HF /T&t- M IC-NRLF 231 * ^.IB f .'..V// CM cr^ oo ID o o University of California. FROM THE LIBRARY OF DR. FRANCIS LIEBER, Professor of History and Law in Columbia College, New York. THE GIFT OK MICHAEL REESE, Of San Francisco. 1873. // University of California. FROM THE LIBRARY OF DR. FRANCIS LIE13ER, Professor of History and Law in Columbia College, New York. THE GIFT OF MICHAEL REESE, Of San Francisco. 1873. WHICH HAVE APPEARED IN THE BANNER OF THE CONSTITUTION, ADDRESSED TO THB EDITOR, UNDER THE SIGNATURE OF HERMANN. PHILADELPHIA : PRINTED BY T. W. USTICK, NO. 3, FRANKLIN PLACE. 1831. &c. CHARLESTON, January 16, 1830. Dear Sir: I rejoice that you persevere in advocating the cause of Truth, Free Trade, and Liberal Principles. May yeur efforts to refute error and stem the tide of prejudice, be crowned with success. How long, my good sir, are we to submit to be made subservient to the contracted and mercenary views of weavers and cotton spinners, and toil to please the champions of the " American System," falsely so termed. Who were the men that composed the armies of Washington and the gallant Hero of New Orleans ? Not manufacturers, but the hardy sons of the forest, and the brave yeomanry of the United States. And who have contributed, by a well-directed and daring spirit of adventure, to elevate this Republic to the rank it holds among the nations of the world ? Surely not manufacturers, but our enterprizing merchants and mariners. What baleful talisman keeps us bound to this ruinous Tariff system ? It cannot be long before reason, like the radiant light of the sun, will break through the clouds of prejudice and ignorance which unfortunately exist in the Tariff States, and illumine the road which leads to the best interests of the People. Commerce, free and unfettered commerce, can alone give us power and prosperity, aided by agriculture. The framers and supporters of this partial, unjust, and oppressive law, would convert our barns into warehouses for manufactured goods, our ploughs into spindles, and our ships into looms ; and having compelled our honest tars to quit the ocean, they will at length, I should suppose, presume to usurp the dominion of it, and, in the language of Canute, command the sea to retire. The bountiful God of Nature has made the ocean to serve as the common highway of nations, to enable them to ex- change, on terms of reciprocity, the products of the soil, and the various articles of merchandise, for the use and comfort of mankind, and to cultivate peace, friendship, and good will with all, " entangling alliances with none." Are we to be the victims of a spirit of infatua- tion, and, by the mad policy of visionary men, to be deprived of all these advantages, and be barred out from the rights we inherit from our forefathers? Reason and justice forbid it. I venture to predict, that if this odious Tariff be persisted in for two years, that our sailors will be either driven into foreign service, or become smugglers, many of our ships, in every port, will be laid by to rot, our revenue be diminished one half, and, to end all our calamities, a dissolution of the States. But, (to use a nautical phrase,) I do not yet despair of the ship. We must trust to the returning good sense and energies of the people, to revive the good principles which prevailed under the Washington Administration, and by dismissing from their service the enemies to Free Trade, once more re-establish those kind feelings which formerly so happily existed between the North and the South. I shall hail the day with joy, when the disciples of List, Carey, and Niles shall renounce their erroneous theory. I sincerely hope that the good people of your native State, (particularly the honest Ger- mans and their descendants,) will not be misled by the idle clamor of the home market and non-exportation of the precious metals. These subjects, which have been so ably treated on by that admirable writer, Jean Baptiste Say, must be familiar to you. He remarks, " By the exclusion of specific manufactures of foreign fabric, a go- vernment establishes a monopoly in favor of the home producers of those articles, and in prejudice of the home consumers; that is to say, those classes of the nation which produce them, being entitled to their exclusive sale, can raise their prices above the natural rates, while the home consumers, being unable to purchase elsewhere, are compelled to pay for them unnaturally dear. If the articles be not wholly prohibited, but merely saddled with an impost duty, the home producers can then increase their price by the whole amount of the duty, and the consumer will have to pay the difference." In another place, this excellent writer observes : " If one country afford to ano- ther what the latter wants in exchange, what more would she have ? Or, in what respect would gold be preferable ? for what else can be wanted, than as the means of subsequently purchasing the objects of desire?" If the friends of the Tariff would only consent to be guided by this doctrine, all would he right, and our country would be happy and united. Wishing you success in a just cause, &c. HERMANN. CHARLESTON, February 28, 1830. Dear Sir : The cause of Free Trade ought not to escape the serious consideration of every intelligent man, whether he be in or out of the National Legislature. The enemies of the Tariff are rapidly increas- ing in every section of the United States, and I rejoice to hear that a revisal of it occupies some part of the precious time of Congress. I am but an humble citizen, in private life, and devoted to the culti- vation of the soil ; but were I a member of that honorable body, I should conceive it to be a paramount duty to use my utmost efforts to assist in effecting a repeal of it, and thereby yield to the voice of my fellow-citizens, which, from every part of the Union, calls loudly for justice! I am personally acquainted with many sensible and worthy men, who, on the passage of the Tariff Law of 1828, were among its warmest friends, but are now convinced of their error. " Truth is powerful, and must prevail." They are indeed truly great who can, by a noble triumph over their feelings, subdue their pre- judices ; and for this I honor and respect them. We are all liable to err, and are told by an eminent writer, that there is no doctrine so false, but it may be intermixed with some truth. Laws are enacted for the preservation of our political rights and moral welfare ; but whatever legislative measure militates against the best interests of the people, must weaken the ties of morality. I am by no means inimical to domestic manufactures; but a law which has for its object the protection of manufactures, to the injury of agriculture and commerce, must be productive of perjury and smuggling, and injure that very class it was intended to serve. How unworthy is this avaricious and contracted policy of the Government of an en- lightened people. " Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, auri sacra fames!" Manufactories, while judiciously conducted, and based on capital, with enterprize and mechanical ingenuity, will prosper without the officious aid of Government ; let their growth be the work of time, reared by the hand of industry, fostered and matured by the good wishes and support of the people of this great Republic, but not prematurely forced on by legislative power. We are informed by a speech of a Senator in Congress, from Massachusetts, that the United States have at this time upwards of two hundred millions of acres for sale ; this is more than sufficient to maintain thirty millions of people, exclusive of the vast bodies of land owned by companies and wealthy individuals. Agriculture has a charm for the rich, as well as the poor, which will, for a century to come, oppose obstacles to the ad- vancement of manufactures, to any great extent, in America. It is not reasonable to presume that a poor emigrant arriving from Europe, who understands the use of the plough and the axe, would prefer the confinement of a manufactory to the cheerful, healthy, and inde- pendent life of a husbandman. What man can be found, who would not exchange a life of drudgery and comparative servility, for that of a freeholder ? We know that land can be obtained in the Southern and Western States at the most trifling expense; and if half the efforts had been made to encourage emigrants to settle on the public lands, which have been made use of for promoting manufactures, the nation would be infinitely more united and happy ; and if the same amount of money which has been sent from the United States for the inhabitants of Ireland and Greece, had been bestowed in affording to the persecuted of those countries an asylum in America, and establishing them under the humane patronage of the Government, as cultivators of the soil, the cause of humanity, and the interest of the nation, would be more promoted than by any other mode which could be devised. What more cogent objection can be produced to the increase and extension of manufactures, than the fact which has been stated, " that the United States have in the market more than two hundred millions of acres surv.eyed and ready for sale?" And must this immense region remain a wilderness for want of laborers! Great Britain and Ireland, (according to the best authority,) with a population of twenty-two millions, comprise only eighty-five millions of acres ; and from necessity, more than choice, are devoted to manu- factures. The population of the United States consists of thirteen millions, and the Territory of Arkansas is alone nearly equal in extent to Great Britain ; and yet we are so infatuated as to be ambi- tious of rivalling her in manufactures. Heaven knows there is nothing enviable in the condition of any manufacturing nation of Europe. It is truly absurd to be jealous of the prosperity of Britain, France, or any other country: on the contrary, we have cause for, exultation, that Providence has enabled us to cultivate a friendlv intercourse with them for the -benefit of the human race. If we are opposed to British manufactures, we are not averse to partake of the bounty of benevolent Englishmen to aid in establishing Colleges and Theological Seminaries ; and, for the purpose of forwarding Internal Improvements, we feel no reluctance in borrowing money from the honest, laborious, and enterprizing Dutch. A late illustrious writer,* has justly observed, thit the more extended and the more constant intercourse which the improvements in commerce and in the art of navigation have opened among the distant quarters of the globe, cannot fail to operate in undermining local and national prejudices, and imparting to the whole species the intellectual acquisitions of each particular community. The accumulated experience of ages has already taught the rulers of mankind, that the most fruitful and the most permanent sources of revenue are to be derived, not from conquered and tributary provinces, but from the internal prosperity and wealth of their own subjects : and the same expe'rience now begins to teach nations, that the increase of their own wealth, so far from depending on the poverty and depression of their neighbors, is intimately connected with their industry and opulence ; and, con- sequently, that those commercial jealousies which have hitherto been so fertile a source of animosity among different States, are founded entirely on ignorance and prejudice." One of the greatest evils which has already ensued from the present Tariff, is smuggling. This will increase to a most alarming extent ; and not all the power of the Federal Government can ever prevent it. The odious law is not only destructive of the moral welfare, but of the best interests of the people. It is as unjust and oppressive to persist in the execution of it, as it would be to compel the farmers to sell their produce at home, and exclude them from the benefit of a foreign market ; one act of oppression soon leads to another. If, by partial and unjust laws, you divert trade from its natural and regular course, and by extort- ing from other countries more than they are disposed to exact from you, they will be forced to prefer other markets than your own, and it will be attended not only with serious loss and embarrassment, but it will be very difficult, i? not impossible, ever to regain our influ- ence and rank in the commercial world. An eminent French author very aptly remarks, that, in pursuit of what it mistakes for profound policy, or to gratify feelings it supposes to be laudable, a government will sometimes prohibit, or divert the course of a particular trade, * Dugald Stewart. 8 and thereby do irreparable mischief to the productive powers of that nation. When Philip II. became master of Portugal, and forbade all intercourse between his new subjects arid the Dutch, whom he detested, what was the consequence? The Dutch, who before resort- ed to Lisbon for the manufactures of India, of which they took an immense quantity, finding this avenue closed against their industry, went straight to India for what they wanted, and, in the end, drove out the Portuguese from that quarter ; and what was meant as the deadly blow of inveterate hatred, turned out the main source of their aggrandizement. I do most sincerely hope, that the friends of Free Trade will persevere in their laudable efforts to destroy the spirit o^ monopoly which so unfortunately exists in the very body of the pre- sent Tariff Law ; and which, if not soon extinguished, must involve these States in the deepest distress. If the manufacturers of the North are desirous of the good wishes and support of their fellow- citizens of the South, they must abandon the Restrictive System ; and by so doing they will secure not only a disposition to favor American manufactures, but they will give the fatal blow to smuggling, and restore harmony, unanimity, and prosperity, among the people of the United States. HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, February, 1830. Dear Sir: Every advocate of liberal principles must feel a deep interest in the success of your valuable paper, which sustains with great ability the cause of Free Trade, against the most preposterous doctrines which have ever been advanced in this country, and must, if persevered in, not only destroy commerce, and reduce to misery our brave and worthy mariners, but rend asunder those ties which were cemented by the precious blood of the Revolution, and have hitherto bound the North to the South in strict friendship and har- mony ; and God grant that this social compact may never be cancelled by hypocrisy and blind infatuation. It remains for the Banner of the Constitution to rally the champions of Free Trade and Sailors' Rights, and to invoke the God of Freedom to protect this happy Republic from the iron grasp of the Tariff monster. Your friends must aid you in exposing its naked deformities, and in exhibiting to the view of the people its hideous features ; like a Typhon or a Bri- 9 areus, it only exists to devour. Sir, in order more effectually td ' convince the people of the absurdity of the present Tariff, we must lay aside all the abstruse principles of political economy, and adapt our language and reasoning to their understanding, in plain matter of fact and common sense addresses : they have a right to expect it from us, and to be warned against the danger which threatens to involve them in ruin. We must know if they are willing to submit to be instrumental in pampering a few lordly proprietors of cotton and woollen manufactories. The hardy yeomanry of this country, and the honest laborers, (especially those inhabiting your native State,) cannot much longer sanction a law which will ultimately ruin our foreign commerce, and reduce the revenue to so paltry a sum that the Government will be obliged to resort to direct taxes. Of all the measures which ever disgraced a free nation, the Tariff is the most prominent. Consider it as you may, it is partial, unjust, and oppressive ; a spirit of monopoly gave birth to it, and it is nourish- ed by sordid interests, for the benefit of a few. Is this grovelling passion, then, to triumph, and corrupt the generous feelings of the sons of WASHINGTON, under the perverted and hypocritical term of the American System ? speciously invented to favor the views of a party, who, whatever may be their motives, will, I trust, ere long witness its downfall, beneath the frowns of an indignant people. A highly estimable statesman lately declared in the Senate of the United States, that the people of America are, and ought to be for a century to come, essentially an agricultural people ! There can be no doubt of the truth of this assertion. The vast field which agriculture opens to enterprize, and the blessings it dif- fuses, will for a long time oppose various obstacles to the prosperity of manufactures. Immorality, ignorance, poverty, and disease, are, unhappily, too often the inmates of manufactories in the large cities of Europe, which present a sad picture of squalid wretchedness. Let this serve as a warning to the people of the United States not to embark too extensively in manufactures. In the New England States, a crowded and intelligent population cannot fail to support manufac- tories under the most favorable circumstances ; and, if left to their own ingenuity and resources, they must prosper : they should reject the interference of the General Government, if they wish to secure the hearty co-operation and zealous support of their friends in the Southern States. The existing Tariff Law is fraught with dire cala- mity to the people of the United States. It will be productive of many evils. If it does not lead to a dissolution of the Union, it will 2 10 at least excite hostile and angry feelings. It has already given rise to extensive smuggling ; it will, from necessity, oblige many of our poor mariners to engage in it, whilst it will drive others to seek for employment in foreign service. It will be difficult to prevent frauds from being practised on the officers of the customs. It has reduced the value of our lands and the wages of the poor. The price of pro- duce is much depreciated. It will check the spirit of emigration, and thereby retard the improvement of the Southern and Western States. It will diminish a friendly intercourse with the civilized nations of the world, and force them to other markets for cotton, wheat, rice, tobacco, and lumber, and by that means inflict a severe wound on our agricultural and commercial interests. It is fallacious to suppose that a home market can consume one-third of the produce of the United States. It is to be hoped that the majority in Con- gress will have the magnanimity to acknowledge their error, and annul a law which is found on experiment to be vexatious and unjust, and which, if persisted in, will create general distress among all classes, and, by encouraging smuggling, injure the very people it was intended to serve. There would be as much justice in exacting a toll from every ship that crosses the Atlantic, as continuing in force the present Tariff Law. Accept my sincere good wishes for the success of the Banner of the Constitution ; and may it ever be raised for the protection of Free Trade and Sailors' Rights. HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, April 7, 1830. Dear Sir: You are not to infer from my long silence that I despair of the cause of Free Trade, of which I am happy to find you con- tinue the able advocate. The champions of the Tariff were enabled to carry their point only by dint of the utmost perseverance, and suffered no favorable opportunities to escape to make converts to their doctrines ; and were ably seconded by their friends, who suc- cessfully executed a well-organized plan of public meetings, to aid in adopting their "American System^" as they have been pleased to term it; and, strange as it may appear, to give a more imposing effect to their deliberations, a Convention was held at Harrisburg, in Pennsylvania, and in the very heart of a rich and beautiful coun- try, inhabited by an industrious and enterorizinsr neoole, devoted to 11 agriculture, who, I am sorry to say, remain passive under an odious and oppressive law, passed by Congress in obedience to the proceed- ings of that very Convention ; and which, while it fails to answer the expectations of the manufacturer, strongly militates against the farmer and merchant. If the friends of Free Trade would act with half the energy that characterizes their opponents, we should soon witness a termination to a system so derogatory to a free people, and pernicious to their interests. Let us use no stratagem, no sophistry; but address our fellow-citizens throughout the United States in the plain language of truth; and, by a dispassionate and ingenuous appeal to their good sense, ask if they will submit to be the dupes of a party, which persists in supporting a law that imposes heavy duties on some articles of the greatest use to the poor, and not only renders the agriculturists tributary to the manufacturers, but im- poverishes both merchants and mariners. Let us request them to give an attentive perusal to the very able and argumentative Memo- rial of the Boston Merchants, as well as to the convincing and lucid Reports of Mr. Cambreleng, of N. York, and Mr. McDuffie, of S. Carolina. These most important documents have fully exposed and refuted the Tariff doctrine, and should be read by every unprejudiced man who is friendly to foreign commerce. It is a happy circum- stance that we live in a country where no sedition laws exist, to prevent us from freely canvassing the measures of the Government, and where the sentiments of the most humble citizen can be convey- ed, through the press, without being dismayed by the arm of tyranny, or intimidated by the jargon and prating of demagogues. We depend on your highly intelligent paper for the earliest and most authentic information relative to any change which may occur in Congress in favor of Free Trade. The people anxiously await the wisdom of that body to grant them relief. Suspense is painfully irksome ; and, in the words of an eminent writer, " there is a point beyond which patience ceases to be a virtue, and degenerates into weakness." There is a crisis in national affairs when the voice of an enlightened people must be heard, and when the mask of duplicity must be laid aside. Proceed, my good sir, in your career of usefulness, and may the BANNER OF THE CONSTITUTION be ever raised in behalf of the rights of your countrymen, and be to them the same fearless and zealous champion at home, that you have been so honorably in a foreign country. THE BANNER OF THE CONSTITUTION will need no brazen trumpet to proclaim its triumph ; no mockery of empty pa- geantry to mark its progress. You need use no metaphorical Ian- 12 guage no ribaldry no affectation of the merveilleux. In pursuing the solemn and delightful march of intellect, you will never deviate from the path of rectitude ; and I trust that, in making honor and consistency the rule of your conduct, you will never cease to vindi- cate the principles of Free Trade and Sailors' Rights ! Admitting the motives of the friends of the Tariff to be perfectly patriotic and disinterested, they will soon have cause to be convinced of the failure of their projects, and the manufacturers will learn how much more beneficial it will be to trust to their own resources, than to confide too implicitly to the officious zeal and ill-timed interference of their political friends. What atonement will the friends of the Tariff be able to make to the people of the United States for the loss of the greater part of their most valuable foreign trade ? What reparation can they afford the merchants and ship owners, if they are reduced to a state of bankruptcy 1 What will be the situation of the greater part of a hundred thousand sailors, if their interests are to be sa- crificed to a most ruinous and disgraceful policy? Is it in the South and South-western States alone, that the evil effects of the Restrictive System are felt ? Ask the most enlightened merchants and agriculturists, through every section of the United States, their opinion of the measure, and they will readily pronounce it to be partial and oppressive. Our great commercial cities already feel the pressure of the times, and cannot much longer endure the hardships imposed on them by a destructive spirit of monopoly. It is in the power of the General Government to heal the wound inflicted by a precipitate and ill-directed experiment. Our rulers may be admo- nished by the language of a great moral writer, " that no usage, law, or authority whatever, is so binding that it need or ought to be con- tinued, when it may be changed with advantage to the community." The same oracular voice warns us against submitting to oppression, and tells us, " that physical strength is vested not in the governors, but the governed; and requires only to be felt and roused," Legis- lative bodies are instituted, in every free nation, by the people, for the express purpose of protecting their rights, to enact such equita- ble laws as may secure to all classes of the community the full en- joyment of life, liberty, and property. We are taught to believe that nothing but good can emanate from the Federal Constitution ; it follows, therefore, that if an act of Congress is productive of evil, (as in the case of the Tariff,) it must be repugnant to the spirit and principles of the Constitution. If it was the intention of the Tariff party to retaliate on the British 13 nation for the exhorbitant duties levied on our flour, rice, tobacco, &c. &c., then why not confine the Restrictive System to that nation and her dominions, until an honorable and amicable arrangement can be made with the Government of Great Britain to trade on terms of reciprocity. Under pretence of retaliating on Great Britain, the Tariff monster was let loose, to devour indiscriminately all who have come within its grasp. It spares neither French, Germans, nor Dutch. Is this the grateful reward we pay to the brave French nation, for services she rendered our country during the Revolution 1 And must the Germans and Dutch, who have done more to enrich the United States, by their honest industry, than all the mines of Peru could effect, must they, too, be sacrificed to artifice and to political intrigue ? must they be made to toil for the benefit of weavers and cotton spinners? to be confined to a home market, and, by an arbi- trary law, be shut out from the blessings of a free trade and foreign commerce 1 Descendants of Hermann and Van Tromp ! Freedom is your birthright ! and as long as you cultivate the soil of America you have a just right to all the advantages your industry can give ; there is not an able-bodied man among you, but he may make ten times as much corn as he can possibly consume : the home market, there- fore, is soon glutted, and foreign markets must be found for the surplus produce. The Tariff policy is selfish and ungenerous ; for it not only debars us from free intercourse with all the world, but it depreciates land and labor, and the products of the soil ; is inimi- cal to the poor, and will exclude from the sea our hardy mariners ; whilst it discourages many thousands of useful and necessitous people from emigrating to America, where several hundred millions of acres of land are yet to be cultivated. I remain yours, &/c. HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, February 7, 1831. Dear Sir: The friends of Free Trade and Sailors' Rights have much reason to rejoice that you have transferred the Banner of the Constitution to the great commercial city of New York, and in sight of that blessed Ocean which the Almighty has ordained to be the high road of nations, by which a friendly intercourse can be kept up, with a liberal interchange of all those commodities which the 14 industry of man can furnish, aided by the bounty of Providence, Foreign commerce is so essential to the prosperity of the United States, that no oppressive or unjust legislative proceedings ought to interfere with the honest efforts and enterprize of our merchants. It has ever been the sincere wish of every true patriot, that they might be permitted to enjoy a free and unfettered trade with all quar- ters of the globe ; but the Tariff, like the destructive pestilence of Egypt, has spread dismay among them ; they are left to struggle with adversity, and their enemies would compel them to abandon the golden sands of Pactolus for the dismal shores of Cocytus. The proud and honorable title of American Merchant will soon be extinct ; the deadly triumph of the American System will be complete, and its votaries will revel with a bacchanalian joy, characteristic of their mad ambition to rear up manufactures, and make a wreck of agri- culture and commerce. Sir, I do not hesitate to pronounce the Tariff of 1828 a violation of the rights of the people, an exercise of power that would disgrace an Ottoman Divan, in this enlightened age ; and if Congress are determined to persevere in the enforcement of it then, adieu to that liberty for which the precious blood of our Revolutioary heroes was shed adieu to the Constitution which the united wisdom of our patriot statesmen framed to shield us from oppressions, and to be a guarantee for equitable laws and equal rights. I believe most conscienciously that the Restrictive System could never have been adopted in the days of Washington ; the very attempt to impose such a measure on the people would have been considered an act of madness. All monopolies in a free country, are odious and oppressive, and ought to be resisted ; they engender a spirit of selfishness, and are only created for the exclusive benefit of a few avaricious adventurers. " Who," says an eniment French writer, "are the classes of the community so importunate for prohibitions or heavy import duties ? The producer of the particular commodity that applies for protection from competition, not the consumers of that commodity. The public interest is their plea, but self-interest is evidently their object. Well, but say these gentry, are they not the same thing? are not our gains national gains? By no means: whatever profit is acquired in this manner, is so much taken out of the pockets of a neighbor and fellow-citizen ; and if the excess of charge thrown upon consumers by the monopoly could be correctly com- puted, it would be found that the loss of the consumer exceeds the gain of the monopolist. Here, then, individual and public interest are in direct opposition to each other ; and since public interest is 15 understood by the enlightened few alone, is it at all surprising that the Prohibitive System should find so many partisans and so few opponents? Let the people beware of false friends and insidious demagogues. We are not without our Polignacs, who regard their own interest more than the welfare of the Republic. I do not im- peach the motives of respectable and enlightened manufacturers for many of them have already proclaimed to the nation that they are willing to trust to their own resources ; they do not require the fawn- ing adulations of popularity seekers ; they want not the officious and extravagant aid of the Government ; their motto is, " laissez nous faire ;" their probity is their surest safeguard. To these worthy men I would say, God prosper you ! and grant you the support and good wishes of the people through every section of the United States. I have no sectional prejudices or enmities they are the offspring of contracted minds. I seek the good of my country, and desire no other reward than an approving conscience. I will not subject my tongue to a gag-law ; but as long as the liberty of the press exists, I will claim the privilege of a freeman, in holding up to public execra- tion tyranny, in whatever form it may appear. I will not degrade myself by vituperative, scurrilous, and vulgar abuse, which some of our opponents have descended to use ; nor will your correspondent shrink from a candid and honorable controversy. The Tariff con- test has produced for us many adversaries, but theirs is an unhal- lowed cause, and must fail. We are not afraid to meet them in a fair and open field, and will never yield to those who have armed against Free Trade and Sailors' Rights. To expose the naked deformity of the " American System" is certainly no difficult task ; facts can be adduced from the works of the most eminent writers the world has ever produced, to defeat the champions of high tariffs and prohibitory laws. It is only necessary to mention the names of Fe- nelon, Dugald Stewart, Say, Washington, Hamilton, and Jefferson, to dissolve the wild theories which have been advanced in favor of the Tariff. If the opinions of these illustrious men are to be disregarded, then is sound reasoning useless, and wisdom of no avail in the cause of truth. Has not our estimable President (the honest politician and enlightened statesman) recommended a revision of the present Tariff Law to Congress? Has not the same victorious Jackson, (the man of the people, and their fearless vindicator) pointed out the neces- sity of some modification ? But his advice has been spurned and rejected. And has it come to this, that he must be treated with contumely ? Will not the people hurl from their seats those who have thus slighted their favorite, who has, in the mildest manner, offered 16 his wise and judicious counsel, in what relates to their dearest inter- ests 1 It is high time that the poor should be roused to a sense of danger of the evils that will arise from this same Tariff Law. Like a prowling wolf in sheep's clothing, it fattens on the vitals of the innocent lamb, and seeks to devour those who are most unsuspicious, and least capable of defending themselves. The whole fabric is rotten, from its very foundation it cannot last, for it is based on corruption. The Tariff does not materially affect the rich, but it makes a victim of the poor man; he is taxed without mercy on almost every necessary article he consumes ; he is misled by false doctrines, to flatter and beguile him into a tacit consent to wear the yoke, at the will and pleasure of his oppressors, that he may assist to pamper the lordly cultivator of sugar, the rich proprietors of salt and iron works, and the wealthy manufacturers of cotton and wool- len stuffs. The Tariff is a serious obstacle to the facility of promoting useful knowledge. It may, perhaps, benefit a few great publishers in America, but it taxes heavily foreign books, maps, paintings, paper, &c. In the true spirit of Vandalism, it wages war against the arts and sciences. It spares neither mind nor body. It injures most severely merchants, farmers, planters, ship owners, sailors, mechanics, and the laboring poor who toil in the fields, the forest, and the work shop; but if they presume to murmur against the " American," or I ought rather to term it the gulling system, then they attempt to use the gag-law, or, in place of argument, they revile, rebuke, and denounce them as nullifiers and disunionists. Sir, we live in " evil times," when honest men are persecuted to elevate the enemies of Free Trade, that they may grow rich at the expense of the merchant, the farmer, and the mariner. I venture to assert, that if the brave peo- ple of France were placed in possession of the uncultivated and fertile territory now owned by the Americans, with similar unbound- ed commercial and agricultural resources, that they would rise in the majesty of their strength, (with their beloved La Fayette at their head,) to resist a law which will impoverish the people, pick their pockets, relax their morals, loosen the sacred bands of society, introduce smuggling, and drive our brave tars from the Ocean, to seek refuge on sickly lakes and muddy canals, or make them car- men for rail-roads. These are but a few plain hints : I have yet more in reserve, and trust they may find their way among such as are unwilling to be duped by the machinations of political jugglers. Your obedient servant, HERMANN. 17 SOUTH CAROLINA, March, 1831. Dear Sir: The majority in Congress, like the satellites of Chajles the Tenth, presume to think themselves fully capable of governing the people, without being called upon to answer for their errors. During their two last sessions, we were kept in anxious expectation that the Tariff, so justly termed " the bill of abominations," if not repealed in toto, would, at least, have been modified in such a manner as to afford relief to an injured people. The President, from a zealous devotion to the public interest, recommended some alterations of the law, as he wisely thought there was a necessity to repeal the obnoxious parts, which bear particu- larly hard on certain portions of the population of the United States ; and without reference to any section of the Union, his mo- tive was, no doubt, to benefit the poorer classes of all who are engaged in agriculture, commerce, and the mechanic trades. In his Message he expressly says : " The present Tariff taxes some of the comforts of life unnecessarily high ; it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute to justify a general exaction, and it also attempts to force some kinds of manufactures for which the country is not ripe." What can be more just than these re- marks ? Was it not due to the feelings of this faithful friend of his country, that his advice should be received with the most prompt and respectful attention ? The very reverse was the case. His pru- dent recommendations were criticised in the most improper manner, and rejected with contumely. The President felt it to be a duty he owed his fellow-citizens, to exercise a virtuous influence to relieve them from the burdens of taxation ; for, although friendly to manu- factures, he is inimical to oppression. Every part of his able Mes- sage ought to have been distinguished by a calm deliberation, and free and dignified discussion. The people of the United States are insulted when an indignity is offered to their Chief Magistrate ; and of the conduct of the Committee on Manufactures they have much to complain. The intolerant spirit of a majority has been shamefully exhibited towards a numerous and highly respectable body of citizens of Philadelphia. No less than three hundred and fifty honest and laborious blacksmiths and manufacturers of hardware represented their grievances, in the most lucid, explicit, and respectful terms, to Congress, and prayed, in their petition, for a repeal of the duty on iron ; but they have experienced the same disrespectful treatment as 3 18 was exhibited to the President. The enlightened men, of every age and nation, have been opposed to a Restrictive System. Washington and Jefferson were always in favor of low duties, and the words of that great and experienced statesman, General Hamilton, cannot be too often quoted. In the thirty-fifth number of the first volume of the Fedeijalist, he expressly says : " Exhorbitant duties on imported arti- cles serve to beget a general spirit of smuggling, which is always prejudicial to a fair trader, and, eventually, to the revenue itself: they tend to render other classes of the community tributary, in an improper degree, to the manufacturing classes, to whom they give a premature monopoly of the markets : they sometimes force indus- try out of its more natural channels, into others in which it flows with less advantage ; and, in the last place, they oppress the merchant, who is often obliged to pay them himself, without any retribution from the consumer." No law passed by an American Congress since the Declaration of Independence, has ever operated so unfairly as this same Tariff of 1828. It fosters a vile spirit of monopoly, by protecting a very small class of the population, to the serious injury of every other : It has been made an instrument of intrigue and faction, to elevate demagouges and popularity-seekers to power : It taxes, without mercy, all the most necessary and useful articles of life imported from foreign countries, and thereby increases in price every article manufactured by the United States. No efforts have been left untried, by the advocates of the Tariff, to secure their favorite measure, and lull the people into an ignominious submission. An eminent writer has truly said, that " when the multitude are to be dealt with, there is a charm in sounds." The empty title of the " American System," can have no charm but for the vulgar ear. It has been introduced to beguile ; it is plausible, and not without its effect ; but it has been applied to a bad cause, which cannot be much longer sustained, unless the people are willing to relinquish their freedom, and be subservient to despotism, and a nefarious policy. .With a view to appease and divert the people, the Tariff party have circulated a rumor, that whenever the National Debt is paid, high duties will not be necessary. This is, indeed, a paltry subter- fuge, worthy of the source from which it emanates. Patience is al- ready exhausted, and no longer becomes a virtue when put to the test of such artifice. Every man of common sense in the United States must know that a sale of less than one-fourth of the public lands would extinguish the debt. It was never contemplated by those patriotic statesmen, to whom we are indebted for the Consti- 19 tution, that duties should be levied on imported goods for the pur- pose of protecting domestic manufactures. The sole object was to raise a sufficient revenue, by moderate duties, to meet the exigencies of the State; and, I sincerely believe, if the Congress under the Wash- ington Administration had attempted to force upon the people such a law as the present Tariff, it would have met a general resistance from Maine to Georgia. There was a time when men were lauded to the skies for resisting a Tea Tax, and Stamp Act ; but those who ought to resist " the bill of abomination," are denounced as " nullifiers," and traitors, and such like opprobrious names ; but he deserves to be a slave who suffers himself to be intimidated by ribaldry and empty threats, when engaged in vindicating his own rights and those of his country. Let our adversaries, the redoubtable champions of looms and spinning-jennies, enforce submission within the walls of their manufactories, but the hardy mariners and yeomanry of Amer- ica, I trust, will not .much longer submit to be their dupes and pliant tools. I thank God that our cause is rapidly increasing in strength. Maine and New Hampshire two bright stars of the East will never be obscured by the Tariff darkness which pervades their sister States. Boston that polished and hospitable city contains many brave and enlightened patriots, who will assist to restore commercial prosperity, and will unite with the South in resisting tyranny. Let her worthy sons who so nobly advocate the cause of Free Trade persevere, and they will triumph. Let them show the spirit now, that actuated their ancestors at the commencement of the American Revolution, and all will be right in spite of the puerile language, and the low vulgarity by which they have been assailed at a late election. Their cause is a righteous one, and must prevail against persecution and intolerance. The advocates of the " American System," in order to reconcile the people to their selfish doctrine, have declared their intention of rendering the United States perfectly independent of Europe. But this, however, laudable the motives, is fully consistent with all their chimerical projects. It is very certain there is no perfect indepen- dence in commercial transactions ; for interest will ever regulate men as well as nations, in their intercourse, from which mutual ad- vantages arise. France and England draw their chief supply of cotton, rice, and tobacco, from the United States, and give us, in ex- change, the articles of their manufactures we most need. It is, there- fore, our interest to cultivate the most friendly and honorable under- standing with these, and all other nations, by whose trade we may 20 benefit. It is the most egregious folly that a Government can be guilty of, to interfere with the regular and natural course of trade, by an unjust Tariff, which must, necessarily, embarrass and distress. " Honesty is surely the best policy," and all measures adopted in opposition to this maxim, will produce fraud and distrust. We have professed to act in the true spirit of liberality and justice to all na- tions ; but since the passage of the Tariff Law of 1828, the charac- ter of the United States has much depreciated in the general estima- tion of foreigners, who now charge the people of America with be- ing sordid and selfish. The present Tariff, in every feature of it, is characterized by the most flagrant violation of justice and fair deal- ing, particularly with regard to Holland and the free ports of Ger- many. I arn, dear sir, yours, HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, March 30, 1831, Dear Sir : You must not infer from the occasional interruption to our correspondence, that I am disposed to relax in contributing my humble efforts to aid the cause of Free Trade, which you have so ably and meritoriously sustained in your valuable paper, by sound argument and well-established facts. The champions of the Ameri- can System availed themselves of our lukewarmness to propagate their doctrines among the people of those sections of the United States where they expected to make converts, either by flattering the vanity of some, gratifying the avarice of others, or exciting a spirit of hostility against the citizens of States who would not sub- mit to be the willing dupes of a sophistry which can easily be refuted and exposed in its proper colors. You have truly observed, Mr. Editor, that " the present day may very appropriately be called a time to try men's souls," and that " this country has never been so near a political vortex as at this moment." Faction and artifice have succeeded in imposing on the freemen of this nation a burden of taxation, in the form of a Tariff Law, which, to the eternal disgrace of our Republic, has been tacitly borne, without making an efficient struggle to shake it off. It is time for the people to calculate their strength, judge for themselves, and be no longer misguided by the ambitious and mercenary views of designing and visionary men. 21 No stronger proof can be exhibited against the abitrary conduct of the majority in Congress, than the rejection or cold and unfriendly reception of those measures which militate against their favorite Tariff. Public opinion has been set at defiance, freedom of debate has been abused, coarse and taunting words have been utterred in place of mild and gentlemanly language, and discord has reigned, where, in the happy days of Washington, peace and liberty presided. Unjust reproaches have been heaped on the liberal party, from which not even the Chief Magistrate has been spared. His endeavor to re- lieve the poor from taxation, has been, in the opinions of the Tariff gentry, a most henious offence. But it is for the people to judge of the conduct of their Representatives, and determine how far they can be justified for having refused to repeal the most obnoxious parts of that law, usually termed " the bill of abominations." The President did no more than his duty, and that from the most pure and patriotic motives. He deserves well of his country. Any panegyric from my pen, on his character, would be a work of supererogation. A grateful country has rewarded his merits. Envy and calumny cannot taint his bright fame. Whilst many of his countrymen were reposing in security, he was enduring all the hardships of a military life, and fighting the battles of his country ; and, in the evening of his days, he is still found devoted to her service. He lives, like the mighty oak of the forest, unscathed by time or tempest, and, when he falls, posterity will do justice to his memory. The Committee on Manufactures appear to have been extremely sensitive whenever the Tariff question was agitated. They were violently opposed to a modification of it, sensible, as they must be, that a bad work will not bear the test of strict examination, lest it crumble into nought. They candidly acknowledge that " any change in its provisions would shake confidence in the plighted faith of Go- vernment." Let me tell these gentlemen, in the words of Mr. Jef- ferson, " error alone needs the support of Government." Truth can stand by itself. So, forsooth, the people must do homage to this Committee, and continue to be subject to the oppressive operations of a law which the President very properly recommended should be revised, and that "each interest should be presented singly for deliberation." But they were determined not to follow his advice, convinced that a bad cause would not admit of free investigation, without undergoing a thorough reform. An attempt was made to raise the duty on salt, that most necessary article of life, but, fortu- nately, failed. Mr. Haynes, of Georgia, in a very able and sensible speech, advocated the reduction of the duty on brown sugar. He concluded, by making an appeal to the " practical good sense of the country," and expressed his wish " to awaken in the bosom of the laboring man, as he whistles over the handles of his plough, the in- quiry why this unequal and burdensome tax should be continued, mainly for the benefit of the lordly capitalist." I shall now once more notice the sufferings of that most respect- able and numerous body of men, the mechanics of the County and City of Philadelphia, employed in various branches of the manufac- ture of iron, namely, as steam-engine makers, anchor and chain smiths, machinists, founders, hardware manufacturers, edge-tool makers, locksmiths, whitesmiths, and blacksmiths." Their memo- rial, of which you have made honorable mention, and which was published in your paper, should be read by all who abhor oppression, and advocate Free Trade. It is, indeed, a most lucid and sensible document, and comprehensive exposition of their grievances, written in the most modest and unassuming tone, dictated by a proper and becoming spirit. Such a petition required the most serious and re- spectful consideration, and to be followed up by immediate relief to the petitioners, who fairly represented their own sentiments and those of their brother mechanics. These respectable citizens, it is to be hoped, will not be trifled with ; they will no longer temporize, but demand as a right what has been denied as a favor. If they do not assist in destroying the Tariff monster, it will destroy them. Let them unite their strength with their brother mechanics through- out the United States ; make it a common cause ; appoint Dele- gates, and fix on an eligible situation for a general meeting or Con- vention. In the darkest ages of bigotry and despotism, men have sought a redress of grievances from their princes, and have not petitioned in vain! The mighty Autocrat of Russia is in the habit of receiving petitions from the most humble of his subjects, and administers justice to the suffering Russian. But, in this great Republic, we have before us a most extraordinary instance of justice being refused to an immense number of enlightened mechanics, from whose ingenui- ty and industry we are supplied with such articles as are wanted in war in the peaceable pursuits of husbandry and in every depart- ment of civilized life. The majority in Congress are glad to profit by the honest labor and inventive genius of these hard-working 23 republicans, and yet refuse to repeal the duty on iron, to enable them to carry on .their trades to advantage. You have spoken in merited terms of approbation of the mechanics of Philadelphia. 1 sincerely believe there does not exist in the world a more honest, intelligent, and obliging body of men. They have sufficient spirit to resent injuries, and are too independent to be sacrificed, by the Tariff party, to an abominable system of monopoly. The contracted and selfish policy of foreign nations ought not to serve as an example for the people of the United States, who pro- fess to practice liberal principles. No nation can be considered as strictly free, which suffers the Governmeut to make invidious dis- tinctions, by taxing millions of people to lay the foundation of over- grown fortunes for a few manufacturers, and sugar planters, as well as proprietors of salt works, and lordly owners of iron mines. The advocates of the American System, in order to reconcile their fol- lowers to their doctrine, have frequently introduced Washington, Hamilton, and Jefferson names dear to liberty. Those illustrious men were always opposed to a high Tariff; and Mr. Jefferson carried his opposition so far to manufactories, that he expressed his wish to confine them to Europe. As his opinions may not be generally known, I will here quote his own words. " Those who labor in the earth are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue." Again he says, " While we have land to labor, then, let us never wish to see our citizens occupied at a work-bench, or twirling a distaff. Carpenters, masons, smiths, are wanting in husbandry ; for the general operations of manufactures, let work- shops remain in Europe. It is better to carry materials and provi- sions to workmen there, than bring them to the provisions and ma- terials, and with them their manners and principles. The loss by the transportation of commodities across the Atlantic, will be made up in happiness and permanence of Government. The mobs of great cities add just so much to the support of pure Government, as sores do to the strength of the human body. It is the manners and spirit of a people which preserve a Republic in vigor. A degene- racy in these is a canker which soon eats to the heart of its laws and Constitution.' 5 I have been thus particular in giving Mr. Jef- ferson's real opinions on a subject which excites such general inter- est. He considered a manufacturing life as prejudicial both to health and morals. The opinions of this great statesman and favor- ite of the people entitle them to respect. I shall take my leave of 24 you for the present, in hopes of renewing our correspondence at no distant period, and bringing more intimately to the view of the peo- ple the evils arising from the Restrictive System. Wishing you all success, I remain, your obedient servant, HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, April 16, 1831. Dear Sir : Under the Administration of Washington, it was the pride and boast of the people of the United States, that they enjoy- ed a Constitution and form of Government based on the solid prin- ciples of freedom and justice, and so perfectly adapted to the securi- ty of their rights as to afford no cause of apprehension for them- selves or their posterity. The pure republican doctrines of men who had emerged triumphantly from the perils of the Revolution, were strengthened by conscious integrity and patriotism, and re- mained unadulterated by any of the new-fangled precepts which are to teach our honest farmers how much more profitable it is for them to twirl the spinning wheel than to improve their land, or to clear the forest. The march of intellect, and the rapid progress of civili- zation, will burst asunder the fetters which tyranny and prejudice would fain rivet on freemen, where liberty is sacred, and where the life and property of the citizen is under the safeguard of equitable laws. Let us rejoice that the period is not very distant, when every man in the United States, however humble his station, will be suffi- ciently enlightened to judge when his rights are invaded, and to form a correct opinion of all those legislative acts which infringe them. On every subject involving the political welfare of the nation, the people have a right to expect from their Representatives a deliberate and dignified discussion, free from party rancor and selfish consider- ations, never forgetting that the public should be preferred to private interest ; and, it would be desirable, if all legislators were admon- ished by the declaration, that " liberty is the the power which be- longs to a man of doing every thing which does not hurt the rights of another." Its principle is nature : its rule justice : its protection the law ; and its moral limits are defined by that maxim, " Do not to another what you would not wish done to yourself." In the trans- action of public business by legislative bodies, it would be a great 25 consolation if their deliberations could always be conducted in a spirit of amity and candor, and their measures adopted by the rule of justice and impartiality. Public characters are so often influenced by ambition to obtain power, and their feelings so frequently sported with by the factious and insidious, that it is difficult for them, on all occasions, to exhibit such an unblemished line of conduct as to place their political integrity above suspicion. I will not, however, dwell any longer on a theme that might lead you to think I am attempting a treatise on Government : I will leave that to wiser heads, and resume the subject of my last communication, and, in the language of the poet, I would say, " For forms of Government let fools contest, " Whate'er is best administered is best." As to what relates to the immediate administration of the Govern- ment of the United States, by our worthy Chief Magistrate, every reasonable and unprejudiced man will candidly acknowledge that he has given general satisfaction to the advocates of Free Trade. In all which regards our foreign relations, and our domestic concerns, he has acted with fairness, promptitude, and decision. Has he not, by his memorable veto, put a check to a wasteful expenditure of the public treasure 1 Has not the judicious appointment of Mr. McLane been followed up by the opening of the British West India ports to the commerce of the United States, and by which the patriotic States of New Hampshire and Maine are now reaping a rich har- vest ? Are not the Treaties with Denmark and Austria proofs of his wisdom 1 Is he not anxious that the National Debt shall be paid off with all possible despatch ? Are not the Indian Affairs, under his prudent and judicious management, in a fair train of ad- justment 1 And, lastly, has he not shown his noble independence, in defiance of the most execrable spirit of party, by recommending Congress to modify the iniquitous Tariff, with a view of relieving the poor from the burdens of heavy duties on all the necessary arti- cles of life 1 It was with infinite satisfaction that I read in the Banner, of the 16th of March, the able Report on the Blacksmiths' Petition, sub- mitted to the Senate by that highly estimable advocate of Free Trade, General Hayne. It contains much valuable information, and should be attentively perused by every citizen of this country, that he may see how shamefully burdened are the hard working and honest blacksmiths, by the enormous duty on iron, under this op- pressive restrictive measure j and, to use the emphatic language of 4 the Report, a " system artfully contrived to make the rich richer," while it humbles, in the very dust, the best hopes of those whose " hard hands and honest hearts entitle them to the grateful con- sideration of their country." You have paid a well-merited compli- ment to that ingenious and intelligent mechanic, Mr. Sarchet, whose extensive knowledge of his particular branch of business renders him a valuable acquisition to this country. I was greatly pleased with your remarks on the situation of Pitts- burg, as contained in your paper of March the 30th. You have ably pointed out the evil effects of the duty on iron, as applied to the manufactures of that article, and I am truly astonished that the people of Pittsburg have so patiently submitted to be the dupes of the " American System." The champions of the Tariff have exercised a direful influence over Pennsylvania. That beautiful State, so rich in agricultural resources, with a large and enterprizing population, needs not the aid of a monopolizing and grinding policy, to promote her prospe- rity. The distressed emigrant Irish deserve a better fate than' to be lured into the unwholesome atmosphere of a manufactory, in a State abounding in fertile land, and watered by noble streams. The hardy Germans and their descendants have grown rich by farming, and know too well the value of the soil, to give up the plough for the loom. Who would not be an independent yeoman, in prefer- ence to a manufacturer? Sons of Hermann, as you value your health, your independence, and the moral welfare of yourselves and children, continue to be the worthy, laborious, and honest cultiva- tors of the earth. Some of the friends of the Prohibitory System have vainly held out the hope of making converts among the advocates of Free Trade. I would sooner expect to see a total revolution of all the laws of nature, than that a man of common sense, belonging to the Free Trade party, should be a proselyte of the American System. Despicable, indeed, must be that man, who would change his creed to be an advocate of injustice and oppression. Whenever bigotry and darkness prevail over light and reason, they may then promise success from their efforts. The advocates of the Tariff have never been able to advance a single argument, of any value, in support of their doctrine. The most overstrained reasoning, and preposterous calculations, have been brought forward. Theory, dogmatism, and the absurd laws of other countries, have been all reduced to chaos, and from which, nothing of any importance can be selected, to con- 27 vince us that the present Tariff Law is favorable to the interests of America. In the words of a popular writer, I would exclaim, " Shall phrenzy and sophistry hope to prevail, " When reason opposes her weight, " When the welfare of millions is hung in the scale, " And the balance yet trembles with fate ?" - I do not wish to impugn the motives of the champions of the Tariff. I am willing to allow them the credit of supposing they are engaged in a good cause ; but I, nevertheless, am of opinion, that they labor under an infatuation which it behoves the people tore- move, by all means in their power, if they value the peace of the United States, and wish to save them from disunion. In order to make the people better satisfied with the existing Tariff, they are repeatedly told that the Restrictive System is not adandoned by the Government of Great Britain and the Continental Powers ; as if we, a free, sovereign, and independent people, are to be misguided by imitating the policy of other nations ! As if we, who possess some hundred millions of acres, requiring cultivation, are to be placed in comparison with those European countries so often reduced to ex- treme misery by war and famine ! The friends of the American System tell us of the wealth which Great Britain has derived from heavy duties for the purpose of revenue, and encouraging manufac- tures. Have they told us, at the same time, that Great Britain and Ireland are groaning under the pressure of an enormous National Debt, amounting to eight hundred millions sterling ; of the wretch- edness of the operatives in great manufacturing cities, and of the frequent disturbances produced by low wages, and the high price of bread ? Have they told us of the innumerable paupers, inhabiting manufacturing towns, and the many thousand distressed objects who are left to pine in want and misery, and who, if they had the means of paying their passage, would cheerfully abandon their na- tive land, and quit the servile drudgery of a manufactory, to seek an asylum in America, and benefit themselves, and the country, by their labor in cultivating the earth 1 Whenever the honest and in- telligent working-men will take time to reason and reflect properly on the fallacy of what is erroneously termed the " American System," they will find, that, where one man has been made wealthy by it, at least one thousand will be impoverished. They will learn that high duties have a tendency to injure the laboring poor more than any other class of people, and, by loosening the moral obligations to support a law that distresses them, they will soon begin to despise it 28 as partial, unjust, and oppressive* Never have a people been more egregiously duped by flattering promises, than the grain and stock farmers. The wool-growers were to make their fortunes, and were induced, to their sorrow, to purchase large flocks of sheep. Ask * all the ship-owners, and ship-wrights, what the " accursed " Tariff has done for them ask nearly a hundred thousand workers in iron, and as many honest tars, how they have fared by the Tariff and they will reply, that, while it makes them poor, it serves to pam- per a host of revenue officers, clerks, and subordinate agents, and to enrich monopolizers and smugglers. High duties often defeat the very end they are intended to answer. As an instance of this, I will here beg leave to mention, from the most authentic source, that, in the year 1804, the English Government raised the duty on sugar twenty per cent. ; previous to this, the revenue from the duty on that article amounted to 2,778,000 but they deservedly ex- perienced a deficit of c241,QpO. The increased duty of twenty per cent, did not yield more than ,2,537,000, instead of the sum of ,3,330,000, as was expected. May your efforts to promote the cause of " Free Trade," be crowned with success, and the " Banner of the Constitution" meet with that extensive encouragement it so justly merits, is the sincere wish of Your obedient servant, HERMANN, CHARLESTON, April 30M, 1831. Dear Sir : I lately read, with much satisfaction, some very sensi- ble remarks, in the " Banner," of April the 6th, applicable to the State of Pennsylvania. You have truly remarked that " she has no direct interest in the Tariff policy at all equal to the injury sustained from the operation of it ;" and your reasons in support of this asser- tion, I think, are sufficiently convincing to every unprejudiced mind. You have also alluded to the indefatigable exertions made use of to propagate the doctrines of Restriction, and have observed, that pamphlet after pamphlet was written and literally forced upon the peo- ple, against their wishes. I have travelled much through that beau- tiful and highly interesting State, which Providence has blessed with so many valuable resources as to render her perfectly indepen- 29 dent of any aid she can derive from the " American System," and I can vouch for the truth of your observation respecting the pains taken to disseminate Tariff principles which, like rank weeds, may take root for a time, and pollute the soil, but must fall under the scythe of the husbandman, to make room for the cultivation of a crop congenial to the land, and adapted to the sustenance of man. The delusion cannot last ; it will surely be destroyed by the good sense of the people : the prevailing darkness must be of short dura- tion, and will, like a mist, be penetrated by the dazzling light of the sun. Your yeomanry are really too enlightened to be chained to the car of tyranny, and submit to have their interests governed by the " Bill of Abominations." It is a lamentable fact, that, in all ages, and under every form of Government, however liberal, there have existed a certain set of closet-politicians, or political theorists, who have overrated their talents, and conceited themselves capable of legislating for mankind, without possessing that useful practical knowledge of human nature, and of the people among whom they live, and of the resources of the country they inhabit, to enable them to form a correct idea of the peculiar habits and condition of their fellow-citizens. Whether moved by a spirit of arrogance, or labor- ing under infatuation, they bid defiance to public opinion, and in- trude doctrines on the community which are not comprehended by the poorer classes ; but, by dint of cabal and artifice, aided by for- tuitous circumstances, they are ushered forth under legislative sanc- tion, with the most plausible pretexts, to serve party purposes, and to strip the poor man of a portion of his hard earnings. Such has been the operation of the Tariff Law of 1828 the object of which is to protect manufactures, and establish a privileged order of men, at the expense of the enterprizing and laborious. How long this order of things will prevail, is not for me to determine. Power and riches are rapidly passing from the many to the few : the lordly pro- prietors of iron and salt works, the wealthy sugar planters, and the avaricious woollen and cotton manufacturers, form a monopoly and monied autocracy. God grant that the friends of Freedom and Free Trade may soon awake from their apathy, and destroy the spell which has bound our country to a nefarious system ! This can on- ly be effected by a solemn appeal to the feelings and the good sense of the people, backed by a determination to resist injustice ; and, when all reasonable remonstrances are unheeded and contemned, there is physical power enough in the United States to take as a right what is refused as a favor. It is infinitely more noble to resist than 30 tamely to submit to oppression. The few men in Congress, of dis- tinguished talents, who advocate the Prohibitive System, seldom ven- ture to meet their adversaries in fair and open argument, lest, in the freedom of debate, the truth might expose and defeat their crafty policy. The zeal of the friends of the Protecting System is totally misapplied, and cannot be too much condemned by a discerning pub- lic. A man who goes pledged, to the Seat of Government, to vote for a favorite measure, cannot be considered as a free agent. If he is sent by the manufacturing interest solely, he becomes the instru- ment of their creating a puppet, to be put in motion at their will and pleasure and, to adopt the playful and figurative words of a grave statesman, "a mere bob to the tail of the kite of the manu- facturers." There never was a time, since the Declaration of Inde- pendence, when so little necessity existed, as at this present moment, for heavy taxation, direct or indirect. In less than four years, the National Debt, amounting to thirty-nine millions of dollars, will be extinguished. Moderate duties on all the luxuries of life, or on such articles as are in common use only among the rich, would furnish an ample revenue. If direct taxes could be deemed more advisable, then custom-houses might be dispensed with, and our free ports would be crowded with richly-laden vessels from all parts of the world ; American produce would rise in value, and American merchants would regain that high standing in society they are so deservedly en- titled to, from their intelligence and enterprize. This, however, may not suit many of the ardent admirers of the American System, who have embarked largely in the purchase of manufacturing stock, and who expect to reap a golden harvest by aid of the Tariff. Hence, then, arises so great a display of eloquence and patriotic professions, at town-meetings, among some who wish to persuade the people that their motives are disinterested, when, in fact, they are prompted by avarice. Will the poor man submit to kiss the rod of his oppressors, and help to pamper their appetite for filthy lucre ? or must he learn to curtail his wants, in order to lessen the burden of indirect taxes 1 If so, he must make one woollen cq$t serve him, instead of two, during an inclement winter, and consume less sugar and salt in his family, in consideration of the high duty on those ar- ticles. One of the reasons assigned by the friends of the American Sys- tem, for the passage of the Tariff Bill, was the necessity of retaliat- ing on the British Government for imposing heavy duties on our rice, wheat, and other grain. Many worthy farmers have been gulled bv 31 this pretext; but every man of common sense must, by this time, be convinced that the ostensible cause of passing the law was to protect manufactures, and to encourage internal improvements, by prodigal- ly expending large sums of the public money, instead of paying off the National Debt with it. What honest man, then, can blame General Jackson for checking the extravagance of the Tariff party, by his veto ? There cannot be a stronger proof of the injustice of the Tariff Law, than the oppressive manner in which it operates against the trade of the Dutch, and many of the ports of Germany, We derive immense advantages from our commercial intercourse with Amsterdam, Antwerp, Bremen, Hamburg, Lubec, and other cities, where our produce is either admitted free of duty, or subject to the paltry tax of one per centum ; and, in return for their liberal- ity, we tax their goods without mercy. Germans ! and descendants of Germans ! carj you sanction this act of oppression 1 Will you submit to be the slaves of a vile monopoly ? Can you consent to be excluded from all intercourse with Germany, the beautiful country of your nativity, and the land of your ancestors ? Will you suffer a few manufacturers and their political friends, (by whose agency they have been hoisted into office,) to debar you of free trade, and confine you to a home-market, and not permit you to benefit by a maritime com- merce, for the disposal of your surplus produce ? Bow not to the Tariff yoke ! Do not disgrace the land of Hermann, or that of Washington ! Live as you ever have done, friends of freedom and liberal principles ! enemies to tyranny and oppressive taxation ! What good has the Tariff done ? is a question which issues from the mouths of many What States have been enriched by it 1 None \ but all have more or less suffered, particularly the cotton-growing States. Of the New England States, Maine and New Hampshire have openly and nobly declared their hostility to the Tariff: they have set a magnanimous example to their sister States. Kentucky has been cajoled into a support of the Restrictive System, by the prospect held out to her of growing rich by the manufacturing of cot- ton-bagging and cordage, and the culture of hemp. The people of that State have too much good sense to be made subservient to the views of a party, and they now begin to perceive that their true in- terest consists in preserving a friendly intercourse with the Southern States, which afford the best markets for their stock. Ohio her near neighbor contains an enterprizing and enlightened population, whose chief object, for many years, will be to direct their attention to agriculture, and profit by the fertility of the soil which a bountiful 32 Providence has bestowed. Ohio is not yet prepared to manufacture extensively, nor is it to her interest : the facility of communicating, by the Lakes, with Canada and New York, enables her to obtain an ample supply of every kind of manufactures at a cheap rate ; and high duties will always be inimical to her success in manufacturing, as they offer strong inducements to smuggle. Tempt but the avarice of the smuggler, and he will bid defiance to all law ; neither the fear of the dungeon, or chains, will daunt his desperate courage, or re- strain his adventurous spirit. It is with great satisfaction I have heard of your determination to transfer the Banner to your native city ; and I sincerely hope that you will be liberally supported by an enlightened public, and particu- larly by the mechanics a great portion of whom, consisting of black- smiths and shipwrights, are suffering from the evil effects of the Tariff. I remain yours, HERMANN; PHILADELPHIA, June lth, 1831. Dear Sir : In my last communication to you, I ventured to express an opinion that neither Kentucky nor Ohio derived the least benefit from the present Tariff, and I think I will be supported by every im- partial and honest politician in asserting that these States have no interest whatever in adhering to the present odious " American Sys- tem," and in submitting to be taxed heavily on the most necessary articles of lifq. Men of common sense need not be told that, to es- tablish manufactories on a sure and permanent foundation, a consi- derable capital and surplus population are required, which these States do not fully possess ; admitting, however, the existence of both, what necessity can justify the Federal Government in imposing heavy duties on foreign goods, solely for the purpose of protecting manu- facturers, and enabling them to prosper at the expense of commerce and agriculture? This system of fraud, oppression, and injustice, would disgrace the most despotic countries of the world, and has been forced on the people of this Republic by intrigue and avarice. Unfortunately, the poor are deluded and imposed upon by a specious name, and have bestowed their aid in directing the withering hand of tyranny against their own rights and liberties. The advocates and champions of the Tariff, profiting by the apathy of their adver- 33 saries the friends of Free Trade succeeded in securing the confi- dence of persons unaccustomed to reason on the justice and injus- tice of the laws, or on the doubtful points of the constitutionality of them. To the independent yeomen, and the honest and industrious laborers, we must address ourselves, in the language of truth and sin- cerity, and tell them, in plain terms, that the existing Tariff Law was enacted, in 1828, in direct opposition to the spirit of the Constitu- tion, and for the express purpose of establishing a monopoly, by pro- tecting domestic manufactures, to effect which the poor must neces- sarily suffer, by paying more than the real value of almost every ar- ticle they consume, to enrich the sugar planters, and the proprietors of iron mines, and salt works, as well as the woollen and cotton manu- facturers. The influence of men of great wealth in the Eastern and Middle States, is made use of to keep up this system of taxation, and, having embarked large sums of money in manufacturing stock, their sole efforts are directed to their own advancement, and they care not for the agriculturists and the poor. Even our merchants, unable to stem the tide of prejudice and corruption, are fast degener- ating into apathy. Where are the men to be found inheriting the principles of their Revolutionary ancestors ? Where is the spirit that resisted the Stamp Act, and a paltry tax on tea 1 Can it be pos- sible that the character of this land of liberty is so changed, and the people so degraded, as to submit to be the dupes of a system that, if persevered in, will eventually annihilate our foreign commerce, and render the United States contemptible both at home and abroad ? Can it be possible that the patriots of Boston, and the other great cities, have abandoned the cause of Free Trade, and are unwilling to make an effort to defend their rights, and wipe from the face of the country the foul stain which has been stamped upon it by apostates to liberty ? Will they barter the Republic for filthy lucre ? Will they assist in oppressing the poor mariner and mechanic, and substi- tute looms and spinning-jennies for ships and ploughs ? Will they arrest the progress of the unfortunate emigrant who has sought an asylum among us, and doom him to toil within the walls of a manu- factory, inste " "idirig his steps to the forests of the South or the West, that ] .^ oe an independent cultivator of the soil, an honest freeholder, and lay up for his children a rich inheritance ? Will they join in the hue and cry against him because he is a foreigner I Justice and humanity forbid it ! It is really most ludicrous to notice the various opprobrious epithets which have been applied to the friends of Free Trade and liberal principles ! They are stigmatized as for- 34 eigners and nullifiers. The highly respectable and industrious me- .chanics who twice petitioned Congress, and petitioned in vain, for a repeal of the duty on iron, have been upbraided, for their truly repub- lican and honorable conduct, with being foreigners ; but they have gained a glorious triumph over their opponents, for having vindicated the cause of Free Trade against oppression and injustice. The ad- vocates of the Prohibitive System, when at a loss for sound reason- ing to support their cause, have recourse to slander and low abuse. Jt is of no consequence to the world whether a man be born on the ocean or on the land, if he is a useful and virtuous member of the community. What more have we a right to expect ? Who nobly devoted their lives and fortunes to aid in securing the independence of the United States, but foreigners, among whom are the illustrious names of La Fayette, Montgomery, St. Clair, Kosciusko, Steuben, De Kalb, Pulaski, and a host of others ! Who are engaged in our manufactories and mines, and labor in making our canals, railroads, and other public works ? Foreigners ! Who were our ancestors 1 Foreigners ! There is really something too illiberal and contracted, to be jealous of the merits of men, or refuse to acknowledge them, because they are foreigners. Genius is the property of mankind, and should be cherished by every civilized nation. The virtues of men are not to be fixed by geographical limits. He who labors to improve his adopted country, who devotes to her interests his time and talents, merits a civic crown, and ranks with the most favored of her native sons. The spirit of philanthropy shields from oppression the virtuous of all countries, without regard to local distinctions and sectional feelings. The term nullifier has been so hacknied, and so misapplied, as to be almost disregarded, and treated with derision. It is promiscuously applied, and little understood. The man who ventures to expose the folly and injustice of the " American System," is called a nullifier ! If he is the advocate of Free Trade, a friend to the poor, and champion of their rights and liberties, he is still- a nullifier ! Such is the persecuting spirit of the violent supporters of the " bill of abominations," that a very few escape the tongue of malevolence. One among the few has indeed been peculiarly fortu- nate and favored. I allude to a highly amiable citizen of South Car- olina, most justly distinguished for his integrity and talents. He has held the following language : " That, as Congress has imposed the Tariff, then is our indepen- dence but a phantom ! then have the patriots of the Revolution toil- ed and bled in vain ! then would it be better for us to return to our 35 former colonial vassalage, when, if unjustly taxed, the burden was imposed without discrimination upon all our countrymen when, if oppressed, our oppressors were not our representatives when, if en- slaved, we were not guilty of forging the chains ourselves with which our liberty was manacled." Had these truths been expressed by either of the two highly dis- tinguished patriots, Governor Hamilton or General Hayne, they would have been villified with the grossest abuse, although nothing but perfect contempt could be shown for the foul and slanderous tongues from which it might emanate. It is with pride and pleasure I read, in the last number of the Banner, the able speech of the Hon. George McDuffie, delivered at a festival lately given to him by a nu- merous and respectable party of gentlemen in Charleston. It is a lucid and impartial exposition of the injurious effects of the Tariff, and particularly of its operation on the interests of the South. This eloquent address is replete with sound sense ; it is the language of a true patriot, and should be read by every man in America. How long will the sordid spirit of gain continue to pervade this country, and blast the fair prospects of the people subdue the fine feelings of the heart and render a despotic and aspiring majority deaf to the complaints of their fellow-citizens ! In the name of justice, reason, and common sense, I call on every honest and disinterested man, whose mind is uncorrupted, and whose talents are not perverted, to unite in destroying the Tariff monster, that he may no longer fatten on the vitals of the poor. To the good sense and feelings of the supporters of the Restrictive System, I appeal. Let them retract their errors, and generously make atonement by promoting the pros- perity of the United States. If they value the peace of the Union if they regard the ties of nature if they have any wish to preserve the sanctity of the Constitution let them pause and reflect, and abandon a measure which is productive of nothing but discord. I solemnly invoke the spirit of a Washington, a Hancock, and a Pa- trick Henry, to save this Republic from being sacrificed to despotism and anarchy ! I solemnly warn the friends of the Tariff of the fatal consequences which must ensue, if they obstinately persist in their hostility to the cause of Free Trade. Let them take wisdom in their councils, and listen to the advice of those whose only wish can be to promote the general happiness of the people. I am yours, HERMANN. 36 PHILADELPHIA, June 25*7*, 1831. Dear Sir : Not many days ago I was prompted by curiosity to visit the elegant store of Mr. Van Harlingen, in Chesnut Street, where I had an opportunity of viewing his assortment of goods ; but, what particularly attracted my attention, were the articles of Ger- man manufacture, consisting chiefly of beautiful damask napkins, muslins handsomely embroidered, and superfine Saxon cloths of various colors, and superbly wrought. These last are designed chiefly for table, chair, and sofa covers, and are, perhaps, unsur- passed by any goods of a similar description in the world. On quitting this fashionable and much-frequented store, I was naturally induced to reflect on the impolicy and injustice of the Tariff, which imposes high duties on these, as well as many other more useful articles, manufactured in Germany and Holland. I was led, by a former communication, to make a few cursory remarks on the com- merce of those countries, and of the importance of it to the United States. The imports consisted chiefly of woollens, linens, and steel of the most superior quality, besides oznaburgs, cotton-bag- ging, Rhenish wine, gin, &>c. &c., for which they took in exchange rice, cotton, tobacco, and other supplies of American produce. The merchandise from the United States has always been admitted into the German and Dutch ports on the most liberal terms, and I think I am correct in saying, never subject to a duty of more than one per centum ad valorem. Every facility to our trade has been afforded every accommodation to our merchants has been granted and many of our citizens, who have visited both Germany and Holland, have experienced friendship and hospitality ; in return for which, we have nearly destroyed all intercourse with the worthy people of those countries, by the operation of the most unjust and oppressive law which ever disgraced a free nation. Sir, it is high time that the honest Germans of Pennsylvania and the other States of the Union should know the truth. Every article of German and Butch manufacture, under the present Tariff, is so shamefully and exorbitantly taxed, as to amount almost to prohibition. If we do not allow the Germans to trade with us on terms of reciprocity, they will cease to have any commercial intercourse with the people of the United States, and will consider them sordid and selfish, friends to despotism,and enemies of Free Trade and liberal principles. ,37 The Southern States were beginning to i'eel the great benefit of the trade from the ports of Hamburg, Bremen, Amsterdam, Rotter- dam, and Antwerp, when it was interrupted by the embargo, the war, and, the greatest curse of all, the Tariff. The port of Charleston was once enriched by the German trade ; a great pro- portion of the crop of rice of South Carolina went to Germany, which will afford a great market for our cotton when, the Tariff is repealed. This vile and odious policy, so erroneously termed the " American System," will exclude the hardy German emigrants from our soil, by destroying the trade and the most direct means of conveyance. We want their integrity and industry, which, to the United States, are more valuable than gold. Let them come as peaceable cultivators of the earth should they come in thousands for many years hence, they would be but thinly scattered over a wilderness that yet remains to be cultivated ; and, if improved by the hand of industry, is capable of sustaining more than one hun- dred millions of people. I would ask if this is not preferable to forcing prematurely manufactories on the nation. We must not lose the trade of Germany, and Holland, and of nearly all Europe, and be satisfied to toil for manufacturers at home, and submit to be taxed for their benefit, and the wealthy proprietors of sugar planta- tions, iron mines, and salt works. Let us call on the Germans of Pennsylvania, and their descen- dants, to unite their strength and influence to destroy a corrupt system, which, like a canker-worm, is feeding on the fairest fruits of the land, and blasting the best prospects of the husbandman. Let the majority of Congress, if they wish to consult the general good, turn their attention to objects more worthy of their considera- tion, than depriving the honest blacksmith of a part of his hard earnings, by taxing heavily the iron of foreign countries, and oblig- ing him to pay a high price for such as he can procure from the mines of the United States, much of which is of an inferior quality, and badly adapted to particular purposes to which it is applied. Added to this grievance, the poor man is made to pay more than the real value of his sugar, his salt, his cloth, and many of the necessaries of life. If the people are true to their own interests, they should, in future, elect no man to preside over the councils of the nation, who will support and sanction this system of extortion ; they should choose their Representatives from among the friends of Free Trade, and not select the obsequious partisans of the manufacturers. More weighty and useful matters should claim the deliberations of Con- 38 gress, than the enactment of bills to fix a partial and onerous rate of indirect taxation ; their time and thoughts should be occupied by making equitable and economical disbursements of the public mo- ney ; in diminishing the public burdens ; in preventing all useless expenditures of the public funds; in guarding against corruption and mal-practices in office; -in rewarding real merit; in protecting the unfortunate ; and, by all means in their power, aiding, not only the Indians, but the distressed emigrants of all nations, in seeking an asylum on the public lands, that there, by habits of industry, they may provide themselves and needy families with a subsistence. These are some of the sacred duties to which their time should be devoted. It is expected, by the nation, that they should act as the guardians of the rights of the people ; and, by their example for morality and disinterested patriotism, prove to their constituents that they are wor- thy of the trust reposed in them. To preserve harmony, there must be mutual concessions, and, to effect this, faction must not predomi- nate over the best feelings of the heart. The greatest triumph a man can gain, is over his own evil passions, and this is applicable to pub- lic as well as private life. During the session of Congress, there is too little magnanimity displayed, but too much recrimination and an- imosity, and which, in the heat ot party debate, is frequently vented in words of defiance and abuse. To return, however, to the subject of foreign commerce. It is much to be desired that the merchants of the United States would unite with all whose interests are connected with maritime affairs, and demand, as a right, that the existing arbitrary and unconstitu - tional Tariff Act should be repealed. Let them say to the Govern- ment, in the language of the French merchants, " Laissez nous faire," and no longer tamely submit to be the victims of measures that are irrational, unnatural, and unjust. If they do not boldly com- bine with their oppressed fellow-citizens in all parts of the United States, to defeat the machinations of their political enemies, they are unworthy of being freemen, and must yield as the passive slaves of a system which will inevitably render them poor and despicable. Half-informed statesmen frequently betray gross ignorance in attempt- ing to legislate about what they do not understand. A lawyer may make a distinguished figure at the bar, but fail in the counting-house to show himself a good merchant, and only expose his folly in inter- fering in what he has no knowledge of. Trade, like water, will find its level. Attempt not to interrupt its course leave to the enter- prize and experience of commercial men the best means they choose 39 to adopt for regulating their own concerns ; they are surely compe- tent to act better for themselves and the public; than others can for them ; they, of course, ought to know how to employ commercial in- dustry to the best advantage. It is truly absurd in Governments to embarrass trade, by prohibitive laws and oppressive exactions. No improper restraints should be imposed to check the career of the en- terprizing commercial spirit. Leave the merchant free to embark in whatever speculations he may deem most profitable, and to invest his capital in the manner most likely to conduce to his interest. Suffer him to go unrestricted to that sea or port where fortune guides him. Let him shape his course to the South Seas, to the Indian Ocean, to the Mediterranean, or to whatever part of the world he may find the most profitable market. It is the remark of an eminent writer, that, " the very circumstance of the existence of an active external commerce, no matter what agents it may be conducted by, is a very powerful stimulus to internal industry." The same author adds, " Commercial jealousy is, after all, nothing but prejudice it is a wild fruit, that will drop of itself when it has arrived at maturity." In this enlightened age, and in the advanced state of political pow- er and prosperity of the United States, the people should be ever watchful of any attempt to encroach upon their rights. All laws passed for creating monopolies are inimical to the liberty of the citi- zen. Embargoes, privileged trading companies, and high duties, are .lot only derogatory to the character of a Republic, but injurious to he interests of the people. If the nations of Europe are willing to mbmit to this species of tyranny, God forbid that the American Peo- ple should so degrade themselves as to follow the example ! I am, sir, yours, HERMANN. PHILADELPHIA, July \%tli y 1831. Dear Sir : The indefatigable exertions you are making to propa- gate liberal principles in favor of Free Trade, and to bring to the more immediate consideration of your readers the importance of the subject, gives you a strong claim on the gratitude of the public. The doctrines of political economy, so ably taught in the various colleges of the United States, have laid a solid foundation for the commercial prosperity of the people, which, I trust, the sophistry of 40 a futile theory will never subvert. The increasing spirit of hostility to the " American System" is the best proof of the progress they have already made towards effecting the downfall of the obnoxious Tariff. The diffusion of knowledge is undoubtedly the most certain means of teaching the people to feel the true nature of their inde- pendence, to reason with clearness and propriety, to discriminate be- tween real and pretended friends, and to exercise the right of suf- frage with a judgment unbiased by intrigue, or uninfluenced by cor- ruption. We must chiefly rely on the freedom of the Press for an unreserved communication of much useful and valuable information relative to civil and political affairs ; and in proportion to the purity of the morals of editors, and their respectability, we may expect to derive from them a faithful and impartial account of men and mea- sures. The responsibility attached to their characters is of so sacred a nature that nothing should be submitted to the public which is riot, to the best of their belief, founded on the strictest veracity. We are indebted to the Banner for the pleasing intelligence from your corres- pondents in Ohio, that the confidence of the inhabitants in the Ameri- can System has greatly diminished. The agricultural resources of that rich and interesting State are immense great wealth is. yet in reserve for her, in addition to what she already enjoys. As her in- ternal improvements advance, the products of the soil will increase in value, and the industry of her hardy and enterprizing yeomanry will be amply rewarded. We have much to expect from the Editors of the Ohio papers from which you have made repeated extracts ; their liberality and sound sense entitle them to the thanks of their fellow-citizens, as also their able vindication of the cause of Free Trade, and their decided opposition to the Tariff. Such zeal and independence are truly honorable to these worthy Editors, who have to contend against bitter prejudices. Let Ohio unite cordially with the Anti-Tariff States, and we shall have nothing to fear from the champions of the Tariff. Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Tennes- see, Alabama, Mississippi, with the States of New Hampshire and Maine, have ineffectually demanded a repeal of the Tariff, or such a modification of it as might comport with their interests and wishes. In vain have their people petitioned. In vain have they attempted to be heard through their delegates. Unheeded are their complaints. Equally deaf to the voice of reason and justice, the enemies of Free Trade revel amidst the spoils of their triumphs. Intoxicated with success, they continue to taunt their adversaries, and assail them with abuse. Within the very walls of Congress the envenomed 41 tongue of malevolence has traduced the Southern people, who have been basely stigmatized as " unfeeling slave lashers, in league with England to oppose the honest manufacturers of the North." I will not disgust you with a repetition of vulgar and despicable observa- tions. Attempts, however, are often made to excite discord between the North and the South by such disgraceful language, and to foment the differences which unhappily exist. Virginia, Georgia, Alabama, with their sister States, have not been spared : South Carolina has been singled out as a fit victim to glut the devouring appetite of the Tariff monster ; her sons have been reviled as Bisunionists and Nul- lifiers. She has espoused a righteous cause, and with justice on her side she will nobly maintain it. She will never be compelled ta abandon it by empty threats and gasconade, or to forsake it, by arti-' fice. The violent champions of the Tariff, more wily than wise, have persevered in their hostility to South Carolina, and denounced her for not yielding passive obedience to tyranny and injustice ; they have essayed to fix an odium on her character by the most insidious attacks. It is always better to appease the Lion, than, by goading, provoke him to resistance. The artful distinction which the friends of the Restrictive System have attempted ta make, by attributing solely to South Carolina certain principles, under the title of the " Carolina Doctrines,"* has failed to answer the purpose for which it was probably designed. South Carolina has not the vanity to claim what is common property. She is willing to divide the honor of op- posing and exposing the evils of the American System with the An- ti-Tariff States. If to defend the inviolability of the Constitution to vindicate the cause of Free Trade protect; the rights of the citi- zen from encroachment -and resist Federal aggression, be consider- ed an offence, then, indeed, has South Carolina greatly transgressed^ If to insist upon enjoying the advantages of foreign commerce, free from the embarrassments and exactions imposed by legislative inter- ference to resist the corrupt influence of faction, and prevent the * Any threat of coercion to pat down these Doctrines, and" the champions of them, must eventuate in the total destruction of the power and popularity of those- who dare to make the experiment. If the attack should ever he attempted, the sig- nal would be given to. sound the tocsin of Revolution from Maine to Georgia. The military Hero who has been elevated to the first office of this Republic,. was most ardently supported by the talents and chivalry of his native State, and the very men who now constitute the Free Trade Party, were his firm and undeviating friends, I sincerely hope he may never forfeit their good opinion, and give cause- for the application of the maxim " Ingrato homine terra peju? nil creat." 6 42 extravagant waste of public money, constitute any part of the Caro- lina Doctrines, then has she no reason to be ashamed of her conduct, but, on the contrary, to rejoice in the devotion of her sons to truth,hon- or, and justice. South Carolina has been accused of an intention to nullify an act of Congress. If it is criminal to pass an unconstitu- tional and oppressive law, why then is it a crime to declare it null and void, when the absurdity and injustice of the law is evident to every man of common sense, who will give himself time to reason and reflect. That a State has a right to nullify an act of Congress, under any circumstances, is extremely doubtful ; but if a State is ag- grieved by an oppressive and unconstitutional law of the Federal Government, the choice of two evils is left, which, in my opinion, she has a right to exercise : Resistance or secession from the Union. The common law of nature sanctions the first the Federal Compact the other. If South Carolina did not cherish this compact if she was not sincerely attached to the Union, she would not so strenuously op- pose the Tariff on the ground of its unconstitutionality. Each State is sovereign and independent, and is only bound by a moral obliga- tion to submit to the laws of Congress, provided they are based on equity. Carolina has no inclination to separate from the Union, un- less compelled by oppression, and the Federal Government cannot prevent her from peaceably withdrawing. The distinguished and very sensible author of the Crisis has justly remarked " If there be in our system of government one feature which is delightful for the real patriot to contemplate, it is that which shows the inability of the Government to coerce one of its confederated members. If friend- ship cannot hold us together, force never can. He is much mistaken who can imagine that the same physical force which could enable the Government to put down one of the twenty-four Republics, would not so endanger the whole as to make our Government any thing than what it now is." Let us hope that those States which still ad- here to the Tariff, yielding to the force and circumstances of the times, will relinquish their support of it, and unite in promoting har- mony. A single State detached from the Union, would be produc- tive of unhappiness to all ; the example would probably be followed by others. Such a desperate step could only be the dernier resort of a people to whom justice is denied. To bear and forbear, forms part of the Christian doctrine : this, however, may be carried too far with high-spirited and enlightened freemen. It matters not whether per- secution proceeds from the iron grasp of an Autocrat or an Oligarchy, or emanates from the corrupt influence of a Democracy the effect 43 is still the same; and the pressure is felt with equal force by the peo- ple, until the day of retribution arrives, to demand a fearful reckon- ing with their oppressors. Nothing is wanting to secure the pros- perity of the United States, and the peace and happiness of the peo- ple, but mutual concession and conciliatory feelings. Let recrimin- ation cease. Let animosities and narrow prejudices be abandoned, and the very recollection of them buried in oblivion without which the Union can never be safe. I remain yours, HERMANN. Jtj^iq fPMpp ;;T|2*i jpKntejf *.to: *ai PHILADELPHIA, August Wth, 1831. Dear Sir : To the successful and extensive propagation of the liberal principles of Political Economy through the Banner, and many highly respectable daily papers, we may confidently look forward to a speedy termination of the " American System." With the extinc- tion of the present Tariff, the cause of Free Trade will acquire additional strength ; for prejudice and ignorance are rapidly yielding to reason and common sense. I cannot be persuaded that the character of the nation is so sunk, and the patriotic spirit of the people so tame, as to be made much longer subservient to the Restrictive System. We live in an age distinguished by the pro- gress of intellectual worth ; and to foster a policy adverse to the beneficent views of Providence, and the welfare of mankind, would be characteristic of the dark times of imperial despotism and super- stition. To abandon the practical and substantial advantages of foreign commerce, for the selfish principles of the Restrictive Sys- tem, is to retrograde from the path of civilization, and to exchange light for darkness. The Tariff, under all existing circumstances, and with the vast natural resources of the United States, is perfectly injurious, if not ruinous, to the great agricultural and commercial interests. It is an aati-republican measure of the most disgraceful character. No language is too strong to express our abhorrence of it ; it needs only to be unmasked and stripped of its loathsome deformity, to call forth the execration of every disinterested man. A very distinguished scholar* of South Carolina, on a recent public occasion, thus emphatically expressed his opinion of it : * Hugh S. Legare, Esq. 44 " I can never sufficiently deplore the infatuation which has brought such a scourge on this favored land, which has entailed (so to speak) the curse of an original sin upon a new world, and upon the conti- nual multiplying millions which are to inhabit it." The Tariff is suffered to exist in defiance" of the most undeniable truths which have ever been evinced in a righteous cause, and every axiom that can be produced in favor of Free Trade. It is a politi- cal quackery of the worst sort, and opposed to doctrines taught by men of the most profound learning of every age and country, and in direct hostility to the most lucid philosophical maxims which can possibly originate from such highly-gifted minds as those of a Fene- lon and a Dugald Stewart. Nothing is spared, by the present system of indirect taxation, which contributes to the comfort of man ; it taxes the necessaries of life, and, consequently, most seriously affects the industrious poor ; the very implements of husbandry, and the small invoices of goods brought by the unfortunate emigrant from Europe, come within reach of its detestable power. It would be a glorious era in the history of the United States, if, on the repeal of the Tariff, every port could be thrown open and declared free to the trade of the world, and every custom-house converted into a ware-house. This would be a decided republican measure, although not immediately suited to the interest of Government. The people have no objection to moderate duties for the purpose of revenue, but will never yield obedience to a libertine policy, which subjects then to many priva- tions, and taxes them exorbitantly for the protection of manufactures. A very popular and sensible French writer remarks, that " Exces- sive taxation is a kind of suicide, whether laid on objects of neces- sity or upon those of luxury ; but there is this distinction, that, in the latter case, it extinguishes only a portion of the products on which it falls, together with the gratification they are calculated to afford while, in the former, it extinguishes both production and con- sumption, and the tax-payer himself into the bargain." The products of the soil, with land and labor, must necessarily depreciate under the existing Tariff Law ; and, in proportion to the number of labor- ers diverted from agriculture to manufactures, will the loss be felt by the land owners. Every man of common sense must know, that, whatever measures have a tendency to embarrass trade will lessen the demand for land and produce, and, by checking the spirit of emigration, deprive us of the class of people we most need, the cul- tivators of the earth. Is it, then, to- be wondered at, that the pro- ducers, whether of cotton, rice, wheat, or tobacco, are impoverished 45 by the Tariff? Is it to be wondered at, that the Southern planter? complain and demand justice 1 Is it a matter of surprise, that the consumers, and more particularly the industrious laboring poor among them, are beginning to inquire why they are so extravagantly taxed to uphold a shameful system of monopoly ? It is the " auri sacra fames" which has influenced the champions of the Tariff. This is not a mere question of pounds, shillings, and pence it is not a sordid calculation, altogether, of the value of manufactured goods, or of the products of the soil ; but a question involving the most serious and important principles of legislation and constitu- tional rights. Are the people willing to lose a valuable foreign trade, in order to enrich a set of monopolizers 1 Are they prepared to exchange a life of independence for a state of vassalage, and become the pliant tools of a monied aristocracy ? Are they disposed to see the efforts of genius paralyzed, and the principles of philan- thropy undermined 1 The time must speedily arrive, when the people will no longer be ensnared by the empty name of " American System." This fallacy will, I trust, be soon condemned to merited disgrace, and to eternal oblivion. The people of this great Republic are, I should hope, too wise, too generous, and brave, not to prefer union, liberty, and harmony, to the dreadful evils which the present Tariff will inevitably produce, if persevered in. Let us not despair, but look forward to unmeasured prosperity for the United States let us not omit to turn our attention to the record of days past, when the guardian genius of Columbus, in directing him to the new world, decided on the future destiny of these States as an asylum for the persecuted and adventurous spirits of the old world. That island which gave birth to a Newton, a Locke, a Milton, and a Pope, was destined, by her misguided policy, to lose, not only the affection of her American subjects, but the vast and beautiful colonies which now so happily constitute the greatest Republic on the globe. Intellectual endow- ments were not confined to Albion ; and true greatness, which is inseparable from virtue, was found inherent in a Penn, a Washington, and a Franklin. The same merciful Providence which regulates the destinies of men, determined that these illustrious characters should move in a sphere of usefulness, from which, by a combina- tion of causes, the most glorious events have transpired. The arbitrary power of the mother country was productive of evils which brought about the American Revolution, and roused a spirit of resistance, from Maine to Georgia. The united eloquence and 46 . valor of the Patriots of '76 not only secured Independence, but a Constitution unrivalled for wisdom. Commercial restrictions and taxation were part of the grievances which caused the Revolutionary struggle, and the loss of much precious blood. We profess to advocate and practise liberal principles, and arro- gantly present to the world our Republic as a model of perfection. We labor under a fatal delusion, and are insensible to our own follies. Why, then, should we arraign the conduct of European nations, and charge them with faults, when we are blind to our own ? History gives a retrospective view of all the excesses which have ever been committed, for ages past, against the laws of God and man, and furnishes a minute account of wars and revolutions, and the horrors attendant on them. The nations of Europe have been contending, for centuries past, about commercial supremacy, und have seldom or never been at a loss for pretexts to wage war. Some monarchs, guided by a high sense of honor and justice, have anxiously sought to maintain peace whilst others, regardless of the sufferings of their subjects, and the laws of neutrality, have out- raged both, presuming on the right of conquest, to subjugate the weak and unoffending to their fell ambition and lawless sway. Let^tts, if we would be happy and prosperous, shun the example of foreign Powers, whose sinister policy is exhibited in acts of ex- tortion, in fraud, perjury, and corruption, in a prodigal expenditure of the public money, for the purpose of supporting large standing armies and immense navies, and to provide for court pensioners, and bestow sinecure places on political gamblers and favorites, devoid of talents and morality. Such is too often a true picture of despotic Governments. Nature has indeed been truly bountiful in the dis- tribution of her favors to the United States, and we should be uu- worthy of her gifts if we 4id not fully appreciate them. What necessity can there be for forcing manufactures prematurely oa the nation, and then taxing the people by exacting high duties for the protection of them ? Commerce and agriculture have a prior and stronger claim on the industry of man ; they are his natural pursuits. " We must necessarily be an agricultural people for more than a century to come." Are there not two hundred and twenty millions of acres of public lands now for sale, and wanting cultivation ? Have we not innumerable lakes, bays, and rivers, which unite their waters to the ocean, and open a vast field for commercial enter- prize ? Shall we not then profit by the. goodness of a wise and omnipotent Creator, by promoting a free and friendly intercourse 47 With the nations of the world, instead of sinfully thwarting His glorious intentions, by the most preposterous and unnatural legisla- tive measures? The Anti-Tariff States have borne too long with the injustice of the Restrictive System. It is time for the people to act, and no longer submit to be the dupes of artifice and avarice. They must not be deterred Jay the foul tongue of calumny and imbecile threats, from doing justice to themselves, by insisting on a repeal of the Tariff, that Free Trade may be restored to the pros- perity it enjoyed in the glorious days of Washington. The laws of God and nature protect the injured. It is the duty of every good citizen to practise forbearance as long as possible, even under the operation of bad and oppressive laws, rather than disturb the peace of his country; but the patience of the most meek and passive dispositions may be exhausted, and submission become criminal, and resistance a virtue, when made in the cause of free- dom and justice. Delay is dangerous and the next session of Congress must not pass over without a repeal of the Tariff, (com- monly called the *' bill of abominations;") and this alone can save the Union from civil commotion, restore freedom of trade, and con- fidence among the people. I remain yours, HERMANN. ill '!'.) lo A CONTINUATION OF THE LETTEES OP AS PUBLISHED IN THE BANNER OF THE CONSTITUTION [The first of the following letters was addressed to the Editor of the Phila- delphia Gazette, who accompanied it with the following remarks. " The communication of HERMANN,' in an adjoining column, is worthy of attention, breathing, as it does, that warm spirit of adherence to the integrity of the Constitution and the welfare of the country, which prevails no where in the Republic, (all misrepresentations to the contrary notwithstanding,) more vigorously than in the Southern States. We were almost tempted to omit the laudatory commencement of our correspondent's article ; but the privilege of garbling is a difficult task; and we should be loth todisplace the tribute so justly paid to the gentleman who weekly unfurls the Banner of the Constitution. It is a matter of honest pride to us, that the Convention has given us the acquaintance and friendship of so many gentlemen of talent and character from various quarters of the Confederacy."] SOUTH CAROLINA, October, 1831. Mr. Editor : I shall trespass on your patience but for a few mo- ments, if only to assure you, sir, of the very favorable impression you have made on the minds of all the friends of Free Trade, by the very disinterested part you have taken, and the patriotic zeal with which you have conducted your valuable Gazette : the gratitude of the people is due to yourself, as well as to the worthy and talented Editor of the Banner of the Constitution, for the able and indepen- dent manner in which their rights and interests have been vindi- cated, whilst investigating and exposing the evils of the Tariff Laws, which have produced much excitement and angry feeling; but I will not impeach the motives of all the adversaries of Free Trade, and whatever difference of opinion may even exist among its friends as to the expediency of removing this sinister policy, (the Tariff of the go- vernment), I trust they have but one object in view, the welfare of 4 the Republic. In order to ensure success, we must act with energy and unanimity, and cherish the most perfect good will from a respect to our cause and our country. It is not necessary merely to reduce the Tariff to arithmetical cal- culation to prove the injustice of the measure. My intention is not sordidly to count the cost of a bag of cotton a bale of cloth or a barrel of ftour, or to compare the value of imports and exports, or the rates of duties for the last ten or twenty years, but to inquire by what right the majority of Congress has ventured to enact a law for the protection of manufactures to the injury of other branches of in- dustry : this question involves a principle of legislation that requires the most serious consideration. I cannot conceive how a law can possibly be constitutional which fosters a particular interest, whilst, by its operation, the prosperity of agriculture and commerce is ra- pidly declining. The Constitution makes no express provision for the protection of manufactures. The Tariff is an evil, for which, to use the words of an eminent statesman, " there is but one effectual cure an honest reduction of the duties to a fair system of revenue, adapted tothe just and constitutional wants of Government no- thing short of this (adds he,) can' restore to the country peace, har- mony, and mutual affection." Let every class of people act upon the good old republican doctrine, that of confiding in their own resources, guided by a spirit of enterprize and industry, without the officious aid of the Federal Government. The principles of Free Trade are founded on the immutable laws of truth, justice, and hu- manity, it was for these the immortal Patrick Henry, with all his impassioned eloquence, so nobly and successfully advocated for these same principles Washington fought, and Warren and Mont- gomery bled. The Tariff is deeply injurious to the commercial and agricultural interests of every State of the Union, but more particu- larly to the Southern States, which can never prosper unless our commercial intercourse is left free and unembarassed with foreign nations. I will here beg leave to introduce a short extract from a letter of an illustrious soldier of the Revolution, the venerable Gene- ral Thomas Sumpter, who still lives, a noble monument of his country's glory. I thank God, he lives to animate by his example his countrymen to vindicate the cause of State Rights and Free Trade ! The letter was addressed to a highly respectable gentleman of South Carolina and in reply to his correspondent he says : " Sir, you ask ' my views on the subjects which now agitate the minds of our people.' Though I have long since retired from public life, and given myself up entirely to pursuits more congenial with my age still, as I have always deemed it the duty of every citizen of this Republic boldly to espouse one side or the other, of any question which may involve his rights and liberties, I will not with- hold my sentiments from my fellow-citizens. " For a long time I had taken little or no interest in the politics of the country; I never read the newspapers; I confidently depended on the ' sense of the American People,' but, sir, the cry of dis- content has at length reached me, and I awake from the happiest dreams of the peace and prosperity of my country, to curse the illusion. " I do not seek the reason of so general a sentiment, in the natural avarice of the human heart, and believe, as some of our countrymen do, that it arises from the common disposition of Southern proprie- tors to screen their fortunes from public charges. No, sir, when we engaged in that struggle which promised to secure to us the enjoyment of unrestricted liberty, we, had nothing to complain of; ours was the most favored colony ; bounties were given for every produce, and foreign capitalists investing their money in it, rendered it more prosperous than any of the others. It was not interest that urged South Carolina to resist. Can she now have changed ? She espoused the cause of her sister colonies, not through resentment for unmerited inflictions, but through principle and philanthropy. We thought that, in time, we might groan under the same oppres- sion and before the storm lowered upon us, we rose and dispersed it. " Under like circumstances IT is OUR DUTY TO RESIST, and theirs to succour us. " The overgrown power of the General Government may reduce us in a short period to the most abject slavery ; but it is the noblest attribute of a rational being to foresee the effects, and suppress the cause." These, sir, are the words of a man whom we all delight to honor. They flow from the spirit of '76 ; from the voice of a friend in the hour of need ; they are as a precious balm in the patriot's mind, and nerve his arm to the resistance of tyranny ! Would to God, that the voice of the patriot Hancock could be heard from the tomb once more, pleading in defence of the injured liberties of his coun- try; loud and deep would be his execrations of this iniquitous Tariff, which has been cruelly and artfully imposed on the Ameri- can People, under the specious and erroneous, though dignified title of" American System." 6 Mr. Editor, I will not close this communication without noticing the frequent repetition of words from high authority, that the " Union must be preserved !" Does not the poorest and most obscure citizen know that the Union can only be rendered safe by securing the in- tegrity of the Constitution ? The preservation of the Union rests with a higher power than that of any man in this Republic, how- ever great his political rank ; and whatever responsibility may attach to Congress, there yet remains an authority still superior! the Sovereign People ! To them, in all cases of danger and difficulty, I would appeal for justice, and from them (alone, if necessary,) I would seek redress. They will never suffer the band which unites these States (cemented by the blood of our Revolutionary heroes) to be severed by avarice and discord. The Union is dear to us we all love and cherish it but when put in competition with life, liberty, and property, and the dearest rights of man, it is of no value: our reliance is placed on the sound sense and good feelings of the American People, who have been so ably and feelingly addressed by the members of the Free Trade Convention recently in session in Philadelphia. Our enlightened and enterprizing merchants have in vain present- ed memorial after memorial to Congress ; our laborious and intelli- gent mechanics have sought for relief, and their grievances have been disregarded, a deaf ear has been turned to their complaints ; the Blacksmiths of this city have twice petitioned without avail ; the recommendations of President Jackson to modify the Tariff have been treated with indifference bordering on contumely. Enlighten the minds of the People as to their true interests, by teaching them the principles of Free Trade show them by facts how shamefully they are taxed, and the Tariff monster will soon fall, never to rise again in this free and happy land. Yours, &c. HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, December 1st, 1831. Dear Sir : I presume it has riot escaped your memory, that I have repeatedly expressed my surprise at the passive condition of Ohio and Kentucky, under the existing Tariff Law. These two great and interesting States are composed of an intelligent, en- lightened, and industrious population, whose interest will very long confine them to agricultural pursuits; too independent, and im- patient of servile confinement, they are not disposed to abandon the cultivation of their fertile soil, and the clearing of the forest, to toil at the loom and spinning wheel. What then can prompt the hardy yeomanry of the West to support a law which renders tributary to manufacturing avarice their labor and resources, so naturally allied to the free and unrestricted trade, which God and nature always designed should be left open, to gratify the wants of man with the least possible inconvenience, and without the unwise and imprudent interference of Government. An extreme- ly well-written and plausible Address of the Tariff Convention, lately held in the city of New York, contains the most extraor- dinary doctrine ever maintained by sensible and well-informed men. The authors of this Address say, " as a municipal princi- ple, there is no question of the great advantages of Free Trade. The United States, in their coasting trade and domestic exchanges, afford the most striking illustrations of them ever witnessed ; but as between foreign nations, there is no Free Trade there never was there never can be ; it would contravene the arrangements of Providence, which distribute mankind into different communi- ties, separated originally by confusion of tongues, and prevented from all rushing together into the most favored latitudes, by local attachments and foreign antipathies, which are the germs of na- tional preservation, by means of national emulation." Again, observe the writers of the Address, " the freest of Free Trade is, after all, but a chartered libertine." We really scarcely know whether to smile or look grave, on reading these remarks, and are almost temptejd to exclaim, in the language of the Poet, " risum teneatis amici"? That Free Trade may interfere with the ambitious views of the manufacturers, I can readily admit, but how it can, possibly contravene the arrange- ments of Providence, is certainly a paradox I do not compre- 8 hend. What raised ancient Tyre to the very pinnacle of commercial prosperity but Free Trade? What gave Holland the rank she holds among nations ? What has given respectability and wealth to the German cities of Bremen, Hamburg, Lubec, Dantzic, and the Belgic town of Antwerp ? Free Trade ! The ways of Pro- vidence are wise, beneficent, and just, and are intended to pro- mote the welfare of mankind ; they keep pace with the princi- ples of Christianity, which inculcate among people of all nations peace, harmony, and good will. They teach us to cultivate an intercourse with the human race, for the purpose of not only mi- tigating their miseries, but improving their condition, and correct- ing " foreign antipathies ;" and how can this be . better accom- plished than by a free and unfettered commerce with the nations of the globe, from which the greatest advantages arise, both to the arts and sciences. It is the duty of the Government of eve- ry free nation to afford all possible facility to foreign trade, the blessings of which are of incalculable value. Commerce tends to promote civilization, to bring the people of the various countries of the world to reciprocate good offices; to exchange, on terms of reciprocity, the products of the soil, and all such articles as are required to supply the wants of man, both as to the necessaries and luxuries of life, and, by imparting a knowledge of languages, to remove from the whole human family prejudices and animosities which are characteristics of the dark ages, and disgrace the most savage and untutored tribes. The phrase of " chartered libertine," would be infinitely tnore applicable to the present Tariff than to Free Trade for it origi- nated in a selfish monopolizing spirit, forced upon the people un- der the most delusive and meretricious form, by plundering, un- der the authority and corrupt influence of a law, the poor, and enriching the few at the expense of the many. Free Trade is sanctioned by the laws of God and nature; it is pure and un- disguised it benefits both rich and poor ; aided by human en- terprize and ingenuity, it distributes the most precious gifts through- out the Universe; and whilst it rewards the merchant and hardy mariner, it amply repays the husbandman for his labor, and opens a ready market to all classes of mechanics and manufacturers, for their wares and merchandise. It is stated in the Address that " aversion to the manufactures has engendered, of late, bitter local prejudices, in parts of those States in which they do not flourish." There does not exist any spirit of hostility to manufactures, it is solely directed against the Tariff: let the manufacturers be satisfied to confide in their own resources, without the aid of the Government, and they will se- cure the support and good wishes of the Southern States. No man "spurns the golden fleece of his own soil," but every man of spirit and common sense should spurn the band of the op- pressor, and resent the wrongs imposed on his country. The Ad- dress, though replete with talent and ingenuity, cannot make , a convert to " the American System," and must give increased con- fidence to the friends of Free Trade. Providence is ever propitious to the efforts of those who seek not to derange the order of the creation the organization of which is so perfect under the Divine wisdom, and, if left to the natural course of events, and the gradual work of time would fulfil all that could be desired by the most righteous, without any regard to the distribution of mankind into different communities, and their original separation by "confusion of tongues." When men deviate from the path of rectitude, and violate the most sacred compacts by usurpations of power, and, by flagrant acts of injus- tice and perfidy, attempt to oppress the poor, and fail to com- plete their schemes of aggrandizement and insatiable avarice, they become too prone to lay the fault to Providence, instead of their own guilt ; and are never at a loss for pretexts to justify their conduct. Under the pretence of regulating commerce, Congress has vio- lated the Constitution, by imposing the most oppressive and exor- bitant duties on the useful and necessary articles of life, to give protection to manufactures, and rear up a dangerous influence, and an overgrown monied aristocracy equally injurious to the peace of the Union and the rights of freemen! if the people delay any longer to shake off this thraldom of the mis-called Ameri- can System, if they do not fearlessly resist these acts of oppres- sion and rapacity, they will (to use the language of an able po- litical writer) be taxed more and more to support increasing bur- dens : and the extortion of such taxes will rivet the poverty and ignorance, through which alone these burdens are endured. It is thus that the tyranny of the rulers, and the degradation of the people, must keep equal pace. It is thus that despotism forms a natural alliance with ignorance; blasts every charm of rational nature, and blunts every feeling of the human heart, There is } 2 10 indeed, a point at which the oppression of the most abject be- comes no longer safe. The principles from which the present Tariff law derives its support, are at variance with truth, ho- nor, and justice; they wage war against common sense and hu- manity, and even set at defiance the maxims of the Christian Re- ligion. We need not a lawyer, or a judge, to interpret the Con- stitution for us the merest Tyro who reads, may understand it, and learn that there is no power granted by it to tax the people unequally, unequitable/, and without their consent. The Ameri- can People ought not to suffer themselves to be misled by the pernicious and corrupt policy of foreign governments let us bor- row all which is good from them, and only imitate their examples when their success is gained by wisdom and virtue. Let us not be the dupes of men who adopt stratagem to advance their favor- ite measure, who oppose to the lucid and incontestable precepts of eminent political economists, the sophistry of false philosophy, and endeavor to support their opinions by labored and intricate arithmetical calculations, which serve to perplex without convinc- ing; and who obstinately reject facts and principles, either be- cause they militate against their interests, or are unwilling to ad- mit the validity of them. The advocates of the Restrictive Sys- tem have vainly attempted to prove that our agriculture and com- merce must flourish under this oppressive system of indirect taxa- tion. I cannot persuade myself that they are serious in thinking they can maintain an argument so incongruous and weak. Teach the people of the great commercial and agricultural States a knowl- edge of the true principles of Free Trade, and this fallacious doc- trine will be dispelled like the lurid mist before the brilliant light of the sun. Will the intelligent and patriotic people of Ohio and Kentucky consent to part with the substance for the shadow, and be made instrumental in bringing this free and happy Republic under the yoke of tyranny, by adopting a vile, selfish, Chinese policy, and rejecting the bountiful hand of Providence extended to lavish upon them all the most rich and choice commodities of foreign climes, in exchange (yes, in fair and honest barter) for the redundant products of their fertile and favored soil? Do not the industrious farmers know that, in proportion as the burden of in- direct taxation is increased upon us, our lands and the products of the soil must greatly depreciate? It is sufficient to raise a revenue to answer the wants of the Government, by imposing moderate du- ties, so as not to infringe the Constitution and impoverish the people, 11 without excluding foreign commerce, and degrading the nation. We care not for heavy duties on wines, and the luxuries of the table ; if the rich consume them, they can afford to pay for them. The peo- ple have a right to demand, in justice to themselves, and from a re- gard to the honor of their country, that the duty on sugar, salt, iron, coarse woollen and cotton goods, cotton bagging, hemp, books, maps, paintings, and many other articles, should be reduced to less than one-half the present rate. I repeat, that the Western States, parti- cularly Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, have no interest in support- ing the present Tariff. It behooves them to sympathize with their Southern brethren, and put a termination to this licensed system of plunder. The States of Kentucky and Tennessee derive much wealth with their intercourse with the South. I hope, in a future communication, to furnish you with a particular account of the im- mense quantity of stock' which has passed from the West into the States of South Carolina and Georgia, during the last eight months ; and as the following statement, taken from a public journal, may be interesting, I herewith enclose it. The Saluda mountain turnpike is situated in a beautiful and romantic part of South Carolina, about fourteen miles from Buncomb, in North Carolina, and unri- valled by any part of the world for the salubrity of its climate. The stock driven through the Saluda turnpike for the last two years, was noted down in the toll book; the year is computed from the 1st of April to the 31st of March, inclusive. 1830. 1831. decrease. Horses and mules, 4,866 3,293 1,573 Beef cattle, 2,335 1,790 1,445 Hogs and sheep, 29,884 26,551 3,333 Supposing the average value in 1830, to have been $90 a head for horses and mules, $20 a head for beeves, and $7 a head for hogs and the same for 1831, except that hogs might be averaged at $8 a piece the aggregate for the former year will be $682,828, and for the latter $544,578. The raising of stock is of immense value to the Western States, and in proportion as the foreign trade of the South increases, and is restored to its original prosperity, in the same ratio will the West ad- vance to wealth and importance. Be assured that no man feels a stronger attachment to every section of the Union, and is more de- sirous of seeing the Federal Compact preserved and restored to its primitive purity, than Your Friend and Correspondent, HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, December 30, 1831. Dear Sir: At no period of the history of this great Federal Republic, since the Declaration of Independence, has an Ameri- can Congress assembled to legislate on a subject which involves so deeply the sectional feelings and interests of the People of the United States, as the Tariff Law of 1828 theirs is a heavy and a fearful responsibility, and it remains to be seen and known, whether the termination of the session will be welcomed by mil- lions of freemen for services rendered them, or be saluted with the bitter execration of every honest man who abhors tyranny and in- justice. Let us hope that the deliberations of that body will be governed by the good old maxim of " Salus Populi suprema eat lex," and that, unembarrassed by sophistry and intrigue, they will calmly proceed in a straight forward course of honorable legisla- tion, based on principles of equity, and guided by a spirit of con- ciliation. If the majority in Congress have any desire to preserve the Union of the State?, and the kindred feelings which add great moral strength and respectability to that Union, they will not hesitate to repeal the Tariff, or modify it, to comport with the interests and wishes of the people, and to answer "the just and constitutional wants of the Government." The Secretary of the Treasury, in his late and able Report, has well remarked, " that extreme measures adopted by slender majorities, and ob- noxious to the interests and opinions of minorities, powerful in numbers, wealth and intelligence, cannot be persevered in with- out danger to the general harmony, and without undermining the moral power, not merely of the Executive and Legislative Depart- ments, but also that of the Judiciary which may be called to sustain the authority, without the option of deciding on the expediency of the measure." . The President is not ignorant of the perilous and critical situa- tion of the Union, and I will do him the justice to say, that I believe he is sincerely desirous of reconciling the conflicting interests of the Northern and Southern States, and he has evinced this disposition, by recommending a modification of the Tariff, as the surest means of removing all cause of discontent. No harm can arise from heavy imposts on mere luxuries of the table, such as are in general use among the rich but on all arti- cles consumed by the poor, more particularly iron, salt, sugar, hemp, 1,3 cotton and woollen goods, the duties should be reduced to at least one-half of their present rates. All pretext for persevering in the Restrictive System is at an end. The National Debt (if the plan recommended by the Secretary of the Treasury be adopted) will speedily be extinct. The Public Lands are rapidly increasing in value, and great sums will be derived from the sale of them. Can it be from apathy, ignorance, or fear, that the People have submitted so tamely to an unjust and unequal system of indirect taxation ? Do they claim to be freemen, and boast of their char- tered fights? Among the enlightened, these motives do not ex- ist. The champions of the American System may gain proselytes by working on the prejudices and passions of weak minds, and tempting the avarice of the sordid and uninformed ; their pseudo philosophy must vanish like the " baseless fabric of a vision," when opposed by the lucid and solid principles of Free Trade. The Restrictive System is a compound of fraud, corruption, and oppression. It is the genuine offspring of monopoly, reared by a monied aristocracy, and cherished for the support of a favored few. I.t is a system worthy of the dark ages of bigotry and feu- dalism. The doctrine of Free Trade advances rapidly with the march of Intellect, and keeps pace with the progress of Christianity. The same Providence which directs the steps of the pious pilgrim, ordains that Nations (without regard to geographical distinctions and dissimilarity of language) should do all possible good to each other : the principles of Christianity impose it on them as a sa- cred duty ; these same principles, like a mandate from the Su- preme Director of the Universe, enjoin mankind to practice for- bearance and mutual concession, and has created the ocean as a great highway, whereby the people of each quarter of the globe may exchange, on terms of reciprocity, the natural products of the soil, and the works of human ingenuity and labor. According to an eminent and much admired author, " the more extended and the more constant intercourse, which the improvements in commerce and the art of navigation have opened among the distant quarters of the globe, cannot fail to operate in undermining local and national prejudices, and imparting to the whole species the intellectual acqui- sitions of each particular community." It would be needless for me to enumerate all the great writers on Political Economy whose works are so familiar to you. They have dwelt with force and perspicuity on the blessings derived from H Free Trade, and have exposed the fallacy of that policy which the arbitrary and corrupt Governments of Europe have adopted to fill an exhausted treasury ; they have clearly pointed out the ma- ny evils which result from laws imposing burdens on the people by exacting exorbitant duties on all such articles as they are most in want of, and have proved, by sound incontestable reasoning, the imbecility of measures (no matter under what plausible title they are disguised) which frustrate the wise arrangements of Providence, by deranging the natural course of trade, perplexing the merchant, and creating embarrassments, which, whilst they implicate the character of the Government, produce a most injurious and paralyz- ing effect on the various branches of labor connected both with agri- culture and commerce. I am yours, &-c. HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, February %7th, 1832. My Dear Sir : I hasten to give you the intelligence that the spi- rit'which has so long existed in South Carolina, in opposition to the Tariff, is daily acquiring strength, and I trust that there will shortly be but one opinion on the subject of our grievances, and of the ne- cessity of fearlessly resisting the usurpations of the Federal Govern- ment. What surprises me, is; that so many disinterested, amiable, and intelligent men, should be found, in the Northern States, advo- cating a system of commercial restriction, and building their faith on the speculative opinions of visionary experimentalists, or siding with men whose eager desire to acquire wealth induces them to sa- crifice the best feelings of their nature, and disregard the moral pre- cepts of the Christian Religion. It is much to be lamented, that the worthy and independent yeomanry of your beautiful State should sanction measures which owe their origin to the corrupt policy of Asiatic and European despotism a policy which can only be com- pared to the pestilential blast of the Syrian Sirocco, that withers the fairest fruits of the earth a policy at variance with the laws of God and nature. Have the honest and industrious German farmers so soon forgot the good old German maxim of " Die Handelschaft ist des reichthums mutter ?" [Trade is the mother of wealth] 15 and do they not know that, as long as they are tributary to the pre- sent Tariff Law, they will be at the mercy of the manufacturers 1 their lands and produce must depreciate, and their wealth will, of course, be greatly diminished, with the extinction of foreign trade. Should the Tariff be persevered in, and the protecting duties on all the useful and necessary articles be retained and submitted to by the North, then I solemnly aver that the Union cannot last. At the South, we will no longer submit to be oppressed. Sir, the crisis has arrived, when Congress must not be deaf to our remonstrances. We are inspired with confidence, by confiding in a righteous cause. We shall trust to our own energies, in hopes of more prosperous days. We are daily becoming more and more united at the South. We cling to the Constitution as to the ark of our political salvation. Our motto is, " Semper paratus et semper Jidelis" Rather than wear the accursed Tariff-yoke much longer, we will resist. Believe me, sir, this is no empty gasconade. For my own part, so sacred do I consider the cause of Free Trade, that I am willing to go with my friends in good or evil fortune ; come what may, I will never abandon them ; our honour is pledged ; we must not retreat that would be a dastard's part. I cannot yet persuade myself that there are men so silly, so wicked, and so heartless, as to sacrifice the peace of the Union, and, by persisting in error, drive the people of the South to desperation ; but when the trial comes, we will meet it like men should do when opposed to tyranny and injustice and we will not disgrace our ancestors. The smiles of our patriot Fair, with more than Spartan virtue and Spartan heroism, will bless our efforts; the spirits of our departed patriots of the Revolution will consecrate our Free Trade Banner, and lead us on to triumph. I will now close this brief communication by assuring you that there can be no stronger proof of the ardent and sincere feeling of the people of this State, in favor of Free Trade, than what has been manifested by their representatives, in the Convention which closed on Saturday the 25th. The Chief Magistrate of South Carolina presided, with all that dignity and urbanity so characteristic of a re- fined gentleman. It was to me a triumph of feeling I did not ex- pect to enjoy, to have an opportunity of beholding so numerous and highly distinguished a body of Delegates, from all parts of the State from the mountains to the seaboard. Our upper country is full of chivalry and talent. Col. Preston spoke with all the dignity and elo- quence of a Cicero : his language is classical his manner is elegant 10 and impressive his oratory is of the highest order and, when he became animated, he enraptured the feelings of his auditors ; as much so as I can possibly conceive Patrick Henry must have done in his best days. The author of the Crisis expressed himself with all the impassioned feeling of a Brutus : he was extremely eloquent his words are suited to his action, forcible and interesting his style of speaking correct, and his elocution purely classical. I re- fer you to the Mercury, and Free Trade Evening Post, for a particu- lar account of the proceedings of this Convention. I do not mean to flatter when I assert that I never remember to have seen, in any part of Europe or the United States, a more respectable assemblage of citizens; the most perfect decorum was observed; the number of persons collected was computed at three thousand ; nearly one-half were ladies. The three venerable patriots of the Revolution, Sum- ter,* Hamilton, and Simons, were prevented from attending, by indis- position and their great age. These brave and virtuous men, in whose hearts the spirit of the year '76 is deeply implanted, (I thank God,) are spared, by a wise and merciful Providence, to animate the sons of Carolina to the resistance of tyranny. Did you ever know a Revolutionary patriot who was not an enemy to oppression, and an advocate of Free Trade ? The same may be said of the most enlight- ened statesmen and the greatest moral writers of the age. I am yours truly, HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, March 8th, 1832. Dear Sir : I must claim your indulgence for intruding on your notice a subject somewhat irrelevant to what I intended should have been the purport of this communication. I cannot, as a friend of Free Trade, patiently submit to the insidious and sarcastic attacks which have been directed by some of the champions of the Ameri- can System against the vital interests of the South, by ascribing their impoverished condition to the evil effects of negro slavery, and the planting life, instead of an odious and oppressive Tariff Law. It is easy to refute the fallacy of their remarks. A cause must be desperate when flimsy pretexts and mere surmise are its only sup- * The illustrious Sumterdied on the first of June, nearly a century old. 17 port ; and it is really absurd to suppose, that the prosperity of the Southern States has declined from the great increase of the slave population; the prosperous situation of IJavana and New Orleans are sufficient to prove the futility of such an observation. The slaves of those cities constitute the laboring class, and are by far the majority of the inhabitants. St. Petersburg, the great and wealthy metropolis of the most powerful nation on the globe, has a full share of them ; and the serfs compose a great part of the popula- tion of the Russian Empire. Smyrna, which is the most considerable city of the Turkish Empire, abounds in. slaves : according to the au- thority of Mr. Hobhouse, it continues to increase, and in 1809 was said to contain nearly a hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants ; and he states that, previous to 1675, it had been partially destroyed six times by earthquakes. Smyrna is described as having a spacious and secure harbor, and surrounded by a fertile country ; and yet, in spite of slavery, incursions of the sea, earthquakes, and annual visits of the plague, that city continues to prosper. The most formidable nations of antiquity were possessed of slaves. Was Rome less war- like, less rich and enlightened, because slavery was sanctioned by her laws ? Did it impede the march of intellect ? Or how could she have produced such men as a Pliny, a Tacitus, a Livy, a Horace, a Virgil and a Cicero. It did not interfere with the progress of the arts and sciences ; which were so munificently patronized ; or with her gigantic strides to power and conquest. Why blend the sub- ject of negro slavery, at this particular juncture, with the Tariff, unless to hold it out as a bugbear, to alarm the weak and timid, and cause a division in favor of high duties, manufactories, monopolies, smuggling, and all the evils which this prolific American System has given birth to. I regret that even in the good old State of Virginia, there are so many respectable and intelligent men who have depicted, in the most gloomy colors, the distress of the white population, and attributed it to negro slavery ; but the truth is, the roving disposition of our people, their fondness of novelty, and a natural desire to benefit by a change of residence, have induced thousands to emigrate from Vir- ginia and the Carolinas to the Western and South-western States. Not so with Georgia ; which has increased more rapidly in popula- tion than any other State of the Union, (except New York) ; espe- cially when we consider that not more than a century has elapsed since the landing of General Oglethorpe with the first settlers from England, and she now has a population of more than half a million '3 18 of souls. The States of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Alabama have been formed by emigrants, chiefly from Virginia and the Carolinas. The spirit of emigration still exists, and at this very time, numerous poor families, as well as planters owning from twenty to an hundred slaves, are moving to the South-west, to settle on more fertile lands than those they abandon. In a country of such vast extent as the United States, and pos- sessed of some hundred millions of acres of productive and unculti- vated land, inducements to emigrants will continue for a century to come, particularly with thepeople of the South, whose occupations and habits are entirely opposed to the drudgery of a manufacturing life, and who seek competency, independence, and wealth, from commercial and agricultural pursuits. As to any apprehension of a general insurrection of the negroes, there can be none ; partial disturbances may sometimes take place from a want of prudence, vigilance, and proper energy on the part of the white population. A half dozen of well armed and reso- lute men might have prevented the tragical affair of Southampton, when a fanatical negro monster, at the head of a ferocious banditti, destroyed many valuable lives. Negro slaves should be kept in strict subordination, but yet treated with great humanity ; and those per- sons who seek to effect their immediate emancipation are their worst enemies. This must be left to the gradual work of time ; a prema- ture abolition would not only create general distress among the white inhabitants, but might eventuate in a total destruction of the negro race in the United States. Justice and humanity forbid it. Under the laws of the Southern States, negro slaves are considered as pro- perty ; and that man who would dare venture to deprive me of my property by force, I should consider as a personal enemy, and resist him at the hazard of my life. This subject has been most ably dis- cussed by a very sensible writer, in the Richmond Enquirer, under the signature of Appamatox : he has taken a most correct and com- prehensive view of it, sufficient to convince every impartial man of the danger, impolicy, and injustice of agitating the question of eman- cipation. The Southern States do not complain of negro slavery, and desire no interference with their interests, which they are both willing and able to defend. I repeat that it is the Tariff which oppresses them, and they never can prosper until the Federal Government abandons that iniquitous system, which is rapidly exhausting their resources ; restricting our foreign commerce, arid forcing our people from the 19 land of their nativity. Let the Federal Government restore to us the Free Trade System of the days of Washington, and give to us what God and nature intended we should enjoy, or the Union will be but a phantom, from which we can derive no good. Let us have the restoration of that unrestricted commerce, " to the influence of which," in the language of a distinguished writer,* " we owe that mild revolution, which banished the fierceness, the turbulence, the darkness, and the iron slavery of the feudal times ; and substituted the social virtues, the lights of science, the liberal feelings, and the gentle subordination of FREEDOM." If the violent advocates of high duties would but relax a little of their intractable spirit, and, yielding to the wishes of their Southern brethren, consent to such a reduction as would give us a Tariff not for the purpose of protecting manufactures, but solely for revenue, and to answer the moderate wants of the Government, then, indeed, would the value of the Union be placed beyond all calculation ; we should hear no more of sectional jealousies ; the intrigues of mer- cenary and evil-minded politicians ; or the bickerings of malcontents : the halcyon days of a Washington would revive with the return of harmony ; the only struggle between the North and the South would be which should do for the other the utmost possible good. Com- merce, agriculture, and manufactures would prosper ; the busy scenes of commercial life would animate and enrich every section of the United States ; and greater facilites would be afforded to the poor and industrious emigrants from Europe to seek an asylum in a country which offers a vast field for their enterprize. Your obedient servant,' HERMANN.t SOUTH CAROLINA,- March I5t7i, 1832. Dear Sir : The voice of the people of the Anti-Tariff States ur- gently calls for a redress of their wrongs ; it feelingly appeals to the good sense of their fellow-citizens, and solemnly invokes the Supreme Author of ajl ^Good to shield them from injustice and * Robert Walsh. f This communication was intended for the Banner, but the publication of it was omitted. 20 oppression. The friends of Free Trade await, with extreme soli- citude, the result of the deliberations of the Federal Government on the Tariff. Although a great discrepancy of opinion prevails as to the expediency of reducing the duties on particular articles manufactured and produced in the United States, with a view to a revenue to meet the just and constitutional wants of the Go- vernment, yet all parties coincide in declaring the necessity of some modification. However great the obliquity which has been attempt- ed to be cast on the friends of Free Trade, yet it is known, throughout this Republic, that they require nothing but what is just and reason- able. Their interests have been sacrificed to a selfish and sinister policy ; they have borne the evils of the " American System," until patience is exhausted, and submission becomes almost criminal. I bewail the infatuation which exists among the most prominent cham- pions of the Tariff, who insist on retaining the protective duties, and have evinced a desire to augment them. I will not use the language of reproach, but I admonish them not to disregard the murmurs of an indignant and aggrieved people. Those who know how to value the inestimable blessings of foreign commerce, will indeed be debas- ed, if they do not fearlessly resist any further encroachment on their rights. Free Trade, like a pillar of light, will yet guide those who are enveloped in Tariff darkness, to a knowledge of their true inter- ests. A restoration of foreign commerce, unembarrassed by heavy and vexatious imposts, would give an impulse to every branch of American industry. Agriculture, now suffering, would revive and prosper, attended by a general improvement in all the mechanic arts. It only requires to be released from the present unnatural and flagi- tious system, to have the commercial energies of the nation fully de- veloped, and to witness the rapid advancement of navigation, with a return of more happy times to the inhabithants of our Southern towns. An eminent writer on Political Ecenomy* has, with truth, remark- ed, that, "under a system of perfectly free commerce, each country naturally devotes its capital and labor to such employments as are most beneficial to each. This pursuit of individual advantage is ad- mirably connected with the universal good of the whole. By stimulat- ing industry, by rewarding ingenuity, and by using most efficacious- ly the peculiar powers bestowed by nature, it distributes labor most effectively and most economically ; while, by increasing the general * David Ricardo. 21 mass of productions, it diffuses general benefit, and binds together, by one common tie of interest and intercourse, the universal society of nations throughout the civilized world." How purely philanthropic and benevolent are these principles ! How widely opposed to the miserable doctrines advanced in support of the Tariff, which has not a good feature to recommend it ! It is strange that any section of this country should be so tamely submis- sive to the Restrictive System, and that any portion of the population should be so deluded as to conceive it beneficial to the general inter- ests of the people of the United States. A Fenelon, a Franklin, a Dugald Stewart, were men of consummate virtue and erudition, and possessed of a perfect knowledge of mankind. They ably advocated the principles of Free Trade ; they illustrated their doctrines with philosophical accuracy, which have been as much respected, to this day, as were ever the writings of Sir Isaac Newton. But it seems we have a new race of philosophers, sprung up since the days of Wash- ington, who are determined to govern the good people of this Repub- lic by their rules of arithmetic and morality. Every disinterested and reflecting man must condemn the Tariff, as unjust and partial. Smuggling, fraud, and perjury, constitute its immorality ; and, not the least of all the evils derived from it is the torch of discord which has been kindled among a people whose po- litical salvation depends on union. These are inconteslible facts, and should be universally promulgated. The complaints of the people of the Southern States have been too long unheeded and regarded as idle clamor, and their means of resistance treated with scorn : but calumny is the coward's weapon, and never more despicable than when turned against the virtuous and brave. The resources of the South have been much underrated. Fanatics and alarmists have endeavored to work on the feelings of the timid, in the slave-holding States, by an attempt to blend with the American System an impro- per and officious interference to regulate the condition of the ne- groes, for the purpose of diverting the white population from the evils of the Tariff. A vain and silly effort ! The people of these States are fully capable of regulating their own affairs ; they are neither defi- cient in moral or physical powers, and are powerful enough to crush domestic foes, and protect their rights and property from invasion. Blessed with a genial clime and fertile soil, they are chiefly instru- mental in providing the Government with the means of conducting the fiscal concerns of the nation. It would, indeed, be the extreme of folly to expect the agricultural States to abandon all the blessings 22 of foreign commerce, and reject the gifts of a bounteous Providence, which has wisely ordered that nations, like men, shall be dependent on each other. The rich staples of the South, consisting principally of cot- ton, rice, and tobacco, are eagerly sought after for European markets, as they are superior in quality to similar products of other countries ; and the preference will be given to the United States, from the faci- lities afforded to mercantile transactions by a liberal policy of Go- vernment. Without this, trade must necessarily dwindle into in- significance, and then farewell a long farewell to all our great- ness. It is useless, at this time, to enter into a detailed account of the distresses of the Southern States, occasioned by the Tariff; they are too notorious, and severely felt, to need a repetition. I cannot give a greater proof of the value of the trade of Europe, to the South, than by stating, that, out of a million of bales of cotton, Great JBritain alone is a purchaser of six hundred thousand bags (no mean cus- tomer, it must be granted.) Not less than two hundred thousand bags are annually exported to France and Germany. And, at the very extent, the home consumption, in every possible way, does not annually exceed two hundred thousand bags. Out of the crop of rice, amounting to about one hundred and thirty thousand tierces, at least forty thousand are annually exported to Germany and the Netherlands, twenty thousand to Great Britain, and as nearly as much to the ports of France ; the trade of Cuba, which is of vast importance to the United States, takes off from sixteen to twenty thousand barrels annually. Of tobacco, supposing the crop of the United Srates to amount to eighty-five thousand hhds. which I be- lieve to be correct Great Britain, Germany, and the Netherlands, take about an equal quantity, amounting, in all, to sixty thousand hhds.; leaving only twenty-five thousand to be shipped to other countries and for home consumption. It is from these great and profitable markets that the champions of an oppressive Tariff wish to force the sons of the soil, and render them tributary to the lords of the loom and spinning-jenny. The combination could not have been successful at Harrisburg, without doing something to secure the co-operation of the sugar planters and the proprietors of iron mines; and, accordingly, heavy imposts have been levied on foreign sugar and iron. Even salt, so neces- sary to the health of man and beast, pays a tax of ten cents per bushel. You have given, in one of your numbers of the Banner, (Volume 23 II, page 320,) an authentic table of the duties paid in Canada by the subjects of Great Britain. By this statement, it appears that the popu- lation of the Canadas are infinitely more favored than the people of the United States. The Canadian subjects of his Britannic Majesty pay a duty of only 2J per centum on cotton and woollen goods, the same on hardware ; hemp is free of duty, as well as salt, and sugar pays only one cent per pound. In the United States, we are taxed from 30 to 150 per centum on cotton goods, and 50 to 250 per cent, on woollens, hardware 27J per centum, hemp $60 per ton, sugar 3 cents per pound. It would, however, be superflous to add any thing further on this subject, as many sensible and judicious remarks have recently been made on it by the estimable author of the Boston Memorial, in the fourth No. of his " Exposition of Evidence in support of the Memori- al to Congress." This worthy patriot has disclosed, throughout his long and faithful services in the cause of Free Trade, an honest, fearless, and zealous spirit, worthy of the days of those illustrious men, Samuel Adams and John Hancock. I am ever yours, HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, March 30*A, 1832. Dear Sir : If any man had, twenty, or even ten, years ago, ven- tured to assert that the Federal Government would be justified, in a time of profound peace with the nations of the world, in maintain ing a burdensome Tariff upon the people of the United States, to protect manufactures, I should have considered him as laboring under a strange delusion. The nation, however, is not only on amicable terms with Europe, but is nearly free of debt, and possessed of some hundred millions of acres* of land for sale. Yet such is the per- verseness of human nature, that men, under all these favorable cir- cumstances, are to be found advocating the necessity of supporting the oppressive system of indirect taxation as the " settled policy of * It is supposed, that the whole amount consists of a thousand and eighty millions of acres, a part of which has been surveyed, 24 the nation ;" and, in case the free sons of America should attempt to resist this odious tyranny, they are thereatened with an appeal to the sword and bayonet, and at a time when we have a right to ex- pect the utmost moderation and equity from the Government. Surely, sir, this threat must be nothing but the effusion of an esprit egare; it is too ludicrous and quixotic! The gallant champions of the loom and the spinning-jenny cannot be serious ; for they certain- ly know that this is not a nation of slaves, from whom the most ab- ject submission is required, to an unjust and unnatural law, originating from a spirit of faction and avarice. Has it, indeed, come to this unhappy pass, that every candid and independent citi- zen, who openly avows his hostility to a grinding and injurious policy, so repugnant to the principles and interests of freemen, should, in a language of contumely, be denounced, by political adventurers and aspirants for popular favor, as foreigners and aliens at heart ? And must abuse be substituted for argument? Depend upon it, this/rce cannot succeed ; the advocates of Free Trade will not be compelled to abandon a just cause, either by in- timidation or ribaldry ; the sophistry of our opponents will be destroyed by the light of reason. Our doctrines are based on the sacred principles of Christianity ; they emanate from truth and hu- manity ; they require no specious name to bring them into notoriety ; they consist of " a reciprocation of kind affections, expressions, and actions ;" we do not wish to astound by high-sounding titles, or to build our faith upon a system of vexatious taxation, that would dis- grace an Asiatic despot. It is not by groping the way through a maze of metaphysical disquisition that we seek to make converts : ours is a far nobler object. It is to warn our fellow-citizens, in every section of the Union, against the danger of monopolies, united to an overgrown monied aristocracy against the immoral influence of injudicious Tariff Laws, which introduce fraud, perjury, poverty, and smuggling. As freemen, it becomes our duty to protest against the acts of an arbitrary majority ; and I thank God that no alien or sedition law exists, to forbid the freedom of opinion. The name of Albert Gal- latin if from no other cause is rendered illustrious by his oppo- sition to those abominable bills, and will be transmitted with honor to a grateful posterity ; the eminent services rendered by him to his adopted country, are generally acknowledged. A late distinguished and talented Virginian, in passing a just eulogium on his character, has said: "The accuracy of his information, the extent of his If knowledge, the perspicuity of his style, the moderation of his tem- per, and the irresistible energy of his reasoning powers, render him the ablest advocate that ever appeared in the cause of truth and liberty. Patient and persevering, temperate and firm, no error es- capes his vigilance no calumny provokes his passions. To expose the blunders and absurdities of his adversaries, is the only revenge he will condescend to take for their insolent invectives. Serene in the midst of clamors, he exhibits the arguments of his opponents in their genuine colors, he divests them of the tinsel of declamation and the cobwebs of sophistry, he detects the most plausible errors, he exposes the most latent absurdities, he holds the " mirror up to folly," and reasons upon every subject with the readiness of intui- tion, and the certainty of demonstration." The Memorial of the Free Trade Convention, to Congress, is a strong and satisfactory proof that time and age have not in the smallest degree impaired the faculties cf Mr. Gallatin; this great and venerable statesman whose merits entitle him to the most dignified office in the gift of the people whose mind is unsullied by prejudice, and untrammelled by intrigue has, in devoting his time to the rights and interests of his fellow-citizens, fully exposed the fallacy of the Restrictive Sys- tem. He very properly denominates that the true American System which, free of restrictions, and permitting every man to pursue those occupations for which he was best fitted, had, in less than two cen- turies, converted the wilderness into an earthly paradise, and out of a few persecuted emigrants had created a prosperous, happy, and powerful nation. It is admitted by the most erudite writers on Political Economy, that the Government which unwisely, and, indeed, flagitiously, in- terferes with the designs of Providence, to regulate the destinies of a people, without a due consideration to their political and moral welfare, and fails to impart to every class equal immunities, not only transgresses against the beneficent laws of God, but violates a sacred trust, the power of governing with the most perfect regard to the interests, happiness, and equal rights of the governed. It would evidently seem criminal in a Government established by a free people as the safeguard of their liberties, not only to protect and favor particular interests, and to lose sight of the general good there- by producing jealousies, sectional distinctions, and discontent but, moreover, by imposing heavy restrictions on foreign commerce, di- minish, if not gradually destroy, that natural intercourse the Almigh- ty ordained should be cultivated, for wise purposes, to diffuse more 4 26 geneially those blessings which lie in his mercy can bestow, and which he has left to the industry and enterprize of man to obtain by honest means, and without the tyrannical abuse of power, in any or every part of the habitable globe. In the words of a learned and liberal writer in the 16th No. of the Southern Review " We must declare all legislation which is not necessary, to be, ipso facto, oppressive, and therefore unconsti- tutional. With regard especially to restrictions on commerce, im- posed with a view to foster domestic industry, they are, if there be any virtue in Political Economy, the exercise of a power which no free Government can be supposed to possess, without a contradiction in terms 3 power to levy a tax, without an adequate object to take away a greater amount of property from some classes, in order to secure, without any benefit to the public, a smaller amount of property to others." " The American System," as it is whimsically termed consists of principles which constitute a policy altogether foreign ; for, what system can be truly American, which fosters a spirit of monoply which encourages a lavish expenditure of the public treasure to pro- mote internal improvements in some favored parts of the United States, and not in others which benefits a few, at the expense of the many which exhausts the scanty means of the poor man, by taxing heavily every article he consumes ? Such is more especially the case under the operation of the present Tariff, by which every honest and disinterested man in this great Republic, is grievously oppressed. The people are daily becoming more enlightened on the doctrines of Free Trade ; and the period is rapidly approaching, when it will be as dangerous for the Federal Government to attempt to pass an unjust and oppressive Tariff Law, for the protection of manufactures, as to propose to establish Monarchy. We seek not authorities from the laws of ancient Rome, or of England, to induce us to approve of measures more in character with the Government of a Roman Emperor, or a modern Autocrat, than characteristic of the Republican reputation of the free, sovereign, and independent, States of America. God grant that the peace and happiness of the people of this Union may yet be preserved, by an equitable spirit of compromise and that recriminations, and the bitterness of party feeling, may yield to harmony and unanimity ! Yours, &c. HERMANN. SOUTH CAROLINA, April 23r/, 1832. My Dear Sir : I wish most sincerely I could say, to the re- doubtable champions of the Tariff, in the words of a facetious au- thor " I come to bid the hatchet's labor cease, "And smoke with friends the calumet of peace !" Secure in their own ideal strength, and lost to a proper sense of fp justice and reason, they have rejected all overtures of an honorable compromise and accommodation ; but the spirit they would fain at- tempt to crush will no longer yield in tame submission to the will of despotism; with Herculean vigor it must be exerted, to rescue the Republic from degradation, and arrest the mad career of a do- mineering majority. There should be no wavering, no temporizing about the course to be pursued much depends on decision of char- acter. It is criminal to enact a law which, by its usurous and tyran- nic operation, aims a mortal blow at the liberties of the country ; and, as the Constitution of the United States was framed with the most perfect regard to the security of equal rights to the people of every State of the Union, and granting no advantages to any one class, over another, therefore the Tariff Law of 1828 should be considered a flagrant violation of the Constitution, and ought to be abrogated. An enlightened people cannot be long cajoled and hectored into a passive surrender of their dearest privileges. The truth cannot be concealed, that a spirit of faction and monopoly has gained a fearful ascendency, and has not only diminished the hard-earned wages of the poor, but threatens to destroy the peace and happiness of the Union. Must the honest and unsuspicious be sacrificed to the inordinate ambition of intriguing politicians ? Must some millions of people be plundered, for the support of a few hundred rich proprie- tors of sugar plantations and iron works, and for the protection of wealthy manufacturers and their partisans. The planters of the South, the yeomanry of the North, the enterprizing mariners, the laborers, blacksmiths, and other industrious mechanics, are all suf- ferers under this odious and oppressive system of indirect taxation. The merchants, too, unable to sustain the pressure of the times, will sink into poverty and obscurity with the gradual extinction of foreign commerce. Give to these men justice, and an equal distribution of benefits rising from a free and impartial administration of the Fede- ral Government they ask no more and, when their country is en- dangered by a foreign foe, they will be ready to pour out their pre- cious blood in her defence. Let Congress no longer delay to re- dress their wrongs, and leave them to an uninterrupted enjoyment of the fruits of their labor, uncontrolled and untrammelled, by corrupt legislation. From magnanimity, patriotism, benevolence, much may be derived ; " But, as for av'rice, 'tis the very devil, '* The fount, alas ! of every evil " The cancer of the heart, the worst of ills " Wherever sown, luxuriantly it thrives, " No flow'r of virtue near it thrives " Like aconite, where'er it spreads it kills." Avarice is certainly the ruling principle of the American System, the main-spring of the complicated machine and, when put in motion, it involves all who are unwilling to resist its powerful influence, and brings them within the vortex. Even some of the quondam advo- vocates of Free Trade have not escaped. Such is the mutability of poor human nature, that it is not always proof against temptation. That enlightened patriot and able writer on political economy, Mr. Lee, of Boston, has very justly observed, that "There cannot be the smallest doubt, on the mind of any impartial man, that it is the set- tled determination of the party we are resisting to carry the existing system up to entire prohibition. The question now at issue (says Mr. Lee) is not only whether we shall be relieved from our present burdens, but whether we shall be oppressed with heavy additions to them : for, if the principle be established that certain classes are en- titled to tax the nation for the benefit of their particular pursuits, the same privilege must, in common justice, be extended to all who may apply for it." The writer has also observed " The truth is, the whole system of taxation is maintained by a few thousand capi- talists and politicians, who exercise the same control over the legis- lation of the country, as is wielded over the Parliamentary enact- ments of England by a few thousand landholders, who, by means of corn-laws, tax the poor man's loaf, that they may riot in luxury." The soundness of these remarks cannot be denied, and every day furnishes us with additional proofs of their accuracy. It now only remains to be clearly ascertained whether Congress, in accordance with the opinion of Mr. Lee, will persist in adhering to the present iniquitous system of protecting duties. If they do, the Southern States will no doubt refuse to submit, and the dispute will quickly 29 be determined by disunion or nullification ! The Constitution must be restored to its pristine purity, and guarded from future violation, or the Union can never be secure. It is proposed to repeal the du- ties on figs, raisins, currants, dates, tamarinds, capers, olives, juni- per berries, nutmegs, macaroni, nuts, and many other trifling articles seldom sought after by the major part of the population of the United States. What a liberal offering to the rich man, to repeal the du- ties on the luxuries of his table! What a wonderful attempt at con- ciliation, originating in the combined efforts of the master spirits^of the American System ! But no tender mercies and charities for the poor ! No solicitude for their welfare ! They must be compelled to pay most exorbitantly on woollen and cotton goods, on hemp, iron, sugar, salt, and other most useful and necessary articles. A piece of flannel which costs in England 10 cents per yard, is subject to a duty of 12 cents, (or 120 per centum,) so that the importation of the very article most needed by the poor, to protect them from the inclemency of the weather, is almost prohibited, that the manufac- turer may have an immense profit on the sale of his goods. If this is not cruelty and injustice, I know not what is. How long is this political juggle to continue? What are the grand objects to be at- tained ? Is it for the purpose of gulling all who are ignorant of the principles of Free Trade, that they be the more ready dupes of the American System, and assist in making a Tariff President ? or is it for the purpose of impoverishing the South, and, by reducing it to a state of vassalage, render it tributary to the Northern manufacturers? I must confess I am at a loss to decide, without some light cast upon the subject ; and, as more secrets may have transpired from the pro- ceedings of those kind-hearted and disinterested gentlemen who composed the Tariff Convention, than plain unsuspicious people are aware of, I must beg, therefore, to be informed if they have come to your knowledge. I am yours truly, HERMANN. 30 PENNSYLVANIA, June 13th, 1832. Dear Sir : In one of your late numbers of the Banner, you have clearly demonstrated that what is commonly termed the American System, is, in fact, nothing more than a grand Pauper System having for the subject of its operation, not the infant, the aged, the infirm, and paralytic, but a race of sturdy beggars, some of whom, you have justly observed, " so far from being poor, are amongst the richest of our citizens." You have happily illustrated your remarks, by bringing to our notice the manufacturing establishments of the town of Lowell, and the Deration of protective duties on cotton goods, &-c. showing, evidently, that Lowell is an alms-house on a great scale, supported at the expense of the people of the whole United States, precisely as the alms-house of Philadelphia is sup- ported at the expense of a local population. Numerous illustrations of this sort have been happily introduced by you, to expose the fal- lacy of the Tariff and the insidious doctrines of the American System. Your efforts have done much to remove the delusion which still exists, as to the pretended benefits of the Tariff. I do not flatter when I positively assert that I am fully convinced that the productions from your pen have thrown more light on the subject which now so greatly agitates the public mind, than all the publications which have issued from the American press since the Declaration of Independence. Go on, my dear sir, and conti- nue to enlighten your readers on the principles of Free Trade, which you cannot better elucidate than by the judicious mode you have adopted. In condemning the unjust and oppressive system of indirect taxa- tion, it is very far from my intention to depreciate mechanic enter- prize, or underrate our manufactures. My opposition is directed against fanaticism, tyranny, and unequal taxation. Dress them up in what garb you please clothe these terms under the specious name of the " American System," the cloven foot shall appear the monster must be unmasked, and his hideous features exposed. 1 cannot agree with a learned and distinguished statesman, that the manufacturing establishments are the principalities of the destitute, and the palaces of the poor ! extravagant praise may sometimes be mistaken for burlesque ; and as the observation is from an advocate of protective duties and a high Tariff, some allowance may be made. How does the assertion correspond with the accounts furnished by 31 those candid and independent Editors oi' the Eastern Argus, and the New England Artizan 1 their description of the sufferings of the poor operatives is sufficient to make the heart shudder. The Ger- mans say, " die zeit bringt rosen" (time brings roses ;) but, alas ! to these poor people, I fear it will bring nothing but thorns. The Editor of the Argus remarks of the manufacturers, " they possess an almost unlimited control over the means of daily subsistence of a large part of those employed a control, it is well known, that has been prostituted to sectarian and party purposes. He adds, " what must be the effect of confining children of a tender age with- in the walls of Factories, in a heated and poisonous atmosphere, from twelve to eighteen hours per day"f"-and yet, these are signifi- cantly called " the palaces of the poorr The Editor of the New England Artizan has produced cases of great enormity, one in par- ticular of a poor unfortunate deaf and dumb boy being most cru- elly beaten by his tyrant until he was unable to stand of females most shamefully and brutally punished. He declares, " that he can name (if required) one hundred instances of corporeal punishment which have occurred within two miles of his office" and, if neces- sary, he can fill two columns of his paper per week, for two months, with details of barbarities committed in the manufactories. God forbid that these should be considered as "the palaces of the poor," or form any part of what is called " the settled policy of the North!" If these flagitious acts are tolerated at this time, what will be the situation of the United States in less than half a century? " The million of bayonets," with which the friends of Free Trade and the rights of the poor are now threatened, will, probably, be required to enforce the mandates of remorseless tyranny, and to make victims of the unhappy people who, like the hard-working poor of Europe, often seek bread and scanty wages, but are scoffed and repulsed with the bayonet. Those who worship mammon have no tender mercies for the poor ; little do they care about providing for their wants, when on the bed of sickness or rescuing orphans from poverty and vice, and improving their morals. Avarice smothers the best feel- ings of the human heart, and is the ruling passion of monopolists. The title of the Holy Alliance has been given (in derision, I sup- pose,) to those large capitalists and wealthy iron masters who com- posed the Harrisburg Convention ; and having there matured their plans, and formed the league, left it to their friends in Congress, to pass the " Bill of Abominations" in 1828, for their protection , and called in, or bought the aid of, hireling presses to support it. * 4, 32 It has been said, that these proceedings at Ilarrisburg were some- what analogous to the measures of the Congress of Vienna, who met for the better security of the Kings of Europe ; and, instead of granting the brave Germans the free institutions promised them for the blood and treasure lavished in the war against France, they considered it of infinitely more importance to consult the views of the " Holy Alliance," and enlisted into their service all the sordid and servile writers they could find, to support the doctrine that the Sovereigns were bound to each other, and under no obligation to grant free Constitutions to their subjects. A certain literary cha- racter of Gottingen published a book in defence of this creed, which the students of that University (always distinguished for a high sense of honor and republican spirit,) " reviewed by affixing a copy to the whipping post ; then, marching to the author's house, hailed him with a thrice repeated percat!"* If the Congress of the United States is sincerely desirous of promoting the general welfare of the American People, they should not hesitate to adopt such a bill as Mr. McDuffie's. What do we want with a revenue beyond what is required to answer the exigencies of the nation ? why heap burdens on the people to foster manufactures 1 why repeal the duties on lux- uries, and impose a heavy tax on the necessaries of life ? We re- sisted a paltry tea tax and stamp act of the royal government, and must we submit, after the payment of the National Debt, to be trampled upon by a despotism of monied aristocracy ? Mr. McDuf- fie's Bill is moderate and just, and so simplified as to be understood by every citizen who can read. It is free from those petty and vex- atious imposts and extortions which harass the merchant, and dis- tress both producers and consumers. The moral turpitude, so inseparable from an onerous system of indirect taxation, is no where to be found in the bill of that illus- trious champion of Free Trade, and who labors to restore the Con- stitution to its pristine purity. What can be more equitable than his proposition to reduce the duties to twenty-five per centum ad valorem on all iron and steel, salt, sugar, cotton bagging, hemp, flax, and manufactures of iron, cotton, and wool imported into the United States, from the 30th of June, and making a gradual reduc- tion to eighteen and three quarters per centum, to take effect from and after the 30th of June, 1833 ; and after the 30th of June, 1834, to be brought down to twelve and a half per cent, ad valorem ; Russell's Tour in Germain 33 and l'urfln-1, that all other iu< rchaiitli.se imported into t!u j United States shall be subject to twelve and a half per cent, ad valorem, from the 30th of June, except such articles as are now imported free of duty, or at a lower rate of ad valorem duty than twelve and a half per cent. " Be just and fear not let all the ends thou aimest at be thy God's, thy Country's, and Truth's." The champions of State Rights and Free Trade will obey these precepts ; they have proclaimed their devotion to measures, and disclaim all servile attachment to men. Theirs is a righteous cause one for which Patrick Henry plead, a Washington fought, and a Montgomery bled. We have, been sneeringly told, that the Tariff of 1828 is the settled policy of the North. I should rather call it the political pander which prostitutes the morals and interests of the American People. To enforce this iniquitous policy, Freemen have been threatened with an appeal to the sword and the bayonet, by the hectoring champions of the loom and spinning-jenneys. What a silly gasconade ! which cannot even make an impression upon our women and children ; added to all this, the foul tongue of slander is let loose against the patriots of the land, and the hoary-headed veteran of the Revolution is not spared from abuse, for reminding his countrymen, that they passively submit to be taxed more than tenfold the amount which was imposed by the British Government, and which was so nobly and successfully resisted by the old thirteen United States. Those gallant sons of the North, who are not chained to the car of despot- ism, will never submit to the chastening rod of their oppressors ; they are not insensible to their own wrongs, and know how to sympathize with their suffering brethren of the South ; they need no appeal to their generous feelings, to aid them in shaking off the bondage of the Restrictive System. I do not despair of the Repub- lic ! I cannot be persuaded that this Union, cemented by the best blood of our Revolutionary patriots, will be sacrificed to a vile and factious spirit of monopoly and avarice. The cause of Free Trade is the cause of God and nature of equal rights and the poor of freedom against taxation and tyranny of civilization against barbarism and must be sustained. HERMANN. ERRATA. Tfye, first of llie. foregoing- heUors should have been dated from Philadelphi instead; of -South Carolina. In. page 5, line 8 from,!!)-? bolf.nm, after the word " halm," 1o should 1. substituted for. " in." Jn page .97, lino 15, i: u^urous" should be usurious. LETTER FROM HERMANN, TO ;0*DY RAGUET, Esq. CHARLESTON : PRINTED BY E. J. VAN BRUETT, No. 121, East-Bay. Sir : SINCE I last had the pleasure of addressing you, far more auspicious times I trust are likely to dawn on the destinies of our country than could have been reasonably predicted from the gloomy and unpromising aspect of affairs. Six months ago, the rash career of the champions of the Tariff was rapidly hurrying our liberties to the grave , but thanks to kind Providence ! that dreaded event has been averted by the returning sense of justice, which influenced the minds of Statesmen ; who in sacri- ficing their prejudices on the altar of concord, to preserve the peace of the Union, have not only exhibited wisdom and true greatness, but have gained a triumph which has rendered their fame imperishable, and will transmit to posterity their virtues for imitation. What a contrast with the sordid and grovelling spirit that would do homage to Mammon, and offer up to Moloch a magnanimous people, (struggling to maintain their rights,) as victims to foul ambition, and a lust of power. The present prospect is certainly cheering, compared with the retrospective view of our late position, which could not have been surveyed without exciting mingled emotions of disgust and indignation at the repeated encroach- ments made by the friends of despotism and consolidated Government, upon the lights of the citizen. The Tariff of 1828 the offspring of combined plot and corruption the Idol of visionary Politicians and selfish speculators, was held out as a lure to wealth, for such persons, who were willing to embark in, the schemes of the monopolists ; and rich spoils were promised to their partisans, each of whom was led to imagine he possessed a power equal to Midas. The plan, too, of freely drawing money from the Public Treasury for sectional purposes, and to further their mercenary views, was secured by Legislative sanction, and under the specious title of the " American System ;" they determined it should be considered as the settled policy of the country, and arrogated the right of calling it so. It is the settled policy of the Government of an absolute mo- narchy to enforce the edict of a Tyrant by the sword and bayonet against his oppressed subjects, and impiously to declare it only inferior to the Fiat of Heaven. It is the settled policy of a Turkish Divan to inflict the bow- string on mere suspicion, or by false accusations, to dispossess some un- happy victim of his life and property. I thank God, however, that the free, sovereign and independent States of this great Federal Republic are composed of a population, of which, the majority are too enlightened ever to submit to be made the instruments of the niyrmydons of power, and to be rendered subservient to the will of a faction. They will I trust, never consent to perpetuate their own infamy, by assisting to degrade the character of the country, which it is their pride and ambition to exalt and protect. In the late contest with the General Government, for the repeal of the odious Tariff, the Southern States endured with a patience and forbear- ance almost unprecedented in the annals of the history of Republics, evils which were gradually annihilating their agriculture and commerce, exhausting their resources, and compelling them to be tributary to the North. South-Corolina, in particular, after more than ten years of re- monstrance and unavailing petitions, was spurned by that very arm which should have been raised for her protection after finding every avenue to relief closed against her, she at length assumed an attitude worthy of the days of ancient Greece, confiding in the rectitude of her cause, and under the protection of a merciful Providence, she called on her gal- lant sons to rescue themselves from a most humiliating thraldom, and the same spirit which inspired their ancestors in the days of the Revolution with undaunted courage and led them to victory, now protected the Pal- metto Banner, with more than twenty thousand brave volunteers, who faithful to the State, were prepared to peril their lives and property in her defence. When the new " Bill of Abominations" was enacted in 1832, by both Houses of Congress, and all prospect of redress became despe- rate, did she seek to dissolve the Union, or to disturb the peace of the community by violence and anarchy 1 The people of South-Carolina dis- dained so disgraceful a course, for their cause was too sacred to be thus dishonored they conceived it to be due to their dignity to proceed, " con- silio et animis" and having in their sovereign capacity by their Delegates in Convention, solemnly declared the Tariff laws of 1828 and 1832, null and void within the limits of the State, they resolved to defend their liber- ties against Federal usurpation and aggression, at any and every hazard. Nothing daunted by the ill judged menaces of the Federal Executive, our little Sparta moved on in the even tenor of her course scorning the vindictive and slanderous abuse of her political enemies unmoved by their pitiful arts to intimidate her, she steadily pursued the path of truth and honor. I will not soil my paper by repeating the opprobrious lan- guage which issued against her from a variety of the most impure chan- nels. In short, nothing could exceed the venom of malignant tongues no words were deemed too caustic, or too gross with which to assail the Friends of " State Rights and Free Trade ;" they produced no discord in our ranks, but on the contrary served to unite us more closely, and exci- ted only contempt and derision. I do not address you with the intention of acting as the encomiast of our party; we leave it to posterity to judge of our conduct, and to determine if we have not been actuated by the purest motives of patriotism : time will prove how shamefully we have been ca- lumniated, and that our enemies have falsely arraigned us for error of judgement, and unjustly imputed to us a design to withdraw from the Union. From the commencement to the termination of our contest with the Fed- eral Government, South-Carolina was distinguished for moderation, pru- dence and firmness. She never demanded more than could be sanction- ed by the laws of God and nature. Congress denied her justice. The Federal Court had no right to take cognizance of political questions, and two-thirds of the States of the Union being in favor of the Tariff, we could have no expectation of redress from a General Convention. How then was she to act 1 rather than ignobly succumb any longer to the will of a reckless majority, she had recourse to her reserved rights, granted under the tenth article of the amendments to the Constitution, which ex- pressly declares, " The powers not delegated to the United States, by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States re- spectively, or to the people." Extreme cases often require powerful and desperate remedies, which ought not be used, except when there is a hope of success. In the situation of South- Carolina, Nullification proved most efficacious, and a complete preventive against Revolution or Secession. She desired a peaceful adjustment of her differences with the General Government it was folly to doubt her attachment to the Union the in- tegrity of which she had lavished her best blood and treasure in two wars, to preserve under the most arduous circumstances. She had never mur- mured or quailed, trusting to her own moral and physical resources, she never calculated the cost when called on by her sister States to unite with them for the general safety. She engaged in the Revolutionary struggle from principle no State had so little reason to complain of oppression while a colony. She was cherished as a favorite child by the mother country; but I will not dwell on this subject or vaunt of her good deeds, for which she has been so greatly distinguished, and poorly requited. Her en- emies dare not refuse to acknowledge that but for the measures adopted by the Convention no modification of the Tariff would have been made by Con- gress, and without them the monopolists would still have cause to exult. It is a just remark of a highly estimable and distinguished Virginian, that "cu- pidity was never yet known to let go its hold, without being compelled by some threatening evil." Such has been the unyielding and rancorous spirit of our opponents that they contumaciously persist in denying to a State the right of seceding from the Union ; warmly espousing the doctrine of con- solidation, they endeavor to sustain it by the most flimsy and fallacious argument, contending that the Federal Government is sovereign, that the Union is a nation; not in the common acceptation of the term, but " bona fide" a nation under a consolidated Government, claiming unlimited powers, and arrogantly disclaiming all right on the part of a State to be sovereign and independent, or the people judges of what should constitute their sovereignty, as derived from the Constitution. It is reduced to an axiom that he who enters voluntarily into a compact, has the undoubted right of withdrawing when by a violation of it he is aggrieved by an at- tempt to practise imposition and deprive him of certain privileges which by the conditions of that compact he was entitled to enjoy. Can it be supposed that a free, sovereign and indpendent State should be bound against her will to continue a member of a Confederacy when the princi- ples on which it is based are infringed, and she is thereby left to the mercy and misrule of the dominant party. There are certain civil and natural rights appertaining to the people of every free State, which are undefeasi- ble and unalienable, of which no earthly power can divest them, but treachery and force. The sovereign right is inherent, originating with the people of the States, forming one great confederated Republic, united by the most sacred ties of amity, interest and kindred blood ; and if these should fail to preserve the Union compulsion never can. The doctrines of State sovereignty, State interposition, and the right of seces- sion are now daily becoming better understood, by the people and by no Statesman, have they been more clearly and satisfactorily defined than by Mr. CALHOUN; hie reasoning on these interesting subjects has been so lucid so truly worthy of his great and capacious mind so per- fectly intelligible and convincing, that he who does not comprehend it, must indeed, be unfortunately dull. Mr. CALHOUN'S arguments have been termed by a member of the Senate metaphysical, this appears somewhat quaint, perhaps ethical might have been applied with more propriety. Mr. CALHOUN'S remarks and reply, are so beautifully characteristic of his fine intellect, that I must be excused for introducing them here, in an extract from his speech, on what is called, " the Revenue Collection Bill" *'The terms Union, Federal, united, imply a combination of sovereign- ties, a confederation of States. They are never applied to an associa- tion of individuals. Who ever heard of the United State of New-York, of Massachusetts, or of Virginia 1 Who ever heard the term Federal, or Union, applied to the aggregation of individuals into one community ] Nor is the other point less clear that the sovereignty is in the several States, and that our system is a Union of twenty-four sovereign powers, under a constitutional compact, and not of a divided sovereignty between the States severally and the United States. In spite of all that has been said, he maintained that sovereignty is, in its nature, indivisible. It is the supreme power in a State, and we might just as well speak of half a square, or half of a triangle, as of half a sovereignty. It is a gross error to confound the exercise of sovereign powers with sovereignty itself, or the delegation of such powers with a surrender of them. A sovereign may delegate his powers to be exercised by as many agents, as he may think proper, under such conditions and with such limitation as he may impose ; but to sur- render any portion of his sovereignty to another is to annihilate the whole. The Senator from Delaware (Mr. Clayton) calls this metaphysical rea- soning, which, he says, he cannot comprehend. If by metaphysics he means that scholastic refinement which makes distinctions without diffe- rence, no one can hold it in more utter contempt than he, (Mr. C.,) but, if on the contrary, he means the power of analysis and combination that power which reduces the most complex idea into its elements, which traces causes to their first principle, and, by the power of generalisation and combination, unites the whole in one harmonious system ; then, so far from deserving contempt, it is the highest attribute of the human mind. It is the power which raises man above the brute which distin- guishes his faculties from mere sagacity, which he holds in common with inferior animals. It is this power which has raised the astronomer from being a mere gazer at the stars, to the high intellectual eminence of a Newton or Laplace ; and astronomy itself from a mere observation of insulated facts into the noble science which displays to our admiration the system of the universe. And shall this high power of the mind, which has effected such wonders, when directed to the laws which control the material world, be forever prohibited, under a senseless cry of mataphy- sics, from being applied to the high purpose of political science and legis- lation 1 He held them to be subject to laws as fixed as matter itself, and to be as fit a subject for the application of the highest intellectual power. Denunciation may indeed fall upon the philosophical enquirer into these first principles, as it did upon Galileo and Bacon, when they first unfolded the great discoveries, which have immortalized their names ; but the time will come when truth will prevail in spite of prejudice and denunciation ; and when politics and legislation will be considered as much a science as astronomy and chemistry." So long as the Government of the United States is administered on the true spirit and principles of the Constitution, the liberties of the people are safe, but if regardless of that good faith which should be observed to all men, the Government is guilty of partiality in bestowing exclusive pro- tection to favored classes, encouraging monopolies, raising up a monied aristocracy, attempting to break up the usages of civilized society, by de- stroying all confidence between man and man, and by unjust and uncon- stitutional laws, oppressing the poor to benefit the rich, then it is not only justifiable, but it is the imperative duty of the people, of a free sovereign and independent State, to interpose their authority, and to declare all such acts as violate their rights, null and void within the limits of the said State. Cheered and supported under all difficulties by a consciousness of the rectitude of their course, and seeking no favors from men, but adhe- ring rigidly to virtuous principles, the Friends of State Rights and Free Trade in South-Carolina, have clung to the Constitution as to the ark of their political salvation, and it was only in the last extremity, when op- pressed by the Federal Government, that they were compelled to seek redress by means of Nullification, a term now in common use, too fre- quently perverted and most reviled when least understood : held up (if I may be permitted so to express myself,) by the advocates of consolida- tion as a political " Scarecrow or Bugbear" to deter the wavering and timid from openly siding with the injured party. By some it has been compared to an Ignis-Fatuus, beguiling its followers ; and by others, de- nounced as a political heresy. The doctrine, however, has proved too orthodox, for its enemies, and their Ignis-Fatuus, has passed into a sacred flame, that neither tyranny or injustice can extinguish. In my next, I propose to enter more particularly into the subject of State Rights, and although I cannot flatter myself with the hope of mak- ing any new suggestions or useful remarks, yet I shall at least have the 8 consolation of knowing, that my humble efforts have heen contributed to elicit truth by keeping alive a spirit of research, without which, even the best cause may languish, and be irretrieavably lost. Remember that our victory is not complete, and that much remains to be accomplished. In politics as in religion, there are many valuable lessons by which we may profit, and as applicable to our political situation, there is no better scrip- tural warning, than this : " He that keepeth Israel shall neither slumber nor sleep." Let us watch then with an eagle eye, the movements of our adversaries, and suffer them not to lull us into a false security. Permit me to express my sincere regret, that you have found it necessary to re- linquish the publication of the Banner of the Constitution, and have no intention of resuming it at a future period. The zeal and great abil- ity with which you sustained that valuable paper, richly entitles you to the gratitude of every true Friend of State Rights and Free Trade. The sound editorial remarks with which it always abounded, rendered it a most excellent practical work on political economy. I hope that pecu- niary considerations did not induce you to abandon it, or that want of punctuality on the part of your subscribers, has led to it ; if so, I shall never cease to lament the cause, knowing that you must have necessarily incurred considerable expense. With great respect, I remain yours, SECOND LETTER FROM HERMANN, TO COADY RAGUET, Esq. CHARLESTON IRIHTED BY K. J. VAN KQ. 121, East-Bay. Hear Sir : IN my last communication, I made some general remarks on the late contest between the State of South-Carolina and the Federal Govern- ment, relative to the unconstitutionally and injustice of the Tariff acts, and justified the people of Carolina, for having availed themselves of their reserved rights to resist what might well he considered an usurpation of power exercised by Congress for the protection of manufactures, thereby impoverishing the great agricultural States of the South, and rendering them in some degree tributary to the North, also laying the foundation of invidious distinctions between the various sections of the Union, striking at the root of our Republican institutions, and reducing us to a state of colonial vassalage infinitely more degrading than when we were subject to the dominion of the Royal Government, and far different from those days of prosperity which existed under the administration ot WASHING- TON and JEFFERSON. I will endeavor to demonstrate how egregiously mistaken the Friends of consolidation have been on the subject of State Rights, which I can only attribute to the confined and distorted view they have taken of it, through the combined influence of ignorance and prejudice, to raise up an intolerant and corrupt spirit of monied aristocracy, the very bane of social life, and to be dreaded as a most dire calamity. Time has developed the real objects of the champions of a protective Tariff, and has discover- ed that very little labour and ingenuity was required to unravel the web of their political heresy, or to detect the sophistry of their fine spun theory of consolidation, with all' its attendant evils. Those gentlemen who may have acquired lessons on Government at the courts of Europe, have not been without apt scholars in the United States. Plain Republi- cans, and men of common sense and moderate ambition, are satisfied with our present form of Government, which needs no overstrained efforts to alter and assimilate it to the aristocratic Governments of the old world. Our Constitution was framed upon the best and most liberal plan which hu- man wisdom could devise. It may be be compared to a beautiful f.i brick reared by the joint labour of the most able and skilful master workmen the world has produced. The Constitution has been with propriety called a social compact, made by the consent of the people of each of the thirteen United States for the general welfare. It has been justly remarked by an able writer, "that the Government of the United States can claim no powers which are not granted to it by the Constitution, either expressly or by necessary implication" he adds, " that the words of the Constitution are to be taken in their natural sense without restric- tion or enlargement." The fact is, the words of the Constitution are so explicit, they leave no room. for. cavilling ; the powers of the General Go- vernment are clearly defined^ and no law can be -considered valid that is not only based on the spirit, but on the plain and literal sense of the words which cannot be misinterpreted, unless with the design of mislead- ing. What higher authority can I quote than that of our estimable 11 "Fe^ow-citizen, Mr. RAWLE, whose profound legal knowledge, no can 'doubt. In his admirable work entitled, "a view of the Constitution of the United States" he remarks, " The powers of the General Govern- ment are few and defined, those which remain to the State Government numerous and indefinite.,' In another part of his Book he says, " In all nrtters not transferred to the General Government, the rights and inter- ests of the people are confided to the care of the State Governments, and an anxiety to secure and defend them, has been uniforn-ly apparent in all the Stages." The people cannot be too jealous of the disposition of an arbitrary majority of Congress to trespass on their rights. The danger of investing the executive with powers not authorized by the Constitution is to be apprehended, and should be by all possible means guarded against by the vigilance and determined opposition of the people. In treating of the Executive p wer, Mr. RAWLE observes, "Limited and restrained as the President is, creature of the people, and subject to the law with all power to do right, he possesses none to do wrong." This is true, provid- ed he is controlled by the strong arm of the supremejaw of the land, and not suffered to transcend the powers prescribed by it. When men, who are dejegated by the people to legislate for the protection of their rights, abuse the trust reposed in them by giving to the Chief Magistrate the power of exercising military despotism at his discretion, they are no lon- ger worthy of the confidence of their fellow-citizens. Man is naturally fond of power, all his ambitious feelings have a tendency towards it, his actions should be restrained by wise laws, and he cannot always be confided in when brought to encounter difficulties, for with all his moral worth he is not infallible. He who deserves to be truly great, must learn to have his passions under complete command, and none are so despicable as those who are guided more by caprice, interest and malevo- lence, than by a sense of justice. Nothing is more common than for men to condemn principles which do not meet their views and projects of self aggrandizement hence arises the virulence of the Tariffites against the Friends of Free Trade. We must mnke great allowance for diversity of sentiments among disinterested men ; but I feel indignant when I am told of Statesmen (who having filled the highest offices in the gift of a free people, and battened upon their bounty) presuming to dictate, and by the mere force of dogmatism attempt to brow-beat their opponents, or to suppose that the magic influence of their oratory can have more swav than good logic and sound common sense. The weakness arid vanity of some men too frequently compel us to lose sight of whatever good qualities they may possess. I have watched with anxiety and in- terest the political career of our most distinguished Statesmen, and with the varied feelings of pleasure and dissatisfaction, which their con- duct excited. Among: the documents which the last session of Congress presented to the public, there is one of an extraordinary character, and I cannot deceive mvself or others, by dignifying it with the title of a grave 'State paper, as I think it may be more properly styled a philippic agairst South-Carolina. I allude to the " Report of the minority of the Cor mittee on Manufactures," in which the Southern Planters are represent- 12 ed in an unfavorable point of view ; they are made to figure as poor un- suspicious, uninfonned beings, whose credulity is imp >sed upon by crafty and desig'iinsf men. In reference to the Southern Planter, the author of the Report observes, " He is told that a cruel, tyrannical, oppressive ma- jority in both Houses of Congress are the Representatives of this High- wayman of the North, [alluding to the Tariff] that they pervert the very pn iciples of popular Representation to the purposes of oppression and robbery that they dare not open their hearts to the sentiments of justice and humanity. He is told all this and he believes it." The intelligent planter whose understanding is so much underrated, is perhaps as com- petent as the author himself to judge of the merits of all great political questions which involve his rights, and the general welfare of the United States ; and why should he not be more capable than men who spend many years at foreign courts, and who become strangers to what is pass- ing in their own country. I can assure the author of the Report that he has formed both a prejudiced and erroneous opinion of the planters of the fcoufh. If he will take the trouble to visit them, he will find that they are too enlightened and independent to be c, joled or duped by any man or set of men. Here is another specimen of the vindictive spirit which diet ted the following tirade. "And behold the foundation of the super- structure of Nullification -falsified logic falsified history falsified con- stitute nal law falsified morality falsified statistics and falsified and slanderous imputations upon the majorities of both Houses of Congress for a long series of years all all is false and hollow." Without regarding the tautology, or wishing to charge the author with being more influenced by the spirit of " darkness than light" in this effusion of invective against the nullifiers, to whom he has never shewn the least mercy, no more than he would have bestowed on the redoubtable members of the celebrated Hartford Convention, I would merely beg leave to express a hope from my respect for him, that out of charity to the nullifiers, he will in future be more considerate, and I will not be so uncharitable as to accuse him of being hard-hearted, but be contented with applying the old French saying of " Un saint jean louche ePor. You must remember the outcry that was made by our political oppo- nents, against that part of the Ordinance of Nullification, passed at the .first session of our Convention, requiring all civil and military officers to take ai oath to obey and enforce the said Ordinance; and at the last ses- sion of the Convention, it was ordained, " that the allegiance of the citi- zens of South-Carolina, while they continued such is due to the said State, and that obedience only and not allegiance is due by them to any other power or authority, to whom a control over them has been, or may be delegated by the States," &c. There is scarce a subject on which those who are scrupulously and religiously exact, differ so much as on the necessity of taking an oath of office or allegiance. The members of the society of friends are religiously opposed to t k : ng an oath and are exempt by law. Some men feel a strong repugnance to lay themselves under so sacred an obligation, leist the frailty of their nature may induce a uepai ture from the strict line of duty. There are others who regard it IS as a matter of form, and attach little or no importance to it from the fre- quent violations which occur, and the too common instances of the crime of perjury, which are seldom punished with proper severity. What by common usage is designated a test oath is too often confounded with oa'hs of a political nature. Every one who is conversant with the histo- ry of England mustrememher that under the reign of Charles lid., in the year 1673, a law was enacted, entitled "the test act, imposing an oath on all who shou.d evjo any public office." "Besides t iking the oath of allegiance, a id the Kings supremacy, they were obliged to receive the sacrament once a year in the established Church, and to abjure ail belief i '. the doc rine of transubstantiation." I cannot conceive why any rea- sonaMe man should object to take an oath of office, or to swear allegiance unless he his prevented by his religious principles. What is an oath but a great moral tie binding a citizen to be faithful to his public duties, or to til' country which protects him. In this free Republic there is no com- pulsion, and if an oath is imposed by an express law, or required to be taken under the Constitution, before he enters on the duties of his office he can withdraw his claim, or if he prefers it, let him leave the State. Was I destined to pass my days in the free State of Saxe-- Weimar or Flanover, and be dependent for my maintenance upon either of them, and enjoy the same rights wrh a native subject, I would certainly without h< sitation take the oath of allegiance, and should consider myself wholly bound to be obedient to the laws and ready to defend the State from all aggressions of foreign powers, and acts of tyranny and oppression of the Germanic confederacy, affecting life, liberty and property. As dearly AS I value the Union, and as ardently as I wish that harmony and prosperity should prevail in every section of it, yet lam firmly of opinion that the first duty of a native or adopted citizen is to the State which affords him a support ; the next is obedience to all constitutional laws of the Federal Government. I should indeed be a recreant son of that State which has nourished and reared me if I did not consider myself bound by every sa- cred tie to serve her in good and in evil fortune. The subject of State Rights may appear somewhat complicated to those who do not under- stand it ; the variety of questions which it involves are intimately linked together, and all rest upon the strong and fundamental laws of truth and justice. In a former letter to you, I ventured to make a few remarks on the right if Secession, I shall now resume the subject with a full conviction on my mind that such a right does exist from the very circumstance alone of each of the old thirteen States having entered of their own free will into a confedeiacy for their mutual good, and from which they or any one of them are at liberty to withdraw, whenever the compact which unites them is violated. This position I believe to be tenable, and cannot be destroyed by any argument which the advocates of consolidation may think proper to advance. I am borne out in rry opinion by the authority of some o ; the most distinguished Statesmen and Lawyers of the United States. IV' r. RAWLE, in his work on the Constitution observes,* " The * e the Chapter on the permanence of the Union. 14 Secession of a State from the Union, depends on the will of the people of uch State." And in the next page he says, " The people of the State m iy have some reasons to complain in respect to acts of the General Go- vernment, they may in such cases invest some of their own officers with the power of negotiation, and may declare an absolute Secession in case of their failure." In a well written paper published a few years ago in one of the numbers of the Southern Review, on the Georgia controversy, atid ascribed to the pen of Col. DRAYTON, the right of a State to secede is admitted in the most positive and unequivocal terms. I will now call your attention to the late modification of the Tariff. In defiance of all the vapouring and terriffic threats of the sword and the bayonet ; and the tremendous force of a " million of musket bearing freemen," who were to annihilate every friend of Free Trade in the United States, and every opponent of a most iniquitous system of indirect taxation, the great cause of truth and justice has prevailed. The stately American eagle continues his flight with all his wonted majesty and pride without losing a feather from his wing ; and South- Carolina remains where I trust she wiil ever be found in the Union and for this she is not only indebted to her own glorious efforts, but to the triumph of humanity over vice, and wisdom over folly. The ocean will again become the un- trammeled highway for nations, and in the eloquent words of the illus- trious PATRICK HENRY, we may then say, " Let commerce be as free ag air, she will range the whole creation, and return on the four winds of Heaven to bless the land with plenty." Whatever may have been Mr. CLAY'S political sins, he has in a great measure atoned for them by his magnanimous conduct at the close of the last session of Congress anxi- ous to avert the gathering storm which threatened to destroy the Union, he came forward as a mediator, and happily succeeded in effecting a compromise thus was it destined that the very man who had contributed so zealously to advocate and support the Tariff, should be instrumental in giving a fatal blow to its existence such is the mutability of human events ! By this act he has raised himself in the estimation of the people of the A nti-Tariff States, and by this act he has placed Kentucky where nature intended she should be in a situation to enjoy all the advantages of a close and friendly commercial intercourse with her sister Carolina. Virginia will hail with joy her regenerated son, and deck his brow with a c ; t r ic wreath, more pure and spotless than the laurels which are won by nvl tary chieftains. Few men when put to the trial are possessed of suf- ficient moral courage to triumph over themselves. In the late contest in the Senate, when the question was whether the act of 1832, should re- main untouched, or be repealed, Mr. CLAY, whose feelings had been so warmly enlisted in behalf of high protective duties, yielded them for the general welfare; and by that means gained a victory, as honorable for himself, HS for his country. I confess to you, that he was the last man in the United States, from whom I expected a proposition for a compro- mise. I had despaired, when to my joy, I learnt that a redeeming spirit existed, which I sincerely hope may continue to guide and aid him in completing the good work of reform he has so liberally commenced. 15 When Mr. CLAY'S Bill was reported, and before it had passed in the Se- nate, I had formed a most imperfect and hasty opinion of it, aiid was dis- posed to view it as a device to assuage the wounded feelings of the South, and only lull them into a temporary security. The Hill is undoubtedly a peace offering, and as such was accepted by the whole So ith:rn delega- tion. Although it is by no means such a one as the South had a right to desire, yet it may be considered as a victon, and in the main, satisfactory to the friends of Free Trade, because it abandons the principle of protec- tion promises to reduce the revenue to the economical wants of the Go- vernment gets rid of the odious and vexatious minimum duties ; and what is of great importance to the commerce of the Southern States, it exempts from duty after December 31, 1833, linens, worst* d stuffs and silks. The objections are, the length of time, before the cinties will be brought down to the revenue standard the home valuation n nd cash du- ties. The terms are advantageous to the manufacturers, aiul they nmy indeed consider themselves highly favored, for by what plea o' justice had they a claim to as much as has been granted to them by th s Bill 1 Do they deriVe any from their wealth, their number, or their merit ? The first, our Republican principles can never sanction the second gives them small pretensions, for (including old and young, male and female,) the whole number of rich stockholders and operatives does not consist of more than half a million, out of a population of thirteen millions. As to the last I will not be so ungenerous as to cast any imputation on it. Let them confide more in their own industry and resources, and less in the Government for success, and leave the rest to time and the people. From what aera can we with more propriety date our prosperity than the present t and under what more favorable circumstances can we begin the work of retrenchment by dispensing with the services of supernumerary officers of custom-houses, and by striking off from the pension list many who are in the enjoyment of fortunes, more than competent to their sup- port ? It is the duty of the Government to relieve the people from all useless burdens. There is as little necessity for being penurious as there is for being guilty of a lavish expenditure of the public money, which should be equally and equitably distributed among all the States without distinction. The national debt nearly extinguished, and a thousand niil- lions of acres of public lands for sale, we may hope for a long series of years of general prosperity and harmony. The acceptance of Mr. CLAY'S Bill renders it almost useless for me to notice the measures of the Virginia Legislature ; I must remark, however, that from my knowledge of the spirit which prevailed among the sons of that ancient and respectable State, less than twenty years ago, there would have been more of ardour and zeal, and less of lukewarmness than has lately been exhibited in the cause of Free Trade and State Rights ; but, with such men as UPSHUR, TAZEWELL, FLOYD and JONES, we have every thing to hope for and no- thing to fear. I shall, however, never cease to respect the motives which dictated the appointment of Mr. LEIGH, as commissioner ; the choice could not have fallen upon a more amiable, honorable and worthy man, or one better qualified for such air office : his short stay in Carolina, en- deared 'him to all who had the pleasure of his acquaintance. 16 The long agitated question, whether a Tariff act for the protection of manufactures, can be considered constitutional has been generally decid- ed as both uiijust and unconstitutional. The moral turpitude which has been universally known to be inseparable from an oppressive system of indirect taxation, is of itself sufficient evidence that it could never have been contemplated by those patriotic Statesmen, whose combined wisdom framed the Constitution, that duties should be levied for the protection of manufactures ; or that more money should be raised than would be suffi- cient for the wants of the Government. It would be a libel on their memory to charge them with such a desisrn. A work on the rights of an American citizen, written by BENJAMIN L. OLIVER, of Boston, con- tains the following just remarks, "Can it be imagined then, that under such a power to regulate trade, Congress has a constitutional authority to adopt measures injurious to it, for the purpose of advancing some other interest 1 Certainly not. If so then it is quite clear that Congress under the power of regulating trade, has no constitutional authority to lay a du- ty on imports for the mere purpose of encouraging manufactures." The diifusion of knowledge on this subject by such able and distinguished men as HENRY LEE, of Boston, WADSWORTH, of New-York, CLEMENT BID- DLE, of Philadelphia, and Professor DEW, of Virginia, cannot be too highly appreciated. It is to the light of science we must look to remove the darkness which has pervaded the Tariff States, and concealed from the great mass of the population their true interests. It is from the works of such illustrious writers as aFENELON, ADAM SMITH, DUGALD STEW- ART and SAY, that we should seek information, and not rely upon, or be led astray by the fallacious theories and misrepresentations of shallow productions. The author from whom I have just quoted, in questioning the right of Congres to levy heavy duties for the protection of manufac- tures, and in commenting on the expediency of the measure, observes, " If one State alone is to suffer in its trade, yet derive little or no advan- tage from such measures, while the other States without suffering any material disadvantage in their commerce, are to derive the whole advan- tage of such measures, this will be wholly contrary to the true intention of the parties to the Constitution, as well as taking a very unfair and dis- honorable advantage of the State thus oppressed." South-Carolina, although she took a conspicuous part in resisting the injustice of the Tariff acts of 1828, and 1832, is yet only one of nine of the States which have been oppressed. Thousands of enlightened men of the mid- die and western States, although they kept aloof from the contest, yet I have good reason to believe that their sympathy was extended to their friends in Carolina. The spell which has so long bound Ohio and Ken- tucky to the Tariff monster is broken, and they will in future be con vinced how greatly it will be for their interest to devote their attention to agriculture, and leave manufactures to those States where nature has not so amply provided for the wants of man , and where the population is dense, the lands poor, and the climate unfriendly to the growth of the rich products of the soil. With great respect, I remain yours, HEBHAHJfff LETTER OF "HERMANN," PUBLISHED IN THE "EXAMINER" OF THE 17th SEPTEMBER, 1834. "The last question discussed in the Report on the Bank question, by the Senate's com- mittee, is, " What has been the management of the Bank ?" And the answer is summed up as follows : " The Bank, in the last eleven years, has overcome all the difficulties which stood in its way ; has given to its notes a universal circulation, redeemable where foever presented, has increased the circulation from four to twenty millions; has facili- tated domestic exchanges by diminishing its rates; and, by increasing the annual amount purchased from seven to seventy millions, has purified the general currency, and has doubled the profits of the Bank itself." National Gazette. LETTER, &c. The Bank. We give place in this day's Examiner, to a communication from our old correspondent "Hermann," whose name is well known to the readers of our former paper, the Banner of the Constitution. He was a firm friend of Mr. Jackson, prior to his Pro- clamation of the 10th of December, 1832. and only abandoned him, as other honest men did, when he deserted the principles, for his advocacy of which, he was elected to the Presidency. The zeal displayed by our correspondent for the re-charter of the Bank, has no connexion with private interest, as we are assured that he does not possess a share of its stock, but, as in other instances, has probably been produced by the indignation excited ai the means resorted to by Mr. Jackson, in order to accomplish its overthrow. In publishing this communication, we are not to be considered as responsible for its contents. Whilst we accord with it fully in its denunciation of the unlawful procedure of seizing upon the public purse, as well as in the testimony it bears to the respectability of the Presidentand Directors of the Bank, we have seen no reason to change our origi- nal opinion of the unconstitutionality of any corporation chartered by the Federal govern- ment. Examiner. MR. EDITOR, During the present agitated state of the public feeling, permit an old correspondent to solicit your attention to that which should continue to engage the thoughts of all classes of the community " the removal of the Public Deposites" a political offence that has no parallel in any free nation of the world. If an enlightened people resolve not to submit to a domineering faction, and to be neither inveigled or bullied out of their rights, and reduced to a state of vassalage ; then let them, as they regard the country which is endeared to them by the most sacred ties, and which gave birth to the venerated Washington and Franklin, never suffer this subject to be buried in oblivion, for the same power which has so shamefully violated the public faith, and trampled on the laws of the land, is prepared with the sword and purse at command, to destroy every vestige of freedom, unless the arm of the usurper is arrested, and his myrmidons, who are fattening on the ill-gotten spoils of a much injured country, are driven from office. If I could be inspired with the spirit of a Junius, I would devote my pen to rouse the people from their apathy, and call on them to efface the foul stain from the character of the nation which it has received, and to cleanse the public offices, some of which (like the Augean Stable) are so filled with corruption, as to require a Herculean labour to rid them of it. In addressing you in the language of truth and common sense, I do assure you, that under their influence, I have endeavored through the course of my life, to be guided by republican principles. I have never sought, nor do I covet office. I defy the shaft of calumny, and despise the sophistry, petty intrigue, and mean subterfuge of unprincipled men, whether they move in private or public stations. I have been, as you well know, a warm and disinterested eulogist of the present chief magistrate of the United States. That time is past all men are liable to err and I am free to confess that I have been deceived. When I found him deviating from the path of political rectitude, and surrounded by a horde of satellites, composed of sycophants and time-serving minions, ready to crouch at the footstool of the Dictator, my heart sickened with disgust. Has he not rejected the friendly counsel of the most upright, sensible and honorable men of the nation, to gratify a set of cringing hypo- crites, and ravenous office-hunters'? Posterity may do justice to Andrew Jackson, as the hero of New-Orleans, but his conduct as President of the United States, will be condemned for the unnatural and ferocious part he was eager to act against his native State, (South-Carolina,) whose chival- ric and patriotic sons had the courage to redress their own grievances, and prove how dangerous it is to infringe the rights of a gallant and indepen- dent people with impunity; and I am happy to say that thousands who were disposed to unite in supporting the odious and tyrannical measures of the President against the Nullifiers, now nobly acknowledge their error, and have adopted their doctrines, and for one man in 1832, who exclaimed against nullification, there are a thousand who now rest their faith on State Rights and State Remedies. u Tempora mutantur et nos mutamar in illis." I will not trespass much longer on your patience, as it forms no part of my purpose to notice particularly the various abuses and flagrant acts of injustice, with which the administration is charged, the chief of which are, that precious piece of fustian, the Proclamation, the FORCE BILL, Pro- test, Corruption of the Post Office Department Land Office, &c. &c. &c. My object is to confine your attention to the gross outrage commit- ted by the President, and in defiance of the public opinion, in wantonly violating the Bank charter, by a removal of the Deposites ; contrary to the interests of the people, and without the consent of Congress. Sir, I blush for the honor of my country, when I consider that this rash step, which would bring the kingly head of a free state to the block, was the deed of a republican President, and too passively submitted to by a republican people. The day of retribution is at hand, when political de- linquents must answer for their transgressions. At the approaching elec- tions, the people should be reminded of the Removal of the Deposites, and not suffer the question of Bank or no Bank, to make them forget the duty they owe to their country, in removing those public servants, who sanc- tioned the outrage by their votes in Congress. If they will not avail them- selves of the right of calling on their legislatures to compel the merchants to pay the amount of their bonds to the United States Bank, they must trust to the tardy operation of the Ballot Box for redress. As to the Bank, it has stood like a rock in the sea, unmoved by the dashing of the foaming billows. The ungenerous manner in which it has been assailed and tra- duced, and the repeated attempts made to criminate the President and Directors, have been met by a manly, fair and honorable spirit, which, while it has elevated their character in the public estimation, and confirmed the utility of this great national institution, has exposed the blind infatua- tion of its enemies. The confidence in the integrity of the Bank is undi- minished, and the monied interests of the government and stockholders have been conducted, both under the administration of Mr. Cheves and Mr. Biddle, with the most rigid regard to honor and punctuality. What greater proof can be given of the high respectability and soundness of the Bank, than the perfect confidence reposed in it by foreigners in every part of the world. The liberality which it has exhibited on numerous occasions, has called forth universal approbation. In many instances, it has sustained some of the local Banks, and saved them from bankruptcy. It is also generally known, that in 1832, the Bank negociated bills to the amount of $120,000,000, without charge or premium. The learned Dr. Cooper, of Columbia, in South-Carolina, has truly remarked, that the Bank " has not only proved itself an institution of great public utility, but has been in no instance the tool of a political party." Although the constitution has not provided for the establishment 01 a national bank, and many persons object to a re-charter, solely on this ac- count, yet when it has been found from experience how necessary it has been to the commercial prosperity of every State of the Union, we ought to yield much to the general good. Without the United States Bank, we might be placed at the mercy of a set of political sharpers, or subjected to the unreasonable demands of brokers ; without this Bank, trade would suffer much embarrassment, and consequently, produce, houses, land and labor, would greatly depreciate, and as a safe place of deposite, it could have no rival. What will become of the public treasure, if left to a corrupt President, aided by a more corrupt legislation ? It would probably be squandered away in bribery at elections, or in paying and supporting po- litical knaves and spendthrifts and this would eventuate in national bank- ruptcy, and heavy direct taxes. If the ruthless warfare now waged by General Jackson against the Bank, should effect its downfall, the people will not know how to estimate the loss, until they feel the serious inconve- niences arising from it. The Bank was first charted under the adminis- tration of General Washington. Whatever that great and good man deem- ed expedient for the welfare of his country, proved right, his example has been followed by every successive administration, except Andrew Jackson. It is not too late for him to lay aside his animosity and personal prejudi- ces,; he is accused of being of a vindictive spirit ; let him come forward, and convince us to the contrary. General Washington had no great diffi- culty in conquering his enemies in the field, but his chief merit consisted in making friends of his enemies, and in subduing the greatest enemy of all, his passions ! and in so doing, he evinced true greatness of mind. Let General Jackson cease to be the President of a faction, and repair, if pos- sible, the injuries he has done, before he .--rfS^V w m w m