain the greatest 
 amount of the possession of others." But we Athenians 
 strove to obtain a good name in Greece at large. 
 Every one is possessed with the spirit of covetousness 
 towards his political neighbor (244). Much vaunted in- 
 deed is the self-control and the subordination of Spartans, 
 but they are and abide as impervious to ideas and moni- 
 tion coming from non-Spartan Greece as though such 
 voices were uttered beyond the pillars of Hercules. In a 
 word, the elements and forces that made for separateness, 
 for narrow pride, for exaggeration of the particular and 
 specific in Greek politics, greatly outweighed those that 
 made for harmony, compromise, or union. We may con- 
 fidently assume that the majority of Greek politicians had 
 an itching palm and that King Philip's gold bought a 
 definite number of these patriots in pretty nearly aU the 
 Greek city-republics. And it was entirely without con- 
 sequence that Demosthenes, the Attic champion of a deca- 
 dent electorate, named these commercial men in his splen- 
 did speeches. Arnold Schsefer presents the following 
 summary (" Demosthenes und seine Zeit" II, 40): "It 
 was Philip's system to raise up individual dynasts, whom 
 he supported with favor and funds, and if necessary with 
 mercenary troops. And whenever a Greek community 
 crossed his purposes, Philip knew no mercy : of the towns 
 he allowed no stone to remain on the other and the people
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 253 
 
 he sold into slavery. So had Potidsea fared, Methone not 
 much better: a similar fate was to strike Olynthos and 
 the Chalkidian towns, and the entire people of the Pho- 
 cians Philip in cold blood abandoned to the vengeance of 
 embittered foes." This matter of the Phocians has some 
 concern for us. The Phocians in their distressful condi- 
 tion, unable further to hold the field against their Boeo- 
 tian neighbors, were induced to plunder the sanctuary of 
 Delphi (after 354 B.C.) and turn the gold and silver 
 anathemata into a war fund and to other purposes. This 
 was the " Sacred War," so called, which afforded Philip 
 the welcome opportunity to gain power in central 
 Greece. 
 
 Onomarchos, their leader, really desired to save his 
 desperate private affairs hence the looting of Apollo's 
 shrine and the desecration of the "Navel of the Earth." 
 And the willingness with which Greeks everywhere ac- 
 cepted coin from melted sacred gifts, proves a certain 
 palpable demoralization of religious sentiment such as it 
 was. Even from Athens and Sparta came mercenaries 
 who eagerly took this Delphian gold. And some time be- 
 fore these events, when the Athenian commander Iphic- 
 rates was stationed in the Ionian Sea near Corcyra 
 (Diodoros, 16, 57) and Dionysius, ruler of Syracuse, had 
 sent gods' figures (agalmata) wrought from gold and 
 ivory destined for Olympia and Delphi, Iphicrates hap- 
 pened upon these sacred ships and despatched to Athens 
 for information as to what he should do. And the demos 
 ordered him " not to analyze religious problems, but to in- 
 vestigate how to furnish enduring support to the troops." 
 Thus the Athenians, who prided themselves on their own 
 institutional piety, did, in the taunting phrase of the en- 
 raged West Greek autocrat, "commit sacrilege against 
 the gods by land and sea." 
 
 As for the Phocian looters, some of the treasures had a 
 particularly atrocious destination. For even the gold of 
 Krossus now was melted down, and the wanton and wil- 
 ful impulses of the leaders were gratified to the uttermost. 
 Onomarchos gave lavishly of the Delphian treasures to
 
 254 TESTIMONIUM ANULE 
 
 his boy-favorites : Theopompos, a contemporary his- 
 torian, wrote of these unspeakable things with full and 
 specific detail ("Athenseus," 605, a). These boys were 
 all comely, their age, their beauty, their own names, and 
 their fathers' names were blazoned through the Greek 
 world. And Athenseus himself, who compiled his 
 " Scholars' Banquet " about 200 A.D., devotes one entire 
 book to the subject of ( v E/3<0<?) Eros. 
 
 It is with humiliation and sadness that we comprehend 
 the enormous extension and the cancer-like persistence of 
 unnatural lust as a veritable institution among the Greeks. 
 And those who came later always could point to a splendid 
 gallery of men of genius, the very pride of Greece, so 
 named, so known. The friendships of the heroic legends 
 were thus explained, and Minos whose righteous life made 
 him a judge of the dead, Minos it was whom Ganymede 
 served. Rhadamanthys was similarly dragged from his 
 high estate by the lyre of the impure Ibykos. Ion of 
 Chios in detail presented this vicious trend in Sophokles, 
 the same Sophokles who wrote the " Antigone " and 
 " CEdipus at Kolonos." Saddest of all is this, that Epami- 
 nondas is so remembered and so named. And the Sacred 
 Band of Thebes. 
 
 But most wretched of all is the fact that a Welcker, a 
 Preller, have not been merely mealy-mouthed about the 
 matter. 
 
 And if the men of light and leading were so seized by 
 the national plague, what of the vulgar folk 1 Now the 
 Solonian laws of Athens forbade such a one to speak be- 
 fore the demos. But the peal of Aristophanic guffaws 
 over and over screams out to his amused fellow-citizens 
 that this vice was the veritable preparation for distin- 
 guished success on the bema. 
 
 About 345 B.C. JEschines at Athens, in playing his 
 game of Philippian politics, sought out an active man of 
 affairs and public orator, Timarchos, and endeavored to 
 bring about his elimination from public life under the 
 Solonian statute. The foe of Demosthenes frankly ad- 
 mits that he is not impelled by moral indignation, but by
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 255 
 
 the motives of a personal political feud. 
 phrase is decorous, and he speaks of the former lovers of 
 Timarchos with an air of distinguished consideration and 
 profound social regret, of a matter fairly venial. We 
 will, however, give the unscrupulous ex-actor credit for 
 one or two phrases, e.g. as "sinning against their own 
 bodies " (22), " outrage against his own body " (116) : on 
 the whole, however, we are made to feel that notoriety 
 would make such a one an object of ridicule rather than 
 of moral indignation or censure. 
 
 And the purchasers or seducers are hardly visited with 
 any serious strictures at all. We learn also that the chief 
 import of the peculiar term of Greek ethics (sopTirosyne) 
 is, primarily and essentially, continence, abstinence from 
 lewdness. 
 
 Even more significant than the details of this case 
 against Timarchos are some Attic statutes. It was pro- 
 vided by Solon (9), e.g. at what hour the free boy must 
 go to his classroom ; then, in company with how many 
 boys he must enter and when he must leave. The 
 teachers of letters as well as the instructors in bodily 
 exercise were forbidden in the same statutes to open their 
 classroom or wrestling school before sunrise, and enjoined 
 their closing before sunset, " rating solitude and darkness 
 with much suspicion " (10). The very " paidagogos," 
 or boy's slave-escort, is the object of Solon's concern. 
 
 The chorus-leader who undertook out of his own purse 
 as a public service (or leiturgia) the training of a 
 boys' chorus, must be not less than forty years old. The 
 causes of such statutes need no further exegesis from the 
 present writer. 
 
 But we must follow ^Eschines one step further. The 
 worship of physical comeliness, the craze of the gymnasia, 
 the mandatory ecstasy spent on these things from Winckel- 
 mann to Pater, Walter Pater, all these things which 
 your Philistine will dogmatically assert as culture, very 
 high culture indeed, all these things we see in the actual 
 life of the Greeks were bound up, inextricably bound up, 
 with this blackest cesspool of Hellenic paganism. I will
 
 256 TESTBIONIUM ANDLE 
 
 transcribe further from ^Eschines (13 ^.) ! "After these 
 things, then, ye Athenians, he (Solon) lays down statutes 
 about misdeeds which are indeed great, but, I believe, are 
 taking place in the city ; for it is from the fact that 
 certain things are done which it behooves should not, it is 
 from this cause that the men of old established their 
 statutes. In specific terms certainly the statute says, if 
 father or brother or uncle or guardian or altogether any 
 one of those who have authority, hire out any one to sub- 
 mit to a meretricious relation, against the boy himself he 
 (Solon) does not permit an indictment for meretricious 
 relations to lie, but against him who hired out and him 
 who paid hire in his own interest. . . . And he has 
 made the penalties for both alike, and that it shall not be 
 obligatory for the boy when full-grown to support his 
 father nor to furnish him residence, he shall not do it 
 who has been hired out to sustain meretricious relations, 
 nevertheless when (the elder) has died, he shall bury him 
 and show him the other customary honors." 
 
 While anxious to pass on and away, we pause for one 
 further antiquarian observation. It was a condition and 
 not a theory with which Athens was here confronted. 
 The state in no wise endeavored to extirpate this evil. 
 Nay, it went so far as to farm out, annually, the tax for 
 sexual immorality (the iropviKov re'Xo?) to the highest 
 bidder. 
 
 In his old age (" Laws," 1, 636, 1), Plato wrote of the 
 Athletic Schools of Greece as partly wholesome, partly 
 noxious. And the beginning of this perversion he ascribes 
 to the institutions of the Doric race, the associations 
 there established, he claims, bred this practice. 
 
 Alexander, that rare genius, began his meteoric career 
 nobly ; nobly too in maintaining at first a continence rare 
 in that time of Hellenic corruption, but during his Asiatic 
 campaigns this virtue was abandoned. I will record for 
 him these nobler beginnings only. " When his admiral 
 Philoxenos wrote to him, that there was with Philoxenos 
 a certain Theodoros of Tarentum who had for sale two 
 boys of surpassing comeliness, and inquiring whether he
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 257 
 
 should purchase them, in a fit of annoyance, Alexander 
 shouted many times at his friends, asking whatever base- 
 ness Philoxenos knew of him (Alexander) for squatting 
 there and sheltering such opprobrious things. And 
 Philoxenos himself Alexander in a letter abused roundly 
 and bade him send Theodores together with his wares to 
 perdition " (Plutarch, " Alex.," 22). Maximus Tyrius, a 
 Greek essayist and philosopher (fl. ab. 200 A.D.), wrote 
 a number of long-winded essays discriminating between 
 
 Eure and impure love, particularly among the philosophers, 
 3r these, from Socrates downward, were the object of 
 constant innuendo and imputation on the part of the 
 general public or from the sectaries of other schools. 
 
 Xenophon has immortalized Socrates : but he also makes 
 him the centre of a banquet where (as with Plato) love 
 was the chief theme. But always in the same direction, 
 at best an apotheosis of comeliness. And so Kritobulos 
 says there (" Symp.," 4, 12) : " For now I take more 
 pleasure in gazing on Kleinias than upon all beauty in 
 the world ; and I would be content to be blind for all 
 others rather than for him, and him alone ; and I am dis- 
 tressed at night, and in my sleep, because I see him not, 
 and to the day and the sun I am very grateful because 
 they reveal Kleinias to me. And indeed we fair ones 
 have a right to be proud of this also, that the strong man 
 must acquire his boons by exertion, and the chivalrous 
 man by facing danger, and the wise man by discourse : but 
 the comely one even when at rest can accomplish any- 
 thing. I, at least, although I know that money is a 
 pleasing possession, would more gladly give my possessions 
 to Kleinias than accept a second estate from another, and 
 more gladly would I be a slave than free, if Kleinias were 
 willing to rule over me." 
 
 Into this Attic society came Menander, an Athenian 
 of the Athenians, with his society plays, standard and 
 model of the New Comedy as the Alexandrines reckoned the 
 chronicles of Greek letters. Rather more than a generation
 
 258 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 after Xenophon's old age, he began to produce plays under 
 the public system of dramatic production. Born in 342 
 in the very eventide of Attic autonomy, he began to present 
 dramas in the Dionysiac theatre completed by the worthy 
 Lykurgos (son of Lykophron). His "Wrath" was his 
 first production, given in 321, when both Alexander and 
 Demosthenes were dead, and the sympathies of his country- 
 men were turned away from political concerns. Menander 
 seems to have mirrored the life of his town and time with 
 admirable fidelity, nor are there lacking notes of his own 
 soul. Most of our insight into his matter and art we owe 
 to Terence. But his range, in the one hundred and five 
 plays produced in thirty years, must have covered every 
 detail of Attic life and sentiment. We are grateful to 
 him that he seems to have kept his pen away from the 
 cancer. The moralizing extracts of Stobseus, the cyclo- 
 pedic interest of Athenseus in the surface of things, 
 these and a few other preserving factors are too narrow 
 to permit much real grasp of the plots of these perished 
 plays. It is clear that the variety of his themes was vast, 
 and that the strains of social interests were equally catholic 
 and comprehensive : " The Brothers," " The Fisher- 
 men," " The Girl from Messenia," " The Girl from 
 Andros," "The Man- woman or the Cretan," "The 
 Cousins," " The Distrustful Man," " The Arrephoros 
 (carrying certain sacred objects in procession), or The 
 Flutegirl," "The Shield," "The Self-mourner," "The 
 Feast of Aphrodite," "The Boeotian Woman," "The 
 Farmer," "The Ring," "The Craftsman," "The Twin 
 Girls," "The Grumpy Man," "The Self- tormentor," 
 "The Heiress," "The Eunuch," "The Man from 
 Ephesos," "Thais," "The Woman from Thessaly," "The 
 Girl Possessed," " The Treasure," " Mr. Lionbold," " The 
 Priestess," " The Men from Imbros," " The Groom " (or 
 Stableman), " The Basket-bearing Girl " (of sacred pro- 
 cession), " The Carian Woman," (professional mourner), 
 " The Carthaginian," " The Woman's Headdress," " The 
 Lyre-player," "The Woman from Knidos," "The Flat- 
 terer," "The Pilots," "Drunkenness," "The Woman-
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 259 
 
 hater," "The Ship Owner," "The Legislator," "The 
 Woman from Olynthos," "Wrath," "The Babe," "The 
 Concubine," " The Woman from Perinthos," and others. 
 
 A mirror of Attic life, I said. Life of the cultured 
 classes, in the main. But we harvest little; we glean, in 
 this field, merely a few ears, or grains even. 
 
 Everything in the plots and plays seemed to revolve 
 around the family. The son and heir yields to his appe- 
 tites, and is entangled in some intrigue with a courtesan 
 or mistress. His former paidagogos slave is his chief 
 counsellor in the ever recurring task of outwitting the 
 suspicious father, or in raising money for such amours, or 
 in postponing the inevitable day when his father presents 
 him with a marriage pact arranged and made for him. 
 The essential disruption and demoralization of filial vir- 
 tues is the chief and salient feature of these plays. Love 
 is chiefly appetite, and romance, if romance there be, is 
 perhaps this, that the girl to which the stripling clings 
 awhile, is really an Attic girl, shipwrecked once, or ex- 
 posed, but saved : when ring or bauble aid in the task of 
 identification. 
 
 When fathers utter their woes or worries, their point 
 of judgment rests merely or mainly on profit and loss, 
 social or pecuniary disadvantage : the moral judgment is 
 drifting on the ocean of life without compass, rudder, or 
 chart. 
 
 Woman, mother or daughter of Attic citizens, appears 
 in narrow spheres. The mother, particularly, unless she 
 is a great heiress, is presented almost invariably, in a 
 humiliating fashion. Menander, it is true, takes a certain 
 delight in bringing into final discomfiture easy-going 
 moralists, fathers such as Chremes in the " Self-tor- 
 mentor," or Mikion in the " Brothers." Be easy with 
 your son, be diplomatic, close your eyes at the right time, 
 open your purse, remember your own youth. Still fathers 
 are entitled to some consideration. 
 
 "Scortari crebro nolunt, nolunt crebro convivarier,"
 
 260 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 these things may be done in moderation, but the drafts 
 upon the father's purse must not be excessive. 
 
 The same self-complacent philosopher, when he realizes 
 how wasteful his son's intrigues are, determines to make 
 him the pensioner of the proposed son-in-law, and turns 
 furious and desperate. 
 
 This same gentleman's demeanor to his wife is rudeness 
 and contempt. The poor lady, in turn, fairly falls at his 
 feet, when she confesses that she found it hard to have 
 her baby daughter perish by exposure (" Hauton Tiinor- 
 umenos," 626 9qq.^). " You remember that I was pregnant 
 and that you laid down the law to me very strongly, that 
 if I were to give birth to a girl, you did not want it reared? 
 Chr ernes: I know what you did: you reared it. Sostrata: 
 Oh no, no ; but there was here an old Corinthian woman, 
 not so bad : to her I gave (the babe) to expose. Chremes: 
 O Zeus, the idea that you should be so stupid! Sostrata: 
 lam undone. What have I done? Chremes: You ask? 
 Sostrata: If I have done wrong, my dear Chremes, I did 
 it unwittingly. Chremes : Indeed I know that matter 
 indeed, for sure, if you were to deny it, that unwittingly 
 and without being aware of it, you say and do everything: 
 so many misdeeds you exhibit in this matter. For now, 
 in the first place, if you had been willing to carry out my 
 orders, you should have killed her, not pretend death with 
 words, actually, however, to give hope to life. But I pass 
 that by: pity, a mother's feeling; I let it go. But how 
 well you carried out my will, reflect on that. For aban- 
 doned to that old woman by thee was our daughter, down- 
 right so, I tell you, as far as you were concerned, that 
 either she should become a professional courtesan, or sold 
 into slavery openly. I suppose your thought was this : 
 * anything at all is better, if only she live.' . . . Sostrata: 
 My dear Chremes, I have done wrong, I confess it, I am 
 defeated. Now I make this entreaty: since your spirit, 
 my dear husband, is naturally more prone to forgiveness, 
 that there be some protection for my folly in your love of 
 justice. . . ." But enough of this. The gloom and misery 
 of the Attic woman's apartment was rarely illumined, and
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 261 
 
 then by some religious anniversary or celebration rather 
 for if we were to call Decoration Day or Fourth of July, 
 with us, in the United States, religion, it would not be 
 very apt, as we feel the import of the word. The Attic 
 lady was not given to read Plato or ponder on the match- 
 less symmetry of domestic sculpture : the futilities of the 
 toilet filled her life, too. The husband of your typical 
 heiress was largely concerned with settling tradesmen's or 
 shopkeepers' bills : " Now wherever you come, more car- 
 riages you may see in (the courts of) mansions than in the 
 country when you visit your farmhouse. But this also is 
 a fair thing, far more so than when they demand expendi- 
 tures. There stands the fuller, purple-dyer, goldsmith, 
 linen-draper : the restaurant-keepers, embroiderers, upper- 
 tunic makers, bridal-veil makers, dyers in violet, dyers of 
 wax yellow, long sleeve-makers, or perfumers, the sitting 
 shoemakers, slipper-makers, the sole-makers wait, the 
 makers of woman's robes from mallow-fibre, the baggage- 
 carriers want their pay, the bosom-band makers wait, the 
 makers of half -belts are waiting. At last you may think 
 they are despatched. Endless the string of watchmen in 
 the pillared courts : the weavers, border-makers, the manu- 
 facturers of little jewel-cases. . . ." (Plautus, "Aulula- 
 ria," 505 sqq.*). 
 
 We must not pass on without noting the bald fact that 
 the procurer throughout the Greek world on both sides of 
 the ^Egean plied his trade in buying, selling, or exchanging 
 his wares, even by the cargo, according to local market 
 demands, and that he made time-contracts in legal form, 
 and further that the governments everywhere enforced 
 these contracts, as they did the others. 
 
 I cannot dwell on these things any further. 
 
 The New Comedy, I have said, presents Attic civilization 
 old and in a way finished: it has indeed reached a certain 
 consummation. Its presentation of decay is more cool and 
 deliberate, when we study extracts from Philemon or 
 Menander dealing with mockery of philosophy and philos- 
 ophers, with the problems of Fate and Tyche (Fortune 
 Accident), Providence, the Social order, worship, the
 
 262 TESTIMOXIUM ANDLE 
 
 value of Life. Through it all runs, like a red thread, the 
 Attic love for problems, and the pruritus disputandi, 
 the nimble readiness to enter upon any subject whatever 
 in a dialectic and discursive way. The fact is, Menander 
 is the new Euripides, but there is all over him a calm and 
 a withholding of his inner man, quite different from the 
 restlessness and querulousness of the older dramatist. 
 Otherwise, both pursue that which Matthew Arnold 
 (quite absurdly) ascribed to Greekdom at large, " to let 
 their intelligence play around everything." Plato had 
 attempted to determine the essence of the Good. But 
 clearly it was caviary to the Athenian Philistine. " Just 
 as Aristotle always used to relate (viz., to his students) 
 the experience of those who heard Plato's lecture or Course 
 about the Good; for every one approached him assuming 
 that he would get something about the conventional human 
 goods. But when the discourse appeared as dealing with 
 learning, with numbers, and with geometry and astronomy 
 and the Finite, that the Good is one, I believe it utterly 
 impressed them as odd." 
 
 As to the grief of that community for the execution of 
 Socrates, I am sceptical. Was that great character really 
 ennobled in Attic concern ? More than fifty years after 
 the philosopher had drunk the hemlock administered by 
 the Athenians (in 345 B.C.), the politician jEschines re- 
 ferred to Socrates as the well-known " Sophist," whom the 
 people once made responsible for Kritias ("contr. Ti- 
 march," 173). 
 
 " The philosophers inquire, as I have heard, and on this 
 they consume away much time What is Good, and 
 not one has yet found what it is. Virtue and Intelligence, 
 they say and they name everything rather than What is 
 the Good" (Philemon, Fragm. 67). As for the essence 
 of the supreme God: " He whom no man deceives in any- 
 thing he does, nor in that he will do, nor what he has done 
 long ago, nor God nor man, this am I, Air, whom also one 
 might name Zeus. And I (a God's achievement this) am 
 everywhere, here in Athens, in Patrai, in Sicily, in all the 
 towns, in all the domiciles, and in you all: there is no place
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 263 
 
 where Air is not; and the omnipresent must needs know 
 all things for his being everywhere " (Philemon, Fragm. 
 84). A slave, it seems, is the speaker in the following 
 passage dealing with universal dependency: "For one man 
 is my master, but of these and thee and others number- 
 less, 'tis law; of others, autocrats, and these have for their 
 master, Fear : slaves are the possession of kings, the Kings, 
 of gods, and God, of Necessity " (Fragm. 31) : we see the 
 fundamental ideas of the Homeric world still prevailing. 
 And Homer still is the poet incomparable (Fragm. 93). On 
 the problem of that which we would call conscience : " For 
 whosoever of himself is not ashamed, himself that conscious 
 is (ffweiSdra) of having perpetrated evil things : how will he 
 be ashamed of him that knoweth nought ? " (Fragm. 146). 
 Attic soil was thin and poor: we seem to hear the 
 tiller's voice as to the niggardliness of Earth : " with diffi- 
 culty, barely, as in debt the principal, doth she pay the 
 seed, but interest she robs, forever devising some pretext, 
 to wit, some drought or killing frost" (Fragm. 86). Still 
 more keenly pessimistic is this utterance : " O blessed 
 thrice and thrice endowed with wealth the beasts, who of 
 these things hold no discourse, nor any of them resorteth to 
 convincing proof, nor have they any other evil of this kind 
 brought from abroad; but nature such as each brings on, 
 this straightway also has for law. But we, mankind, we 
 live a life not worth the living (aftiwrov /3iov) ; we are en- 
 slaved to opinions, statutes have we found, in thraldom to 
 our ancestors and to our offspring. There is no way of 
 missing trouble, but ever some pretext we do devise " 
 (Fragm. 90). We see there were Rousseaus before 
 Rousseau. The essence of moral goodness is freedom: 
 we append these lines, which do credit to Philemon's 
 judgment: "A righteous man is not he who does no 
 wrong: but he who can do wrong, and does not will it; 
 nor he who did refrain from taking petty loot, but he who 
 takes his stand like steel, not taking large things, who 
 could possess and hold control, and know no loss ; nor he 
 all these things maintains alone, but he who has a nature 
 free from guile, both righteous will be and seem to be "
 
 264 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 (Fragm. 92). Fine lines, I trust my clerical readers will 
 admit, if such readers I may have. These may be in- 
 terested to learn that Hugo Grotius, in his day deeply 
 impressed with their lofty moral tone, claimed for them 
 Christian authorship. As for G-od and his essence God, 
 mind you, not gods we owe the following to Stobseus 
 too: " Believe in God, and worship him, but do not search; 
 for nothing but the searching hath thou for thy pains. 
 Whether he be, or be not, do not wish to learn, as being 
 do thou worship him and ever being by "(Fragm. 112). 
 
 And now for Menander. We have many reasons for 
 believing that this literary leader held a philosophy not 
 differing greatly from that of his friend and fellow-pupil 
 Epicurus. " For good men Intelligence is god, ye wisest 
 of the wise " (Fragm. 14). " Fair reasoning all things 
 are sacred for it : for Intelligence is the god who will 
 give utterance" (Fragm. 71). Even more do we feel 
 the affinity in the following lines : " Ever do thou drive 
 out of life the thing that doth annoy ; our span of life is 
 little and a narrow time* we live " (Fragm. 401). Be 
 master of thy soul : " a human being as thou art never 
 demands from gods the painless state, but enduring spirit. 
 For if thou wouldest painless be throughout, thou either 
 must be God or soon a corpse. Console thyself for thy 
 evils through alien evils" (536). But again: "While 
 all mankind by nature many evils has, pain is the greatest 
 evil" (642). " 
 
 Reserve in judging of riches : " A sightless thing is 
 wealth, and blind it renders those that fix their gaze 
 upon itself " (83). " Of wealth thou talkest, unabiding 
 thing. For if thou knowest that these things Witt 
 remain with thee for all the time, guard it, give 
 no share of it to any other, thyself its master ; but if 
 not your own, but all you hold as fortune's fief, why 
 shouldest thou begrudge, my father, any one of these," 
 etc. (130). "I thought the rich, friend Phanias, who 
 know not borrowing, they did not groan of nights, nor 
 tossed on their couch and uttered cries of woe, but 
 slept a sleep of sweetness and of calm, but beggars
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 265 
 
 did these former things. But now I see that you too 
 whom they call the rich, are troubled just as we. Is 
 there, then, some affinity 'twixt pain and Life ? It dwells 
 with life luxurious, abideth with a life of high renown, 
 it groweth gray in equal pace with poor man's life " 
 (274). "None did enrich himself with speed and hold 
 to righteousness ; one gathers for himself and stints ; the 
 other lies in ambush for the one who guards it all along, 
 and thus with one fell swoop he holds it all." 
 
 Menander never married, and his whole philosophy is 
 counter to the troubles of matrimony, to the anxieties of 
 paternity. " You'll marry not, if you have sense, and 
 leave this life behind ; for I myself have wed ; therefore 
 I warn you not to marry. B. Decided is the matter : let 
 the die be cast. A. Complete it, then. May you be 
 saved now. Into a veritable sea you'll plunge, of troubles, 
 not Af ric, not ^gean Sea : where of thirty craft not 
 three are saved ; but not a single one who married, has 
 ever had complete salvage " (66). " What sort of thing 
 it proved to be, to become the father of children ! pain, 
 fear, concern, nor is there any consummation" (408). To 
 which we add the bitter sneer : " The mother loves her 
 offspring more than father does : she knows her son to 
 be her own, and father merely doth suppose " (631). 
 
 The old cry and question : is Life worth living ? is man 
 really the crown and apex of this world of being ? this old 
 problem of the pessimist seems to have not rarely been 
 discussed in that weary and surfeited civilization. Thus 
 we read : " If of the gods one should approach and say : 
 ' Kraton, when you have died, you will again exist, from 
 the beginning ; and you will be whatever you do choose, 
 a dog, a sheep, a goat, a man, a horse ; for two times must 
 thou live, for this is fate's decree, choose what you will. 
 . . . All things rather ' I think I then would promptly 
 say, 'make me but human being ; this animal alone is 
 wrongly prosperous, and wrongly fares it ill. The finest 
 horse has more careful keep than other ; if thou be a good 
 dog, more honored art by far than worthless cur. A high- 
 bred cock has other feeding, but the low-bred even fears
 
 266 TESTIMONIUM ANIMffl 
 
 the finer one. If a man be good, well-born, of great no- 
 bility, it helps him nothing in the present generation, best 
 fares the flatterer, blackmailer next,' " etc., etc. (222). A 
 similar note : " Him deem I favored most of fortune, who 
 speedily departs to whence he came, when he has viewed 
 these things of majesty : the common sun, the stars, and 
 water, clouds, and fire ; for even if thou livest a hundred 
 years, these always will thou see abiding by: and if thy life 
 be but a narrow span of years, more stately than these 
 thou never wilt behold " (470). 
 
 What of worship, then? "As the house-breaker's 
 sacrifice, bearing along couches, jars of wine, not for the 
 gods' sake, but their own ; the incense belongs to piety, 
 and the sacrificial cake here the god received, cake wholly 
 laid upon the fire ; but they lay upon (the fire) the edge 
 of thighbone and the gall and bones they cannot eat, for 
 the gods, and they themselves always gulp down the rest " 
 (131). The essential point of a thoughtful critique of 
 popular religion is well presented in the following lines : 
 " No god saves one man through the other, woman ! for if 
 with cymbals man drags the god to what he wills, then he 
 who does this overtops the god. But these are instru- 
 ments of livelihood and daring, designed by shameless men, 
 Rhode dear, and formed for laughing stock of human life." 
 Thus on the Attic stage : perhaps of private or foreign 
 sacrifices, but really, the judgments seem to be sweeping 
 and universal (" Men.," Fragm. 237). Still bolder the fol- 
 lowing ritual on the stage, a very part of the play : " Liba- 
 tion! (you keep behind me and hand me the entrails; 
 whither do you glance ? ) Libation ! (slave Sosias bring 
 on!) Libation! (very good, pour in). Let us pray to 
 all the gods and goddesses of Olympus (take the tongue 
 in this, d'ye hear) to give salvation, health, many blessings, 
 fruition of now existing blessings to all ; this let us pray 
 for" (287). A scene, as we learn from the excerptor 
 Athenseus (659, d), occurring at the celebration in honor 
 of Aphrodite Pandemos, in Athens. Men were more tied 
 down to attendance on ritual after they married, that is, 
 their wives would certainly go and there was no other
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 267 
 
 escort but the husband : " The gods grind us to powder, 
 us mainly who have wed, for always is there need to keep 
 some festival. We sacrificed five times a day and seven 
 servant maids encircling the timbrels rang again." Strabo 
 the excerptor suggests that it was the expense that was so 
 ruinous for the married man ("Men.," 317). Nowhere 
 do we gain a closer vision. Another view : " Then, how 
 we fare and how we sacrifice, 'tis not alike. When for the 
 gods I bring a small sheep (enough for them), purchased 
 for ten drachmas (81.80), flute girls and ointment, harper 
 women, and wine from Mende, Thasos, eels, cheese, and 
 honey, the total sum amounts to a small talent (I read 
 [UKpov TaXavroy), 'tis worth our while to get a blessing for 
 ten drachmas if also well-omen'd sacrifice has been made 
 for gods: but to consume the killing cost of these in add- 
 ing to the other how is not the misery of the sacrifices 
 doubled? " (308). Compare also St. Paul, 1 Cor. 8, 4 sqq. 
 
 And now for Providence and Plan of world and life. 
 " Do you believe that the gods have so much leisure 
 as to assign to each one their daily trouble or blessing ? " 
 (176). " Chance I dare say it seems is god, and he doth 
 save many of the things which none perceive " (284). 
 Again: "Do stop, ye who have sense; for man's intelli- 
 gence is no more, nor aught, than Chance, whether this be 
 breath divine or be intelligence. This 'tis that pilots every- 
 thing and twists and saves, but Providence of mortality 
 is smoke and empty talk. Believe me and do not cen- 
 sure me : all that we think or say or do, is chance . . ." 
 (461). "O man, sigh not nor grieve excessively. The 
 money, wife and offspring many children, which chance 
 has loaned thee, these it took away " (559). 
 
 "Impossible that there exists a palpable body of chance; 
 but he who did not bear his affairs conforming to nature, 
 he dubb'd as Chance what was his own bent of character " 
 (561). 
 
 But a friend of Menander builded and joined together 
 a philosophy a system of thought, which mirrored the 
 declining generations of Hellenism and endured long,
 
 268 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 Epicurus. A quietism this system, quite different from 
 that of Port Royal, in Pascal's time, but still a philosophy 
 of rest, of a search after rest and after a soul unperturbed. 
 Epicurus (341-270) was the son of a poor schoolmaster. 
 The latter went to Samos to get a land-allotment there. 
 The bitter sneer and the professional vanity deeply bound 
 up with academic careers has added some dusky splashes 
 to the portrait of Epicurus handed down by the Greek 
 world. Some later Stoic scholars told of him, that as a 
 young lad he went about with his mother to the dwellings 
 of the poor and recited formulae of religious purification 
 (/ca#a/3/W): he who made it his life work to disestablish 
 and destroy what power popular religion and traditional 
 cults had on the souls of the Hellenic world. After try- 
 ing his pinions for didactic flight in several towns of Asia 
 Minor, he settled himself at Athens and gathered around 
 his person a school of fervid adherents, in 306 B.C. A 
 little more than for a generation he was the first head of 
 the school named after him. A little park ("garden") 
 outside of the walls he purchased for eighty minae. It 
 remained in the possession of the school, and was one of 
 the spots shown the traveller. Critical and contemptuous 
 as was the attitude of the Epicurean schools towards all 
 theses non-materialistic or purely dialectical, your genuine 
 follower of the Garden learned by heart the master's chief 
 tenets. The "chief tenets," or "sovereign precepts "(jcvpiai 
 SO'CM), were inculcated and transmitted like a catechism 
 of positive revelation. We have reason to believe that 
 the school found its best bulwark in ignoring, or in genuine 
 ignorance of, other schools. 
 
 Even in his life, he was idolized by his sect : and the 
 twentieth Gamelion was a high holiday : every twentieth 
 was an Epicurean sabbath. For his people saw in him 
 not a great investigator of scientific facts, not a great dia- 
 lectic hero, not a brilliant author he was none of these 
 
 but a spiritual deliverer and saviour if I may use the 
 noble term to elucidate the warm admiration of his fold 
 
 a veritable saviour of souls, they claimed, from the 
 yoke and thraldom of Fear, Care, and Unrest.
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 269 
 
 He borrowed heavily from the tenets of Demokritos of 
 Abdera greatest investigator of actual phenomena before 
 Aristotle. Demokritos lived from 460 B.C. to beyond 
 373, a man of large mould never mentioned by Plato, 
 whose antipathies for the Abderite's uncompromising ma- 
 terialism and mechanism were stirred and wounded to the 
 quick. But Aristotle studied him critically. Demokritos 
 taught in his "Diakosmos" (Survey of the Universe) 
 that all being was resolvable into the two principles of the 
 Atoms and Vacuum : both infinite and eternal. There 
 is no evolution out of nothing, but matter is eternal. 
 The atoms constitute things living or otherwise through 
 contact, and their position and combination account for 
 all concrete things. The spherical movement of atoms is 
 from eternity. All life so-called is but a transitory com- 
 bination of atoms. It is futile to ask after the Why and 
 Whither of our world : there is but one object of our con- 
 cern, viz., necessity. 
 
 " The men of old, beholding the phenomena of the sky 
 (ra ev rot? /*erea>/jot9 Tra^/Aara), such as thunder, lightning, 
 and thunderbolts, and the meeting of celestial bodies, 
 eclipses of sun and moon, were filled with fear, believing 
 that the gods were the causes of these things " (" Sext. 
 Emp. adv. Mathem.," 9, 24). There are innumerable 
 worlds made in time and perishable. 
 
 Sweet and Bitter, Hot and Cold, Colors all these 
 things or qualities are merely subjective and by human 
 convention. We do not indeed know anything infallibly 
 and actually, but are only aware of physical changes or 
 dispositions in ourselves. And still he postulated an image 
 or perception of things true and genuine : while the image 
 furnished by sight, hearing, smell, taste, and touch is 
 darkish or obscure (jncorCrf). 
 
 Water, Air, and Earth are developed one from the other. 
 There is a homogeneous material relation between the 
 perceiving and the perceived, an affinity of substance. 
 Combination and dissolution make birth and death, re- 
 arrangement of position of atoms makes that which men 
 call change. But enough to point to the fountain from
 
 270 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 which the philosopher of the Garden drew his beakers 
 of the beverage of wisdom. 
 
 Your follower of the Garden was not asked to study 
 first geometry and logic, empirical, psychological, or lit- 
 erary criticism. Erudition as erudition was tabooed. I 
 had almost said shooed from the Garden. 
 
 Consider the aim (reXo?). This system did not propose 
 to rival with the scholarship and with the science of the 
 Lyceum. The claim was that they aimed at the high- 
 est thing in this world and in this life : simply Happi- 
 ness as all living beings did it was both the Unity 
 and the Truth of living. A school of Happiness at one 
 (in this striving) with the Universe and with all History 
 and all experience. Futile is mathematics : it contrib- 
 utes nothing towards accomplishing this wisdom of 
 Happiness. The learned labors of astronomers are fit 
 for slaves, drudgery contributing nothing to Happiness. 
 Definitions, Classifications, and Syllogisms are mere lum- 
 ber of the schools. 
 
 Even the study of Nature as matter propelled by purely 
 mechanical causes even this were worthless and dis- 
 pensable, did it not contribute so decisively to Happiness 
 and thus to the Aim of Living. And here we have 
 crushed the shell and come upon the kernel of the nut : 
 "After all these things (viz., the purely materialistic 
 exposition of the phenomena of the sky) we must per- 
 fectly comprehend that the most sovereign disturbance 
 realized in human souls lies in this, that people opine 
 those things (the phenomena of the sky) to be blessed 
 (/ta/ca/jm, Diog. Laer., 10, 81) and that (people) have 
 desires and at the same time both doings and motives 
 which are set against (this belief) and in this, that 
 men always look forward to something awful of eternal 
 duration or suspect it in accordance with the myths, 
 dreading also the non-sentient condition which is in- 
 herent in being dead (jrjv avaiffOrjcrlav rrjv ev TW reOvdvaC), 
 as though it had any bearing on them. ..." 
 
 There are no underlying causes other than those of 
 matter : the chief function of philosophy as well as of
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 271 
 
 all other processes of research is this : to eliminate, nay, 
 to eradicate, those fanciful opinions that "frighten the 
 others to the uttermost" ($., 82). 
 
 This peace of soul, then, Epicurus promises to his sect, a 
 boon that mere erudition and all its works cannot accom- 
 plish or bestow. It is to this end that " genuine Nature- 
 love," that the Atomistic speculation is really directed. 
 
 Phrases like these were ever recurrent in the numerous 
 works of this thinker: " The Imperturbability of the soul," 
 " Freedom from disturbance and from pain," " Freedom 
 from annoyance," " Blessed life," " Imperturbability and 
 firm Faith," " to live without disturbance," " genuine 
 Imperturbability. " 
 
 As one's comfortable state of being is the principal 
 consideration of the wise man, it is clear that the con- 
 cerns of others cannot, nay, must not, be brought over- 
 much to our attention. 
 
 Pleasure, indeed, and its various categories, at once 
 looms up into great prominence. It is not the longest 
 but the pleasantest life that we should prize most. 
 
 Of the desires (127), some are natural and others 
 empty, and of the natural, some are necessary and some 
 are merely natural. Of the necessary ones, some are nec- 
 essary towards happiness, others, for the disannoyance 
 of physical man, and still others for life itself. It is for 
 men to determine what to choose and avoid (cupea-is teal 
 $1/777). But the best part of this book is to consist in the 
 presentation of material for the reader's own induction. 
 I do not desire to substitute my measure of judgment for 
 the reader's own. 
 
 Let us hear the scholarchos of the Garden still further 
 on this central theme. " We do everything for the sake 
 of this, viz. (128), that we may feel neither pain nor suffer 
 fear." 
 
 Pleasure we recognized (viz., in all human experience) 
 (129) as the first good and kindred to us ; ... " Some- 
 times we pass over many pleasures, whenever greater an- 
 noyance follows from these. ..." Living, wise conduct, 
 we see, is largely an experience in weighing and testing,
 
 272 TESTIMONIUM AXDLE 
 
 in sifting and selecting, in avoiding and declining. It is 
 the system of the Ego. 
 
 The greatest pleasure is afforded, in the enjoyment of 
 luxury (130), to those who are least in need of it, and 
 "because all that is natural is easily provided, but the 
 boon of vain conceit is provided with difficulty. ..." 
 " When, then (131), we say that pleasure is the End of 
 living (re'Xo?) we do not mean the pleasures of the disso- 
 lute and those pleasures which are based on the act of 
 enjoyment, as some hold in their ignorance or their dis- 
 agreement with us, or taking it in a bad sense, but the not 
 enduring pain in the body nor being disturbed in the soul ; 
 for not drinking-bouts nor continuous (132) revelry, nor 
 the enjoyment of boys and women, nor of fish and the 
 other things which the luxurious table bears, not these 
 things beget the pleasant life, but a computation endowed 
 with sobriety and one that searches down for the causes 
 of every choice and avoidance, and one that drives out 
 mere opinions, out of which comes most of the disturb- 
 ance that lays hold of souls. ..." 
 
 There is a god or gods in the system. The word 
 "atheist" was intolerable to the Greek consciousness. 
 The Olympus, indeed, is merely a snow-capped geographi- 
 cal point, and the firmament a passing configuration of 
 matter. With the periodicity of celestial bodies the god 
 of Epicurus is unconcerned: "The divine nature must 
 not by any means be brought into connection with these 
 things, but it shall be preserved as not subject to service 
 and in all its bliss" (97). 
 
 The highest bliss is in possession of God alone : a bliss 
 (121) incapable of any increase. " God (123) is a being 
 imperishable and blissful, ... do not ascribe to him any- 
 thing foreign to his imperishable essence, nor antagonistic 
 to his Bliss. Entertain of him every opinion which is 
 able to maintain Bliss coupled with Incorruptibility. 
 
 " For gods there are : for manifest is the perception 
 thereof. But such as the Many hold them they are not ;
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 273 
 
 for they do not guard of them the character in which they 
 conceive them, ..." (memorable words on actual Hel- 
 lenic religion and worship . . . which we must treasure). 
 "And impious or godless (ao-e/y?/?) is not he who does 
 away with the gods of the many, but he who attaches to 
 the gods the opinings of the many "(123). But gross 
 as were the myths of tradition, Epicurus would rather have 
 and hold them than the (Stoic) conception of an inexor- 
 able Fate of Nature (134). God is utterly unconcerned 
 with this work of ours : " The Blessed and the Imperish- 
 able neither has any trouble (Trpdypara) itself, nor does it 
 cause them to another . . . it is not determined by Anger 
 nor by Favor" (139) . . . 
 
 Civil righteousness and political justice : " The righteous- 
 ness of nature is a contract of utility that men shall not 
 injure one another or be injured. All beings (150) that 
 were not able to execute this treaty (of not injuring or 
 being injured) to these the principle of just or unjust has 
 no application. . . . Justice was nothing in itself, but 
 in the mutual agreements, a contract in given localities, 
 not to injure or be injured." 
 
 As to matrimony, the theory of the Garden was in 
 harmony with the life and conduct of the master. Love- 
 passion the wise man is to eschew (118). Sexual life is 
 more apt to be injurious than beneficial. As a rule (119) 
 the sage will abstain from marriage and the begetting of 
 children: special circumstances only will cause an excep- 
 tion. Political life he will avoid: intolerable physical 
 suffering he will terminate by his own act. 
 
 Finally, as to death, the end of all and all to the philoso- 
 phers of the Garden. "Accustom thyself to the settled 
 conviction that Death (124) is nothing to us; since all 
 good and evil is in sense-perception: and deprivation of 
 sense-perception is death. Hence the right understanding 
 of the fact that Death is nothing to us renders the mortal- 
 ity of life enjoyable, not in adding interminable time, but 
 removing the craving for immortality. For (125) there 
 is nothing in the living awful for him who has genuinely 
 seized the idea that there is nothing awful in not-living.
 
 274 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 Consequently foolish is he who says that he fears death 
 not because it is going to annoy in presence, but because 
 it is now troublesome as something of the future tense." 
 Clearly somewhat oracular here, our philosopher, in these 
 epigrammatic antitheses. 
 
 His own last Will and Testament is recorded by our com- 
 piler, Diogenes Laertius, 16 sqq. A kindly spirit towards 
 his own is everywhere apparent. The one thing (apart 
 from his concern for the preservation of his own name) 
 that puzzled me a little was the provision that enagismata 
 were to be brought to his father and mother: a consoling 
 periodical sacrifice to the shades of his parents. Obvious 
 comments are unnecessary for the intelligence of my 
 readers. 
 
 Some three hundred and seventy years after the death 
 of this philosopher, Plutarch of Chseronea penned these 
 words : " but that visage of death, visage fearful and truc- 
 ulent and wrapped in darkness which all secretly dread, 
 the state of non-sentience, and of oblivion and ignorance: 
 and at the phrases ' He has perished,' and ' He has been 
 taken away ' and ' He is no more ' they are disturbed and 
 are ill at ease when these things are said. ..." (Non 
 posse suaviter vivi, c. 26). "The phrase 'that which is 
 dissolved is non-sentient and the non-sentient is no con- 
 cern of ours,' it does not remove the fear of death, but 
 adds, as it were, a demonstration of it, for that is the very 
 thing which Nature fears 
 
 ' But you all may turn into earth and water ' 
 
 it does fear the dissolution of the soul into that which has 
 no intelligence and which has no perception (a dissolu- 
 tion), which Epicurus construing as a scattering into 
 Emptiness and Atoms even more eradicates the hope of 
 incorruptibility, . . ." (t'6., c. 27) (en fj,a\\ov 
 
 The Stoics present to us the most virile and in some 
 respects the most admirable spiritually admirable reve-
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 275 
 
 lation of the Greek mind : and still they exhibit a body 
 of thought and a system of conduct which, as a boreas 
 sweeping down among the zephyrs of Capri and Sorrento, 
 seems to draw down rudely from its pedestal the very 
 incarnation of Hellenic happiness and the sunny content- 
 ment with this world of sense and seeming. 
 
 But let us look for some cause and reason for this valu- 
 ation. Zeno was a Greek of Kittion in Cyprus, island 
 where Greek and Oriental were fused in many ways. We 
 will not conjecture vaguely of Phoenician lines or lineaments 
 in the physiognomy of the founder of Stoicism: nowhere 
 in Greek civilization was Astarte-Aphrodite so slightly 
 regarded as in Zeno's system. Futility to pore over the 
 meagre data as to his physical person, thin, of dark com- 
 plexion, and other accidents. He came to Athens as a 
 skipper or trader and finally determined to abide there. 
 He heard the wisdom of other schools for many years. 
 The emancipation from the world's coveted boons such 
 as the Cynics practised with uncomely rudeness the 
 principle of it all, at least, gained his approbation. 
 Megarian acuteness of logical analysis had much to do 
 also with his making. 
 
 The colonnade, or Stoa, in Athens where he taught has 
 given to the world the stern word we all know. Right 
 by the bustle and turmoil of the market was this painted 
 porch clearly the Stoics were not a coterie of soft men 
 and advanced women like those of the park of Epicurus. 
 The very background of the colonnade was adorned with 
 paintings, stirring, warlike, legendary, or patriotic : an 
 association or environment not antipathetic to the founder 
 of the school, who took his turns there with his followers 
 Trojan scenes, Attic legends, but Marathon and Plataea 
 as well the spirit of Theseus and of Athena and Her- 
 cules over it all. 
 
 He was a local celebrity at Athens in his lifetime, and 
 declined an invitation from Antigonos Gonatas of 
 Macedon. Zeno survived Epicurus some eight to ten 
 years, dying in 264 or 263, when Rome was beginning to 
 grapple with Carthage. One or perhaps two decrees were
 
 276 TESTIMONIUM AXBLE 
 
 passed by the citizens' general meeting, or ekklesia : the 
 Athenians gave him the honors of golden wreath, of statue, 
 of burial in their most distinguished Avenue of tombs, 
 the Kerameikos. And this was the cause assigned (Diog. 
 Laer., 7, 10), " Since Zeno, son of Mnaseas of Kittion, hav- 
 ing lived for many years while engaged in the pursuit of 
 wisdom, in our city, has throughout been a good man in 
 the remaining things and particularly in calling those 
 youths who came to be introduced to him, to virtue and 
 self-control and gave them an impulse, having set forth 
 his own personal life a pattern for all, a life which was in 
 agreement with the precepts which he produced in his 
 discourses. ..." 
 
 Quite Attic, too, was this provision that one column 
 engraved with this decree was to be placed in the Academy, 
 the other in the Lyceum the name of Zeno to be thus 
 enrolled directly with the names of Plato and Aristotle: 
 the quondam head of a naval and insular empire had be- 
 come a peaceful academic town and a Museum of the 
 Hellenic past. 
 
 Zeno, if the anecdotes in Diogenes are truthfully or 
 exactly transmitted, craved not a large following of dis- 
 ciples, nor treated with excess of comity those who came 
 to him. 
 
 To a youth who was very talkative, he said (Diog. Laer., 
 7, 21): "Thy ears have fused with thy tongue." 
 
 To a comely youth he said : " Nothing is more wretched 
 than you fair ones. ..." And here he forsook the 
 spirit of the Hellenic world, ascending to a higher plane 
 of judgment. Of judgment, but his personal biography 
 ($., 113) is not without stain, for there was no law of 
 conduct objective or categorical, but at bottom no man 
 had any judge beyond himself, unless the polity and civil 
 statute determined. Besides this, there is the salient 
 fact that both the followers of specific sects eagerly be- 
 spattered the leaders of the other sects with foul matter, 
 and that the broad level of Hellenic consciousness, com- 
 placent in its view of their cancer, claimed that none 
 were better than all, the sages no purer than the rank
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 277 
 
 and file ; or, if they seemed to be, that was but a hypo- 
 critical pretence. 
 
 As a fact, during his own career in Athens, there grew up 
 around him certainly that elusive though most real thing, 
 a reputation : and in that reputation he appeared to the people 
 of Athens as superlatively endowed with the quality of self- 
 control (ey/eparem) : his name here became veritably prover- 
 bial ; his school was held as of those who led the simple life in 
 food and drink ($., 27). The memorial verses of those 
 who had had some feeling of his life work and personality, 
 laid stress on his sanity of mind and conduct (o-ox^/aoo-iw/) : 
 thus he attained to Olympus. Or they pointed to his 
 sturdy self-sufficiency (aura/a/eeta), his contempt for the 
 empty boasts of wealth, the essential virility of his philo- 
 sophical thought, Fate, Freedom that knows no blanch- 
 ing or tremor. Or this, that Virtue is the only asset of 
 the Soul, or of commonwealths, too. Still, when Zeno, 
 being then very old, broke a finger in an accidental col- 
 lision, he departed from life voluntarily. In time suicide 
 became an important article in the sum of the Stoic 
 creed. 
 
 The pupil who succeeded Zeno as head and lecturer of 
 the stern sect was Kleanthes. The data of his life are 
 luminous for our purpose, he was worthy of headship 
 because he was a rare virtuoso in the practice of the pre- 
 cepts, and this school was more sincere and earnest in the 
 practice of its professions. 
 
 To hard wax Zeno compared the ingenium of Kleanthes, 
 to a substance resisting impression, but preserving such 
 with much endurance. Kleanthes came to Athens from 
 Assos in the Troad with four drachmas, his entire worldly 
 possessions. Like some of our American students who 
 "work their way through college," he worked at night, 
 carrying water (Diog. Laer., 7, 168) in the gardens, and, 
 later on, the glib Attic tongue made a fair pun on this. 
 Antigonos of Macedon often a sojourner at Athens 
 asked him once why he carried water. And Kleanthes 
 answered : "Why, I merely carry water. But why don't 
 I ply the spade, too ? Why don't I irrigate and do every-
 
 278 TESTIMONIUM AXBLE 
 
 thing for the sake of philosophy ? " Even greater, it seems, 
 was his moral endurance and his immobility of purpose 
 in the face of belittling and abuse. His equipoise under 
 uncommon provocation, such as a personal gibe from the 
 Attic Stage, arrested the attention and won the admiration 
 of the town. His lecture courses he took by using shells 
 and the broad shoulderbones of cattle to write on, for he 
 lacked the small coin to provide himself with the necessary 
 bits of papyrus material. 
 
 Among his writings were three books on Duty. As for 
 this word or the concept of the term, it is claimed for Zeno 
 (Diog. Laer., 7, 25) that he coined the term (TO Kadijicov), 
 a matter we will now leave to the registrars of things 
 academic. Among his other titles our compiler records 
 these : " On Impulse " (or on the vigorous assertion of 
 Will) (TTC/H 0/3/4775) ; three books on " Duty," on " Free- 
 dom," on the " Aim of Life " (jrepl re'Xou?), on the thesis 
 that the " Virtue of Man and Woman is the Same " 
 clearly a great step forward beyond Aristotle on 
 " Pleasure," this no doubt against the School of the 
 Garden. At eighty he was stricken with ulceration 
 perhaps with gangrene of the gums. He refused food 
 until he died. 
 
 The vernal clover leaf of this great school had for third 
 in its triad the name of Chrysippos of Soloi in Cilicia. He 
 laid deeply the basis of erudition and of academic detail 
 for this system. He devised the proofs and demonstra- 
 tions (Diog. Laer., 7, 179). His literary production was so 
 enormous that any finish, or even any concern for style, was 
 out of the question. 
 
 A polyhistor, in a way, he browsed on every mead, and 
 particularly was an adept in discovering matter in general 
 literature, fortifying Stoicism from the Classics of the 
 Hellenic world. He died in 207 B.C., at Athens, and his 
 ashes were entombed in the Kerameikos. What he and 
 others of this sect did for logic and all the range of study 
 concerned with human understanding, is not in my prov- 
 ince, and may be found in Prantl's learned volume. 
 
 But God and the world, man and conduct, and all the
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 279 
 
 Vistas of the Infinite, towards which the human soul 
 always seems to be impelled or propelled by a force of 
 kinship and eternity these themes concern us in the 
 Philosophy of Freedom. 
 
 Is the world from eternity ? Or is it made, has it 
 become ? Is it animate or non-animate ? Is it perishable 
 or imperishable ? Is it administered by providence ? 
 
 The passive element in nature (Diog. Laer., 7, 134) is 
 matter: uncreated matter, but the active and productive 
 element is the Reason in it, God. He does the creative 
 acts throughout the whole of the material universe. And 
 this principle, divine Reason, is from Eternity. There is 
 a process in the mechanism of coming and going accom- 
 plished through Heat it makes organic things and dis- 
 solves them at the end. And this primal and eternal 
 Being is one, though men name it with various appella- 
 tions (i'5., 135) : God, or Intelligence, or Fate, or Zeus, and 
 many other names. 
 
 The universe they designate also in three ways: " God " 
 is identical with this specific and qualified Cosmos which 
 we perceive and in which we too have our being we see 
 readily the large pantheistic drift of the System. This 
 " God " dissolves the material universe into himself in 
 certain periods of time, and again begets it out of him- 
 self (137). 
 
 A second appellation of this divine universe is the astral 
 system, and a third the combination of these first two. 
 
 Now this Cosmos is administered with Intelligence and 
 Providence, and there is a Soul or Animation in the uni- 
 verse as it is in human bodies. These are a tiny exemplar 
 of the Cosmos which is a living Being, animate, rational, 
 and intelligent. Its dominant element is the Ether. But 
 at this point, perhaps, we must make a place for the 
 famous Hymnos of Kleanthes, preserved by Stobseus 
 (" Eel.," 1, 2, 12). " Most renowned of immortals, much- 
 named one, omnipotent ever, Zeus, leader of nature, pilot 
 of Law amid all, hail ! for Thee all mortals are permitted
 
 280 TESTIMONIUM AXDLE 
 
 to accost. For of thy race are we, alone have we had 
 allotted to us some of Thee, alone of mortal beings which 
 on earth do live and creeping go. Therefore to thee my 
 hymn I'll raise and ever thy puissance sing. Thee obeys 
 this Cosmos revolving around the earth wheresoever thou 
 leadest and willingly is under thy power. Such thunder- 
 bolt Thou boldest in thy invincible hands, thunderbolt 
 subservient, two-edged, fiery, ever living. For from its 
 blow all parts of nature are numb, by which Thou direct est 
 the common reason which permeates all and is mingled 
 with lights great and small . . . being so great Thou art 
 highest King through all. Nor is any deed achieved on 
 earth without Thee, O divine power, nor in the ethereal 
 divine firmament, nor in the deep, excepting what bad 
 men do in their own folly. But Thou knowest how to 
 make the crooked straight and to order things disordered, 
 and things not friendly (to us) are friendly to Thee. For 
 thus hast Thou fitted together into one the good things 
 with the evil, so that there is made one rational system 
 (\oyov) of all things enduring forever which fleeing relin- 
 quish all those mortals who are evil, the ill-fated ones, 
 who, ever yearning for the possession of boons, neither 
 behold the common law of God nor hear it, which obeying 
 they might have excellent life attended by understanding. 
 But they, on the contrary, bound forward without the 
 honorable, one for this, one for that goal: some on behalf 
 of reputation having a zeal of evil rivalry, and others 
 turning to lucre without any seemliness, others to relaxa- 
 tion and the pleasing deeds of the flesh . . . some (then) 
 are borne at one time towards this, at another time 
 towards this, striving throughout to have the reverse of 
 these things come to pass. 
 
 "But Zeus, All-giver, gatherer of dark clouds, sovereign 
 of thunder, save thou mankind from their grievous lack of 
 experience, which, Father, do Thou dispel from their soul, 
 and grant that they may happen upon wisdom, relying 
 upon which -thou governest all things with justice, to the 
 end that having been honored (by Thee) we may make 
 requital to Thee with honor, singing thy works perpetually,
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 281 
 
 as is seemly for one who is mortal, since there is no 
 greater privilege either for gods or men, than ever to sing 
 the common Law of righteousness." 
 
 From the Stoic god, in due order, we pass to Stoic man 
 and to Stoic humanity. Free is man as over against 
 any other man, but at the same time his essence and his 
 strength and his destiny are that he shall live " in accord- 
 ance with nature." Now in my academic youth and 
 vernal time, reading much in Cicero's treatises on Greek 
 philosophy, I incessantly came upon this axiom of " con- 
 sentire naturae " " secundum naturam vivere "/ and that we 
 " shall so live as to attain all things which are in ac- 
 cordance with nature." But I knew not what nature they 
 meant, for that nature of which I had the irrefragable and 
 positive test of actual experience was a different power and 
 force from this Stoic Nature ; it was irascible, vain, selfish, 
 impelled towards concupiscence; it was envious, proud, 
 impatient, and one which I often sighed about in the 
 privacy of sincere self-communion. What nature, then, 
 was that of Zeno ? Clearly something akin to Perfection, to 
 an Absolute Law, something endowed with qualities before 
 which the purer and nobler aspirations of this soul of ours 
 must prostrate themselves, and in conformity with which 
 it must seek its highest happiness; something, then, it 
 must be, quite different from what we in common parlance 
 call " Human Nature." 
 
 Man is the apex of the hierarchy of those beings which 
 are constituents, and also works, of this "Nature," this 
 Universe, this " God." Now man is made to contemplate 
 and to imitate the Universe, man, not at all perfectly 
 wrought, but a certain tiny portion of the Perfect. " You 
 cannot," said Chrysippos (Plut., " Moralia," Vol. VI, p. 
 220, ed. Bernardakis) " find any other (principle or) be- 
 ginning of Righteousness than that from Zeus and from 
 Common Nature ; for from this source all such must have 
 its beginning, if we are to take any ground on Boons 
 and Evils." And on the same page says the same 
 high authority of the Sect: "For one cannot otherwise 
 nor with more intrinsic propriety reach the rational
 
 282 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 explanation (Xo'yo?) of the Boons and Evils, nor the 
 Virtues, nor Happiness, but from the Common Nature 
 and from the administration of the Cosmos." And 
 therein men must be content ; to be good, to eschew 
 evil, is the very purpose of this divine and Universal 
 Nature, it is here that man may, come what may, believe 
 himself in harmony with the Eternal and Imperishable. 
 Says Chrysippos : " For otherwise no particular thing 
 can come to pass, not even the least one, than in accord- 
 ance with the Common Nature and the rational plan 
 (Xo'709) of the same" ($., p. 259). 
 
 As to life and happening nothing is isolated; every- 
 thing is determined by antecedent necessity : here is 
 revealed the living and basic Reason which dominates the 
 Universe and should dominate us and in us, if only we 
 are wise enough to be in absolute conformity, harmony, and 
 loyal subordination to the Universe, Nature, God. Thus 
 normal actuality proceeds with Reason and thus justifies 
 itself to our soul as divine, as Fate, as Providence ; in 
 common parlance the Hellenes call it the Will of Zeus. 
 In the rebirth of living beings and in the continuation of 
 organic life this Providence or Fate reveals itself as the 
 seed-providing Reason (Xo'yo<? o-Tre/o/ian/eo?). 
 
 The conception of Design is deeply interwoven in all 
 the texture of the Stoic system of thought, and with it 
 there goes a certain postulate of gods. 
 
 And now we come from their academic and pantheistic 
 god to the popular and traditional gods of Hellenic 
 worship. 
 
 It was the beauty and marvellous order, the Stoics held, 
 that roused and kindled in the souls of men the assump- 
 tion of God (Plut., "Placita Philos.," 1, 6, 8 *^.) : 
 " For always sun and moon and the remaining constella- 
 tions moving in their orbits under the earth " (jrjv inrdyeiov 
 <f>opdv) (and back again) rise alike as to tints, and even as to 
 measures, both as to identity of spaces and times. There- 
 fore those who established the tradition of the worship 
 concerned with the gods (rbv Trepl rwv Oewv TrapaBovre? 
 a-efiao-fjLov) did bring it forward for us through three
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 283 
 
 forms: first, through the form of Nature ; second, through 
 the form of legends ; and third, from that form which has 
 derived its evidence from (communal usages) laws. And 
 the Nature-form (of worship) is taught by the philosopher, 
 and the legendary (or mythical) by the poets, and the 
 statutory is enacted (awCa-varaC) by each commonwealth." 
 And herein lies a world of significance for this book and 
 the author's and his readers' quest. The school assumed 
 a conservative, nay a conserving, attitude towards the 
 created gods of popular or national worship ; some element 
 of moral good there might be there, and some check or bar 
 on dissolute living or upon the passions : but in concrete 
 detail the Stoic scholars resorted to the device of allegory 
 and speculative etymology. But the narrower measure of 
 these essays and sketches compels us to be content with one 
 weighty citation. (Homer and Hesiod they knew had 
 come to stay and were more abiding elements in national 
 culture than any speculation or dogma of the schools.) 
 "Therefore the firmament seemed to them (i.e. to those 
 who established the tradition of popular religious usages) 
 to exist as Father, and earth, Mother. Of these, the 
 former, because it poured out the waters and so had the 
 disposition of seeds, while the latter was Mother on ac- 
 count of her receiving these seeds and bringing (them) to 
 birth ; and beholding the celestial bodies ever running 
 and causes enabling us to view, they named Sun and 
 Moon gods. A second and third classification of gods 
 they instituted, viz., the noxious and the beneficent ele- 
 ment : and as the beneficial ones, Zeus, Hera, Hermes, 
 Demeter, and the injurious ones, the Poinai, the Erinyans, 
 Ares ; appeasing these latter as being difficult to bear and 
 fraught with violence. A fourth and fifth class they 
 have added through practical concerns and emotions ; of 
 emotions, Aphrodite, Pothos (desire); of practical con- 
 cerns, Elpis (hope), Dik (Justice), Eunomia (good gov- 
 ernment). A sixth place is assumed by those moulded 
 by the poets. . . . And seventh and after all is that ele- 
 ment which has been eminently honored on account of its 
 benefactions towards common life, an element of human
 
 284 TESTIMONIUM ANIMJ3 
 
 birth, like Hercules, like the Dioscuri (Kastor and Pollux) 
 like Dionysos (Bacchus). And they said that they were 
 of the form of men (avdpayjroei,el<f) because, of all being, 
 divinity is the most sovereign, and of living beings (or- 
 ganic life, we would now say) man is the comeliest, being 
 adorned with virtue in a distinguished manner in con- 
 nection with the organization (0-voTa<n9) of Understand- 
 ing" (Plut., "Placit. Philos.," 1, 6, 11-15). And thus, 
 too, the Stoic lecturers had much to say of Hercules : he 
 defeated boar, lion, steer, i.e. the appetites and passions 
 of human kind : he destroyed the many-headed hydra, 
 that is to say, the endless forms of illicit desire. 
 
 The school earnestly strove to preserve these legends, 
 but sought to ennoble them by steeping them in the 
 brine of Stoic doctrine. 
 
 But, at last, man himself, man alone, so determined and 
 predetermined by the links in the adamantine chain of 
 eternal necessity, what should he do ? What is his aim ? 
 What is he here for ? 
 
 Self-love and self-preservation are the first ordinance of 
 Nature, a law of the Universe : certain things are sought, 
 while others are avoided. Later on in each life comes 
 the mature use of reason, the finer grasp of what is fair 
 and honorable. And here they were not far away from 
 the somewhat overestimated categorical Imperative of 
 Professor Immanuel Kant a kind of semper et ubique 
 too : an obligation far transcending, in fact, utterly un- 
 concerned with, nay defiant of, all motive bound up with 
 comfort and convenience. What is the Good ? What is 
 good ? What is the Aim ? A happy Life. To be in har- 
 mony with the Universe, of which we men are parts. 
 We must therefore eschew all things which the upright 
 Reason forbids, a law, mind you, which is binding on that 
 supreme Divine Force no less than on you and me, on 
 Achilles no less than on Thersites, on autocrat no less 
 than on slave. You must do that which your reason will 
 tell you is the universal law. Your reason knows, and 
 particularly is it fitted to guide you when it has acquired 
 the true canon of valuation. Let this be briefly outlined.
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 285 
 
 Virtue is a practical disposition or faculty (eft?) con- 
 sistent with itself and one which must be chosen " for its 
 own sake (Diog. Laer., 7, 89), not on account of any fear 
 or hope or anything without " the externals, unrelated 
 to the human soul. In such virtue lies the happiness of 
 life. 
 
 Moral evil there must be, otherwise how could we 
 recognize the moral good? ($., 91). The primary vir- 
 tues are : Understanding, Fortitude, Justice, Self-control. 
 
 There is a reaction of the good on him who does it 
 virtue ennobles those who live it. An implied and 
 involved result of virtue is joy, a cheery soul, and the 
 like. 
 
 Of boons (ayaOa) some concern the soul (ib., 95), 
 others are external or foreign to it, and still others are 
 neutral. 
 
 There are boons which create or make for those other 
 ones which are ends in themselves (reXt/ca) : still others 
 are ends in themselves, as, e.g., courage, wisdom, freedom, 
 joy, cheerfulness, freedom from distress. Virtues alone 
 are both means and ends in the determination of happi- 
 ness. Everything worthy of the predicate of a good is 
 also advantageous, profitable, useful, necessary, worthy of 
 choice, righteous. 
 
 The only evils, on the other hand, are moral evils, be- 
 cause these only concern the soul and the essential being 
 of man, as folly, unrighteousness. Thus the neutral are 
 those objects which neither benefit nor injure, i.e. the 
 soul : such are, life, health, pleasure, beauty, strength, 
 wealth, fame, noble birth, and the like. And neutral 
 also are the opposite, as death, disease, pain, ugliness, 
 feebleness, poverty, obscurity, low birth the far-famed 
 adiaphora of the school. 
 
 For there was in this school a joy and a defiance, which 
 made them love consistency and a certain rigor of logical 
 sequence, and a spirit which glorified in paradox. 
 
 As a man of sound bodily health is well in all his parts, 
 so the truly virtuous one whose soul is truly whole. The 
 concrete virtues are indissolubly connected and bound up
 
 286 TESTIMONIUM ANIM^E 
 
 with one another there is here nothing partial or ec- 
 lectic. Nor is there anything (here they faced sharply 
 against the followers of Aristotle) midway between virtue 
 and moral evil. There are no degrees : you cannot logi- 
 cally speak of something more righteous or unrighteous, 
 as a piece of wood is either straight or crooked. 
 
 Let no one rob the school of their coinage of the term 
 which we English as duty (Kadfjicov). 
 
 It is that " which, when done, has a certain rational 
 defence" (16., 107). Such acts are " postulates of Rea- 
 son" (ova \dyos aipel Troieti/), e.g. to honor one's parents, 
 brothers, commonwealth, etc. 
 
 After all, Stoic goodness is for an intellectual aristoc- 
 racy : the highest category of right action (/caro/j^w/ta) 
 none but the Sage can accomplish or do, axiomatic or 
 absolute goodness. 
 
 Emotions are a form of evil in the main : the Stoic, 
 utterly anti-Hellenic here, pleads the Reason of Nature in 
 his rigorous opposition to that soul-weakness and that 
 soul-perversion which we call passion, and which sways 
 the multitude of the unwise. 
 
 Like his antagonist of the Epicurean School, the Stoic 
 aimed at a certain happiness, but his demand that the 
 soul-ocean be unruffled by fear, by lust, by desire, nay 
 even by ambition, the Stoic's postulate, I say, of a certain 
 peace of soul, is infinitely more virile than the other, and 
 he alone has taken steps leading towards that difficult 
 goal : the conquest of the world. 
 
 Of humility it is true we see nothing either here or 
 elsewhere : the spiritual pride of the genuine Stoic is 
 gigantic a self-sufficiency which moves him far away 
 from the essence of Christianity it is in the bliss and 
 immortality of God alone that he, God, is above the Stoic 
 Sage : this is their boast. 
 
 But in our Roman section we will find the practical 
 strength, the incarnation, we may say, of this system, 
 which consummates and, in a manner, terminates the nobler 
 movement of Greek thought, while it denies the ideals of 
 the Hellenic world at almost every point.
 
 HELLENIC DECLINE. ATTIC MORALITY 287 
 
 NOTE. Praxiteles, the sculptor and lover of the courtesan Phryne, 
 was of this period of decadent Greek life, flourishing about 352-336, 
 in the age of Philip and Demosthenes. His technical skill indeed 
 was marvellous : the limbs of his figures so soft that you seemed to 
 see the pulse of life and the quivering muscle. The disciples of 
 mandatory ecstasy repeat with dogmatic positiveness the familiar 
 phrase of Pliny ("N". H.," 34, 10) : " nil velare Grsecumest." As though 
 it were a canon of Art: when even the gesture of Praxiteles' much- 
 vaunted Knidian Aphrodite proves a last vain symbolism of the utter- 
 ance of Herodotus (1, 8) : " for as she puts off her tunic at the same 
 time also does a woman doff her sense of shame." 
 
 As for Aphrodite it was not until down to the time of Praxiteles 
 that all drapery was dropped from her figure : and it was felt an act 
 of supreme boldness. The simple question will instinctively rise to 
 our lips : Why then was not Hera presented as undraped? Why not 
 Artemis? Athena? Why not the Nine Muses? The noted archaeologist 
 Heinrich Brunn says of the Knidian Aphrodite : " Here it is ... the 
 merely sensuous appearance, which by itself and alone is to rouse 
 pleasurable acceptance. The older idea of an Aphrodite Urania has 
 been dropped ; with the drapery also there fell the higher intellectual 
 conception" (whatever that may have been) "of the goddess." We 
 recall the unveiled contempt in Homer for this Oriental importation. 
 The general movement was from chaster conception towards freer : 
 so of the painter Polygnotos we are told by Pliny ("N. H.," 58) : " qui 
 primus mulieres tralucida veste pinxit " first painted women with 
 transparent garment. 
 
 Of Pheidias we are wont to think as a sovereign artist who knew 
 how to fuse a certain -majesty with canonic truth of sculptural lines. 
 The ecstatic, however, should not forget that Pheidias placed the 
 figure of a lad Pantarkes near his much-vaunted production of the 
 Homeric Zeus the youth represented as tying his head with a fillet 
 (Paus., 5, 11), and they say "that he was a boy-favorite of Pheid- 
 ias." This was the " religion " of beauty. Elsewhere Pausanias 
 (10, 3, 6) calls him " the beloved " (TO. TraiStKct) of Pheidias. 
 
 There is a curious testimony of the soul in the vague and evasive 
 phrase coined by the Greeks: the neuter-plural (TO. TrcuSiKct) : "the 
 boy-concerns " of such or such a one. On the Greek Cancer or the 
 Venus Canina, Professor M. H. E. Meier has written a monograph of 
 some forty pages quarto, in Ersch and Gruber, and we must acquit him 
 of any palliation of this monstrous evil. 
 
 I have already deplored the fact that even the virile .35schylus 
 conceived of the friendship of Achilles and Patroklos in this unspeak- 
 able mode : also we must here add that the Niobe of Sophocles had 
 this matter for its central theme. No, Meier fully and fairly deals 
 with " Knabenschandung," as such. Still he, little acquainted with 
 the measure of complete harmony subsisting in the Italy of the 
 Humanists between wonderful culture and utter moral corruption, I 
 say the Scholar of Halle says near the end of his treatise : " Our
 
 288 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 delineation has indeed shown that the vice of sexual violation of boys 
 was practised among the Greeks to so deplorable an extent, as must 
 be quite incomprehensible on the part of a nation so highly cultured." 
 If only culture sesthetical culture made in the slightest degree 
 for righteousness ! Cf . also Deut. 23, 17 : " There shall be no whore 
 of the daughters of Israel, nor a Sodomite of the sons of Israel." 
 
 The citations from Philemon and Menander are made from Meineke's 
 edition. As for Epicurus and his school, the entire tenth book of 
 Diogenes Laertius is devoted to them. The famous Polyhistor of 
 Bonn, H. Usener, has published anew the most important portions 
 of these texts, viz., the direct utterances of Epicurus himself. As for 
 the so-called letter to Pythokles, I see no cogent reason for doubting 
 its authenticity. Further, Usener publishes all attainable fragments 
 (so-called) ascribed to Epicurus. The index is particularly valuable : 
 " Epicurea" edidit Hermannus Usener, Lipsiae, in aedibusB. G.Teub- 
 ner, 1887. 
 
 On all matters of theological speculation among the Greeks, cor- 
 sult the learned volume of Krische : " Die theologischen Lehren der 
 Griechischen Denker" etc. v. Dr. August Bernhard Krische, Gottingen, 
 1840. 
 
 On Stoics v. esp. Book VII of Diogenes Laertius, and several essays 
 by Plutarch, essays rich particularly in direct citations from Chry- 
 sippos. (De Stoicorum Repugnantiis : De Communibus Notitiis.') Rit- 
 ter et Preller, "Hisloria Philosophies Grcecce et Romance ex Fontium 
 Locis contexta," Gotha, Perthes, 5th ed., 1875. Zeller's footnotes are 
 even more valuable. For the allegories of Greek Religion, see " Cor- 
 nuti Theologice Grcecce Compendium," ed. C. Lang, Teubner, 1881.
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 ACTUAL WOKSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES. THE VOICE 
 
 OF TOMBS 
 
 THE wonderful perfection of Hellenic sculpture and of 
 their architecture is so impressive that their religious 
 worship, too, has been idealized by many who stand re- 
 mote from the real labor of the classicist. We must hold 
 fast to the following : in the main the concern of their 
 worship was not for spiritual things. As the community 
 lived through sun and moon and weather and seasons, it 
 besought certain Forces of Nature for their blessing and 
 protection. Such acts of worship were largely communal, 
 nay political, acts. They commemorated the crises and 
 fortunes of the past, they glorified often a legendary de- 
 pendence of the particular community on some act of 
 founding and beginning ancestral joy and pride domi- 
 nated such anniversaries. These the Greeks called eopr^ 
 (Jieortd 1 *), and in the celebration thereof many a little 
 valley of Arcadia, or narrow plain, or strip of land along 
 some river, felt almost all the sentiment both of nature 
 and state-feeling which gave dignity and purpose to their 
 whole range of living within those orbits of the sun which 
 men call years. In the time of Seneca and St. Paul 
 there began to move and stir a new drift, not ignoble in 
 aim and design. This was a movement to lay hold of 
 noble things in Greek thought, particularly as worked 
 out by Plato and in the Soul-doctrines of Pythagoras, 
 and, at the same time, to maintain the popular 
 worship. 
 
 Plutarch stands as the embodiment of this Renaissance. 
 
 Let us hear some of his utterances on Greek Religion. 
 
 In his essay entitled " That one cannot even live pleasantly 
 
 when following Epicurus," cap. 20, he says: "And I 
 
 u 289
 
 290 TESTIMONIUM ANIftLE 
 
 do say . . . , that Atheism is no smaller evil than rude- 
 ness and vain conceit, into which we are led by those 
 who remove Grace as well as Anger from God. For bet- 
 ter were it that there should subsist and be fused with 
 the idea of gods a common emotion of reverence and fear, 
 rather than fleeing from this we should leave for ourselves 
 neither hope nor gratitude towards them nor any trust in 
 the blessings we actually possess nor any refuge to the 
 Deity for those who are in distress." 
 
 Plutarch's own hopes were for a life after the dissolu- 
 tion of this body, a life where the soul is by itself, escaped 
 from the trammels of the flesh. Death indeed the begin- 
 ning of the truer and the nobler life whereas now (ib., 
 c. 28) we live, as it were, in dreams. "If then sweet from 
 every point of view is the recollection of a friend deceased," 
 as Epicurus said, " then even now can we perceive of what 
 kind of a joy they deprive themselves, believing that they 
 receive and pursue spectres and images of deceased com- 
 rades, who possess neither intelligence nor perception, but 
 there will be associated with themselves again truly both 
 their dear father and their dear mother, and perhaps they 
 will see a good wife, not expecting it, nor having hope of 
 that association and cheer, which those have who hold the 
 same views about the soul as Pythagoras and Plato and 
 Homer." 
 
 The same thinker, Plutarch, outlines thus the drift and 
 attitude of actual, popular, religious feeling (ib., c. 21) : 
 " But the disposition of the many and unlettered but not 
 altogether bad people toward God has indeed a certain 
 shudder and awe blended with the element of reverence 
 and honoring : wherefore also it is called superstition 
 (SeiffiSaifjiovia) ; but in numberless instances it possesses 
 in a larger and greater proportion the element of exceed- 
 ing joyousness and good hope, and something that prays 
 for, and accepts as being from the gods, all fruition of 
 prosperity. And this is clear by the greatest proofs. For 
 no form of sojourn causes more enjoyment than that in 
 sanctuaries, nor any occasions more than those connected 
 with the recurrent festivals, nor other deeds or spectacles
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 291 
 
 give greater satisfaction than those which we ourselves 
 behold or enact in connection with the gods going through 
 ritual acts of pantomime (opyidfrvrcs^) or dancing or at- 
 tending sacrifices or initiations." And now follows the 
 interpretation of the Platonist : " for not as though associ- 
 ating with some tyrants or awful chastisers at that season 
 is the soul exceedingly grieved, and humble and cheerless 
 as was to be expected : but where most it supposes and 
 intelligently holds that God is present, there above all 
 other occasions thrusting away from itself griefs and fears 
 and worry, (the soul) yields itself to pleasurable emotions 
 which are carried as far as intoxication and laughter and 
 sport. ..." 
 
 " Rich men and kings always have at their service cer- 
 tain feastings and banquets; but those connected with 
 acts of worship and sacrificings, and whenever they seem 
 to come into the closest contact through their conscious- 
 ness (eirivoia) with the deity (rov Oeiov) a state attended 
 with the sentiment of honor and reverence, then they 
 have a pleasure and a grace (xcfyw) which differs much. 
 And in this shares no man who has abandoned the convic- 
 tion of Providence. For not the abundance of wine nor 
 the roasting of meats is that which causes enjoyment at 
 the religious anniversaries (eoprafr), but also good hope 
 and assumption that the god is present with good- will, 
 and receives what transpires (ra yiyvopeva) graciously." 
 Thus the nobler soul of Plutarch of Chseronea would 
 maintain the rites and ritual of popular religion. 
 
 Now it happened, that some fifty and sixty years later 
 another man studied Greek religion as it was maintained 
 in the communities, big and little, of old Hellas. And in 
 that vigorous current trend of the second century this 
 traveller also was wholly absorbed. I mean the concerted 
 effort to search out and to repristinate what was fair, or 
 old, or classic, in letters, usages, art, religious customs, 
 let us simply call it the Hadrianic renaissance. The trav- 
 eller and antiquarian I have in mind was Pausanias. In 
 an age when all worked after some classic pattern, he chose, 
 not unfittingly, for himself, Herodotus of Halicarnassus.
 
 292 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 The latter's manner, and much more, he gained, as he 
 wished to gain, and certainly was praised for gaining. 
 And we may safely say that Pausanias in a way and in a 
 measure looked out upon human and divine things in the 
 spirit of Herodotus. Artificial? Perhaps so, but infi- 
 nitely less so than the renaissance of Petrarch, of Bruni 
 and Boccaccio and Politian and Poggio and Beccadelli, 
 which your Goethe and Wolff bid us all venerate, imitate, 
 and consider a consummation. 
 
 But let us permit Pausanias to speak for himself. The 
 chief community of Arcadia, once the proud metropolis of 
 the same, was then mainly in ruins (8, 33, 1). But, says 
 he, " I marvelled not, knowing that the daimonion always 
 wills to enact certain things subversive in their nature, 
 and that Fortune changes alike all that is strong and all 
 that is weak. ..." And in the celebrities that have seen 
 desolation in his time he even includes Delos : " Delos in- 
 deed, if you subtract those who arrive from time to time 
 from the Athenians to be guards of the sanctuary, as far 
 as the Delians are concerned, is desolate of human beings. 
 . . ."It was the time when Alexandria and Antioch ut- 
 terly excelled. Wretched was the end of Kassander, who 
 consistently had rooted out the dynasty of Philip and 
 Alexander (9, 7, 2) : " for he was filled with dropsy, and 
 from it maggots were bred in him while he was living. ..." 
 
 Philopoimen, the great statesman of the Achaian league, 
 paid the penalty for his pride (8, 51, 5). Sulla once 
 carried off the sacred-figure (agalma) of Athena in the 
 little hamlet of Alalkomenai in Boeotia: "Him who had 
 wrought such deeds of insanity on Hellenic communities 
 and gods of the Hellenes, him seized a distemper the most 
 joyless of all: for lice broke out all over his body, and his 
 former seeming felicity changed into such an end for him; 
 but the sanctuary at Alalkomenai was neglected thencefor- 
 ward inasmuch as it had been deprived of the goddess " 
 (9, 33, 6). Men must not excessively punish their fellows: 
 "envy-producing somehow always on the part of the gods 
 are the exceeding measures of punishment " (9, 17, 6). 
 Philip, son of Amyntas, restored Minyan Orchomenos:
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 293 
 
 but " the influence of the daimonion was bound for them 
 ever to depress the scales towards greater weakness " 
 (9, 37, 8). On the mass-tomb of the Thebans who fell 
 at Chaironeia there is no inscription: because, " as it seems 
 to me, because the results from the daimon that followed 
 were not in harmony with their brave onslaught " (9, 40, 10) . 
 
 The Phocians listened and accepted the counsel to loot 
 the sacred treasures of Delphi, " whether God injured their 
 understanding or whether it was in their own native disposi- 
 tion to set profit before piety" (10, 2, 3). This is the spirit 
 of the traveller, and clearly not his own alone. Why, then, 
 do men turn to certain gods ? Primarily, because certain 
 communities and certain regions claim a specific tutelary 
 relation and nestle, so to speak, under the favor of certain 
 divinities. 
 
 Springtime and its blossoms: here came the Anthesteria : 
 the blessings of the grape and all its works had their re- 
 current celebration in spring, also : Theseus, the founder 
 of Attic Union, Marathon, the day of Attic glory, had 
 their stated anniversaries : the restoration of popular 
 government through Thrasybulos was commemorated 
 every year. Of the esoteric worship of Demeter and 
 Kore, I have written before. In the main, however, this 
 life of seasons and weathers, of fruits and flowers, de- 
 termined the various forms of public worship. 
 
 Zeus, in all, at Athens ranked lower than his daughter 
 Athena. When foul weather brought in the beginning of 
 winter, expiatory sacrifices were offered to the god of the 
 canopy over fields and farms. " For," says Schoemann, 
 " if the heavens were unkind, the god of the heavens cer- 
 tainly was so, and because his unkindness might have been 
 excited through the fault and sins of men, one must strive 
 to appease him through purification and atonement. 
 "As the farmer's specific patron, Zeus was worshipped, 
 plainly as " Zeus the Farmer," "Zeus Georgos" 
 
 But greater than these and other anniversaries were 
 the Panathenaea, which Pheidias and his craftsmen have 
 so nobly commemorated Elgin Marbles : here man- 
 datory ecstasy is prescribed. But this is not our concern.
 
 294 TESTIMONIUM ANIMUS 
 
 Athens was, in genuine truth, felt to be the commonwealth 
 of Athena herself. The exclusive patriotism, nay partic- 
 ularism of the Athenian was fused with sentiments which, 
 in a way, we may call religious. Under the jEgis of the 
 Incarnation of Understanding your Athenian begrudged 
 not to his duller, if brawnier, neighbor 'yond Kithairou, 
 the genealogical local legends of Dionysos and the son of 
 Alkmene, nor the Ismenian Apollo. 
 
 No, Athens and Attica belonged to, in fact, were, in a 
 certain definite and privileged manner, the possession of 
 the virgin goddess. And all the art work in the foremost 
 sanctuary of the commonwealth bore on the legend of her 
 genesis. To recount amid joyous celebration these local 
 legends in art, in verse, in hymnos, nay in pantomimic 
 reproduction these things constituted not a small part 
 of the worship, so-called, of the Hellenic world. "Sacred 
 to Athena is both the rest of the city and all the land (the 
 Attic peninsula) likewise for all those also who have 
 an established usage to worship other divinities in the 
 country districts (the " Demes "), in not any less degree 
 do they hold Athena in honor" (Paus., 1,26, 6), "and 
 the most sacred in common, established many years 
 before they were united out of the country districts, is 
 the statue of Athena in the present acropolis, but then 
 called polis ; and rumor has it that it fell from Heaven," 
 as did that of Artemis in Ephesus, Acts 19, 35. 
 
 But this is not an antiquarian book. In all of Pausanias 
 I have found few utterances as significant for our common 
 purpose as this one, of a sanctuary of Pan at Megalopolis 
 (8, 37, 11) : " And like unto the most powerful of the 
 gods this Pan also shares in the power of bringing the 
 desires of men to fulfilment and to practise on the 
 wicked such retribution as is meet." A perpetual fire is 
 kept burning before this Arcadian deity. 
 
 This utilitarian view at once brings us to the oracles : 
 where people ascertained what was profitable to do, and 
 what wise to leave undone. Were they all mere anti- 
 quarian curiosities in the time of Pausanias? When the 
 giants of the dying Roman republic were struggling for
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 295 
 
 the control of the Mediterranean world, Pharsalos-time 
 48 B.C., Delphi was virtually closed (Lucan, " De Bella 
 Civili"). Men were wont to repair thither in times of 
 drought or failure of crops, childlessness, chronic disease, or 
 the problems of new enterprise, and large political issues. 
 
 In 150 or so, A.D., when Pausanias recorded things, 
 these oracles, in the main, were memories and antiquarian 
 matter for local conoscenti. A few, however, seem to 
 have survived in a practical way. 
 
 One of these was that of Patrai on western opening of 
 the Gulf of Corinth : " An oracle is there free from deceit, 
 not indeed for every kind of matter, but in connection 
 with the ailing. They attach a mirror to a string of the 
 fine ones and then let it down, computing that it shall 
 not enter the spring any further but only as much as to 
 touch the water with the disk of the mirror. Thereafter, 
 having prayed to the Goddess (Demeter) and having 
 burned incense, they look into the mirror and the mirror 
 shows to them the sick person either living or dead " (7, 
 21, 12). 
 
 Still also there survived an oracle of Apollo at Argos 
 in the day of Pausanias (2, 24, 1) : "A woman gives out the 
 utterances to the public, a woman who keeps from the 
 couch of male persons: and when a ewe-lamb is sacrificed 
 at night, each month the woman tastes of the blood and 
 becomes possessed of the god." 
 
 At Lebadeia, too, it seems the oracle of Trophonios was 
 still at the service of those who sought it (9, 39, 5 sqq."). 
 The visitor keeps himself pure and bathes in the river 
 Herkyna warm baths are forbidden he sacrifices to 
 Trophonios and to the sons of Trophonios, also to Apollo 
 and to Kronos and Zeus the King, and to Hera, holder of 
 reins and to Demeter, surnamed Europe, nurse, once, of 
 Trophonios. And at every sacrifice a professional sooth- 
 sayer inspects the entrails, and then he prophesies to him 
 who descends, whether Trophonios will receive him be- 
 nignantly and graciously, and so forth. 
 
 But let us briefly traverse Hellas, guided by the travelling 
 and pious antiquarian.
 
 296 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 The chief object in worship was the agalma, or figure of 
 the deity worshipped. From the first meaning of the 
 word clearly it is an object which causes men to rejoice, 
 or a splendid and beatific object ; here it was that thing 
 which bestowed on the place of worship its beauty and its 
 joyfulness essentially images, types, forms, representa- 
 tions. The temple was conceived ("Pollux") as an abode 
 in which the god dwells, sacred, holy, consecrated, not to 
 be profaned. Groves and sacred precincts were similarly 
 set apart. Often they had the right of asylum. 
 
 It seems the setting up or establishing of the agalma 
 was the essential thing. Sometimes it was brought from 
 afar, and the worship, may we say, migrated with it. 
 
 Sculptors of these idols the Greeks (" Pollux," 1, 12) 
 sometimes called "god-makers," " god-moulders." 
 
 Gods are said ("Pollux," 1, 23 *<?.) to be "above the 
 heavens, in the heavens, on the earth, in the sea, under 
 ground, holding the hearth, holding the city, ancestral, of 
 the clan or kin, of the market, of the harvest, of the camp, 
 propitious, who turn away evil, who free from trouble, 
 who cleanse and purify, who put to flight, saviours, who 
 bestow safety, who attend birth, who attend espousal and 
 wedlock, who protect the grape." To Zeus alone belongs 
 the epithet " bestower of rain " (uerio?), " the descending 
 one. . . ." 
 
 And in worship men " wash themselves (5., 25), they 
 purify themselves, they come forward in new garments, 
 pray to the gods, raise on high their hands, are said to call 
 down the gods, to call up the gods, to ask boons from the 
 gods, sacrifice, sing paeans, sing hymnos, give initial por- 
 tion, burn incense, libate, hang up garlands, myrtle 
 branches, bring cakes." Joyous "screaming" is per- 
 mitted to women only. And the victims must be " sound, 
 
 straight-limbed, not mutilated, twisted, nor disfigured. 
 >j 
 
 In all this I said the figure of god and goddess is the 
 principal thing. And if I read Pausanias aright, it was 
 not always the most perfect productions of Greek art that 
 were the most holy or most highly honored by the wor-
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 297 
 
 shipper, but these were the older or oldest one, originally 
 carved out of wood, scraped and polished, hence the name 
 Xoanon (davov, fo). 
 
 In the Academy (says Pausanias) (near Athens) is a 
 small temple of Dionysos, into which they carry the 
 agalma of Dionysos of Eleutherai (1, 29, 2) every year 
 on stated days : perhaps the grape came into Attica from 
 Boeotia through that hamlet. 
 
 The Acharnians in Attica call Dionysos also Ivy (Kissos), 
 saying that the plant ivy first appeared there (1, 31, 6). 
 
 Peaks and tops or crests of mountains or mountain 
 ranges often had altars under the open sky, to Zeus : on 
 Hymettos there was an agalma of the Hymettian Zeus, and 
 an altar of Zeus Ombrios, who sheds rain (1, 32, 2). A 
 similar altar on Parnes. On the highest points they felt 
 nearest to him : high places. 
 
 The people of Oropos on the Sound first established the 
 custom to consider the prophet Amphiaraos a god, and 
 later all the Greeks took up this belief (1, 34, 2). 
 
 In Sikyon our traveller found a very old temple of 
 Apollo Lykios (of the wolves), quite decayed then. " For 
 when once upon a time wolves made visits to their sheep- 
 folds so that there was no profit from the latter, the god 
 having named a certain spot where lay a dry piece of 
 wood, of this piece of wood he gave them oracle that they 
 should expose the bark and some meat at the same time 
 for the beasts. And them immediately as they had tasted, 
 the bark destroyed; and that wood lay in the sanctuary 
 of Lykios, but what kind of tree it was, not even the exe- 
 getes of the Sikyonians understood " (2, 9, 7). 
 
 A temple of Asklepios was at Sikyon : the local legend 
 was that the god of healing, in the shape of a serpent, was 
 transported from Epidaurus, on a chariot drawn by a team 
 of mules (2, 10, 3). The priestess of Aphrodite there ($., 
 2, 10, 4) must keep herself sexually pure : she is attended 
 by a virgin who serves for one year : these two alone are 
 permitted to enter in. The worshippers must be content 
 with seeing the goddess from the entrance and directing 
 their prayers to her from that point,
 
 298 TESTBfONIUM 
 
 In a grove some miles from Sikyon there was a sanctu- 
 ary of Demeter and her daughter : the men keep the an- 
 niversary festival by themselves, and the women have set 
 apart for their worship a separate apartment (2, 11, 3). 
 
 Of venerable Tiryns but the walls were then standing, 
 cyclopean walls. On Mount Arachnaios near by, there 
 " are altars of Zeus and Hera : when they have need of 
 rain, they sacrifice there" (2, 25, 10). Epidauros is the 
 chief abode of Asklepios. Within the sacred precincts of 
 the grove certain things are forbidden : both childbirth 
 and death defile the place, as in Delos. Inscriptions 
 abound of men and women who have been healed, the 
 diseases also recounted, and the fashion of the cure ac- 
 complished (2, 27, 1 *<?<?.) The serpents there are per- 
 fectly tame. 
 
 At Hermione in Argolis there is a temple of Aphrodite 
 where maids and widows must sacrifice before the nuptials 
 (2, 34, 12). 
 
 From Helos in Lacedsemon, not far from the mouth of 
 the Eurotas River, they carry a wooden idol of Demeter's 
 daughter annually on stated days to the Eleusinion (3, 20, 
 7). 
 
 Near Eleusis in Attica they showed the spot where 
 Pluton descended to the lower world with the ravished 
 maiden (1, 38, 4). 
 
 At Megara they show a stone on which Apollo laid his 
 lyre when he assisted Alkathos in building the walls of 
 that city (1, 42, 2). The temples often contained a number 
 of agalmata of the same divinity, where, as I have said, 
 the more or most ancient seem to have been considered and 
 honored with more awe than later productions, though 
 sculptured or cast by the foremost artists, such as Pheidias, 
 Myron, Praxiteles, or Lysippos. 
 
 In Megara Hadrian the emperor had, not long before, 
 restored the old brick temple of Apollo in marble : our 
 traveller saw three wooden idols (xoana) of Apollo there : 
 all were carved of ebony. 
 
 At Corinth there is a subterranean shrine of the marine
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 299 
 
 deity Palaimon : whatever Corinthian or stranger here 
 swears a false oath, he can in no wise escape the fatal con- 
 sequences (2, 2, 1). 
 
 Even when the ancient wooden idols decayed, the ven- 
 eration of local religion preserved whatever portion was 
 sound, and replaced the other portions with marble or 
 other enduring stuff. So at Corinth : "Athena of the 
 Bridle " (who assisted Bellerophontes in putting the bit 
 on Pegasus) was a wooden agalma, " but her countenance 
 and hands and extremities of feet are of white stone " 
 (2, 4, 1). 
 
 And this, too, is notable : that no sesthetical enthusiasm 
 displaced these ancient objects of worship nay that even 
 cruder and ruder figures of still greater antiquity were in 
 no wise removed. In Corinth Pausanias saw an idol of 
 Zeus Meilichios (the Gracious) and of " Artemis of the 
 Fathers," "made with no art whatever; for to a pyramid 
 is Meilichios likened, and she to a pillar " (2, 9, 6), idols 
 long antedating the destruction of the Isthmian emporium 
 by the legions of Memmius in 146 B.C. 
 
 The insinuating worship of Sexual Pleasure, as anti- 
 quarians abundantly know, came into the Hellenic world 
 through Tyrian traders, particularly where the marts and 
 the factories of their commercial ventures carried their 
 merchantmen. So at Corinth there was an Aphrodite of 
 gold and ivory made by Kanachos of Sikyon (fl. 480 B.C.) 
 an Aphrodite carrying the starred heavens (TTO'XO?) 
 upon her head : in one of her hands she carries a pome- 
 granate, in the other a poppy, matters of obvious symbo- 
 lism symbolizing fecundity. 
 
 At Phlius, Hebe was particularly worshipped: on their 
 castle-hill there was a grove of cypress and in it a " very 
 venerable sanctuary of old," in honor of this daughter of 
 Hera; Hebe before was called Ganymeda (2, 13, 3). In 
 the great Heraion, or sanctuary of Hera, at Argos, there 
 were two idols of that sister and spouse of Zeus, both more 
 ancient than the colossal figure of gold and ivory wrought 
 by Polykleitos : this oldest one once placed as anathema 
 at Tiryns, and brought back by the Argives when they
 
 300 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 destroyed that town. This oldest of the three idols 
 was of wood of the pear tree. Hadrian dedicated in 
 this noted shrine a peacock of gold and precious stones 
 (2, 17, 5). 
 
 On the highest point of the citadel of Argos (the 
 Larisa) Pausanias observed a shrine of Zeus (Larissean 
 Zeus): the roof had disappeared; the wooden idol of the 
 god was no longer standing upon its base. 
 
 At Troezen in Argolis the spot was shown where 
 Dionysos brought his mother Semele up from the lower 
 world (2, 31, 2). Near Troezen, on the seacoast, the spot 
 was shown where once Aithra submitted to the embraces 
 of Poseidon, having been lured to a ritual errand by a 
 deceptive dream sent by Athena (2, 33, 1). 
 
 This fusing of local pride and legend in the tenacious 
 marking of these spots is a veritable feature in the account 
 of Pausanias: they showed the precise locality where 
 Heracles came back from Hades bearing the Hell-hound, 
 where Pluton descended with Demeter's fair daughter, 
 where Dionysos went down to bring his mother to 
 Olympos, the spring where Hera once a year took a bath 
 and became a maiden once more; the spot in Laconica 
 where Castor and Pollux were born : where Rhea gave 
 birth to Poseidon, where Hera was reared, viz., at Stym- 
 phalos in Arcadia ; where Zeus was nurtured. 
 
 At Thebes were shown very old wooden idols of 
 Aphrodite, assigned to the Tyrian founders themselves 
 (9, 16, 3). I close this section with some notice of the pan- 
 tomimic element in the anniversary celebrations, an element 
 which contributed greatly to the perpetuation of the local 
 worship of Hellenic communities. At Tanagra annually 
 the comeliest youth is chosen, and this one on the anniver- 
 sary celebration in honor of Hermes walks about the entire 
 circumference of the town walls, having a lamb on his 
 shoulders: why? Because once upon a time Hermes 
 turned away a pestilence from Tanagra by carrying a ram 
 around the walls (9, 22, 1).
 
 At Platsea they represent once in six years how the rec- 
 onciliation between Zeus and Hera was at one time accom- 
 plished. Hera, as often, was estranged on account of his 
 ever recurrent amours : Zeus, advised by Kithairon (then 
 ruler at Platsea), wrapped a figure and concealed it on a 
 cart drawn by oxen, saying that he was bringing home a 
 new wife. Hera, informed of it, overtook the team, but 
 discovered to her great satisfaction merely a wooden figure. 
 Hence the Platseans call their commemorative celebration 
 " Daidala." They place meat, driving off all other birds 
 but the crow: and upon which tree in a certain oak forest 
 the crow alights, from the trunk of this tree they take 
 wood to make their "Daidalon." The figure is adorned, 
 conveyed to the Asopos River, and set upon a wagon : then 
 there is a procession up Kithairon, where sacrifices and 
 feasting were made. 
 
 But why go further ? Spiritual elements ? Hardly. 
 And we see that spirit, in which the epics of old were 
 sung, prevailed and persevered somehow. The people 
 themselves were not touched by the sterner and nobler 
 movements of Greek philosophy, particularly as it found 
 expression in the soul-theories of Pythagoras and Plato, 
 or as the moralizing analysis of Stoic allegory dissolved 
 the figures of Olympus into cosmic elements. A small 
 elite followed Plutarch. One of the last deities in the 
 penumbra of Hellenic worship or religion was Hadrian's 
 favorite concubine, Antinoos. This boy, a native of 
 Bithynia, perished in the Nile, in 130 A.D. His imperial 
 master founded in his honor the town of Antinoupolis: 
 had idols bearing his portrait set up throughout the 
 Roman Empire, and even called a star by his name: Zeus 
 himself could not have done more for Ganymede. All of 
 which was entirely germane to and profoundly consistent 
 with the spirit and essence of Greek religion, so-called. 
 There never was a very great chasm between the Greek 
 men and the Greek gods such as the men had made from 
 their own image (cf. Paus., 8, 9, 7) mere outriggers in the 
 ship of life and living.
 
 302 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 A closer vision now of certain elements of Greek ritual. 
 Clearly these acts are everything, as Bacon tersely put it 
 
 one could hold any notions as to the substance of these 
 anthropomorphic forces and legends, provided one shared 
 in the ritual. And here, I take it, tradition was much, if 
 not everything, determined largely by the particular given 
 community. The priest was, then, an expert in ritual, 
 chiefly. Even the Stoics in their definition seem to have 
 followed closely in the lines of what always and every- 
 where had been established in the Greek world (Stob., 
 "Eclog.," 2, 122): "And they (the Stoics) say that 
 the character of Priest also was held by the Wise Man 
 only, and by no worthless man at all" (as ordinarily no 
 doubt it often was). " For the priest must be an expert 
 in the established usages concerning sacrifices and prayers 
 and purifications and installations and all such things, and 
 in addition thereto also an expert in other things, on ac- 
 count of the need of piety and experience of the service 
 (0e/ja7reia9) of the gods, and to be within the divine na- 
 ture " (lit. CITO? elvai TT)<? <i*reo>? rfy Betas to hold an 
 intrinsic or intimate knowledge of the essence of the given 
 god, I take it). 
 
 But we are even more fortunate than in our possession 
 of the antiquarian data gathered by the traveller Pausanias 
 
 a still closer vision is possible for us: we may still read 
 the records chiselled by direction of communities, brother- 
 hoods, families, officials, dealing with their own con- 
 cerns, bringing before us their point of view, and permitting 
 us to employ a real historical consideration. 
 
 I have availed myself of Wilhelm Dittenberger's " Syl- 
 loge In&criptionum Grrcecarum," Vol. 2, Leipzig, Hirzel, 1900. 
 And I believe I will serve my readers best by content- 
 ing myself with a certain arrangement and orderly pres- 
 entation. 
 
 The usages of rites and ritual offer no new revelation : 
 the supreme consideration is that men must conserve, and 
 faithfully reproduce and reenact, all sacred forms, and 
 ceremonies must be " in accordance with the ways of the
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 303 
 
 fathers " (/eara ra irdrpia, No. 560), " the paternal rites " 
 " to the gods, to whom " (to sacrifice) " was ancestral 
 usage" (635). Thus sounds the voice of Eleusis in 
 Attica, of the isle of Chios, or where Doric Rhodes wor- 
 shipped her Sun god ; so they ordained at Kos, at Delphi, 
 navel of the world, in the emporium of Attica's Piraeus, 
 everywhere. 
 
 The worshipper should consider his fitness: at Kos 
 proclamation shall be made (No. 616) that the worshipper 
 shall " keep himself pure from female and from male for 
 a night. ..." Into the sacred enclosure of Alektrona 
 (daughter of Helios and of the nymph Rhodos) (No. 560) 
 it is unholy that there should enter horse, ass, mule, " nor 
 any animal whatever that has a bushy tail, nor shall any 
 one bring into the sacred enclosure any of these, nor shall 
 he bring in shoes, nor anything pertaining to swine. And 
 whenever any one act contrary to the law, he shall cleanse 
 the sanctuary and the sacred enclosure, and offer sacrifices 
 besides, or he shall be liable for impiety." On the isle of 
 Astypalaia: " Into the sanctuary there shall not enter in 
 whosoever is not pure nor of perfect body, or it will be in 
 his mind" (563). 
 
 Again, at Pergamon (566): "They shall keep them- 
 selves pure and they shall enter into the temple of the 
 god, both the citizens and all the others, from their own 
 wives and from their own husbands the same day, but 
 from the wife of another man or husband of another 
 woman for two days, having bathed themselves; and like- 
 wise also from mourning for the dead and from a woman 
 in childbirth for the duration of two days; but from burial 
 and the exequies of the dead after they have been sprinkled 
 with holy water (jrepipaivo^ai) and after they have trav- 
 ersed the gate where the means-of-purification (dyurrijpia) 
 are placed, clean the same day." 
 
 On a slab found near Sunion the following was once 
 carved (633) : " And shall bring on no one uncleaned ; 
 and he shall be purified from garlic and pork and females; 
 and having bathed head-downwards they shall come in the 
 same day. And woman not less than seven days after her
 
 304 TESTIMONIUM ANIM.E 
 
 monthly flow, having bathed from her head downward, 
 shall enter the same day, and from a corpse after lapse 
 of ten days, and from spontaneous abortion forty days. 
 And no one shall sacrifice without him who established 
 the sanctuary: but if any one does so by force, the sacri- 
 fice is not acceptable at the hands of the god." 
 
 In the elaborate statutes (653) for the cult of Demeter 
 at Andania in Messenia the following may be noted: the 
 men and women tested and approved for participation in 
 the mystic rites, even in the procession these are desig- 
 nated as sacred or consecrated (te/>of). They must swear 
 in advance that they will conform to the written regu- 
 lations. Those initiated in the mysteries shall stand 
 unshod and they shall be garbed in white ; the women 
 shall not wear robes of transparent texture. Women who 
 wished to qualify for participation had to swear to their 
 marital fidelity. 
 
 Girls, too, must not wear anything transparent. Golden 
 trinkets, face paint, and ribbons for binding up tresses 
 were forbidden. The whole festal season is called a 
 panegyris a kind of fair, indeed. Tents must be pitched 
 in such a way that they may be freely inspected. No 
 couches are permitted in the tents. Silence must prevail 
 during ritual acts. Twenty staff-bearers must be obeyed 
 by all. The furnishing of the victims to go to the lowest 
 bidder. 
 
 In no case do we learn that the prayers had any spirit- 
 ual concern: often they were in behalf of the crops (virep 
 Kapirov) or, on behalf of people and senate, for their 
 health and well-being (636). 
 
 The victims must be sound, well-grown, without blem- 
 ish, or they must even excel by positive fairness or beauty; 
 the choice often delegated to a specific commission. 
 
 As to priests and their perquisites: at Pergamos (592) 
 the priesthood of Asklepios is decreed, by people and 
 senate, to belong to Asklepiades and his descendants for- 
 ever : to them also should belong the priesthood of the 
 other gods established in the same temple. The priest 
 in active service always to wear a wreath. The per-
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 305 
 
 quisites (ye'pa) to be the right thigh and the skins and 
 certain other portions. Also he receives immunity from 
 all communal burdens or services. 
 
 In an inscription of Asia Minor, if we follow Ditten- 
 berger's restoration (594) even a boy may purchase the 
 priesthood there discussed. Priest to keep the inner 
 temple in order. Income to begin with a month named. 
 The purchase price was named. At Kos the treasurers 
 (of the community) shall sell the priesthood of the wine- 
 god on the sixteenth of a stated moon: "and she who 
 purchases shall be healthy and whole, and not younger 
 than ten years: and she will be priest for life . . . she 
 shall be permitted to appoint a subpriestess, who is of the 
 commonwealth. ..." (598). 
 
 To another town " he who purchases the priesthood of 
 Artemis of Perge will present as priestess a woman- 
 citizen descended from citizens on both sides for three 
 generations both from father and from mother ; and she 
 who shall purchase shall be priestess for her own life and 
 she shall perform the sacrifices both private and public, 
 and she shall receive of public sacrifices from each victim 
 a thigh and what goes regularly with the thigh, and one- 
 fourth of the inner parts and the skins ; and of private 
 sacrifices she will receive a thigh and what goes regularly 
 with the thigh, and one-fourth of the inner parts" (601), 
 ..." and the priestess shall make supplication every 
 first of the month in behalf of the commonwealth, receiv- 
 ing a drachma from the commonwealth." These economic 
 details are often given with great explicitness. 
 
 The oracles were not much resorted to during the in- 
 clement season : " The priest of Amphiaraos (598) shall 
 attend the sanctuary when the winter has gone by, until 
 the time of ploughing, making no intermission of more 
 than three days, and shall remain in the sanctuary not 
 less than ten days in each month. ..." At Dodona 
 there were leaden tablets passed in by the inquirers: on 
 one of these (794) a husband would know " about off- 
 spring, whether there will *be any child from his wife 
 Aigle, with whom he is living at the present time. ..."
 
 306 TESTIMOXIUM ANBLE 
 
 A woman (795) asks to which god she was to sacrifice to 
 be freed from her ailment. 
 
 A father would know of Zeus and Diona (797) whether 
 he is not the father of the child with which Annyla is now 
 pregnant. Another would ascertain whether sheep rais- 
 ing will prove a profitable venture (799). 
 
 Three written forms of disposing of certain temple-land 
 at Eleusis : these shall be sealed in three jars, and then 
 three delegates (789) shall go to Delphi and gain from 
 Apollo there a determination as to which of the jars con- 
 tain the direction which the commonwealth of Athens 
 shall follow, to the end that the commonwealth shall act 
 in the premises " in the most pious way as regards the two 
 goddesses. ..." 
 
 Worship is, after all, a form of communal utterance and 
 a species of membership in a given commonwealth. The 
 spirit often is that of jealous pride, nay of a certain ex- 
 clusiveness. Thus at Kos there are maintained not only 
 the three tribes of pristine Doric ascription, but a new 
 list is to be prepared of those who possess the privilege of 
 sharing (614) in the sacred rites of Apollo. Only such 
 may draw lots for the priesthood. 
 
 To exhibit the local pride of given communities in cer- 
 tain forms of worship and certain specific deities, one ex- 
 ample must serve for many. At Ephesus, even under 
 Roman sway there is no abatement of the ancient feeling 
 concerning Artemis (Acts 19, 24-41). "She who is the 
 tutelary power of our community" (656), so that even 
 the Roman proconsul voices this in an official edict, of the 
 time of the Antonines. The Roman proconsul in this 
 manifesto determines the days of sacred peace when all 
 litigation must slumber. That goddess, then, is " not only 
 honored in her own ancestral community (ev ry eatm}? 
 TraT/n'St) which she has rendered more famous than all the 
 cities through her own divinity, but also among Greeks and 
 Barbarians, so that in many places sanctuaries and sacred 
 enclosures have been consecrated to her ... on account 
 of the palpable acts of epiphany (self-revelation to men)
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 307 
 
 which have been enacted by her ..." therefore the en- 
 tire moon bearing her name shall be particularly conse- 
 crated to her, with games and a fair. 
 
 A word as to the brotherhoods or sodalities devoted to 
 specific forms of worship or ritual. But we must not take 
 them too seriously, these orgeones (workers of ritual) 
 or 0mcr<HTcu, sharers or members of a processional band, 
 as those of Aphrodite (726), who probably, with not a 
 little of mimic acts, reproduced the love of the Cyprian 
 and Syrian goddess Shakespeare's " Venus and Adonis " 
 (726). They were clubs, too, with fixed contributions 
 and officials. The treasurer of the Dionysiastai repaired 
 the temple of the Wine-god. A sacrificial fund (728) 
 was endowed by them. They voted priesthood (729): 
 they paid for an agalma. Some had a burial fund for 
 members, and praised (731) a treasurer for paying it out 
 promptly. They constituted units of ritual influence and 
 usage, and seem to have done not a little canvassing and 
 wire-pulling in landing their man in some sacerdotal office, 
 as we would say in the United States. 
 
 At Kos there was made a bequest of property (834) ; 
 there was to be maintained annually a mimic enactment 
 of the espousals of Herakles figures and a dramatic 
 presentation the chief celebrant seems to have held the 
 role of Hercules : behold the vigorous love for local legend, 
 forms of family pride comparable to the Potitii and Pinarii 
 of ancient Rome, the Eumolpidai of Eleusis. No bastard 
 should ever share in the annual celebration. 
 
 The monthly fee of the Jobacchoi (737) of Athens went 
 for wine. Why did they call the meeting-place mattress 
 (o-n/3a9)? Because many reclined in this drinking club 
 after the ritual of poculation had progressed somewhat ? 
 
 Members were warned against " entering a strange tent " 
 they were exhorted to abstain from abuse and backbit- 
 ing at anniversaries. They were to settle their own liti- 
 gation privately, outside of the public courts. WreatU 
 were brought for deceased members.
 
 308 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 They also heroized distinguished deceased members by 
 votes and inscriptional dedication honored of musing 
 wayfarers. 
 
 And this brings us to the tombs, limits of life and joy 
 and, for the Hellenic spirit, of hope. My citations are 
 taken from the epigraphic collections of Kumanudes, the 
 antiquarian of modern Athens. Greek Catholic Chris- 
 tianity and the voices of the Kerameikos : I for one crave 
 no palingenesis of these notes of gloom. Futile or eclec- 
 tic must be the suspiria of such Renaissance. So, to at- 
 tach our material to the concluding item from Ditten- 
 berger's collections, we learn that a splendid mausoleum 
 was the chief thing for "heroizing" the departed: "I, 
 Antonia (No. 2578), also called Socratike, builded for 
 my sweetest husband Antiochos this heroon, an end of his 
 labours. I hand over to the subterrestrial gods this 
 heroon to guard: to Pluton and Demeter and Persephone 
 and to the Erinyans and to all the subterrestrial gods. 
 But if any one will dismantle this heroon or open it or 
 cause any other change whatever, either personally or 
 through another, to him the earth shall withhold base for 
 his footstep, the sea for his navigation, but he shall be 
 uprooted with all his stock of all evils shall he make 
 test, of ague and fever tertiary and quarternary and of 
 elephantiasis and whatever evil and pernicious things oc- 
 cur in the world, these shall befall him who dares to make 
 any change from this heroon." Of brave Attic men 
 who perished before Potidaia (No. 9) the Elegy says that 
 " A ither received their souls, their bodies the earth. . . ." 
 
 Often the dead warn the living (131) : " Live thou well 
 the remnant of time in life, knowing that below, the manse 
 of Pluto abounds in wealth, though needing none at all." 
 " Having had much sweet sport with comrades of my own 
 age, having (1002) sprouted from earth, earth have I 
 become again." 
 
 " Never cool the wailing tears (1148) of my parents, 
 for they have lost the cheer of their life and the hand 
 that was to nurse them in age."
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 309 
 
 A note of hope : " Bone and flesh of the charming boy 
 has the earth, but (1825) the soul has departed to the 
 chamber of the Pious. . . ." " Ye Spinners of Fate, alas ! 
 laying on miserable children of mortals the yoke defying 
 escape through necessity, what for did ye bring me forth, 
 after I had fled forth from the bitter pangs of childbirth 
 of her who bore me, to the light of the Sun yearned 
 for ? Now I, leaving unending griefs to those who begot 
 me, at twenty I descended to the awful abodes of those 
 who have perished." 
 
 Frequently the deceased recorded his own curse against 
 those who should injure the place of repose : or if in a 
 change of title to the land should remove the bones : 
 " Before gods and Heroes, whoever thou art who boldest 
 the plot, do thou not at any time shift any of these things, 
 and as for the images of these agalmata and honors, who- 
 ever should destroy or remove, from him let neither the 
 earth bear fruit, nor the sea endure his navigation, and 
 wretchedly shall they perish, they and their stock ; but 
 whoever would preserve (my remains) in their place, and 
 persevere in giving and increasing the customary honors, 
 many boons shall be his, both his own and his descend- 
 ants' " : a current formula. 
 
 A husband thus records the physical charms of a wife 
 the spirit of Hellenism this : " She who (3388) once 
 bore herself proudly with blond tresses upon her head, 
 and gleaming with eyes ravishing like those of the Graces 
 distinguished with face and cheek like snow, and utter- 
 ing delicate speech from sweet mouth with scarlet lips 
 through ivory teeth," a lover-husband's farewell, mani- 
 festly. 
 
 A child of seven (2987) : " and all those rites which 
 are a care to the merciful divinities, he (my father) did 
 not omit: for the sacrifices of EumfNaeftjj provided a 
 crown and so bestowed great fame on me and a garland 
 of ivy the processional brethren of Dionysos amid torches 
 which they bore, carried to this my tomb. Verily a fair 
 object of honor am I, if not false is the saying of men, 
 that those children die whom the gods love. ..."
 
 310 TESTIMONIUM ANIMLE 
 
 NOTE. The work of Pausanias, more markedly so than that of 
 his exemplar, is cyclopedic, but antiquarian, too : like Gellius the 
 Roman purist and devotee to archaic lore, Pausanias ignores in the 
 main post-classic objects and matters : it seems rash to infer from 
 this that he compiled his work from books (as Wilamowitz assumed 
 as a young man). 
 
 His description everywhere deals with actualities : the enumera- 
 tion of temples with roofs fallen in, is particularly impressive. Gen- 
 erally his first concern was as to the Founder. It is impressive also 
 to realize how small was the ecstasy of contemporary notice of the 
 greatest Greek sculptors in fact, Greek art was more of an efflores- 
 cence of a spirit singularly devoted to comeliness than a perpetual, 
 let alone an ennobling or didactic, force bearing on Greek culture. 
 The caterpillar dresses not in the silk spun from its own substance. 
 
 The strongest single impression that passes from the work of 
 Pausanias to the comprehension of the reader is this, that the actual 
 worship of the communities was embellished, but was not essentially 
 elevated by the chisel of Skopas and Praxiteles, Pheidias, Myron, or 
 Polykleitos. If anything, Pausanias tones down the fine frenzy of 
 your possessed archaeologist. The mimic ritual of circumscribed 
 worship was, in the main, still practised, in his day. The washing 
 or bathing of the idols was a noteworthy ceremony. 
 
 As to mimic reproductions actually gone through with on anniver- 
 saries, v. Paus., 8, 53, 1 sqq. 
 
 Isis of Egypt had overrun Greece at that time. The dusk of gods 
 is also the Blending and Fusion thereof. 
 
 It may be maintained as a thesis of Greek cultural practices that 
 the oldest idol as a rule was the object of the chief acts of devotion : 
 how meteorites came to be so honored is not difficult to perceive, e.g. 
 at Orchomenos (9, 38, 1). Orchomenos in Boeotia was once great 
 and rich : its vanishing and passing reminded Pausanias of the deca- 
 dence of Mykenai and Delos (9, 34, 6). It was here where the 
 " worship " of the Charites or Graces personifications of what is 
 winsome was established. Here first sacrifices (9, 35, 1) were 
 offered to them. 
 
 The progression from drapery to nudity among the Greeks came 
 not out of any " religious " movement as the hierophants of JEstheti- 
 cism sometimes hand down from their various tripods, but through 
 the influence of the great artists, such as Praxiteles (as noted), before 
 whom even the goddess of sensuality was not entirely nude. 
 
 Dittenberger's Inscription No. 588 contains an account or inven- 
 tory of treasures of Delos as made by the passing officials of that 
 sanctuary or found by those entering upon office. Many of the gifts 
 were from royal persons, the sacred presents being costly rings, golden 
 wreaths, bars of melted gold, gold coin, goblets, jewels of all kinds. 
 Among the givers were King Demetrios, the women of Delos, a 
 Carthaginian, Jomilkas, Antigonos, sovereign of Macedon, admirer of 
 Zeno the Stoic, Pnytagoras, a prince of Cyprus, Greeks of the penin-
 
 ACTUAL WORSHIP IN GREEK COMMUNITIES 311 
 
 sula in the Black Sea, peninsula now called the Crimea, Queen Stra- 
 tonike of Syria, the people of Kos, men from Rhodes, an Apulian 
 Greek, Perseus, last King of Macedon before his accession, King 
 Attalos of Pergamon, a man from Chios, a giver resident of Philadel- 
 phia, a citizen of Syracuse, Demetrios, son of Philip III of Macedon, 
 Roman officials and provincial governors, among them T. Quinctius 
 Flamininus, Scipio Asiaticus, King Eumenes of Pergamon, also the 
 victor over Hannibal, Publius Cornelius Scipio, a devotee to Greek 
 culture; a man from Cumse in Italy, a visitor from Cyrene, King 
 Ptolemy, founder of the dynasty (180). 
 
 A temple of Serapis and of Isis flourished on the island. 
 
 The term KareiSwAov applied to Athens by St. Paul, Acts 17, 16, is 
 overwhelmingly significant to the reader who comes from the perusal 
 of the first book of Pausanias. The revised version of 1881 " as he 
 beheld the city full of idols " is both lexically and materially more 
 exact than the King James version, "the city wholly given to 
 idolatry " : " teeming with, bristling with, covered with figures for 
 worship," one might render it. Pausanias concerns the theologian 
 much more, as it seems to me at least, than the archaeologist. The 
 enumeration of agalmata is one of the chief tasks of this traveller of 
 the Hadrianic Renaissance. 
 
 The very essence, however, of that drift and striving lies in this 
 utterance of Pausanias with which I will bring this note as well as 
 the Hellenic Section of my book to termination (1, 5, 14) : " and in 
 my time the emperor Hadrian who has gone furthest in the honor 
 which he showed to divinity. 
 
 " And all the sanctuaries of the gods which he partly builded from 
 the beginning, and partly also adorned with sacred gifts and outfit- 
 tings ... it is all recorded in writing by him in the common 
 sanctuary of the gods." 
 
 Futile cult of agalmata, one may say. But futile also is it, when in 
 our own generation men have essayed to yoke up the creed of St. Paul 
 with the Simian creed. Futile, I say, to go to the modern disciples of 
 Demokritos and meekly beg of them some minimal franchise for 
 Religion. 
 
 A god to whom I cannot pray, 
 
 Pray, what is he to me? 
 
 Mont Blanc is he, or star afar, 
 
 Pentelic marble, Tigris clay, 
 
 Or isle in southern sea.
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 
 
 THERE was a time when every educated European 
 owed his education, in great part, to the Roman people, 
 that is to say, to a long and thorough study of some 
 writers that have come forward among the Romans. 
 Time and the Experience of Mankind have, in this 
 later generation, made up, by neglect and by indulgence 
 in shallow commonplace, for that excess of devotion. 
 True, essayists like Montaigne and Bacon often breathe 
 a literary spirit but little removed from Seneca and 
 Cicero who nurtured these strong ones. Even in the 
 generation now passing from the stage, a kind of cos- 
 mopolitan fame has fallen to Theodor Mommsen. Who- 
 ever did in sweet youth listen to the keen intelligence 
 uttering itself to academic " hearers " in his Berlin audi- 
 torium will never forget him. But that other Holstein 
 scholar, Niebuhr, was the greater man, for he helped to 
 emancipate Prussia from Napoleon, Napoleon indeed, in 
 whom the first Roman imperator might almost seem to 
 have had a reincarnation. The nephew Louis deliber- 
 ately sought to wrap himself in the toga of the second 
 Roman emperor, a new Augustus and saviour of social 
 order, and Friedrich Ritschl in his day lent his great name 
 to the furtherance of this ambition. vanitatum vanitas 
 Chiselhurst and Zululand. So men strive to seat them- 
 selves in niches made by the valuation of many anterior 
 generations. 
 
 But what of Roman spirit and character ? First of all, 
 the very names furnish a significant exhibit of the 
 trenchant and utter difference between the Latins and 
 
 312
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 313 
 
 the Greek nationality. For does not Nomenclature in 
 a manner quite unique reveal the very ideals, spirit, and 
 dearest convictions of those bestowing and bearing names? 
 Thus the Greeks extolled strength and military prowess : 
 Agamemnon means Abide-fast, and Hektor is the stayer 
 in the struggle : Alexandros what irony in the seducer 
 of Helena means Warder-off-of-men. Agias, Agesilaos, 
 Hegias, Hegesias, and Hegesandros are names of Leader, 
 Leader of people, Leader of men. Comeliness and Beauty 
 are the kernel in these names : Kallias, Fairly ; Kalli- 
 genes, Fair-born ; Kallibios, Fair life ; Kallianax, Fair 
 lord ; Kalliaraos, Fair plough ; while Phaidros and 
 Phaidrias speak of beaming beauty. The nationality 
 that deifies Herakles and established contests at untold 
 anniversaries extolled strength. Thus we have Alkippos, 
 Strong steed ; Alkibios and Alkibiades, Strong life ; 
 Alkidamas, Swaying with power ; Alkimedon, Strong 
 counsellor ; while Alkman and Alkmene mean Strength 
 again. 
 
 Boldness appears in Thrasyllos, Thrasykles, and Thra- 
 syleon, Lion bold ; Anakreon is Upper-ruler ; and Strength 
 or Power predominate in Eurysthenes, Krates, Sokrates, 
 Polykrates, Timokrates. 
 
 Great is Fame and the acquisition thereof : a worthy 
 ideal reposes in Lysikles, famous dissolver (of quarrels), 
 a veritable Make-peace and Irenseus indeed amid the 
 seething foam of civic contentiousness. Eratokles, Fame- 
 beloved ; Klearchos, Famed ruler ; Eukles, Well-famed ; 
 Pherekydes, Bearer of Renown ; Eteokles, True-fame ; 
 Kleophon, Fame-voiced ; Polykles, Much-fame ; Aristokles, 
 Best-fame ; and many others, belong here. 
 
 Of Battle and Bravery in arms are these : Euthymachos, 
 Straight-fighting ; Pisistratos, Persuader of host ; Straton, 
 Hostley ; Lysimachos, Dissolver of battle ; Nikoma- 
 chos, Victorious-fighter ; Menon and Memnon, the Stayer ; 
 similar is Menandros ; while these deal with victory : 
 Nikias, Nikandros, Nikobulos. 
 
 Social rank is conveyed in all names dealing with the 
 steed think of the Pheidian youths mounted in the
 
 314 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 Panathenaic parade : Hipparchos, Hippasos, Hippias, 
 Hippo-botos, Horse-herd ; Hippodamas, Horse-tamer ; 
 Hippothoos, Horse-swift ; to which add Lysippos, Phai- 
 nippos, Show-horse, Xanthippos, Archippos, Menippos, 
 Thrasippos, Archippos, Philippos. 
 
 Law and Justice are honored in Euthydikos, Straight- 
 right ; Euthykritos, Straight-judged ; Themistokles, Jus- 
 tice-famed ; Dikaiarchos, Righteous-ruler. 
 
 A posy of women's names may here be culled : Agno 
 and Hagna, The chaste one ; Kallikome, Fair-tressed ; 
 Kallisto, Fairest ; Kallaithyia, Fair-gleaming ; Hedyline, 
 Sweeting ; Melite and Melissa, Honey and Honey-bee ; 
 Makaria, Blessed ; Anako, Highdame ; Phaidra, Beaming. 
 With love and loveliness these names are bound up : 
 Eranno, Brasilia, Erasmia (Huldah) ; Erato and Charito, 
 Grace ; Eratonassa, Love-dame ; Chairylla, Joy ; Rhode, 
 Rose. 
 
 Moralizing these are : Phainarete, Show- virtue ; Xen- 
 arete, Virtue to guests ; Demarete, Virtue to people ; 
 Sophia, Wisdom ; Eunomia, Good laws ; Pheidylla, Fru- 
 galine. We do not know very many women's names, of 
 course. But the Olympians whom the Greeks had made 
 for themselves were much cited and resorted to in Hellenic 
 nomenclature. 
 
 Timotheos, Honor-god ; Theognes, God-sprung ; Theo- 
 doros, Theodotos, and Theodosios, God-gift and God-given ; 
 Theophanes, God-revealed ; Thukydides, Son of God- 
 fame ; Theokles. Follows the chorus of concrete figures 
 and forces : of Zeus are these : Diodoros (Zeus-given), 
 Diodotos, Zenon, Zenodotos, Dickies ; of his spouse : Her- 
 odoros, Herodotos, Heraios, Herakleitos, Heragoras ; of 
 Apollo and Artemis : Apollonios, Apollodoros, Apollo- 
 krates, Apollothemis : Artemisios, Artemidoros. Of Ath- 
 ena : Athenion, Athenaios, Athenodoros, Athenagoras ; the 
 god of craft and expedients : Hermaios, Hermesianax 
 (Lord Hermes), Mimnermos, Hermesikrates, Hermesistra- 
 tos. The Syrian and Paphian Force : Aphrodites, name 
 clearly rare because too contiguous to impurity. 
 
 The healing deified heros of Epidauros : Asklepiades,
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 315 
 
 Asklepiodoros ; Sun and Moon : Heliodoros, Heliokles, 
 Heliokrates : Meniphilos, Menodoros, Menophilos, and 
 others. 
 
 But now the Roman names : Lepidus, Bright, neat ; 
 Paullus, Little ; Magnus, Longus ; Crassus, Fat ; Scaurus, 
 With projecting ankle-bones ; of light complexion are 
 Albus, Albinus, Albinius, Albidius, and Albucius ; Aulus, 
 Little grandfather ; Junius, Of youthful vigor ; Balbus, 
 Balbinus, Balbutius, Stammerer ; Cselius, perhaps Blue- 
 eyed ; Csesius, Bluish-grey eyed ; Kaeso, Csesonius, Cae- 
 sernius, Csesennius ; Aquilus, Aquilius, Black-eyed, tint 
 like that of Eagle's pinions. Similar is the meaning of 
 Fuscus. 
 
 Csecilius, Csecina, Blind perhaps of one who after 
 birth gained his eyesight very slowly. 
 
 Catus (Sabine for acute, keen, clever), Cato, Catulus, 
 Catullus, Catilina. Celer, Swift ; Capito, With large 
 skull at birth ; Labeo, with large lips ; Cincinnatus, 
 Curly-haired; also Crispus, Crispinus. Claudius, Limp- 
 ing, Clodius. Curtius, Shortly, like Paullus. Blond hair 
 was the adornment of the first babe called Flavus : as a 
 flower appeared to his happy mother the little boy 
 named Florus. Flaccus is Limp whether of hair or 
 ear. Galba is Light yellow perhaps our straw-blond : 
 Glabrio was named the Rough-skinned child : Julius is 
 associated by etymologists with Junius and Juno : the 
 pride of Trojan ancestry had other explanation. 
 
 Licinus and Licinius (bent upward) perhaps meant a 
 little snub-nosed ; cf. the Simon and Simylos of Greeks. 
 Even more downright homely and realistic is Mucius, 
 Slimy ; Lentulus, Slowish, needs no explanation. Nasica 
 and Naso are concerned with the nose ; while Marcus, 
 Male-child, became one of the commonest forenames of the 
 Roman people : its variants and congeners are Marcius, 
 Marcellus, Marcellinus. 
 
 Rutilus, Rutilius, Rufus, Rufinus, have to do with red 
 hair : Psetus is he of the sweetly-glancing eye, the " cun- 
 ning " babe of our Philistine. Lucius clearly a matter of 
 good omen and befalling one-half of little boys they
 
 316 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 called originally one born in daylight, a good omen, 
 obviously, while Manius (Manlius, Manilius) is the child 
 born early in the morn. Varus, Varius, have to do with 
 feet, step, or gait, abnormality there. 
 
 From pursuits, industry, husbandry, may be these: 
 Fabius, a farmer cultivating beans : probably excelling 
 among his neighbors therein. Porcius, as in Iowa, Swine- 
 raiser. Cassius, perhaps some ancestral peasant good in 
 snaring stag or doe in winter-time. The forefather of all 
 Csepios raised that prolific though somewhat too urgent 
 vegetable, the onion ; perhaps, too, it meant some infant 
 whose head was onion-shaped. Cicero may refer to a 
 certain pea : or was it a child with somewhat pod-like 
 protuberance of nostrils ? Cicereius certainly means the 
 husbandman and farmer distinguished for his peas. 
 
 A few names seem to point to ritual and worship : 
 
 Ancus, Bent, bowing, servant of gods, priest ; Antistius, 
 Priest ; Aurelii (Auselii : a Sabine family), Servants of 
 golden sun, priests of sun? Camillus, Acoylite, little 
 priest ; Asinius raised donkeys, Caninius, dogs. 
 
 Censorinus, Flaminius, Flamininus, refer to honors of 
 office, and are clearly later than the others. 
 
 In a word : was there ever a tribe, race, or clan so en- 
 tirely devoted to the actual, real, present, and concrete 
 as these Romans were, by the incisive and overwhelming 
 testimony of their nomenclature ? Need I enlarge or ex- 
 pand any further this cloud of witnesses ? Was not here, 
 in the very cradle and mother's and father's direction of 
 mind and concern, was not here foreshadowed and de- 
 termined a race supremely indifferent to mere glamour or 
 fancy but not less indifferent to the broader and higher 
 concerns and aspirations of our common humanity ? 
 
 Whatever was strong or made for strength : the useful 
 and that which definitely and certainly led to a useful 
 end, this people cherished, maintained, and improved.
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 317 
 
 To understand how on the great Tuscan stream a new 
 commonwealth was planned and builded is, honestly 
 speaking, beyond the ken and vision of our present 
 powers or beyond the broken fragments of actual tradi- 
 tion. The last and the strongest of Latin communities, 
 first and last to place itself by Tiber, only artery of 
 greater commerce, stepping far beyond the narrow op- 
 portunities of barter, it strove, first, for the hegemony 
 over Latium, then it successfully disputed the control of 
 the peninsula with the stout Samnites, and last, with ever 
 increasing deliberateness, this wonderful state established 
 its sceptre over the Mediterranean world. 
 
 More conspicuous and dazzling are the data of battle- 
 fields, and great crises are often marked thereby : parting 
 of the ways. But more elusive is for our remoteness the 
 comprehension of the warp and woof out of which is made 
 the fabric of family, of that order and orderliness in home 
 and state which could endure such bufferings of outward 
 vicissitudes and survive such domestic trials. 
 
 Was the sketch of Polybios too favorable ? The Swiss 
 have not a great state, but they have produced eminent 
 statesmen and publicists : Holland has brought forth not 
 only Oranges and Ruyters, but a Hugo Grotius as well. 
 So the little Achaian league, last efflorescence of Hellenic 
 political life, could boast a Philopoimen, Aratos, Polybios. 
 What wide training, noble traditions, the richest culture, 
 devotion to Stoic creed, an outlook on a contemporary or 
 slightly preceding history full of momentous movement 
 what all these could do for a gifted and serious mind they 
 had done for Polybios. To these advantages was added 
 a profound veracity : " As in the case of a living being, 
 when the organs of sight are removed, the whole organ- 
 ism becomes useless, so, when truth is taken away from 
 historiography, the remainder of it becomes a useless dis- 
 course " (1, 14). It is not within the limits of this work 
 to transcribe from the Achaian statesman's sixth book 
 with what balance and harmony monarchy, aristocracy, 
 and democracy were blended and their several forms of 
 efficiency were incarnate, so to speak, in the Roman polity.
 
 318 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Righteousness writ large : was really this the essence of 
 that constitution ? The Romans, however, advanced their 
 government not from philosophical foundations, nor from 
 sociological abstractions. Experience, actual tests, elimi- 
 nation of the inefficient : these things are found with the 
 Romans, no less than a reverence, an awe of ancestral 
 bonds, and the authority of tradition : curious felicity for 
 a durable polity and commonwealth. "The Romans 
 (says Polyb., VI, 11) have made the same aim in the set- 
 tlement of their government (as Lycurgus), but not 
 through theoretical reasoning, but choosing the better in 
 each case from the understanding presented in momentous 
 political experiences, thus they arrived at the same end 
 and aim as Lycurgus, the fairest structure of a polity 
 found in our time." 
 
 How colleague checks or controls colleague, how the 
 initiative of consuls is checked by that august executive 
 committee for current affairs, the Senate: how the rights 
 of the poor are intrusted to a specific body of magistrates: 
 how the census is a powerful stimulus to every Roman to 
 improve his possessions : how, with all the venerable privilege 
 of Senatorial class, there is no bar to talent and frugality: 
 how the Censors again and again struck with the powerful 
 thunderbolt of their nota. Senators whose lives bore on 
 their surfaces scandal or vice: how even the lowest rung 
 in the ladder of honors there was no other reward, long, 
 in public service the military tribuneship, was be- 
 stowed upon merit alone : all these things are permanent 
 objects of the concern of historians and moralists, and 
 of classicists even. 
 
 Now, in any effort to grasp the character and spirit of 
 this commonwealth, it soon becomes manifest that the most 
 characteristic trend and tendency deals with authority 
 and with property.. Further, that the unparalleled career 
 of conquest of the Roman commonwealth must not be 
 viewed as a world-mission of order and statutes imposed 
 on quarrelling barbarians by the military benefactors who 
 came from the Tiber but that it was exploitation on a 
 gigantic scale.
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 319 
 
 And, first, as to property. Much of the morality of the 
 Romans, very many of their soundest as well of her most 
 peculiar, nay oddest, traits, were certainly bound up with 
 her conception of property. Sparta claimed children, 
 specifically sons, for the state. In Rome they are in a 
 unique sense the property of the father. In him ancestry, 
 power, authority, law, everything, is blended. I know of 
 no ancient or modern civilization that has coined so many 
 terms of life and rights from that word: Pater, Patronus, 
 Patrocinium, Patricius, Patrimonium, Pater familias, Pa- 
 tronatus, Patrocinari. We must, of course, not forget that 
 the Romans conceived patria potestas as the greatest social 
 blessing and as the very corner stone of civil order, and so 
 ultimately also of the fabric of the state. 
 
 A constitution of Constantino the Great of date 323 
 (Codex C, 8, 46, 10) specifically states that once upon a 
 time (olim) the power over life and death was permitted 
 to fathers. And Gaius (famous jurist of the Law School 
 of Berytos, fl. ab. 160 A.D.) says (1, 55): "Likewise (i.e. 
 just as in the case of slaves) in our power are our children 
 whom we have begotten in legal wedlock. This principle 
 of law is peculiar to Roman citizens: for as a general thing 
 there are no human beings who have such power over 
 their sons as we have." 
 
 Even when the son has grown to vote, to serve his 
 years in the military establishment, nay even after he has, 
 with the consent of his father, married and begotten 
 children of his own, this stern bond of dependency, author- 
 ity, and civil obligation remained unbroken. 
 
 And this was a ius moribus receptum, a matter of 
 ancestral tradition. As a rule, the oldest living ascendant 
 maintains unimpared civil control over his living descend- 
 ants excepting girls (who through marriage have passed 
 into other power) or such male descendants who have been 
 emancipated or given to another father by adoption. The 
 whole trend of their civilization was, to settle and deter- 
 mine the rights of property. The precision and good 
 sense with which wills, legacies, trusts, guardianship, and 
 pupillage, the rights of posthumous children, degrees of
 
 320 TESTIMOXIUM ANIM.E 
 
 kinship inhibiting marriage, adoption, the savings of sons 
 and slaves, and every relation of civil life, were settled and 
 determined, has challenged the admiration of mankind. 
 I have space here for but a few matters of characteristic 
 detail. You may lend money to a ward who is under a 
 guardian: the ward (Justinian, "Instit.," 1, 21) needs not 
 the authority of his tutor to accomplish an act beneficial to 
 himself: he can stipulate effectively to receive something: 
 but he cannot legally impair his prospects of property by 
 acts of buying, selling, hiring, letting, brokerage or de- 
 posit. Nor can the pupillu* enter upon an inheritance 
 without authority of tutor: for the lad cannot know 
 whether the encumbrances of the estate are not more 
 ruinous than is the amount represented by the free assets. 
 
 Guardianship, i.e. the care for the transmission of prop- 
 erty, was elaborated by the Romans into a public, general, 
 civic obligation, comparable to jury-service in America. 
 The government appoints a tutor in default of testamen- 
 tary provision, and this guardian must give ample security, 
 in order that negligence or loss may be prevented (Justin., 
 "Inst.," 1, 24). This, however, not in all classes of 
 guardians. Still the financial liability of every kind of 
 guardian to his ward was well established. Even the 
 magistrates who had neglected this matter in their ap- 
 pointments were made liable to the impaired estate, and 
 this liability descended even to their heirs. 
 
 Infamia was the penalty visited upon the faithless 
 guardian or curator: a matter determined even in the 
 Twelve Tables (of 451 sq. B.C.). An action against a 
 faithless guardian is a public action : a matter of public 
 policy: any one may bring it, even though he is not 
 personally concerned : even a mother, nurse, grandmother, 
 or sister may sue : for they have the motive of pietas. The 
 Roman Law carefully distinguished between negligence 
 (culpa) and felonious purpose (dolus). A guardian found 
 guilty of the latter was punished with civil infamy. And 
 this brings us to the matter of civil and commercial 
 morality as maintained among the Roman people. In the 
 first place we make record of the fact that they had
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 321 
 
 Infamia as a penalty: awful penalty, where there was no 
 sweet domicile, no tolerable existence beyond the confines 
 of the native commonwealth. Delicate was the sense of re- 
 gard for personal honor and reputation: the mere naming 
 of a distinguished man in a public way was generally 
 attended by the apologetic phrase quern honoris causa 
 nomino. The reckless impudence of Attic democracy 
 was a strange thing to the gravitas of the Roman character. 
 The poet Nsevius tried to be a Roman Aristophanes, 
 Eupolis, or Kratinos, but rued for it in prison. 
 
 But to return to infamia, infamis, famosus. A curious 
 observation may here be made in connection with this 
 matter. An insolvent master may (Justin., 1, 6) give free- 
 dom to a slave by will so as to constitute him his heir and 
 place him under legal obligation to satisfy the creditors of 
 his late master. This slave became a "heres necessarius." 
 If the slave found himself unable to satisfy the creditors 
 with the assets of his new estate then "his assets were 
 sold: he was bankrupt, but the name of the deceased was 
 spared. Call it a legal fiction if you will: it is clear that 
 not only civil opprobrium was associated with insolvency; 
 that a good commercial name was most precious in their 
 estimation. 
 
 There was, however, a specific Praetorian Edict dealing 
 with Infamia. I find that the character and design of 
 this book obliges me to cite it in full (" Digest," 3, 2, 1). 
 
 " With Infamy is branded (notatur) who has been dis- 
 gracefully dismissed from the army by the commander or 
 by him who had the power of determining about that 
 matter; he who appears upon a stage as a professional 
 actor or for the sake of giving a public recitation (for 
 money, I take it) ; who was a brothelkeeper ; who in a 
 public trial has been judged to have done something for 
 the sake of calumny or betrayal of the interests of an- 
 other {prcevaricatio) ; who has been condemned on his 
 own score or made a contract involving theft, robbery 
 attended with violence, tort, felonious design and fraud ; 
 who has been found guilty as business-partner, on his 
 personal responsibility in connection with Guardianship,
 
 322 TESTIMONIUM ANIMvE 
 
 Mandate, Deposit, there being no judgment to the con- 
 trary ; who has placed a woman who was (civilly) in his 
 power, after his son-in-law was dead, when he knew that 
 the latter was dead, within that period of time during 
 which it is customary to mourn for a husband in matri- 
 mony, or who marries such a woman knowingly, not by 
 the order of him in whose power (civilly) he is ; and also 
 the person who has permitted the marriage of the woman 
 described above ; or who, in his own name, not by the 
 order of him in whose power he is or in the name of that 
 man or woman whom he had in power, has established 
 two betrothals or two espousals at one and the same 
 time." It is in these very forms and formalities of law 
 and procedure in which the character and spirit of the 
 Roman is revealed, whereas his flights into letters and 
 literature are, in the main, exotic and inadequate repro- 
 ductions of Greek ; hence Roman prose is by far the more 
 valuable half of her literary remains. 
 
 But to proceed : a great and praiseworthy trait of the 
 Roman people for a long time was this, that their 
 unwritten law was so strong as to preserve what was 
 sound, and to inhibit mere innovation for the sake of in- 
 novation. This was due in great measure to the fact 
 that the plebs for a long time was led by the conservative 
 classes. It was due, furthermore, to the fact, that prop- 
 erty for a long time had a decisive influence in Roman 
 affairs as over mere or sheer numbers. Rome was a gov- 
 ernment in which family, descent, race, wide experience 
 and the tradition thereof, together with property and a 
 clear valuation of field and forest as over against the re- 
 sourcelessness of urban masses, are well expressed. In 
 the Classes of the Servian timocracy wealth determines 
 we may say, predetermines magistrates, administra- 
 tion, policies, and politics. Burdens, service, functions, 
 and privileges were balanced with considerable fairness. 
 Property opened the way into the equestrian class whose 
 ablest men were a veritable nursery of the Senate. The 
 Census was indeed a peculiar and incisive act in which 
 every citizen is recorded; separately minors and property-
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 323 
 
 holding women. The man who escaped or defrauded the 
 census was punished with great severity. In the older 
 time the guilty one was whipped, and, after his property 
 had been confiscated, was sold into slavery. After 168 B.C., 
 when direct taxation substantially ceased, all these things 
 were greatly mitigated. 
 
 The census involved wife and children also, with names 
 and ages. " Hast thou a wife ? " was the prescribed ques- 
 tion. And then followed this one : " For the sake of 
 raising a family ? " (liberorum qurcerndorum cause, Gellius, 
 4, 20). Thus we may say the commonwealth, as in a 
 mirror, surveyed itself in short periods. 
 
 History has fairly associated severity and sternness 
 with this characteristic institution of the Roman people : 
 the life and conduct of each one, bound up with the mo- 
 rality of family life and obedience to the commonwealth, is 
 curiously connected with census and censorship. 
 
 This brings us to another pertinent matter in this rapid 
 survey : the economic aspect of civic virtue. We can but 
 glance at the sumptuary Laws of Rome, and kindred acts 
 of the government. In the year 275 B.C. the censor 
 Fabricus expelled from the Senate the ex-consul P. Cor- 
 nelius Rufinus because the latter owned ten pounds of 
 silver-plate. The Lex Metella of 220 B.C. dealt with 
 fullers: probably limiting dyes and incidental luxury 
 (cf. Plin., "N. H.," 35, 197). During the heat and 
 stress of the Hannibalian war, in 215 B.C., but one year 
 after Cannee, was given the Lex Oppia: that no woman 
 should possess more than half an ounce of gold : that she 
 should not dress in a many-colored garment : that she 
 should not ride in a carriage and pair within a mile of 
 Rome or smaller towns, unless for the sake of public re- 
 ligious rites (Liv., 24, 1). A few years before, in 218, 
 was enacted the Lex Claudia (Liv., 21, 63), viz. that no 
 Senator or son of Senator should possess a seagoing vessel 
 holding more than three hundred amphorce. This, says 
 Livy, was considered sufficient for conveying produce 
 from the open country : all money-making was considered 
 unbecoming to Senators,
 
 324 TESTIMONIUM ANIJkLE 
 
 The common people, we are told, were enthusiastic for 
 this law, while the affected aristocracy was disgruntled. 
 
 The Lex Cincia (de donis et muneribus) of the year 204 
 B.C. provided that no one should receive gift or fee for 
 pleading a case. As in England until now political rep- 
 resentation has been without compensation, so in Rome 
 for a long time the advocate's and pleader's avocation was 
 carried on for such direct rewards as affection and politi- 
 cal promotion could hold out essentially an aristocratic 
 profession, as were all things concerning law and legisla- 
 tion in the better times. So Cato and Cicero arose and 
 became mighty in their generation. 
 
 Conduct of life and the proper use of time these 
 things again were inextricably bound together. Elegant 
 leisure, pursuit of taste, patronage of art and letters, 
 all these things came late and became conspicuous features 
 of Roman aristocracy only when these nobles had largely 
 lost their essential qualities. Iron rusts not but when 
 unused ; the intrinsic soundness and tough fibre of Roman 
 character craved action and labor: the practice of many 
 generations made little discrimination between sloth and 
 the life of contemplation and study the consummation 
 of Greek civilization and the goal for the trend of her 
 choicest souls. 
 
 Endless are the points of contact between the lives of 
 the Elder Cato and Benjamin Franklin : knowedge indeed, 
 but always with the proviso that it be useful knowledge : 
 whereby they meant addition to one's assets. Unless 
 your Senator utterly departed to one of his many villas 
 and the cult of Ceres and Pomona, life at home was stren- 
 uous. To begin a banquet de die i.e. with some clip- 
 ping from the hours devoted to work or business was 
 almost a crime to the sense of the olden time. " At 
 Rome " (says Horace, " Epistles," 2, 1, 103) " it was long 
 a mode of living beloved and established by time, early 
 at morn, the mansion unlocked, to be up, to give legal 
 decisions to the client, to lay out cautious investments on 
 sound security, to listen to your elders, to tell the younger 
 one through what means assets might grow, and expensive 
 sexual appetite might be curbed."
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 325 
 
 Thus Frugi became an honorable proper noun, and non- 
 productive pursuits were abhorrent to a commonwealth 
 where craving and getting, where husbandry, principal and 
 interest were universal concerns, and where Nepos (grand- 
 son) connoted also a squanderer and a spendthrift. Even 
 Sulla, a man largely emancipated from the older and better 
 Rome, in his day attempted to limit the luxury of banquets 
 and check the aspirations of Roman gourmands. 
 
 There was no stone theatre at Rome before Pompey's 
 time. Sternness is contiguous to cruelty. I have time 
 but for a few words concerning military penalties. 
 
 Neglect in reviewing pickets or in keeping post near 
 camp was punished immediately (Polyb., VI, 37) by 
 beating with cudgels and throwing stones, until the 
 culprit dropped and expired in camp, among his com- 
 rades. But if he actually survived this and escaped 
 beyond the stockade, even then there was no hope or sal- 
 vation. They had lost their native commonwealth and 
 must wander on the face of the earth. 
 
 The same terrible penalty was dealt out to him who 
 committed a theft in camp : also to him who bore false 
 witness there; or if any one be detected in sexual abuse 
 of a boy. All these features were both of splendid dis- 
 cipline and reveal in a measure that toughness which 
 subjected the Mediterranean world. 
 
 On a forlorn post (our Greek observer says, ib., 37), 
 even if many times their own number assault them, they 
 flee not nor abandon their hopeless position, fearing their 
 own penalty : " Some might in the melee cast away shield 
 or sword or some other one of their arms, as though bereft 
 of reason, and fling themselves among the foe, either 
 hoping to recover what they threw away, or, if subject to 
 the vicissitudes of war, hoping to escape the manifest dis- 
 grace and the insolence awaiting them at the hands of their 
 own people." 
 
 As for slaves, the very etymology of servus is somewhat 
 obscure. Victory makes property, and preeminently does 
 it give title to the person of the vanquished. So classical 
 antiquity held. This was conceived as under the Law of
 
 326 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 Nations (Jm Gentium). Property obligations could even 
 convert the free debtor into what was in effect a slave. 
 Here we are able to cite from the very essence of the 
 Roman spirit, viz. from the XII Tables (Tabula 3) : "After 
 a debt has been confessed and trial has been had on the 
 issues, a period of thirty days shall be granted by law. 
 Thereafter the creditor shall have the right to make arrest 
 of the person of his debtor. He shall bring him into 
 court. If the debtor do not execute the judgment (i.e. 
 pay), or some one for him give satisfaction in court, the 
 creditor shall bind the debtor with sinews (thongs) or with 
 fetters of fifteen pounds or more. The prisoner may 
 furnish his own food. Otherwise the creditor shall give 
 him a pound of wheat each day, or more." As Gellius, 
 (20, 1, 46) explains the further procedure, a period of 
 imprisonment followed, which lasted sixty days. During 
 this time for three consecutive market days (Nundinte, 
 8-16, 24) the debtor was produced before the prsetor 
 and the amount of the judgment was proclaimed. There- 
 after their life was forfeited or they were sold across the 
 Tiber into slavery. That is to say among the Etruscans, 
 who spoke not Latin and had a reputation for cruelty. 
 Such and similar were the laws of debt which caused the 
 famous " Secession " of the plebs in 494. But the severe 
 law just quoted was nearly half a century later. 
 
 To speak briefly : if property triumphed over humanity 
 where the parties were members of the same commonwealth, 
 the only sphere of life and living where some form of 
 humanity might be expected, what then shall we expect 
 of the Roman conception of slavery? What humanity, 
 pity or regard? It will not do to dispose of this matter 
 as Joachim Marquardt does, with a sweeping and general 
 pointing to the " repulsive phase of Roman slavery which 
 is the same in all slave states." In the first place it was 
 not the same. As far I know Greece had no slave-wars. 
 
 Plautus knew the actual public of his Rome (215-183 
 B.C. or so) probably better than Ennius or even Cato. 
 How rods of tough elm, wielded in turn by a large number 
 of those intrusted with the flogging, worn out on the back
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 327 
 
 of the slave who was suspended from a frame with bared 
 back while undergoing this torture I say, repartee 
 dealing with such scenes was clearly an unfailing means 
 to amuse the plebs of Rome (v. Plautus, " Asinaria," 565 
 <?<?.). The flagrum or flagellum was a kind of knout of 
 knotted cords or wire, with metal points or "scorpions." 
 Hot metal plates were used. Mill and quarry were ex- 
 treme resorts. The fugitivus slave, a common type of 
 life, was branded, or an iron ring was firmly clamped about 
 his throat ; often he furnished a few minutes' sport in the 
 arena, to contend with ferocious beasts. 
 
 Then there was the cross and the patibulum. The 
 latter I use the words of Marquardt (" Prlvatleben 
 der Romer" 1886, p. 186} was a " block of wood for the 
 throat, consisting of two parts : it was opened, fastened 
 about the throat of the culprit and in this form appeared 
 as a beam to which the two hands of the condemned man 
 could be tied or nailed. By crux they meant a pale (or 
 wooden upright) only, which was already erected at the 
 place of execution (palus or stipes) ; attached to this, too, 
 a person could be flogged and crucified, but the common 
 form of crucifixion was that one in which the culprit, 
 suspended in the patibulum, was drawn up this pale, so 
 that the patibulum, when firmly fastened, formed the cross- 
 piece of the cross. A difference in the penalty was in 
 this alone, that the delinquent sometimes was simply sus- 
 pended in the patibulum ; as a rule, however, he was nailed 
 with the hands to the patibulum, with the feet to the 
 stipes." Cruciare and cruciatus are the ordinary terms of 
 the Latin language to designate torture and torment. 
 
 In the year 132 B.C. the first of the greater slave- wars 
 of Rome was concluded; Tauromenion (Taormina) in 
 Sicily was taken by the consul Rupilius by betrayal, 
 Diodoros says likewise Henna, their stoutest refuge, 
 where more than twenty thousand slaves (Orosius) were 
 put to death. 
 
 Again, in the same province, then chief granary for the 
 needs of Rome, a slave-war raged for nearly four years, 
 down to 99 B.C.
 
 328 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 In 73 B.C. began the war of gladiators, which has im- 
 mortalized the name of Spartacus the gladiators were 
 slaves too, and were trained by contracting owners to 
 furnish forth amusement : so many pairs at so much the 
 pair. The Roman populace scanned the bills for famous 
 names as the names of operatic and histrionic people are 
 scanned on programmes by the modern devotees of art. 
 
 There are modern aberrations, too, however, such as 
 the pernicious and shallow glorification of spectacular 
 athleticism in a mysterious connection with institutions of 
 learning. We must deal gently with the Romans. 
 
 Seventy-four gladiators escaped from a " school " 
 (Indus) of their profession, training table and all, at 
 Capua. That was the spark in the hay-rick. Stout 
 men, once free, from Gaul and Thrace, were the leaders, 
 Vesuvius' then smiling slopes their base of operations. 
 Two consular armies were discomfited by them. One pro- 
 consul fell in battle. Who will explicitly point out all 
 the tremendous volume of meaning which lies in the 
 simple fact that in a short time Spartacus commanded 
 seventy thousand men ! How precarious was life and sub- 
 sistence with such an economic basis ! 
 
 Finally the resources and plan of Crassus were suc- 
 cessful. Sixty thousand slaves fell as men, but six thou- 
 sand were captured. Six thousand crosses from Capua 
 northward soon after bore carrion for vultures. 
 
 Leaving this theme we must say a word as to the freed- 
 man, the reverse of the shield. Here the spirit of Rome 
 was, in a measure, generous and liberal. The former mas- 
 ter was called patronus, a variant indeed of father. There 
 were many forms of manumission (Justin., " Inst.," 1, 12). 
 Wills rarely neglected such generous acts : acts declared 
 invalid only when they involved an impairment of the 
 rights of creditors. Tombs often were established to hold 
 the ashes of the owner's freedmen and freedwomen as well 
 as his own kin. 
 
 The freedman took the name of his patron, and if his 
 record had been without a serious flaw, was also made a 
 Roman citizen. His former master held certain testamen-
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 329 
 
 tary rights to a portion of the freedman's estate. Such 
 rights could be specifically willed by the patron. 
 
 Thousands and tens of thousands of Roman citizens 
 thus derived their descent from slaves, and in time stat- 
 utes were enacted (e.g. LexFufia Caninia, Justin., " Inst.," 
 1, 7) limiting manumission by will. 
 
 Even in 129 B.C., when the internal troubles of Rome 
 were assuming a critical character, the average mob of 
 the Forum was not of Latin, nay not even of Italian 
 ancestry ; it was then when Scipio jEmilianus, first 
 Roman of his time by every token of eminence, uttered 
 the proud rejoinder to the seething and enraged populace 
 (" Velleius," 2, 4) : " How can I be alarmed by your shout- 
 ing, to whom Italy is merely a stepmother ! " 
 
 In the early years of Nero (Tacit., "Annals," 13, 26) 
 there was a strong movement to make more severe the 
 penalties which a patronus might inflict upon a faithless 
 or ungrateful libertus. The injured patronus could, in- 
 deed, relegate the offending freedman a hundred miles 
 away from Rome : but the coast of Campania was a para- 
 dise : was there not a weapon that could not be treated 
 with disdain? It was proposed to enact a Senatus Con- 
 sultum to punish a transgressing freedman with renewal 
 of slavery. But upon closer inquiry they were astounded 
 to find that the majority of the equestrian class, nay even 
 of the august Senate, had such an humble pedigree. (Con- 
 sider also Lucan's lamentations, 7, 404 sqq.) 
 
 The deference to family, to authority, is written on 
 every page of Roman history: the drift of that history 
 exhibits the fact that the battles of Rome were won, her 
 administrations determined, her children begotten and 
 her blood shed, for the interests of a small number of 
 great families. The very history of the Republic is a 
 texture of such proud records, a history not a little viti- 
 ated by the pomp and pride of the great houses. 
 
 Every client and freedman shared in the satisfaction 
 whenever a new censura consulatus or triumph was added to 
 the records of the particular gens, and the interest which 
 they could make in elections and electioneering was
 
 330 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 tremendous. The Patrician Gens Claudia in the course of 
 time could record twenty-eight consulships, five dictator- 
 ships, seven censorships, seven triumphs, two ovations. 
 
 The Domitii boasted of seven consulates, two triumphs, 
 and two dictatorships : and similar were the records of the 
 Sulpicii, Cornelii, Aurelii, Calpurnii, Caecilii, Metelli, 
 JEmilii, Fabii, Fulvii, Furii, Licinii, Manlii, Marcii, 
 Papirii, Postumii, Quinctii, Sempronii, Servilii, Sulpicii, 
 Valerii. Pedigrees, Ancestral Busts, Inscriptions : these 
 were the dearest possession of them all. That they main- 
 tained for an uncommon span of history strong fibre 
 of sound qualities cannot be denied; that they, on the 
 other hand, conducted administration and the enlargement 
 of the empire chiefly for the advancement of their own 
 class and privileges alone, is an incontestable fact of 
 ancient annals. 
 
 This pride of race in which so great a part of Roman 
 character stands revealed, was particularly exhibited at 
 the end of their careers, at the funeral. The keen eye 
 of Polybius has seized upon this feature with his wonted 
 felicity of valuation (Polyb., 6, 53). Everything, says 
 the Sage of Megalopolis, the Roman aristocrat endured 
 to reap the fame associated with excellence. And this 
 the exequies must show to his fellow-citizens. The pro- 
 cession in stately and solemn parade moved to the rostra. 
 There is the embalmed corpse presented to the gaze of the 
 myriads, corpse sometimes reclining, generally placed 
 upright. A son or other kinsman mounts the rostra. He 
 then delivers the laudatio funebris, beginning with the 
 dimmest antiquity of the family, going on to a recital of 
 the eminent qualities and achievements of the deceased. 
 Thus the plebs became in a way a body of cousins, and 
 warm admirers of its own grandees. The portrait bust is 
 promptly added to the collection of that gens. These 
 portraits were not idealized, but they rigidly reproduced 
 every peculiarity of physiognomy. The family " Im- 
 agines" were kept in little sanctuary-like screens (veuSfovsi) 
 and carried on solemn occasions by dumb figures whose 
 stature fairly was the same as the person represented.
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 331 
 
 These dumb-figure men were further garbed and adorned 
 in the character or station of the deceased, as consul or 
 praetor : these with the purple-margined toga ; or if a 
 censor, purple: but if a triumphator, then with gold-textiled 
 garb. Chariots and lictors are not wanting, everything 
 recalling the precise honors of the past. And when they 
 arrive at the rostra, all seat themselves on ivory chairs. 
 
 Could anything more kindle ambition in the breast of 
 youth? The very history and greatness of Rome seemed 
 to be there incarnate : civic immortality indeed. 
 
 The praise of each one was recalled by the funeral 
 speaker and there they were themselves with all the 
 emblems of civic eminence, and here, if anywhere, we be- 
 hold the consummate flower of the Roman spirit, their 
 dearest ideals of existence. 
 
 Before I conclude this chapter, I must turn to a matter 
 not to be set aside or treated lightly : the political morality 
 of Roman administration and Roman conquest. 
 
 Ludwig Lange has particularly elaborated how the 
 parental and filial principle seems to be deeply marked in 
 many of their institutions. The Senators always were, 
 officially, the fathers of the people. On the other hand, 
 we may say that no bill of rights was ever granted to the 
 common people and though the evils of an oligarchy were 
 palliated, they were very real. 
 
 The right of appeal (provocatio) enacted and reenacted, 
 the demand for statutes drawn in writing and permitting 
 the common people to know the extent of the penalties 
 that could be imposed upon them (451-49), the tardy 
 granting of the right of intermarriage, the throwing open 
 of the curulian offices to the plebeians, the admission of 
 tribunician legislation to a force binding on all alike 
 (287 B.C.), each and every one of these concessions was 
 wrested from the privileged class only by great persistence 
 and by stubborn determination. Colonies indeed were 
 placed in all parts of Italy among the political dependents 
 of Rome, generally dubbed " allies " by a transparent
 
 332 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 euphemism. Rome here provided at the cost of the con- 
 quered for her surplus population and placed a large 
 number of Roman citadels from the Po down to the Ionic 
 Sea and the blue waters of Sicily. But many colonists 
 seem to have been content with remaining at Rome and 
 leasing their land to the old inhabitants. 
 
 Betterment for some : expropriation for the others. 
 Particularly when the personal ascendency of Marius, and 
 after him of Sulla and Pompey and Caesar, compelled 
 them by the political necessity of self-preservation to re- 
 ward the veterans who had made them then indeed 
 forms of law were shamefully abused by military colonies, 
 so-called : Apulia and Po country, and particularly Etruria, 
 suffered deep distress in such settlements. 
 
 The treatment which Rome gave its Latin " allies " is 
 significant : these men, bone and blood of Rome's strength 
 and defensive resources, in 340 B.C. demanded real political 
 equality : they were subdued in a desperate series of cam- 
 paigns. Some were indeed reconciled to their lot by slight 
 concessions: Rome was ever a believer in the fictions of res- 
 onant formularies: some Latin communities were given 
 the " citizenship without the suffrage." In order that the 
 votes of the numerous folk in the capital who had no glebe 
 or cattle should never preponderate, these were all enrolled 
 in four city tribes: four out of thirty-five, harmless num- 
 bers, but distinctly inferior to the farming folk we may 
 admit (304 B.C.). All men of higher rank were enrolled 
 in the thirty-one rustic tribes so-called. The very resi- 
 dence in Rome was once forbidden the citizens of Latin 
 allied towns in 177: it was the principle of exclusiveness 
 contesting with that of ethnical identity and political 
 equity; the Senators even in 126 B.C. (Lex Junia de 
 Peregrinis) found no way of keeping these kindred out of 
 political community but by physical expulsion. 
 
 But worse than this stubborn exclusiveness was the 
 selfishness with which the aristocracy acquired, if not the 
 title, at least the use and benefit of holdings in the public 
 land. It must be admitted that the common people were 
 too poor even to convey their family to and to begin
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 333 
 
 husbandry in lands often very far from the seat of gov- 
 ernment. What of it, if the title did remain in the state ? 
 
 It was hard and insufferable that the very legionaries who 
 had carried the sovereignty and empire of Rome from the 
 confines of Cilicia to the tides of the Atlantic, should, when 
 they finally came home, find hardly anything in the lap of 
 the future which made life worth living at all. Dioscuri 
 (Plutarch's phrase) these rare brothers, Tiberius and 
 Gains Sempronius Gracchus, who called Cornelia mother 
 and the brilliant Scipio the elder, victor at Zama, their 
 maternal grandfather are the two brothers, even now 
 political figures exceedingly difficult to fix in fair valua- 
 tion, their wreaths of honor refusing to lie quite still in 
 the herbaria of time. At the forefront of the best culture 
 of the peninsula were these brothers, moved, I believe, by 
 motives of rare purity: Gaius the younger, more radical and 
 the politician who knew the exact seam in the masonry of 
 ancient privilege and abuse where he might set his chisel 
 and swing his mallet. Tiberius the gentler and the ideal- 
 ist: when he saw once (travelling through northern Italy 
 to serve in Spain) how bare was Etruria of homesteads, 
 how rarely but a solitary shepherd slave tended flocks where 
 farms had been, he shuddered and was grieved. 
 
 Both brothers fell victims to privilege: traitors they 
 were called to their own class: revolutionaries, striving 
 for autocratic power men who would subvert order and 
 property: so, I say, were they branded by the ones : 
 benefactors, martyrs, patriots they were called by the 
 others: their name became the battle-cry of parties, and 
 Julius Csesar and Augustus were their later heirs. 
 
 Do we marvel that the Wars of the Oligarchy or of the 
 aspirants for supreme powers were waged by mercenaries 
 thenceforward ? 
 
 As to foreign conquest and the gathering together of 
 the provinces that fringed the Mediterranean, it was a 
 question, at first, of disputing the first place in the 
 western world with Carthage. 
 
 Even Cicero, enlightened beyond his generation and
 
 334 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 ever seeking for logical and moral substructure of action 
 even Cicero uses these momentous words: " There is no 
 commonwealth so foolish as not to prefer to hold sway 
 unrighteously rather than be enslaved justly to another " 
 ("De Bepub.," 3, 28). 
 
 Hammer or anvil: this indeed was but too often the 
 only alternative of political life and living. The Roman 
 antiquarians were fond of expatiating on the venerable 
 institution of the Fetialis : the herald who in set terms 
 and solemn appeal demanded satisfaction first from the 
 offending neighboring community : day of small things 
 and border feuds, cattle driven off, vineyards destroyed: 
 from these Origines it was a vast stride to the scene which 
 I will now briefly place before the reader, following the 
 story preserved in Valerius Maximus (6, 4, 3). The 
 Romans had sent Popilius Lsenas to King Antiochos 
 Epiphanes, requesting that this monarch should abandon 
 his projected invasion (168 B.C.) of Egypt. The envoy 
 of the Senate handed to the king a copy of the Senatus 
 Consultum making this demand. Antiochos read it and 
 remarked that he would hold a conference with his friends. 
 Popilius, indignant that he should have advanced any 
 delay, marked off with his staff the ground upon which he 
 was standing, and said: " Before you step from this circle, 
 give me a reply which I may report to the Senate." The 
 king promptly submitted. 
 
 The Initiative of the Senate was often very fair-looking, 
 but the lust for power and money was generally soon un- 
 masked. 
 
 Most ignoble were the diplomatic tricks by which Rome 
 designed to hamstring her ancient rival, Carthage, before 
 dealing her the deadly thrust. It was the final triumph 
 of old Gate's policy: no sentimental or humanitarian 
 scruples here: Carthage had been a loyal and submissive 
 subject for nearly two generations. But her capitalistic 
 strength, ever replenished by her wonderful genius for, 
 and her vast experience in, mercantile pursuits, this dis- 
 turbed the politicians of Rome who were like Cato. 
 
 The story of Numantia, the Annals of the Numidiau
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 335 
 
 war, are a record of Roman disgrace. The aristocracy 
 had discovered that the Mediterranean world had become 
 their quarry : covetousness was ever unsatiable by what it 
 fed on: where power, where lust, where gold were as- 
 sociated in a clover-leaf of human felicity why should 
 the oligarchy of Rome stop short ? where should they stop ? 
 what could make them stop? 
 
 The younger Gracchus returned from Sardinia, where 
 he had been quaestor, in 124 B.C. Many nuggets of pure 
 gold are concealed among the dry leaves of the fuzzy and 
 pedantic Gellius: here is one (15, 12), actual utterance 
 on the forum by Gaius Gracchus: "I demeaned myself in 
 the province in such a manner as I deemed to be to your 
 interest, not as I held it to be advantageous to my own 
 striving for advancement. No kitchen for gratifying my 
 palate was near me: nor were there standing boys of 
 comely features. ... So I bore myself in the province, 
 that no one could truthfully say that I had received an 
 As or more than an As, in presents: or that any one went 
 to any expense on my account. Two years I was in the 
 province: if any courtesan entered my house, or if any 
 one's slave-boy was tempted on my account, deem me the 
 lowest and most worthless of mankind. \Y"hen I kept 
 myself so chaste from their slaves, from that fact you will 
 be able to estimate how you must think I lived in the 
 company of your own sons. . . . Therefore, ye Romans, 
 when I set out for Rome, the belts which I carried out (to 
 Sardinia) full of silver, these I brought back from the 
 province empty. Others have brought back jars of wine, 
 which they took out full, brought them home, I say, filled 
 with silver." 
 
 " Investors and Promoters " these are terms of some- 
 what wearisome familiarity when I am writing and where 
 I am writing. Heart of the world some might call Rome 
 as she sat on her seven hills all arteries took her blood, 
 all veins brought it back to that central point: or 
 why not stomach rather? all provinces send their products 
 and profits. Cinnabar and silver from Spain, wheat, 
 lentils, papyrus from Alexandria, byssus from India, silk
 
 336 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 from China, the gold of Ophir and costly spices from 
 Arabia Felix, lions and elephants from Africa, panthers 
 from Syria, to amuse, feed, dress, entertain the sovereign 
 Tiber-folk. 
 
 Principal and Interest: the publicani undertook the 
 taxes of vast provinces by the stroke or bond of a single 
 contract. Soon vast portions of the civilized world 
 labored in the sweat of their brow to pay money to the 
 Roman bankers and publicans. 
 
 Fervid the admiration of Greek culture which in the 
 time of Marius's beginning ascendency was a veritable 
 badge of the Roman aristocracy (Sallust, "Jugurthine 
 War"): the military genius, humble peasants' son from 
 Arpinum, boasted before the voters that he the people's 
 own could not talk Greek, as the plebs could not. 
 Smyrna and Rhodes, Lesbos and Ephesus: these became 
 veritable objects of pilgrimage and study. 
 
 And still was that province of older Pergamos the 
 Romans called it Asia cruelly ground down under 
 the Roman tax-gatherers and bankers. The Greeks in the 
 western part of Asia Minor were willing, on a single day, 
 at one preconcerted signal, in the year 88 B.C. to put to 
 death without mercy whatever spoke Latin among them, 
 men and women, children, slaves, all; the lowest estimate 
 put the victims at 80,000 souls. In describing these 
 things, Mommsen speaks much of " Hellenism " an aca- 
 demic fiction in the main: the Athenians had utterly 
 abased themselves before Demetrios the city-besieger, 
 centuries ago: did the possession of the tongue of Hera- 
 kleitos and Herodotos endow the wretched provincials with 
 any civic virtue or for that matter, with any virtue in 
 particular? They acclaimed the conquering king of 
 Pontus as the earth-subduing Bakchos, incarnate once 
 more, and obeyed him in all things. Clearly the Pontic 
 barbarian was an evil smaller in their eyes than the 
 Roman publican. Nay, they called him God, Father, 
 Preserver of Asia. The Rhodians alone, hard-headed 
 politicians of old, veritable Venetians in their sagacity, 
 defied the Pontic tyrant.
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 337 
 
 When Sulla definitely restored the authority of Rome 
 among these eastern Greeks, he placed upon the miserable 
 provincials indemnities so crushing (20,000 talents) that 
 interest and compound interest ultimately raised the very 
 principal to a sum more than tenfold the original amount. 
 
 But we must proceed: statutes were enacted by the 
 Romans themselves which recognized the evil of oppres- 
 sion as very real and as calling for remedies: even dur- 
 ing the time when Polybius composed his felicitation of 
 Roman polity, in 149 B.C. and after, there was passed the 
 Lex Calpurnia de Repetundis : i.e. concerning restitution 
 of extorted (moneys) : it was, in purpose and aim, really 
 meant to protect the political dependents of the common- 
 wealth. 
 
 But the execution of such measures of punishing the 
 privileged class for its exploitation of the provinces was 
 also generally in the hands of the same class: these ever 
 identified themselves with the commonwealth and were 
 not sincere in anything which could seriously impair their 
 wealth and vast profits. 
 
 We have no time here to even cite Cicero's "Verrines." 
 
 The gentle Vergil, some forty-five years later, penned 
 phrases which fairly exhibit Roman spirit and character, 
 certainly Roman pride: 
 
 " Romanes, rerum dominos gentemque togatam " 
 
 of that famous yielding to the Greeks the primacy of cul- 
 ture and originality in arts and letters (Aen., 6, 847 sqq.^); 
 but as for Rome: 
 
 " Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento 
 (Hae tibi erunt artes) pacisque imponere morem, 
 Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos." 
 
 Debellare superbos very fine phrase, but quite un- 
 historical: haughty in the estimation of the Roman 
 was every one who did not submit without war, and loved 
 his own freedom, his own nationality, his patrimony in- 
 deed. Scholars have sought academic peace of soul by 
 eulogizing a cosmic mission of Rome: she carried the
 
 338 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Holy Grail, if I may say so, of Greek culture for the un- 
 born nations of the Occident. 
 
 How much was actually transmitted? Was the best 
 transmitted ? In our time thousands are spent to unearth 
 some rows of seats in an amphitheatre where a pantomime, 
 perhaps, or coarser entertainment furnished diversion to a 
 community itself morally, politically, culturally defunct. 
 We felicitate ourselves on futile remnants of archaeology, 
 we gaze at the arches of the Aqua Claudia, or we overvalue 
 every little piece of mere shell, now inanimate, while the 
 very spirit and soul, the best letters and the foremost per- 
 sonalities of the past, are mouldering in libraries. The 
 parings of finger nails and the heels of shoes we gloat over 
 in yielding to a veritable childlike faculty of interest: the 
 blazing eye, the deep furrow of the pondering mind, the 
 grave lesson of truth-loving historiography these we let 
 severely alone. 
 
 NOTE. Niebuhr's vision of things differs profoundly from that of 
 Mommsen. The latter's " Staatsrecht " is probably the most author- 
 itative presentation in our day. Still it cannot be denied that 
 the Berlin antiquarian had an itch to construct completeness often- 
 times when the data were but few and fragmentary. As for Madvig, 
 the work of his old age ("Verfassung u. Verwaltung des Romischen 
 Staates" 1881-1882) seems in part to have been called forth by the 
 somewhat dogmatic acceptation attained by Mommsen's books. He 
 has no sympathy for deductions from subjective legal speculations or 
 for the creation of quasi-Roman principles, which are really the re- 
 sult of academic reflection. 
 
 The Twelve Tables, Gaius, Justinian's little manual and partic- 
 ularly the larger extracts in the Digest reveal the Roman spirit and 
 character if anything in their literary remains does. The artifi- 
 ciality of Latin verse its destination for a small elite, its dependence 
 for theme and matter on the Greeks all these things are familiar 
 enough. Unfortunately in our day the growing desuetude of Greek 
 pursuits brings it about that this exotic character of Roman letters 
 is not as strongly felt by the exclusive Latinist as it is by Greek 
 scholars. James Russell Lowell in his essay on Swinburne has spoken 
 of these things with true judgment and with felicitous phrase. " Die 
 romische Litteratur steht neben der griechischen wie die deutsche 
 Orangerie neben dem Sicilischen Orangenwald ; man kann an beiden 
 sich erfreuen, aber sie neben einander auch nur zu denken geht 
 nicht an." These words are Mommsen's ("Rom. Hist.," Book III,
 
 ROMAN SPIRIT AND ROMAN CHARACTER 339 
 
 Chap. 14). More exact I believe to limit this valuation by applying 
 it to Latin verse. 
 
 Livy's delineation of older Rome is swayed largely by conscious 
 idealization. Dionysius suffers from Hellenic vanity: the Romans 
 must be Greeks. The cloud of grammatikoi who came to Rome in 
 every way pursued similar aims. Euaudros the Arcadian on the 
 Palatine : Latin a variant of this 2Eolic subdialect : it is a wearisome 
 and persistent fiction. 
 
 The exempla of Valerius Maximus in their way are a mirror of 
 Roman consciousness. Of Varro I shall have something to say in my 
 note on Chapter XV. 
 
 The data of the republican history of Rome are preserved and 
 arranged in the most convenient way in : " Romische Zeittafeln von 
 Rom's Grundung bis auf Augustus Tod," von Dr. Ernst Wilhelm 
 Fischer, Altona, 1846. There is a detritus and an erosion of time and 
 newer production : this book, like unto those of Henry Fynes Clinton, 
 defies time and the vacillation of academic standards ; slight to such 
 works are 
 
 " Armor urn series fugaque tempo ruin."
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP AMONG ROMAN INSTITUTIONS 
 
 RITE and ritual, vow and votive, augury and inaugurate, 
 to divine and divination, pontifical, prodigy and prodigious, 
 sacred and profane, propitious, consecration, saint, omen, 
 sacerdotal, temple, fauna, expiate, superstition, and religion, 
 and other words of English speech are veritable offspring 
 and nestlings of Roman institutions, given to mankind by 
 the religion, so-called, of the Roman commonwealth. 
 
 Few themes are there in the domain of ancient lore in 
 which arid antiquarianism can disport itself as here. 
 After Preller and Wissowa, it is somewhat futile to hold 
 forth on Mars Campester, Mars Flcanus, Mars Loucetius, 
 Mars Pacifer, Mars Ultor, Mars Victor ; somewhat su- 
 perfluous to expatiate on Juno Caelestis, Juno Caprotina, 
 Juno Curitis, Juno Fluonia, Juno Lacinia, Juno Moneta, 
 on the Capitoline Hill, or Juno elsewhere ; somewhat less 
 than labelling another frame of dry leaves in the herbaria 
 of Time. Were there eighty-four epithets of Jupiter or 
 more ? Perhaps more. Probably Varro could, if he 
 cared, have made a larger catalogue, and Nigidius Figulus, 
 Verrius Flaccus, eminent Roman antiquarians of Cicero's 
 and of Augustus's time, might possibly have almost 
 equalled the former's achievement. 
 
 It will be quite clear, presumably, that Roman " religion " 
 and " religions " had almost no real relation to soul and 
 spirit, and as for postulating a kind of conduct, would 
 have been almost as nothing. 
 
 On the other hand, the fancy of the Latin ploughmen 
 and shepherds rose not much above soil and field and the 
 
 340
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 341 
 
 practical concerns of life and livelihood : strictly speaking, 
 there are no legends of gods and men comparable to the 
 fathomless fountain of Hellenic fancy and local lore. If 
 Pausanias had extended his antiquarian tour into Italy, 
 his record would have been too meagre for publication. 
 " Roman mythology " is a misnomer hallowed by academic 
 tradition, but a faulty and somewhat empty phrase. Picus 
 and Faunus, Ilia, Juturna, Camilla : the list is soon com- 
 pleted : a few dry peas rattling around in a large dry 
 bladder. And so a Dionysios of Halicarnassus, author 
 and professor, tells us that he sailed for Italy (in 30 B.C.), 
 and that he spent twenty-two years ("Antiq. Rom.," 
 1, 7) in learning Latin and gathering materials for his 
 history of Rome to be carried from the beginnings down 
 to the First War with Carthage (264 B.C.). Clearly he 
 was determined to cover the ground left unoccupied by 
 Poly bios a little more than a century before. In that 
 critical span of time the polity of the Tiber-city had passed 
 through a slow agony in which dissolution of republican 
 government ran its course : still to the historical view 
 and to the vision of the past, Rome appeared then as a 
 state greatly transcending AssjTian and Persian world 
 power or the dynasties erected on the fabric of Alexander's 
 conquests. Dionysios rejects the hypothesis of supreme 
 luck savagely advanced by unwilling Greek subjects : he 
 rather claims for Rome intrinsic factors of greatness, 
 namely, preeminence (1, 5) in religious reverence, justice, 
 self-control. We might fairly bring in here the Roman 
 terms of Religio, Jus, Grravitas. Similar views are put 
 forward farther on (2, 12) ; also he notes the positive 
 absence of myths and legends, which are essentially blas- 
 phemous or accusatory, legends "wicked, unprofitable, 
 unseemly," viz. such as filled the dawn of all Hellenic 
 records; no lamentation of Demeter as acted by Greek 
 women, no all-night celebrations by both sexes, no sacred 
 rites, but "everything that was said or done about the 
 gods was done cautiously " (eu\a/3<w<?) ; their litanies and 
 their ritual clearly were dignified and becoming, even 
 "though manners were now corrupted."
 
 342 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 Vergil's .^Eneid became national immediately upon 
 its appearance, 19-18 B.C., and still that industrious and 
 slowly composing author, profoundly conscious of his 
 composite and erudite task, a veritable bee and ransack- 
 ing all nooks and corners of Italian tradition, still, in the 
 ulterior parts of his Iliad section (9-12, scenes of carnage, 
 and heroes brought together from the entire peninsula) 
 he has first exhausted the Greek legends dealing with 
 Italy and finally resorts to robbing rivers, brooks, foun- 
 tains, tribes, lakes, of their names, to endow his vague 
 and vapory figures with a little life and movement. 
 
 Very early was the worship of Faunus, who blesses 
 calving and foaling, under whose good-will flocks grow 
 fast, a force which the farmer must propitiate. The 
 Augustan poets, of course, assimilated him deliberately to 
 the Arcadian Pan, but we may be quite sure that the hus- 
 bandmen of old and simple Rome knew nothing of the 
 "lover of fleeing nymphs." The needs and concerns of 
 farming and farming folk at once lead us to the elder 
 Cato's book on Agriculture. As soon as the owner comes 
 out to his farm, he " will greet the Lar Familiaris or house- 
 hold god. The steward (yilicus) will see that the holidays 
 (ferice) be kept on the farm (Chap. 5). He shall not 
 sacrifice, except the Compitalia, at the cross-roads, where 
 neighbors' lands met (16.). 
 
 " The vow (votum) in behalf of the oxen, that they be 
 well, you must make in this wise. To Mars, and to Sil- 
 vanus in the forest, by day you must make a vow, one 
 vow for each head of cattle. Of wheaten flour, three 
 pounds ; of lard, four pounds and a half, and of clear meat 
 (pulpa) ; of wine three gills, this you may put together in 
 one dish, and the wine likewise you may put into one dish. 
 This sacrifice either slave or free may perform. When 
 the sacrifice shall have been made, you must consume it 
 immediately in the same place. A woman shall not be 
 present at the sacrifice, nor shall she see in what manner 
 it is performed. This vow you may vow annually if you 
 wish" (Cato, "R. R.," 83). 
 
 The prayer to Jupiter Dapalis is prescribed by the old
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 343 
 
 Roman (Chap. 132) : " Jupiter of the Feast, because there 
 ought to be offered to thee in my house and household a 
 chalice of wine for feast, on account of this thing thou 
 shalt be extolled (macte) in the offering of this sacrifice." 
 He shall wash his hands, thereupon shall take the wine : 
 " Jupiter of the Feast, thou shalt be extolled by the offer- 
 ing of that feast there, thou shalt be extolled by the wine 
 of libation." " To Vesta you shall give if you will. The 
 feast for Jupiter shall be an as of money's worth, and an 
 urna of wine. To Jupiter you shall reverently consecrate 
 by his own touch. Afterwards, when you have performed 
 the feast, you must sow millet, garlic, lentils." 
 
 "To establish a sacred grove in the Roman manner 
 (Romano more) you must proceed thus. Slay a pig as 
 expiatory sacrifice (piaculo) and thus you must formulate 
 (concipito) the words : if thou art a god, if thou art a 
 goddess, to whom this is set apart, as it is right (ius) to 
 make expiatory sacrifice to thee with a pig for the purpose 
 of restraining that sacredness and for the sake of these 
 things, whether I shall do so or whether any one by my 
 orders, to the end that this be done correctly, for the sake 
 of that thing, in sacrificing this expiatory pig I pray good 
 prayers, that thou be willing and inclined to me, my house, 
 my slaves, my children : for the sake of these things be 
 thou extolled in the sacrificing of this pig as an expiation." 
 If you shall desire to dig, sacrifice a second sacrifice of 
 expiation : add further this : " for the sake of doing work " 
 (Chap. 139). 
 
 The purification of a field was done thus (Chap. 141) : 
 victims, a swine, a sheep, a steer, were first led around the 
 confines of the piece of land in question: the formula of 
 prayer is furnished again by the author: " With the good- 
 will of the gods and what may turn out well, I commit to 
 thee, O Manius, that thou makest it thy concern to purify 
 with that offering of swine sheep steer my farm, 
 my field, my soil, in accordance with the part thereof that 
 thou biddest them to be driven around or boldest that they 
 should be carried around." "Accost thou by way of be- 
 ginning Janus and Jupiter with wine and then speak
 
 344 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 thus: Father Mars, thee I pray and beg, that thou be 
 willing and inclined to me, my house and our body of 
 slaves, for the sake of which thing I have ordered that 
 swine sheep steer, be driven around my field, soil 
 and farm, that thou fend off and turn away distempers, 
 seen and unseen, privation and desolation, failure of crops 
 and foul weather wouldst keep off, ward off and turn 
 away; and that thou permit products, grain, vineyards 
 and shrubbery to grow large and turn out well, that thou 
 keep shepherds and flocks safe and grant good salvation 
 and health to me, my house and our body of slaves ; for 
 these things' sake, for the sake of purifying my farm, soil 
 and field and of making purification, as I have said, be 
 thou extolled by the offering up of this suckling swine 
 sheep steer: Father Mars, for the sake of the same 
 matter, be thou extolled with these suckling swine 
 sheep steer," etc. (151). 
 
 " The steward's wife shall not sacrifice nor give an 
 order to any one to sacrifice in her behalf without the 
 order of master or mistress." (Clearly forces are set in 
 motion by sacrifice.) " On the Kalends, Ides, Nones, when 
 there shall be a holiday (festus dies) she shall put a 
 garland upon the hearth, and during the same days she 
 shall worship the household god (lar familiaris) as the 
 house affords." 
 
 Two things stand out in these forms of ritual and wor- 
 ship: the advantage sought for the welfare of the wor- 
 shipper and that quaint explicitness and quasi-contractual 
 fulness and comprehensiveness of these verba concepta. 
 
 The ceremonial amid which the " Brothers of the 
 ploughed fields" (Plin., "N. H.," 18, 6) sacrificed to 
 Mars in spring, this rite was for the entire commonwealth, 
 to make the power chiefly instrumental, benevolent and 
 propitious for the expected crops of the state. In time 
 the old Saturnian formulae became unintelligible to all 
 but Roman antiquarians. 
 
 But the Mas maiorum was here as always the determin- 
 ing and dominant consideration. Mars had heard and 
 understood these words of old : unwise and irreligious to
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 345 
 
 change them. Maintenance of ceremonial and ritual thus 
 became the central thing in the consciousness and concern 
 of the Roman worshipper. 
 
 But this seems a proper point to go forward to inquire 
 about the terms religio and religiones. Putting aside, in 
 this place, the divergences of etymological opinions, and 
 despairing of having the admirable Thesaurus of the five 
 universities reach this word before my death, I must be 
 content with a few simple definitions. Nettleship (con- 
 tributions to Latin Lexicography, 1889) has devoted three 
 pages, 570-573, to the matter. Clearly, it is something 
 that binds and restrains us from doing that which we prob- 
 ably would do, or would like to do, without this binding 
 or restraining something. 
 
 Thus the Flamen Dialis is prohibited from riding on a 
 horse: it is a religio to him, but not to every one. It is 
 often thus a scruple that bars or checks. Thus one can- 
 not remove trophies once dedicated. 
 
 There are, per contra, binding obligations which compel 
 one to do or observe something, removing that something 
 from the sphere of whim, or argument, proof, demonstra- 
 tion, nay defence: it is absolute and axiomatic. Hence, 
 Cicero often speaks of divina religio; there is a phrase of 
 religio deorum immortalium, and religiones are religious 
 acts, rites, ritual. Almost every occurrence of this elusive 
 word may be pinned down (apart from the attitude of 
 scrupulous concern in the human conscience) to some out- 
 ward act, observance, rite, ceremonial. 
 
 But to move again from the abstract to the concrete: 
 let us take up a few articles in Festus (Verrius Flaccus, 
 fl. 10 B.C.). " Profanum is that which is not held by 
 the religion of a sanctuary (/awww), i.e. where one is 
 not under that restraint. Religiosus is not only he who 
 rates highly the sacred character of the gods, but also is 
 dutiful (officiosus) towards men. Now religious days are 
 those on which it is held a sin (nefas) to be active unless 
 it be in the sphere of necessity; as are the thirty-six days 
 which are called black (atri). . . and those on which the 
 'mundus' is open." This was a central pit in Italian
 
 346 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 communities, a kind of reverse of the firmament above us. 
 It was sacred to the Di Manes, i.e. to the spirits of the 
 departed and to the deities of the lower world, Orcus, 
 Ceres, Tellus (Preller, 2, 67). Pit closed by a stone 
 called the lapis manalis. Tellus holds the dead, likewise 
 she send up the crops, on those three days (Aug. 24, Oct. 
 5, Nov. 8). It was held that the spirits could freely pass 
 up and down: and consequently these days were religiosi. 
 Says Varro (Macrob., "Sat.," 1, 16, 18): 
 
 " When the mundus is open, the gate, as it were, is ajar 
 of the gloomy divinities and of the beings in the lower 
 world. Therefore, it is religiosum (i.e. prohibited, op- 
 posed to the will of gods) not only to join battle but also 
 to hold a levy for the sake of war, and for the soldier to 
 begin a march, to put to sea, to take a wife into your home 
 for the purpose of getting children." 
 
 The tomb also where burial has actually been made, 
 is a locus religiosum (Gaius, " Inst.," 2,6). When the mor- 
 tal remains are transferred, then the spot ceases to be 
 religiosus. 
 
 But let us cite a few more data from Verrius Flaccus 
 (generally cited by the name of the abstract-maker, 
 Festus). Religioni est, i.e. it is a matter of prohibitive 
 scruple to certain people to go out (from Rome) by the 
 porta Carmentalis; and to have the Senate held in the 
 temple of Janus which is outside of the same, because by 
 that gate went out the three hundred and six Fabii and 
 were subsequently all slain on the river Cremera, whereas 
 in the temple of Janus the decree of the Senate had been 
 adopted that they should march." 
 
 Conformity, then, to a specific sphere of ancestral tra- 
 dition (mos maiorum) is the essence of Roman religion, it 
 is indeed a species of civic obedience, a postulate of politi- 
 cal loyalty, and it is, of a truth, as inclusive of observance 
 as is any form of patriotism. 
 
 But to proceed, what is rite and ritual? Ritus, says 
 Festus, is " an established manner in performing sacri- 
 fices." And what were these ? The most eminent and 
 the most conspicuous were those in honor of Jupiter
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 347 
 
 Optimus Maximus. In these the very core and essence of 
 Roman sentiment was revealed. 
 
 Festus's Ordo Sacerdotum gives to us the official hier- 
 archy: "Greatest seems the Rex (i.e. the 'King' of 
 sacrificial functions, successor to the old political ' Kings ' 
 in this particular limitation); then the Flamen Dialis 
 (priest for life of Jupiter) ; after this one the Martialis, 
 in fourth place the Quirinalis, in fifth the Pontifex 
 Maximus." Their rank and precedence, e.g. at official 
 dinners, was carefully maintained. 
 
 In the great Roman and Latin cyclopsedia of the 
 Augustan age, by Verrius Flaccus, the work of elabo- 
 rate detail, written in the generation after Varro (Letter 
 A had four books, e.g.; P had five), the vast original now 
 preserved in the poor abstract of the absurd Festus in 
 this work, I say, I counted some hundred and seventy- 
 five articles on rite, ritual, priests, prayer, ceremony, 
 holidays, etc. In this large body, however, I found that 
 three distinct topics or matters stood forth above the 
 rest : Jupiter and his regular priest (Flamen Dialis), 
 Sacrifices, Auspices, these three. 
 
 I believe I shall be faithful both to my historical task 
 and to the interests of my readers if I shall largely devote 
 myself to these three. 
 
 1. Observe that the priest of Jupiter is not called 
 Jovialis but Dialis, Light : the bright firmament above 
 us, under which men live, exist, struggle, prosper or fail : 
 Dium sometimes is a quasi-impersonal neuter form 
 light merges in dies, day: still sub Jove frigido is the 
 firmament, even at night. Dium fulgur they called light- 
 ning of the daytime, which they believed to be of Jupiter, 
 as the lightning of night the property of " Summanus" 
 the power on high. Flamen (flag-men) is strictly the 
 " kindler " of the sacrifice. A place struck by lightning 
 was at once deemed to become religiosus, because the god 
 seemed to have dedicated it (dicasse) to himself. Liba- 
 tions of new wine were made, not to Bacchus, but to 
 Jupiter. Libation is made to the god of Light and Life, 
 before man tastes of it (v. Galpar) . The Flamen Dialis
 
 348 TESTIMOXIUM ANDLE 
 
 was not permitted to touch ivy nor to utter the name of 
 it, because ivy overcomes everything to which it clings. 
 But not even a solid, complete ring was that functionary 
 permitted to wear, or have about or on his person any 
 knot, for he represents the supreme ruler (v. Ederam). 
 Deus clearly is a mere variant and so phonetically later 
 or younger than Dius. The Lord of Light is the divine 
 being, primary and principal, who has given his name to 
 be a generic designation of all gods. I will leave infer- 
 ences to my reader. For Jupiter is Diu piter. 
 
 But to return to his priest. He may not touch a bean 
 nor name it, because that vegetable is believed to have a 
 bearing on the dead. For on the Lemuralia (a kind of All 
 Souls, May 9, 11, 13, when temples were closed, and wed- 
 dings were forbidden (Ovid, " Fasti," 5, 485 <?<?. ))> beans 
 were thrown to the spooks (larvae) and the bean further 
 was sacrificed on the Parentalia, February 21, to the 
 " gods of the ancestors," di Parentum ; furthermore, the 
 letter L, for Lucius, Grief, seemed to appear in its blossom 
 (v. Fabam). 
 
 Flaminius camillus was called the boy, freeborn, whose 
 father and mother were still living, who served the priest 
 of Jupiter at sacrifices. Similarly was attended the wife 
 of the priest, the Flaminica Dialis, by a young girl whose 
 father and mother were still living. This insistence on 
 life calls for no exegesis or epexegesis, I believe. Fune- 
 bres tibice, the flutes played at exequies, the Flamen D. 
 is not permitted to hear. 
 
 In the temple of Jupiter Feretrius they kept the sceptre 
 or staff by which they swore, and the flintstone (lapis 
 silex) which they used in the ceremonial of concluding 
 treaties (v. Feretrius). 
 
 In a fire-colored garb was draped every bride for the 
 sake of the good omen, because the Flaminica continually 
 wore it, i.e. the wife of the flamen, who was not permitted 
 to make a divorce (v. Flammeo). The flamen also has a 
 lictor to attend him. Fire could not be carried from the 
 house of the flamen except for the sake of sacrifice. In 
 the entire ritual the aim was to preserve every detail as
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 349 
 
 it ever had been. Thus the flamines performed sacrifice 
 garbed with the use of bronze clasps or fibulae because the 
 use of that metal was the oldest known. The games in 
 honor of Jupiter were called The Great Games (magni 
 ludi) because they deemed him first of gods. Whenever 
 the Flamen Dialis walked abroad, there strode before him 
 heralds (Prceciamitatores^), calling upon all men to abstain 
 from labor, because the flamen must not see any one ac- 
 tually working. It was religiosum for the priest to see it. 
 Further, he must not see the levies ready to march out to 
 war. 
 
 The chief manifestation, the most palpable revelation 
 of the Lord of Light, was in the celestial phenomenon of 
 lightning and of the thunderbolt. Q. Fabius, one of that 
 noble clan, who was called Eburnus from the ivory-like 
 fairness of his skin, when a boy was struck by lightning, 
 recovering, but keeping on his person a mark from that 
 experience. He was called pullus Jovis, the " chick " of 
 Jove. 
 
 And here we observe that curious dependency on their 
 Etruscan neighbors and subjects. From these indeed the 
 Romans wholly adopted the Goddess of Intelligence, 
 Minerva (Me-nerfa, Menrfa, in Tuscan), not from their 
 Greek neighbors of Cumse, or Capua, or Puteoli. 
 
 Authority and precedent these the Romans observed 
 with anxious care. They believed in the lore of the 
 Etruscans, their disciplina, a fixed and definite theory. 
 These claimed to know how to interpret the will of God 
 as revealed through these phenomena of the sky, no less 
 than that other mode of ascertainment, the viewing of the 
 inner organs (exta) of victims. When we ask on what 
 the Romans based their confidence and trust, we may say 
 it was experience, or quasi-experience of results, so-called. 
 These were connected with Prodigia, Ostenta, portenta, 
 monstra. This is no place even for a sketch of the Etrus- 
 can discipline, contained in their books of lightning, books 
 of thunder, and books setting forth the significance of 
 victims' livers, lungs, hearts, or what not. 
 
 There were sixteen sections into which the Tuscan
 
 350 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 expert divided the heavens and the circular prospect of the 
 observer. A thunderbolt which strikes any locality con- 
 nected with government and sovereignty was called fulmen 
 regale : it portended civil war, destruction of government. 
 But we will, perhaps, be served best by a few citations from 
 Verrius Flaccus. " Renovativum fulgur, Renewed gleam - 
 of-lightning, it is called when in consequence of some 
 gleam-of -lightning a * function ' has begun to result, if 
 a similar gleam-of-lightning (fulgur) has occurred, which 
 carries the same meaning. There was a statue of an actor 
 who, once upon a time, was struck by lightning and buried 
 on Janiculum. His bones, later on, in consequence of 
 prodigia and the replies of oracles, by a decree of the 
 senate were removed within the city and buried in the 
 sanctuary of Vulcan, which is above the comitium " (v. 
 Statua) . 
 
 When grave crises approached, when disastrous things 
 had actually overwhelmed the state, then vows were made, 
 vows which even in their form and verba concepta remind 
 us of a public contract or quasi-contract. These acts, as 
 all acts of that religion, are exclusively concerned with the 
 question what will happen ? Will we fare well or ill, 
 or, at least, no worse ? Will we prosper ? The state 
 binds itself to do something, if the Deity grants the de- 
 sired matter (Wissowa, pp. 20 <?.). 
 
 " Here," so Livy makes Romulus say (1, 12), " I vow a 
 temple to thee, Stayer (of battle), Jupiter, which shall be 
 a reminder to later generations, that through thy very 
 present help the city was saved." In the terrible year 
 217 B.C., after the catastrophe of Lake Trasumenus, in 
 accordance with an official report requested from the 
 collegium of the pontifices, to wit: "If the state of the 
 Roman people (and) of the Quirites shall stand at the ex- 
 piration of the period of five years ensuing, as I wish it 
 and he (Jupiter) shall have kept it safely in these present 
 wars, the Roman people of the Quirites shall give and be- 
 stow a gift: (these present wars) which war the Roman 
 people has with the Carthaginian, and which wars are with 
 the Gauls who are this side of the Alps : what spring shall
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 351 
 
 produce from the flocks of swine, sheep, goats, and what 
 shall be (otherwise) profane, shall be sacrificed to Jupiter, 
 the obligation to begin to run from the day which senate 
 and people shall order," etc. 
 
 The vowing of games to reconcile an angry or indifferent 
 deity ? No sackcloth or ashes here. No, the gods were 
 to be appeased by being entertained and amused (Censori- 
 nus, Chap. 12). 
 
 The assumption or presumption of the substantial 
 identity of the gods' concerns and sympathies with those of 
 men puzzles us much more in the case of the grave and 
 well-poised Romans than of the volatile nation reared and 
 nurtured on Homer. At Circensian games, then, in Rome, 
 the very idols (simulacra) of pertinent gods were driven 
 into the assemblage: the car was called tensa. But as 
 the gods were given of grain, cattle, wine, of their gifts, 
 why should not the commonwealth ask their tutelary 
 deities to share in the pleasures of the commonwealth? 
 This chariot was of silver and ivory. It was a gorgeous 
 parade : young men mounted and on foot, athletes, 
 dancers, chief entertainers, (ludii) musicians. Says 
 Cicero (" De Haruspicum Response" 23), " Or, if a player 
 (ludius^ has halted, or a flute-player has made a sudden 
 pause, or that boy whose father and mother must be liv- 
 ing has not held the divine car, if he let go the leather 
 reins, or if the sedilis has blundered by a single word or 
 sacrificial-cup, then the games have not been performed 
 correctly (rite} and these mistakes are atoned for and the 
 minds of the immortal gods are appeased by repetition." 
 
 2. We pass on to sacrifices and (as closely bound up 
 therewith) to prayers and invocations. Sacrum, according 
 to Roman antiquarians (e.g. JSlius Gallus), is something 
 set apart, and declared the property of, or exclusively 
 meant for, the gods. No private person, however, can, 
 strictly speaking, thus set apart, or consecrate : such re- 
 quire the official regulation or approval through formal 
 action on the part of the Pontifices. Sacrificium clearly is 
 an act by which something is removed from common use 
 and set apart for the gods.
 
 352 TESTTMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 In the time of Augustus substantially all ritual terms 
 connected with sacrifice were unintelligible to the layman, 
 non-recurrent elsewhere in actual life and often puzzling 
 as to their etymology to the most learned men of Rome. 
 
 Ferctum (Festus) they called a kind of cake which was 
 borne quite frequently to sacrifices, and not without the 
 strues, another kind of cake. Crlomus they called a little 
 piece of cake at sacrifices, of the shape of a boat, fried in 
 oil. Irenela, a kind of vessel. Immolare was to sprinkle 
 the victim with mola, i.e. ground grain and salt, and 
 then to sacrifice it. The wife of the rex sacrificulus, the 
 " queen " so called, while sacrificing, wore on her head 
 a bent slight rod of the pomegranate tree. Generally the 
 head of the officiating person was covered, except in honor 
 of Saturn, when the offering priest was said " to make 
 light." The term greatest victim was bestowed upon 
 sheep not from its physical eminence among victims, but 
 from its more peaceful disposition (v. Maxima, hostiam). 
 In the large temple tables held the place of, or could serve 
 as, altars. The JSdilis had three victims placed for his 
 inspection, and chose the best (y. Optatam hostiam). 
 
 Secespita they called a knife of iron, longish, with a 
 handle of solid round ivory, gold and silver being used 
 for binding and fastening, with bronze nails of Cyprian 
 bronze, used in sacrificing by the female acolytes of the 
 Flaminica and by the pontifices. 
 
 But this may suffice : everything was rigidly prescribed, 
 and innovation here was considered as an essential im- 
 possibility : and why ? Because, as a man cannot undo 
 his descent from specific ancestors, so, too, the mos mai- 
 orum was a veritable part of the civil and political con- 
 sciousness bound up inextricably with the religious and 
 ceremonial institutions. 
 
 This rigor and rigidity of course extended to prayer 
 and invocation : everything was in formularies, " concepta 
 verba," "indigitamenta." Often these were chanted (v. 
 Festus, Indigitamenta}. These formulae were preserved 
 under the care of the standing commissioners for all 
 these things, the pontifices. I cite here from the adrni-
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 353 
 
 rable treatise of Wissowa ("Religion und Kultus der 
 Romer" p. 333) : " For prayer, according to the view 
 of the Romans, is not so much an independent act of 
 piety, as rather the oral declaration which of necessity 
 must go with every religious act and offering, a declara- 
 tion which renders the religious legal transaction on the 
 part of the mortal perfect, and, if uttered in the cor- 
 rect form, compels the divinity (called upon) to take an 
 active interest in the matter. And the first point es- 
 sential is, that one must accost the divinity with the 
 right name, and the lists of these formularies of invoca- 
 tion form an important element of the pontifical archives; 
 on account of the compelling force contained in a prayer 
 turning to the god with the correct address, the com- 
 monwealth had to shroud these formulas of invocation 
 in the deepest mystery, lest they be put to use by the foe 
 to the detriment of the Roman state." 
 
 The acts of worship, provided they be performed with 
 rigid conformity, will operate : the mental or moral state, 
 nay the very conscience of the worshipper, is hardly con- 
 cerned at all. It was a form of magic. 
 
 And so, while the physical and political welfare of the 
 commonwealth is closely bound up with the good-will, let 
 us say with the good humor, of these celestial mechanisms, 
 there could not be any religion beyond the narrow limits 
 of the commonwealth, none for the members thereof. 
 
 Gods are the veritable productions of a given com- 
 monwealth, a propaganda or missionary fervor is quite 
 impossible. 
 
 The state could, however, induce the tutelary divinities 
 of another state (with which Rome was struggling maybe 
 at the time) to leave their ancient domicile and accept 
 residence among the Roman people. 
 
 This was evocatio, calling out. The inducement offered 
 was an even more generous cult in the new abode. Macro- 
 bius cites the exact formula (" Saturnalia," 3, 9, 7) : " If 
 it is a god or a goddess in whose guardianship the people 
 and commonwealth of Carthage is, and thou particularly, 
 thou who hast accepted the guardianship of this city and 
 
 2A
 
 354 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 people, I pray and worship and seek from you grace that 
 you would abandon the people and commonwealth of Car- 
 thage, leave the sacred places and temples and their city 
 and go away from these, and inspire this people and com- 
 monwealth with fear, dread, confusion, and having gone 
 forth to Rome come to me and mine, and that our own 
 sacred places, temples and city may be more acceptable to 
 you and more approved and that you may be placed over 
 me and the Roman people and my soldiers, that we may 
 know and realize. If you shall do so, I vow that I will 
 make temples and games for you." It was an act of 
 political strategy. 
 
 The gradual assimilation to the partial adoption of 
 form and matter of Greek worship, the Grrcecus ritus, was 
 not in any way a spiritual progression. As the old Latins 
 were entirely guiltless of mythological fancies resembling 
 those of the Greeks, so even they had for a long time no 
 visible palpable images and idols (Simulacra), Varro said, 
 not within the first one hundred and sixty years db urbe 
 condita; it was the son of the Corinthian exile, the fifth 
 King of Rome, who came from Etruria, the elder Tarquin, 
 who made this innovation at Rome. 
 
 Later, indeed, the Romans with great facility deified ab- 
 stractions : or is it not perhaps the essence of a cult that 
 was never burdened with genealogical legends of definite 
 spots, rivers, brooks, oaks, valleys, as was the so-called 
 religion of the Greeks? Of these abstractions, Fortuna 
 was perhaps most eminent. In time there were added 
 Hope (Spes), Concordia, Pudicitia (for keeping matrimony 
 pure), Pietas (for correct relation of parents and children). 
 The persistent experience of malaria led to the cult of 
 Febris; storms of 259 B.C. suggested the worship of Tem- 
 pestates. The unknown divinity which caused Hannibal's 
 retiring from Rome received &fanum and was worshipped 
 as Tutanus Rediculus. (Fides, Terminus.} 
 
 3. A word as to Auspices and Augural matters. Above 
 is the Lord of Light, who, somehow, specifically shelters 
 and befriends the Roman commonwealth. Divine per- 
 mission or assent is ascertained through certain magistrates
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 355 
 
 to whom this " Bird-viewing " (Avi8-spicere) is intrusted. 
 Official power is officially associated with that privilege of 
 looking upward. As the founders of the state constituted 
 the older aristocracy, they long maintained this form of 
 prrvilege. Greatest (Gellius, 13, 15, 4) were the auspices 
 of consuls, praetors, censors. These, in turn, are not of a 
 parity. A qusestor may request the auspices of a higher 
 magistrate. No public act was undertaken without this 
 inquiry, even a matter of routine character like the sum- 
 moning of the senate, appointment of magistrates, march- 
 ing forth to a campaign. The very name of templum 
 means first "a square space or region marked out in the 
 sky or on the earth by the Augures, in which to look 
 for signs " (Nettleship). First there must be silence. 
 In Cicero's time the whole Augural discipline was in a 
 decline : even the old believers seem to have placed more 
 reliance on the visceral lore of the Tuscan experts. Fac- 
 ing south, the left hand was the sphere of favorable signs. 
 
 Even the most enlightened Romans, e.g. Cicero, whose 
 personal culture was steeped deep in Greek reflection and 
 analytical habits even he takes a profoundly conserva- 
 tive view of the vast body of ancestral usages which one 
 may call the Roman Religion. 
 
 The very continuation of the commonwealth was bound 
 up in the mental habits of the people with the strict main- 
 tenance of ancestral observance. The remnants of Cicero's 
 " De Legibus " are, if I may say so, beautifully suggestive 
 and illuminating in this matter. 
 
 The household must endure : how can one neglect the 
 usages that placate the tutelary powers of the household ? 
 And the state is but an enlarged household. See Cic., 
 " De Legibus" 2, 19 : " To the gods they shall approach 
 chastely, they shall employ reverence, they shall put away 
 wealth. He who does otherwise, the god himself will be 
 the avenger. Privately, no one shall have gods neither 
 new nor bought from abroad unless adopted by the state 
 (publice adscitos'). . . . The rites of the family and of 
 the fathers they shall keep." 
 
 " The gods and those who have ever been held heavenly,
 
 356 TESTIMOXIUM ANBLE 
 
 they shall worship, and those whom their services to men 
 have placed in heaven, Hercules, Bacchus, JEsculapius, 
 Castor, Pollux, Quirinus ; but those things on account of 
 which ascent into heaven is granted to a human being, 
 viz. Mens, Virtus, Pietas, Fides, and for their praises 
 there shall be shrines, and not any for Vices. . . ." 
 " The Vestal Virgins in the city shall guard the fire of 
 the public hearth forever." Traversing, with much dig- 
 nity and with a quaint archaic manner of speech, the 
 whole domain of Roman observance, Cicero concludes 
 with these words : " The rights of the gods of the de- 
 parted spirits shall be inviolate. Those who have been 
 handed over to the realm of destruction, they shall hold 
 as divine ; the expenditure bestowed upon them and the 
 matter of mourning they shall reduce." 
 
 The violation of the Bona Dea through the rake Clodius 
 and the subsequent purchase of the Jury with the active 
 good- will of the interested and injured husband, the ponti- 
 fex himself, all this shook Cicero profoundly : not so 
 much, however, was it his moral sense, as his political 
 consciousness which was grieved and outraged. 
 
 It is the outward faring and the strength of the state, 
 its flourishing condition, its victories, triumphs, and 
 tributes imposed upon provinces : these exhibit to the 
 classical consciousness the soundness and, if I may say so, 
 the solidity of their cult and religion. 
 
 A few years after Pompey (on a Sabbath) had taken 
 possession of Jerusalem, Cicero (in 58 B.C.) delivered his 
 oration "Pro Flacco" Cicero praises his distinguished 
 friend Pompey for treating the temple with consideration. 
 Of the Jews themselves, the orator speaks with unveiled 
 contempt. Of their religion he has clearly no direct 
 knowledge ; for their fate as a people, no concern ; for 
 their temple, no respect. He goes on to conclude that 
 particular subject with sentiments and with ideas which 
 go to the heart of the matter : " Each commonwealth " 
 ("Pro Flacco" 69) "has its own religion, we have our 
 own. Although Jerusalem is standing, and although the 
 Jews have been subdued, nevertheless, the religion of
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 357 
 
 those rites had absolutely nothing in common with the 
 brightness of this empire of ours, with the impressive 
 weight of our name, with the institutions of our ancestors. 
 At the present moment the more so, because that race 
 showed by its military performances what it thought of 
 our empire, and how dear it was to the immortal gods, it 
 taught through the fact that it was defeated ; that it has 
 its tribute let out to publicans, that it is enslaved." 
 
 In the circumvolution of years and centuries, the time 
 came when the sovereignty of the Tiber folk began to 
 totter. Neither the fervor of the Neoplatonists had been 
 able to check the decline of the old religion, so-called, nor 
 had the fire and sword of Diocletian rooted out the 
 Christian faith. In 325 there met the Council of Nice. 
 In 330 Constantinople was dedicated, the other Rome. 
 In the following year Constantine himself celebrated the 
 thirtieth anniversary of his accession by dedicating a 
 church in Jerusalem. In 337 that emperor died near 
 Nicomedia. In 338 Athanasius returned from exile. 
 
 In 342 Constantius IV and Constans III exempted 
 from destruction certain temples within the walls, with 
 which the celebration of certain games and other anni- 
 versaries was connected. 
 
 In November, 355, Julian became associate emperor, or 
 "Caesar." Only a single slave at that time shared the 
 knowledge of his secret devotion to paganism. In 360, on 
 Epiphany Sunday, this emperor still attended Christian 
 service. Near the close of 361, after the death of Con- 
 stantius, he threw off the mask. Visceral lore of the 
 Etruscans, auspices, and Neoplatonism were curiously 
 interfused in his aspirations. In December, 361, the 
 Apostate entered Constantinople. In 362 he worshipped 
 the Phrygian Great Mother at Pessinus. 
 
 One of his coins has the legend : " Felicium temporum 
 Reparatio " (restoration of happy times). 
 
 In the winter, 362-363, he devoted himself at Antioch 
 to polemics against Christianity. As the pagan Libanius
 
 358 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 puts it : " attacking the books which make the man from 
 Palestine both God and the Son of God, in an extensive 
 combat and by the vigor of his proofs proving their alle- 
 gations (TO, \eydpeva) ridicule and futility and he dis- 
 played finer philosophy therein than the old man of Tyre " 
 (Porphyrio). In the summer of 363, campaigning against 
 the Parthians, Julian perished. 
 
 Thus on the Euphrates, while north and northeast of 
 Italy, Alemanni and Visigoths began to break down the 
 defence of those frontiers, Saxons made irruptions : 
 Burgundians were besought to aid the empire. The 
 Quadi ravaged Illyricum. On the lower Danube, in 374, 
 the Sarmatians were repulsed by Theodosius. The next 
 spring Valentinian hastened into Carinthia from Treves 
 on the Moselle, to defend Illyricum. He died in this 
 year. Soon after, the Goths, pressed by the Huns, cross 
 the Danube and defeat a Roman army. 
 
 A tribe of Alemanni cross the Rhine. The Goths are 
 repulsed from Constantinople. In 379 the vigorous 
 Theodosius is made fellow-emperor or Augustus by 
 Gratian, who had summoned the former from Spain. 
 
 This, too, is the time of the last renaissance of Roman 
 paganism. Rome had come to be a venerable memory: 
 the struggle for the empire was carried on at the out- 
 posts : Milan and Ravenna, Treves and Cologne, Anti- 
 och and Constantinople, were of greater moment in the 
 movement of affairs and in the defence of the power once 
 gained by pagan legions. 
 
 In 381 was called by Theodosius the Council of Con- 
 stantinople, Damasus being then bishop of Rome, to deal 
 with the heresy of Macedonius. 
 
 Strong were the imperial decrees against heretics and 
 for the Nicene creed. 
 
 This was the period when in old Rome fed mainly 
 on memories and inspired by the superb monuments of Ro- 
 man sovereignty and power, a little band, whom we may 
 call The Old Believers, sought in such ways as were open
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 359 
 
 to them to reassert or defend the ancient rites. No one 
 threatened their lives or property. They clung to the 
 old ceremonial, Vergil their Bible. Macrobius, Sym- 
 machus, Servius, have left us very impressive literary 
 remains of the movement. Libraries were ransacked for 
 the books which set forth the olden times and the ancient 
 rites. Varro's antiquities had a last period of flourishing 
 authority. In 384 A.D., Symmachus himself, their most 
 brilliant champion, held the conspicuous office of prcefectus 
 urbis. And it seems wise at this point to transcribe cer- 
 tain claims and requests of the Old Believers as they are 
 revealed in an official report of Symmachus : it is true, 
 advancement was impossible if one were conspicuous at 
 the ancient altars. But let us hear the Old Believer 
 himself (" Relatio" III, pp. 280 sqq., ed. Seeck) : he 
 petitions Theodosius for the retention in the senate- 
 hall of the altar of Victory. He claims to defend the 
 established usages of the ancestors, the laws and fates of 
 Rome. Did not Theodosius himself owe much to Vic- 
 tory ? It would be a bad omen to remove the altar. 
 There the oath of loyalty should be taken. Would not 
 the mind shrink from perjury at such a spot ? 
 
 Constantius is cited. But he did not cut short the an- 
 nual appropriations for the support of the Vestal Virgins. 
 He followed the senate through all the roads of the 
 Eternal City and beheld the shrines with unruffled coun- 
 tenance, he read the names of the god inscribed in the 
 fastigia of temples, he inquired about the origins of 
 temples, and while himself a follower of other religious 
 convictions, he preserved these to the empire. For each 
 one has his own custom, his own rite : the mind of God 
 has allotted various cults meant to be guardians of various 
 cities. There is added the element of advantage which 
 particularly attaches men to God. Symmachus personifies 
 and cites the venerable Roma herself, her power, her long 
 life, her sovereignty in the world : all are made dependent 
 on the ancestral rites. Rites and usages : as to the 
 deeper and the underlying causes of the Universe, this 
 Old Believer professes himself ignorant : " We gaze at the
 
 360 TESTBIOXIUM 
 
 same stars, we have the firmament in common, the same 
 universe holds us in its embrace : what difference does it 
 make, through what form of wisdom each seeks the truth ? 
 By a single path one cannot reach so great a mystery." 
 
 He goes on to make a plea for the recognition (even 
 without any appropriation) of the Vestal Virgins. The 
 fiscus has taken their lands. Wills are denied validity. 
 The old Roman religion has been dealt a hard blow by the 
 Roman law. 
 
 The stout bishop of Milan, Ambrosius, protested against 
 this recrudescence, and we do not believe that Theodosius 
 the Great gave practical heed to these last petitions of the 
 Old Believers. The ossified externalities of a ritual en- 
 tirely unconcerned with Sin and Soul or Immortal Life 
 these indeed were as] vague and vapory shadows on the 
 soil of that Italy on which St. Ambrose wrote verses that 
 call upon all men and to all time : 
 
 JEterne rerum conditor or 
 Veni Redemptor gentium 
 
 NOTE. Among the most available books for these matters are : 
 Cicero, " De Divinatione." Verrius Flaccus, " De Verborum Signifi- 
 catu," time of Augustus. Ovid's " Fasti " unfortunately go but from 
 January to June. The year is as a revolving ring : annus means ring. 
 The same revolving unit of seasons has incorporated an accumulated 
 multitude of observances of nature, society, historical events which 
 kept mirroring the experience of Roma. But even for the most ex- 
 pert antiquarians like Varro (116-132 B.C.) the majority of observ- 
 ances were teeming with problems. This multiplicity of explanations 
 in Ovid points to Verrius Flaccus, who in turn must have drawn 
 from Varro more heavily than the slender abstracts now extant 
 allow us to surmise. As for Varro's theories, they are not implied in 
 the tradition, are not, in my opinion, drawn from it, were no part of 
 it; they are, it seems to me, Varro's own. The classifications and the 
 allegorizing interpretations point to the Stoics. Probably Varro was 
 a Stoic. 
 
 Gellius has an interest not only in old words but in old institu- 
 tions as well. Him exploited Macrobius, one of the Old Believers in 
 the time of Theodosius. The vast masses of Varronian data im- 
 bedded in the Servian scholia are not there by accident. Symma- 
 chus Servius Macrobius there is in this clover-leaf of the dusk
 
 RITUAL AND WORSHIP 361 
 
 of the gods a rare identity of religious concern as well as antiquarian 
 interest. Varro with them was as precious a record, comparable to the 
 Book of the Law rediscovered in the reign of Josiah, Kings 22, 10 sqq. 
 
 The Saturnalia of Macrobius show how in this dusk of the gods 
 the Old Believers drafted into their service a vast range of classical 
 culture in which Greek figures almost as fully as Latin. 
 
 Upon a second traversing of the entire range of the Servian matters, 
 I am less inclined to follow Nettleship than at first. Neoplatonism 
 in that generation of the Old Believers was not a loose cloak of eru- 
 dition, it was indeed rather a creed, nay a faith. 
 
 Wissowa began these studies with an analysis of the matter out 
 of which Macrobius is compounded. The antiquarian purpose of 
 Vergil's national epic must not be overlooked. See his letter to 
 Augustus (Macrob., "Sat.," 1, 24, 1). Wissowa's and Preller's foot- 
 notes abundantly furnish all the material necessary for closer vision. 
 
 The transparency of the Roman deified abstractions is simple 
 but the deliberate act of creating an institution on the part of the 
 commonwealth has nothing in common with the postulate of uni- 
 versal and eternal truth. In the entire domain which in appropriat- 
 ing a familiar phrase we may call the dusk of the gods, it is my 
 privilege in this place to call attention to Professor Gildersleeve's 
 " Lucian," " Apollonius of Tyana," and " The Emperor Julian," re- 
 published in his Essays and Studies, 1890. To these must be added 
 his introduction to his edition of Justin Martyr. In the critique of 
 young Persius's second Satire, Roman religiosity is measured by the 
 Stoic consciousness, if not the Stoic precept, imbibed by the pupil and 
 the disciple of Annseus Cornutus. 
 
 Karl Ottfried Miiller's " Etrusker " must not be omitted here. 
 His mortal remains are bedded in the deme Kolonos. He was the 
 greatest of Boeckh's pupils. 
 
 Dr. Ernst Riess of New York, a pupil of Usener, has devoted much 
 research to classic superstitions as distinct from religious usages.
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 CICEEO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 
 
 MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO of Arpinum (106-43 B.C.) 
 in many ways is the best known of the sons of Latium. 
 Most maligned, also. For after he and his graceful essays, 
 his altogether worthy humanity had for many centuries 
 educated the youth of Europe, a reaction must needs come. 
 You tire of any schoolmaster. 
 
 And still, if academic and scholastic experience should 
 utterly come to lose sight of this wonderful man, the 
 larger contemplation of ancient things could not dispense 
 with the last line or iota of his literary production. He 
 is a veritable mirror of Roman consciousness. That is, of 
 the Roman consciousness of the declining republic, curi- 
 ously permeated with Greek culture; a consciousness 
 comparable to the twin chestnuts in a single burr: politi- 
 cally he was proud and haughty to the point of contempt- 
 uous disdain: culturally, more than a Philhellene: Hu- 
 manist before the Humanists indeed: and so deeply 
 impregnated with Greek that the innermost notes struck 
 on the many chords of his mobile and sensitive soul found 
 vent in phrase or verse that rang again from Homer, or 
 Euripides, or other Greek source. The Romans were 
 bi-lingual in the fullest range of possession: when Greek 
 scholars came to Rome they taught Greek in Greek and 
 in no other way, precisely as they did in the East. Thus 
 Tyrannic the elder, pupil of Dionysios Thrax, although 
 he came to Italy as a prisoner of war, at Rome became 
 wealthy and left a library of more than thirty thousand 
 scrolls (Suidas). 
 
 As a boy Cicero was a " Wunderkind." Penetration 
 and understanding made him renowned among his fellow- 
 
 362
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 363 
 
 pupils : fathers heard so much of it from their sons that 
 they visited the classes to hear him recite. Even when 
 walking home, his young admirers made him the centre of 
 all a veritable great man among the very boys (Plut., 
 
 His soul was of the positive order, ever turning to 
 excellence and nobility, enthralled and subjecting itself 
 with a certain ecstasy to the greatness of the past, partic- 
 ularly in utterance and thought he had the faculty, as 
 of absorption, so of swift and forceful production. Even 
 as a boy and youth his own genius for oratory led him to 
 choose with unerring precision for models the most emi- 
 nent orators, such as Crassus, Antonius, Gotta, Sulpicius: 
 and his was the rare admixture of delicate perception 
 which determined the secret of each one's peculiar forensic 
 power by the agreement of friend and foe ; his judgments 
 on his rivals or other orators are permeated by technical 
 exactness and a large and free spirit with which he rec- 
 ognized and sketched every element of strength, e.g. in 
 Hortensius Hortalus. And so he became that virtuoso 
 who drew tears or caused the ripple of smiles to run over 
 the surface of the souls of his hearers, at will. Not less 
 concerned in the uttermost detail of the technique of his 
 art than Aristotle, Theophrastus, or Hermagoras, he alone 
 among the Romans was chosen by Plutarch to furnish a 
 parallel to Demosthenes. And he never rested on his 
 laurels, but ever became more powerful and accom- 
 plished. You may gaze at a violin once used by a Paganini 
 or Spohr or Joachim, but the soul and feeling that drew 
 the bow are departed. As for Cicero himself, his own 
 wonderful delivery and all the powers and graces bound 
 up therewith, these swayed his audiences, as Plutarch 
 says (c. 5). At the same time he made it his life's aim 
 to reunite the two streams which, since Plato wrote his 
 " Phsedrus," and even more since the days of old Isocrates 
 and young Aristotle, had flowed apart, philosophy and 
 oratory. Fortunate for us modern ones, that he was not 
 addicted to one school. For while the loftier morality of 
 Stoicism arrested his admiring soul from boyhood on to
 
 364 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 the end, the dialectic free fencing and avoidance of dog- 
 matism as maintained by the New Academy impressed him 
 as admirable drill for his pleader's profession. 
 
 Amid all the Greek technique of rhetoric his innermost 
 soul loved to lay hold of general truths and underlying 
 verities. In the elaboration of these he felt himself a 
 philosopher indeed. 
 
 I am not here to trace once more the chronicles of his 
 achievements and his successes, but most earnestly en- 
 deavor to reveal his spiritual side. And for this aim and 
 interest his life lies before us cloven cloven in twain, 
 indeed, by his exile. Is there, at all, any spiritual side 
 to the brilliant pleader and debater, before the exile? 
 
 The public life of the sovereign commonwealth of the 
 seven hills this in itself was full of incentives that 
 beckoned the brilliant young Arpinate onward to climb 
 from rung to rung in the offices the "cursus honorum." 
 The mere prosperity of life, the faring well in it, could 
 not satisfy his keen and craving soul. For the School of 
 Epicurus which he understood with consummate academic 
 precision, he had no liking, nay he confronted it with 
 bristling antipathy to the end. 
 
 Where the loveliness of Capri and Misenum recalled the 
 Greek legends of the Sirens, on that gulf of paradise, he 
 too had villas: his Pompeianum, his Puteolanum (Cu- 
 manum) ; not far from far-famed Circeii was his Formia- 
 num; Antium was well furnished with books, and the 
 news of the near-by capital could be sifted there even more 
 satisfactorily than on the Forum; at Tusculum he felt a 
 kind of spiritual vicinage to the elder Cato; but his letters 
 to Atticus reveal him a chambered nautilus living not in 
 iridescent pearl shell of self-praise, but in transparent 
 crystal, these letters, I say, reveal a spirit utterly 
 elevated above the silly luxury of his time, his concerns 
 those of culture and ambition, in the main. The noble 
 memorials of Athens are very dear to him: his library 
 must be adorned with Hermathencs. He is ever on the 
 outlook for enlarging his collection of books whether 
 through legacies from friends or through direct purchase.
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 365 
 
 Even when he is planning to enter the lists for the consu- 
 late (65-64), his brother Quintus calls him a " homo 
 Platonicus ": a man imbued with that dialectic spirit of 
 carefully turning over any intellectual concern. 
 
 Intellectual power, professional excellence, unflagging 
 industry, had carried him into the senate chamber : thus 
 his virtus, his manifold excellence, had overcome his 
 " newness " (novitas'). And the consciousness that his 
 talents, his persevering pursuit of eminence, had carried 
 him so far, did not contribute any element of humility or 
 even of wise moderation. 
 
 Glory it is which consoles man for the brevity of life: 
 viz. in the sense of anticipating the judgment of pos- 
 terity: glory, through which, though gone, we are pres- 
 ent, though dead, we are living (Milo, 97). Glory is 
 the praise of rightful achievements, of all rewards be- 
 stowed on excellence, the largest reward is glory: Pindar 
 again. Philosophers seek glory in the very books in 
 which they discourse on the contempt of glory: an ele- 
 mental power for the souls of humanity's elite. 
 
 As the outlook of the soul is really bounded by the 
 limits of the commonwealth, so all boons of striving and 
 prizing are comprehended therein. " Divine and Immor- 
 tal," favorite combination of his, is often appended to 
 that deity, glory, or to the laudation of one living. 
 
 Hercules on the pyre of (Eta, Regulus returning to 
 Carthage, Rutilius condemned though guiltless, and dis- 
 daining to return to Rome when he could these are in- 
 carnations of that excellence which glory follows as a 
 shadow follows the illumined substance of a thing. 
 
 At this shrine worshipped the brilliant man from 
 Arpinum. 
 
 " For the rungs in the ladder of high office are equally 
 open to the highest and to the lowest : but those leading 
 to glory differ. Who of us would dare to call himself 
 the peer of M. Curius, of C. Fabricius, of C. Duilius? 
 Who, of A. Atilius Calatinus? Who, of C. and P. 
 Scipio ? Who, of Af ricarius, Marcellus, Maximus ? Still 
 we have attained the same eminence in the succession of
 
 366 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 state-offices as they did. For in the domain of Excellence 
 (virtus') there are many ways of making ascent, so that 
 he overtops most in Glory who in Excellence is most con- 
 spicuous : the consummation of the offices bestowed by the 
 people is the consulship, which magistracy about eight 
 hundred more or less have attained : of these, if you will 
 make careful inquiry, you will find that hardly the tenth 
 partis worthy of glory" ("Plane.," 60). 
 
 Now Cicero, when he was a candidate for this high 
 office soon after the completion of his forty-second year, 
 was in a peculiar body of circumstance, as regards his 
 candidacy. A great economic crisis, if not a social revo- 
 lution, was, if not imminent, then at least entirely possi- 
 ble. The great captain, Pompey, was far away in the 
 East. The wealthy classes dreaded the electoral success 
 of a corrupt and desperate aristocrat such as Catiline was ; 
 Cicero's detractors and belittlers have exerted their in- 
 genuity to cheapen his services in this crisis. But at the 
 seat of government, by those who then lived, the crisis 
 was conceived as a grave one indeed. Sallust (who wrote 
 when his soul had turned in disgust from the profligacy 
 of his earlier life) paints the social and moral situation as 
 well-nigh desperate, a breaking of an ulcer which had 
 been fed by the widespread putrescence of society ; sexual 
 debauchery, extravagance, crazy gluttony ; a fiendish re- 
 finement of every device of luxury ; character and ideals 
 widely moribund. 
 
 The struggle put upon Cicero in 63 B.C. truly was not 
 merely a political or economic one. When at last he had 
 forced Catiline, without any resorting to arms or ex- 
 traordinary devices, to drop the mask and to adopt overt 
 acts of preparing war against the government, the consul 
 was justly jubilant. And when, in the end Catiline's 
 chief confederates were under arrest, while no drop of 
 blood had been shed in the capital, his sanguine soul was 
 indeed elated. 
 
 Roman annals and Roman records none knew them 
 better than Cicero. The triumphal car, potentates walk- 
 ing humbly before it, the via sacra resounding with the
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 367 
 
 acclamations of the mistress of the world, this was the 
 felicity of being, the acme of existence. But his glory, 
 he felt it, was greater. It was no slight matter for him- 
 self and all his future that, as presiding and controlling 
 magistrate, on December 5, 63, he championed the most 
 radical mode of disposing of the conspirators as of public 
 enemies who had placed themselves beyond the pale of 
 the law. 
 
 In his consciousness and to the end of his life, Decem- 
 ber 5, of the consulate of Cicero and Antony was the 
 bright star which never set and which no conflict with 
 the orbits of any other star could obscure or render pale 
 in the political firmament. This text of glory was set to 
 an anthem which he was never weary of repeating with 
 endless variations. In this alluring worship where the 
 incense to his ego was inextricably mingled with lofty 
 strains of genuine patriotism and sound principles of civic 
 morality I say, in this temple and ritual he was never 
 weary of being the chief celebrant. The motion of Cato 
 prevailed, says Sallust (" Bellum Catil." 53), but the 
 political and moral burden lay on the shoulders of the 
 consul Cicero. The investors and capitalists had often 
 employed his eminent forensic abilities, but on that day 
 he felt himself not merely as the champion of law and 
 property, but as the veritable saviour of society, the in- 
 carnation of order, worthy of being named not merely 
 with the greatest captains who won provinces for the im- 
 perial city, but with the founder of Rome himself. The 
 soul that craved honor so intensely was at first over- 
 whelmed, though your ambitious man, like your miser, 
 knows not what satiety is. Crassus himself, the richest 
 man in Rome, albeit a very crooked politician, paid his 
 respects to the pleader from Arpinum. Catullus, the 
 primate of senators in a fully attended senate, called 
 Cicero Parens Patrice; the temples were opened for 
 special thanksgiving. When the great captain returned 
 from his eastern campaigns, he embraced Cicero publicly 
 and declared he owed it to Cicero that he could see Rome 
 once more.
 
 368 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 It is not my task or is it worth while once more to un- 
 ravel the political game through which Cicero was driven 
 into exile in the spring of 58. By Clodius, debauchery 
 incarnate and corruption triumphant, was this accom- 
 plished. The Triumvirs allowed it to come to pass. 
 Cicero had declined a legatio with Caesar in Gaul, likewise 
 had he refused a place as one of the twenty commissioners 
 under Caesar's agrarian law. 
 
 For hero-worshippers the author is none poor Cic- 
 ero's letters from his exile in Thessalonica are truly sad 
 reading. His friend the great Captain, to whose Afri- 
 canus he would play Lselius on the political stage Rome 
 to be doubly buttressed by military genius and by philos- 
 ophy and conservative eloquence Pompey, I say, had 
 played him false. His family ties rudely rent asunder, 
 his mansion on the Palatine demolished, his private for- 
 tune well-nigh ruined, the bitterest thought was this, that 
 Rome had curtly cast adrift her very saviour his agony 
 was no common one. His glory he had, but clearly it 
 had not saved him. His sense of vicarious sacrifice he 
 had ; but his heart was embittered at the cold selfishness 
 of the aristocracy he had once saved and who now were 
 unconcerned at his sufferings, if only they could keep 
 mullet in their fish-ponds on their estates. The iron had 
 entered his soul. 
 
 Cicero came back Cicero : but a saner, a graver soul. 
 His great gifts, indeed, he felt could never more have free 
 play in the senate chamber, or on the Forum. A bitter 
 tone is blended with his social and civic pride in his ora- 
 tions. The senate rebuilt his mansion and in a measure 
 rehabilitated his private fortune. But Cicero, as far as 
 he dared, gave vent, too, to his hatred for those whom he 
 chiefly charged with his misery, e.g. the consul Pisp (of 
 58 B.C.), Ca3sar's own father-in-law. Even in 54 B.C., 
 after Ca3sar had crossed the Rhine and full three years 
 after his own return from exile, Cicero both uttered and 
 published his " Pisoniana " ; he called him " dog of
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 369 
 
 Clodius," " man of clay," " a foul freak of nature," " a new 
 Epicurus led forth from the sty." 
 
 But when Csesar crossed the Rubicon, there came to the 
 mobile soul of Cicero even a more overwhelming misery. 
 Personal loyalty and a very high sense of chivalry induced 
 him to follow the declining star of Pompey, in whose 
 judgment and tact he had no confidence any more. Am- 
 nestied by his literary friend Csesar, he now determined 
 to devote his declining days to wisdom and the spreading 
 of Greek philosophy among his countrymen. 
 
 When Cato refused to submit to the autocrat, Cato's 
 admiring friend Cicero published that eulogy which nettled 
 Csesar to make reply by his "Anticatones." 
 
 Cicero's philosophical books : again I say, the world 
 owes him thanks that he has Latinized so large a body of 
 Greek thought : Theory of understanding, Ethics, Politi- 
 cal Philosophy, Speculation of the Greek world as to the 
 Divine, theory of Mantic art : responses to the young 
 Atticists in Roman oratory no bran and clayey porridge 
 of brutal pleasure-pursuits for him (as in Catullus), no 
 futilities even of archseological or sesthetical palavering 
 here. 
 
 The noblest revelations of his soul were recorded toward 
 the end. When his darling daughter was taken away in 
 45 B.C., he talked to his friend Atticus about a shrine or 
 fane to her memory. Csesar, Brutus, Sulpicius, and other 
 foremost men wrote to him, to console him. But his pen 
 was his chief consolation, the ritual of the state religion 
 was bare and cold, a product of Rome as we have seen : 
 Cicero descended into his own soul and by reproducing 
 the best available in Greek philosophical production, he 
 soothed himself. His introductory appeal and defence of 
 philosophy, his " Hortensius," more than four centuries 
 afterwards, powerfully affected a youth destined to be no 
 common man, young Augustine, in his nineteenth year. 
 Says St. Augustine, " Confessions," 3, 4 : " In the estab- 
 lished succession of studies I had come to a certain book of 
 a certain Cicero. That book contains his own exhortation 
 to the pursuit of wisdom and is called ' Hortensius.' That 
 
 2B
 
 370 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 book indeed changed my aspirations. Cheapened for me 
 suddenly was all hope of vanities, and I craved the im- 
 mortality of wisdom with an incredible fervor of my heart. 
 For not towards the sharpening of my tongue did I apply 
 that book, nor had it urged upon my acceptance mere 
 phrase, but that which was the object of its utterance. 
 And I at that time was being delighted in that appeal by 
 this alone, that I did esteem not this school or that school, 
 but Wisdom itself, whatever it was, and sought it and 
 pursued it and held it and bravely clasped it to my heart 
 ... to do this was I roused by that discourse and kindled 
 and was set on fire." 
 
 This prolific period of production was broken to him 
 broken as by a sudden gleam of lightning, when the auto- 
 crat perished at the foot of Pompey's statue. 
 
 But Cicero's sanguine hopes for the old order were 
 rudely shattered by the acts of the consul Antony, who 
 would enter into the inheritance of the powerful man that 
 made him. 
 
 Cicero's aversion for Mark Antony was deeper than the 
 gloom of the political circumstances; it was the same 
 aversion which he had nurtured for Catiline and all his 
 works, for the debauchee Clodius, for all who treated con- 
 victions and ideals cheaply. 
 
 He dared not return to the senate chamber, but flitted 
 from villa to villa, his political glance ever directed to the 
 Seven Hills, while his moral and intellectual being was ab- 
 sorbed in production : mainly in philosophical writing. His 
 " Second Philippic " would he write, staking life or death 
 upon the result. At the same time did he Latinize Panai- 
 tios the Stoic's work on "Duties." 
 
 It is a delightful pursuit to trace his own personal con- 
 tributions here his life clearly spent, his hope of the old 
 order flown his family circle destroyed: it was a rare 
 soul that could occupy itself thus, at such a time. And 
 the Stoic conception of Duty was categorical that action 
 of which a demonstration can be made compelling assent 
 from all rational beings, within the spheres of the Four 
 Great Canonic Virtues, viz. Justice or Righteousness,
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 371 
 
 Fortitude, LoveVf Truth, or Wisdom, Self-control (Tem- 
 perance, Continence). 
 
 How sternly did then collide this definition of Justice 
 with the avid ambition recently destroyed but having its 
 palingenesis in Antony. " This was made manifest but a 
 short while ago by the recklessness of C. Caesar, who over- 
 turned all divine and human laws for the sake of that 
 leadership which he had moulded for himself by a perver- 
 sion of supposition" ("Off.," 1, 26). 
 
 Time had sifted many things for him mere prosperity 
 the riding on the crest of the political billow, all these 
 things had come to be (to the deeper musings of his soul) 
 as vain and nugatory : the allurements of ambition, the 
 unrighteousness so often bound up with it, had sunk deeply 
 into his soul. 
 
 He is fully aware, at the same time, that the mere 
 philosopher pursuing the contemplative life, is largely 
 beyond crisis, peril, nay beyond temptation even: Right- 
 eousness in action (" Off.," 1, 73) is greater than mere 
 correctness of moral judgment projected at the moving 
 world of men from the peaceful study. 
 
 It remains for us in this sketch to inquire as to Cicero's 
 concern in death and the fate of the soul. 
 
 At fifty-three, under the Triumvirs, Cicero wrote his 
 " Theory of Politics," his De Republic^ treading in the 
 footsteps of Plato ; this, too, in a vision or dream given to 
 his political ideal, Scipio ^Emilianus. Soul of the past 
 reveals itself to the latter : to wit, the elder Africanus. 
 The heaven there depicted is an abode of great statesmen : 
 essentially a heaven of the Roman commonwealth : these 
 worthies there live in bliss f orevermore. Paulus, too, lives 
 there, the conqueror of Macedon : their blissful souls have 
 escaped from the shackles of the body as though from a 
 dungeon. Cicero follows the guidance of Plato in many 
 details : no cutting short of life : patience ! Celestial 
 substance drawn from stars, food of immortality ; milky 
 way : the spheres and orbits and their harmony not per- 
 ceived here below. Human glory, mere terrestrial renown, 
 is limited by narrow boundaries. Likewise it lasts not
 
 372 TESTIMOXIUM ANDLE 
 
 long. And even if it did, cosmic catastrophes destroy all 
 annals. Let the soul of true ambition look beyond these 
 things to the ideal of Virtue itself. The soul is made of 
 immortal stuff and so our Arpinatian spins out the 
 substance of Phsedo and Platonic Republic. A vision or 
 flight guided by the Attic philosopher. 
 
 Later, when Pompey was dead and the countenance of 
 the political world had become a very desolation to our 
 friend, after the bloody field of Munda, he wrought his 
 Tusculan Disputations. In it there is much of Death. Is 
 Death an evil ? Not if we will be gods or in the company 
 of gods (1, 76). Men at large hold Death an evil, and in 
 the prospect thereof they are wretched. But what is 
 Death? Cicero rejects the extinction- theory of Epicurus 
 
 he is not much attracted by the greater ductility and 
 extension of soul-substance held by Stoics. He scans 
 monism, Aristotelian theory of elemental Reason, atomism 
 of Democritus. He confesses to a certain anticipation of 
 
 historical immortality, rejects Acheron tian fictions, but 
 argues with great earnestness against the utter-extinction 
 theories of ancient materialists. 
 
 The relation of body and soul is a problem full of pro- 
 found perplexity. He clearly is most in sympathy with 
 Plato's thought, and with Pythagoras. Homer's anthropo- 
 morphism of divinity he utterly rejects. 
 
 The grand system of cosmic order seems to ( 70) point 
 to a mighty accomplishing Intelligence. The Soul seems 
 to him to be in its essence non-material and non-com- 
 posite. 
 
 It is not then the religious consciousness which is con- 
 cerned with death for him, but rather the civic and political: 
 so he wrote, not long before the catastrophe of Caesar's death 
 ("Tuscul.," 1,109): "But assuredly death then is con- 
 fronted with a spirit of greatest equipoise when the sunset 
 of life can console itself with its own praises. No one 
 has lived too briefly who has discharged the full- wrought 
 task of full-wrought excellence. Man 3^ things (in my own 
 career) pointed to death as a seasonable consummation. 
 For nothing could there be superadded; heaped up was the
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 373 
 
 measure in which reposed the duties of Life ; the remnant 
 were campaigns with Fortune. Therefore, if sheer dia- 
 lectic process will fail to enable us to make nothing of 
 death, still let my actual career help to it that I may seem 
 to have lived enough and beyond that. For although con- 
 sciousness shall pass away, still the dead, although they 
 have no consciousness, do not lack their own and their 
 specific boons, viz. praise and glory. For although it 
 have not in itself any cause for seeking it, still it follows 
 excellence (virtus) like its shadow." 
 
 Before closing this sketch let us glance at the conclusion 
 of his " Essay on Old Age," Summer 44. It is wonderful, 
 this exquisite defence of Old Age : as a matter of fact, 
 such work helped him to endure living: as a matter of 
 psychological experience, he realized the increasing bitter- 
 ness of Old Age ("Attic.," 14, 21, 1). Into the mouth 
 of Old Cato Cicero puts these words : 
 
 " But (82) somehow my soul rousing itself to its full 
 stature was wont always to look forward to posterity, as 
 though, when it had departed from life, then only it was 
 to live indeed." He looks forward to that ultraterrestrial 
 union or reunion with the great souls of Roman annals. 
 " I am not inclined to bewail life, which many men and 
 scholars too have done, nor do I regret having lived, since 
 I have lived in such a way as to believe I have not been 
 born in vain, and from life I depart as from an abode where I 
 have been merely a guest, not as from a home ; for nature 
 has given us merely an inn for tarrying awhile, not for 
 making our domicile therein" (84). 
 
 Not far from Antium is Astura by the Sea. Thence in 
 December, 43, the orator sailed for the South, fleeing from 
 Antony. But he landed at Circeii and thence passed to 
 his villa near Caieta, his Formianum. There he spent the 
 last night of his life. In the morning they carried him in 
 a litter towards the sea. A Greek freedman of brother 
 Quintus, they say, betrayed his course to the murderers, who 
 craved the gold of Antony. When Cicero heard the
 
 374 TESTIMONIUM ANIALE 
 
 hurrying footsteps of the pursuing Herennius, Cicero bade 
 his slaves set down the litter. He himself, as was his 
 wont in reflection, propping his chin with his left hand, 
 firmly fixing his glance on his murderers, awaited the fatal 
 stroke, his tousled gray locks unkempt, his countenance 
 furrowed and shrivelled from these ultimate cares. 
 
 It is easy and convenient to dispose of great movements 
 in human history by the employment of universal and 
 sweeping judgments, as when the housemaid sweeps all 
 crumbs from the tablecloth with a few simple movements 
 of the whisk-brush. Thus the unconcern of the Romans 
 for truth your wretched Pontius Pilate as the true type 
 of it all: the chevalier Bunsen has written a few vigorous 
 and impressive periods to this effect: Ritschl has cited 
 them to save a little of Cicero's prestige from Mommsen's 
 pen. But there was in the generation of Cicero a greater 
 one than he. For not these things which are notable to 
 the academic person's concern, comprehend greatness ex- 
 clusively: Socrates wrote nothing for us: of the younger 
 Cato we have hardly a line directly: but we have the most 
 precious thing transmitted by history, a great character. 
 Mommsen's epigrams impressed me in my youth. They do 
 so no more. To the gaping multitude, indeed, abusive 
 judgments appear more true, accordingly as they are 
 brought forward with a certain epigrammatic cleverness. 
 To a very great number of people Mommsen has long been 
 a kind of hierophant of historical valuation and re valuation. 
 Odd, too, these glorifications of incipient monarchy from 
 a man who was an ardent Liberal in 1848, and who, later 
 on, as a scholar in politics has not been very impressive to 
 the real statesmen of his generation. 
 
 But to return to the greater subject of Cato of Utica. 
 In him was a temperament, even when he was a child of four, 
 the opposite of all that was pliable, his decision of doing 
 or enduring not to be swayed or determined by pleasure 
 or pain, by profit or loss. As a little boy of four he was re- 
 siding with his uncle Livius Drusus, who sought to stay
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 375 
 
 the disruption of the political fabric by trenchant com- 
 promises. Then the Italian allies were impatiently de- 
 manding political equality with Rome. One of the Italian 
 leaders was Pompsedius Silo. This man was at the mansion 
 of Livius Drusus, making interest for his policies, a guest. 
 He requested the little lad, in a playful manner, to inter- 
 cede with little Cato's uncle. But the child would not 
 give utterance. Finally the Italian guest grasped the 
 little one and held him out of a window it was an upper 
 chamber where the company was and threatened the boy 
 with a rough voice. But the child remained firm and un- 
 shaken. About ten years further on the boy of fourteen 
 years (81 B.C.) was notable among the striplings of the 
 aristocracy his remarkable determination and simplicity 
 of character giving him leadership in the competitions of 
 noblemen's sons. The dictator Sulla often invited him to 
 his palace. It was in that terrible time of 82-81 B.C., 
 when Sulla was dictator for settling the government. Men 
 were led away to execution continually. Others were 
 tortured. Gold was paid out for the heads of those who 
 had been proscribed by the autocrat. Many heads, too, 
 were borne away. People sighed. But the lad Cato 
 spoke impulsively to his Greek paidagogos (boy-escort) 
 Sarpedon: "Why do you not give me a sword that I 
 despatch him and free our country from slavery?" His 
 half-brother Servilius Csepio he loved with passionate 
 fervor, and as he grew older held him as a very witness of 
 his days and of his nights. Early he studied the Ethics 
 of the Stoa under Antipater of Tyre, and his life was, for 
 those times, a very simple life. He comprehended slowly, 
 but held with wonderful tenacity. 
 
 His earliest appearance in public discourse was in de- 
 fence of a certain column in the Porcian colonnade, public 
 gift of his great ancestor the Censor. There was nothing 
 sophomoric in that discourse. The trend of his thought 
 or argument was brusque, but there was something win- 
 ning and leading his hearers, says Plutarch. We may 
 fairly assume that it was a tremendous earnestness coupled 
 with overwhelming evidence of absolute and unqualified
 
 376 TEST1MONIUM ANBLE 
 
 sincerity. Right and righteousness were his goal : he 
 strove for action deeply thought out and approved to his 
 conscience, action categorical and buttressed by motives 
 unimpeachable before the forum of universal reason. Thus 
 as one of the commissioners for the treasury (quaestor) his 
 way of doing everything was entirely his own. First he 
 studied with unflagging industry all statutes bearing on 
 the administration of the treasury. He made himself in- 
 dependent of the treasury clerks and their traditions of 
 favor or indulgence or red tape. He opposed even the 
 censor Catullus in hewing close to the line. Justice was 
 done and order was created in all obligations, claims, or 
 arrears. He utterly refused to allow personal considera- 
 tions to prevail anywhere. And still he lived in a society 
 sapped through luxury, permeated with corruption : its 
 political life in a trend of movement alluring to consum- 
 mate powers if coupled with unscrupulous ambition and 
 playing with hollow shells of traditional forms. Spotless 
 of personal purity, he was to see the prevailing corruption 
 of morals in those nearest to him by blood or marriage. 
 His power in public life, with all these things, rose steadily. 
 There is a prestige in consistent righteousness amid the 
 dust and heat of action, far transcending the consistency 
 of academic formularies or the postulates of the pen. 
 
 When, on December 5, in the year 63 before Christ, 
 the senate was determining the fate of the Catilinarian con- 
 spirators, the timid and nervous Cicero presiding, the real 
 champions on that occasion were Caesar and Cato. Cato 
 tribune elect, but thirty-two "years old. Caesar, a consum- 
 mate corruptionist and successful politician, adroit in dis- 
 covering the exact spot in a man's moral structure, in his 
 temperament, or in his vices where he could use him, a 
 man on the verge of personal bankruptcy in playing the 
 game of politics, a kindly broker in removing feuds of 
 rivals, always willing to be generous rather than threaten, 
 a man who had learned lessons from Sulla's career, an 
 Epicurean in life and theory, a man who ever subordinated 
 moral law to political ambition, a man too refined in his 
 faculties and culture to be content with a Catilinarian
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 377 
 
 career for himself, a man whose friends were made rich 
 through their loyalty, a man who has been endowed by his 
 flatterers with superhuman excellencies, but a man who 
 perished in the end because he was drunk with sweet for- 
 tune, and because his judgment had become numbed and 
 warped in focussing itself on the venalities of his world and 
 underestimating the tough fabric of Roman tradition. 
 Cicero knew his finer and his more generous side much 
 better than we do Cicero, as a judge and critic of noble 
 things anywhere, is without a peer in his generation Cic- 
 ero, I say, has left us a memorable survey of Caesar's career, 
 a delineation which he wrote in the autumn of 44 B.C., 
 after Caesar's death. Then, too, the coarser fabric of 
 Antony was a foil for Caesar's noble elements. Of Caesar, 
 then, Cicero wrote thus (second Philippic, 116) : " That 
 man possessed genius, the faculty of reasoning, memory, 
 literary culture, care, reflection, he could take pains : his 
 achievements in war, though disastrous to the common- 
 wealth, were nevertheless great ; for many years had he 
 planned for autocratic power, with great toil, with many 
 dangers had he accomplished what he had been making 
 the burden of his thoughts: with bounties, and shows, 
 with monumental structures, with donatives of food, had 
 he charmed the ignorant multitude : his own adherents he 
 had attached to himself by rewards, his opponents by the 
 guise of clemency. Why make many words about it? 
 He had foisted upon a republic partly through fear, partly 
 through patience on the people's part, the habit of servi- 
 tude." On the fateful morning of the Ides of March the 
 dictator's faithful wife had consulted the haruspices to 
 prevent her husband's going forth to public business: Cleo- 
 patra, however, was in Rome also. She was the mother of 
 Caesar's son Caesario. But to return to the memorable 
 scene in the senate, December 5, 63. Caesar was then the 
 visible and actual head of the popular or democratic party in 
 the state, the successor of his father-in-law Cornelius Cinna. 
 In this grave crisis the consul Cicero had firmly refused to 
 recognize any informer or information aimed against Caesar. 
 Policy and personal penetration united in the latter to
 
 378 TESTIMONIUM ANIM^l 
 
 make him stand out against summary execution of the self- 
 confessed culprits. In the choice of action emotional preju- 
 dice or passion was generally absent from his soul. His 
 stand was really a constitutional regard for precedent. 
 For him, too (Sallust, " Catiline," 51), death was termina- 
 tion of all things beyond it there was no place for either 
 joy or concern. Ceesar had read the lessons of history 
 Roman and Greek too, his clear and powerful mind had 
 pondered : he could reason forward, also. 
 
 The speech of the young Stoic in reply is, if anything, 
 still more authentic in the tradition, for the consul Cicero 
 with great wisdom had it taken down on the spot by a 
 number of scribes who were trained in the new skill of 
 shorthand notation of parliamentary utterance. 
 
 Cato warned those senators who had prized their luxury 
 above all, whose prime concerns of life were villas, man- 
 sions in town, sculpture, painting the existence of the 
 commonwealth itself was at stake. Cato pointed to his 
 record in that august assembly : he had consistently 
 attacked covetousness and luxury there: many personal 
 enemies had he thus made for himself. He had been con- 
 sistently rigorous in his own conduct : he was not willing 
 to be more lax in dealing with his fellow-men. The 
 decadence of living and conduct had debased the very 
 speech of Rome, when it was called liberal to corrupt 
 others with property not one's own, when boldness in 
 entering upon evil courses was dubbed fortitude. There 
 was a pity towards criminals which was really cruelty 
 towards life and property of better citizens. 
 
 To the standard and judgment of the young Stoic 
 statesman both public and private morality were objects 
 of sweeping censure no prophet of Israel could have 
 more earnestly inveighed against the sins of his people. 
 When Sallust (in the spirit and manner of his great 
 model Thucydides) outlined the character of these two 
 uncommon men, both had passed away. The pondering 
 and searching historian himself had passed through a 
 checkered career. As a rising politician serving the cause 
 of disorder, expelled from the senate for the profligacy
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 379 
 
 of his private life, he had been rehabilitated by Caesar : 
 first proconsul of Numidia, he had retired from public 
 life a man of immense wealth : he owed all to Caesar. 
 
 Sallust draws the characters of Caesar and Cato a 
 tempting subject for any historian. Again we see what 
 virtus still is : the " apery " of Homer and Pindar : the 
 uncommon excellence, something essentially dynamic 
 rather than ethical. But now for the difference (for 
 our purpose a parallel of their gifts and endowments is 
 hardly a matter of primary concern). 
 
 " Caesar was held great through acts of kindness and 
 through his lavish and open purse, Cato through his spot- 
 less life. The one became renowned by clemency and a 
 soft heart, to the other one his dignity had given distinc- 
 tion. Csesar gained fame by giving, assisting, forgiving ; 
 Cato, by absolutely refraining from the practice of bribery. 
 The one was a refuge for men in trouble, the other was 
 destruction to evil-doers. It was the affability of the 
 one, and the unswerving consistency of the other, that 
 was praised. Finally Csesar had made it his determina- 
 tion to toil, to be ever on the alert, while devoted to his 
 friends' affairs to neglect his own, to refuse no service 
 worthy of a gift ; he eagerly desired for himself a great 
 sphere of power, an army, a war of novel features, where 
 his excellence (virtus') might shine. But Cato's earnest 
 pursuit was directed at self-control, at seemliness, but 
 chiefly at rugged sternness. Not by means of wealth 
 did he vie with the man of wealth, nor by means of par- 
 tisanship with the partisan, but with the vigorous man 
 he struggled in excellence, with the continent man in 
 purity, with the man of integrity in incorruptibility, he 
 would rather be than seem good : thus, the less he pur- 
 sued renown, the more it followed him." Adversaries 
 as these champions of different ideals were on that De- 
 cember day in Cicero's waning consulate, so they remained 
 bitter foes: each perhaps the object of the other's keenest 
 antipathy. A little more than sixteen years remained for 
 Cato, for Caesar a few months more than eighteen years. 
 
 In Cato there subsisted a veritable consciousness of the
 
 380 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 old constitution, and he stood on the bulwarks of the de- 
 cadent republic : Caesar intrepid in the pursuit of his own 
 ambition, and beyond a certain kindliness and impressive 
 geniality of manner, keen in his choice of the best mech- 
 anism whether in men or things, to accomplish the object 
 which he happened to be pursuing. Success and avail- 
 ability: these were for him the only criteria in the prob- 
 lems of conduct. 
 
 When we feel with Cato, even in a small measure, how, 
 to his unerring glance, the road was being blazed, from 
 month to month, and from year to year, that led straight 
 to an imperial throne, to purple and diadem, there must 
 have been in his lonely soul a veritable agony and a 
 trampling upon all his dearest possessions. His was the 
 sad role of Cassandra. When Caesar gained his Gallic 
 imperium, Cato told Pompey that now Pompey was 
 placing Caesar on his own neck, unwittingly indeed, but 
 when he was to feel the load and the sensation of being 
 overpowered, he would find himself in a position where 
 he could not set down the load nor endure to bear it. 
 Csesar won his short-lived throne in his own way . . . 
 foolish the historian who would credulously accept Caesar's 
 own account of his own acts, of his own motives. As for 
 the " world-spirit " called in by certain Caesar- worshippers 
 like Mommsen to sanctify the conquests of that great 
 captain, that world-spirit unfortunately, like flea or locust, 
 hopped soon away and lighted on the brawny chest of 
 Antony, on the languorous eyelashes of Cleopatra. . . . 
 What a pity ! Odd dialectic of world-movement. It was 
 in the Libyan harbor-town of Utica where the enrolling 
 tide of Caesar's power determined the unflinching Stoic 
 to be faithful to his doctrine of freedom and make an end 
 of life when there was an end of freedom. Deep convic- 
 tion and the very anchor of his being were at one in his 
 resolve to make an end. That last night, unto midnight, 
 he read, not in Zeno, Kleanthes, or Chrysippus, the found- 
 ers of his own sect but he chose that classic of the im- 
 mortality of the soul, Plato's "Phsedo." There he read 
 of spheres infinitely more perfect than our troubled and
 
 CICERO OF ARPINUM. CATO OF UTICA 381 
 
 troublous planet : celestial spheres surpassingly fair and 
 satisfying the soul. 
 
 He read, that last night, of a judgment of departed 
 spirits, of retribution, and cleansing tribulation. And 
 he also read these words : " But on this account must be 
 of good cheer (" Phsedo," 114 d) in his concern for his 
 own soul, the man, who in life gave short shrift to the 
 pleasures of the body and its adornments as being alien 
 to him . . . but, having adorned his soul not with foreign 
 adornment but with its own, continence and righteousness 
 and fortitude and freedom and truth, thus awaits the pas- 
 sage into the realm of Hades, as resolved on making the 
 passage when fate calls." 
 
 NOTE. Since Mommsen's and Drumann's books, one may, in very 
 truth, cite with reference to the current estimation of Cicero the 
 words of Schiller in his Wallenstein: 
 
 " Von der Parteien Hass und Gunst verwirrt, 
 Schwankt sein Charakterbild in der Geschichte." 
 
 There could be adduced a formidable bibliography on both sides. 
 Autobiographical material has been gathered from Cicero himself 
 and coordinated and arranged with much skill and industry by W. 
 H. D. Suringar : " M. Tullii Ciceronis Commentarii Rerum Suarum 
 sive De Vita Sua." Leyden, 1854. The letters to Atticus can be 
 abused, they should not be, by any one who would make Cicero odious 
 or belittle him. Here must be cited by far the most elaborate and 
 adequate edition (of Cicero's entire body of letters) known to classical 
 erudition. It is : " The Correspondence of M. Tullius Cicero arranged 
 according to its chronological order," etc., etc., by Robert Yelverton 
 Tyrrell, six volumes, 2d ed., 1885 sqq. Entirely admirable are the 
 essays introducing the chief periods : " On the character of Cicero as 
 a Public Man, Cicero in his private life, Cicero and the Triumvirate, 
 Cicero's Provincial government," etc., etc. I may perhaps cite my 
 own introduction to Cicero's "Second Philippic," 1901, New York. 
 Merguet's splendid Concordance to Cicero's Philosophical Writings 
 is worthy of great praise. 
 
 As for Cato the Younger, Plutarch's Biography largely is a Greek 
 transcript made from Cicero's monograph penned soon after the death 
 of the Stoic statesman. Caesar composed a petty and ignoble reply 
 aided by members of his inner circle, such as Hirtius. Fortunately 
 for Caesar's fame this rejoinder has perished : what shreds have been 
 preserved by Plutarch exhibit a spirit of malignant hatred and un- 
 critical anecdote-mongering. 
 
 The " Onomasticon " of Orelli's edition of Cicero must not be 
 omitted here.
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 
 
 T. LUCRETIUS CARUS was born very nearly in the same 
 year as Cato the Younger. He died about 53 or 54 B.C. 
 Few are the fragments of tradition concerning his life and 
 work (in Jerome, in Cicero's letters) : the latter clearly 
 never was revised much, from the first draft or last. 
 
 To expect a kind of spiritual fervor in a work largely 
 devoted to a materialistic and a mechanical conception of 
 the Universe, this indeed would seem absurd. Still with 
 the ruthless denial of aught beyond force and matter, we 
 meet furthermore a condemnation and a denial of almost 
 all the things which the natural man prizes or holds dear. 
 Death and the fear of death, the obsession of the soul with 
 aims vain in themselves : Epicurus with the cowl of 
 Thomas a Kempis. 
 
 For the fear of death and the concern for the fate of the 
 soul was a very real and a very widespread sentiment : 
 with all the confinement of rite and ritual to the affairs of 
 this life and this world, with all the non-transcendental 
 character of fairly all bodies of sentiment : religious, civic, 
 philosophical why the restlessness as to the hereafter? 
 
 Furthermore, the common identification of gods, and 
 gods ruling, with these phenomena of the sky above us, 
 thunder and lightning, sunshine and rain, dew and hoar- 
 frost : this, too, our emancipator and apostle of freedom 
 would pluck from the human breast (Book 6). "This 
 it is to fully look into the nature of lightning (6, 379), 
 and to see by what force it accomplishes each thing, not 
 to unroll, in vain, Etruscan formularies and to search into 
 the suggestions of the hidden mind of the gods. ..." 
 His aim is to loosen the shackles of "religion": and to 
 
 382
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 383 
 
 administer the doleful lore of hopeless Epicureanism to 
 his reader, as bitter medicines are given to children : when 
 the edge of the cup is smeared with honey. The dignity 
 and force indeed of the hexameter of Lucretius assures his 
 name a foremost position in classic letters. 
 
 But what are the chief dogmas by which the soul is to 
 be emancipated ? In this world of ours there is no design 
 elevating man : this material universe, of which we are a 
 transitory part, was not wrought by aim or plan : the atoms 
 supplied by an infinity of matter, under spur of mechanical 
 impulse from eternity, have, by their various combinations, 
 associations, positions, been making and unmaking this 
 world, and ourselves. Innumerable were the combina- 
 tions, until finally a creative and organic synthesis even- 
 tuated accidentally. There are other forms of concourse 
 of atoms, infinite, but beyond our ken (2, 1048 *<?<?.). Our 
 eyes were not formed to the end that we might see there- 
 with (4, 822 sqq. ) : that we might set goodly stride for- 
 ward, not for this end was man endowed with thighs and 
 calves : no part of our physical being was moulded for an 
 end : but that which is produced, begets use. Here was 
 the sharpest point of conflict and contradiction with the 
 nobler Stoic school : no, this universe is not divine, it is 
 not reason incarnate, nor has man the primacy. Not for 
 him was this abode prepared : not for such design must 
 we praise the providence of the gods (5, 156 sqq.). Ab- 
 surd : for where would be the perfect bliss of the gods if 
 they troubled themselves about poor tiny ephemeral and 
 mortal man ? What motives can there be for them, 
 eternal and blessed, in any sacrifices of our own that would 
 move them to do anything for our sake ? They were in 
 bliss from eternity : why should they at some later point 
 of time desire to change their former life ? (v. 169). 
 
 The calm geniality of the Attic garden of the founder 
 is not cast over this unique didactic poem. The gloomy 
 poet essays no theodicy in contemplating our world: no 
 best of all possible worlds, this. It is too faulty: 
 
 " tanta stat praedita culpa " (5, 199) .
 
 384 TESTIMONIUM ANIM.E 
 
 A very large part of the earth's surface is mountainous 
 and untillable ; there are cliffs and marshes ; there is the 
 vast expanse of the barren sea; there are the zones of 
 excessive heat, the spheres of killing frost. And as for 
 the domain which nurtures man, there is the incessant 
 struggle with thistles ; stout arms must ply the hoe, with 
 many a sigh ; deep must the ploughshare cut into the soil : 
 there is drought, too ; there are freshets and frosts and hur- 
 ricanes ; there are pests and vermin and wild beasts ; there 
 are plagues and epidemics ; there is premature death 
 best of worlds? The very infant, like a seafaring man 
 cast ashore by cruel waves, bare does he lie upon the ground 
 without the faculty of speech, needing every aid to live, 
 when first through the mother's pangs nature has shed the 
 babe, and with mournful wailing does it fill the chamber, 
 as is meet for him for whom life has. so many troubles 
 in store. 
 
 As for the soul (Book 3), it is mainly the conscious and 
 dominant spot of vitality or animation. The soul is ma- 
 terial and it is mortal, precisely as is the body : for it too 
 is corporeal, though its stuff is of exquisite delicacy and 
 fineness. The doctrine of the soul (3, 30 sqq.*) is set forth 
 by the poet to the end that all fear of a lower world may 
 be driven out utterly, which fear keeps in unrest the life 
 of man, casting over all the black pall of the fear of death 
 and leaves not any pleasure clear and pure. Men often 
 say they know that the substance of the soul is the same 
 as that of blood, or of wind ; so they say, or this too, that 
 often diseases are more to be feared or a life of civil oppro- 
 brium, than the black realms of death. But still they 
 cling to life with stubborn perseverance. Exiled they 
 live, out of their own country, stained with base charges, 
 visited with every kind of sorrow, they live after all, and 
 withersoever they come, they make sacrifices to deceased 
 ancestors (parentant, 3, 51) and slay black victims and to 
 the divine spirits of the departed they send offerings and 
 much more keenly in distressful situations do they turn 
 their minds towards religion. This, then, to Lucretius's 
 mind, is one cause of profound unhappiness. But he goes
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 385 
 
 on to another. Covetousness and political ambition are 
 also great evils (3, 59 sqq.^). These induce their devotees 
 to transgress legal right, and sometimes as allies in crimes 
 and assistants therein to work night and day that they may 
 rise to supreme power: "these wounds of life in great 
 part are fed by the fear of death." Humble civil status 
 and poverty seem to them intolerable evils : clearly 
 Lucretius profoundly condemns, in his way, craving and 
 getting, and the pride of life. Sulla, Marius, Catiline, had 
 sunk deeply into the soul of this spiritual materialist. 
 Envy, too, he goes on, embitters and poisons the human 
 heart. Often the very fear of death has so preyed upon 
 the consciousness of men that, in despair, they have taken 
 their own life. 
 
 And what is this spiritual solace and salve of souls ? 
 At bottom it is something negative : it is a form of res- 
 ignation. We must conform to a conception simply 
 mechanical, and exclusively materialistic; then then 
 indeed, Lucretius infers, will we find peace. Clearly he 
 indeed had passed through this emancipation, he had 
 freed his soul, in a way : he had removed it and his life 
 from the current drift and striving. It is this psycholog- 
 ical process of actual experience, which endows with a 
 certain subjective truth and substance his fervid lauda- 
 tions of his teacher Epicurus. " Sweet it is, when on the 
 great sea gales trouble the wide surface, from the land to 
 gaze upon the distress of another : not because it is a 
 gratifying pleasure that any one should be harassed, but 
 because it is sweet clearly to perceive the evils from which 
 thou thyself art free. Sweet also to gaze upon the great 
 contest of war marshalled on the plains without any risk 
 of your own. But nothing is more charming than to hold 
 well fortified the lofty and serene eyries of the Wise, 
 whence thou mayest gaze down upon others and every- 
 where see men straying, and roaming at will seek the way 
 of life : to vie with each other in genius, to struggle in 
 the domain of noble birth, night and day to strive with 
 eminent effort to rise to supreme power and gain control 
 of affairs. O how wretched the minds of men, how blind 
 2c
 
 386 TESTIMOXIUM ANIALE 
 
 their hearts ! In what darkness of life and in what perils 
 is spent this little span of life whatever it may be ! Not 
 to see, that Nature fairly shouts at us no other truth but 
 this, that he who is free from that pain which is removed 
 from the body, that he in mind shall enjoy pleasurable 
 consciousness removed from care and fear." 
 
 In his scorn for the boons striven for by the successful 
 men externalities indeed, valued as futilities by the delib- 
 erate valuation of the illumined soul in this scorn, I 
 say, this particular Epicurean may challenge comparison 
 with the Stoics themselves. Futile are luxury and costly 
 appointments of life. 
 
 The strongest of physical passions is replete with imper- 
 fections and grievously disturbs the peace of the soul. 
 Care and concern are the only sure fruits thereof. It is 
 like a thirsty man in his slumbers, when there is no water. 
 To which must be added the damage to purse and fame. 
 Babylonian rugs, Sicyonian slaves, emeralds, betoken the 
 folly of your lover (4, 1121 sqq.^): patrimonies are turned 
 into fashionable millinery. The slave of this one passion 
 wastes his all for it. The satire which Lucretius pours 
 out on all this, and on the very perversion of judgment 
 and good sense on the part of the infatuated lover, is very 
 bitter. Apples of Sodom that leave but the palate cloyed 
 with ashes. 
 
 With all the apparatus of Democritean and Epicurean 
 atomism and materialism, the burden of the poem is gloomy, 
 for it is death ; doubly gloomy, for it is the death of the 
 soul, the soul a mere property and phenomenon of physical 
 functions. With the academic side of all this we are not 
 concerned : let us pursue the moral side. Clearly we 
 have here not the call " to eat and drink and be merry, for 
 to-morrow we are no more. " The absence, the very positive 
 and unmistakable absence of this gospel of the garden of 
 Epicurus, is certainly very noteworthy, very remarkable. 
 Lucretius holds with great earnestness, that, after the 
 mortality of the soul has been fully demonstrated to any 
 mind, that mind should properly feel no concern or anxiety 
 (3, 830) as to death henceforth. When we shall not be,
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 387 
 
 we will be as we were when we were not yet nothing. 
 This is the consolation of the soul. There cannot be a 
 future pain when the subject of that pain will be extinct 
 (3, 863). "He is as though he had never been born, 
 when undying death takes away mortal life" (869). 
 There will be no spiritual personality standing by the pal- 
 let on which lies the casement of clay, its former domicile. 
 What matters the short remaining history of that clay ? 
 Whether mangled by beasts or birds, or burned on the 
 pyre or preserved in honey : it is all one. And here the 
 fervid preacher of extinction goes on to a famous passage, 
 veritable Elegy : " Presently (3, 894) the cheery home will 
 not receive thee, nor good wife nor sweet children run to 
 meet thee to snatch kisses, nor touch thy heart with a 
 charm unuttered. Nor wilt thou be able to be a man of 
 vigorous achievements," they say : " all the bounties of 
 life one hostile day has taken from you." But this they 
 do not add : " Nor does there henceforth dwell in thee 
 any yearning for these things. If they were to see this 
 well in their mind and follow it with their utterances, 
 they would free themselves from great anguish and fear 
 of the soul." In that bliss of extinction we shall be 
 strangers to want, to pain, to fear, to yearning. Our 
 atoms (924) have passed out of sensation. Death indeed 
 will then be to us somewhat less than nothing. This is 
 the lesson taught by the lore of the Universe : " Why, O 
 foolish wight, bewailest and weepest thou for death? . . . 
 Why dost thou not retire like a guest sated with life, 
 and with calm spirit take thy unruffled rest? But if all 
 things that you once enjoyed have been poured out and 
 perished, and life offers you now but the impact of harsh 
 sensation, why do you seek to add more of it . . . ?" 
 Organic life must needs replenish itself out of death : it 
 is a cosmic necessity. " Mere tenants are we all to Life, 
 and hold it not in fee": 
 
 " Vitaque manciple nulli datur, omnibus usu" (3, 971). 
 
 The inferno of Greek myths is here : is in this terrestrial 
 and transitory life. The agonized fear felt by Tantalus:
 
 388 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 it is the fear of the gods, the dread of fortune. There is 
 no Tityos overspreading many fathoms with his reclining 
 frame, writhing in agony while his inner organs are ever 
 consumed by vultures and ever grow anew : nay, our pas- 
 sions and morbid emotions in this world, and here they 
 do gnaw at our vitals and rob us of peace. 
 
 Yes, that inner calm and equipoise : that indeed is the 
 boon of boons not restless change of abode, as when 
 your rich Roman feverishly drives into the country to his 
 villa, as though hurrying to a fire (3, 1063) : hardly ar- 
 rived he yawns or sinks into deep sleep or again hurriedly 
 returns to town. Thus- each one endeavors to escape from 
 his very self. In vain. Clearly there is here no glorifica- 
 tion of things as if things could satisfy the soul. 
 
 A word as to his view on the origin of actual religion 
 how close a transcript from Epicurus, we cannot deter- 
 mine. Nor does it much matter, for the fervor of the 
 disciple is no less earnest though it kindled its torch from 
 the scrolls of Epicurus. 
 
 In vain will fathers weary the gods to be blessed with 
 offspring in vain they weary the oracles, to fortify their 
 gray hairs with sons (4, 1236). Now what was it that 
 filled cities with altars (5, 1161 <?<?.) ? What made men 
 establish anniversary rites ? What is the source of that 
 awe so deep-seated in men, which awe rears new shrines of 
 the gods in all the earth? Purely out of the excited 
 imagination. Particularly in dreams gigantic and glorious 
 visions appeared: these seemed to move and speak. Their 
 form was majestic, their grace inexpressible. These 
 apparitions mankind began to endow with imperishable 
 existence, and this because these blessed forms seemed to 
 know nothing of the fear of death. These, in the dreams 
 of men, seemed to accomplish great things and still do so 
 without any toil . whatever. Furthermore they observed 
 the system of the celestial order and the recurrent seasons 
 of the year. The causes thereof they could not under- 
 stand. And so, as an asylum for their ignorance, they
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 389 
 
 burdened everything on the gods and assumed that by their 
 nod all things were governed. " In heaven (5, 1183) they 
 placed the abodes of the gods and their eyries, because 
 through the firmament night and moon seem to revolve, 
 moon and day and night and the august constellations of 
 night, and the night-flitting torches of night (meteors), 
 . . . clouds, sun, rainshowers, snow, winds, thunderbolt, 
 hail, and rapid rumblings and great mutterings of threats." 
 
 Unspeakable the amount of woe and trouble that man- 
 kind has brought upon itself from these fancies ! What 
 fancied devotion this of appearing often with veiled head 
 (Roman fashion) and face about toward the idol the 
 stone (after praying) and to visit all the altars, or to 
 prostrate oneself and to spread out the hands before the 
 shrines of the gods, to sprinkle (5, 1201) the altars with 
 much blood of fourfooted beasts, or to make an endless chain 
 of vows rather than to gaze upon all the phenomena 
 of the sky with a calm and peaceful soul. 
 
 It is this fear, engendered by the sight of the mighty 
 workings in the sky, that has driven nations and individuals 
 to fear for themselves retribution for wicked word or 
 wicked deed. 
 
 The sense of littleness and elemental helplessness in our 
 confronting the mighty, though inanimate, unconscious, 
 blind forces of the Universe this, Lucretius held, bred 
 011 earth the feeling and the habits of religion. 
 
 The only consolation of our mysterious hermit and re- 
 cluse was the emancipation of the soul through the con- 
 viction that it was merely a transitory bubble. Was it a 
 consolation for the confessor of the Epicurean sect ? As 
 for Lucretius, there is a tradition that he perished by his 
 own hand, having become insane through love philtre: 
 the obsession of love, in one whose pen dripped vitriol upon 
 that weakness; madness in one who everywhere preached 
 the gospel of the calm soul and the unruffled mind; suicide, 
 when the author had indeed defied death and the fear of 
 death so incessantly. It is all very weird and gloomy. 
 What of the thin crust of pagan creature-bliss and the 
 gleam of Olympian sunshine ?
 
 390 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 But I have merely wished, here as everywhere in this 
 work, neither to belittle nor to magnify, but to accomplish 
 this alone : discover and record the spiritual elements in 
 classic civilization. 
 
 As for Horace, the Freedman's son from Apulia, and 
 comrade and bosom-friend of the Tuscan Mascenas (who 
 knew how to live but not how to die), it would at first 
 blush seem preposterous, to meet his name in these essays. 
 And still: the verse of Horace reveals the claims and 
 strivings, the theories and the precepts of your ver- 
 satile Epicurean in a much more universal fashion 
 than does the didactic poem of the gloomy and fervid 
 propagandist, Lucretius. Young people have confessed 
 that when they read " Hamlet " for the first time, they 
 were arrested by the puzzling number of famous common- 
 places of the world's wit and wisdom which Britannia's 
 foremost poet had cribbed, they naively thought. As for 
 Horace, the refined world of deliberate literary composition 
 has culled from him more current commonplace than from 
 any other Latin writer. An infant when Cicero, Cato, and 
 the old order were beginning to retreat before the dynasts, 
 young Horace was in his seventeenth year when Pompey 
 rode from Pharsalos to the Sea. When Brutus and Cassius 
 were organizing the East against Caesar's heirs, the young 
 Apulian was imbibing Greek philosophy at the quiet Uni- 
 versity town of Athens. A staff-officer of Brutus, he lived 
 through the rout after Philippi, 42 B.C., and with amnesty 
 gained somehow, he secured a place in the guild of treasury 
 clerks at Rome. 
 
 He was no Cato. His graceful pen won him his Sabine 
 farm from Maecenas, gained him several bounties of 
 financial endowment from Augustus. How closely he 
 copied the rhythm and metre of the Greek lyricists to 
 us it is an exotic performance, no matter how frequently 
 he emphasized that particular achievement. If there were 
 in him no concerns for us but those of grammaticus and 
 rhetor, I would waste my reader's attention. But there
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 391 
 
 are graver and more durable matters for us, and for this 
 book. He is no Pindar, no Burns, nor a Wordsworth, least 
 of all a Milton. A Greekling when there was no other 
 fashion, he was really saturated with Greek verse and 
 literary art, and with many sides of Greek philosophy. 
 Not only was his ear attuned to Sappho, Alkaios, Anakreon 
 and Alkman, Archilochos and Hipponax, but Menander 
 and Socratic dialogues furnished flavor and spirit to his 
 social causerie. Familiar with the head of his own sect, 
 he still was very unlike Lucretius: unwilling to subscribe 
 to the formulas of any single master, more desirous, like 
 Aristippos of Gyrene, to subordinate life to himself rather 
 than reverse the process. 
 
 Considering that to his philosophy there is no concern but 
 with life and the art of living (right living, mind you, as he 
 claims it), it is curious that death and the concern of dying 
 is rarely absent from his consciousness and from his verse. 
 " Mors ultima linea rerumst." And so the gloomy mask of 
 Pluto intrudes itself into a lyric of vernal joys (" Odes," 
 1, 4) : Winter flown, ships are launched, sheep leave their 
 winter-folds, the ploughman quits the fireside ointments 
 for locks and myrtle and fresh blossom, and let the hus- 
 bandman propitiate Faunus for calving time is near. 
 " Pale Death with foot impartial thumps the hovels of 
 the poor and castellated mansions of the great. My 
 blessed Sestius, Life's total ah, how short forbids us 
 entering upon hope remote. Presently the smothering 
 pall of night will be upon thee, and Pluto's beggarly abode; 
 when thither thou hast gone thou wilt not cast the dice 
 for primacy at cups, nor marvel at the tender beauty 
 of Lycidas." . . . "Thou must not seek, 'tis sin to 
 know what end to me what end to thee the gods have 
 given, Leuconoe, nor essay thou Chaldsean horoscope. Far 
 better 'tis to suffer all that is in Future's lap: whether more 
 winters Jupiter has allotted thee, or, this for last one, which 
 at this moment on projecting reefs exhausts the fury of the 
 Tuscan main. Be wise, strain wines, and, as our span is 
 short, snip off the hope for things remote" ("Odes," 1, 11). 
 
 Thus death dominates life, its monition attending all
 
 392 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 enjoyment. Horace is chiefly concerned with his own state 
 of being. Others here his humanity is baldly negative 
 are of no particular concern to him, excepting in so far 
 as they enhance his pleasurable state of being, or in this, 
 that their conduct impresses the lessons of wisdom. 
 Chiefly, however, do they do this through acts of folly. 
 Their valuation and overvaluation points the wrong 
 road. They are wrapt in money-making they give 
 themselves up to amatory passions, they hitch their souls 
 to the car of political ambition, whereas the wise man will 
 place his happiness in that enjoyment which follows the 
 " golden mean " (aurea mediocritas) between extremes, 
 which follows the aim of the unruffled soul. Thus Pride, 
 Covetousness, Concupiscence, are condemned, not indeed, 
 from any religious motive, not even from a civic one 
 but mainly from this, that they interfere with that equi- 
 poise which is indissolubly bound up with the refined 
 pleasure of the best state of being. This peace of being 
 is essentially different from the passionate laudation of 
 extinction ever recurrent in Lucretius. This peace, this 
 calm, is really the universal quest of mankind (" Odes," 
 2, 16) : in all the unrest of life on the sea, of war on 
 land, this is the goal of all. But neither treas- 
 ures nor purple can purchase it. Care that gloomy 
 and persistent fiend no consular honors avail against 
 it. The panelled ceilings of palaces cares flit about 
 them. Travel as you may : flee from yourself, if you can. 
 Be thou content : though no scene without the gloomy 
 skyline, no glimpse of the sea of life but the barren and 
 rocky coast is included which terminates the voyage : 
 " Perceivest thou (" Odes," 1, 9) how Mount Soracte 
 stands white with its pall of snow, nor now the toiling 
 forests bear up under their load, and rivers are halted 
 by the biting frost. Dispel the frosty air, pile freely 
 thou the billets on the hearth, and draw the four-year 
 vintage from the Sabine jar. Leave to the gods the rest: 
 as soon as they have levelled winds that on the seething 
 main do battle to the death then neither cypresses nor 
 hoary mountain ashes are as much as stirred. What will
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 393 
 
 to-morrow be, avoid to ask it, and whatever days Chance 
 shall give, book them with profit. ..." It is not sub- 
 mission, it is not resignation : no, the soul must not be 
 troubled nor disconcerted ; it is wise self -adjustment. It 
 is a system of withdrawal, this Epicurean wisdom of living, 
 from aught that jars, from aught that contributes nothing 
 to the desirable frame of soul. " A friend of the Muses, 
 gloom and fears will I deliver to the saucy winds to carry 
 them to Cretan sea, exquisitely unconcerned as to who is 
 dreaded as sovran of the icy north, what frightens Tiridates 
 (in the East) . . ." (" Odes," 1, 26). 
 
 A deep spiritual truth teaches ("Odes," 2, 2) : Do not 
 vainly fancy that boundless wealth will satisfy the soul : 
 contentment and resigning of the power of great potentates 
 marks the sovereign of himself. There is something in 
 covetousness comparable to the watery decay of our blood 
 in dropsy. " Care follows growing gold, and hunger for 
 still more. Justly have I ever shivered at the thought of 
 raising high my head observed of many." . . . "the more 
 things each man will deny himself, from the gods will he 
 bear away more : bare I make for the camp of those who 
 covet nothing, a deserter I keenly desire to leave the fac- 
 tion of the rich, more splendid master of possession dis- 
 dained, than if I were said to store in my granaries all that 
 the strenuous Apulian ploughs, resourceless amid great 
 wealth " ("Odes," 3, 16, 16). A very positive and solid 
 contentment Horace owed to his munificent friend his 
 quiet abode on the salubrious Digentia brook amid the 
 Sabine mountains, a realized ideal of life : from those 
 solitudes and in the environment of nature's wholesome 
 bounty he looked out upon the so-called great world as an 
 obsession from which he had escaped : 
 
 " Tief die Welt verworren schallt " 
 
 When the inner voice or an outward occurrence stirred 
 his pen, then only would he write and then, too, with in- 
 finite care. His literary ideals were high his sense of 
 his own success was keen : the categorical anticipation of 
 future and enduring renown is uttered by him with a posi-
 
 394 TESTIMONIUM ANIM.E 
 
 tiveness rare even in classical antiquity : " Not wholly 
 shall I die : a great part of myself shall escape the god- 
 dess whom serve they who lay out the dead." . . . 
 He is assured of the Delphic laurel (" Odes," 3, 30). 
 Spaniard and Gaul will make themselves familiar with his 
 works no empty dirges at his pyre, no lamentations ill- 
 befitting (" Odes," 21, 29). Greek athlete, Roman tri- 
 umphator, he envies them not. The cascades of the 
 Anio, too, and the groves of Tibur may now record 
 their Classic ("Odes," 4, 3). At forty-eight he was 
 invited by Augustus to write the secular ode, to be 
 chanted by the chosen youth of Roman aristocracy, in 
 the most stately and conspicuous manner imaginable 
 (17 B.C.). Even a few years before this time he proudly 
 separates himself from the current mode of spreading 
 one's literary renown : he disdains public readings, he 
 scorns the practical good-will of the professional teachers 
 of Latin literature (" Epist.," 1, 19, 40). And still all 
 this did not console him for the bitter thought of death. 
 In the glorification of the futilities of the flesh he was 
 no good reproduction of Anacreon. One reason for that 
 persistent gloom in his verse, this absinthe in all the cup 
 of life, was the fact, that, before thirty -eight, Horace 
 was a confirmed valetudinarian. Even in 31 B.C., when 
 he was not yet thirty-four, when the operations leading 
 to Actium were in hand, he was not strong (firmua 
 parum, " Epodes," 1,16). Dyspepsia, with all its at- 
 tendant infirmities even at twenty-eight, seems to have 
 been his complaint (1 Sat. 5, 7 ; and esp. v. 49). In 
 that fear of disease (cegrotare timenti, 1 Epist. 7, 4) he 
 declines even the persistent invitations of Maecenas him- 
 self. He may have been, at that time, about forty-two. 
 Gone were the robust lung, the black locks that narrowed 
 the forehead, the faculty of melodious elocution, the very 
 faculty of hearty laughing, the romance of Greek liber- 
 tines, such as it was (v. 26 sqq.~). His winters were 
 spent, first at Baise, on that gulf of paradise, where he 
 would crouch in sunny nooks and read (" Epist.," 1, 7, 
 13) : later he seems to have gone still farther south, to
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 395 
 
 Salernum, or Velia, and to have observed the regimen 
 of cool baths recommended by the famous court-physician 
 Antonius Musa ("Epist.," 1, 15). 
 
 But to return : when his literary reputation was made, 
 he seems to have turned away from versification after 
 Greek models with a certain gusto conduct of life, the 
 problems of ethics were thenceforward the preference of 
 his pen. The Epicurean with his famous precept of " Live 
 so that you are not aware that your life has been lived " 
 (\d6e /3ioio-a<?) was as one who would stop his very ears 
 against the ticking of Time curious wisdom that we should 
 steadily ignore the frailty and the transitoriness of our be- 
 ing there being no other. Still the deeper impulse of the 
 soul steadily got the better of the wisdom of the schools. 
 At the same time he incessantly censured the Roman itch 
 for craving and getting : the moralizing of some of his Epis- 
 tles needs slight adjustment to fit a pulpit ("Epist.," 1, 6). 
 Maintain the equipoise of thy soul : the astral phenomena 
 may be contemplated with unruffled calm : why not much 
 more so terrestrial things ? the wealth of Sheba and of 
 Ind, the shows and applause of public games, the satisfac- 
 tion of political preferment what are they ? Not true 
 boons, if they involve fear, fear that you may lose them, 
 fear that the wheel of fortune may turn. The soul is filled 
 with unrest. The futility of distant things, the reaction of 
 failure in creating the sense of discomfiture : these are evils. 
 Folly to be a collector or to yearn incessantly over plate 
 and rare objects of ancient art, to admire purple and pre- 
 cious stones, to be thrilled (as an orator) when thousands 
 of eyes and ears hang upon your lips, folly to work early 
 and late, a slave to the feeling of annoyance that another 
 should be richer than you. Time ripens all : likewise it 
 buries all. You have been a familiar figure in Agrippa's 
 colonnade or on the Appian Way. Still you must go 
 where Numa went before and good King Ancus. 
 
 The unruffled soul : ataraxia, imperturbable calm : it 
 is the Summum bonum of the two great schools : you could 
 not be concerned in one without being at least interested 
 in the other. But before I turn to the Stoics and to
 
 396 TESTIMONIUM ANttLE 
 
 Horace's concern in these noble antagonists, I must say a 
 few things of our poet's and essayist's treatment of love. 
 
 Throughout this book I have brought forward this mat- 
 ter but sparingly, and this little chiefly from a sense of 
 consistency and material integrity. There is substantially 
 nothing in the Roman lyricist that suggests any advance- 
 ment above the coarse sensuality of the Greeks. 
 
 It was a decaying civilization which would dignify Hor- 
 ace's erotic verse with even a slight concern or with positive 
 admiration. Later literary men have coined concupiscence 
 into belles lettres with more consummate purpose: Hor- 
 ace was not very intense. The pathos of animality has 
 some fervor in Tibullus and Propertius, the, cooler lord of 
 the Sabine manor is in a certain way lord of himself even 
 here. His Pyrrha, Lydia, Leuconoe, the unnamed beauty 
 of " Odes," 1, 16 (Gratidia ?), Tyndaris, Glycera, Lalage, 
 Chloe, the girl from Thrace, Lycoris, Pholoe, Myrtale, 
 Damalis, golden-haired Phyllis, Barine, Lyce, Neobule, 
 Neaira, Chloris, Phryne : a cloud of names : Greek names, 
 names of libertines, types in the main, words whose mel- 
 lifluous cadence and well-defined quantity rendered them 
 particularly convenient for metrical incorporation. Per- 
 sonally, I believe that Horace simply tried to be faithful 
 to his function as working after his Greek models : and 
 the comely boys Ligurinus, Cyrus, Gyges, one of whom 
 among young women could not be discerned from such : 
 he treads after Sappho, Anacreon, Alkaios, but we shiver. 
 Likewise he pleased, incidentally, his munificent friend 
 Maecenas. What manner of man was this one ? Seneca 
 delineates him thus: Maecenas was the paragon of soft 
 self-indulgence, restless and troubled about amours, at the 
 same time often in tears from the rebuffs of his wife, the 
 lady Terentia ; trying to gain slumber by the sweet music 
 of his distant orchestra or lulled by cascades or wine 
 and still sleepless with numberless cares, tossing on pillows 
 of down. A man utterly unrobust who, in dressing-gown 
 and slippers (as we would say), actually gave out the 
 military parole of the day even when acting as the repre- 
 sentative of Augustus. A voluptuary whose verse dallied
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 397 
 
 with curly locks and coral lips a womanish character, less 
 virile than the very eunuchs that attended upon him: his 
 style of verse and phrase a symbol of his self-indulgent 
 and flaccid moral character, a man of splendid natural en- 
 dowment, but his vigor enervated by the great material 
 prosperity of his career, veritably emasculated, says Sen- 
 eca. Once indeed he wrote: 
 
 " Nor care I for my tomb. Nature buries the forsaken." 
 
 (" Sen. Ep.," 92, 35), but his prevailing humor was fear of 
 death ("Ep.," 114). Not all Epicureans were voluptu- 
 aries, but that school was the universal refuge of all who 
 sought academic palliation for self-indulgence and lived 
 slaves of their senses. I consider it likely that it was 
 largely Maecenas whom Horace gratified, in the earlier part 
 of his literary career, by his sallies and his satire directed 
 against Stoicism : particularly the rigid paradoxes of its 
 moral theses. Thus, that paradox that all forms of moral 
 misdoing were alike or equally reprehensible how easy 
 for a Horace to draw the laughter of Maecenas by clever 
 reductio ad absurdum! Or the other, that that mysterious 
 Ideal, the Stoic " Sage " (whom all praised, but no one 
 ever discovered in the flesh) was the incarnation of virtue 
 and power, faculty, taste and all ; or this, that all wrong- 
 doing was at bottom some form of intellectual, mental 
 disease : ambition, greed, luxury, superstition, all were 
 diseases of the mind. As life, however, as it will, cheap- 
 ened the joys of animality, and as the tomb drew nearer, 
 it would seem that the philosopher of the Sabine manor 
 became more of an eclectic : the positive and tonic side of 
 Stoicism seems to have appeared to him worthy of serious 
 regard. He read freely in Chrysippus and Grantor. 
 Freedom impressed him as a greater boon, even when 
 coupled with poverty. The defiance of a tyrant, even to 
 the point of suicide, appears in " Epist.," 1, 16, 75 sq. 
 
 There is also a strain in Horatian letters which we may 
 call the Augustan element. Augustus employed the great
 
 398 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 diplomatic talent and administrative ability of Msecenas, 
 and rewarded him munificently. But the interest which 
 that emperor felt for our poet sprang from motives very 
 different from those which moved the Tuscan minister of 
 state. The splendid verses denouncing civil war and the 
 spirit thereof, " Epodes," 16, are placed very early by the 
 best students of Horatian chronology, say in 41 B.C., 
 the very year after Philippi. The sweetness of peace, the 
 blessings of a settled government, the splendid and patri- 
 otic services of Caesar's heir these were themes utterly 
 acceptable to a statesman who understood the value of 
 public opinion more profoundly than the towering Julius. 
 
 This literary service in the interest of the Augustan re- 
 forms is particularly conspicuous in the first six odes of 
 the third book. The crazy overrefinement of material 
 luxury a great evil : vicious ideals these ; we must restore 
 the toughness and perseverance of ancient Rome. The 
 family must be reestablished, the sacred character of 
 matrimony, it must be brought back. The data of that 
 survey of the achievements of the emperor, Augustus's own 
 survey, are familiar to the world through the Monumentum 
 Ancyranum. Here I can dwell but for a moment on the 
 efforts for social regeneration essayed by Augustus : there 
 were new statutes "de adulteriis et pudicitia " . . . " de 
 maritandis ordinibus" (Suet., "Augustus," 34). The 
 disruption of the marriage tie, the wantonness of the 
 aristocracy, the ease of divorce, the childlessness of the old 
 families, these were indeed cancerous ulcers on the body 
 politic. 
 
 Horace has written some very fine verses in the support 
 of this statutory regeneration (Cato of Utica might have 
 been the author), but I for my part cannot take them very 
 seriously. Neither Vergil nor Horace, nor Propertius nor 
 Tibullus were married : Ovid was, but what a mirror of 
 corruption was a great part of his verse, and the young 
 poet was all the rage, where the moral law is not, the 
 dog will eat its own vomit, even admire it in letters. 
 
 Horace was but a poor prophet of righteousness here. 
 He occasionally avows his sensuality with a frankness and
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 399 
 
 unconcern that is startling to the non-pagan reader. Adul- 
 tery is very unwise and really quite unprofitable. His 
 judgment is largely cynical "nature " excuses all, but why 
 not be content with the simplest and cheapest satisfaction ? 
 Other men's wives? No. Don't you see how fear and 
 dread must needs alternate with desire : you may be 
 caught and fearfully flogged, your fortune, your reputation 
 irreparably ruined : it does not pay. This, the utilitarian 
 aspect, is the burden of Horatian monition. And why 
 not ? To him, as to all consistent Epicureans, there is no 
 eternal or absolute law of right conduct: all laws of 
 society (there are no others) were begotten out of utility: 
 bestiality dominated primitive man (1 Sat. 3, 98 sqq.~): 
 they fought for their acorns and for their lairs with nails 
 and fists, later on with cudgels, afterwards with more effi- 
 cient arms, gradually they evolved the faculty of speech. 
 
 It was the sense of practical advantage that dictated or 
 suggested definite treaties of peace, the establishment of 
 commonwealths, the punishment of stealing, of robbery, 
 of adultery. Concupiscence bred death and misery before 
 Paris carried Helen to Troy they fought to the death 
 for their lust as steers in the herd. Horace was not long 
 from Athens when he thus versified the ethics of the 
 school. 
 
 The growing solitude of life, the habit of introspection 
 seems to have led him, as I suggested above, towards the 
 more spiritual elements of his own sect, and made him, 
 in his maturity, more of an eclectic at least in his valuation 
 of the nobler school. To sum up : 
 
 The moral autonomy of man, in his determining his life 
 for himself, yielding to social convention purely from 
 practical and civic considerations there is no appeal from 
 this settlement of one's own life. As to cosmic things 
 man is a frail accident under the iron heel of chance or 
 necessity. Wise is he who purges his heart from socially 
 forbidden appetites, from covetousness, from miserly self- 
 denial as well. Passions are the acids that vitiate the 
 vessel of the soul. Duty is a Stoic figment. To strive 
 for such a state of being which will best enhance or per-
 
 400 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 petuate our calm and the unruffled surface of soul : such 
 is the goal, such the privilege of the wise man. Provi- 
 dence and Religion are servile fictions. Death ends all : 
 " Mors ultima linea rerumst." 
 
 It is after all the great consummation. As in a cameo 
 Ancient Art often presents to us, with exquisite felicity 
 and truth, some beautiful human object, or figure of human 
 concern, so the philosopher of the Sabine manor-farm has 
 often revealed his constant or ever recurrent sentiment 
 or humor in a few lines of that puzzling felicity (noted 
 by Quintilian), words of limpid clearness and significant 
 directness that stamp him the world-classic he is. Such 
 verses are those of Ode 2, 3, in which a very great portion 
 of Horace stands revealed, lines with which he must bid 
 us farewell: "A mind of equipoise remember thou to keep 
 when things are stern: not otherwise in smiling days, mind 
 kept from reckless jubilation, my Dellius destined to die : 
 whether gloomy wilt thou live in every stroke of circum- 
 stance, or, on sequestered greensward in holidays reclining 
 thou'lt enjoy thyself with Falernian of some rarer year. 
 What for do towering pine and poplar silvery-white love 
 to intertwine their branches and jointly furnish hospitable 
 shade ? What for struggles the fleet brook with slanting 
 current to quiver down its course ? Hither bid them bring 
 the wines and ointments fragrant, and all too short-lived 
 flowers of lovely rose, while fortune suffers us to do it, and 
 life's season, and the black threads of the sisters three. 
 Thou wilt depart from woodlands purchased together and 
 mansion and from the villa which the tawny Tiber laves, 
 thou wilt depart, and riches reared on high your heir 
 will take possession of, whether rich and sprung from 
 Argos's ancient king it matters not or poor, and from 
 the humblest class, thou lingerest under the vaulted sky, 
 victim of unpitying Orcus. We all are forced to the same 
 goal : the lot of all is whirled in the urn, sooner or later 
 destined to come out, and for eternal exile put us on 
 Charon's skiff."
 
 TWO ROMAN EPICUREANS 401 
 
 NOTE. The great services of Lachmann and of Munro devoted 
 to the text of Lucretius need no attestation from my pen. Lately, 
 among ourselves, Professor Merrill of California has been very indus- 
 trious in this field. As to the problem of Cicero's " editing " of 
 Lucretius, the present writer has sifted (American Philological Asso- 
 ciation, 1897) the tradition with earnest circumspection. I believe the 
 current zoological philosophers have enshrined Lucretius as a fore- 
 runner of their guild better say Democritus, gentlemen. Inasmuch 
 as Lucretius has written a didactic work (howbeit gleaming with 
 streaks of genius) I will append here some references which may 
 prove useful to some of my readers : Emancipation of the Soul : 6, 
 379 ; 1, 921-950 ; and the introductions of the various books, espe- 
 cially from the second one forward. 
 
 This world not indestructible, 6, 565; it is young, 5, 324 ; spontane- 
 ous generation, 2, 900 sqq. ; no design, no teleology, 2, 1048 ; no divine 
 control, 2, 1090 ; 6, 58 ; temperaments, 3, 302. The physics of Im- 
 agination, 4, 777. Mortality of Soul, 3, 572; 622. Anti-platonic 
 discourse, 3, 688 ; 776. Death, 3, 546 ; 828 ; 929, 965 ; 5, 130. No 
 Eternity, 5, 351. Actual religion, 4, 1233; 5, 75 ; 1161. 
 
 The biography of Horace by Lucian Miiller impresses me as inade- 
 quate. Sellar (" Roman Poets," etc.) has contributed the best valua- 
 tion of Horace, I believe, found in British letters. I prefer it to that 
 of Ribbeck. But valuations are not as useful as data for the reader's 
 own valuation : Personal Ideals of Horace, Carm. (Odes) 1, 1, 29. Ep. 
 (Epistles) 1, 19, 26, 31. Ethics : se servare, Ep. 1, 2, 33. recte vivere, 
 Ep. 1, 2. 41 ; 6, 29. cor purum vitio, Sat. 2, 3, 213. sincerum vas., Ep. 
 1, 2, 54. mala ambitio, S. 2, 6, 18 ; 74 ; Ep. 1, 1. moralizing on the 
 Homeric stories, 1, Ep. 2. the vir bonus, 1, 6, 40. critique of the trend 
 of Roman character: Ep. 1, 1, 65; 6, 31; 47; 17, 33. Contentment: 
 Carm. 1,7; 1,9; 1,26; 2,2; 2,10; 2,11; 2, 18 ; 3, 1, 16 ; Ep. 1, 2, 
 47; 12, 4; 14, 43; 2, 1, 180. Limitation: Carm. 1, 9, 13; 1, 11; C. 
 2, 11 ; C. 3, 4, 65 ; C. 4, 7, 7 ; Epode 1, 32 ; Sat. 1, 1, 50 ; 3, 1, sqq.; 
 Ep. 2, 2, 200. Resemblance to Lucretius: Ep. 1, 11, 11 ; 12, 19, 2, 2, 
 175. 1 Sat. 5, 101. Covetousness an evil : Carm. 2, 2 ; 3, 16, 16 ; 
 24. C. 4, 9, 45. Sat. 1, 1, 61; Ep. 1, 2, 37 sqq.; 18, 98; 2, 2, 175. 
 Calmness of soul (drapa&z) : C. II, 16 ; III, 1, 37 ; 29, 32 ; v. 41 ; C. IV, 
 9, 35. Ep. 1, 4, 12 ; 1, 6, 1 sqq., 1, 6, 65 (Mimnermos censured) ; Ep. 
 1, 10, 30 ; Ep. 1, 11 ; 16, 65 ; 18, 102 ; 112. No " Religion " : Carm. 3. 
 29, 56. Sat. 2, 3, 199 ; Sat. 1, 9, 70; Ep. 1, 16, 60. Ars Poetica: 392. 
 No Providence : Carm. 1, 34 ; C. 2, 13. Futility of Erudition : C. 1, 28 ; 
 Ep. 1, 12, 15. " Virtus " : C. 3, 1, 16 ; Ep. 1, 6, 30 ; 17, 41 ; 18, 100. _ 
 
 The influence of Pindar in his delineation of virtus and gloria, in 
 Book 4, is quite palpable. 
 
 As to my view of his erotic verse I have not much to add : it is 
 clear that Leiiconoe (in 1, 11, 2. Carm.) furnishes the desired choriam- 
 bus, that Neobule (in C. 3, 12) furnishes the desired metrical unit, the 
 lonicus a minore. " Ex ungue leonem." It was no slight task to gratify 
 two patrons whose concerns were as unlike as those of Augustus and 
 those of Maecenas.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 L. ANNJEUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE, AND THE ROME OF 
 
 SENECA 
 
 THE sovereign Tiber city first subdued the entire pe- 
 riphery of the Mediterranean world. Later, the provinces 
 in many ways reinvigorated their effete mistress. In this 
 respect Spain was particularly conspicuous. Corduba 
 thus replenished Rome : the elder Seneca, his three sons, 
 Novatus, Lucius, Mela, his grandson Lucan, all bore that 
 double relation : viz., of provincial origin and of Roman 
 fame. Better call them Spanish Romans rather than 
 Roman Spaniards. 
 
 Of these three generations, the middle one will always 
 be most prominent, and of the three gifted brothers, 
 Lucius Annseus Seneca is almost universally familiar to 
 the general consciousness of our own civilization; the 
 smallest cyclopedia includes his name. At first blush, he 
 would seem a brilliant man, dazzling two generations, re- 
 puted a universal genius, his life and the consummate 
 worldliness of an extraordinary career in violent contrast 
 with the ideals and the morality of his prose works. He 
 was fond of pungent and prickly qualities in his style 
 he had a horror of flatness and commonplace utterance, a 
 morbid aversion to the dispassionate and equable manner. 
 No greater contrast in the entire range of recorded Roman 
 prose-utterance than between Varro on the one hand, and 
 Seneca on the other. 
 
 I am inclined to make his birth antedate by a few years 
 that of the Founder of the Christian religion. Seneca, 
 himself the son of a wonderful father, could recall the 
 habits of Asinius Pollio (d. 5 A.D.). He thus saw the 
 last part of the reign of Augustus : lived through that of 
 
 402
 
 L. ANN^US SENECA, THE VERSATILE 403 
 
 Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius : helped direct the earlier 
 administration of his pupil Nero, and died a consistent 
 Stoic in the Pisonian conspiracy, 65 A.D. In his father's 
 power was the entire range of the rhetorical schools of 
 Rome the father's virtuosity in the reproduction of the 
 different virtuosi must always stand as an astounding feat 
 of that immersion of self in the personality of others which 
 far exceeds mere mnemotechnique. As a child he was in 
 Egypt : a husband of his mother's sister for a time ruled 
 that rich province. Egyptian investments figured in the 
 wealth of his declining years. He describes the cataracts 
 of the Nile. What, at Rome, grammaticus or rhetor could 
 do for him was probably soon outdone by his exceptional 
 endowment for literary production, be it in prose or 
 verse. 
 
 Among his philosophical teachers in Rome, he mentions 
 Attains, Sotion, Fabianus. In the classroom of the first 
 named young Seneca was the first to appear, the last to 
 leave. Even on walks the youth attended the professor, 
 who met such eagerness half-way (" Epist.," 108, 3). 
 The teacher's favorite sayings sank deep into his soul and 
 furnished him quotation. Attalus was a Stoic and was 
 wont to say : " I would rather have Fortune use me as its 
 soldier than as its darling " (" Ep.," 67, 15). We may say 
 that the moral influence of this teacher on the young 
 genius was greater than the academic, perhaps these 
 two, however, should never be dissevered. This Greek 
 scholar, I say, was a Stoic, not merely one of erudition, 
 but such a one to whom that school furnished both skele- 
 ton and sinews and muscle of life and living : professor 
 and confessor both of a creed which to the young pupil 
 seemed to elevate the austere and honored man above the 
 common humanity about him. We see in Seneca's remi- 
 niscent lines what your consistent Stoic really was : he 
 was he claimed to be a king (" Ep.," 108, 13). He 
 shared not in the current valuations of men : his goal and 
 aim differed from that of the others : wealth, pleasures, 
 notoriety, his soul was emancipated from these. And 
 he actually attacked the world in which he lived he
 
 404 TESTIMONIUM ANIJVLE 
 
 exposed the hollowness of the prevailing pleasure-cult, he 
 lauded poverty, he praised chastity, he commended tem- 
 perance he furnished standards which really antago- 
 nized those current. Clearly he was, in a way, a spiritual 
 power. A certain asceticism of simpler living endured 
 in Seneca from these earlier influences : he persistently 
 avoided the fashionable ointments, the warm baths he 
 was to his old age addicted to the regimen of cold baths, 
 he was a " psychroluta " he discarded delicacies such as 
 oysters and mushrooms. His other Greek teacher of 
 philosophy, Sotion, filled him with admiration for certain 
 things in the Pythagorean creed. The youth actually, 
 for a while, became a vegetarian : that respect for the 
 universal kinship of life (" Ep.," 108, 19), the migration of 
 it into lower forms, these things impressed young Seneca 
 greatly. He persevered in the new diet a full year, and 
 was well pleased with his experience. This was under 
 Tiberius. His father, a Roman of the old stamp, with 
 ideals of the old republic, "hated philosophy." Besides, 
 under Tiberius, at one time foreign cults were put under 
 a ban of state : some of these eschewed animal food. 
 Thus a father's interference as well as worldly prudence 
 weaned the young enthusiast from these Pythagorean 
 habits. His Roman teacher of philosophy, Fabianus, had 
 gone forward from the academic teaching of language and 
 literature to Stoicism. He was not one of those " lecture 
 room academic philosophers " (ex his cathedrariis philoso- 
 phis, " De Brevitate vitee," 10, 1), but of the genuine and 
 old-fashioned ones. He was wont to say that against 
 passions the fight must be conducted by onslaught, not 
 by mere refinement of cogitation : not by pin-pricks, but 
 by a general charge on the double-quick must the battle 
 front of wickedness be turned into flight. At an early 
 age the young genius reflected on suicide : he suffered 
 severely from catarrh, consumption seemed to be impend- 
 ing. The thought of his old father's gray hairs restrained 
 him then from self-destruction ("Ep.," 78, 2). The 
 brilliancy, certainly the technical perfection of his verse, 
 gave him what we may call an imperial reputation. As
 
 L. ANNvEUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE 405 
 
 an old man, in surveying his career, lie often seems to 
 have ignored this part of his achievements. He com- 
 manded (as his tragedies show) the entire range of lyric 
 versification still the lyrics' essential theme, the debase- 
 ment of erotic passion, he seems to have consistently 
 eschewed. He grasped all addition to his cultural equip- 
 ment with a certain intensity, in which deep feeling was 
 curiously blended with keen comprehension. As an old 
 man he says of the lyric writers: "illi ex professo lascivi- 
 unt " wantonness is their stated theme. His Stoic sub- 
 stratum of incipient maturity was not shallow. Soon 
 also he was preeminent among the pleaders at the Roman 
 bar, and subsequently through this door entered the 
 senate. Under Caligula (37-41 A.D.) Seneca was con- 
 sidered the paragon of letters, the foremost orator, also, of 
 Rome. The rapid sequence of Seneca's points and thrusts 
 was the mode : the imperial pervert Caligula uttered a 
 clever judgment (preserved by Sueton., " Calig.," 53) : 
 viz., Seneca was "sand without the binding lime." The 
 young emperor (son of the literary Germanicus) was con- 
 sumed with malignant jealousy of Seneca : the latter 
 would have been destroyed had not Caligula learned from 
 a concubine that the senator was far gone with consump- 
 tion ; thus the imperial critic withdrew his concern (Dio 
 Cassius, 59, 19). 
 
 From the accession of Claudius, 41 to 49 A.D., our phi- 
 losopher-courtier lived in exile, in Corsica. The empress 
 Messalina was bitterly jealous of the beauty and influence 
 which the princess Julia had with her imperial uncle, the 
 erudite imbecile Claudius. The charge of forbidden re- 
 lations with the brilliant man of letters was directed at 
 Julia and believed by the uxorious Claudius. 
 
 These were bitter years for Seneca. Was fame and 
 reputation, was the loss of these fortuitous externals of life 
 really so slight a concern for the soul of the Stoic ? 
 " Awful Corsica," he wrote then (" Epigrammata super 
 Exilio"), " when summer's heat is established; more cruel, 
 when the savage dogstar appears. Spare thou the ban- 
 ished ones, that is, spare now the buried ones : may thy
 
 406 TESTEVIONIUM ANBLE 
 
 soil be light for the ashes of the living." He consoles 
 himself by recalling the paragraph of his sect that the 
 universe itself one day will perish. " A law it is, not a 
 penalty, to perish : this universe one day will be no more." 
 His reminiscent glance is directed at his birthplace, Cor- 
 duba. He calls on her to dishevel her locks and weep and 
 to send funeral gifts for the ashes of her greatest son. To 
 the Spaniards Seneca was the renowned poet (vates). To 
 his own consciousness the exile is now as one departed 
 from life, again he is a new Prometheus pinned to the 
 rock (infigar scopulo). But the suffering Stoic must 
 be defiant and proud, not humble and submissive. As an 
 old man (" Naturales Quce*tiones prcefatio" 4, 14 s q. ) he 
 penned this haughty survey of his earlier career: " I de- 
 voted myself to liberal studies. Although poverty sug- 
 gested a different course and my native powers were lead- 
 ing me to a sphere of life where zeal receives an immedi- 
 ate reward, I turned aside to non-productive verse and I 
 went into the wholesome pursuit of philosophy. I showed 
 that excellence (virtus) may lodge in every breast, and 
 struggling with mighty effort (eluetatus) out of the nar- 
 row confines of my birth, measuring myself not by the lot 
 of fortune, but by the aspirations of my own soul, I ac- 
 quired a station equal to the greatest " (par maximis steti). 
 It seems that both when he faced the hatred of Caligula 
 as well as when he became a victim of Messalina and 
 Narcissus, he could have bettered his lot or utterly es- 
 caped from trouble, if he could have prevailed upon him- 
 self to become disloyal to certain friends (Julia?). "I 
 permitted no womanish tears to flow, I did not as a sup- 
 pliant wring the hands of any one." Unfortunately, this 
 is not exact, I am afraid it is not even true. For we 
 have the composition addressed from out of his exile to 
 the freedman Polybius, one of the favorites of Claudius. 
 There are noble passages in it the larger view of the 
 universe, of human history, struggles in him to reduce or 
 eliminate the sense of his own suffering: still the flatteries 
 aimed indirectly at Claudius himself are penned with the 
 consummate skill of the courtier, are projected with the
 
 L. ANN^US SENECA, THE VERSATILE 407 
 
 clever and tactful calculation of a man of the world 
 everything to terminate this exile. 
 
 In 49 A.D. Seneca was recalled to Rome. How he 
 served the ambition of Agrippina, who married her father's 
 brother Claudius, how he became the educator and adviser 
 of young Nero, how he rejoiced in the death of the hated 
 imperial fool whether he was privy to the poisoned 
 mushroom or not how he composed state papers for his 
 imperial pupil after an accession deeply stained with 
 criminal intrigue, how he manoeuvred against the reck- 
 less ambition of the dowager, how he knew of the matri- 
 cidal project, and how again his pen was used to palliate 
 and defend that crime of crimes the data are set forth 
 with merciless precision by Tacitus, by Suetonius, by Dio. 
 It is all a very sad story. Nero would gratify his appe- 
 tites, he would shallow fool he was parade as a great 
 singer, a great virtuoso of musical skill, a great charioteer 
 the impossible, the shocking, the atrocious, it allured 
 his ill-balanced soul: lust, vanity, frivolity, the wanton 
 gratification of every whim; in short, the evil in him was 
 reared to giant proportions by the power of the principate. 
 The proud Stoic and exemplar of noblest culture, Seneca, 
 had to yield his place of counsel and influence to the vul- 
 gar Tigellinus, a favorite of the imperial showman who 
 quickened all the evil and folly that fermented in Nero's 
 soul. About this time, in 62 A.D., as an old man, Seneca 
 began the composition of those moral or academic essays, 
 slightly adjusted to the epistolary form, the eputulce 
 morales compositions which reveal the range of this ex- 
 traordinary man, which contain his best thoughts. 
 
 But before we make some study of the latter, we must 
 turn to the problem of Seneca's great wealth. In a cer- 
 tain defence, put into the mouth of a senator who hated 
 Seneca bitterly, the charge is made that Seneca had ac- 
 cumulated ter milies sestertium, i.e. three hundred million 
 sesterces. Reduced to our present standard, this would 
 have been about thirteen million two hundred thousand 
 dollars, in our money. This charge is cited by Tacitus 
 (Annals, 13, 42) among the events of the year 58. He
 
 408 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 was charged (z'J.) with cunning devices of having wills 
 made by childless people in his favor. Entire provinces 
 paid him usurious interest. Dio indeed relates for the 
 year 61 A.D. (b. 62, 2) that the troubles in Britain were 
 partly due to the fact that Seneca, without previous notice, 
 called in a tremendous fund which he had loaned out in 
 that province. This was the time of the famous rising of 
 Queen Budicca. To be sane and reserve one's judgment 
 seems doubly necessary here. " Guilty intrigues with 
 Agrippina " (" Dio," 61, 10) : it was the world's way of 
 interpreting his earlier influence. 
 
 It is further utterly absurd to make Seneca responsible 
 for the monstrosities of his pupil's career still flatteries 
 of Claudius's freedmen must stand. " While censuring 
 the rich" (Dio proceeds) " he acquired an estate of 75,000,- 
 000 (i.e. drachmas, = $13,500,000 in our money) and 
 while accusing the luxuries of the others, he possessed five 
 hundred small tables of citrus wood with ivory feet." Of 
 more outrageous charges I will be silent. I do not believe 
 them. The dazzling fortune of the Spanish professor's 
 son would have raised up against him a host of envy and 
 malice had he been an Epicurean: the stern preaching of 
 Stoic sermons doubled and trebled the venom of his critics. 
 The preface to " Nat. Qucest." c. 4, was certainly writ- 
 ten some years after 58 (when his wealth, as I showed, 
 was attacked in a session of the senate). His reference 
 to money is proud and defiant: "Add now a spirit invin- 
 cible by gifts and, amid so great a struggle of greed, a 
 hand never hollowed under bribeiy. Add now the fru- 
 gality of my style of living: towards the younger, hu- 
 manity, towards the elder, respect. ..." 
 
 But we must take up the chief concern of this chapter. 
 Surely Seneca was in himself a microcosm of the nobler ele- 
 ments of the humanity of the Roman world in the Clau- 
 dian emperors' time. It is wonderful, too, how closely, on 
 the whole, he avoided the very grazing or slightest touch- 
 ing on political or governmental matters. The inner
 
 L. ANN^US SENECA, THE VERSATILE 409 
 
 Seneca, and the outward which is it ? But really, was 
 not the inner Seneca turned outward in these brilliant 
 essays ? 
 
 To him his philosophy is not a mere decoration or 
 academic gown : " Philosophy is not in words but in 
 things. Nor is it applied to this end, that the day may 
 be spent with a certain feeling of entertainment, that 
 leisure be deprived of tedium : it moulds and works the 
 mind, sketches a plan for life, directs actions, points out 
 what is to be done, what left undone ; it sits at the helm 
 and steers the course through the dangers of floating ob- 
 jects " ("Ep.,"16, 3). "It is doing, which philosophy 
 teaches us, and this it demands that every one should 
 live by its law, that life be not in disharmony with 
 speech" ("Ep.," 20, 2). Philosophers, indeed, are ex- 
 posed to the current charge that they are hypocritical, 
 that they produce phrases, not works. The parasite's 
 greed, lusting after women, gluttony : with these things 
 are they upbraided ("Ep.," 29, 5). Seneca is hostile to 
 mere erudition : the dialectical micrology of the Older 
 Stoa he often belittles ("Ep.," 82, 8 ; 83, 9 ; 85 ; 87, 12). 
 Ill do those philosophers deserve of mankind, who have 
 learned philosophy as though it were a professional at- 
 tainment which may be sold, who live differently from 
 the rules which they lay down for living. . . . All they 
 say, all they boastfully utter while their crowded lecture- 
 room listens, is the production of others : Plato said that 
 before, Zeno did, Chrysippus and Posidonius did: how 
 can they prove that that vast parade is their own ? I will 
 tell you : let them do what they say . . . (" Ep.," 108, 
 36 sqq. ; 109, 17). Sciolism is unprofitable: "subtlety 
 is ground out in superfluous things : those things make 
 not good men, but learned men " (" Ep.," 106, 11). The 
 actual practice is all wrong : " for the school, not for life 
 do we learn" ("Ep.," 106, 12). 
 
 But let us go on to that which is the directing, the 
 tonic, element in this body of wisdom. To me, if I may 
 make a personal avowal, few elements of classic tradition 
 are as interesting as these revelations of attitude : some'
 
 410 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 times merely the paragraph of academic tradition, but 
 more frequently a personal fervor and an intensity com- 
 parable to an utterance of faith. 
 
 And first we will hear Seneca on the Universe. 
 
 " It is superfluous at the moment (" De Providential 1, 
 2) to point out that not without some guardian so great 
 a work stands, and that this assemblage of constellations 
 and their various separate orbits are not of fortuitous im- 
 pulse, and that those things which chance propels are 
 often thrown into disorder and quickly collide, that this 
 non-colliding velocity goes forward by the orders of 
 eternal law. ..." "It is a noble consolation to be 
 whirled away with the Universe ("cum universe rapi"). 
 Whatever it may be, that has bidden us so to live, so to die, 
 by the same necessity does it bind even the gods " (16., 5, 
 8). (He means by "gods" the regular and recurrent 
 phenomena of nature and physical life : " gods " is a 
 phrase of accommodation to popular speech). " Foolish 
 and ignorant of truth they charge against them (" the 
 gods ") the rudeness of the sea, the excessive freshets, 
 the stubbornness of winter. . . . For not we are the 
 cause for the world (mundo'), of its bringing back winter 
 and summer : those things have their own laws, by which 
 divine things are kept in action. We conceive too high 
 a regard for ourselves, if we seem to ourselves to be 
 worthy that for our sakes so great things be set in mo- 
 tion " (" De Ira" 2, 27, 2). This physical Universe is to 
 be destroyed some day : " Nothing will stand in the place 
 in which it now stands; old age will level and carry away 
 everything. And not with men only (and how tiny a por- 
 tion of that chance power is humanity ?) but with places, 
 but with countries, but with parts of the world will it 
 make its sport. So many mountains will it smother, and 
 elsewhere force upward new rocks. Oceans will it suck in, 
 rivers it will turn from their courses, and having snapped 
 asunder the intercourse of nations, it will dissolve the 
 society and assemblage of human kind " ("Ad Marciam" 
 26, 6). " This Universe some day will scatter and will 
 sink it into ancient intermingling of elements and pri-
 
 L. ANN^EUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE 411 
 
 meval night " {"AdPolybium" 1, 2). "That sequence has 
 been given the Universe, that it appears that a concern 
 for us has been rated not among the last things " ("Zte 
 Beneficiis" 6, 23, 4). The old Stoics believed in periodic 
 resolving of the organic universe through heat this is 
 found frequently in Seneca. Still he holds there may 
 come also a cosmic dissolution through water, a new del- 
 uge : "whether it be done through the force of ocean 
 and in the end the deep rise upon us, or whether incessant 
 showers and the stuff of winter, moved by summer cast 
 down a measureless body of waters from the burst clouds, 
 or," etc. much of this seems to have been drawn from 
 Posidonius. 
 
 But leaving alone these cosmic and scientific specula- 
 tions, there is met with in Seneca over and over again 
 a different aspect of the Universe, which concerns and 
 interests us much more. We now come upon those tenets 
 which I believe are the very bone and sinew of that nobler 
 school, tenets where Stoicism is most widely removed from 
 the hopeless materialism of Epicurean belief. And I will 
 firmly abstain from two things: from summing up for the 
 reader what has not been properly presented to him, and 
 from putting on Seneca a few modern labels before we 
 have fairly comprehended his thought : both are faults to 
 which the academic person greatly inclines. 
 
 In the first place : " Nature " in Seneca is vastly more 
 than the aggregation of matter both organic and inorganic, 
 its properties, its life and dissolution, its varied phenomena. 
 Frequently does our author endow the universe with pur- 
 pose, aim, design. " Nature thought us, before she made 
 us, nor are we so slight a work that we could have slipped 
 merely from her hands of craftsmanship. See how far 
 bodies are permitted to roam, which she has not restrained 
 by mere geographical limitations, but has sent into every 
 part of herself. See how great is the daring of spirits, 
 how they alone either know the gods or seek after them 
 and attend divine things with an intellect directed upon 
 lofty things : you will know that man is not a work made 
 in a hurry and without reflection. Among her greatest
 
 412 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 achievements Nature has nothing of which she boasts 
 more or assuredly to whom she more addresses her boasts " 
 a profound and noble sentiment. (" De JBenef.," 6, 23, 
 6-7). " Whosoever was he that moulded the universe 
 (formator universi), whether he is that god powerful over 
 all, or immaterial reason, workman of the huge works, or 
 a divine spirit permeating (diffusus) all things, greatest 
 and smallest with equal force, or Fate and the immutable 
 sequence of mutually connected causes." . . . We see 
 him pause for terms and language ("Ad Helviam Matrem" 
 8, 3). Elsewhere he utters the same thought with slight 
 variation : " For what else is Nature but God and the 
 divine reason injected into the whole world and its parts? 
 . . . Him likewise if you will identify with Fate, you 
 will utter no falsehood, for inasmuch as fate is nothing 
 else but the entwined chain of causes (series implexa causa- 
 rum) he (ille) is the first cause of all, from which the rest 
 are dependent" (" De Benef." 4, 7, 1-2). "Therefore 
 thy efforts are futile, thou most ungrateful of mortals, 
 who deniest, that you owe to God, but to Nature: be- 
 cause neither is God without Nature, nor God without 
 Nature, but both are the same, it differs in function. If 
 you were to say, that you owed to Annseus or to Lucius, 
 what you had received from Seneca, you would not change 
 the creditor but the name . . . thus now call it Nature, 
 Fate, Fortune all are names of the same god who uses 
 his own power in different ways. And justice, moral-good- 
 ness, prudence, bravery, frugality, are boons of a single soul : 
 whichever of these has been pleasing to you, the soul is 
 pleasing " ($., 8, 2-3). "Not even did they believe, that 
 Jupiter, such as we worship on the Capitol and in the other 
 temples, the pilot and guardian of the universe, the soul 
 and spirit of the world, the lord and creator of this work, 
 whom every name befits. Do you wish to call him Fate: 
 you will not err. It is he, from whom all things depend, the 
 cause of causes (causa causarum). Do you wish to call 
 him Providence: you will rightly call him so. For it is he, 
 through whose counsel provision is made for this world, so 
 that it passes through its motion without collision and
 
 L. ANN^EUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE 413 
 
 unfolds its own actions. Do you wish to call him Nature: 
 you will not sin. It is he from whom all things are born 
 (nata sunf), by whose breath we live. Do you wish to call 
 him the world (mundum) : you will not be deceived " 
 (" Nat. Qucest.," 2, 45, 1-2). We could call him a deist, 
 a pantheist: nothing would be gained by these labels. 
 Now it seems, Seneca also wrote a " Dialogue on Supersti- 
 tion," now lost, a book amply authenticated for us, not 
 only by Tertullian and St. Augustine, but also by Diomedes 
 Grammaticus (Keil, Vol. 1, p. 379,1,19). Particularly is 
 it the great bishop of Hippo who studied this treatise 
 saying also that the philosopher displayed in his writings 
 a freedom ("De Oivitate Dei," 6, 10) which was absent 
 from his life. The keen mind of St. Augustine readily 
 discriminated between three forms of theology found in 
 the classical world: mythological, civil, natural, the latter 
 being the religion of the philosophers. Now, whereas 
 Varro spared not the mythological form, he abstained 
 from censuring that of the commonwealth. Seneca seems 
 to have attacked the latter with great freedom. He spoke 
 in that essay of the dreams of T. Tatius or Romulus or 
 Tullus Hostilius, their inventions : Cloacina, Picus and 
 Tiberinus, Pavor and Pallor. Absurd divinities. Seneca 
 sharply reprimanded self-torture (as practised in the wor- 
 ship of the Phrygian goddess, I suppose he means). 
 
 But in the same essay Seneca spoke with contempt of 
 actual Roman worship : " I went to the Capitol : I will 
 blush for the folly practised in broad daylight. One sup- 
 plies the god with appellations, another reports the 
 hours to Jupiter; one is beadle, another anointer, who, 
 with a meaningless movement of his arm, imitates an 
 anointing one. There are those who make up the hair 
 for Juno and Minerva (standing far from the temple, 
 not merely from the effigy, they move their fingers in the 
 fashion of those engaged in hair-dressing) there are those 
 that hold the mirror: there are those that summon the gods 
 to their own bail-bonds, there are those that hold up briefs to 
 them and expound their law-case to them. A learned chief- 
 pantomime, an old man already, of mere skin and bones,
 
 414 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 daily was going through his dumb-show on the Capitol, 
 as though the gods gazed upon him with pleasure, whom 
 human beings had ceased to." ..." Certain females sit 
 on the Capitol who think they are the object of Jupiter's 
 amatory desires: not even by regard for Juno so wrath- 
 ful, if you would believe the poets are they repelled." 
 Still Seneca was a conformist on stated occasions ... it 
 was to him a civil obligation of Rome. 
 
 But to return to Seneca's Nature, God, World, Universe, 
 Providence, or Fate. You cannot pray to it : it is not 
 swayed by prayer. But you can be in harmony with it, 
 live conformably to it, follow it. For you may think little 
 of your utter littleness in the realm of matter and in the 
 mighty movements and periodic recurrences of phenomena 
 in the physical world : still the question as to your 
 spiritual and moral conformity is great, it is the prime 
 concern of your life. That Nature and Universe wills 
 our goodness. God speaks thus to men : " To you 
 have I given definite boons, destined to abide, better 
 and greater, the more one will turn them over and over 
 and examine them from all sides. I have permitted you 
 to despise fearful things, to treat the appetites with dis- 
 dain. You do not gleam outwardly, your boons are 
 turned inward. Thus the Universe despised outward 
 things, blessed in gazing upon itself " ("Z>e Provid." 
 6, 5). This noble ideal then of a Nature or Universal 
 Design to which man must submit is the ancient 
 doctrine of Zeno and Kleanthes. Curiously that Nature 
 or God earnestly desires that we be emancipated 
 from the very bonds and burthens of matter which human 
 kind has generally called " Nature." Man is the only 
 creature which can conceive of that Universal order : is 
 it not shallow to forego the conclusion that this faculty of 
 appreciation in man is the design and aim of the Universe, 
 is in fact its veritable complement ? Seneca (like his old 
 sect) makes much of man's physical equipment, his up- 
 right position, his endowment to comprehend heaven and 
 earth with the sweep of his eyes, while his head turns 
 easily on his neck. The Universe discharges its vast opera-
 
 L. ANN^US SENECA, THE VERSATILE 415 
 
 tions without reward or fee (sine prcemio*) : these things 
 are eminently wholesome to us : " so it is the duty of man 
 among other things also to bestow benefaction" ("De 
 Benef." 4, 12, 5). But what, after all, is great to man ? 
 What is great in man? The mighty works of Nature 
 impress us as great, simply because we are small: it is all 
 a relative greatness (" Nat. Qucest.," 9, c, 3, prsefat. 9). 
 
 Seneca utterly turns aside from that standard of virtus or 
 excellence which we have observed without any substan- 
 tial variation from Achilles to Csesar. He denies and re- 
 jects these standards. His entire philosophy of history, his 
 view of human annals all this turns away from that 
 ecstasy in the contemplation of the extraordinary, of the 
 uncommon, provided the possessor thereof seeks merely 
 power and self-aggrandizement. A sect which made 
 Socrates its foremost saint, and him greatest in all his 
 career when he defied the thirty tyrants and when he 
 drank the hemlock: that philosophy, I say, looked with 
 cool and searching glance at the conquerors: the "great 
 men " of worldly valuation at all times. And so 
 Seneca, too, rises above the long pagan worship. Let 
 not the reader forget that that worship is of the 
 essence of classic paganism: to classic paganism we 
 return whenever we worship that, or abase ourselves 
 before any form of uncommon endowment. This is no 
 loose phrase of narrow bigotry; it is an important form of 
 historical truth. So our philosopher says: "What is 
 foremost in human affairs ? Not to have covered the seas 
 with fleets, nor to have planted signs on the beach of the 
 Red Sea, not, when land gave out for the quest of doing 
 harm, to have roamed on the main in search of things 
 unknown, but to have seen everything by means of the 
 soul, and greatest of all victories to have overcome 
 one's own faults. Numberless are they who had nations 
 and cities in their power, very few who had themselves" 
 {"Nat. Qucest." prsef. Ill, 10). It is natural that Seneca 
 should feel a keen antipathy and bitter hatred for the 
 imperial pervert Caligula his mad bursts of fury, his 
 exquisite cruelty, his bitter vindictiveness, his incredible
 
 416 TESTIMONIUM AXDLE 
 
 gluttony among common pursuits of men, too, the cook 
 and the soldier both appear to him as superfluous: his 
 satire flays Apicius the gourmet of his earlier years (" Ad 
 matr. Helv." 6, 8). Luxury is a treason to Nature 
 (" Ep.," 90, 19). To the cruelty of Sulla's proscription 
 he refers with quivering indignation. " Let them hate me 
 provided they fear me ": you might know that this was 
 written in the era of Sulla {"De Ira" 1, 20, 4). 
 
 What of Caesar, the most successful name in Roman 
 annals ? With Coriolanus, Catiline, Marius, Sulla, with 
 Pompey himself, he forms a gallery of eminent Ingrates: 
 " From Gaul and Germany he worked the war around 
 upon the capital, and that coddler of the plebs, that 
 people's man, placed his camp in the Circus Flaminius, 
 nearer than had been that of Porsena" (" De Benef." V, 
 16, 5). All conquerors, nay all autocrats, are an object of 
 his detestation : not only Cambyses and the puffed-up 
 Xerxes, but even Alexander. When that genius indulged 
 those fits of temper and passion which have so deeply 
 stained his memory, he illustrated the very apogee from 
 the Sun of righteousness the Mastery over oneself 
 being the essence of Stoic law of conduct. When the 
 Macedonian conqueror threw Lysimachus before a lion, 
 fangs and claws were really those of Alexander himself 
 (" De Clementia" 1, 25, 1). Alexander's killing of the 
 philosopher Callisthenes was an indictment which time 
 itself could not erase. All conquerors depart from the 
 band of wise men, for they are insatiable. Chiefly, how- 
 ever, are they rated so low because they lay violent hands 
 on freedom. All the Saints in the Stoic cult are exemplars 
 and apostles of freedom: Socrates, Scsevola, Fabricius the 
 incorruptible, Rutilius the righteous exile, and above all 
 the Romans, Cato of Utica ; the slayers of the Attic tyrant, 
 Harmodius and Aristogeiton, are honorably mentioned 
 here. It is cheap wit to call his eulogy of Socrates a Stoic 
 homily : Seneca writes with substantial fairness : " Last of 
 all his condemnation was accomplished undermost serious 
 charges : he was accused both of violation of religious 
 rites and of corrupting the young, which he was alleged
 
 L. ANN^EUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE 417 
 
 to have let loose upon the gods, upon their fathers, upon 
 the state. After this the prison and the hemlock. These 
 things were so far from ruffling the soul of Socrates, that 
 they did not even ruffle his countenance. That wonderful 
 and extraordinary distinction he maintained to the end: 
 no one saw Socrates more cheerful or more gloomy. He 
 was even-tempered in such unevenness of fortune" ("Ep.," 
 103, 28). In fact, everywhere are those historical char- 
 acters extolled who suffered for righteousness and who 
 abandoned all the world holds dear rather than abase their 
 freedom or deny their deepest convictions. The Stoics are 
 the masculine among philosophers. 
 
 Righteousness is a healthy condition of the soul, all 
 wrong-doing a form of mental disease. Reason should 
 ever hold sway over Passion and Emotion. The highest 
 happiness of this life is freedom from lust, from covetous- 
 ness, from ambition, and above all, freedom from fear. 
 The outward things (externa, fortuita~) really do not bene- 
 fit ; they do certainly not concern the soul, they are indif- 
 ferent. The soul-element in us is divine, it is a particle, 
 however small, of the divine spirit which permeates the 
 Universe. The soul, therefore, defies physical violence 
 and every form of force or constraint. Consequently the 
 Wise Man cannot suffer wrong : the malefactor cannot 
 injure the former's soul, which alone constitutes his true 
 personality. It is a matter of controversy whether virtue 
 is the highest good, intrinsically, or the cause of the 
 highest good. A great thing and supreme, and near to 
 the deity, is not to be shaken (non concuti). 
 
 Instead of citing the endless passages in which Seneca 
 disposes of death and the fear of death, I would rather 
 direct my reader to the philosopher's theory of self-de- 
 struction. There is no other way, he holds, of maintain- 
 ing one's freedom against tyrants. Thinking of the mad 
 cruelty of a Cambyses, or how Astyages unknowingly 
 was made to eat of his own son, he goes on to say: " In 
 whatever direction you look, there is a limitation of 
 troubles : do you see that precipice ? There is a descent 
 to freedom. Do you see that sea, that river, that cistern ? 
 2E
 
 418 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 Freedom there abides at the bottom. Do you see that 
 tree, low, dried up, barren ? Freedom is suspended from 
 it. Do you see your neck, your throat, your heart ? 
 They are means of escape from slavery " (" De Ira" 3, 15, 
 4). Of poverty : " If the extreme necessities befall the 
 wise man, he will speedily go out from life and will cease 
 to be troublous to himself" ("Ep.," 17, 9). "I shall 
 not abandon old age if it shall reserve my entire being for 
 myself, my entire being, mind you, on the side of that 
 better part (i.e. the soul-powers), but if it shall begin to 
 shake my intelligence, to violently wrench its essential 
 elements, if it will not leave life to me, but mere animal 
 existence alone, then I shall bound forth as from a crazy 
 and tottering edifice " (" Ep.," 58, 35). Socrates is praised 
 for not cutting short his life in prison, for letting the law 
 take its course, for gratifying, for thirty days, his friends 
 with his last discourses. Still he goes on to say a little 
 further on: "One cannot lay down a universal rule, 
 whether, when some force outside of ourselves threatens 
 death, one should anticipate or await it " ("Ep.," 70, 11). 
 He eloquently praises a German, who, a little while be- 
 fore, when being prepared to fight with wild beasts in a 
 forenoon spectacle, had choked himself with the meanest 
 of appurtenances when retiring to a private place for the 
 last time : " this it was, to treat death with insult "... 
 " O hero indeed ! worthy to whom the choice of fate 
 should be given! how bravely would he have used a 
 sword!" ("Ep.," 70,20). 
 
 From this point it seems meet to go on to that of the 
 Immortality of the Soul. The Stoic sect denied it, be- 
 lieving in a corporality of the soul and that it was mingled 
 again with the divine substance that permeated the Uni- 
 verse. Seneca himself was too widely read and too 
 greatly impressed, e.g. with Platonic ideas, to be content 
 with mere iteration of Stoic dogma. Thus he writes 
 ("Ad Marciam de Consolatione" 23, 1) of death as a 
 journey to the beings above, as a putting away of the 
 dregs of earth, as a process of disencumberment from non- 
 spiritual burdens, as a return to the soul's origin,
 
 L. ANKffiUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE 419 
 
 Platonism : indeed he names Plato (2) " There awaits 
 him (the deceased son of Marcia) an eternal rest (a>terna, 
 requies)" (24, 5). "Your father, Marcia, there clasps to 
 his breast his own grandson, although there all is kin to 
 all, grandson rejoicing in the new light, and teaches him 
 the movements of the neighboring stars, and not by con- 
 jecture, but truly experienced in all things he gladly leads 
 him into the mysteries of Nature " (ib., 25, 2). Thus as 
 in Platonic fervor. But elsewhere his utterance greatly 
 differs : he does not know whether the deceased has per- 
 ception or not (" Ad Polybium" 5, 1). In either case 
 the soul is well off : for either at least it is rid of all 
 troubles of life, of pain and fear, or (the Platonic alterna- 
 tive) it is then at last truly discharged from its dungeon, 
 and enjoys the contemplation of the Universe, gains a 
 closer vision of divine things, the comprehension of which 
 he had so long sought in vain (ib., 9, 2-3) (cf. "Ep.," 71, 
 16; 76, 25). "Death either consumes us or strips us" 
 ("Ep.," 24, 18). At bottom he vacillates and wavers in 
 his position there were Hamlets before Hamlet and 
 " we know that the whole creation groaneth and travaileth 
 in pain together until now " . . .in short, it is the con- 
 cern of the ages. But Seneca, I say, in his wavering is 
 an image of our common unaided humanity. In one 
 place he writes (as Comte has written later) : " Therefore 
 men indeed do perish, but humanity itself, towards which 
 individual man is being moulded, endures, and while men 
 are toiling, are passing away, humanity suffers not at all " 
 (" Ep.," 65, 7). Elsewhere he speaks with a positive 
 hope : " Thus through this span of time which extends 
 from infancy to old age, we are ripening for another 
 birth" ("in alium maturescimus partum"). "Not yet 
 can we endure heaven but at intervals, therefore fearlessly 
 look thou forward to that decisive hour (" horam illam de- 
 cretoriam ") : it is not the last for the soul, but for the 
 body " . . . " You may carry out no more than you have 
 brought in" . . . (" Ep.," 102, 24-25). Academic persons 
 have said that this was " the historical point " where 
 Paganism and Christianity met, whatever that may be.
 
 420 TESTIMONIUM ANBLE 
 
 Historically, I deny it : the mere coexistence of Seneca 
 and St. Paul means nothing but an item for chronological 
 curiosity : the slender fiction of their correspondence is a 
 shallow production, hardly to be dignified by the title of 
 literary exercises on the part of the forger. The essence of 
 Christianity is a reception of transcendental boons coming 
 at a definite point of history ; essential facts, not a consum- 
 mation of an academic development or of a sequence of ever 
 loftier theses and positions. The proud autonomy and 
 spiritual autocracy of the Stoic position defies fusion with 
 a system, the founder and enduring basis of which uttered 
 this beatitude : " Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs 
 is the Kingdom of Heaven" (St. Matthew, 5, 3). 
 
 This non-relation then, historically and genetically speak- 
 ing, I hold to be exactly true and entirely demonstrable 
 to all unprejudiced students of classic civilization. 
 
 At the same time there is a body of moral, of distinctly 
 spiritual, judgment and sentiment which again and again 
 reminds us of seems to us to bear resemblance to 
 Christianity. True to the spirit and design of this work, I 
 will not trim or trick out, not commend nor depreciate, but 
 present data for my readers' own judgment : "All crimes 
 are wrought, as far as sufficeth for their guilt, before the 
 accomplishment of the deed" and before: "If any 
 one were to cohabit with his own wife in the belief that 
 she were another man's, he will be an adulterer, although 
 she be no adulteress " ("_Z)e Constantia Sapientis" 7, 4). 
 " If we wish to be fair judges of all things, let us first be 
 convinced of this, that none of us is without guilt (sine 
 culpa). For it is this point from which the greatest 
 indignation arises." "I have committed no wrong," and 
 " I have done nothing." " Nay, you confess nothing. 
 We are indignant at having been censured with some 
 admonition or form of restraint, whereas on that very 
 occasion we sin in that we add to our misdeeds, arro- 
 gance, and contumacy. . . ." ("De Jra," 2, 28, 1). Fiery 
 coals : " Some one will be angry with you : but you 
 reply by challenging him with acts of kindness" ("De 
 2, 34, 4). " We are all evil : whatever therefore
 
 L. ANN^US SENECA, THE VERSATILE 421 
 
 is censured in another, this each single one will discover 
 in his own bosom ('in suo sinu inveniet')" (ib., 3, 26, 4). 
 Towards the eradication of anger "nothing will avail 
 more than reflecting on our mortality" (ib., 3, 42, 2). 
 "To obey God is freedom" (" De Vita Beata" 15, 7). 
 " Not even that poison (of calumny) . . . will prevent me 
 from praising the life not that which I lead, but that 
 which I think I ought to lead, shall not prevent me from 
 following virtue even though far behind it, and merely 
 crawling" (reptabundus, ib., 18, 2). "You deny that 
 any one lives what he utters . . . what wonder when 
 they talk heroic things, gigantic things, passing beyond 
 all storms of humanity : when they nail themselves to 
 crosses, into which each individual, one of you himself 
 drives his own additional nail. Still, when brought to 
 execution, they hang each on his individual pale : these 
 who direct their punitive action against themselves, are 
 tortured (distrahuntur~) by as many crosses as are their 
 appetites. . . ." (ib., 19, 3). "Nothing will I do for the 
 sake of reputation, everything for the sake of conscience " 
 (ib., 20, 4). "To my friends I shall be agreeable, to 
 my enemies gentle and yielding" (ib., 20, 5). "This 
 then is demanded of man, that he be useful to men, if 
 possible, to many, if not, to few, if not, to those nearest 
 him, if not, to himself " (" De Otio," 3, 5). At another 
 place he asks which of the two is more productive of 
 good, a presiding justice who hands down verdicts in 
 litigation, or he who teaches " what is righteousness, 
 what devotion, what endurance, what bravery, what con- 
 tempt of death, what the understanding of the gods (he 
 means the physical universe) and how great a possession 
 of men is a good conscience (bona conscientia') ? " ("De 
 Tranquillitate Animi," 3, 4). The Wise Man counts "his 
 own body also and his eyes and his hand and whatever 
 will make life dearer, and himself, among possessions 
 held-on-sufferance (inter precaria) and lives as one who 
 is loaned to himself and will make return to those 
 making demand, without any gloominess. And still he 
 is not, on this account, cheap in his own eyes, but will
 
 422 TEST1MONIUM ANIMJE 
 
 do everything with a painstaking care and circumspection 
 as great as that with which a man of scrupulous honesty 
 is wont to look after a trust" (ib., 11, 1-2). "The 
 craving for the possession of another, from which arises 
 all the evil of the soul " ("Be dementia" 2, 1, 4). " As 
 not even in the animals destined for sacrifice, although 
 they be fat and be resplendent with gold, is there honor 
 shown to the gods, but in the pious and sincere purpose 
 of the worshippers" (" De Beneficiis," 1, 6, 3). "There- 
 fore the good discharge their worship acceptably even 
 with flour and sacrificial porridge, the wicked on the 
 other hand will not escape from (the charge of) impiety 
 even though they stain the altars with rivers of blood " 
 (ib.). The widow's mite : " If benefactions depended on 
 things, not on the purpose itself of him who bestows 
 the kindness, they would be the greater, the ampler were 
 what we receive. But that is an error : for sometimes 
 he puts us under greater obligations who gave a little 
 with a large manner " . . . " who gave a small dole 
 but with a willing spirit" (ib., 1, 7, 1). A slave (ut- 
 terly anti- Aristotelian) is capable of noble qualities : 
 "a slave may be (it is in his power to be) righteous, 
 he may be brave, he may be of a lofty spirit " (ib., 3, 
 18, 4). " For it depends of what soul he is (who does 
 the kindness), not of what civil station : from no one 
 is virtue shut off, to all it lies open, all does it admit, 
 all it invites : the freeborn, the freedman, slaves, kings, 
 exiles " (ib., 3, 18, 2). " He is mistaken, who thinks 
 that slavery takes possession of the entire man : his 
 better portion is accepted : the physical persons are 
 subject and are given in fee to the owners, the mind is 
 sui juris " (ib., 3, 20, 1). " If thou imitatest the gods, 
 bestow benefactions even upon the ungrateful : for even 
 for criminals the sun rises and to the pirates the seas 
 are open " (ib., 4, 26, 1) ..." God gave also certain 
 bounties to the human race as a whole, from which 
 (bounties) no one is excluded. For it could not hap- 
 pen, that the wind should be favorable to good men, 
 but the opposite to bad men" . . . "nor could a statute
 
 L. ANN^US SENECA, THE VERSATILE 423 
 
 be laid down for the rain showers that are to fall, that 
 they should not descend upon the fields of the bad and 
 the wicked " (ib., 4, 28, 3). "I hold therefore that 
 those are not benefactions which will not make the soul 
 better" (ib., 5, 13, 2). "Not to admit evil counsels 
 into the soul, to raise clean hands to heaven " ("Nat. 
 Qucest." 3, prcefat. 3). It is a part of the design in 
 the destruction of the world that its parts may be cre- 
 ated anew sinless (innoxice) and that there may not 
 survive any instructor of evil (" Nat. Qucest." 3, 29, 5). 
 Of a future doomsday through deluge : " when the judg- 
 ment of the human race shall have been accomplished " 
 (ib., 3, 30, 7). "We die worse than we are born. That 
 is our fault, not that of nature " (" Ep.," 22, 15). " He is 
 happiest and an unconcerned possessor of himself who looks 
 forward to to-morrow without anxiety " ("Ep.," 12, 9). 
 " He who has learned to die has unlearned being a slave " 
 (" Ep.," 26, 10). " Nobody is familiar with God : many 
 think ill of him and with impunity " (" Ep.," 31, 10). " O 
 when will you see that time in which you will know that 
 Time has no practical relation to you?" ("Ep.," 32, 4). 
 " A sacred spirit abides within us, observer of good and 
 evil things, and guardian thereof. As we have dealt with 
 this spirit, so it deals with us" ("Ep.," 41, 2). "What 
 avails it to hide and to shun the eyes and ears of men ? 
 A good conscience summons the crowd, an evil one is anx- 
 ious and concerned even in solitude" ("Ep.," 43, 4-5). 
 "How can Plato's Ideas make me better ?" ("Ep.,"58, 
 26). " All things endure : not because they are eternal, 
 but because they are defended by the care of him who 
 controls " (H. 28). " Do you wonder that men go to 
 gods ? G-od comes to men, nay, what is closer, comes 
 into men : no intellect is good without G-od " (" Ep.," 73, 
 16). " Luxurious banquets, wealth, vile pleasures, or any 
 baits of our human kind are not really good, because 
 God has them not " (" Ep.," 74, 14). What does it avail 
 that anything should be concealed from man ? Nothing 
 is bolted for God." " He is present in our souls and 
 comes into the midst of our reflections " (ib., 83, 1).
 
 424 TESTIMONIUM ANIMvE 
 
 " Let us forbid them bringing linen cloths and combs 
 for Jupiter and to hold up a mirror to Juno : God seeks 
 no attendants : why not ? He himself ministers to hu- 
 man kind, everywhere and for all beings is he present " 
 (" Ep.," 59, 48). Who will not be reminded of St. Paul, 
 preaching on the hill of Ares at Athens : " Neither is 
 worshipped with men's hands, as though he needed any- 
 thing, seeing he giveth to all life, and breath, and all 
 things" (Acts 17, 25)? 
 
 But is it not perhaps true that the morality and the 
 spiritual character of nascent Christianity and aging 
 paganism were actually converging and approaching the 
 point of fusion? What if Seneca's noblest aspirations 
 had been merely the birth and product of his own time 
 and society; and that blessed automaton, evolution, had 
 perhaps made this remarkable and impressive maturity of 
 spiritual aspirations and convictions? As a matter of 
 fact, the old courtier and man of letters lived and moved 
 in a solitude which was well-nigh complete. As we took 
 his own testimony as to his own soul, we may fairly accept 
 his own testimony as to his own times, his actual environ- 
 ment and milieu. 
 
 Home, that capital of the Mediterranean world and con- 
 geries of nations, Seneca thus speaks of it : " Behold 
 this multitude, for which hardly suffice the roofs of the 
 boundless capital : the greatest part of that multitude has 
 no fatherland. From their municipal towns and from 
 their colonies, from the whole earth have they streamed 
 together. Some, ambition has brought there, others, the 
 urgency of public duty, others, some political mission, 
 others, luxury seeking a convenient and rich place for im- 
 moralities, others, the eager pursuit of liberal studies, 
 others, the public shows. Some were drawn by friend- 
 ship. . . . Some brought their beauty to find a market 
 for it, some came to sell their power of rhetorical utterance. 
 Every class of men hastens to a city which presents large 
 rewards both to virtues and vices" ("Ad Helviam" 6, 2). 
 
 In his moral censure directed at the Society of Rome 
 the note most frequently recurrent is the condemnation of
 
 L. ANN^EUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE 425 
 
 Luxury, a worldliness and a worship of pleasure which 
 fairly ran riot. " It is not necessary that all the depth 
 of ocean should be searched through nor that one should 
 burden one's stomach by means of a slaughter of living 
 beings, nor to pluck shellfish from the unknown beach 
 of the uttermost sea : may the gods and goddesses destroy 
 those whose luxury transcends the boundaries of so daz- 
 zling an empire. Beyond the Phasis River (Caucasus 
 country) they insist that there must be caught that with 
 which must be provided their ambitious cuisine, and they 
 are not weary of importing birds from the Parthians who 
 have not yet made requital to us. . . . They vomit in 
 order to eat, and eat in order to vomit, and the feasts 
 which they gather in the whole world, they do not even 
 deign to digest" (" Ad Helv.," 10, 2-3). He speaks of 
 certain tastes of the table : boars weighing a thousand 
 pounds, tongues of flamingoes and other freaks of a luxury 
 which actually disdains whole animals and makes a choice 
 of definite limbs of each" (" ffelv." 10, 2). " Why is there 
 drunk in your house a vintage older than you are ? " . . . 
 " Why are no other trees preserved but those that will 
 produce nothing but shade? Why does your wife wear 
 in her ears the wealth of a rich mansion ? " (" De Vita 
 Beata" 17, 2). . . . "Those eyes which cannot endure 
 any marble but variegated and burnished with recent care, 
 who have no patience with a table but one of exquisite 
 grain, who will not have their feet tread a mosaic floor 
 less costly than gold; outdoors they will with perfect 
 composure look on rough and muddy lanes and on the 
 greater part of those who meet them, squalid, the walls 
 of the tenement-blocks (insulce) crumbling, cracked, un- 
 symmetrical" (" De Ira," 3, 35, 5). "I see robes of 
 silken stuffs, if they must be called robes, in which there 
 is nothing by which the body or shame can be defended, 
 robes the mistress of which after attiring herself therein 
 cannot well swear that she is not naked. These robes 
 are imported for a vast sum from nations unknown to us 
 even for commerce, in order that our matrons may not 
 even display more of themselves in their boudoir to their
 
 426 TESTBIONIUM ANBLE 
 
 lovers than they display in public" ("De Benef." 7, 9, 5). 
 " The greatest evil of the times, unchastity " ("Ad. Helv." 
 16, 3). The rich, flitting from city to country and there 
 from villa to villa, rarely see their own children ("Ad Mar- 
 ciam" 24, 2). The anecdotes of bestiality which Seneca 
 relates of Hostius Quadra would afford a curious but most 
 impressive commentary on certain verses written about this 
 time by St. Paul in his first chapter to the Romans. It is 
 startling that Seneca would pen such things at all. And 
 if the loftiest spirit of Rome in his fervor of mortal satire 
 would even touch upon such things with an almost cynical 
 bitterness and brutality, what must have been the life 
 and conversation of the broad mass of that society ! How 
 would the smart set (the " Lauti ") accelerate the dragging 
 hours ! Canopus, the watering-place of Alexandria, was 
 notorious for its immorality; but Baise, the favorite sum- 
 mer residence of Roman " Society," was no better, accord- 
 ing to Seneca (" Ep.," 51). Revels were there on the 
 private yachts, the basins resounding with the music of 
 private orchestras the luxury connected with the thermal 
 waters and that gulf of paradise all the influences there 
 were demoralizing in the extreme. The amours of this 
 aristocracy were carried on with consummate effrontery. 
 Roses were there and music and all the allurements of 
 nocturnal dissipation. Sensualists were there so utterly 
 unnerved and spent by their own lusts, that they knew no 
 other allurement but to be spectators of the impurities of 
 others (" Ep.," 114, 25). But why proceed? 
 
 The dance of death in the chief city and mistress of the 
 ancient world, as Martial and Petronius depict it, literary 
 swine who wallow in the sty of which they are a part, 
 these offer abundant proofs of the moderation with which 
 the satirist, courtier, philosopher, man of the world, 
 prophet of righteousness Seneca, has written of his own 
 times. The early Christian church chose for the "world" 
 (the totality of men indifferent or hostile to the new 
 spiritual society) the word ^o'o-yno? ; it is appalling that 
 they used so vast and comprehensive a term, but Seneca 
 himself writes thus of the universality of evil: "Why
 
 L. ANN.EUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE 427 
 
 enumerate detail ? When you see the Forum packed with 
 a multitude and the Barriers filled with a moving and 
 teeming mass of every kind of numbers, and that Circus, 
 in which the people displays the greatest part of itself: 
 know this, that there are there as many faults as there are 
 human beings. And among those whom you see attired 
 in the garb of the Roman gentleman, there is no peace: 
 one is drawn to the destruction of the other by a slight 
 profit. None has an income but from a wrong done to his 
 neighbor. The prosperous one they hate, the luckless 
 one they despise. The one greater than themselves they 
 feel a burden, to their inferior they are a burden. They 
 are goaded by different appetites. They desire universal 
 wrack and ruin on account of some frivolous pleasure 
 or booty" ("JPe Ira," 2, 8). Still more sweeping and 
 gloomy are these words: There is a rapidly changing 
 fashion bound up with definite forms of moral evil : these 
 abide not and maintain a noisy feud with one another, they 
 rout in turn and are routed : " but the same utterance we 
 will always have to make of ourselves ; that evil we are, evil 
 we have been, and (unwillingly I must add it) evil we 
 shall be" ("e Benef.," 1, 10, 3). 
 
 NOTE. When one measures the startling difference of apprecia- 
 tion as uttered, e.g. by Bernhardy and by Schiller in his volume on 
 Nero, one realizes the depreciation of Seneca now current. Seneca is 
 a Stoicist : to him Stoicism is as a faith and a veritable spear and 
 buckler. But this adherence is not set down in mere Latinization of 
 the Stoa, but in allusions and expressions which incessantly emanate 
 from his very being. His large reading, especially in the Epistulce 
 Morales, tempted him often to take a text, as it were, for the essay in 
 hand from the works he happened to be perusing. Shallow inferences 
 have been drawn from this literary habit. For the sake of such read- 
 ers as desire either verification or suggestion, I append here a some- 
 what larger number of references. 
 
 Seneca's domestic philosopher-companion, the Cynic Demetrius 
 (Ep., 62, 3). Aviso-ships entering Puteoli (Ep., 77, 1). Posthumous 
 fame (Ep., 79, 17). Open-air bathing in January (Ep., 83, 5). His 
 desire to complete his "moral philosophy" (Ep., 106, 2). The
 
 428 TESTIMONIUM ANIM^E 
 
 miseries of a courtier's life : " non consolabiraur tarn triste ergastulura 
 (prison-hut of chain-gangs of agricultural slaves), non adhortabimur 
 ferre imperia carnificum : osteudemus in omni servitute apertam liber- 
 tati viam " (de Ira, 3, 15, 5). Contrast between the simplicity of the 
 exile's life in Corsica, and the glittering luxury of Rome (de Tranquill. 
 Animi, 1, 9). "Patris mei antiquus rigor" (Helv., 17, 3). Sense of 
 old age (Ep., 12, 1 ; 19, 1 ; 26, 1). 
 
 The Universe, Nature, God, Providence. Prov. 1, 5; 6,5; de Ira, 
 2, 13, 1 ; 16, 2 ; 3, 5, 6 ; ad Marciam, 7, 3 ; 18, 1 sqq. ; de Vita Beata, 
 
 15, 5 ; 20, 5 ; (ultra-Roman humanity, ib., 25, 3) ; larger humanity 
 (de Otio, 4, 1). Nature's Design (ib., 5, 3). Ordination by Nature 
 (Helv., 6, 8). Uncertainty as to personal God (Helv., 8, 3). The 
 World and the human soul (ib., 8, 4). Death an ordinance of Na- 
 ture ($.,13, 2). This world a fair abode in itself (Benef., 2, 29, 3), 
 " Parens noster " (ib., 2, 29, 4). " Unus omnium parens mundus est " 
 (3, 28, 2). " Quid enim aliud est natura quam deus et divina ratio 
 toti mundo partibusque eius inserta" (4, 7, 1). First Cause (ib., 4, 
 7, 2). " Sic nunc naturam voca fatum, fortunam : omnia eiusdem dei 
 nomina sunt varie utentis sua potestate." . . . (Benef., 4, 8, 3). " Se- 
 cundum naturam vivere et deorum exempla sequi : di autem . . . 
 quid praeter ipsam faciendi rationem sequuntur?" (ib., 4, 25,1). 
 Cosmic plan (6, 23, 1). Quid est deus? Mens Universi. Quid est 
 deus? Quod vides totum, et quod non vides totum (Nat. Qusest. 
 Prsefat., 13, 14). Does Reason antedate Matter? (ib., 16). Fata irre- 
 vocabilia ius suum peragunt, nee commoventur prece . . . (H. 2, 
 35, 2) sive anima est mundus, sive corpus natura gubernabile (ib., 3, 
 29, 2). Earth a globe (4, 11, 2). Providentia ac dispositor ille mundi 
 deus (4, 18, 5). Quid tamen sit animus ille rector dominusque nostri 
 (7, 25, 2). Sive nos inexorabili lege fata constringunt, sive arbiter 
 deus universi cuncta disponit, sive casus res humanas sine ordine im- 
 pellit et iactat, philosophia nos tueri debet (Ep., 16, 5). Destruction 
 of World (Ep., 71, 13). 
 
 The Stoic Saints : Prov., 3, 4. de Constant., 1, 3 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 3, 14, 
 3; 18, 5 ; de Ira, 1, 15, 3; 2, 32, 2 ; 3, 11, 3 ; 38, 2 ; ad Marciam, 22, 3 ; 
 de Vita Beata, 21, 3 ; 27, 1 ; de Otio, 8, 1 ; Tranq. Anim., 5, 2 ; 7, 5 ; 
 
 16, 1; 16, 4; 17, 4; Helv., 13, 4; 13, 5; 13, 6; Benef., 5, 3, 1; Ep., 
 11, 10; 13, 4; 14, 2; 24, 4; g4, 6; 28, 8; 64, 10; Socrates, Cato, 
 Regulus (Ep., 71, 17) ; Idealization of primitive races and primitive 
 civilization (radical difference from Epicureans, here, Ep., 90, 4). 
 Germans collectively praised : they defy poverty and hardships (Prov. 
 4, 14). The Rousseau-movement in Europe will readily occur to the 
 reader. Tacitus's " Germania," written about a generation after 
 Seneca's death, is filled with the same spirit. 
 
 Fortuita, Externa, Adventicia, Accidentia (Prov. 5, 1 ; 6, 5; Con- 
 stant., 5, 7; 9, 1) ; Gold and Silver the toys of adults (ib., 12, 1). An 
 enumeration of the world's valuation of children, offices, wealth, 
 palaces, highborn and comely wife, " ceteraque ex incerta et mobili 
 sorte pendentia " (Marc., 10, 1). The Stoic to admire his spiritual
 
 L. ANK/EUS SENECA, THE VERSATILE 429 
 
 portion alone and nothing else in the world (de Vit. Beat., 8, 3 ; cf. 
 15, 4; 16,3). Independence of material boons constitutes resem- 
 blance to the gods (Tranq. A., 8, 6). Neutral character of material 
 goods (Benef., 1, 6, 2 ; cf. 4, 22, 4). Things not in our control (5, 5, 4). 
 The soul must seek riches which arise from the soul (7, 1, 7). Na- 
 ture malignant in not concealing gold and silver from men (7, 10, 
 4). Greed for gold very ancient (N. G., 4, 15, 2). Ne gaudeas vanis 
 (Ep., 23, 1), invecticiurn gaudium (Ep., 23, 5), mortem inter indiffer- 
 entia ponimus, quse aSid(f>opa Graeci vocant (Ep., 82, 10; 13). Media 
 (ib., 15). The Hamlet view of death: " quod haec iam novimus ; ilia, 
 ad quae transituri sumus, nescimus qualia sint, et horremus ignota" 
 (Ep., 82, 15). Commoda sunt in vita et incommoda, utraque extra 
 nos (Ep., 92, 16 ; cf. 22). JEias inter externa est (Ep., 93, 7). Fra- 
 gilibus innititur, qui adventicio laetus est : exibit gaudium, quod in- 
 travit (Ep., 98, 1), quicquid est, cui dominus inscriberis, apud te est, 
 tuum non est (ib., 98, 10). 
 
 As to the Rome of Seneca, I must not forget to cite the noted work 
 of Ludwig Friedlsender, formerly professor at Konigsberg (" Darstel- 
 lungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in der Zeit von August bis zum 
 Ausgang der Antonine" first edition, 1862), " The City of Rome, The 
 Court, the Three Classes, Social Intercourse, Women, Travels, Scenic 
 Representations," etc., etc. Friedlaender also edited Martial and 
 Juvenal.
 
 EPILOGUE AND APPIAN WAY 
 
 PERHAPS such readers as have followed the author to 
 this point may fail to see why there should be any fare- 
 well. This present review of the gravest matter in classic 
 civilization has filled the author's soul for nearly seven 
 years. Moreover, this book is the fruit of a tree which 
 has been growing for nearly six and thirty years. Are 
 the classics worth while? I urge nothing here. For even 
 now I clearly see the Pharos on that coast which bounds 
 the ocean of life. There is a certain charm in gaining a 
 profound understanding of something difficult or eschewed 
 by the vast majority of the children of men. There is a 
 definite satisfaction in gaining a close vision of things far 
 away, of experiencing the feeling of intimacy and of living 
 association, of agreeing or dissenting, of feeling antipathies 
 and sympathies roused by recorded utterances admired for 
 so many generations. There is a halfway point in this 
 road the mechanism of philological concerns, necessary 
 on account of our remoteness, but necessary only for a 
 while, a means, not an end. Many, ah too many, never 
 go any farther. Undervaluation or Overvaluation : which 
 shall it be ? The words pagan and paganism are rarely heard 
 from the lips of the professional classicist. Why not ? 
 
 The sense of dealing with an intellectual and cultural 
 elite is apt to be very strong with younger classicists, per- 
 haps with all classicists in sweet youth, that charming time 
 of growth and bounding experiences, when the verdure of 
 life is fresh and green. The accumulations of erudition, 
 the ever lengthening chain of learning, the herbaria of 
 time, the strata and deposits of past and ever passing 
 editors and editions, smother classicism. An elite ? Yes. 
 Time itself, and academic exigencies, even in Alexandrine 
 and Byzantine times, have constituted an elite. If a 
 stranger in future seons were to approach Britain and find 
 
 431
 
 432 TESTIMONIUM 
 
 nothing more than Westminster and St. Paul's and what 
 they commemorate if Shakespeare, Spenser, and Bacon, 
 if Queen Elizabeth, Pitt, and Gordon, if Bunyan, Wesley, 
 and Milton, if Cromwell and Wellington and Nelson and 
 Tennyson, if Newton and Bentley, if, in a word, the fore- 
 most worthies of British annals were the sole concern of 
 the foreign student if he never looked at Pepys's Diary 
 nor saw the miseries of Whitechapel, the sordid side of 
 Glasgow or Dublin, or the utter futilities of dancing and 
 eating and hunting and card-playing and horse-racing, 
 and sitting in theatres would these strangers conceive 
 of Britain aright? 
 
 As a matter of fact, there is a forced and false glamour 
 over classics. The ten thousand books that Kronos has 
 swallowed, Greek books, who would resurrect them ? 
 We neglect what we have. The chisel of Pheidias and 
 Praxiteles, the pen of Pindar or Plato: these were un- 
 common endowments. But the vile and sordid paganism 
 which underlies most of classic civilization we ignore. Is 
 it right that we do this ? The archaeologists sin most here. 
 There is a strabism of one-sided vision in their profes- 
 sional occupation. The mandatory ecstasy which they 
 command us, the others, to feel some duly feel : but 
 I would not bring back classical paganism if every idol 
 described in Pausanias could be recovered in flawless per- 
 fection, if every Corinthian bronze that once decorated the 
 villas of Roman senators could be set up again, if every 
 scroll cited by the elder Pliny, by Athenseus or Diogenes 
 Laertius, or Gellius, or Macrobius, could be placed in the 
 British Museum. 
 
 The word pagan, I repeat, is never, I am told, heard in 
 the vast majority of classical lecture-rooms. As if taste 
 and sesthetical gratifications were consummations of soul- 
 growth. The paganization of so many Italian humanists 
 is a warning phenomenon of a much-vaunted culture 
 movement: we run to sciolism, theirs was a veritable ab- 
 sorption, an immersion : I think of Cicero's phrase 
 ingurgitare. . 
 
 Besides, the classicists have suffered from the preten-
 
 EPILOGUE AND APPIAN WAY 433 
 
 sions of the students of matter. The absolute identity of 
 matter, as often as we look at it, the experiment, the per- 
 petual recurrence of phenomena, have given to these pur- 
 suits a great prestige: unfortunately, so we were told 
 recently at the death of Lord Rayleigh, nobody knows 
 (as yet) what matter is. May we not then be permitted 
 to be concerned as much in the affairs of the spirit ? The 
 scales of fish, the chemical elements of meteorites, pollen 
 and pistil of plants, the chemistry of fingernails or brain 
 either the futilities of much " research " subservient to 
 the current simian mythology what do they concern the 
 better portion of ourselves ? 
 
 Early in July, some eleven years ago, I had gone, even 
 before sunrise, out of the gate of San Sebastian at Rome, 
 out upon the Via Appia, beyond the Circus of Maxentius. 
 There, in the utter solitude of what was once a row of 
 tombs, still stands the ponderous and stately monument 
 of Csecilia Metella, widow of the brilliant son of the avari- 
 cious triumvir, Crassus, consort later of Pompeius Magnus, 
 whom she saw foully slain hard by the beach of Egypt. 
 As I looked out upon the wide and dreary Campagna and 
 upon the distant fragments of arches of the Aqua Claudia 
 (built by that emperor who was induced by his empress 
 Messalina to banish Seneca), the most vigorous mental 
 image associated with the spot on which I stood was that 
 of Paul of Tarsus. He had appealed to Nero. It was in 
 the spring of 62 A.D. He had come up from the great 
 commercial port of Puteoli, and he walked by this very 
 tomb, Romeward, to meet his judge and his judgment. 
 In this same year that judge of the great apostle married 
 Poppsea, and slew his divorced spouse Octavia. Seneca 
 and Paul: the one looking back upon all his. brilliant 
 career, and achievements ; he called them " vana studia" 
 He knew he was not far from the goal, and entered upon 
 his EpistulcB Morales. The one striving for absolute free- 
 dom and living in a proud defiance of all while buoyed 
 up by a conformity with the Universe, he still wrote : 
 ftv
 
 434 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 "With himself is the Wise Man contented" ("Ep.," 9, 
 13). The other one had written of that which was foolish- 
 ness to the Greeks : but he was anxious and bent upon 
 spreading it over the earth : no proud academic person : 
 "An ambassador in bonds." 
 
 Why is culture so unsatisfactory as the evanescence of 
 years cheapens for our souls the very world which we 
 have endeavored to comprehend? Hadrian on his last 
 pillow : was there anywhere a greater microcosm of 
 classic civilization? When he came to die, why was he 
 not consoled by his memories of the comely Antinous, by 
 the temples and splendid statues he had reared or en- 
 dowed, by the verse and the wit and wisdom which he 
 had mastered, by the judgment and acumen with which 
 he, a double sovereign, had held sway among the most 
 conspicuous critics, poets, scholars of his time ? He had 
 lost all concern for all things but one : his soul (^Elius 
 Spartianus, " Hadrian," 25). 
 
 " Dear Soul, roving dear, soft-speaking dear, 
 Guest and companion of the body, 
 To what places wilt now depart 
 Pale poor thing, a-shivering, stripped poor thing ? 
 Nor, as thy wont, wilt utter jests ? " 
 
 UNIVERSITY HEIGHTS, NEW YORK, May 1, 1908.
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II 
 
 CHRONOLOGY OF HUMANISTS 
 
 1374. Petrarch dies. 
 
 1375. Boccaccio dies. 
 
 1396. Manuel Chrysoloras induced to occupy chair of Greek at Florence. 
 
 1398. Filelfo born at Tolentino (near Ancona). 
 
 1402. Poggio appointed Apostolic Secretary at twenty-two. 
 
 1414. Poggio from Council of Constance visits St. Gall and other libraries, 
 
 in quest of Classic Latin Codices. 
 1417. Filelfo to Venice, where he remains two years. 
 1419. Filelfo to Constantinople as secretary to Venetian consul-general, 
 
 to master Greek. There marries a daughter of John Chrysoloras. 
 
 1427. Lionardo Bruni appointed Chancellor of republic of Florence. 
 
 Filelfo returns to Venice as professor of eloquence. 
 
 1428. Filelfo at Bologna. 
 
 1429-1433. Filelfo at Florence, appointed professor of commonwealth. 
 1431. Lorenzo Valla at Pavia. 
 
 1433. Beccadelli, the pornographer, crowned as poet by the emperor 
 
 Sigismund. 
 
 1434. Filelfo leaves Florence. 
 
 1437. Valla, private secretary of Alfonso, king of Naples. 
 
 1438. Greeks crowd Florence during sessions of Council. Ficinus born. 
 
 1439. Eugenius IV makes Bessarion the Byzantine a Roman cardinal. 
 
 Filelfo settles at Milan. 
 
 1441. Four hundred Codices of Niccoli placed in library of San Marco at 
 Florence. 
 
 1447. The Bibliophile Parentucelli becomes pope as Nicholas V. Sum- 
 mons Valla to Rome with honor. Chalcondylas comes to Rome. 
 
 1450. Theodoros Gaza admitted to Bessarion's household at Rome. 
 
 1451. Filelfo's Satires dedicated to King Alfonso of Naples. 
 
 1453. Fall of Constantinople. Poggio chancellor of Florence at seventy- 
 three, 
 
 435
 
 436 TESTIMONIUM ANDLE 
 
 1454. Politian born. 
 
 1456. Argyropulos teacher of Greek at Florence. 
 
 1457. Death of Valla. 
 
 1468. Trapezuntios attacks Plato's moral character. 
 
 1459. Poggio dies and is buried in Santa Croce, Florence. 
 
 1460. Thomas Linacre born at Canterbury. 
 
 1463. Pico della Mirandola born. 
 
 1464. Cosirao dei Medici, " Pater Patrise," dies at Florence. 
 
 1465. The Press of Sweynheim and Pannartz established at Subiaco, 
 
 whence it was removed to Rome. 
 
 1467. Desiderius Erasmus born in the Netherlands. 
 
 1468. Bessarion offers his library to Venice. Paul n imprisons Pom- 
 
 ponius Lretus. 
 
 1469. Peter of Medici (father of Lorenzo) dies. 
 
 1470. Bembo born. 
 
 1471. First press at Florence (Servius on Vergil). Thomas a Kempis 
 
 dies near Zwolle. 
 
 1475. Filelfo lectures at Rome. 
 
 1476. Greek grammar of Lascaris printed at Milan. 
 
 1480. JEsop and Theocritus published at Milan. 
 
 1481. Filelfo dies at Florence. 
 
 1482. Ficinus completes his Latin version of Plato. 
 
 1486. Pico's nine hundred theses (of Platonic mysticism) published at 
 Rome. 
 
 1488. First print of Homer, press of Lorenzo Alopa. 
 
 1490. Aldus Manutius determines to set up his press at Venice. Marcus 
 Musurus, a Cretan, furnished model for Greek type. The Aldine 
 type of Italic was adopted from the handwriting of Petrarch. 
 
 1492. Ficinus published an edition (with commentary) of Plotinus, one 
 
 month after Lorenzo dei Medici's death. 
 
 1493. Pico absolved by a brief of Alexander VI. Isocrates published at 
 
 Milan. 
 
 1494. Death of Pico and Politian. 
 
 1495. Aldus published Theocritus, dedicated to Guarinus of Verona. 
 
 First volume of Aristotle. 
 
 1496. Erasmus at twenty-nine visits a Prince de Vere in Flanders. 
 
 1498. Pomponius Lsetus dies. Last volumes of the Aldine Aristotle. 
 
 Nine comedies of Aristophanes. 
 
 1499. Linacre's translation of Proclus's " Sphere " published by Aldus. 
 
 1500. Before this date 4987 books were printed in Italy. Aldine Academy 
 
 of Hellenists.
 
 APPENDIX 437 
 
 1502. The Aldiue Thucydides, Sophocles, Herodotus. Lucrezia Borgia 
 
 makes her entry as duchess of Ferrara. 
 
 1503. Aldus's Euripides and Xenophon's Hellenics. 
 
 1504. Aldus's Demosthenes. Erasmus at Bologna. Saw Julius II there. 
 1505-1506. Erasmus in England ; his intimate friendship with Sir Thomas 
 
 More. 
 
 1506. Erasmus teaches Greek at Cambridge. 
 1509. Aldus publishes Plutarch's Minora. 
 
 1513. Aldus's Plato dedicated to Leo X. 
 
 1514. Aldus published Pindar, Hesychius, Athenaeus. 
 1522. Erasmus settles at Basel. 
 
 1524. Thomas Linacre (physician to Henry VIII) dies, haying founded 
 the Greek chair at Oxford.
 
 INDEX 
 
 (FIGURES ABB OF THE PAGES) 
 
 Academic, lie, of drawing culture 
 from everything Greek, 64 ; atti- 
 tude, 78. 
 
 .4cAz7JesandPatroklos, 101 ; Achilles 
 as heros, 119. 
 
 JEschines contra Timarchum, 264 
 sqq. 
 
 JEschylus, 136, 148 sqq.; person- 
 ally more spiritual, 155. 
 
 JEsop, 91. 
 
 Agalma (idol, simulacrum), 146 ; 
 divine honors given to it, ib. ; 
 oldest, most venerated, 146, 310. 
 
 Aiakos at jEgina, 121. 
 
 Aigisthos rewards gods for his ac- 
 complishing seduction, 67. 
 
 Alexander, 12, 125 sqq. ; beginnings 
 purer, 256. 
 
 Alexander VI (Borgia), 46. 
 
 Alkibiades, 136. 
 
 Allegorical interpretation of myths, 
 63, 72 ; refinements, 112, 288. 
 
 Altruism, 15. 
 
 Ameis, on types of gods, 63. 
 
 Anacharsis, 90. 
 
 Anaxagoras, 193. 
 
 Anchises, 61. 
 
 Ancyranum Monumentum, 398. 
 
 Angelo, Michel, 25. 
 
 Antigone, 13. 
 
 Antiquarianism, arid, of enumerat- 
 ing appellations of Roman gods, 
 340. 
 
 Aphrodite, 59, 60; in Cyprian art, 
 106; Phryng as model of, 129; 
 foe of chastity, 206 ; nudity of 
 idol late, 287. 
 
 Apollo, 59, 63 ; worship of, 145. 
 
 Apollodorus's Bibliotheca, 63, 65, 
 170. 
 
 Apotheosis, 11 ; no apotheosis of 
 men in Iliad, 68. 
 
 Appetite, 100. 
 
 Apuleius, 87. 
 
 Ares and Aphrodite, ballad of, 62. 
 
 Arete, areta, v. Virtus. 
 
 Ariosto, 59. 
 
 Aristarchos, 53. 
 
 Aristides rhetor, 146. 
 
 Aristippos of Kyrene, 28. 
 
 Aristocrats, 98. 
 
 Aristophanes, 1, 140, 149, 191 sq. ; 
 gross caricaturist, 221. 
 
 Aristotle, 3, 26, 36, 42, 81, 82, 85, 
 88, 144; on Athens, 190; on 
 manual labor, ib. ; definition of 
 Tragedy, 169; too narrow, 172; 
 on Pericles, 190 ; on refinement 
 of affections, 206 ; universality of 
 his research, 237 ; influence of 
 Plato, 238 ; Earlier Dialogues on 
 the Soul, 238 ; early conception 
 of God as some Being kin to 
 Intelligence, 239 ; origin of notion 
 of gods among men, ib. ; argument 
 of design, 240 ; not content with 
 mechanical explanation of the 
 world, 241 ; censures Demokritos, 
 
 439
 
 440 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ib. ; eternity of Matter, ib. ; God 
 prime mover, ib.; further defini- 
 tion, 242 ; The First is not seed, 
 but is the Perfect, 242 ; view of 
 myths, ib.; his God severed from 
 human concern, 243 ; felicity of 
 God in his perfect insight, 244 ; 
 Aristotle not concerned with an 
 hereafter, ib. ; theory of conduct, 
 244 sqq. ; defends slavery, 246 ; 
 on general type of humanity, 246 
 sq. ; his testament, 248. 
 
 Arnold, Matthew, 11, 20, 84, 262. 
 
 Atheism, 13, 16. 
 
 Athena, in Homer, 61 ; in Sophocles, 
 177. 
 
 Athenceus, 258. 
 
 Athenians, Athens, 2 ; abasement, 
 127 ; brief duration of empire, 
 173 ; Periclean Age, 173 sq., 189 ; 
 domicile for every talent, 188 ; 
 appreciation by exile Thucydides, 
 ib. ; democratic changes, 190 ; 
 democratic sovereignty, ib.; Polyb- 
 ius on same, 191 ; Pallas's holy 
 city, 197 ; dislike of Athenians for 
 Socrates, 221 ; no genuine remorse 
 for death of Socrates, 221, 262 ; 
 Plato's utter condemnation of 
 Attic democracy, 234 ; Athenian 
 goodness less communal than that 
 of other commonwealths, 249 ; 
 Menander a mirror of Attic life, 
 257 sqq. ; decay of family, 259 ; 
 fashionable women, 261 ; pruritus 
 > dispiitandi, 262 ; Attic traits must 
 not be confounded with Greekdom 
 at large, 262 ; a weary and sur- 
 feited civilization, 265 ; expen- 
 siveness of worship, an incidental 
 further burden for married men, 
 267. 
 
 Attic, decadent society, 65 ; comedy, 
 103; tragedy, themes of, 171 ; 
 subdialectical strain in Attic 
 
 speech, 185 ; particularist vanity, 
 
 57. 
 
 Augural matters, 354. 
 Augustine, St., 29, 413. 
 Augustus, and letters, 398. 
 Auspices, 354. 
 
 B 
 
 Bacon, 64, 312. 
 
 Beautiful, The, 3 ; v. Comeliness. 
 
 Beccadelli, 37. 
 
 Believer, The Evolutionist, 64. 
 
 Believers, The Old, at Rome, 357. 
 
 Bergk, Th., 116. 
 
 Berkeley, Alciphron, 16. 
 
 Bernard, St., 39, 52. 
 
 Bias, 81. 
 
 Bibliographical lists, fad of, 77. 
 
 Biological theory of man, 13. 
 
 Birds of gods, 77. 
 
 Black Plague of 1348 A.D., 30. 
 
 Boccaccio, 30 sqq. 
 
 Bceotia, 1. 
 
 Bonitz, Hermann, 237, 249. 
 
 Borgia, 46. 
 
 Brasidas, 123. 
 
 Britain, actual, 102. 
 
 Bruni, L., 35 sq. 
 
 Bryant, young, 142. 
 
 Bryn Mawr or Wellesley, 197. 
 
 Buckle, 3. 
 
 Bunsen, 374. 
 
 Byron, 22, 60. 
 
 C 
 
 Ccesar, characterization of, 376. 
 
 Catilinarian, crisis, 366. 
 
 Cato, Elder, on proper mode of 
 farmer's worship, 342 sq. 
 
 Cato, of Utica, 374 sqq. ; simplicity 
 and determination, 375 ; stoicism 
 of, ib. ; condemnation of con- 
 temporary Society, 376 ; death, 
 381 ; cf. 36. 
 
 Character, as revealed in nomen- 
 clature, 312-316.
 
 INDEX 
 
 441 
 
 Charles Eiver at Boston, classical, 
 25. 
 
 Chastity, 205 sqq. 
 
 Children, 98. 
 
 Chilon, 84. 
 
 Chivalry, 61 ; absence of, 171. 
 
 Christ, 18, 23 ; bearing the cross, 
 Libanius on the gospels of, 358 ; 
 central point of Christian faith in 
 Julian's time, ib. 
 
 Christ, W. v., Prof., 173. 
 
 Christian, 3; position, 17 sqq., 23; 
 religion, 116 ; more independent 
 of sesthetical accessories, 116 ; 
 St. Peter on basis of, 146. 
 
 Christianity, 4, 9, 14, 15, 18, 21 ; 
 (v. Ruskiri) nascent Christianity, 
 and aging paganism, 424. 
 
 Chrysippos, Stoic writer, v. Stoics. 
 
 Cicero, M. Tullius, 34, 71, 135, 365- 
 356 ; Philhellene and classicist, 
 141 ; fervor and cultural enthu- 
 siasm of, 169 ; in mourning, 169 ; 
 sketch of, 362 sqq. ; a Wunder- 
 kind, trend for idealization, 363 ; 
 equipoise in technical judgments, 
 ib. ; worship of glory, 365 ; in 
 Catilinarian crisis, 366 ; in exile, 
 368; noblest revelations of, 369 
 sqq. ; leaning to Stoics and also to 
 Plato, 370 sq. ; on death, 371 sq.; 
 civic heaven, ib. ; his end, 374. 
 
 Civilization, 17. 
 
 Classicism, 13 ; and Christianity, 
 22 ; weariness from, 24 ; contem- 
 porary, 431 sq. 
 
 Clement of Alexandria, 136. 
 
 Clinton, Henry Fynes, 173, 339. 
 
 Columbia University, Library of, 
 77. 
 
 Comedy, Attic, 261 sqq. ; v. also 
 Aristophanes. 
 
 Comeliness, 100, 222. 
 
 Comte, Auguste, 13 sqq. 
 
 Concubinage, 7, 60. 
 
 Concupiscence, justification of, at- 
 tempted, 38 ; loose views of, 61, 
 63, 112 ; v. Aphrodite and Eros. 
 
 Conduct of Life, 133. 
 
 Conscience, 421. 
 
 Constance, Council of, 35. 
 
 Constantinople, 39. 
 
 Cosmopolitan spirit, 197. 
 
 Courtesans, 104 sqq. ; v. Theoddte, 
 215 sq., also Phryne. 
 
 Creed, Hegelian, 12 ; Simian, 311. 
 
 Cretans, 64. 
 
 Criticism, Higher, 60. 
 
 Cross among Romans, 327. 
 
 Culture, 1 sqq., 11, 13; Droysen's 
 definition of, 17 ; Symonds on, 24 ; 
 Goethe's pride of, 22 ; of the Hu- 
 manists, 51 ; absurdity of attempt 
 to derive culture from everything 
 Greek, 64. 
 
 Curtius, Ernst, 84, 172. 
 
 Cynics, 91. 
 
 D 
 
 Daimones, 144, 151. 
 
 Danae, legend of, 65. 
 
 Dante, 25, 172. 
 
 Dead, the Book of, 68, 69. 
 
 Death in symbolism of Eleusinian 
 Mysteries, 139 ; consolation in, 
 142 ; of Hadrian, 142, 434 ; fear 
 of, 207 : Epicurus on, 273 sq . 
 
 Decharme on Euripides, 209. 
 
 Deism, 4, 5, 31, 43. 
 
 Deists, 4, 20. 
 
 Delos, sacred gifts at (anathemata), 
 310. 
 
 Delphi, 80, 143 ; source of author- 
 ity, 120 sq. ; as Greek Westminster, 
 128 ; Phryng there, 129 ; oracle 
 there, 166 ; looted by Phocians, 
 253 ; specimen quest addressed to, 
 306. 
 
 Demeter and Kara, 137. 
 
 Demokritos, 269.
 
 442 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Demons, Higher, 9. 
 Design, in Culture, 19. 
 Dindorf, W., 78. 
 Diogenes Laertius, 287. 
 Dittenberger, W., 302. 
 Divine law, 10 ; order, 90. 
 Doellinger, 130, 147. 
 Dorians, 66, 96. 
 Draper, 3. 
 Dreams, 178. 
 Droysen, J. G., 17. 
 Drumann, 381. 
 
 E 
 
 Education, Greek, 53. 
 
 Elegy, 96. 
 
 Eleusis, 136 sgg. 
 
 -Kgrin Marbles, 174. 
 
 Emancipation of soul, why not 
 maintained to the end ? 32. 
 
 Encomium Morice, v. Erasmus. 
 
 Endor, 161. 
 
 JFnty o/ grods, 42 ; v. Prometheus. 
 
 Epaminondas, 122, 140. 
 
 Ephesus, Artemis of, 145 ; honors of 
 this tutelary goddess, 306. 
 
 Epicurean, 9, 36. 
 
 Epicureanism, 38 ; of Maecenas, 
 396. 
 
 Epicurus, 267-274 ; quietism, 268 ; 
 chief tenets, ib. ; celebration of 
 his birthday, ib. ; extolled as 
 spiritual deliverer, ib. ; borrows 
 the materialism of Demokritos, 
 268 ; aim of Life, 270 ; a school 
 of Happiness, ib. ; Peace of Soul, 
 271 ; chief function of philosophy 
 to create a certain state of being, 
 271 ; classification of Desires, 
 ib. ; Theory of Pleasures, <6. ; 
 would not be an atheist, 272 ; 
 morals a matter of civil develop- 
 ment, utilitarian in their origin, 
 273 ; averse to matrimony, 273 ; 
 on Death, ib. ; Plutarch's censure 
 
 of, 274 ; cf. Maecenas, Lucretius, 
 Horace. 
 
 Epiphany, form of, 62. 
 
 Epistolce Obscurorum Vivorum, 50. 
 
 Erasmus, 22, 25, 47 sqq. ; loved 
 truth in a certain intellectual and 
 scholarly way, 49 ; his exegesis of 
 the New Testament, 49 ; on Lu- 
 ther's movement, 60. 
 
 Eros, Erotic, 100, 101 ; v. Con- 
 cupiscence, Venus Canina, 
 Sappho, 106 sqq. ; the problem of 
 Sappho, ib. ; the Pervert, 107 ; 
 Lesbian, 107 ; champions of 
 Sappho, 108 ; Col. Mure, ib. ; 
 Phaon and the Leucadian Leap, 
 ib. ; ecstatic silliness of Bern- 
 hardy, 109 ; Quintilian on Alcaeus, 
 t&. ; Anakreon of Teos, eulogist 
 of comely boys, 109 sq. ; Eros 
 favorite name of Roman slave- 
 pages, ib. ; Cicero's censure of 
 Greek gymnasia, 109 ; Plutarch's 
 "Amatorius," 110; usages at 
 Babylon and Corinth, 110 ; Teuf- 
 fel on amatory verse of Greeks, 
 110; Apollo and Koronis, 112; 
 a comely youth praised by Pindar, 
 116 ; close association between 
 pulchritude and libido, 116 ; Gil- 
 bert Murray on Dorian camps, 
 ib. ; concupiscence of gods, ib.; 
 in the plays of ^Eschylus, 160 
 sqq. ; The " Myrmidons," ib. ; 
 " Hyakinthia " of Spartiats, 168 ; 
 " loves " of gods without chivalry, 
 171 ; cf. 176 ; Deianira forsaken, 
 183 sq. ; adultery, 216 ; Aristotle 
 on Venus Canina, 248 ; Plato on 
 same, ib. ; fame of comely boys, 
 254 ; unnatural lust as an institu- 
 tion or widespread habit, 254 sqq. ; 
 Attic statutes, 255 ; Athletic 
 schools, evil influence, according 
 to Plato, 256 ; apotheosis of comeli-
 
 INDEX 
 
 443 
 
 ness, 257 ; Greek love, ib. ; eva- 
 sive phrase : T& watdiKd, 287 ; M. 
 H. E. Meier, on Greek love, 287 ; 
 erotic verse of Horace, 396 ; 
 anecdotes of bestiality, 426. 
 
 Erotikds of Plutarch, 86. 
 
 Ethnical Religions, 74 sq. 
 
 Etruscan discipline, 349. 
 
 Etymology of Brotds, of Homo, 71. 
 
 Eugene IV, 34. 
 
 Euripides, playwright, 194; modern- 
 ism in handling of legends, 194 
 sq. ; debates of his heroes and 
 heroines, 196 sq. ; on the here- 
 after, 200 sq. ; spiritual protest 
 against legends, 201 sq. ; moral 
 postulates, 202 ; influenced by An- 
 axagoras, 204 ; his "Hippolytos," 
 a drama of chastity, 205 ; conflict 
 between insight and appetite, 207 ; 
 aspiration toward a Providence, 
 207 ; critical attitude toward 
 Greek humanity, ib. ; condemna- 
 tion of athleticism, 207 sq. 
 
 Evolutionist believer, the, 64. 
 
 Excellence, 100, 111 sq. ; v. virtus. 
 
 Exotic character of Roman belles 
 lettres, 338. 
 
 F 
 
 Fable, 91. 
 
 Fad of bibliographical accumula- 
 tion, 77. 
 
 Fate, 57 ; and Guilt, unsatisfactory 
 in Attic tragedy, 180 sq. 
 
 Filelfo, 41 sq. 
 
 Fischer, E. W., Zeittafeln, 339. 
 
 Flux, All is in a, 13. 
 
 France, 10. 
 
 Freedwomen (Libertince), Greek, 
 in Rome, 396. 
 
 Froude, Anthony, 50. 
 
 a 
 
 Ganymede, Plato on legend of, 64, 
 100. 
 
 Garnett, B., 49. 
 
 Gellius, the fuzzy and pedantic, 360. 
 
 Germany, 10. 
 
 Gibbon, 4. 
 
 Gildersleeve, B. L., "Essays and 
 Studies," 361. 
 
 Giovio, Paul, 49. 
 
 Gladstone, 53, 60. 
 
 Glib generalisations, 14, 20. 
 
 Glory, motive with the Humanists, 
 29. 
 
 God, 3, 4, 5, 8, 11, 13 ; Personal, 
 11, 19. 
 
 Gods, of Greece, 53 sqq. ; of Homer 
 not essentially good, 59, 62 , mir- 
 rors of human lust, 65, 112 ; same- 
 ness of, and men, 68, 113 (a 
 notable passage in Pindar) ; cf. 
 118 ; are topical, regional, cir- 
 cumscribed, 114 ; Anger and Envy 
 of, 151 sqq., 171 ; cowering of 
 mankind before, 152 ; v. Prome- 
 theus; of JEschylus, 152; his 
 attempts to elevate Zeus, 155; 
 Persians despised Greek polythe- 
 ism, 163 ; god causes human folly, 
 165 ; hemp from which Attic trag- 
 edy was spun, 171 ; favorites of, 
 177 ; collision with, ib. ; local, 
 179; their endurance their chief 
 difference from man, 186 ; tute- 
 lary, 199 ; enumeration of catego- 
 ries of, by Pollux, 296 ; by Seneca 
 and St. Augustine, 413 ; Seneca's 
 contempt for actual worship of, ib. 
 
 Goethe, 4, 6, 7, 10, 20 ; his pride of 
 culture, 22, 46, 60, 87, 142. 
 
 Golden Age, 73. 
 
 Gracchi, the, 333. 
 
 Greek art, false abstraction from, 
 101 ; cantonal feeling, 167 ; come- 
 liness, valuation of, 113, 116 ; 
 worship of physical, 265 ; cult 
 of naturalness, 130 ; commerce, 
 decline of, 169; felicity, 113;
 
 444 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Frauenlob, no, 103 ; gymnasia 
 contained images of Cupids, 109 ; 
 heroic legends, 172 ; ingenium, 
 65; local pride, 118, 120, 122; 
 myths, low level of, 101 ; national 
 feeling, 80 ; national character, 
 grave faults of, 167 ; rating of 
 legends as history, 251 ; as aca- 
 demic influence, receding in our 
 time, 63 ; sculptors, 101 ; think- 
 ers, censuring the Homeric Olym- 
 pus, 71 ; virgins, 105. 
 
 Greekdom, futile abstraction, 87, 
 114. 
 
 Greeics, 2, 3, 14, 20; of Magna 
 Grsecia, 97; their spirit, 101 ; 
 cult of beauty, ib.; Aufklaerung, 
 absurdity of term, 193. 
 
 Gregorovius, 37. 
 
 Grote, George, 84, 172, 191, 222. 
 
 Guarino of Verona, 37, 40. 
 
 Guilt and Fate, interfusion of, 162. 
 
 H 
 
 Hadrian, death of, 434 ; patron of a 
 
 religious and cultural renaissance, 
 
 311. 
 Hamlet, note of death, 142, 208, 
 
 429. 
 Happiness, estimate of human, 162 
 
 sq. 
 Hebraism, controversial term coined 
 
 by Matthew Arnold, 11, 20. 
 Hegel, 11 sq. 
 Helen, 178. 
 Helios, not of Olympians, in Homer, 
 
 69. 
 Hellenism, 20; academic fiction, 
 
 exaltation of Mommsen in use of 
 
 term, 336. 
 Hera, 57, 68, 65. 
 Heraclitus, 82, 83. 
 Herbaria of Time, 64. 
 Hercules (Herakles), 68, 184. 
 Herder, 3, 4, 6. 
 
 Hermann, C. Fr., on Greek women, 
 104 sg.-147. 
 
 Hermes, 68. 
 
 Herodotus, 38, 55, 85, 159 sqq., 172 ; 
 affinity with ^Eschylus 160 sqq. ; 
 wider culture of, 160 sq. ; on 
 Hesiod and Homer, 161 ; partisan 
 of Athens in 431, 168. 
 
 Heroes, 2 ; theory of, 74, 119 sqq. ; 
 sacrifices to, 119 ; power of, to 
 bless or harm, 120 ; some famous 
 ones, ib. 
 
 Hesiod, 55, 172 ; pessimism of 
 moral judgments of, 75 sqq. ; v. 
 Prometheus. 
 
 Hetaera, the Greek, 217. 
 
 Hexametric phrase, 54. 
 
 Higher Criticism, 60. 
 
 Historiography, Koman, 339. 
 
 History, Philosophy of, 6, 11 ; v. 
 Mommsen, Comte, Droysen ; 
 crude efforts at, in Hesiod, 74. 
 
 Homer, 44, 53 sqq. ; on northern 
 tribes, 90. 
 
 Homeric Olympians, 112 ; Epics, 
 171 ; Sophocles does not rise 
 above that level, 176 ; Plato's 
 attitude, 225. 
 
 Horace, 106 ; as poet, 391 ; Greek- 
 ling, ib. ; death dominates his lyric 
 verse, 391 ; futility of far-reaching 
 aims, 391 ; condemnation of pas- 
 sion, 392 ; peace universal quest, 
 ib. ; wealth cannot satisfy the 
 soul, 393 ; his withdrawal from 
 the world, 393 ; a valetudinarian, 
 394 ; moralizing, 396 ; valuation 
 of things, ib. ; peace of soul, ib. ; 
 erotic verse, 396 ; sallies against 
 Stoicism, 397 ; respect for same, 
 ib. ; Augustan themes, in support 
 of statutory regeneration of so- 
 ciety, 398 ; avowal of sensuality, 
 399 ; utilitarian ethics, ib. ; sum- 
 mary of his Weltanschauung, ib. ;
 
 INDEX 
 
 445 
 
 mors ultima lined rerumst, 400; 
 
 influence of Pindar, 401. 
 Humanist popes, 45, 49. 
 Humanists, typical failing of, 41 ; 
 
 differences from Greek Sophists, 
 
 191 ; cf. 24 sqq. ; leaders of, 33 
 
 sqq. ; fatherland of, 60. 
 Humanity, 2, 3, 19 ; unalloyed, 60 ; 
 
 of Greek states, 190. 
 Humility, 60, 113. 
 
 lacchos, 137. 
 Iambic writers, 102. 
 Idealization of classical world, 25. 
 Idols, v. agalma ; oldest idols were 
 
 white stones, 146. 
 Immortal soul, 16. 
 Immortality, v. Chap. VII. 
 Infants, exposure of, 236, 248, 260. 
 Intellectualists, 5. 
 lonians, 56, 97. 
 Isles of the Blessed, 6, 74. 
 Isocrates, 140, 251. 
 Italians, considering themselves as 
 
 descendants from ancient Latins, 
 
 26, 35. 
 
 J 
 
 Jackson, A. V. W., Prof. , of Colum- 
 bia University, 172. 
 
 Jealousy, among Greek cantons, 
 167 sq. 
 
 Jebb, R., 53. 
 
 Jews, 5, 31 ; Cicero on their reli- 
 gion, 356. 
 
 Job, Book of, 58, 176. 
 
 Johnson, Samuel, 171. 
 
 Julianus, the Apostate, 357. 
 
 Justice, 96. 
 
 K 
 
 Kant, 4, 6. 
 
 Kassandra, unwilling concubine, 60. 
 
 Kelts, 13. 
 
 Kirchhoff, Adolph, 159, 208. 
 
 Kleanthes, 277 sq. ; his hymn, 279. 
 
 Kleobulos, 82. 
 
 " Knabenschdndung," v. Venus Ca- 
 
 nina, 287. 
 Kronos, 74. 
 Kumanudes, 308. 
 
 Lachmann, 401. 
 
 Lactantius, 109, 117. 
 
 Laodicean phrase, 107. 
 
 Lascivissimus versus, 87. 
 
 Latin, idealized by Dante, 26 ; by 
 Petrarch, 27 ; Latin verse held a 
 means of human immortality by 
 Humanists, 43. 
 
 Latinity, purer, 35. 
 
 Laudatio funebris, 330. 
 
 Lear, King, 98. 
 
 Legends and Epics, 54 ; vain at- 
 tempts to refine or purge, 55, 63, 
 148, 155, 169; v. Danae and 
 Ganymede ; absence of moral law, 
 70, 101, 135. 
 
 Leo X, 44, 49. 
 
 Leonidas, 167. 
 
 Lesbian, 107 sq. 
 
 Lessing, 4, 5, 91. 
 
 Libanius on Christ, 358. 
 
 Life and toil in Homer, 71 ; gloomy 
 views, 99, 187. 
 
 Lobeck, 135, 147. 
 
 Local limitation of gods, 74. 
 
 Loeb, James, translator of De- 
 charme on Euripides, 209. 
 
 L6gos, a lexical lanus-face, 192. 
 
 Lotze, 19. 
 
 Love, v. Eros, Erotic. 
 
 Lucian, 48 ; v. Gildersleeve, B. L. 
 
 Lucretius, bitterness and earnest- 
 ness, 382 ; hatred of Etruscan 
 discipline, ib.', seeks emancipation 
 of Soul, 383 ; faults of Universe, 
 ib.; Soul to him is material and 
 mortal, 384 ; resignation, 385 ; on 
 death, 386 ; bliss of extinction,
 
 446 
 
 INDEX 
 
 387 ; Inferno, i&. ; origin of popu- 
 lar Religion, 388 ; phenomena of 
 sky, 389. 
 
 Luke, St., 145. 
 
 Lust, v. Eros and Erotic; Sappho. 
 
 Luther, 22, 45. 
 
 M 
 
 Macrobius, 363, 359. 
 
 Madvig, 338. 
 
 Maecenas, moral character of, 396. 
 
 Maha/y, 150, 154, 171, 188. 
 
 Mankind, erring and sinful, 98 ; 
 best for man not to be born at 
 all, 99, 187 ; gloomy view, 102, 181, 
 187 ; ephemeral man, 153 ; civili- 
 zation acquired in despite of gods, 
 152,182 sq.; essentials of human 
 happiness, 162 sqq. ; inherited no- 
 bleness, 185 ; Greek aspirations, 
 187 ; felicitation before death, 198; 
 men sport of gods, 199 ; is Life 
 worth living ? 263, 265 ; praise of 
 beasts as happier than man, ib. 
 
 Mark, St., 18. 
 
 Mary, St., the Virgin, 44. 
 
 Material Culture, 2. 
 
 Materialism, 224 ; students of mat- 
 ter, 433. 
 
 Matrimony, 104 sqq. 
 
 Matthew, St., 18, 34, 49. 
 
 Medici, Cosmo dei, 37, 40, 42; 
 Lorenzo, 43, 45, 46. 
 
 Meier, M. H. E., 287. 
 
 Meister, Wilhelm, 10 sq. 
 
 Men measured with gods, 70. 
 
 Menander, mirror of Attic life, 257 
 sqq. 
 
 Mendacity, virtus, A/JCTI), of, 61. 
 
 Merrill, Prof. Win., of California, 
 401. 
 
 Messiah, 9. 
 
 Metaphysics, 13. 
 
 Microcosm of Greek nationality, 61. 
 
 Middle Ages, 26, 38. 
 
 Might makes Right, 113. 
 
 Milton, 22. 
 
 Mimnermos, 96. 
 
 Missionary Fervor, why impossible 
 in Classic Religion, 353. 
 
 Moderation, self-control, continence, 
 V. ff<a<t>poff6n}. 
 
 Moira (Fate, Allotment), 57, 90. 
 
 Mommsen, 4, 12 ; Hegelianism, ib., 
 172, 312, 338, 374; the world- 
 spirit, 380, 381. 
 
 Montaigne, 25, 312. 
 
 Morals, morality, 6, 11 ; of Fable, 
 92 ; denial of moral law by Pro- 
 tagoras, 110; level of, 115; sense 
 of limitations, 176 ; false conclu- 
 sions from Greek art, 176 ; source 
 of fall of, Ajax, 177 ; revenge 
 and requital, 178 sq. ; conflict be- 
 tween civic statutes and higher 
 law, 181 ; sin must be associated 
 with consciousness, 185 ; Mercy, 
 186 ; civic laws and right living, 
 197 ; chastity central theme of Eu- 
 ripides's " Hippolytos," 205 sq. ; 
 statutes of local utility, 228, 233 ; 
 tax on sexual immorality, letting 
 out of, 256 ; paternal, largely de- 
 termined by questions of expense, 
 260; freedom of choice essential 
 in goodness, 263; of Roman so- 
 ciety in Seneca's age, 425. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, 48. 
 
 Mosaism, 31. 
 
 Muller, Karl Ottfried, 361. 
 
 Muller, Lucian, 401. 
 
 Munro, 401. 
 
 Mysteries, 135 sq. 
 
 Mythology, v. Roscher ; Roman, a 
 misnomer, 341. 
 
 N 
 
 Naegelsbach, C. FT., 57, 78, 130, 
 147, 209 ; speculation no basis for 
 Religion.
 
 INDEX 
 
 447 
 
 Naples, 1. 
 Napoleon, 10, 12. 
 Nathan the Wise, 5, 31. 
 National, character of Greeks, 167 ; 
 
 limitation of ancient religions, 74 
 
 sqq. 
 Necromancy, Odyssey, book 11 ; cf. 
 
 p. 161. 
 Nemesis, 76. 
 Neopagan (v. Nietzsche), 18, 117, 
 
 124. 
 
 Nestle, 194, 208. 
 Niccoli, 36. 
 
 Nicholas V (Parentucelli, biblio- 
 phile). 
 
 Niebuhr, 312, 338. 
 Nietzsche, 18. 
 Nomenclature of Rivers of Inferno, 
 
 69; by Hesiod, 73; personal 
 
 names, 312 sqq. 
 Nude, The, in Greek art, 287, 310. 
 
 O 
 
 Odysseus, type of Greeks, 61. 
 
 Odyssey, 58. 
 
 (Edipus, Prince, psychological mas- 
 terpiece, 179. 
 
 Old Believers in Rome, 358 sqq. 
 
 Oracles (v. Delphi), attitude of 
 Herodotus towards, 166 ; in time 
 of Hadrian, 294 sq., 305. 
 
 Olympus, Homeric, ancient critics, 
 71 sq. 
 
 Overbeck, as representative of ar- 
 chaeological exaltation, 129. 
 
 Ovid's "Fasti," 360. 
 
 Oxford and Cambridge, 28. 
 
 Paganism, revived, 25 ; v. Nietz- 
 sche; of Humanists, 45; Greek, 
 dusk of (v. Pausanias), 55, 63; 
 blackest cesspool, 255, 287 ; 
 classic, essence of, 415. 
 
 Panegyris, 79. 
 
 Pantheism, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 11, 81, 
 142 ; v. Stoics. 
 
 Pascal, Blaise, 17. 
 
 Pater, Walter, 46, 87. 
 
 Paul, St., 18, 38, 78, 311, 426, 433. 
 
 Paulsen, 118; his knowledge of the 
 Classical world inadequate, 19. 
 
 Pauly, 138. 
 
 Pausanias (traveller), 291 sq. ; v. 
 worship, agalma, Hadrian; his 
 genuine affinity with Herodotus, 
 292. 
 
 Pelopidce, curse of the, 158 sq. 
 
 Penelope, the Lady of Ithaca, 
 dragging down of, 103. 
 
 Periander, 85. 
 
 Periclean Age, 173 sqq. 
 
 Persephone, 115 ; v. Mysteries. 
 
 Persian invasions, 151, 162 sqq. 
 
 Pervert, 107. 
 
 Pessimism, 263. 
 
 Peter, St., 146. 
 
 Petrarch, 24, 27 sqq. 
 
 Phceacians, The, 73 sq. 
 
 Pheidias, 287. 
 
 Philemon, 263 sq. 
 
 Philip, King, 124, 248. 
 
 Philo ludceus, 119. 
 
 Philochoros, 146. 
 
 Phokylides, 97. 
 
 Phryne, the courtesan, her statue in 
 the temple of Delphi, 129 ; and 
 Praxiteles, 287. 
 
 Piety, Greek (eiW/Seta), 142 ; Plato 
 on, 143 ; essentially a conformity 
 with civic institutions, 144. 
 
 Pindar, 96, 111. 
 
 Pittakos, 82. 
 
 Pius II, Humanist pope, 39. 
 
 Plain people and Culture, 11. 
 
 Plato, critic of Homer, 72 ; on legend 
 of Ganymede, 64 ; on Orphic 
 mysteries, 140, 173, 222-236 ; re- 
 pelled by flux in phenomena of 
 Nature, 223 ; his Ideas, ib.; felicity
 
 448 
 
 INDEX 
 
 of soul, ib. ; Being and Becoming, 
 223 ; aversion for materialism, 
 224 ; orderliness of Universe, ib. ; 
 goodness of God, ib. ; a Pantheist, 
 ib. ; abandons the idea that out- 
 ward welfare is a sure sign of 
 divine favor, ib. ; righteous and 
 unrighteous man, 226 ; opposed 
 to subjectivism, 226, 229 ; Idea of 
 the Good, 227 ; God and Nature, 
 ib. ; the practical atheism of the 
 unrighteous, 228 ; assimilation to 
 God, ib., 229; fate of souls, 228; 
 Primacy and Eternity of soul, ib. ; 
 literary style, ib. ; Retribution 
 after death, 231 ; on the true 
 vision of the moral bearing of 
 things, 232 ; Plato's felicity no 
 worldly felicity, 232 ; on Social 
 Regeneration : his concern strictly 
 limited to the intellectual elite, 
 233 ; aristocratic ideals, 235 ; low 
 conception of love, 235 ; view of 
 ethnic gods, 236 ; various doc- 
 trines with reference to passages, 
 249; his "Phsedo" read by Cato 
 in last hours, at Utica, 381. 
 
 Plutarch, 85, 86, 87, 138, 139, 174, 
 274 ; furnishes important passages 
 on Stoicism, 288 ; attempted to 
 maintain popular, actual religion 
 in combination with Platonic doc- 
 trines of soul, 289 ; on Atheism, 
 290. 
 
 Poggio, 33, 43. 
 
 Politian, Humanist of Florence, 43. 
 
 Polybius, 317. 
 
 Polykrates of Samos, 163. 
 
 Pornos, a (v. Eros, Erotic, Meier), 
 87. 
 
 Porphyry, 53, 134. 
 
 Poseidon, 64. 
 
 Positivism, v. Comte; Positivist 
 school of literary criticism, 188. 
 
 Praxiteles and his model, 129, 287. 
 
 Prayer, 65 sq., 133, 178; cf. Worship. 
 
 Preller, 138. 
 
 Prometheus, 73, 75, 152, 182. 
 
 Protagoras, 110, 192. 
 
 Providence, denied, 267 ; asserted, 
 v. Stoics. 
 
 Ptolemies, 126. 
 
 Purity, 60, 112. 
 
 Pythagoras, critic of Homer's 
 Olympus, 71 ; his doctrines hi 
 Pindar's verse, 114; Pythagore- 
 ans, 114 sq. ; purity of soul, 134. 
 
 Quattrocento, The Italian, 45. 
 
 Quintiliari 1 s moral condemnation of 
 Greek lyrics, 36, 38, 107 ; on the 
 futility of micrology in mytho- 
 logical studies, 78. 
 
 R 
 
 Rationalistic millennium, 5. 
 
 Reason, 6. 
 
 Refining and purging exegesis, 63. 
 
 Religion, Homeric level of, 101 ; of 
 impurity at Babylon and Corinth, 
 110; Piety (etW0eta), 114; suffi- 
 ciency of Ritual, 115 ; low level 
 of righteousness, 116 ; intrinsic 
 worthlessness of Greek Religion, 
 116 ; theory of, and worship of 
 heroes, 119 sq. ; Egyptians had not 
 this cult, 120 ; heroes of Attica, 
 120; Delphi, source of authority for 
 current questions of, 120 ; Persian 
 contempt for Greek worship, 121 ; 
 local heroes, ib. ; at Platsea, 122 ; 
 apotheosis of the living, 123 sqq. ; 
 fundamental weakness of Greek 
 Religion, 141 ; of the Eleusinian 
 mysteries, 141 sq. ; essence of 
 Greek Piety denned, 143; reli- 
 gious acts bound up with seasons, 
 143 ; ascertaining proper locality 
 of worship, 145 ; necromancy,
 
 INDEX 
 
 449 
 
 151 ; objects of Greek worship, 
 156 ; Earth in, 156 ; fear of power 
 of heroes after their death, 156 ; 
 current standard of Greek Keligion 
 in 480 B.C., 166 ; right of burial, 
 178 ; Fear and Dread chief ele- 
 ments, 182 ; why Zeus to be 
 feared, 182 ; absurdity of using 
 Christian or modern terminology 
 in connection with ancient reli- 
 gion, 193 ; absurdity of using the 
 term of Faith, 195 ; tutelary 
 powers, 198 ; attitude of Eurip- 
 ides, 202 sq. ; conformity of 
 Socrates to Attic, 217 ; civic and 
 religious duties convertible, 218 ; 
 prayer of Socrates, 219 ; sacrilege 
 condoned, 253 ; worship by 
 wicked men, 266 ; ritual mocked 
 by Menander, 266 ; Epicurus on 
 the religious ideas of the Many, 
 272 sg. ; actual feeling of wor- 
 shippers described by Plutarch, 
 290 ; limitations of tutelary deities, 
 294. 
 
 Religious doctrine, political in- 
 fluence of, 14 ; of Comte, 15. 
 
 "Religiosi," The, in the Renais- 
 sance, 32, 38, 43. 
 
 Ritschl, Fr., 312, 374. 
 
 Renaissance, 33 sg. ; as resurrec- 
 tion of paganism, 37 ; painters of 
 the, 52 ; of Hadrian, 291 sg. 
 
 Repristination of letters, 51. 
 
 Responsibility, moral, declined by 
 Homeric heroes, 70. 
 
 Retribution, 66, 99, 116. 
 
 Reuchlin, 50. 
 
 Rhythm, 96. 
 
 Ribbeck, O., 401. 
 
 Riess, Ernst, 361. 
 
 Righteousness, 88 ; no religious 
 character in, 100 ; Pindar no con- 
 sistent prophet of, 115. 
 
 Rite and Ritual, at Eleusis, 138 sg. ; 
 2o 
 
 criticism of same, 140 ; of Orphic, 
 ib. ; at Rome, 346 sg. 
 
 Roman Religion, free from vicious 
 legends, 341 ; their dignity and 
 decorum in worship praised by a 
 Greek, 341 ; religio, religiones, 
 study of these terms, 345 sg. ; offi- 
 cial hierarchy, 347 ; Jupiter and 
 hisFlamen, 347 sg. ; Lord of light, 
 348 ; Etruscan discipline, 349 ; 
 fixed formularies, verba concepta, 
 350 ; contract of State with gods, 
 ib. ; simulacra driven in procession 
 before Circensian games, 351 ; 
 how to humor the gods, 351 ; 
 sacrifices, ib.; all terms of religious 
 usage obsolete to current under- 
 standing from their extreme an- 
 tiquity, 352 sg. ; invitation to 
 foreign or hostile gods to transmi- 
 grate to Rome, 353 ; Grcecus 
 ritus no spiritual progression for 
 Romans, 354 ; deification of Ab- 
 stractions, 354 ; Cicero on forms 
 of worship, 365 ; soundness of a 
 state religion held to be proven by 
 the outward faring of that state, 
 356 ; last stand of the Old Be- 
 lievers in Rome, 357 sgg. ; Sym- 
 machus essentially agnostic as to 
 the deeper meaning or basis of 
 human religions, 359 sg. ; Neo- 
 platonism, 361. 
 
 Romance, absence of, 171. 
 
 Romans, The, 3 ; "grratn'tas" of, 97 ; 
 their phrase ofpergrcecari, 98; how 
 they progressed in government, 
 318; regard for authority and 
 property, 318 ; patria potestas, 
 319 ; civil law, ib. ; guardianship 
 conceived as a public duty, 320 ; 
 Infamia, Culpa, and Dolus, ib. 
 sq. ; unfriendly to mere innova- 
 tion, 322 ; preference for rustic 
 life, ib. ; severity and sternness,
 
 450 
 
 INDEX 
 
 323 ; sumptuary laws, ib. ; utili- 
 tarian trend, 324 ; Frugi, 325 ; 
 cruelty, 325 ; military laws, ib. ; 
 slavery, ib. ; property triumphed 
 over humanity, 326 ; flogging, ib.; 
 the cross, 327 ; Patronus and 
 Libertus, 328 sq. ; civic ambition 
 powerfully kindled by funerals of 
 the aristocracy, 329 sq. ; parental 
 principle in their institutions, 331 ; 
 euphemism of political terms, 
 331 ; stubborn exclusiveness, 332 ; 
 political morality in conquest, 
 333 sqq. ; moral corruption re- 
 sulting from exploitation, 335 ; 
 Greek culture, 336 ; hatred of 
 provincials for, ib. ; conceit of, 
 337 ; as transmitters of Greek cul- 
 ture, 338. 
 
 Some, 1, 3 ; as described by Polyb- 
 ius, 317 aq. 
 
 Roscher's Lexicon of Mythology, 
 ogling article in, 64 ; appreciation 
 of, 78. 
 
 Rousseau, 2, 7, 60. 
 
 Rousseauism, 11, 60, 163. 
 
 Ruskin, 22 ; his attitude to Chris- 
 tianity, ib. 
 
 Sacrifice, imposes obligation on 
 gods, 66 ; symbolism of purifica- 
 tion, ib., 67; to heroes, 120; at 
 Plataea, 122 ; to the dead, 179, v. 
 Worship. 
 
 Sallust, 366, 378. 
 
 Salve caput cruentatum, 52. 
 
 Sand, Madame, 6. 
 
 Sappho, 106 sq. ; v. Eros. 
 
 Satyrs, and Pan, 34 ; and Sileni, 101. 
 
 Schaefer, Arnold, 252. 
 
 Schiller, Fr., 55, 135, 163. 
 
 Schism, the great, 33. 
 
 Schoemann, 65, 73, 77. 
 
 Scriptures, revival of the, 48. 
 
 Sellar, 401. 
 
 Seneca, L. Annseus, on Maecenas, 
 396 sq. ; style, 402 ; birth, ib. ; 
 philosophical teachers of, 403 ; 
 susceptible in youth to spiritual 
 impressions, 404 ; culture, 405 ; 
 exile, ib. ; consolation and pride, 
 406 ; tricks of courtier, 406 ; re- 
 called, 407 ; services to Nero, ib. ; 
 great wealth, 407 sq. ; practical 
 view of philosophy, contempt for 
 sciolism, 409 ; on Universe, on 
 "Nature," categorical postulate of 
 goodness, 411 sq. ; God and 
 divine Reason, 412 ; " Nature " 
 and God interconvertible terms, 
 412; on superstition, 413; con- 
 tempt for actual Roman worship, 
 ib. ; opposed to worship of power, 
 415 ; conformity to "Nature," 415 ; 
 prayer impossible, 414; hatred 
 for conquerors and autocrats, 415 ; 
 Stoic Saints, 416; on righteous- 
 ness, 417 ; freedom from passions, 
 ib. ; on boons, ib. ; on death, 417 ; 
 on suicide, 418 ; vacillation as 
 to hereafter, 418 sq. ; influence of 
 Plato, 419 ; " we are ripening for 
 another birth," ib. ; Seneca and 
 St. Paul, 420; resemblances to 
 Christianity, 420 sqq. ; " to obey 
 God is Freedom," 421 ; our physi- 
 cal being merely loaned to us, ib. ; 
 the soul alone, not sex or civil 
 station, determines the dignity of 
 man, 422 ; on aristocratic society 
 of his day, 425 ; spiritual pride, 
 434. 
 
 Servius, 145 ; one of the Old Be- 
 lievers of Rome, 359 ; Varronian 
 data in Servian scholia, why, 360. 
 
 Seven Wise Men, 79. 
 
 Sexual joys, 96, 104. 
 
 Seymour, Prof. T. D., 63, 77. 
 
 Shaftesbury, 3, 22.
 
 INDEX 
 
 451 
 
 Shakespeare, his women, 110 ; 
 Hamlet's soliloquy, 142. 
 
 Sigismund, emperor, 40. 
 
 Sihler, E.G., aim of this work, 143, 
 148, 196, 294 ; Berlin days, 159 ; 
 dissent from Usener, 288 ; on 
 academic deities, 311 ; on Lucre- 
 tius, 401 ; on Cicero's political 
 character, 381. 
 
 Simian, creed, 311 ; mythology, 
 433. 
 
 Simonides of Amorgos, 102 sq. 
 
 Simonides of Keos, 84, 193. 
 
 Simulacra of gods driven in public 
 shows, 351. 
 
 Sin, 21, 94, 99 ; of Ajax, 177 ; ini- 
 tial, beginning of curse, 158, 159, 
 185-186 ; Humanists ignored, 51, 
 65. 
 
 Singers in Homeric Age, 54. 
 
 Slaves, 422 ; slave-wars, 327; v. 
 Aristotle, 246. 
 
 Socrates, 210 sqq. ; seeks truth else- 
 where than in physical problems, 
 211 ; his noble error that right 
 insight must cause right action, 
 212, 220 ; primacy of soul in his 
 valuations, 212 ; Xenophon and 
 Plato, ib. ; universality of his gifts 
 of character, ib. ; and Delphi, 213 ; 
 theory of morality, 213 ; value of 
 given man determined by expert 
 knowledge, 214 ; power of his per- 
 sonality, 215; on adultery, 216; 
 conforms to his community in 
 views of unchastity, 217 ; con- 
 formity to state religion, ib. ; ig- 
 nores questionable legends, 218; 
 lofty religious conceptions, 219 ; 
 on rationality immanent in Na- 
 ture, 219; his death, 220 sqq. ; 
 caricature of, by Aristophanes, 
 221 ; on Sparta, ib. ; and his 
 daimonion, 222 ; Seneca on, 416. 
 
 Sodom, Apples of, 110. 
 
 Solon, 53, 86 sqq. ; moralizing of, 
 88 ; and Croasus, 162. 
 
 Sophists, 191 sq. ; difference from 
 Humanists, ib. 
 
 Sophocles, 139, 173 sqq. ; themes 
 from Trojan Cycle, 175 ; on Eros, 
 176; affinity for Herodotus, 178; 
 Homeric level, 180 ; spirit of 
 ^Eschylus and Herodotus, 183 ; 
 Requiem of the old master, 185 ; 
 native deme, 186 ; reader of He- 
 rodotus, 188. 
 
 ffw<j>po<r<jvT) (Sophrosyne), 93, 97, 
 99. 
 
 Soul, departed, 100 ; primacy of, v. 
 Plato, Socrates, Stoics. 
 
 Spain and Rome, 402. 
 
 Spartans, 12, 189, 221 ; condemned 
 by Athenians for their aversion 
 to culture, 252. 
 
 Speculation no basis for Religion, 
 209. 
 
 Spencer, Herbert, false valuation 
 of Man, Preface ; cf . 4, 14, 53. 
 
 Spinoza, 3. 
 
 Statues, 9. 
 
 Stobceus, 83. 
 
 Stoics, Stoicism, injecting their doc- 
 trine into Homer, 72 ; cf . 38, 42 ; 
 aversion for autocrats and con- 
 querors, 123 ; on Alexander, 125 ; 
 most virile revelation of Greek 
 mind, 274 ; Zeno of Kition, 275- 
 277 ; associations of the Painted 
 Porch, 275 ; Athens decrees hon- 
 ors, 276 ; elevation of Self-control 
 and Freedom, 277 ; Kleanthes, 
 277; his book, "Virtue of Man 
 and Woman is the same," 278 ; 
 Chrysippos of Soloi, 278; pan- 
 theistic drift of Stoic system, 278 ; 
 "God, Intelligence, Fate, Zeus," 
 different names of same Being, 
 279; Hymn of Kleanthes, 279- 
 281 ; " Nature," an academic
 
 452 
 
 INDEX 
 
 creation of the Stoic system, 281 ; 
 conformity with Universe, 282 ; 
 conception of Design : orderliness 
 of Universe engendered idea of 
 God, 282 ; allegorizing interpre- 
 tation of mythology, 283 ; Theory 
 of morals : conduct universally 
 obligatory to be chosen Kant 
 anticipated, 284 ; Evil, 285 ; 
 Boons : classification of, positive, 
 neutral, ib. ; lofty Ethics, ib. ; on 
 Passions and Emotions, 286; 
 Spiritual pride, 286. 
 
 Suidas, 148. 
 
 Superstition (v. Biess"), 76. 
 
 Suringar, 381. 
 
 Swinburne, 22. 
 
 Symbolism, 2, 55, 61, 65, 67, 76, 92, 
 132, 150, 299. 
 
 Symmachus and the Old Believers 
 in Rome, in the generation of St. 
 Ambrose and the emperor Theo- 
 dosius, 359. 
 
 Symonds, John Addington, 24. 
 
 Terence, 65. 
 
 Testament, New, 48, 49. 
 
 Thackeray, 6. 
 
 Thales, 80. 
 
 Themistios, 138. 
 
 Theocritus, 37. 
 
 Theodicy, 178!. 
 
 Theodosius, 358. 
 
 Theognis, 98. 
 
 Theogony, 55. 
 
 Theseus, 121. 
 
 Thirlwall, 22. 
 
 Thucydides, 172 ; on Athens, 189. 
 
 Timothy, St., 49. 
 
 Tolman, Prof. H. C., of Vanderbilt, 
 172. 
 
 Tragedy, Attic, themes, 171; ces- 
 sation of, 188 ; v. Wilamowitz. 
 
 Tragical conflict, 171. 
 
 Tutelary deities, 306. 
 Tyrrell, Prof. R. Y., 381. 
 
 Ulysses, v. Odysseus. 
 
 Undergods of Zeus, 68. 
 
 Unnatural lust, 86 sq. ; v. Venus 
 
 Canina, Eros, Erotic, Meier ; 
 
 Socrates on, 216 ; cf. 287. 
 Usener, H., the Polyhistor of Bonn, 
 
 288. 
 Utilitarian Ethics, 92, 95. 
 
 Valla, Lorenzo, 35, 38, 43. 
 
 Varro, studied by the Old Believers 
 at Rome, 359 ; his theories, 360. 
 
 Venus Canina, v. Eros, Erotic, 
 Unnatural lust; cf. 101, 150. 
 
 Vergil, 25 sq. ; his jEneid, 342; 
 bible of Old Believers at Rome, 
 359. 
 
 Verrall, 194, 208. 
 
 Villani, 26. 
 
 Villari, 46. 
 
 Vinci, L. da, 52. 
 
 Virtus (= Excellence, or some spe- 
 cific faculty or power), 366, 379, 
 401, 406. 
 
 Voigt, Georg, 24. 
 
 W 
 
 Wealth, 88, 90, 98, 113. 
 
 Weariness from classicism, 24. 
 
 Wecklein, 172. 
 
 Weimar, 10. 
 
 Weissenfels, 1. 
 
 Welcker, moral callosity of, 110 ; 
 
 overstatement by, 131, 173. 
 Werther, in petticoats, 8. 
 Wickedness, prosperous, problem of, 
 
 99, 176. 
 
 Wilamowitz, 159, 188, 310. 
 Winckelmann, 8, 87, 101, 116. 
 Wissowa, 130, 147; his admirable
 
 INDEX 
 
 453 
 
 treatise on Roman Religion, 353, 
 361. 
 
 Woman, 102 sq., 104 sq., 116; ab- 
 sence of chivalry in treatment of, 
 171 ; Antigone, 181 ; Deianira, 
 183; miserable position of Attic 
 matron, 269. 
 
 World-spirit, 380. 
 
 Worship of Greeks, 93; heroes in, 
 120 sq. ; Stoic theory, 283 ; acts 
 of, communal, 289 ; iopr-fj, ib. ; 
 described by Plutarch, 290-291; 
 joyous share in ritual, ib. ; Pausa- 
 nias, his work and personality, 
 291 ; idol (agalma) chief object 
 of, 296 ; enumeration of acts of, 
 by Pollux, 296 ; the xoanon, or 
 wooden idol, 297 ; transportation 
 of idols, 297 ; oldest most honored, 
 298 sq. ; Peaks in worship of Zeus, 
 297 ; local beginnings of certain 
 forms of, 297 ; requirements for 
 priests or priestesses, 297 ; worship 
 of Aphrodite came through Tyrian 
 traders, 299-300 ; pantomimic rit- 
 ual, 301 ; worship of Hadrian's 
 boy-concubine, 301 ; comeliest 
 youth chosen, 300 ; purchase of 
 priesthood, 305 ; priests must be 
 experts in ritual, 302; their per- 
 quisites, 304 sq. ; qualifications of 
 worshippers, 303 ; purification, ib. 
 
 sq.; object of prayers, 304; ex- 
 clusiveness and local pride, 306; 
 brotherhoods or sodalities, 307; 
 preeminence of oldest idol with- 
 out regard to its artistic excel- 
 lence, 310; Roman, 340 sqq. in 
 furtherance of agriculture, 342 
 sqq. ; exact formularies of pro- 
 cedure, 343 sq. ; quasi-contractual 
 type of formularies, 344; mos 
 maiorum, 344 ; Cicero on worship, 
 355 sq. 
 
 X 
 
 Xenophanes, censures Greek le- 
 gends, 72. 
 
 Xenophon, 143 sq., and Socrates, 213; 
 sterling qualities of, 218. 
 
 Zeller, Eduard, 146; Hegelianism 
 of, 249. 
 
 Zeus, 65 ; rarely a moral force, 56 ; 
 fatherhood of, limited to aristoc- 
 racy, 66 ; and Fate, 57 ; Overgod, 
 68 ; retribution of, 89; " Salacis- 
 simus," 117; ^Eschylus attempts 
 to elevate the conception of, 154 
 sq. ; slave of lust, henpecked, 155 ; 
 cited for unchastity, 205. 
 
 Zielinski, 208. 
 
 Zoological philosophers, 2; units, 
 21.

 
 I 
 
 III 
 
 
 I