LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Class 
 
 University of California Berkeley 
 
THE 
 
 BURNING OF COLUMBIA, S. C. 
 
 A. REVIEW 
 
 or 
 
 NORTHERN ASSERTIONS 
 
 AND 
 
 SOUTHERN FACTS. 
 
 BY DR. D. H. TREZEVANT. 
 
 COLUMBIA, S. C : 
 
 S O I,' T II C A R O L I N I A N I* O W K R P H K K 
 
 1866. 
 
THE 
 
 BURNING OF COLUMBIA, S. C. 
 
 REVTEW 
 
 OP 
 
 NORTHERN ASSERTIONS 
 
 AND 
 
 SOUTHERN FACTS 
 
 BY DR. D. H. TREZEVANT. 
 
 % ' * 
 
 COLUMBIA, S. 0. : 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINfAN POWER PRESS. 
 
 1866. 
 
Entered according to Act of Congres?, in the year 1866, by 
 
 F. G. DEFOXTAINE, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of South Carolina, 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Much discussion has been evoked on the question as to who is responsible 
 for the burning of Columbia, and the outrages connected with that event. 
 In South Carolina, the author of the crime is known to be Gen. WILLIAM 
 T. SHERMAN; but among communities outside of the State, who have not 
 been made familiar with the facts, ignorance on the subject naturally enough 
 prevails. At the North especially, where the press has chosen to circulate 
 only the one sided statements of its contributors, the public affect to believe 
 that Columbia was destroyed by the Confederate authorities; and books 
 have been written, in which falsehoods are gravely promulgated to establish 
 this theory. The object of the present review is to put all doubts on the 
 subject at rest forever. 
 
 The writer of the following pages is one of the most highly respected 
 citizens of South Carolina, and has been a resident of Columbia for more 
 than fifty years. He was present during the most trying scenes of the con- 
 flagration, a personal witness of many of the outrages narrated, and as the 
 reader will discover, is in every way competent to handle his subject with 
 a clearness and force which its importance demands. 
 
 The articles were originally published in the Daily South Carolinian; but 
 at the request of many citizens have been embodied in a more permanent 
 shape. F. Gr. DfiFoNTAiNE, 
 
 Editor Daily South Carolinian. 
 
 227198 
 
THE BURNING OF COLUMBIA. 
 
 "Who is to blame for the burning of 
 Columbia is a subject that will long be 
 disputed." So writes Conyngharn in 
 his history of Sherman's grand march, 
 but I think he solved the difficulty by 
 his acknowledgments before he threw 
 out his question and doubt. That con- 
 troversy can be easily settled when- 
 ever the specifications on which the 
 charge is made, are brought to issue; 
 after issue, the truth will become known. 
 It is very evident that the belief of the 
 writer was fairly made up ; that on 
 his mind, there was little doubt as to 
 who was the cause^f the destruction of 
 the city, and that Sherman was the 
 man. In discussing the question, he, 
 by implication, charges Gov. Magrath 
 and Gen. Hampton with being partly 
 to blame; but as the statement which 
 he makes, is founded on an erroneous 
 impression, with the correction of that 
 error it must fall. 
 
 In the preceding part of his book 
 there are several circumstances stated 
 which are necessary to be brought into 
 consideration before we follow him in 
 his accusation; and it will be found 
 by his acknowledgment, and that of 
 others, that the city was in the hands 
 of the Yankee army some time before 
 the fire commenced; that they got quiet 
 possession, it having been turned over 
 to them by the Mayor, and that all 
 matters under the command of Colonel 
 Stone were peaceably and properly 
 arranged. There is no mention of any 
 insubordination, and not a hint of a fire 
 
 existing in the city. Under these cir- 
 cumstances, Stone held the city for 
 about one hour before the appearance 
 of Sherman; and Mayor Goodwyn and 
 Aldermen Stork and McKenzie, certify 
 that when they passed the cotton with 
 Colonel Stone, it was not on fire, nor did 
 it take fire for sometime after the author- 
 ity was vested in him. The Mayor also 
 says: "Gen. Sherman sent for me the 
 morning after the city was burnt, and 
 said that he regretted very much that it 
 was burnt ; and that it was my fault, in 
 suffering liquor to remain in the city, 
 when it was evacuated." The evidence 
 of other gentlemen will be brought to 
 bear upon the time when, and the man- 
 ner how it did take fire, for they saw the 
 whole affair. Let me now return to Con- 
 yngham's remarks, and it will be seen 
 that as far as possible he corroborates the 
 statement I have just made : "Our march 
 through the city was so orderly that even 
 the Southerners began to bless their stars 
 that the reign of terror was over, and 
 that a reign of peace and security, like 
 that at Savannah was about being in- 
 augurated. Alas! that the scenes of 
 the night should mar so auspicious a 
 beginning." "I spent the evening in 
 the Capitol, looking over the archives 
 and libraries. Part of Col. Stone's 
 brigade I think the 13th Ohio, Col. 
 Kennedy's regiment was on duty 
 there. Towards night, crowds of our 
 escaped prisoners, soldiers and negroes, 
 intoxicated with their new-born liberty, 
 which they looked upon as a license to 
 
do as they pleased, were parading the 
 streets in groups." No mention as yet 
 of any fires about the town, or of any 
 cotton having been found flying about, 
 or on fire, but he writes: "As soon as 
 night set in, there ensued a sad scene 
 indeed." (This is the time Sherman re- 
 ports that the fires were in full blast, 
 and that he had culled in the rest of 
 'Wood's division.) "The suburbs were 
 first set on fire" by whom? the prisoners 
 and soldiers and negroes for it was not 
 within 500 yards of the cotton that 
 Sherman saw burning, "some assert, by 
 the burning cotton which the rebels 
 had piled along the streets. Pillaging 
 gangs soon fired the heart of the town, 
 then entered the houses, in many in- 
 stances, carrying off articles of value. 
 The flames soon burst out in all parts of 
 the town/' &c., &c. "I trust I shall 
 never witness such a scene again 
 drunken soldiers rushing from house to 
 house, emptying them of their valu- 
 ables, and then firing them; negroes 
 carrying off piles of bioty, and grinning 
 at the good chance and exulting like ! 
 so many demons ; officers and men j 
 revelling on the wines and liquors until 
 the burning houses buried them in 
 their drunken orgies." I think this | 
 looks very much like a city turned over j 
 to the soldiery to do with as they please; j 
 corresponds with what they said that 
 they were authorized first to sack, and 
 then to burn it that they, both officers 
 and men, had so determined, and that 
 it met with Old Bill's full approbation, j 
 "The frequent shots on every side j 
 told that some victim had fallen 
 shrieks and groans and cries of distress 
 resounded from every side. A troop of | 
 cavalry I think the 29th Missouri 
 were left to patrol the streets; but I did 
 not once see them interfering with the 
 groups that rushed about to fire and ! 
 pillage the houses." Methinks after 
 penning such a description, that there 
 was no occasion to ask "who was to 
 blame for the burning of Columbia." 
 But let us see what more he has to 
 
 report: "True, Gens. Sherman and 
 Howard, and others, were out giving in- 
 structions for putting out the fire in one 
 place, while a hundred fires were light- 
 ing all around. How much better 
 would it have been had they brought 
 in a division of sofyer troops and cleared 
 out the town with steel and bullet. 
 Gen. Wood's first division, 15th corps, 
 occupied Columbia; Col. Stone's brigade 
 was the first to enter the city and hoist 
 the flag over the Capitol enviable no- 
 toriety had not the drunken, riotous 
 scenes of the night sullied its honor." 
 Is it not somewhat strange that Sherman 
 should have been solicitous about the 
 fire ? He had told Gen. Wheeler that he 
 would burn all the cotton, and that as to 
 the empty houses, he paid little attention 
 to whether they were burnt or not. We 
 now come to the question, "Who is to 
 blame for the burning of Columbia is a 
 subject that will be long disputed. , I 
 know the negroes and escaped prisoners 
 were infuriated and easily incited the in- 
 ebriated soldiers to join them in their 
 work of vandalism. Governor Magrath 
 and Gen. Wade Hampton, are partly 
 accountable for the destruction of 
 their city. General Beauregard, Mayor 
 Goodwyn and others, wanted to send 
 a deputation - as far as Orangeburgh 
 to surrender the city, and when 
 evacuating, to destroy all the liquors. 
 In both of these wise views they 
 were over-ruled by the Governor, 
 and Wade Hampton, the latter stating 
 that he would defend the town from 
 house to house." 
 
 There are two points in these re- 
 marks, that require to be considered. 
 It is very evident that Conynghani 
 believed that the returned prisoners 
 and inebriated soldiers, were the acting 
 agents; and that Governor Magrath, 
 and General Hampton, were only 
 blameable, inasmuch, as they did not 
 surrender the city when the enemy 
 were forty miles distant. To the griev- 
 ous fault committed by the latter in not 
 so doing, we have only to say, that 
 
General Hampton had no command at 
 that time; could have had no voice in 
 the affair; and certainly, could not have 
 overruled the wishes of Beauregard, 
 who was his superior, and alone in of- 
 fice. Moreover, the proposition never 
 was made. I now have by me a letter 
 from Mayor Goodwyn, in which he 
 states, that no such proposition ever 
 came before him. This is the only 
 ground on which Conyngham attaches 
 blame to Hampton, and I think I have, 
 shown that he had nothing to do with it, 
 for the subject never was discussed; and 
 so falls the allegation made by Conyng- 
 ham. Had the charge against Hampton 
 then existed, which has been subse- 
 quently made, he must have known of it. 
 He was one of Sherman's aids was at 
 Headquarters a writer for the Herald, 
 and would not have omitted such news 
 as that. His object was to gather up 
 whatever would create a sensation. 
 
 I will add one or two more extracts 
 from the same author, relative to Col- 
 umbia, and then take the reader back 
 to some of the scenes on the route of the 
 army to that place, to show the animus 
 with which it entered Carolina, and 
 the determination of both officers and 
 men, as to the course they intended to 
 pursue; which determination was signal- 
 ly assisted, and strengthened by Sher- 
 mans own conduct at McBrides planta- 
 tion. That whole march was character- 
 ized by such acts as we would have 
 supposed a body of fiends let loose from 
 Hell might have taken some pleasure 
 in enacting; and as Nichols says in his 
 work on the march, "you will in vain 
 search history for a parallel." 
 
 "There can be no denial of the asser- 
 tion, that the feeling among the troops 
 was one of extreme bitterness towards 
 the people of the State of South Caro- 
 lina. It was freely expressed as the 
 column hurried over the bridge at Sis- 
 ter's ferry, eager to commence the pun- 
 ishment of original secessionists. 
 Threatening words were heard from 
 soldiers who prided themselves on con- 
 
 servatism in house-burning while in 
 Georgia, and officers openly confessed 
 their fears that the coining campaign 
 would be a wicked one. Just or unjust 
 as this feeling was towards the country 
 people in South Carolina, it was univer- 
 sal. I first saw its fruits at Rarysburg 
 (Purisburg is meant), where two or 
 three piles of blackened bricks and an 
 acre or so of dying embers marked the 
 site of an old revolutionary town; and 
 this before the column had fairly got 
 its hand in." 
 
 "At McBride's plantation, where 
 Gen. Sherman had his headquarters, 
 the out-houses, offices, shanties and sur- 
 roundings were all set on fire before he 
 left. I think the fire approaching the 
 dwelling hastened his departure. If 
 a house was empty, this waspnma fade 
 evidence that the owners were rebels, 
 and all was sure to be consigned to the 
 flames. If they remained at home it 
 was taken for granted that every one in 
 South Carolina was a rebel, and the 
 chances were the place was consumed. 
 In Georgia few houses were burned ; 
 here few escaped, and the country was 
 converted into one vast bonfire. The 
 pine forests were fired; the resin facto- 
 ries were fired; the public buildings 
 and private dwellings were fired. The 
 middle of the finest day looked black 
 and gloomy, for a dense smoke arose on 
 all sides clouding the very heavens at 
 night the tall pine trees seemed so many 
 huge pillars of fire. The flames hissed 
 and screeched, as they fed on the fat 
 resin and dry branches, imparting to 
 the forest a most fearful appearance." 
 
 "Vandalism of this kind, though not 
 | encouraged, was seldom punished. True, 
 where every one is guilty alike, there 
 will be no informers." 
 
 "The ruined homesteads of the Pal- 
 metto State will long be remembered. 
 The army might safely march the dark- 
 est night, the crackling pine woods 
 shooting up their columns of flame, and 
 the burning houses along the way would 
 light it on ; while the dark clouds and pil- 
 
lars of smoke would safely cover its rears. 
 I hazard nothing in saying that three- 
 iifths in value of the personal property of 
 the counties we have passed through, 
 were taken by Sherman's army. The 
 graves were even ransacked, etc. The 
 scenes I witnessed in Columbia, were 
 scenes that would have driven Allaric 
 the Goth into frenzied ecstasies had he 
 witnessed them." 
 
 "As for the wholesale burnings, pillage, 
 devastation, committed in South Caro- 
 lina, magnify all I have said of Georgia 
 some fifty fold, and then throw in an 
 occasional murder, 'just to bring an old 
 hardfisted cuss to his senses/ and you 
 have a pretty good idea of the whole 
 thing. Besides compelling the enemy 
 to evacuate Charleston, we destroyed 
 Columbia, Orangeburg, and several 
 other places, also over fifty miles of rail- 
 road, and thousands of bales of cotton." 
 This is a very fair admission, and we 
 might rest here and go no farther. After 
 what he has admitted to have been done 
 on the route, to conclude the acts of the 
 army by saying they had destroyed Co- 
 lumbia was giving up the question. On 
 his mind there could have been no doubt 
 as to who burnt the city, and as little as 
 to who was the cause of its being burned. 
 
 The enviable notoriety is certainly 
 due to Sherman, and to him alone. 
 Those who did the deed were mere agents, 
 and acted to please a cherished com- 
 mander; they all stated that they knew 
 what Old Bill, (their pet name for him) 
 wanted, and they were determined he 
 should be gratified. 
 
 Capt. Cornyn has also hazarded an 
 opinion as to the burning, and with but 
 little hesitation fixes that act upon Gen. 
 W. Hampton. He is, however, but the 
 copyist and mere echo of Gen. Sherman, 
 and gives no single reason why, he 
 should thus have placed the odium of 
 such an act upon Gen. Hampton. He 
 has, however, made use of some other 
 charges tending to implicate Gen. 
 Hampton, which alone induces me to 
 take any notice of him here. His de- 
 
 scription is that of Sherman's verbatim, 
 with a few additions and rhetorical 
 flourishes to render it more plausible. 
 Capt. Cornyn in his letter to Archbishop 
 Hughes thus writes: "Shortly after our 
 columns were put in motion, the enemy 
 beat a hasty retreat for the city, burning 
 the bridges as they crossed the river. 
 Here permit me to say that Gen. Hamp- 
 ton, on the 15th and 16th February, had 
 it in his power to save Columbia, and to 
 save his people from the terrible desola- 
 tion that swept over their city on the 
 night of the 17th and 18th." Again he 
 says "had Gen. Hampton acted the part 
 of a great captain, etc., etc, he would 
 have proposed on the 15th and 16th to 
 have surrendered his army, and country 
 to Sherman, for the promise of protec- 
 tion. I am satisfied in my own mind, 
 that Gen. Sherman would have accept- 
 ed it, but Gen. Hampton pursued a dif- 
 ferent and most fratricidal course. On 
 Thursday the 16th February, General 
 Hamptom ordered all cotton to be rolled 
 in the streets, preparatory to burning 
 the same." No such words are to be 
 found in the order, but as I shall ex- 
 amine and reply to that part of the ac- 
 cusation against Hampton when I take 
 up Sherman's charge, of which this is 
 but the echo, I will only now say that 
 the order alluded to by Cornyn was 
 given on the 14th, not on the 16th, two 
 days before Hampton was in command. 
 For the same reason, had he been 
 willing, he could not have proposed a 
 surrender, and I am satisfied in my own 
 mind, that Sherman for that reason 
 would have taken no notice of it. 
 
 Captain Cornyn states that when 
 he came into the town: "We found 
 several buildings burning when we en- 
 tered. The cotton in the streets was 
 burning in many places, &c.j" and 
 again: "There were hundreds of bales 
 of cotton in the streets from which the 
 devouring clement was hissing forth. 
 So high was the wind that it frequently 
 carried immense sheets of burning cot- 
 ton ten and even fifteen squares through 
 
the air like a burning comet, leaving 
 in its wake fiery desolation. " I have 
 only to say to this grandiloquent de- 
 'seription, that it is not true. There 
 was no house on fire when the army 
 came in. There was but one pile of 
 cotton burning at 12 o'clock- it was put 
 out by one, and completely. It never 
 blazed again, nor did a single house catch 
 fire from it. Capt. Cornyn was entirely 
 mistaken. There arc some other errors 
 in that letter, but they are not worth the 
 trouble of refuting. 
 
 Major Nichols next presents himself, 
 and as a staff officer of Gen. Sherman, 
 we may suppose that ego ctrcx meus to 
 be one. His account is very much 
 the counterpart of Sherman's, but he 
 has many remarks and admissions that 
 arc peculiarly apropos to the subject, 
 and calculated to lead one definitely to 
 the object sought after, viz : "who is to 
 blame for the burning of Columbia." 
 Major Nichols remarks under the date 
 of oOth January: "The actual invasion 
 of South Carolina has begun. The 
 well known sight of columns of black 
 smoke meets our gaze again; this 
 time houses are burning, and South 
 Carolina has commenced to pay an in- 
 stalment, long overdue, on her debt to 
 justice and humanity. With the help 
 of God, we will have principal and in- 
 terest before we leave her borders. 
 There is a terrible gladness in the re- 
 alization of so many hopes and wishes."' 
 Again, Nichols exclaims : "But here we 
 are ; and wherever our footsteps pass, 
 fire, ashes and desolation follow in the 
 path." In speaking of the occupation 
 of the city, "On every side were evi- 
 dences of disorder; bales of cotton 
 scattered here and there, articles of 
 merchandise and furniture cast pell 
 mell in every direction by the frighten- 
 ed inhabitants, &c." But no mention 
 of anything on firo. Nichols writes: 
 "I began to-day's record early in the 
 evening, and while writing, 1 noticed 
 an unusual glare in the sky and heard 
 a sound of running to and fro in the 
 
 streets. Running out, I found to my 
 surprise and real sorrow," (why so after 
 the expressions used above?) "that the 
 central part of the city, including the 
 main business street, was in flames, 
 while the wind, which had been blow- 
 ing a hurricane all day, was driving the 
 sparks and cinders in heavy masses 
 over the eastern portion of the city 
 where the finest residences are situated. 
 Those buildings, all wooden, were in- 
 stantly ignited by the flying sparks. In 
 half an hour the conflagration was 
 raging in every direction, &c." It 
 will be perceived that both Conynghain 
 and Nichols state that the fire com- 
 menced in the evening, after dark, at 
 the very time that Sherman states it to 
 have been so great that he had to call 
 in Wood's division. It will be observ- 
 ed also, that Conyngham, in his re- 
 marks, states "that Sherman and How- 
 ard, instead of looking after a single 
 fire, when hundreds were burning 
 around, had better have called in fresh 
 troops and driven the drunkards out 
 with steel and lead." And again, that he 
 says, "about day Wood's division was 
 called on, when nothing was left to 
 pillage or burn.". It is important to 
 bear these facts in memory, as it will be 
 seen that when Sherman gives an 
 account of the catastrophe to freo him- 
 self from blame, he changes the whole 
 order of the affair and makes the fires 
 to have been burning all day, but leap- 
 ing into life and activity when tho 
 night came on, and requiring him to 
 call for additional assistance. Nichols 
 says "Gen. Howard and his officers 
 worked with their own hands until long 
 after midnight, trying to save life and 
 property;" we presume, for the purpose 
 of having it presented to them, as he, 
 Nichols has so naively detailed on page 
 204 the manner in which silver 
 goblets, &c., had found their way into 
 the camp. 
 
 Nichols proceeds and states: "Va- 
 rious causes are assigned to explain the 
 origin of the fire. 1 am quite sure that 
 
10 
 
 it originated in sparks flying from the 
 hundreds of bales of cotton which the 
 rebels had placed along the middle of 
 the main street, and fired as they left 
 the city." This is mere assertion ; no 
 proof of the fact has been offered ; 
 the number is exaggerated, there being 
 not more than fifty bales, and from 
 their own statemencs, there is every 
 reason to believe that it was not so. It 
 is positively certain that up to half-past 
 eleven o'clock, there had been no fire 
 in the city; and then it had been un- 
 der the command of Col. Stone for 
 fully one hour. Again, he says: "There 
 were fires, however, which must have 
 been started independent of the above 
 named cause. The source of these is 
 ascribed to the desire for revenge from 
 some 200 of our prisoners who had 
 escaped from the cars as they were be- 
 ing conveyed from this city to Char- 
 lotte, c." Again, it i* said that "the 
 soldiers who first entered the town, in- 
 toxicated with success and a liberal 
 supply of bad liquor, &c., set fi^e to un- 
 occupied houses. There has neverbeen 
 any proof offered as to the cotton hav- 
 ing been fired by Hampton's orders, or 
 by his men. It stands alone upon the 
 authority of Gen. Sherman's ipse dixit. 
 Col. Stone, who had the best opportu- 
 nity of judging of the fact, has not been 
 appealed to and has made no such re- 
 port. His evidence would have ten 
 times the weight of Sherman's asser- 
 tion, as he was the first to enter, passed 
 through the Main street, went by the 
 cotton and saw it, and left his men at 
 that very spot. From thence he went 
 to the Capitol with Alderman Stork. 
 The men left, occupied themselves as 
 men will do, by lounging about the 
 cotton, laying on it and smoking, and 
 whilst doing so, the cotton was discov- 
 ered to be on fire about one hour after 
 they had been there. 
 
 Nichols proceeds with his narrative 
 and writes. "Houses have unquestion- 
 ably been burned during our march, 
 but they were the property of notorious 
 
 rebels who were fortunate in escaping 
 so easily ; while I have yet to hear of a 
 single instance of outrage offered to a 
 woman or a child by any soldier of our 
 army." We do not know what Major 
 Nichols may consider an outrage, but 
 for a man to catch a lady by the throat, 
 and thrust his hand into her bosom to 
 feel for her watch, or purse, would in 
 former days have been regarded as 
 such. So would the lifting up of a 
 lady's dress, because she was not quick 
 enough in freeing her purse from her 
 girdle, the threats of death and a pis- 
 tol at her head having alarmed her and 
 caused her to give. I should hardly 
 suppose that even in such an army as 
 was led by Sherman, it would have 
 been considered very chivalric to place 
 [ a pistol at a lady's breast, and demand 
 her watch and jewels, whilst a compan- 
 ion put another to the head of her 
 daughter and demanded the same. Nor 
 would I deem that man entitled to ad- 
 mission in civilized society, who would 
 insult the feelings of a lady by taking 
 to a room, which he had forced from 
 her, and opposite to her own sleep- 
 ing apartment and that of her daugh- 
 ter, a negro womaq and remain there 
 with hvr all night and go off with 
 her in the morning; yet this was done by 
 one Capt. W. T. I)uglass, a commissary, 
 whose name was mentioned to the lady 
 by his clerk, Mr. Sutherland, with a re- 
 quest that it should be published for 
 that act, and for the theft he had been 
 guilty of in her house as every man 
 ought to be, who took up his quar- 
 ters in a house and suffered it to be pil- 
 laged as hers had been. But what shall 
 I say of the villain who fired the house 
 of a lone woman, and then in the pres- 
 ence of the lady took hold of her maid 
 and compelled her to be subservient to 
 his brutal wishes? Words are wanting 
 properly to designate such an act, and 
 we can only say it would have disgraced 
 even Butler the beast. Yet those acts 
 were committed in many of the houses; in 
 some instances done by officers as well as 
 
11 
 
 men; hence the "screams and shrieks 
 and groans and pistol shots" that were 
 heard by Conyngham and related by him 
 on page 331. Still further and more wan- 
 ton atrocities were committed, such as 
 no one would repeat, and none but the 
 lowest grade of blackguardism could 
 have perpetrated. 
 
 So far as the Carolinian lady was con- 
 cerned, much respect was shown to her 
 person and her character. She was rob- 
 bed and abused, to obtain her jewels and 
 her money; but the instances .of other 
 injuries, though many, were not pro- 
 portionate to the opportunities. The 
 Yankee's gallantry, debauchery and bru- 
 tality, were confined to the negro; he 
 affiliated with them; they were congen- 
 ial spirits; their habits, their thoughts 
 and their natures assimilated ; they were 
 their associates in thc A camp,in the streets 
 and in the ball-room; and it was among 
 that class, that their brutal indelicacy 
 occurred. Neither party felt shame for 
 what passed between them; but like the 
 beasts of the forest, indulged in their 
 caprices wherever they met. It was not 
 unusual to see a Yankee soldier with his 
 arm around the neck of a negro wench, 
 even in the common thoroughfares, or 
 hugging and kissing a mulatto girl, 
 when he could find one so degraded, 
 that she would not spurn him for his 
 impudence and want of common decency. 
 
 I will give one extract more from 
 Nichols and then turn to his com- 
 mander who was the source from 
 which the foul slander emanated, and 
 see on what authority he makes his 
 charge. "In the record of great wars 
 we read of vast armies marching through 
 an enemy's country, carrying death and 
 destruction in their path; of villages 
 burned, cities pillaged, a tribe or a na- 
 tion swept out of existence. History, 
 however, will be searched in vain for a 
 parallel to the scathing and destructive 
 effect of the invasion of the Carolinas." 
 "Putting aside the mere military ques- 
 tion for a moment, there are considera- 
 tions which, overleaping the present gen- 
 
 | oration, affect the future existence of 
 the section of the country through which 
 our army has marched I" "Over a re- 
 gion forty miles in width stretching 
 from Savannah to Port Royal through 
 South Carolina to G-oldsboro in North 
 Carolina, agriculture and commerce, 
 even if peace come speedily, cannot be 
 fully revived in our day." "Day by 
 day our legions of armed men surged 
 over the land, destroying its substance. 
 Cattle were gathered into increasing 
 droves; fresh horses and mules were 
 taken to replace the lame and feeble 
 animals ; rich granaries and store houses 
 were stripped of corn, fodder, meal and 
 | flour; cotton gins, presses, factories and 
 | mills were burned to the ground, on 
 1 every side; the head, centre and rear of 
 our column might be traced by columns 
 of smoke by day and the glare of fires 
 by night." "In all the length and 
 | breadth of that broad pathway the burn- 
 ing hand of war pressed heavily, blast- 
 ing and withering where it fell." And 
 such was the act of a band of brothers, 
 anxious for the return of the South to 
 the Union, to restore the friendly re- 
 lations between the two sections of 
 country. Such were the means used to 
 bring about fraternal concord, to reunite 
 a mistake n people, to restore them to 
 their pristine condition, and insure a 
 lasting peace. It was a most extraordi- 
 nary device one worthy of Sherman 
 from whom it emanated, but it really 
 seems more in unison with the views of 
 the officer who while wishing them all in 
 hell, yet was determined to "smelt 
 them back into the Union." TV hero 
 was the Constitution they were fighting 
 for ; where the individualities of tho 
 States that had so long been cherished? 
 where those rights so sacred that the gen- 
 eral government could not even purchase 
 a piece of land without asking for and 
 obtaining the sanction of the State ? All 
 ignored, all gone, all sunk and smelted 
 into the one grand consolidated national 
 government of Sherman, with more 
 absolute power over the lives and liberty 
 
of the people than tho autocrat of 
 Russia. 
 
 From the subordinates, let me now 
 turn to the great leader, whose word 
 was law, and whose nod was destiny. 
 Let us sec what Sherman says as to 
 "who is to blame for the burning of 
 Columbia. " In the frequent conversa- 
 tion which Sherman had with the in- 
 habitants of the town, he uniformly 
 attributed its destruction to the whiskey 
 which his men obtained, and their 
 subsequent intoxication. In no in- 
 stance that I have ever heard, did he 
 attribute it to General Hampton, nor in 
 3iis letters, did he deny his complicity 
 in the affair, until his report to the 
 General Government ; then, for the 
 first time, we learned that General 
 Sherman disci-aimed having had any- 
 thing to do with its destruction; that on 
 the contrary, he ordered it not to be 
 burnt. Such having been the fact, it 
 certainly was very unfortunate for the 
 citizens of Columbia, that the Generals 
 views should have been so much mis- 
 understood, and that all the soldiers and 
 officers who came into the city, were 
 under the impression it was a 
 doomed city, and was to be given up 
 to pillage until night ; and then at a 
 signal given, it was to be burnt. Such 
 undoubtedly was the prevailing opin- 
 ion, and a nervous restlessness was to 
 be observed about them, an anxious 
 looking out for an expected event, 
 which they instantly recognized and hail- 
 ed when the rockets were thrown up, and 
 immediately proceeded to their task. 
 That General Sherman had given, his 
 orders to General Howard, to burn all 
 the public buildings, by which he 
 meant all that had been used in the 
 XJonfed.erate service, he himself, ac- 
 knowledges. That he did so before he 
 entered the town, or became acquainted 
 with their position, is also certain; that 
 they were so situated, their crema- 
 tion would end in one general confla- 
 gration, wag patent to every one, and 
 ihc order given for their destruction 
 
 was, as a matter of course, an order 
 for the destruction of the city ; that 
 General Sherman gave that order he 
 has himself recorded ; but in no place 
 has he shown where the order ever 
 was countermanded, or where regard- 
 ing the safety of the city he had 
 guaranteed, with such a wind as was 
 blowing, that he sought the means to 
 prevent the catastrophe. From the 
 statement of his officers, it was certain 
 that he could have prevented it. It 
 was certain that he made no effort to 
 do so and absolutely certain that he 
 allowed the very corps who had ex- 
 hibited the greatest animosity, and 
 uttered the most violent threats to enter 
 the city, remain in it when drunk, and 
 continue there until its destruction was 
 completed, or as ConyDgham writes 
 "until there was nothing more to pilfer 
 or burn." The same men who were 
 detailed to destroy it, entered with 
 the belief that it would be peculiarly 
 agreeable to him, as General Howard 
 says. They stated such to be their in- 
 tention. Stated that their orders were 
 on the appearance of a certain signal, 
 the rockets, that they were to fire and 
 pillage, and to continue until the bugle's 
 sound countermanded the orders, and 
 called in the incendiaries. Such were the 
 facts stated by hundreds of the soldiers, 
 and officers as early as 12 o'clcloek in 
 the day, and such were the facts that 
 developed themselves on the approach 
 of the evening. General Sherman in 
 his remarks to the Secretary of War, 
 endeavours to exculpate himself, and to 
 fix the terrible accident on another. 
 It is my object, now, to state the charge 
 of the General, and to show to the 
 world that it was not true; and that 
 from all the incident? previous, and 
 subsequent to his entrance into Colum- 
 bia, he himself and no other was the 
 cause of the destruction of the city of 
 Columbia. 
 
 He writes : ".In anticipation of the 
 occupation of the city, I had made 
 written orders to General Howard 
 
13 
 
 touching tlic conduct of the troops. 
 These were to destroy absolutely all 
 arsenals aud public property not need- 
 ed for our own use, as well as railroads, 
 depots and machinery, useful in war to 
 an enemy; but to spare all dwellings, 
 colleges, schools, asylum and harmless 
 property. I was the first to cross the 
 pontoon-bridge, and in company with 
 General Howard rode into the city. 
 The day was clear, but a perfect tem- 
 pest of wind was raging. The brigade 
 of Colonel Stone was already in the 
 city and was properly posted. Citizens 
 and soldiers were on the streets, and 
 general good order prevailed. General 
 Wade Hampton, who commanded the 
 Confederate rear guard of calvary, had 
 in anticipation of the capture of Colum- 
 bia, ordered that all cotton, public and 
 private, should be moved into the streets 
 and fired, to prevent our making use of 
 it. Bales were piled everywhere, the 
 rope and bagging cut, and tufts of 
 cotton were blown about in the wind, 
 lodged in the trees and against houses, 
 so as to resemble a snow storm. Some 
 of these piles of cotton were burning, 
 especially, one in the very heart of the 
 city, near the Court House, but the fire 
 was partially subdued by the labors of 
 our soldiers. Before one single public 
 building had been fired by order, the 
 smouldering fires set by Hampton's 
 orders were rekindled by the wind and 
 communicated to the buildings around. 
 About dark, they began to spread and 
 got beyond the control of the brigade 
 on duty within the city. The whole 
 of Woods' division was brought in, but 
 it was found impossible to check the 
 flames, which, by midnight became un- 
 manageable, and raged until about 4 
 a. m., when the wind subsiding, they 
 were got under control." " I was up 
 nearly all night, and saw Generals 
 Howard, Log;in, Wood and others, 
 laboring to save houses, etc-., etc." " I 
 disclaim on the part of my army any 
 agency in this fire, but on the contrary, 
 claim that we saved what of Columbia 
 
 remains uncansumed. And without 
 hesitation, I charge General Wade 
 Hampton with" having burned his own 
 city of Columbia, not with a malicious 
 intent, or as the manifestation of a 
 silly " Roman stoicism," but from folly 
 and want of sense, in filling it with lint, 
 cotton and tinder. Our officers and men 
 on duty worked well to extinguish the 
 flames ; but others not on duty, includ- 
 ing the officers who had long been im- 
 prisoned there, rescued by us, may havo 
 assisted in spreading the fire, and may 
 have indulged in unconcealed joy to sec 
 the ruins of the capital of South Caroli- 
 na." I have already alluded to the or- 
 ders given to General Howard in antici- 
 pation of the taking of the city, and of 
 the reckless and wanton destruction of 
 property that must arise therefrom, and 
 not being acquainted with the position 
 of the houses which were thus doomed 
 to destruction one of which, the Cen- 
 tral Bureau, the third house fired, was 
 ignited by Yankee soldiers, and put out 
 and was again fired, and was the cause 
 of the destruction of the whole block. 
 It was near a large dry goods store and 
 drug establishment, which were also 
 fired at the same time, by a Yan- 
 kee soldier furnished with combus- 
 tibles. This Bureau was one of the 
 buildings ordered by Sherman to be 
 fired, and for this purpose several 
 men were detailed. They waited for 
 the signal, and in ten minutes after 
 it was given, the place was in flames. 
 It was impossible that this build- 
 ing could have been fired by the 
 cotton ; it was to the northward 
 and westward of the cotton, with a hur- 
 ricane blowing from northwest. About 
 the same time, the house of Mr. Jacob 
 Bell was set fire to and burned This 
 house was at least five squares to the 
 northward and eastward, and it also was 
 safe from the cotton, but not from the 
 turpentine carried about by the incen- 
 diaries. There is no evidence that the 
 order for burning was recalled, and Gen. 
 Howard acknowledged that the troops 
 
14 
 
 were under the impression that Sher- 
 man wished the city destroyed. I will 
 refer to this hereafter. Sherman says 
 "the brigade of Col. Stone was already 
 in the city and properly posted citi- 
 zens and soldiers were in the street to- 
 gether, and general good order prevail- 
 ed. " Except in their stealing, such was 
 the fact and contined so until after dark 
 when the rockets were discharged, and 
 then the whole scene changed. (See Con- 
 yngham'sandNichol'saccounitof thecon- 
 ductof the troops &o., at that time.) What 
 was it that changed the orderly soldier 
 obedient to his commander, to the mid- 
 night assassin, robber and house-burner? 
 Three rockets discharged the signal 
 agreed on when as the soldiers said "Hell 
 was to be let loose and the city wrapped in 
 flames." But let me take Sherman up in 
 the order of his report. "Gen. Hampton 
 who commanded etc., ordered that all cot- 
 ton should be moved in the streets and 
 lired to prevent our making use of it." 
 
 In his letter to llawls, Sherman says 
 that in the printed order which he saw, 
 Hampton ordered "that on the approach 
 of the Yankee army all the cotton 
 should be burned." This order which 
 he says he saw, and worded as above 
 is the proof that he offers of Gen. Hamp- 
 ton having burned the town. He has 
 no other. It is the ground of the 
 whole charge, and the one on which all 
 his allegations are founded. Were I to 
 grant that an order had been given by 
 Hampton, it would become necessary 
 for Gen. Sherman to prove that the one 
 he had named was the identical one ; 
 and that it gave the direction, and au- 
 thority to act, which Sherman states ; 
 but I am not disposed to cede so much, 
 and I think it can be made apparent, 
 though in his name, that t\e order did 
 not emanate from him that he sought 
 to have it countermanded, succeeded 
 in so doing, and had it stopped. That 
 order is dated 
 
 HEADQUARTERS, Feb. 14, 1865. 
 
 [Special Order No. ] 
 
 All persons having cotton stored in 
 
 tho city of Columbia, are directed to 
 have it placed where it can be burned 
 ia case of necessity, without danger of 
 destroying buildings. All cotton stored 
 here will be burned at any cost rather 
 than allow it to fall in the hands of the 
 enemy. By order of 
 
 Major Gen. HAMPTON. 
 R. Lowndes, Capt. and A. A. G. 
 
 Feb. 15th. 
 
 I think it will be difficult to show in 
 that order, any directions to roll the 
 cotton into the streets, or to fire it upon 
 the approach of the Yankee army. It 
 contains nothing of the kind ; it is a 
 precautionary order to be acted on if a 
 necessity should occur. General Sher- 
 man was too well acquainted with what 
 was transpiring in the army of his op- 
 ponent, not to know that Gen. Hampton 
 at the time that order was given was 
 not in command that order is dated 
 on the 14th. Gen. Hampton was put 
 in command on the night of the 16th ; 
 he therefore could have had no author- 
 ity to issue such a one; he was only as- 
 sisting Beauregard. How that order 
 was printed in his name I know not, 
 and cannot therefore speak. I presume 
 it could be explained, but for my pur- 
 poses it is not necessary. It unques- 
 tionably is not such an order as Sher- 
 man stated that he saw no rolling into 
 the streets and by it no one was au- 
 thorized to fire the cotton. It was one 
 of precaution, to be acted on under a 
 contingency, and of that contingency 
 Gen. Hampton was to be the judge. 
 No authority was given to any one to 
 burn it, nor could it have been burnt but 
 by the order of Hampton, who was to 
 judge of the necessity. That ho did 
 not issue that order is to my mind very 
 plain, for if he had done so, he would 
 have had the same power that gave the 
 order, to authorize him to withdraw it ; 
 but it seems he felt that he had not, for 
 immediately upon taking his command 
 as Lieut. General, he applied to Beau- 
 regard to get the order countermanded, 
 as will be seen by the following corres- 
 
15 
 
 pondcnce. Gen. Hampton writes to 
 Gen. Beauregard as follows : 
 
 April 22, 1866. 
 
 "Gen. Sherman having charged me 
 in his official report with the destruc- 
 tion of Columbia, and having reiterated 
 the same falsehood in a recent letter to 
 13enj. Ra7,ls of that city, may I beg 
 you to state such facts in reference to 
 this matter as are in your possession. 
 If you recollect, I advised you on the 
 morning the Yankees came in, not to 
 burn the cotton as this would endanger 
 the town. I stated that as they hud de- 
 stroyed the railroad they could not re- 
 move the cotton. Upon this represen- 
 tation you directed me to issue an or- 
 der that the cotton should not be burned. 
 This I did at once, and there was not a 
 bale on fire when the Yankees came 
 into the town. You saw the cotton as 
 you left the city, and you can state that 
 none was on fire. Very respectfullv 
 yours. W. II. 
 
 To Gen. Beauregard. 
 To which Gen. Beauregard returned 
 the following answer endorsed on the 
 letter : 
 
 N. 0., May 2, 1866. 
 The above statement of Gen. Hamp- 
 ton relative to the order issued by me 
 at Columbia, S. C., not to burn the cot- 
 ton in that city is perfectly true and 
 correct. The only thing on fire at the 
 time of the evacuation was the depot 
 building of the S. C. R. R., which 
 caught fire accidentally from the explo- 
 sion of some ammunition ordered to be 
 sent towards Charlotte, N. C. 
 
 G. T. BEAUREGARD. 
 Evidence such as this ought to be 
 sufficient to exonerate Hampton from 
 all agency in the burning of the cotton. 
 The fact that he asked Beauregard to 
 countermand the order, evidences that 
 he himself had not authority to do so; 
 and if he had no authority to counter- 
 mand, certainly he could have had none 
 to order. His asking for that power 
 destroys the validity of the whole charge. 
 
 But is the order such as Sherman states 
 it ? I think not. It gave authority to no 
 one to burn the cotton. That the cot- 
 ton was not on fire when Generals 
 Beauregard and Hampton left Colum- 
 bia is now stated; and the Mayor testi- 
 fies that when he left the city to go and 
 meet Sherman there was no fire of 
 any kind in the city; and he testifies to 
 the fact that when he came back with 
 Colonel Stone the cotton was not then 
 on fire. Aldermen McKenzie and Stork 
 both testify to the same, and Stork 
 says that he saw the Yankee soldiers 
 light their segars and throw the matches 
 in among the cotton. Upon McKenzie's 
 pointing out cotton to Captain Pratt, 
 and that very pile, Captain Pratt re- 
 marked, "I wish you had burnt the 
 whole; it would have saved us trouble, 
 as our orders are to burn all the cotton 
 in the town." Had the cotton bsen on 
 fire Pratt would have noticed and spoken 
 ofit. Alderman McKenzie, who was the 
 Captain of one of the Fire Companies, 
 states that it was somo time after his 
 return with Stone and Pratt before the 
 cotton was on fire, and when the alarm 
 was given he proceeded to the place, 
 aud never left it until the fire was 
 perfectly extinguished, and the cotton 
 so soaked that it could not again blaze 
 out. Alderman Stork says the same, 
 and adds, moreover, that even tic con- 
 flagration of the night had not been able 
 to burn it, for it was laying there for 
 some days after. Some was then remov- 
 ed and the rest trodden down and 
 incorporated into the ground. There 
 are hundreds of witnesses to the same 
 fact. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Shand was present 
 when, the cotton took fire and I will 
 quote what he says in a letter to me on 
 the subject, and then leave that part of 
 it as settled : "There was a row of 
 cotton bales which had been loosely 
 packed, and from almost all of which 
 portions of the fabric were protruding. 
 Along this line of bales there were 
 numbers of Yankee soldiers, and none 
 
16 
 
 but they thc'citizens who were present 
 being confined to the pavements on each 
 side of the street, and at a distance of 
 from thirty to forty feet or more from 
 the cotton. The soldiers were passing 
 to and fro, alongside of the bales, ap- 
 parently in a state of high excitement, 
 and almost frantic with joy; all, or most 
 of them, with lighted scgars in their 
 mouths. I was standing nearly mid- 
 way between the two corners, watching 
 their movements, when on a sudden 
 the bale at the market end took fire, 
 and the wind being quite fresh, the 
 flames increased and spread with fearful 
 rapidity, and in a short time the whole, 
 or at least the greater part, was in a 
 blaze. The fire engines of the city were 
 brought to the spot as expcditiously as 
 possible and the fire was extinguished 
 in the course of an hour. It was evident 
 that it originated from the fire of the 
 cigars, falling upon the loose cotton. 
 Indeed there was no other way of ac- 
 counting for it; and another thing is to 
 be noted, that neither sparks nor flames 
 were extended to the neighboring build- 
 ings and no damage was done except to 
 the cotton/' I will continue the nara- 
 tive of this gentleman as it runs on to 
 the events of the night; since he details 
 clearly the circumstances which occur- 
 red and to which he was an eye witness. 
 I have thus fairly shown that General 
 Hampton gave no such order to fire 
 the cotton as Sherman states, nor was 
 its burning attributable to any of his 
 men, or the citizens; but, that it origi- 
 nated from the acts of Sherman's own 
 men, and probably from the very ones 
 who had be^n detailed for the purpose, 
 and felt that they were performing an 
 acceptable service to their General. I 
 will also state here a part of a conver- 
 sation which took place between General 
 Howard and Mr. Shand on the burning 
 of Columbia, to which I have elsewhere 
 alluded, and will use the very words 
 spoken. General Howard expressed 
 his regret at the occurrence and added 
 the following words : "Though General 
 
 Sherman did not order the burning of 
 the town, yet somehow or other the men 
 had taken up the idea that if they des- 
 troyed the capital of South Carolina, it 
 would be peculiarly gratifying to Gener- 
 al Sherman." JMr. Shaud continues; 
 "The fire was wholly put out by one 
 o'clock P. AL, and from that hour until 
 between 7 and 8 o'clock P. M., there was 
 no other fire in the city, and the burn- 
 ing of said cotton, therefore, had noth- 
 ing to do with the subsequent conflagra- 
 tion and destruction of the town. At tho 
 hour last inentioned rockets, were seen 
 to ascend and immediately thereafter a 
 fire broke out in a central portion of the 
 city near the market, and the wind 
 being still exceedingly high, it soon as- 
 sumed alarming proportions. I stood 
 in my front piazza watching it with 
 much anxiety and though inclined at first 
 to regard its origin as accidental, I was 
 soon undeceived. The fire occurred, as 
 I said, in a central part of the city and 
 to th* north of my residence, but I had 
 been looking upon it but for a short 
 time when I noticed fresh flames burst- 
 ing out in the east, west and south, at, 
 points very distant from each other and 
 not possibly caused by the communica- 
 tion of flames from one to the other. 
 The revelry of soldiers in the streets and 
 their shouts and exultation, as fresli 
 rockets went up, and fresh buildings 
 took fire, scenes which to some extent 
 came under my own observation, added 
 to tho awful character of the occasion 
 and gave rise to the painful impression 
 that the city was doomed to desolation 
 and ruin; a fact which was admitted 
 and boasted of by some of the soldiers 
 themselves. By midnight the whole 
 city presented one vast sheet of flames, 
 and in the midst, and during the pro- 
 gress of the appalling calamity, might 
 be heard above all other noises, the 
 demoniac and gladsome shouts of the 
 soldiery." He further speaks of efforts 
 made to burn his house, their success 
 and their brutal treatment of himself 
 and robbery of the church plate ; &c. 
 
17 
 
 Let us follow out Sherman's report. 
 ''Bales were piled everywhere, the rope 
 and bagging cut," (no proof of any such 
 being the case,) "and tufts of cotton were j 
 blown about in the wind, lodged in I 
 the trees, and against houses, so as to | 
 resemble a snow storm." This is very . 
 poetical, and might give him credit for | 
 descriptive powers, but it is too fanci- 1 
 ful, and moreover, was not true ; after \ 
 all, it is but a sketch of the imagina- j 
 tion. That cotton, which in his eye was | 
 flying about in flakes, and adorning the | 
 houses with their tufts, was so soaked 
 and soddened, that it did not even 
 burn from the heat of the conflagration 1 
 of the night, and remained for days on | 
 the ground, until it was incorporated 
 with it "by being constantly trodden 
 under" foot. He says "the fire was I 
 partially put out by our soldiers;" so far | 
 as their labor was concerned, that 
 might be. General Sherman entirely | 
 ignores the action of our own fire- 
 men with their engines, who did the 
 work, and did it thoroughly. It never 
 blazed forth again, though he writes, 
 that " Before one single public building 
 had been fired by order, the smouldering 
 fires set by Hampton's orders, were re- 
 kindled by the wind^and communicat- 
 ed to the buildings around." 
 
 I have already shown that Hampton 
 gave no orders, and McKenzie and 
 Stork, certify that the fires did not 
 again kindle, nor was a house ignited by 
 the cotton but that the houses contigu- 
 ous to it, were fired in the rear, by Yan- 
 kee soldiers, who were seen to do so by 
 most credible witnesses. No building 
 was fired from the cotton, nor was it 
 possible for it to have communicated 
 with the first house in flames that 
 night, or to dozens of others which 
 shared the same fate. The pile of cot- 
 ton which Sherman saw, and to which 
 he alludes, was in Richardson street, 
 near the market; was extinguished by j 
 1 o'clock, and never again ignited. The 
 first fire took place on Gervais or 
 Briilge street, near Gates street, and 
 
 occurred immeliately after the firing of 
 the' rockets. Those rockets ^ere con- 
 sidered to be the signal for destruction ; 
 which was anxiously waited for, and 
 promptly attended to. The houses in 
 Gervais street, were the first fired in the 
 city. No fire had occurred after 1 o'clock 
 p. m. Hampton's, Wallace's, Mrs. 
 Stark's, etc., burnt early in the after- 
 noon ; they were in the country, and two 
 miles from the cotton a fact which I 
 beg the reader to bear in mind. The 
 house on Gervais street was about 500 
 yards to the Southwest of the cotton, 
 and a hurricane as Cornyn says, was 
 blowing. The wind was from the 
 Northwest. Under such circumstances 
 it was a physical impossibility, for fire 
 to have been communicated. On the 
 contrary, a Yankee was seen to fire it, 
 as well as others adjoining. The next 
 house burnt, was that of Bates' and 
 Oliver's, which was near the cotton. No 
 cotton was on fire then. The house 
 was fired ia the rear, in Oliver's shoe 
 shop, and put out- by a negro who was 
 in charge of the building. The Yan- 
 kee soldier ordered him to desist or he 
 would beat him. He then fired the house 
 completely, and was seen to do it by 
 several citizens who testified to the fact. 
 The next building, was the so-called 
 public property the Central Bureau 
 for distri outing clothing to the soldiers 
 who were in want. Phillips' ware-house 
 was fired about the same time. This 
 was a block to the North, and the 
 flames could not have ignited, as they 
 would have had to travel against the 
 wind. Then followed Bell's house, five 
 squares off to the North, and East of 
 the others. These premises were all 
 scon to be fired by Yankee soldiers 
 carrying combustibles; and not one was 
 so observed, until after the signal had 
 been given ; not a fire occurred from 
 the cotton, Sherman's assertion to the 
 contrary, notwithstanding. After these, 
 fires were to be seen blazing in every 
 direction in ihc town, and occurring so 
 rapidly one after the other, as to leave 
 
18 
 
 no doubt that, it was a simultaneous 
 movement, and done by men regularly 
 instructed as to their duty. I could 
 multiply any number of special incidents 
 to prove that the firing was systematic, 
 and consequently ordered. A building, 
 fire-proof on the outside, was being 
 fired within and put out, when the 
 guard told the owner it was no use to 
 struggle against it, as "his house was 
 doomed and had to go." Another, 
 upon removing the fire brand which was 
 put between his floors, was told "to let 
 it alone;" that "the damned house was to 
 burn it was on the black list." " About 
 dark the fires began to spread and got 
 beyond the control of the brigade on 
 duty within the city." That is true 
 after the rockets were thrown up 
 somewhere about eight o'clock at night 
 when the fires spread with great rapid- 
 ity, but no effort was made by the Yan- 
 kees to arrest the conflagration. The 
 engines were taken from their captains, 
 and so injured as to be useless. The 
 hose was cut, as testified to by Captains 
 Stanley and McKenzie of the fire com- 
 panies of the city, and the town lay 
 helpless before them ; but not a move 
 was made by the Yankees to check the 
 progress of the flames except where a 
 house was burning contiguous to \vhere 
 their officers were staying. Then it 
 would be arrested. Such was the case 
 with Dr. Leland's residence. It was 
 contiguous to Gen. Sherman's headquar- 
 ters and I tbink where Col. Stone was 
 stationed. They saved that house, 
 while that of a widowed lady, Mrs. Levy, 
 was permitted to burn by its side pro- 
 bably because the destruction of Dr. 
 Leland's house would throw the officers 
 out of comfortable quarters. Sherman 
 says "the whole of Wood's Division was 
 brought in, but it was found impossible 
 to check the flames which by midnight 
 had be3ome unmanageable and raged 
 until about 4 A. M., when the wind sub- 
 siding, they were got under control." 
 All correct, except one little item, viz: 
 that Wood's division was not called in 
 
 until between three and four, and they 
 did not fail, but arrested it immediate- 
 ly. Gren. Sherman has been very for- 
 getful of hours in this statement; 
 Wood's division was not called in until 
 morning, and their being called in 
 arose from a little incident which I will 
 presently mention. Conyngham bears 
 rne out in the assertion. He says "this 
 scene continued until near morning, 
 and then the town was cleared out, 
 when there was nothing more to pillage 
 or burn." Sherman says, "I was up 
 nearly all night, and saw Jens. Howard, 
 | Logan, Wood and others, laboring to 
 I save houses etc." I do not question 
 j there were many circumstances calcula- 
 ted to render Sherman's rest disturbed, 
 but why he and Howard and Logan and 
 I Wood should have tried to save houses 
 I rather mystifies me. Sherman had or- 
 | dered the place to be burnt Howard 
 I was carrying it out Logan was in favor 
 ! of the measure, and after he had left 
 I Columbia, declared, if it was to be done 
 again, that he would do it more effectual- 
 ly. He also ordered Preston's house 
 | to be destroyed. Wood, it would seem, 
 ! had the command of the forces about 
 | the town ; and the Yankee writer's state, 
 | could have pfefJBted, or have arrested 
 ! it at any time had he thought proper. 
 I That Sherman should be disturbed was 
 ! perhaps natural; he was not quite demon, 
 I and the act he had just authorized was 
 | fiendish, though it seem to give him 
 ; gratification. His officers spoke freely 
 ; of his disregard for the condition of the 
 I city, and declared without hesitation, 
 j that he could have prevented it, and 
 j could then (two o'clock), stop it by call- 
 i ing in fresh troops, and driving out the 
 I drunken soldiers who were disgracing 
 I the army. Between three and four, an 
 1 incident occurred, which led to his or- 
 ! dering in fresh troops, and arresting 
 ! the conflagration. Then, and not till 
 I then, was Wood's division ordered in. 
 j Eight hours after the time he stated to 
 i the Secretary of War that he had call- 
 ! ed them in, they came in, turned out 
 
19 
 
 the rioters, and removed the incendi- 
 aries. The incident tended much to 
 show the feelings of Sherman, and the 
 course that he had been pursuing. 
 Whilst wandering about the city and 
 admiring the sublimity of the terrible 
 scene, he was recognized by a lady and 
 accosted. She pointed out to him the 
 devastation going on and endeavored to 
 enlist his feelings, by showing the deso- 
 lation that must follow, and the misery 
 that must overtake so many homeless, 
 destitute families. He told her he had 
 nothing to do with it ; that he had 
 not ordered it; that it was her own peo- 
 ple who had left whiskey in their way, 
 and given it to the soldiers. She re- 
 plied, if you have not ordered it, common 
 humanity should impel you to arrest it. 
 He replied, he could not, the wind was 
 so high. She then said, you can stop 
 your men from continuing to fire it; he 
 denied that his men had anything to do 
 with it ; said it was our own fault. 
 Whilst making this denial, a servant 
 came up, and informed her mistress, 
 that a man was then setting fire^to the 
 kitchen. Sherman asked where, she 
 pointed to him, aad he ordered him 
 shot. The guard fired, but the incendi- 
 ary did not fall, and he caught him and 
 brought him to Sherman who asked if 
 he had not ordered him to shoot him. 
 The man replied, ?ou did, but I did not 
 think you meant me to kill him. There 
 it stopped. The man was ordered to 
 the guard house. He was only perform- 
 ing the duty assigned him ; but in the 
 wrong place and time. His fellow sol- 
 dier koew that he was authorized to do 
 what he was then doing, and so told his 
 commander that he did not think he 
 wanted him killed. After this incident, 
 Sherman gave orders toCapt. Andrews to 
 have the fire arrested, and I beg the read- 
 er to remark the words tfiat were used. I 
 have heard the circumstance told by sev- 
 eral who knew of it, and from those who 
 were present, and all used the same 
 terms of expression. Addressing Capt. 
 Andrews, Sherman said : "This thing 
 
 has gone far enough. See that a stop is 
 put to it; take Wood's Division, arid I 
 hold you and them responsible, if it is 
 not arrested.'' Let us analyze this order. 
 'This thing has gone far enough." 
 Docs not that imply, that he was aware 
 of what was going on, and that it met 
 with his sanction. "See that a stop is 
 put to it." Does not that imply that 
 he knew it could be stopped? " I 
 hold you and them responsible if it is 
 not arrested." Certainly this shows 
 that he knew it was under his control, 
 ! and all the statements made of his in- 
 j ability to stop it, and his regret, &c., 
 | proved to have been merely a decep- 
 tion. Sherman says, that, "about dark 
 the fires began to spread, and get beyond 
 the control, &c." At that time there 
 was not a fire in the city, nor did they 
 begin until near ci^ht o'clock after the 
 signal rockets had Been thrown up, and 
 then simultaneously in every direction 
 of the city, the houses were to be seen iu 
 a blaze. That Sherman ordered the 
 destruction of the city, his soldiers did 
 not hesitate to aver. As soon as they 
 came in, they stated that the city would 
 be .burned. That it was settled on the 
 other side of the river between the of- 
 ficers and themselves. That a signal 
 would be given, and then the citizens 
 would "see hell." General Sherman 
 I says he disclaims "on the part of my 
 j army, any agency in this fire;" but on 
 j the contrary, claims, that "we saved 
 | whatof Columbia remain unconsumed." 
 After the facts, which I have just 
 stated, I think it will be difficult for 
 any one to give credit to the disclaimer. 
 But as to the saving of what is left of 
 Columbia unconsurned, there is no ques- 
 tion that he is entitled to that credit, 
 for after the signal rockets, and until 
 Wood's Division was called in, between 
 | three and four in the morning, the city 
 I was burning with fearful rapidity; while 
 ! after the order was given to Andrews, 
 I and the bugles sourrd called the incen- 
 ! diaries from their work of infamy, all 
 | became changed. The fire was arrested; 
 
no more houses were ignited; and the j 
 destruction of the place ceased. Sher- 
 man therefore did put an end to the 
 fire, and certainly saved, by his order, 
 ''the remnant of the once rich, and 
 flourishing city." But subsequent 
 events tended to show that he regretted 
 his fit of benevolence. There can be 
 but little doubt that there was an inten- 
 tion to burn the balance when they left; 
 McGregor's house was fired at four 
 o'clock," P.M., on Saturday. Latta's and 
 English's were destroyed on Sunday. 
 Preston's house was ordered for the 
 closing scene .on Monday, as soon as 
 General Logan should leave ; and its 
 destruction was only prevented by an 
 accidental circumstance. Major Fitzgib- 
 bon, who felt interested in the condition 
 of the nuns, called on and asked if he 
 could assist them. They stated that 
 they had Sherman's promise of protec- 
 tion. He inquired if it was in writing; 
 they replied no, it was only a verbal 
 promise. He urged them to have a 
 written one and offered to carry their 
 request if they would write a letter to 
 Sherman. He was so urgent, and as he 
 stated that the night would be one of 
 horrors, that they wrote to General 
 Sherman, Fitzgibbon, carried the note, 
 and brought them back a written pro- 
 tection, together with guards for their 
 property. His language indicated his 
 belief, that tho destruction of the city 
 would be effected that night. Sher- 
 man's protection, however, did not as- 
 sist them. Their establishment was 
 destroyed, and they, and their helpless 
 charge of young girls, spent the night 
 in the church yard. Some ladies seeing 
 their condition, called on Sherman, 
 represented their condition, and urged 
 upon him to render them assistance. 
 He called in the morning, saw the 
 Mother Superior, expressed his deep re- 
 gret at their loss, and*troub!ed condition, 
 stated that it arose from no act of his, 
 that the conflagration resulted from 
 the liquor which his soldiers had ob- 
 tained; that they had become intoxicat- 
 
 ed and unmanageable; and concluded 
 by offering to give them any house in 
 Columbia they might choose to select 
 for their establishment. 
 
 He desired his Adjutant, Col. Charles 
 Ewing to attend to their wants and see 
 that they were made comfortable. That 
 gentleman called often acd tried to 
 render their situation more pleasant, 
 and on the eve of his departure, he in- 
 troduced Captain Cornyn, the Commis- 
 sary, to them, who was to arrange with 
 them as to their rations. In the course 
 of the conversation, Ewing reminded 
 them of Gen. Sherman's offer to give 
 them any house they would select and 
 urged them accept it; they replied they 
 i had thought of it, and would select 
 I Gen. Preston's house as being the 
 largest in the town. Ewing replied 
 "that is where Gen. Logan holds his 
 Headquarters; and that house is ordered 
 to be burned. I know that it will bo 
 burned to-morrow; but, if you will say 
 ! that you will take it, I will sec the 
 | General (he was Sherman's brother in- 
 law,) and get the order counterman- 
 i ded." On the next morning, Captain 
 Cornyn called and told the nuns that 
 ! the army was moving in haste, and that 
 j General Sherman had left the city 
 i about four in the morning. They ask- 
 I ed if he could tell them whether the 
 order to burn the house had been coun- 
 termanded, or one given for them to 
 take possession. He could not. After 
 | many inquiries, they found, that Gen. 
 | Perry^ had the command of the place, 
 j and that his orders were to burn the 
 i house at a certain hour, unless the}-, 
 ! the nuns were in absolute possession; 
 | but he sent them word, if but a part of 
 i them came in, he would spare it for 
 i their sake. Two of them moved in, 
 5 and found the fires all prepared, and 
 everything in read in ess^to burn or blow 
 up the building. The negroes were 
 moving out the bedding, blankets, &c., 
 before it should be destroyed. Here 
 then is rather positive proof that Gen. 
 Sherman paid no respect to his pledge 
 
v 
 
 21 
 
 concerning private property. He had 
 pledged himself to the Mayor that per- 
 son and property should be respected, but 
 here,two days after they had held the city, 
 without any reason that could be assign- 
 ed, he orders a large and costly house to 
 be burnt, simply because he had the pow- 
 er to show his authority and vent his 
 spleen. Other houses were burnt at the 
 time that was ordered to be destroyed, 
 and we have reason, therefore, to sup- 
 pose that the man who ordered the 
 one, had also given directions for the 
 other. 
 
 It will be seen above that Sherman 
 stated to the nuns that his army was un- 
 der the influence of liquor, and demor- 
 alized. Such was not the fact. The 
 discipline was perfect, and the obedience 
 of the army to the officers exemplary. 
 They never were free from his control; 
 never interferred with each other, and 
 when taken in hand, that discipline was 
 exemplified in their prompt attention to 
 the orders given to Andrews. Their 
 discipline was never relaxed, but certain 
 men were freed from it for special pur- 
 poses, etc., and it was this freedom that 
 enabled them to commit with impunity 
 all the atrocities of the night; saved 
 them from the .patrol, as Conyngham 
 states, and enabled John Hays, of Kil- 
 patrick's cavalry, to go into the country 
 and burn Hampton's establishment. 
 This man stopped at a house to enquire 
 the way, stated his reasons for wanting 
 to know, and remarked that it was his 
 ambition and the dearest wish of his 
 heart to burn Hampton's home. On his 
 return, he called and told the ladies, he 
 had effected his purpose. It was this 
 freedom that enabled them to burn up 
 Wallace's, Stark's and Trenholm's resi- 
 dences. We presume that Millwood, 
 Woodlands and Trenholm's Mills and 
 quarters places burnt two days after 
 the general conflagration were also de- 
 stroyed by special order. 
 
 But leaving the city now to repose 
 in its ashes, let us follow Sherman in 
 his career through the country. From 
 
 Columbia to Blackstocks, there was 
 scarcely a dwelling left. Horses, barns, 
 ricks, shanties, fences, ploughs, all 
 shared the same fate, while the carcases 
 of horses, mules, cows, hogs, sheep, 
 strewed the earth ; killed in the most 
 barbaric wafitonness of power. Sher- 
 man's advent to Winnsboro, ended in 
 its destruction, but in his report to the 
 Government, he docs not allude to its 
 being burnt. Thereby, perhaps, hangs 
 a tale. The why and how might have 
 been demanded, and perhaps he doubt- 
 ed whether Slocuin would be civil 
 enough to let him account for it in his 
 own manner. It is certain that whilst 
 Slocum held it, it suffered no detri- 
 ment. He had pledged 'himself that it 
 should be protected. It is equally cer- 
 tain that after Sherman arrived there, 
 a considerable part of it was burnt, and 
 not by Slocum's order. 
 
 In concluding his account of the 
 burning of Columbia, he reiterates his 
 assertion that it had been done by 
 Hampton, and then goes on to laud his 
 officers and men for their efforts to save 
 the city. He speaks of those on duty, 
 working "well to extinguish the flames," 
 but whilst the army, with its loft hand, 
 are making a show of effort, with its 
 right he acknowledges that it was scat- 
 tering destruction. "Others, not on 
 duty, including the officers who had 
 long been imprisoned, rescued by us, 
 may have assisted in spreading the fire 
 after it had once begun, and may have 
 indulged in unconcealed joy to see the 
 ruin of the Capitol of South Carolina." 
 
 Let me now review the assertions 
 of the men and officers as to their orders 
 and intentions when they entered Col- 
 umbia. We have become acquainted 
 with their object and views on their 
 route to the city. We have seen the 
 woods on fire and the houses in flames, 
 to 'light them on their way, the cattle 
 killed and the property stolen. Th^ 
 more dark and hidden deeds they have 
 thrown a veil over, but let us see what 
 was the fate destined for Columbia. 
 
The llev. Wm. Yates states : "I was in 
 the yard when that fatal rocket went 
 up and one of the men exclaimed '-now 
 you will see hell. ;; I asked him what 
 it meant, and his reply was: "That is the j 
 signed for a general setting of fire to the j 
 city" and iui mediately after, numbers 
 of fires could be seen in every direction." 
 This was at Gen Blair's headquarters 
 and from one of his men. Mr. Shand 
 saw them attempt to fire one of his out 
 houses, and saw them destroy the 
 cotton. Mr. Oliver saw them set fire to 
 Mrs. Law's house, turn Mr. Reckling's 
 wife and child out of his home, and 
 fire it, and also witnessed their firing 
 the cotton. Alderman Stork saw them 
 fire the cotton in the street and also 
 witnessed the destruction of Bates' and 
 Oliver's house. They told Captain 
 Stanley that they would "give them 
 Hell to night;" that they would 
 burn the city, and that the arrange- 
 ments were all made over the 
 river before they came in. Capt. S., 
 was the captain of one of the fire com- 
 panies, and whilst working at the fire 
 in the rear of the Commercial Bank, 
 fifteen or twenty armed soldiers forcibly 
 took possession of the hose, stuck 
 their bayonets into them, carried off the 
 pipes, and beat in the air vessel of the 
 engine. He saw soldiers set fire to the 
 Mutual supply association store. Capt. 
 Pratt who came in with the mayor and 
 Col. Stone, told Alderman McKenzie, 
 who showed him some cotton, that he 
 wished he had burnt it and saved them 
 the trouble as they "never left any of 
 that/' Mr. McKenzie as captain of one 
 of the fire companies worked at the 
 .burning cotton about half past eleven, 
 and continued to do so, until it was com- 
 pletely extinguished. He also assisted 
 in arresting the fire at the jail, which 
 he thinks was 'fired by one of the in- 
 mates. His firm conviction is, that the 
 ^ity was fired by Sherman's men and 
 through his directions. Mr. Bedell 
 states that the Yankees set fire to his 
 dwelling housr>, and that all he could 
 
 do, could not prevent them from effect- 
 ing their purpose of burning it. -Mrs. 
 McDonald saw the Yankee soldiers 
 break open Mr. Pelham's door and fire 
 his house; Mrs. Squiers saw the team- 
 sters set fire to the cotton opposite De- 
 Sausure's ; she and her family put it out ; 
 that was about half past five in the after- 
 noon. She saw the rockets go up, and 
 immediately after, fires were to be seen 
 in every direction. She confirms what 
 others state, that Bates and Oliver's es- 
 tablishments were fired in the rear, and, 
 therefore, from those houses, spread to 
 the opposite side of the street. Her 
 own house was fired by cotton steep- 
 ed in turpentine, placed on rods and 
 and put upon the roof. Mrs. Friede- 
 beres house and DeSausure's were all 
 fired about the same time. Mr. Altee 
 says he saw the Yankee soldiers going 
 about and firing the houses on Bridge 
 street and near his own they twic^ 
 fired his, but he was fortunate enough 
 to get it extinguished. In one case, 
 it is probable that the enemy would have 
 added murder to their other crimes. A 
 sergeant and three privates went to the 
 residence of F. Cr. do Fontaine, Esq., 
 the editor of the Daily South Carolinian, 
 and demanded of the sprvants where he 
 was to be found. The latter being un- 
 able to give the information, one of the 
 men replied Damn him, its well for 
 him that he isn't here, for we'd burn 
 him in his den. Then, after ransacking 
 the library, papers, etc., with a lighted 
 candle they ignited the wood work on 
 the place and left it to burn. Subse- 
 quently two Federal soldiers were found 
 burned to death among the ruins of the 
 South Carolinian office, in another part 
 of the city. Mr. Pelham, the editor of 
 Guardian, was likewise threatened with 
 death in case of capture. I need quote 
 no more. I deem this sufficient to 
 prove that the Yankee soldiers fired the 
 cotton and the houses. Now let us sec 
 what they declared to be their intentions. 
 Hundreds of them said to others as was 
 said to Stanley, that they were at liber- 
 
23 
 
 ty to do as they pleased in the town, 
 and intended to burn it to the ground. 
 Two officers, one of the 15th, and the 
 other of the 17th corps, stated, that 
 "they and the soldiers wgn'e at liberty to 
 do whatever they pleased ; the only re- 
 striction was not to injure the women 
 and children." Mrs. Thompson states 
 that her guard told her that before 
 morning there would be no need of a 
 guard for her property as it would be 
 all gone. A captain from Ohio, asked 
 her, why she had stayed in Columbia ; 
 said u it was a doomed city; that Sher- 
 man had given orders to his troops upon 
 crossing the river, that they were first 
 to sack the city, and then burn it when 
 the signal should be. given viz: three 
 rockets." Mr. Thompson states that 
 he "Was a member of the fire company ; 
 that there was no fire in the town when 
 Stone came in; that the fires commenced 
 after the signals, and that the soldiers 
 told him they "always meant to burn 
 it." Lieut. McCroney when canvcrsiug 
 with Mr. Harris expressed great admi- 
 ration of Sherman, and remarked that 
 "he would soon bring the war to a termi- 
 nation ; that his policy was to destroy 
 everything by fire and sword in his line 
 of inarch, and especially Columbia, which 
 he had determined on long before he 
 marched here." A gentleman of Col- 
 umbia called upon Sherman on the night 
 of t he-fire to get a guard for the protec- 
 tion of his family and house which was 
 much exposed. ' Ho could not see 
 Sherman, but met with Capt. Merrill, 
 who told him that Sherman had 
 given orders to admit no one, and 
 that his seeing him would make no 
 difference, for, "Sherman did not care a 
 damn if the whole city' was in ashes." 
 I will now bring this article to a close, 
 after making a few remarks on the burn- 
 ing of the gas works by Gen. Howard 
 under, I may say, the express orders of 
 Gen. Sherman, fo*r such it had every ap- 
 pearance to have been. Mr.Jas.G.Gibbes 
 heard that the gas works were to be 
 burnt. As this was altogether private pro- 
 
 perty, could have no bearing on the con- 
 duct of the war and was not a building 
 useful in war to an enemy; as Gen. 
 Sherman had promised protection to all 
 private property colleges, school^, 
 harmless houses etc., it was thought that 
 such an establishment ought not to be 
 injured, and that having deprived the 
 citizens of their arms, wood, water 
 provisions and every means of procur- 
 ing thgm by the burning of all the mills, 
 and the stealing of all the wagons and 
 horses, they might at least have light 
 spared to them, to enable them to take 
 care of their children who had been so 
 cru?lly thrown out of their homes, and 
 deprived of every necessary. This gen- 
 tleman hearing that Gen Howard had 
 the ordering of its destruction went to 
 him, and remonstrated with him upon 
 the cruelty of such a measure; depicted 
 the distress it would occasion, and the 
 utter wantonness of destroying such a 
 building. Howard replied, that he saw 
 DO reason why that should not be burnt 
 as well as the other buildings. He was 
 then requested to postpone its "firing 
 until Sherman could be appealed to ; he 
 told him he would see Shermaif himself ; 
 the gentleman asked permission to go 
 with him, as he Gen. H., being in favor 
 of burning, he would not be likely to 
 prove a warm advoc-ate ; he declined per- 
 mission, but said he would see 
 Sherman and try and get the order coun- 
 termanded. After such a promise we pre- 
 sume he did call on Sherman and en- 
 deavor to change his determination. 
 The gas works were however burnt, and 
 we have a right to presume that Sherman 
 gave the order for their destruction, 
 and refused to countermand it. He 
 therefore violated his pledge of protec- 
 tion to the citizen and his property, and 
 committed an act of as wanton destruc- 
 tion as ever was done by man. The 
 burning of those works, the order to burn 
 Preston's house, the destruction of Mrs. 
 English's, Latta's, and hosts of other 
 houses and the utter devastation of the 
 whole country from Columbia to North 
 
24 
 
 Carolina, makes him one of the most 
 ruthless invaders that ever cursed the 
 earth by his presence. Attila or Alaric 
 shrink into insignificance when com- 
 pared with him; and Nichols was right 
 in saying "that you will in vain search 
 history for a parallel to the scathing 
 and destructive effect of the invasion of 
 the Carolinas." I have elsewhere shown 
 that neither Sherman nor any of his 
 officers had attributed the burning of 
 the city to aught else than the inebria- 
 tion of the soldiers; and up to the 4th 
 of April, the date of his report to the 
 Secretary of War, no accusation had 
 been made against Hampton. That 
 the charge then brought forward was 
 an after thought, all the antecedents 
 tend to prove. He spoke of the burn- 
 ing as arising from the intoxication of 
 his men yet on his route through the 
 country, after leaving Columbia, he 
 carried ouj; the system he commenced 
 at the bridges below, and kfi^tup during 
 his march to the capital. In his letter 
 to Wheeler, he avows his intention to 
 burn all the cotton, and also his utter 
 disregard as to what became of the 
 dwelling* of the planters. To talk of 
 empty houses was ridiculous; from 
 necessity, those houcs could have no 
 occupants, though the furniture and 
 slaves evidenced their being cared for, 
 and in fact inhabited. In his letter to 
 Hampton of the 27th of February, 
 relative to the prisoners being shot, 
 &c., he makes no allusion to Columbia; 
 and when Hampton replied, denying 
 all knowledge of any prisoners who 
 were shot after having been taken, he 
 charges Sherman with having burned 
 the city of Columbia after ho had 
 peaceable possession of it, and of other 
 matters contrary to theusa^e of civilized 
 nations. To this charge, Gen. Sherman 
 never replied. At that time he, the 
 great conqueror, never dreamed of 
 being assailed; but, to his astonish- 
 ment, he found the reverse. At that 
 time he rather looked upon the burning 
 of Columbia as the crowning act of his 
 
 glory, and for the destruction of our 
 capital he expected something like 
 deification ; nor did he awake from his 
 delusion until the rude act of the Sec- 
 retary of Waj 1 aroused him from his 
 reverie, and he began to think that he 
 had carried his desire of vengeance too 
 far, and it would be advisable that 
 some cause should be shown to Govern- 
 ment why such an atrocity had been 
 perpetrated. It was then he thought 
 of the order he had seen, made 
 his arrangements accordingly, and be- 
 came satisfied that the city was fully on 
 fire before he gave the order to burn it 
 down through the destruction of the 
 public buildings. Posterity will not 
 be as blind as the present race; their 
 passions will not be excited, and they 
 will acknowledge that Carolina fought, 
 and nobly fought, for a right that she 
 and all the States were entitled to, and 
 had ever claimed; and that, in the 
 infamous desire to crush out her love 
 of liberty and State sovereignty, a 
 tiger had been unchained, who had rev- 
 elled in blood and destruction, and still 
 continued, and probably would rule until 
 nothing was left of liberty or civil rights 
 to the consolidated but enslaved nation. 
 
 I have now done with General Sher- 
 man. I trust that I have answered 
 Conyngham's question which I set out to 
 do; that I have removed the slander 
 attempted to be cast on Gen. Hampton 
 by Sherman and his satellites; proved 
 that Tecumsch Sherman was the in- 
 cendiary, and he, and he alone, is re- 
 sponsible for the terrible destruction that 
 has been occasioned, and the retarding 
 of prosperity for the next fifty years. To 
 his God I now leave the miserable 
 wretch, in the full belief that he will 
 meet with such punishment as his atro- 
 cious acts have merited. 
 
 Having finished with Gen. Sherman 
 and his fetes of arson, let me turn 
 to a few remarks of Major Nichols, in 
 which, contrary to good taste, as well as 
 civility aud truth, he attempts to libel 
 the character of the Carolinians. Let 
 
25 
 
 me review the statements and the com- 
 ments he has ventured to indulge in- 
 and I think they will tend fully to por- 
 tray not only a vile animus, but a mis- 
 erable baseness of mind. I cannot leave 
 the subject without exhibiting some of 
 his wondrous qualities and gifts. 
 
 A portion of what he narrates, he has 
 seen and heard. But when he gives 
 such a description of Hampton, as he has 
 done on page 311, we are compelled 
 to say that he was not acquainted with 
 the man. Of all persons whom I have 
 ever known, and I have known him 
 since infancy, he is the most uniform 
 and imperturbable in his temper. No 
 one ever saw him give way to passion ; 
 his face is one of remarkable quietude 
 and repose, and he is rather reticent 
 than otherwise. In his manner there is 
 a calmness and severity that strikes every 
 one as the predominant characteristic, 
 and a cheerful beaming of the eye that 
 makes the countenance agreeable. You 
 may see determination to do what he con- 
 siders a duty ; but you need never ex- 
 pect to see restless anxiety or fuss. He 
 is the last being to whom we should 
 have expected such terms to be applied 
 as "fanfaronade," etc. Nichols certainly 
 made a mistake here, an,d had his friend 
 Kilpatrick in his mind when he drew 
 that picture. He must have recollected 
 the appearance of that officer as Bom- 
 bastes Furioso, challenging Wheeler out 
 to fight, and imagined that he saw "le 
 petit General," with a flag in his hand, 
 calling over to Wheeler's men, in sten- 
 torian voice, "come out now, you set of 
 cowardly skunks; you claim that you 
 whip Kilpatrick every time, come out 
 now and try it; and I'll not leave enough, 
 of you to thrash a corporal's guard. I 
 am Kill himself." We almost looked 
 for the boots and the well-known distich 
 and supposed they might have been 
 hung up, if they had not been lost in 
 some of his hurried movements ; such 
 as occurred when surprised by Hamp- 
 ton, and in dishabille, he ran for the 
 woods, leaving his mulatto doxy to follow 
 
 as she could. There are several other 
 remarks of Nichol's that ought to be no- 
 ticed. Several soldiers were found on the 
 road-side, who had been killed, either 
 by the citizens or by Confederate sol- 
 diers. They belonged to a gang who 
 had been firing and pillaging the coun- 
 try in every direction, and simply met 
 he fate they deserved. The virtuous 
 indignation of the Generals is aroused 
 and Sherman gives Kilpatrick orders 
 to hang and shoot prisoners who fall 
 into his hands, to any extent he con- 
 siders necessary. Nicholas fired on the 
 occasion, calls out: "Shame on Beau- 
 regard and Hampton and Butler," and 
 asks, "Has the blood of their father's 
 become so corrupted, that the sons are 
 cowardly assassins. If this murderous 
 game is continued by their friends, they 
 will bitterly rue the day it was begun/' 
 Without knowing why or wherefore 
 those men were punished, an order is 
 given for the hanging of the prisoners, 
 though Sherman, when alluding to the 
 circumstance, acknowledges that his for- 
 agers committed many acts of atrocity. 
 To the question as to the corruption of 
 the blood of the father's leaving the sons 
 assassins, I have only to say, if Nichol's 
 wishes an answer, ,he nead only ask tho 
 question personally, and he can test the 
 condition of consanguinity. Men who 
 have been employed in burning up the 
 country, robbing the houses and turning 
 out the families, to burn their dwellings, 
 are to pass unmolested, because they 
 wear the blue uniform of Sherman's 
 thieves ; but when a rebel soldier fires 
 on one of their officers, although as he 
 states, the poor wretch harmed no one, 
 he was hanged at once for his attempted 
 assassination; a fit commentary upon the 
 statement made above. 
 
 A generous enemy would abstain from 
 abusing his opponent, when no longer 
 in the field. An officer of sense may, 
 from want of tact, grandeurize himself 
 and army, but would abstain from depre- 
 ciating his antagonist. The pussillan- 
 imity of the foe necessarily detracts from 
 
.26 
 
 the prowess of the conquerer, and he who 
 would boast of a victory gained over 
 decrepid old age or staggering infancy; 
 would deem himself heroic in 'overcom- 
 ing the coward and the driveller. For 
 his army's sake, for his own share in the 
 glorious victory icon l>y sixty-eight thous- 
 and men over fifteen thousand, he should 
 not sneer at the conquered, but to en- 
 hance his own merit, should make the 
 Carolinians very paladins; the Cids of 
 this century, who fought and defended 
 every inch of their ground with the skill 
 and stubbornness of a Massena. Let me 
 turn to one of the sentences in which 
 he has vented his spleen and exhibited 
 his folly. There are many of the same 
 kind to be found in his work. "A 
 characteristic of South Carolina chivalry 
 has impressed itself upon all of us since 
 we entered the State, and had a marked 
 illustration last night and this morning. 
 I refer to a whining, helpless, craven 
 spirit, which shows itself whenever any 
 of these people get hurt/ 7 "These fel- 
 lows who were to die in the last ditch ; 
 who would welcome us with bloody 
 hands to hospitable graves, are more 
 cowardly than children, and whine like 
 whipped school -boys. Ridiculously* 
 helpless, they sit and groan, without 
 making an effort to help themselves." 
 That statement is as false as ever was 
 penned by a Yankee, and not a man, 
 woman, or child six years old, but would 
 pronounce the writer of such a para- 
 graph, a miserable dastard, unused to the 
 society of gentlemen, and incapable of 
 appreciating what belongs to the class. 
 The incident that he has mentioned of 
 the Palmetto tree," ought to have made 
 him blush, whilst he was writing such 
 a slander. That tree was respected-even 
 by the rude soldier; and why ? Because 
 it recorded the names of men who had 
 been engaged in the Mexican war, and 
 brought back with them a character sur- 
 passed by none other; because they knew 
 that that Regiment saved the honor of 
 the army, when the troops of New York 
 and Pennsylvania driven back, exhibited 
 
 their terror to the enemy. They could 
 not advance on Chepultepec, but the 
 Palmetto Regiment, though decimated 
 in the previous fight, advanced against 
 the enemy, supported the retreating 
 forces of New York and Pensylvania, 
 allowed them to regain their morale, 
 and enabled Scott to dictate his terms 
 from the halls of Montezuma. Their 
 sons and relatives have met the Yan- 
 kees time after time in battle, and never 
 given back one inch, with any thing of 
 equal numbers. That they have not 
 degenerated, let Bull Run, Seven 
 Pines, Mechanicsville, Coal Harbor, 
 and a host of other places, testify. 
 Not merely in these places, but you can 
 scarce mention a battle which has been 
 fought, in which the blood of Carolina 
 has not freely flowed. They beat you 
 at Eton, the last battle in Carolina, 
 when Butler drove back your forces. 
 They fought you to the last. * 
 
 Turn to the siege of Charleston to 
 Secessionville, and say whether any 
 evidence of a craven was spirit there; 
 or whether within the walls of Sumter, 
 the whining of the whipped school-boy 
 has been heard. The siege of that fort 
 should have taught you to have used 
 more truthful language. For more than 
 a year, with your immense force, you 
 tried to get possession of that one for- 
 tress and constantly failed. With 
 your immense naval armament and land 
 forces, you day by day, rained your iron 
 balls and shells upon that devote.d place, 
 but she succumbed not; you beat down 
 her walls, until she became a mass of 
 ruins, yet still she defied you ; and when 
 her upper tiers were silenced and she 
 could no longer return your fire with her 
 cannon, her note of defiance was still 
 heard in the booming sound of the morn- 
 ing and evening gun. Twice you at- 
 temped to scale her battered walls, aud 
 twice she hurled your forces back, brok- 
 en and discomfittcd ; and yet you talk 
 about the craven spirit of South Caroli- 
 nian chivalry, as an object of the utmost 
 disgust and contempt of the Northern 
 
27 
 
 officer and soldier. The expression 
 was as false as it was anxiously desired 
 to be, and in your heart you knew it to 
 be a. falsehood. You at last obtained 
 the old fort; but how? Not by gallant 
 conquest, but her own voluntary surren- 
 der. She could fight no more and the 
 very flag which you have hoisted in 
 triumph over her battlement, but reads 
 you a lesson of disgrace. The stars 
 and stripes that now flaunt over her bat- 
 tlements, tell you of a flag that had 
 been struck after three days contest, and 
 of others that were arrayed against it for 
 over five hundred days, yet could never 
 fora moment be planted on her soil. And 
 the morning gun but recalls the recollec- 
 tion of that protracted struggle and mis- 
 erable failure. The assertion was false. 
 No craven spirit was seen in the State ; 
 you heard no whining entreaties. They 
 acknowledged themselves overpowered 
 by your numbers, but not subdued by 
 your bravery. They submitted to a ne- 
 cessity forced upon them, and made gal- 
 ling in the extreme by the grossierics of 
 of the victors. So far and no farther 
 do they acknowledge. They still be- 
 lieve they were right, but like many 
 others, similarly situated, they have 
 yielded to the necessity of their position. 
 Thfey agreed to remain quiet, but they" 
 did not bargain for abuse from the igno- 
 rant and the vulgar. The force opposed 
 to them was overwhelming, and their 
 not being able to oppose, reflected neith- 
 er disgrace nor dishonor. By Major 
 Barry's account, Sherman had 68,000 
 efl'ective muskets, besides cavalry, etc., 
 and Nichol's himself boasts that the foot- 
 steps of 100,000 abolitionists had press- 
 ed the sacred soil and broken down our 
 
 spirits. To such a force was opposed tho 
 troops of Hardee, and the few men gath- 
 ered together in a hurry and concentra- 
 ted about Columbia the aged and the 
 boys; in all, not equal to the number 
 that Sherman had in any one of his three 
 Divisions, and 12,000 of these in Charles- 
 ton, useless to tho cause. Under such 
 circumstances, they met and fought you 
 and retarded your movements. To charge 
 a people with cowardice for not beating 
 back such hordes, could only have been 
 made by a brutal mind, regardless of all 
 the amenities of civilization. Let us see, 
 if when he penned those lines, he believ- 
 ed in their truth. Had he forgotten his 
 statement that "the rebels successfully 
 defended their strong line of works on 
 the north side of the Congaree creek, 
 until about four o'clock this afternoon." 
 "Our attempts to cross the river below, 
 have met with earnest opposition." "I 
 never saw more spirited determined 
 fighting, than that of those few hundred 
 brave fellows." If the fighting was 
 spirited and determined on the one side, 
 it must have been equally so on the other, 
 and whilst he has designated the num- 
 ber of those engaged on th.3 one part, 
 why not have said that their opponents 
 were but a few men left to obstruct their 
 march, whilst the rest of the army made 
 good their retreat. Such expressions 
 from any writer, throw doubt upon the 
 narrative ; but from an officer it reflects 
 disgrace, and shows a bitterness of mind 
 that delights in traducing. Here let me 
 stop; and I will only say, that I am yet 
 to learn where, with equal numbers and 
 a fair field, the Yankees ever got tho 
 better of the Southern Rebels. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The following statements refer to the situa- 
 tion of military affairs, and the number of 
 troops engaged on both sides, and have not 
 been embodied in the foregoing account. 
 
 The disparity between the forces of the in- 
 vaders and the defenders of the soil may be 
 thus set forth. If the whole number of men 
 under arms in South Carolina at the time of 
 the entry of Gen. Sherman into the State 
 could have been collected together they would 
 have amounted to about 16,000. Of these, 
 12,000 thousand were under Hardee, scattered 
 along the coast ; 2,600 were under Stephcnson, 
 collected chiefly from fragments of the West' 
 ern army : 1,400 under Wheeler, and 500 unr 
 der Butler, or say, in round numbers 2,000 
 cavalry. With this small force it was attempt- 
 ed to hold in check Sherman's n.rmy.of 75,000 
 men. Major Barry > the Federal Chief, of Ordi- 
 nance, in his report to Gen. Sherman .writes : 
 "The number of guns was reduced to on.e per 
 thousand effective bayonets. The whole num- 
 ber of field batteries were sixteen, comprising 
 gixtyrcigrht guns, which were distributed as 
 follows i lo.tii Army Corps, 18 guns; 17th 
 Army Corps, 14 guns', 14th Army Corps, 16 
 guns; Cavalry, 4 guns. Total 68." Add to 
 to this force the officers, and the probability 
 is that the army must have exceed 75,000 men. 
 Hardee soon withdrew to Charleston, and Sher- 
 man started through the swamps, on his grand 
 tour to sever the railroads and reach Columbia. 
 Nichols speaks of the want of spirit in defend- 
 ing the creeks, bridges, etc., which the Feder- 
 als had to pass, and how thev had turned our 
 flank and dashed through woods and water to 
 drive the enemy. He would lead the public 
 
 to suppose that desperate assaults had been 
 made against equal forces in which Yankee 
 boldness and stategy had prevailed, when in 
 fact our meagre numbers only enabled us to 
 maintain a corps of observation, which was 
 compelled to retreat whenever the enemy ap- 
 proached too near. In so doing our troops 
 occupied calmly and in order, the next best 
 position to which they were assigned. 
 
 If we had had 30,000 men the result, in all 
 probability, would have been far different. 
 Sherman would have been deprived of the 
 pleasure of burning small villages, and indulg- 
 ing in the smaller game of stealing horses, 
 killing cows, hogs, pigs, and sacking hen roosts 
 and negro hovels. From the time Sherman 
 passed Orangeburg thero were opposed to torn 
 four thousand men, all told a body which any 
 one of his corps would outnumber by three to 
 one. This smalt force constantly contested 
 his advance ; shirmished with him at Thorn's 
 Creek f obstructed his movements at Granby, 
 and held him at bay. As Nichol's acknowl- 
 edges, "the rebels successfully defended their 
 single line of works on the north side of Con- 
 garee Creek until about four o'clock this 
 afternoon-," referring to the operations of the 
 loth, preceding their entry into Columbia, 
 This was done by Wheeler, with about 600 
 men. Nichols, continues: "Our attempts to 
 cross the river b v eipw ; the city have met with 
 earnest opposition. After sharp skirmishing 
 we managed to get .a few men across the river 
 in boats. I never sa^w more spirited or deter* 
 mined fighting than that of these few hundred 
 brave fellows," referring of course to the Fed- 
 eral advance guard. He pays further tribute 
 
to the gallantry of our little army in his ac- 
 count of the battle of Averysborough, when 
 he writes, "The regiment of Cnarleston heavy 
 artillery, made up of the best blood of Caro- 
 lina, was in our immediate front during the 
 fight. It fought well, and suffered severely, 
 both in officers and men. A larger proportion 
 of officers were wounded in this fight than any 
 fight I have known." Yet these are the men 
 who had lost caste had become so demoral- 
 ized that it was impossible to recover their 
 position, etc. He adds further, "The rebels 
 have nhown more pluck than we have seen 
 in them since Atlanta. To be sure they were 
 behind breastworks, and fully equaled us in 
 numbers actually engaged ; but they supposed 
 the whole army would come up, which was 
 half the battle to us in its moral effect upon 
 them." 
 
 With such admissions as this, it is wilful 
 slander and unworthy of any writer, who has 
 the true feelings and principles of a gentleman, 
 to make the statements we have just recorded. 
 To return, however, to the defence of Col- 
 umbia. Sherman arrived here with the whole 
 of his immense army, confronted by not more 
 than 5,000 men, all told ; a difference of about 
 twelve to one. This small force had been 
 scattered over a space of thirty miles, and was 
 in fact little more than an army of scouts. So 
 if there be any disgrace attaching to the de- 
 fence of the Capitol of South Carolina, it surely 
 rests on Sherman, who proved himself so das- 
 tardly in disposition, fiendish in temper, and 
 brutal in conduct, as to devastate a country 
 Avholly incapable of protecting itself and com- 
 pletely in his power. Mor would he have at- 
 tempted it, had Gen. Johnston been in com- 
 mand with a force of even 20,000 men. Foi 
 that officer, with about that number of men 
 afterwards fought Sherman at Bentonville, anc 
 for three days hold his great army, nearly 
 three larger than our own, completely ii 
 check. Unfortunately, South Carolina coulc 
 not have mustered 20,000 troops under any 
 circumstances. Sherman knew the countr 
 was at his mercy and, like a fiend, he showec 
 none. In his recent fourth of July speech 
 he boasts of having succeeded in effecting tin 
 results he intende(J,and virtually acknowledge 
 
 he destruction he has so often denied. In 
 act, the great idol of the North, spoke scarcely 
 a truth while in South Carolina. What confi- 
 lence can be placed in a man who thus offi- 
 ially falsifies matters which come under his 
 bservation, and disparages an enemy whose 
 >rowess he had occasion to fear and to respect 
 on every occasion. 
 
 We can only view the march of Sherman 
 hrough Georgia and the Carolinas, as a Great 
 iaid, conceived and carried out, simply be- 
 cause he anticipated no opposition. Hood's 
 bold and unfortunate attempt in Tennesee 
 eft the door open. It was, in fact, safer for 
 ;he Federal Commander to march to the coast 
 than to retrace his steps. He came to Savan- 
 nah because there were few or no obstacles in 
 lis way ; he pressed forward to Columbia, 
 aecause there were few troops in this direc- 
 tion to contest his advance , and he burnt the 
 city to the ground, to gratify a fiendish spirit 
 which revelled in the misery of his fellowmen. 
 If there is glory in this, let him and his friends 
 make the most of it. 
 
 The impartial historian will record that in 
 no single instance did Sherman ever whip Gen. 
 Johnston, or Kilpatrick obtain the advantage 
 of Gen. Hampton. In truth, Gen. Kilpatrick 
 does not figure very boldly in the closing 
 scenes of the war, with all the assistance of 
 Nichols and Sherman. After his famous race 
 to the swamp near Fayetteville, when he took 
 his precipitate departure in his shirt and draws, 
 leaving his fair and frail school marm behind, 
 the great Yankee cavalryman kept well under 
 the wing of the infantry. 
 
 I close this brief review of the military 
 operations of Gen. Sherman in South Carolina, 
 with the following extract from a letter writ- 
 ten by a distinguished officer, whose position 
 enabled him to obtain correct information, 
 and who moreover waa a participant in the 
 scenes to which he refers : 
 
 " At Congaree creek not more than 600 
 men of Wheeler's were engaged, and the 
 enemy only succeeded in dislodging him by 
 crossing the creek above and below them. 
 This fight held Sherman all day, and he camp- 
 ed that night near the Congaree creek. The 
 infantry were withdrawn to the Columbia side 
 of the river soon afcer dark and were followed 
 
30 
 
 by the cavalry. The bridge was burned con- 
 trary to orders. The order was for the Engin- 
 eers to destroy one or two arches. Wheeler's 
 command was placed, one brigade with Butler 
 below Columbia, and the rest on the Saluda 
 river. There were thus iti Columbia, only 
 2600 infantry under Stephenson, Butler's cav- 
 alry, about 600 men, and one brigade of 
 Wheeler's, about 400. Wheeler fought at the 
 Saluda, and between that fcud Broad river, 
 which he crossed on the evening of the 16th. 
 At 3 A. M., on the 17th, Stephenson took 
 Wheeler's place, and the latter marched higher 
 up the river. There were about 4,500 to 
 5,000 men in all, guarding the river from 
 Frost's plantation to Zeigler's Ferry, a distance 
 of about 30 miles. The enemy crossed during 
 the night of the 16th, in front of the infantry, 
 and Gen. Hampton seeing that all defence was 
 hopeless, ordered Stephenson to fall back. 
 Soon after sun rise on the 17th, Wheeler cov- 
 ered his withdrawal." 
 
 An extract from Wheeler's report states 
 that "about nine o'clock or half-past, when 
 near the cross roads, two miles north of Col- 
 umbia, I met the Mayor of Columbia in a 
 carriage, preceded by a large white flag. I 
 immediately ordered the firing to cease, and 
 allowed him to pass on to the enemy. I with- 
 drew up the Winnsboro road. Gen. Hampton 
 shelled the camp of the enemy from the 
 hills of East Granby on the night of the loth, 
 and Butler repelled quite a severe attack upon 
 him. The artillery lost six or seven horses 
 killed, and there were quite a number of men 
 wounded. 
 
 "From Chester, we turned and got on both 
 flanks of the enemy, and had almost daily 
 skirmishes, some quite heavy. Every day from 
 50 to 300 prisoners were brought in. The 
 Provost Marshall reported upwards of 3*,000 
 prisoners turned over by the cavalry, and I 
 think nearly as great a number were killed and 
 wounded. About 100 wagons, 400 head of 
 cattle and several hundred head of horses, were 
 captured. in the campaign. Sherman's whole 
 loss from the time he left Columbia to the end 
 of the struggle, was not less than 10,000 men. 
 At Fayettcville, about 100 Yankee cavalry came 
 
 in when none of our troops were there ; eight 
 men charged them, routed them, killing eight 
 and capturing nine the leader and seven 
 men. Near Fayetteville, Kilpatrick was at- 
 tacked and his camp was taken, with upwards 
 of 500 Yankees and 173 of our men, who were 
 prisoners. Kilpatrick escaped in his shirt and 
 draws only, leaving his fair and frail Yankee 
 school marm, in our hands. One of our boys 
 assisted in dressing her and let her go to her 
 protector. At Bentonville, Gen. Johnston 
 attacked Sherman. Two corps drove him a 
 mile, took three guns, and a line of breast- 
 works. Had his whole force been in position 
 he would have defeated Sherman entirely. 
 With 18,000 men, he held his position in front 
 of Sherman's whole force, strengthened by 
 Schofield's corps for three days, and then re- 
 treated without loss. From to Hills- 
 
 boro, the cavalry were engaged every day, 
 covering the retreat of the infantry. Some 
 of these affairs were quite serious, and all 
 creditable to our army. The day before Ra- 
 leigh was evacuated, it was desirable to check 
 the advance of the enemy as much as possible, 
 in order to remove the stores", etc. With one 
 brigade only, and Bntler's Command, and two 
 batteries of artillery, two corps of the enemy 
 were so steadily engaged, that they advanced 
 only five miles in six hours. When we evac- 
 uated Raleigh, Kilpatrick charged Hampton's 
 rear-guard. We turned on him, charged and 
 drove him back in confusion, taking prisoners, 
 and killing and wounding some of his men. 
 This was the last fight of Hampton's command 
 and it was a success." 
 
 No v let me ask with such facts before him, 
 Nichols being Sherman's aid, what epithet 
 should be attacked to his honored name, when 
 he could pen the following lines. 
 
 "The Rebels hope that Johnston will be able 
 to recall and reinforce that army ; but no man 
 living has that power. He might as well try 
 to reclothe the naked limbs of those oaks trees 
 yonder on the hill side, with last years foliage 
 of green ; or a task more impossible yet, re- 
 store to the Southern Gentlemen, their lost 
 reputation for chivalry, honor and manhood." 
 
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 UNIVERSITY OF 
 
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