! CJe SJniijevsitp o£ CMcasa The Political Philosophy of Modem Shinto A Study of the State Religion of Japan A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE DIVINITY SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (department op church inSTORY) BY DANIEL CLARENCE HOLTOM ^ II- A Private Edition Distributed by The University of Chicago Libraries 1922 (From the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan) H/, FROM THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF JAPAN TOKYO, JAPAN ••XCMANG* - WOn W OUT: Tn nt: r^rpuCEO - AC C g$ t> »O N NUIWGCiiS TO DC Wl^ t tO HAVm prelface: The discussion in the following pages is not offered as a treatment of modern Shinto in all its various aspects. The problems discussed are particularly those which arise out. of the relationship existing between the Shinto shrines and the modern Japanese state. It has been thought advisable, however, to include in the first part of Chapter I a brief outline of Shinto development prior to the modern period. For the earlier periods the references given in' the notes should be consulted. The expediency of separating the third phase of Shinto (that of the Revival of Pure Shinto) from the medieval period may perhaps be questioned, especially in view of the fact that the actual political influence of Shinto under the Tokugawa Sho- gunate was comparatively slight ; yet it needs to be remembered that the third phase of Shinto marks a movement sufficiently distinct to have merited the special consideration of no less a scholar than Sir Ernest Satow. It is also recognized that the term ** philosophy" in the main title of the discussion is used in a general sense. The ^ usage implies an official theory and practice regarding Shinto, ^ connected and adjusted by design. The statement regarding Omoio Kyd^\v\i\Q}i\ appears on page 126 was written prior to the abolition of this sect by the govern- ' f^ . ment. The situation which necessitated such action on the part of the authorities, however, does not affect the appropriateness of the citation which is made from Omoio Kyo publications. Indeed, it has been suggested that the chauvinistic Mikadoism \ ^*) of Oinoto Kyo was put on as protective coloring, and, if so, the necessity still remains of interpreting a political situation which makes such tactics possible. n PREFACE In the course ot the arg^unient it has bsen found necessary to introduce comparative material from non-Japanese fields. This is especially true of those sections which deal with the study of the mythology of the official cult. Attention is called to the fact that the reason for the introduction of such com- parative material does not lie in a desire to validate the operation of the principle of acculturation. The purposes of the argument are sufficiently satisfied if the operation of the principle of parallelism can be established. References to sources and authorities are given in full in the notes. D. C. Holtom. Tokyo, April, 1922. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page 1 ^" Historical Introduction I II The Shrine Problem 4Q III Japanese Interpretations of Shinto : The Ethical Definition ... 69 IV Japanese Interpretations of Shinto : The Religious Definition 99 V The Meaning of A!<2;;«/ 129 VI The Mythology of the Official Cult: The Original Parents i8r^ VII The Cult of the Sun-Goddess 224 VIII Government and National Shrines. Con- clusions 268 Appendix A. Bibliography — ^Works of Reference in European Languages 309 Appendix B. Bibliography — ^Works of Reference in the Japanese Language .«. .., 317 Appendix C. Tables of Statistics for Shrines and Priests 324 ABBREVIATIONS H Z. Hdrel Zensho, Complete Collection of Laws and , Ordinances, Jaj^ancse Government. N. Nlftonslioki {Kokushi Taikei Rokkokis'ii), Tokyo. 1915. A. Aston, W. G., NiJiongi, 2 Vols., Supplement I of Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London, 1896. C. Chamberlain, B. H., Kofiki, Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. X, Supplement, 1882. F. Florenz, Karl, fapanische Mythologie, Ni/iongi, Zeitalier der Goiter, Tokyo, 1901. T. A.S.J. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. T.J.S.L. Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London. H.K.R.E. Hastings Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. NOTE Where two names of a Japanese person are given, the name in italics indicates the family name. The general rule, followed has been to print family names first, as in ordinary Japanese usage. (D. C. H.) THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. CHAPTER I. Historical Introduction. ^ One of the most noteworthy politico-religious situations of history is to be found in the expansion of modern Shintd. In this development the Japanese government has attempted to stabilize important political institutions and at the same time secure a form of religious adjustment by isolating Shinto from recognized religious bodies such as Buddhism and Christianity. Hereby government sanction has been given to the interpreta- tion that official Shinto is not a religion. / The Meiji and Taisho eras have witnessed the enactment of a series of laws and departmental regulations which may be legitimately interpreted as an effort on the part of the Japanese government to find a workable religious policy which, while preserving under direct state control those Shinto institutions which are regarded as contributory to the unification and discipline of popular sentiments of loyalty and patriotism, would yet make possible a fairly satisfactory disposition of the affairs of religious organ'zations outside of the official cult, and at the same time meet the pressure of inevitable modernizing ten- dencies in the various departments of Japanese life induced by contacts with occidental culture. The Japanese state has had to deal not sim ply wath prob l^nit; of rpnHju^iitmpnt nrining nnt v^{ the urgency of assimilating absolutely indispensg jbjf H^rn^nfo of western civilization but also, in the meantime, ha s found it necessiry to strengthen its elf against the dan^rers ot tree-thoii^T bt. socialism and even anarchism. The interplay of the forces tound in niodernism, in the activity of non-Shint5 religious bodies, and in the alleged necessity of unifying the Japanese 2 TH^E t>OLlTiCAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO social mind by concentrating it on characteristic Japanese institutions has produced the modern Shinto situation. This has raised difficult problems for the Japanese state. The effort to solve these problems has culminated in the complete separation of the control of the Shinto shrines from the oversight of ordinary religious matters. Under the direc- tion of this policy Shinto ceremonies have taken on the character of important affairs of state systematized under national law, in the ritual of which even civil officials may participate. Shinto priests have been given court rank and treated as government officials with appointment and superintendence regulated by the State ; the support of Shinto institutions has been made an affair of State concern and has been secured wholly or in part out of government revenues ; great shrines have been construct- ed at government expense ; and the shrines themselves have been interpreted and utilized as non-religious agencies for the strengthening of national morality. How does it come about that such a position has been adopted by the Japanese government, and what is its j ustification in actual historical fact ?,/The attempt to answer these questions constitutes the subject matter of the following discussion. A question immediately arises as to whc-vt constitutes the essential nature of Shinto.^ As far as the term itself is concern- ed, there is no documentary evidence in Japanese records to show definitely that it was in use in Japan prior to the introduc- tion of Buddhism in 552 A.D.^ The evidence, as far as it goes, indicates that the word came into general use as a result of the heightening of national consciousness during the early period of the struggle between Buddhism, as a foreign faith, and the !• %^-Mx Shinto, Of Shindo, Kami no Michi, "The Way of the Gods.'' For a valuable discussion of the origin and meaning of the term Shinto, consult Kume, Kunitake, Nihcn Kodai Shi to Shintfl^to no Kanhei (X)R^[?it» H ^fC'iM'i ^ ^;1'^ii^0^t^» "The Relations of Shinto and Ancient Japanese History," Tokyo, 1907), pp. I -1 8: ^ 2. A., Vol. II, pp. 55,65. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 3 native religion of old Japan.^ The term was probably borrowed from Chinese usage. In its early periods the indigenous cult ot Japan appears to have been nameless.^ Shinto has been defined as a generic name for ideas and institutions existing in Japan prior to the introduction of Bud- dhism and Confucianism,^ and again as an expression of the primitive instincts of the Japanese race.'* The modern nation- alistic exposition tries to find the basis in ancestor worship/ an interpretation which Lowell re-expresses as the patriarchal principle projected remotely into the past^ ; Kato defines it as a system of patriotism and loyalty, centering in Mikadoism, and expressing the nationalistic religious enthusiasm of the Japan- ese people.^ Inouye finds in it the fullest expression of the religious spirit of the Japanese race.^ Aston and Kume agree in describing Shinto as y^^/;^/-cult, a term in which kami indi- 1. A., op. cit. Also id. p. 106. 2. A favorite explanation follows Motoori in assigning the name Kamu nagara to the earliest known Japanese religion. This iiogura however, is probably to be taken in the ordinary sense of tiagara in the Japanese language, i. e. " the same as," "just as," Kamu nagara would thus have simply the mean- ing of kami no mama nite, " Kami as such." Cf. Genkai (g'f^), p. 224, 3. Nishiknwa, Kojiro, Shimio Kyoso Den (MJIj^^lU, ;ti^liklB.ff * "An Account of the Founders of Shinto," Tokyo, 19 14), p. i. 4. Nitobe, Inazo, 7'he Japanese Nation, p. I2I.- 5. Cf. Kcno, Shozo, Kokumin Doloku Shitcn (fSJI^f'S^ ^l^ii^Jfe.tm> " A History of National Morality," Tokyo, 1920), pp. 226-228. Dr. Y. Haga has declared that original Shinto was "essentially an ancestor worship." T. J. S. L., Vol. XV (1916-1917), p. 122. 6. Lowell, P., OcctiU Jafan^ p. 21. 7. Kalo, Genchi, Waga Kokulai to Shinto {UM'^'^> ^ii^Wi^ ^ WM.. " Our National Organization and Shinto," Tokyo, I9I9 , p. 222. Cf. also Griffis, W. E , " The Religions of Japan, pp. 45-48, 74-82, 88 ; Knox, G. W. The Development cf Religion in Japan, p. 78. 8. Ijtouyey Tetsujiro, Kokumin Dotoku Gaircn (-Ij^ii^eJ^gP, ^Sit^. ^Jtife* "Outlines of National Morality," Tokyo, 191 2), pp.9899; Meiji Seitoku Kinen Gakkai Kiyo (^?&g.#JE;t:^'t*E3^. ^-b#, "Transactions of the Japan Society in Commemoration of II. M. The Emperor Meiji", Vol. VII, April, 19 1 7), pp. 225-229. 4 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO cates primarily the deities of the ancient Japanese pantheon.^ Nitobe further characterizes it as hylozoism or pan-psychism, a point of view wherein kamlxs taken to signify the ^'psyche" which exhibits itself in all the forms and forces of nature.^ Harada declares that the earliest form of Shinto was nature worship, to which was subsequently added the worship of deified men and that by virtue of this latter addition arose an inseparable connection with the national life and an intimate association with loyalty and patriotism.^ FJorenz is likewise of the opinion that Shinto in the oldest form, as made known to us in the extant records, was a combinafon of polytheistic nature worship and ancestor cult/ He further conjectures that this was the old religion brought in to the Japanese archipelago by the early ancestors of the race, probably from an original home on the Asiatic mainland. The different points of view represented in the above state- ments of the essential nature of Shinto will reappear later in the discussion. It is not necessary to atttempt their harmonization here. Nor is it deemed advisable to attempt to set out with an a priori definition of the nature of Shinto. A brief character- ization of official Shinto must suffice at the present point. This may be described as a ceremonial which centers in the native 1. Amney Kunilake, *• Shinto," Fi/iy Years of Ntw Japan ^ Vol. 1 1, p, 22; Aston, W. G., Shinto, the Way of the Gods, p. 44, also preface, p. 10. Aston says, "Shinto, the old native religion of Japan, had no cult of true ancestors." Man, 1906, No. 23. 2. Nitobe, of. cit, p. 123. 3. Hatada, Tasuku, 7he Faith of Japan, pp. 2,4. Cf. also Asakawa, The Eatly Institutional Life of Jafan, pp. 31-44. 4. Florenz, Karl, " Der Shintoismus," Die Orientalischen Religionen, p. 194, {pie Kullur der Gegenwait, Teil I, Abteilung Til, I). See aL«o Revon, M., " Le Shinntoisme," J^evtie de Vllistoite des Religicns, XIJX, pp. 12-16; Revon, "Ancestor Worship Japanese)," li. E. R. E., I, p. 456; Chamberlain, Things Japanese (1898 , p 358; Brinkley and Kikuchi, A History of the Japanese People^ New York and London, 19 15), p. 64. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 5 Japanese shrines {miydf and which is alleged to have its classical expression in the oldest Japanese literature, especial' y in the Kojiki^ the Niho?igi ^nd the ancient Norito. Funda- mental to this position is an ancestral theory of the ancient Japanese deities. The justification of these statements will be found in the ensuing discussion. Japanese investigators ordinarily divide historical Shinto into two m.a:n streams of development. The ortho dox analysi s ^{vesjcfifien suhai^ " natu re worship/* on the one side and sosen sMaij^ "ancestor worship," on the other. The basis of ^is differentiation is a conception of the nature of deity in Shinto as being two-fold. In other words, the idea of God is here looked upon as Xeing the result of the assimilative com- bination of two psychological elements of diverse origin, namely, an element arising out of experience with natural events or objects and leading to the notions of demons and spirits of nature and, again, an element coming from experiences in human society, as such, and leading to the worship of heroes and ancestral spirits. There is a marked tendency on the part of the modern directors of thought in Japan in re- ligious, educational and political spheres alike, to emphasize the latter element as the more characteristic Japanese expres- sion. Thus, a system of thought and practice that is thoroughly affected by feelings of reverence and loyalty toward important personages in the tribe or state is supposed to have marked the religion of the ancient Japanese prior to all contact with either I. ^, a technical term for a Shinto shrine, from mi, honorific and jj'rt-, /' house." Anciently the term was applied to the residence of a member of the royal family. The modern Japanese government uses as a designation for Shinto shrines the Xexm, Jinja [jhiska), flji^ait {kami no yasJdto^ "Shrine of the Kami"). Buddhist edifices are distinguished as fera (^\ while those of Christianity and the non-ofiicial Shinto sects are called kyokai (fj^'^), " churches." 3- m.9tmn 6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO Confucian or Buddhist influences. True Shinto deities, it is declared, are ancestral, and although superstitious rites and practices are admitted to exist in popular Shintd, due partly to survivals out of Japanese primitivity, and partly to the effects of syncretism with foreign cults, yet the fundamental and cliaracteristic emphasis has always been ancestral and nation- alistic. ' This is the center of the modern Shinto cult. Shintd. thus becomes a most important support for Japanese national morality in the present and as such vitally related to modern Japanese political philosophy, so much so, that the latter can hardly be understood apart from its interconnection with the Shinto cult. As a means of orientating further discussion the introduction of an outline statement of the historical development seems advisable. Four main periods or phases of Shinto history are to be distinguished. It is impossible within the limits of the present discussion to do more than to briefly characterize the first three ; the fourth will be dealt with at greater length. The first period is bounded on the farther side by an indefinite mythological area in which the fixing of dates is a precarious undertaking— in spite of the apparent exactitude with which the early chronology is established by Japanese state authority — and on the nearer side by the closing years of the sixth century A.D. This is the period o f Old Shinto . Although the source material bearing on this period was not given existing literary form until after the process of assimilation with Buddhism and Chinese philosophy had already set in, yet the mythology and ritual of the ancient Japanese religion stand out with such unmistakable clearness, that the main outlines of Old Shinto can be reconstructed with a considerable degree of exactitude. The structural basis of the mythology is closely simila r to what is found almost universally at appro priate stap-es of cultuxfi^ The great deities are aspects of naturc interpreted in terms of human social experience. The rituals {norito) are motivated primarily by the desires to safe- guard the food THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO J supply, to ensure the success and permanence of the governmental reghne, and to secure release from ceremonial impurity.^ The s econd p eriod of Shint5 extends for some eleven hundred years between the time of the rise of Buddhism and the date of the passing of the Buddhist and Chinese eclipse of Shinto, which may conveniently be fixed at 1737 A.D., the year in which Kama Mabuchi first began to make public in Yedo the result of his researches into ancient Japanese liter- ature.^ In this second phase of its history Shintd is widely overshadowed and to a large extent absorbed by its great rival. Yet this Buddhist ascendency was gained not without conflict and not without the aid of priestcraft. The appearance of Buddhism In Japan in the middle of the sixth century created issues that brought Into being two rival parties In the state, a proOBuddhist party centering In the Soga family and a p ro- Shinto p arty centering In the house of Mononob e. Under the protection of royal influence the former faction steadily gained In power and before the close of the century Buddhism had deeply penetrated the government itself. Emperors and high government officials now became Buddhist ; the sutras were expounded under government direction ; Buddhist services 1. Consult A., F., and C. for source material. For translations of iVi?;//;; contained in the Engl SJiiki see Satow, " Ancient Japanese Rituals," T. A. S. J., Vols. VII, IX, (1879-1 881) and Florenz, id. Vol. XXVII, 1899. Cf. also Y\oxQ.xyi,G£Schichte der Japanischen Lilteratuy (Leipzig, 1906), pp. 36-46. For source material and discussions in Japanese consult KokusJd Taikei {^'^-)>(;^^^ " Great System of National History "), Vol. I, Nihongi ; Vol. II, Shoku-Nihongi ; Vol. VII, pp. I-170, Kojiki; Vol. XIII, pp. 85-1190, Engi-Shiki ; also Tsuda^ Noritake, Shintd Kigen Ron (?^ffl|j^^, fi'^ii 451.^1^ » "An Essay on the Origin of Shinto"), Tokyo, 1920; Kakehi, Katsuhiko, Koshindo Taigi {%^M^ "^K^ ^AXM^ " The Essentials of Old Shinto "), Tokyo, 1912; SaeJ^i, Ariyoshi, Dai Nihon Shingi Shi (-fef^lfg, :;i^0 >|C;TifJii£^, -"An Account of the Deities of Great Japan," Tokyo, 19I3), pp. 1-304; Tanaka, Yoshito, Shinto Hongi (P^tf Mto". aifit*^, "The Essentials of Shinto," Tokyo 1911), pp. 1-48. 2. Cf. Tanaka, Tatsu, Shindo Kwanken (S4»^, W^^^. "A Birds eye View of Shinto," Tokyo, 1915), pp. 53-55. 8 THE POTITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO were conducted in the palace ; Buddhist afifairs were regulated by imperial decree and, finally, Buddhism was propagated by imperial order and Buddhist festivals became affairs of state. By the opening years of the ninth century the doctrinal assimilation of Buddhism and Shinto had been accomplished, so that now Buddhist rites were conducted at Shintd shrines while the priests prayed to Shinto gods under Buddhist names.^ The underlying principle of this alliance of Shinto and Buddhism is best se en in the so-called Rydbu-Shintu, " Tvm- ^i^^ S hinto /' developed to a very large extent under the influence of the great Buddhist priest, Kobo Daishi (d. 835 A. D.). This syncretism is not to be understood as entirely the result of a popular evolution expressing a genuine amalga- mation, but also as a clever piece of statesmanship on the part of Buddhist propagandists, resulting in the production of a theology that explained the deities of the native pantheon as the transmigration of the gods of Mahayana Buddhism. The Sun Goddess, Arnaterasii-Omi-Kamit the central deity of the Japanese system, was equated with the great Buddha, Vairo- chana^ the center of the ** world of thoughts " and the " world I. For the ancient record of this remarkable rise of Buddhism see A , II, pp. 66-67, 77» 90» io*-5» "i> "5» "8, 122, 123, 129, 134, 149-50, 152-4, 174-5, 196, 236-7, 240, 254, 263, 297-8, 337, 344, 346, 357, 369, 379, 384, 3989, 408, 416, 421. A census of 623 A. D. reports 46 temples, 816 priests and 569 nuns. (A., Vol. II, p. 154). The chronicle for the last day of the last monlh of 651 A. D. says that on this day 2100 priests and nuns were invited to the palace and made to read the Buddhist scriptures, (A., Vol. II, 240). By the year 690 A. D. the number of priests in seven of the largest templfes totaled 3363. (A., Vol. II, P- 399)- For discussions of this period, in ihe Japanese language written from the point of view of Shinto history, consult Miura and Kiyohara, Shindo Enkakiishi J^on (HjM^f. mU^m. nm'^^mk "History of Shinto Development," Tokyo, 1919), pp. 47-392; Miynjiy Naoichi, Shifigishi Koyo '^iifeK — ■» fi^^iil'^ 5«: "Outline History of Shinto," Tokyo, 1919', pp. 37182; Saeki, 0/. r/A pp 755 ff ; Miiruyamn, Masahiko, Dai Nikon wa Shinkoku nari {%}^ lEM^ :^ ^ #Jii'^®tit, "Japan the Land of the Gods," Tokyo, 191 1), pp. 109-273; //loujf, Tetsujiro, o/>. cii., pp. 1 1 1-148. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 9 of tilings " and thus a theological basis was established upon which all the other deities of both religions could be identified as emanations of this central life.^ Yet in spite of this triumph ot Buddhism, the native religion still survived at the great shrines of Ise and Idzumo and in many of the beliefs and practices of the common people. Again, the seeds of the hid plant lay hidden away undisturbed In the literature of ancient Shinto ready to germinate In proper season into a life that was to quicken the whole nation. This season of the quickening of the old came in the next period of Shinto development. T lie third phase o f Shlnt5 history falls In the period lying between the opening years of the eighteenth century and the Restoration of 1868.^ This Is the period of the Japanese Renaissance. In It two outstanding characteristics are mani- fested. In the first place one may note in the movements of the fmes the beginning of the development of modern national consciousness. Induced by the break-down of clan autonomy that w^as effected through the rise to power of the central Tokugawa regime. The second main characteristic of the period Is traceable directly to the same cause as the former, that is, to the long era of Internal peace resultant upon the political stability of the Tokugawa Shogunate. A great liter- ary revival, to which the Japanese attach the name Kogaku Fukko, ** The Revival of Ancient Learning," now found a shelter in which to grow and bear fruit. Under the patronage of Daimyoy who had been forced Into pursuits of peace, a genuine antiquarian Interest manifested Itself ; an earnest search after old manuscripts began ; libraries were founded, and a 1. Consult Tanimoto, Toq^eri, Kobo Daishi (Kobe 1907); Lloyd, Arthur, The Creed of Half Japan (London, 191 1), pp. 233-258; Reischauer, A. K, Studies in Japanese Bw dhism (New York, 1917), pp. 94 ft. 2. Consult Satow, E., " The Revival of Pure Shintau," T. A. S. J., Vol. III» Pt. I (187^1, revised 1882 , Appendix, pp. 1-8/ ; Brinkley, A History of the Japan- ese People, ^p. 644-650 ; Miura and Kiyohara, op. cit., pp 3 2 421 ; Florenz, " Der Shintoismus der Japaner," Kultur der Gegenwatit op. cit.t pp. 215 ft. t JO THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO serious study of ancient history had its birth. Under the direc- tion of Mitsukuni, Prince of Mito, (162 2- 1700), the archives of Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines were searched, private collections were bought up, and a great library of old manu- scripts was collected in the city of Mito. A group of Japan- ese and Chinese scholars immediately set to work on the analysis and correlation of this material with the result that before the death of Mitsukuni, the valuable Bai NihonsJu, (" Great History of Japan ") in two hundred and forty books was compiled and published, a work that has exercised a form- ative influence over Japanese historical study from the time of its appearance right up to the present. The above mentioned characteristics of the period f o u nd theirjullest expr ession in the revival of pure Shinto . Indeed, this movement to be properly understood must be studied as a nationalistic-imperialistic revival which found its main support in an appeal to the documents of ancient Shinto. The move- ment found its pioneer in Kada Azumamaro (1669- 1736), and was carried through to its conclusion by the three great scholars Kaiiw Mabuchi ( 1 697-1 769 , i^/^/^^r/ Norinaga (I730- I8oI), and Hirata Atsutane (1776- 1843). The source material for the study of Shinto in this period is to be found mainly in the writings of these four men.^ In this literature an attempt is made to get below the foreign accumulations due primarily to Indian and Chinese influences and tap the pure spring of Japanese thought and institutions lying in the literature of the earliest period of Shinto. It is an attempt to dissolve the syn- cretism of the medieval period. The contents of the old litera- ture are so interpreted as to furnish the means of a nationalistic propaganda and, more particularly, a s ^ an instrument of a ttack on the Tokugawa usur ption. The growing consciousness here relies on an exege^ of history in order to develop the two-fold thesis 0(3. jure divino sovereignty in an imperial line unbroken I. Cf, Satow, op. cit. THE POLITICAL PHILISOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO II from divine ages and a divine Japanese race which, by virtue of the intimacy of its genealogical connection with the gods, was i braver, more intelligent and more virtuous than all the other y races of the earth. The hold which this nationalistic interpreta- ( tion of Shinto has gained on modern Japanese political theory J will be developed in a subsequent discussion. Tlie modern period begins with the Restoration. The phase of development here open for survey, presents two dis- tinct aspects, first, a popular expression in the form of a large number of Shinto sects which are admitted by all to be genuine religious organizations and, in the second place, an official cult, the religious nature of which is under debate. The former is frequently designated Shuha Shinto^ ("Sect Shinto") as a means of distinguishing it from the latter. Our interest lies primarily in the direction of investigating the claims of official Shinto. The history of modern Japan opens with Shinto established as a state religion. One of the first acts of the new government in the Restoration of 1 868 was to abolish the ancient /isha Bugyo' ("Board of Commissioners for Temples and Shrines ") which had supervised government relations with religious bodies since the days of Tokugawa lemitsu (i 623-1 650). Buddhism was denied state recognition and a large part of the ecclesiasti- cal properties was appropriated by the government.^ On the 2. ^%M^ 3. The laws on which where based the efforts to extricate Shinto from its entanglement with Buddhism are as follows : " (i) Since the Middle Ages there have existed numerous shrines in which arc Buddhist incarnations along with Buddhist guardian deities such as Gozu Tenno (-'f.gg^^)^ shrines in which, also, Shinto deities are called by Buddhist names. All such shrines must immediately send in detailed statements of their histories. "(2) Shrines which are utilizing Buddhist statues as shintai must correct the usage and make report." Order of Council of Slate (Dajokan), K^^xW, 20, 1X68,67. ti,i±^^. wnshd, Order No. 29 (December, 24). 1 6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO part of parishioners, it is permitted to give assistance to the chief mourners and conduct ceremonies.."^ Under tlie influence of this state policy a form of Rydbn Shtutb made a temporary appearance as a state religion. Bud dhism fraternized officially with Shinto. Buddhist priests appea^red in public clad in Shinto robes. The Japanese govern- ment, however, very quickly found that it was trying to plow with a team that could noi; pull together. T he powerfu l Shin sect of Buddhism which throughout its history had coiisistently disdained to sanction any rapprochment with Slvint^^refuscd_njDw to be d into any entangling aUiances.^ Ac cordingly, on May ^^ 1871^, the government made forma l dissoluti on of partnership w ith Buddhism after an experi- ment that had lasted just three year£^£dUhiriteerLdays. The breach with Buddhism was never to be closed ; rather, it was to widen with the passing years. The control of Buddhism and Shinto remained for the time being as before in the charge of the Kydous/io, but all union was prohibited. Th^ law is very explicit on this point, — " To the superintendent priests of all sects of Shinto and of Buddhism. As stated in. the subjoined notice, the establishment of union religious institutes {kyoin) between the sects of Shinto and Buddhism is now prohibited. The three principles for preaching shall b^ observed more carefully ; independent kyoin shall be established ; and propa- ganda shall be carried on diligently. ** i^Subjoined notice). Propaganda carried on through union kyoin of Shinto and Buddhism is prohibited. Propaganda shall be conducted independently hereafter. These orders shall be communicated to the KydddshokitJ"''^ 1. H. Z., 1872, p. 134, Daj'okan Order No. 193 (August, 2). 2. On the liuddhist situation coi.sult Saeki, Ariyoihi, Dm Nihon Shhigt Shi (^ffj^'^^ :^H*)ii^itill» "An Account of the Deities of Great Japan," Tokyo, 19 1 3), p 1296. 3. H. Z., 1875, p. 1666, Kybbmho Orders No. 4 and 14 (May, 3). THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 1/ Finally, in fannary T^;77. rpW^jinim affairs passed un der. the contr ol of a_new- oIKce, n3.mdy, the S/m/l^^ }^ht,^ or Bureau of Shrines and Temples in the Department of Home Affairs.^ This new bureau was to supervise religious affars until the memorable le gislation of iQO n whirh 5;f^par;q)/( of Mjdein Jopan, (Chicago, 1904), p 110. .^ 4. Cf. Annual Rfpo)t of American Boar.i of Commissioneis for Foreign Missions, 1873 (Boston, Riverside Press), p. 72. 1 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV OF MODERN SHINTO 1 9 world was great is well attested by government legislation itself. The most conspicuous single cause of confusion was in ^the hereditary nature of the Shinto priesthood, a condition of I things which had developed largely during the medieval period. Thereby the shrines had become practically the private pro- perty of the priests w'th the shrine revenues treated as personal income. The center of the problem from the standpoint of the government thus lay in breaking the hereditary priesthood of Shinto and in bringing the finances of the shrines completely under government control. The problem was solved by a noteworthy proclamation issued July i, 1 871, in which appears a clear indication of the confusion that had fallen upon the shrines and also a plain intimation of the intention of the government to utilize the shrines as a part of the regulative machinery of the state itself. The document says, " The affa'rs of the shrines are religious festivals pertaining to the nation and are not to be controlled by a single person or by a single family. /Since the Middle Ages, owing to the deg radation of right priiic iples, the offices of the Shinto priesthood have becom e Heredtary . W hi le it is true that the inheriUiaC£-Q£-SQme pri estly offices has been handed do^ ^n fr o m the Ag o rrf - the Gods, yet for the most part priests have b een' merely appointe d temporarily. Some have simply made this temporary title hereditary, while in other cases the affairs of the shrines have become hereditary owing to changes in land inspectors and district lords. Even the priestly office of small village shrines has become hereditary. The incomes of the shrines have been made family stipends and treated as private property. This widespread practice has continued so long that Shinto priests have come to form a different class from ordinary people and warriprs. This does not agree u ith the present form of govern- ment which is the unity of religious affairs and the state. Owing to the greatness of the abuse a reform is now instituted : all priests from those of the hereditary priestly office of the Great Shrine of Ise down to the various priests of all the shrines of 20 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO the country hereafter shall be carefully selected and appointed. By Imperial order. "^ The law abolishing the hereditary control of the priestly office was followed by a similar enactment directed toward the separation of public and private worship in Shinto. Thus the control of the ceremonies of the public shrines was lodged more firmly in the hands of the government itself. The law states : " Up to the present people have resorted in numbers to shrines and temples established on private premises and have worship- ped there. This practice has a natural tendency to take on a form of public worship. This is wrong. All such worship is forbidden hereafter."'^ The proclamation abolishing hereditary priesthood was ac Compa nkd_by~-J^w. -. i^gulations- whixidi cjas^^^ all shrines according to a fixed gra de. In this readjustment may be discern-' ed again the attempt of the government to strengthen its control by the introduction of further order into the confusion that had come upon the shrines during the medieval period. The grades of shrines that now appear are : Kampei Taisha, ** Govern- ment Shrines of Major Grade " ; Kampei Chusha, " Government Shrines of Middle Grade " ; Kampei Shosha, " Government Shrines of Lesser Grade " ; Bekkaku Kampeisha, *' Special Government Shrines" ; Kokuhei Taisha y " National Shrines of Major Grade " ; Kokuhei Chusha, " National Shrines of Middle Grade " ; Kokuhei Shosha, " National Shrines of Lesser Grade " ; Fusha, " Urban Prefectural Shrines " ; Hansha, " Daimiate Shrines " ; Kensha, ** Prefectural Shrines " ; and Gosha, " District Shrines."^ The grade ot Hansha disappeared 1. H. Z, 1871, p. 187, DaJokanOrdGT No. 234 July i). 2. II. Z., 1876, p. 1320, kyobusho Order No. 38 (Dec. 15). 3. Op. at. In the existing gradation of shrines ihe highest rank is occupied by the Grand Shrine of Ise which is considered to be oulside of and above the shrine sys em proper, corresponding to the position of the Emperor in the political life of the nation. Next come the Kanipeisha ('g't^fli), divided into TH •: POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV OF M DERN SHINTO 21 with the abolition of the //^m in 1871, otherwise the classifica- tion has furnished the basis of shrine gradation right down to the present. (On. April 13, 1875, uniform rituals and ceremonials for the Shinto shrines were established by lawy The publication of these new forms for worship was accompan'ed by the fol- lowing statement : " Confusion in the ceremonies of the shrines has continued from the Middle Ages. At the opening of the Restoration the Office for Shinto {^fmgikwati) was established and the deterioration of the ancient ceremonies was with difficulty remedied and the revival thereof was promoted. The grade of the shrines of the ent're country was established A fixed form of ceremony for use in presenting heihaku and the four classes lis'ed above. The support and management of these shrines is under the direction of the central government. Funds for offerings are supplied by the Imperial Household. Kokuluisha (^^^), divided into the three classes of major, middle, and lesser grades, are ranked on an equality with the Kavipeisha. Like the latter they are supported by the central government. Funds for offerings are supplied from the national treasury. The prefectural governors participate in the great festivals. Only five Kokiiheisha have been raised to the major grade of this class. Next below the Kokiiheisha come the Fukensha (//^Hjjit)- Those which are in Tokyo-fu, Kyoto-fu and Osaka-fu are called Fusha, while those in Hokkaido and the prefectures are called Kensha. Funds for offerings are supplied from the prefectural treasuries Gosha (^^jt), are those shrines dedicated to the tutelary deities of a locality and have shrine- grade next below the Fuketisha. Funds for offerings are supplied from the offices of cities 2Xi^gun ("district," "county"). Below the Gosha are the Sonsha ({^jfii:, "Village Shrines"), supported by the village communities, and, in addition to these, the Afukakusha, (^|^^}» shrines without shrine-grade but which, never- theless, are granted government recognition. Shokonsha (^S^ijit\ ^^e a special class of shrines outside of the above gradation, in which are enshrined the spirits of those who have died in the military service of the state The Yasukuni Shrine of Tokyo, the greatest of the Shokonsha^ is an exception in that it is classed as a Governir.ent Shrine of Special Grade. Miyao and Inamura list one hundred forty Shokonsha. On the whole subject of shrine classification consult these authors in Jinja Gyoselho Kogi (g^^ ii?}^^^» fl^E^ifft ^^^' "Lectures on the Administrative Law of the Shrines," Tokyo, 1912 , pp 62-105. 22 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO offerings^ to the gods is now necessary. Accordingly, in obedience to the Imperial command and after investigating ancient usage as well as considering the needs of the present, a fixed form of ceremony has been determined upon. In this, that which is superfluous has been eliminated without sacrificing the true spirit of antiquity."^ At the same time the great Sliinto festivals were likewise fixed by law. " \ A further step toward the identification of political interests with the affairs of the shrines appeared in a regulation affjcting the ceremonies of Government Shrines {^Kampcishd) issued February 15, 1873. Prior to this date in case of the ceremonies 1. The text here reads, t^^i?)^^SCD"-f^, heihaku no ten hento no kyo, " the offering oi heihaku (t^^) and the presentation of hen'o (^g •" Heihaku and hemo are together translated "offerings." Heihaku, also read miteg^fa,' nigite^ yu, nusa, and viainai, refers to the strips of colored silk cloth, brocade, hemp, or paper hung before the kami. Jlento is a classical name for a form of receptacle in which general offerings were presented. In modern Shinto, shinsen (1^1^) is used to designate the ordinary offerings placed before the altars of the kami. Such offerings consist of rice, mochi, sake, fish, birds, fruit, vegetables, salt, water, etc. The shrine laws speak of shinsen heihaku ryo {f^^'^^^ , " funds for offerings and heihaktiP Cf. Miyao and Tnamura, p. 535 ff. 2. 11. Z., 1875, p. 827. The Shinto festivals now settled upon for Govern- ment and National Shrines were : J^inen Sai (Jl^^^), Festival of Prayer for the Year's Crops, Feb. 17. Nii-name Matsuri or Shinsho Sai (^'^^)> Harvest Festival (Festival of tasting the new rice), from the night of Nov. 23 to the morning of the 24. Rei Sai {^^\ Grand local festival. Genshi Sai (7cSn|^)> Festival of Sacrifice to the Origin, Jan, 3. Kogetsurin Tdzajttyo {Komei lenno) K^/'^^ (^^||^ll|^=^nJ35^':^ii^), Distant worship toward the place of burial of Emperor Komei. Kigen Setsu (IBTClfS). Feb. ir. Festival of the anniversary of the accession of the first emperor, Jimmu Tenno, 660 B.C. Unebiyama T'ohoku Sanryo {Jimmu Tenno) Yohn, (5iXf:^lll^4bllH^#St?C ^^^)> Distant worship toward the place of burial of Emperor Jimmu. Ohatai (:A;j^), The Great Purification. Kanname Sai (^$^^), Lit. « Gods-tastefestival " ; festival of presenta- tion of first fruits to the Kamiy Oct. 17. Kariden Senza (fgJKMi^)> Transfer of a deity to a temporary shrine. lionden Senza (3KIS3iSS> Ttansfer of a deity to a permanent slirine 11. Z, 1875, p. 829. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 23 of all government shrines a representative had been sent from the Board of Ceremonies {Shikibii Ryof of the central govern- ment; From the above date on, the highest official ot the local prefectural govern ment' has been sent to participate irTtEegreat f(^>fJA^ls_jifjgovo'Jim<""t .Shrinpqrj (Thereby the affiirs of"^he shrine s have been made to contributeniore directIy"~to~t hg"^ centralization of the local political life o f the nation. ^ The law covering the matter declares, "Up to the present in case of the official festivals of Government Shrines an officer of the Board of Ceremonies has. been sent to participate in the rites. Hereafter, with the exception of the Grand Shrine of Ise, the local governor shall participate in the official ceremonies of Government Shrines."^ Again by the year 1882 developments in popular religion had created a situation that necessitated further discriminating action on the part of the government. Various popular sects calling themselves Shinto and incorporating large por- tions of orthodox tradition, but at the same time involving departures from the official cult, were multiplying and seeking recognition by the state. As a means of meeting this situation, in the year just mentioned, the government divided Shinto institutions into two classes, Jin fa (" Shinto shrines ") on the one hand, and Shinlo Kjvkai (" Shinto churches ") on the Qther.^ All institutions of the Shinto sects were given the 1. ^%% 2. H. Z., 1873, p. 41, Dnjokan Order, iSTo. 23 (Feb. 15), 3. A law dated May 15, 1882, reads : " It is announced that the following associations of Shinto are permitted to take independent denominationa' names as follows. (Former title) (New title) Shinlo Jingu Ha, WMWM. Jingn Kyokai, t^%Wl.^> Shinto Ta sha Ha, %^^M.':kM.W^ Izmno Taisha Kyokai, ^%}\Jik^^^ Shinto Pmo Ha, WMk^M^. Fuso Kyokai, ^^%M. ^ Shinto jikko Ha, mm.'mTm. nkk-oKyoka, K^i!(t. Shinto Taisei H , %^}M,'Xj^lB.^ Honkyo Taisei Kyokai, Af^W.k^^.'^y Shinto Shins hu Ha, %^^^%i^^^^^ Shimhu Kyikai, JP^^Ht^ "• 54 TH POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO latter title and were debarred from using the former, which became exclusive government property.' Dr. N. Ariga, a jurist of recognized scholarship, has inter- preted the situation that lay back of this separation of Shinto institutions into two classes, in a manner tliat sheds considerable light on the Shinto problem as it was taking shape in the official mind at the time. From the point of view of the government the problem was as indicated in the following statement. "JjL A^f" ^-^^^ ^^ ^ civilized co^ untn^there must exist freedom of faith If Shinto is a religion, however, the acc£ptance or ^'"f'.ig?! thf^^^^' rnngf hf> l^ ft to personal choice. Yetjor a Japanese subject to refuse to honor the ancestors of the Emperor is d isloyal^ Indeedj_j^Ja^.aiiQs^.j3Ut..QLiiis^iuty The effect of this enactment was to change these bodies from more or less undefined sects (J^a) related with the official cult to definite independent religious associations Kyokai . A la'.v issued in March, 1885, says, " All cases of govern- ment recognition of religious organizations previously granted are now made invalid In seeking government recognition application must be made for new enrolment in the regulations for religious organizations." H. Z, 1885, p. 177. The /ingu Kyokai^ connected with the Grand Shrine of Ise, was dissolved in 1899. Ofificially recognized Shinto churches at present number thirteen, 'n addition to the five remaining out of the above list, there are, Shinto Ilonkyoku mm.i^Wi\ ^hM'^'' ^^ mm^), MUike Ky-o (tOitlft). ^i^ogi Ky-o {^^\ Shinn Kyo {%^^^), Kurozumi Kyo (^tt#), Konko Kyo (^^#), and Tenn Ky (5^3^^^), There are other Shinto churches which secure de facto recognition by being attached as sub-sects to recognized bodies. The total number of Shinto churches, both recognized and unrecognized, is difficult to determine with accuracy. "1 here are numerous Shinto groups that are still in the condition of small private cults and some that maintain a secret organization. All of these bodies are distinct from the official shrines in internal organization, government administration and legal properties. I. A notice issued by the Shaji Kycku on April 17, 1888 reads "Inas- much as a distinction is made between the religious associations of the (Shinto) churches and the shrines the attachment of the title of ' Shrine ' to church associations is not only inappropriate but it also affects the incomes of the shrines. It should be known that this matter is covered in Art. 6 of Order No 11, issued by this office in 1885, and it thus should he proper to infer that this is not permitted. Notice is hereby given by way of precaution." Genko Jinja Horei RutsaHy p. 34G. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 2 5 as subject must honor the ancestors ot the Emperor. This is n gt a matter ot choic e. I t is a dut y. Th erefore th's can not be regarded as religion. It is ritual. It is the ceremonial of gratitude to ancestors. In this sense the government protects the shrines and does not expound doctrine . O n the other hand since it is possible to establish doctrines with regard to the (Shinto) deities, it is necessary to permit fr eedom of belief in Shinto considered as a religio n. Hence there has arisen t he necessity of distinguishing between Shinto regarded as the functio ning of national ritual and that Shinto which proclaims doctrines as a religion."^ J)) In the same year we discern the beginning of an attempt to eliminate the popular religious nature of the most important shrines. A regulation of the Home Department promulgated on January 24th of this year reads, ** Fi^om this d^te„,i^^ ri ght of Shin t5 priests to exercise the function of teachers of religion and morals \Kyddd Sliokii) is abolished. Priests shall not take charge of funeral services. Exception : For the present, priests connected with shrines of prefectural rank or lower may do as before."^ The exception to the regulation is such as to limit the scope of the altered status of the priesthood to the two highest grades ot shrines, that is, to the Government Shrines and the National Shrines. These are precisely the shrines, however, which because of their national character are of most value to the state in the centralization of the sentiments of the people. The office of Kyodo Slioku was finally abolished for all shrines two years later.^ The right of Shinto priests connected 1. Anga, Nagao, Shinto Kokkyo Ron {1^^%^^, WMX^Wilk, " Shinto as a State Religion ") in Tetsugaku Zasshi {^^i^M) " Philosophical Magazine," Vol. 25, No. 280 (June, 1910), p. 702. 2. H. Z., 1882, p. 333. 3. The law says, " The office of kyodoshoku is hereafter discontinued in Shint5 and Buddhism. All affairs relating to the appointment or dismissal of the superiors of temples and the promotion or degradation of the rank of religious teachers are entrusted to the superintendent priest of each sect." H. Z., 1884, p. 142. The same law further provides that the number of superintendent priests 26 THE POLITICAL -PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. with shrines lower than those of government or national grades to conduct funeral services was not abrogated, however, and the practice exists in' the present with legal recognition. The Japanese government itself, in explanation ot these changes says, "In 1884 the official appointment of -religious instructors (Kyo/dskoh/) was discontinued and the. authority to appoint preachers was entrusted to the Head-priests (A'z£;«;^ c/id) of the various sects, Shinto or Buddhist, together with the right of selecting the resideit priest {Jushokii) for the temples under their jurisdiction. Further, each sect was given the power to manage its own affairs under the supervision of the government, which now relinquished its misslonarizing function. I Religion was thus separated from politics, " ^ ^p T899 and Tgnn the Japanese government took the final steps in carrying out the policy of isolating the political and social values of Shinto. T he g overnment now attempted to provide a better legal basis for the position that officialShijQto was not a religion, an intej-pretation. that has beeiijuaintained in spite of all difficulties right up to the present. The ati ests_o fJse p repared the way in 1899 by taking the ground that Shinto \ /was ;nierely a cult for the preservation ot yeneration foT ancestors and the maint enance of historical continuity in Japane se |society .^^ The Ise authorities made application to the govern- ment for the right to abandon their status as a religious body and become a secular juridical person {zaidan hbjitt) with the shall be limited to one for each sect of either Shint5 or Buddhism. The federa- tion of several sects under one superintendent priest is permitted. I. A General View of the Present Religions Situation in Japan, p 2. Pub. by the Bureau of Religions, Japanese Department of Education, 1920. (Italics in the quotation are mine, D.C.H.) This publication is an excellent example of the manner in which the division of all Shinto institutions into the two classes of shrines and churches facilitates an official expositics which, while as.suiuing to be " a general view," Jtlmost entirely omits one of the most important elements in the entire situation. The shrines receive only sufficient mention to confuse (he whole issue for one who is not previously acquainted wiih religious developments in •modern Jai)an. a. CyT' Japan Weekly Mail, Sept. 9, 1899, p. 261. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 2^ title Jingu Hosaikai^ " The Reverence Society of Jingii." The request was granted on September 4, 1 899.^ Then under the new government regulation of 1900 the Bureau of Shrines and Temples was abolished and a Jinja Kyoki^ (*' Bureau of Shrines ") and a Shukyo Kyoku^ (" Bureau of Religions ") were established in the Department of Home Affairs. The former office was put in charge of the official cult, and the latter of Shinto sects, Buddhism and other religious bodies. A legal basis was thus provided for the interpretation that the official shrines were national institutions of an ethical and historical character, and places where all Japanese subjects should offer reverence. Expenses connected with upkeep were to be borne, wholly or in part, by the central, provincial or local govern- ments. The ceremonies of official Shinto were nationalized as koku rely *' national rites. '"^ The laws of 1903 fixing the official line of demarcation that was to be drawn between the Shinto shrines and religious institutions as such appear in Imperial Ordinance {Ckokurei), Number 163, April 26, 1900. This new statute embodies the reorganization of the Department of Home Affairs of the Japanese Government and details corrections and additions to be made to certain legislation found in Imperial Ordinance Number 259 of October 22, 1898. After these corrections and additions 2. " On September 4 of the presen' year the establishment of the Hbsaikai of the Grand Shrine of Ise was permitted and at the same time the Jingu Kyo (reb'gious association of the shrine) was abolished." Announcement of the Depar'ment of Home Affairs, No. 99, Sept. 5, 1899. Genko finja Horei Kuisan (^ii^Tfi^Sthri^l^^j "Classified Collection of Contemporary Laws and Regula- tions for Shrines,") p. 669. 3 Wl^Wi 4- %W.Wi 5 . Government directions covering reports from the Grand Shrine of Ise were published on Dec 15, 19CO. These directions classify the ceremonies of Ise under the heading Kokurei (®iB)» " National Rites." G.nko Jinm Hcrei Ruisatf, p. 670. 28 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. to the earlier enactments have been made, the laws relating to the divided control of Shinto shrines and of religion read as given in the following translations. " Article I. The Minister ol Home Affairs takes charge of matters relating to Shinto shrines, local administration, election of members of parliament, police, prisons, public works, sanita- tion, geographical matters, religion, publication, copyright, chanty and relief. He is to superintend the Governor-general of Formosa, the Superintendent-general of Police, the Governor of Hokkaido, and the provincial governors. ** Article IV. Sec. i. The following seven Bureaus are established in the Department of Home Affairs : 1. Bureau of Shinto Shrines. 2. Bureau of Local Administration. 3. Bureau of Police. 4. Bureau of Public Works. 5. Bureau of Sanitation. 6. Bureau of Religions. 7. Bureau of Prisons. Sec. 2. The Bureau of Shrines takes charge of the follow- ing matters : a. Grand Shrines, Government Shrines, National Shrines, Prefectural Shrines, District Shrines, Village Shrines, Shokonsha and all affairs pertaining to shrines. b. All business relating to Shinto priests.^ " Article IX. The Bureau of Religions takes charge of the following matters : a. All sects of Buddhism and Shinto, Buddhist temples, buildings used for religious purposes and also all affairs pertaining to religion. I. The law here divides Shinto priests into two classes : Shiitkan (l^'g*) and Shinshohi (jjif ^[§1^). Both terms are translated " priest." The former refers to Shinto officials connected with the Grand Shrine of Ise, the latter to those connected with ordinary shrines. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. 29 b. All business relating to priests of Buddhism and to religious teachers."^ On June 13, 191 3, the separation of official relations with the Shinto shrines, on the one hand, and religions, on the other, was still further widened by the transfer of the Bureau of Religions from the Department of Home Affairs to the Depart- ment of Education. Imperial Ordinance Number 173 of the above date in its pertinent sections reads : " The following reorganization is effected within the Department of Education. " Article I. The Minister of Education shall take charge of matters relating to education, science and arts, and religion. " Article IV. The following three Bureaus are established within the Department of Education : 1. The Bureau of Special School Affairs. 2. The Bureau of Common School Affairs. 3. The Bureau of Religions. " Article VI. The Bureau of Religion? takes charge of the following matters : 1. Shinto sects, Buddhist sects, Buddhist temples, buildings used for religious purposes, and all affairs relating to religion. 2. Matters concerning the preservation and protection of ancient shrines and temples. 3. Matters concerning Buddhist priests and religious teachers. " In the Bureau of Religions are established Section Num- ber I and Section Number 2 which shall divide the business be- tween them, I. Section Number i takes charge of tlie following matters : a. Sects of Shintd and of Buddhism, churches, priests, religious teachei's, and all matters relating to religion. I. H. Z., 1900, Chokitrei (Imperial Ordiiianeey Section, pp. I97-I98; Kampo (Official Gazette), April 27, 1900. t 30 THE iPOUTICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. b. Business which does not come under the jurisdiction of Section 2. 2. Section Number 2 takes charge of the following matters : a. Affairs concerning Buddhist edifices (temples and monasteries). b. Affairs concerning the preservation and protection of ancient Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples."* The religious changes ol 1899- 1900 are to be understood in the light of the general political situation of the time. In 1898- 99 Japan was in the midst of a period of important readjustments of both internal and foreign relati6nships. In the earlier period of 1871-72, as already mentioned, the nation had begun the difficult task of internal reorganization necessary to the utilization of domestic resources in such a way as to compel recognition on the part of foreign' pOwers^a task in which, as Murdoch well points out Japan was confronted with the alternatives of assimilating occidental civflizatiori or of going down before it. ^ Now in the latter period, as proof of the skill ofher^tatesmanship and the thoroughness of her mastery of the technique of the West, Japan, after a successful war with China, arrived at com- pflete self-determination among- the nations of the world, an object that had been struggled for with repeated failure from the time of the Iwakura mission to Europe and America in 1871.^ Now with a series of agreements, lying between the date of the Treaty of London of July 16, 1894, and the promulgation of the revised treaties of the summer of 1899, Japan at last attained full judicial and tariff autonomy.'' During the period several 1. H. Z., 1913 Chokurei Section, pp. 255-6. 2. Murdoch, James, History of Japan (Kobe, 19 lo), Vol. I, p. 23. 3. Japai* Weekly Mail, Oct. 8, 1887, pp. 352-3. Official instructions to the governors issued Sept. 28, 1887 contain the words, " Since the late Iwakura was sent abroad as ambassador in 187 1, treaty revision has always remaineci our unmovably fixed object." T. A. S. J., Vol. XLIT, W. I, p. 329. 4. Japan Weekly Mail, July 8, 1899, pp. 27, 36-37 ; July 29, pp. 107, no; Aug 5, p. 130; Aug 12, pp. 161-2. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. 3 1 new ports were opened for foreign trade, and by the beginning of the autumn of 1 899 rights of free residence outside of the established zones were open to all foreigners in Japan.* y The Japanese government was now in a position to deal more adequately with the religious situation. In the Constitution promulgated February 11, 1889, Article XXVIIl had been so' framed as to guarantee religious liberty to every Japanese citizen, provided that the exercise thereof was not prejudicial to the welfare of the realiW and not antagonistic to the duty of subjects.^ The preservation of this guarantee was of course ^eminently befitting the nation that was now just stepping out into full internal autonomy. But exactly at this point an important difficaity presented itsel f. [While, on the one hand, a modern- i zing tendency in the government seemed to demand tha t the state should no t foster an established religion, yet, on the oth er ha nd, the government was in no pjsition to repudiate the mig hty sltpport of Shinto, for just here, in the ofHcial point of view lav an important element in the assimilative strength of the lapanese j^eo^e. He nce the ofificial separation of tlie Shint5 shrine^ | i'Q""i acknowledged religious institutions and the consequent inter pre- t ation th? ^ iSh'"^*^ i"^ "'^^ ^ ffpli(3-inn The Separation has madej t possib le for the Japanese government to announce that the a d- min istrative policy affecting;- the S hjr||-f> ghrjnp? " in qnit^t indrpr^n- dent of the policy that conce rns itself with religions." ^ Thus by an alleged elimination of the religious character of . the ofificial shrines, the way was opened for them to function for all Japanese subjects as state institutions, in the preservation ot the continuity of Japanese history and in the stimulation of loyalty and patriotism. The government was placing itself in a position to repudiate the charge of fostering a state religion and at the same time exercise complete jurisdiction over the shrines and gain the suy^port of the great, stabilizing values which they were 1. Japan Weekly Mail, June 17, 1899, p. 592; July 22, 1899, p. 88. 2. T. A. S. J., Vol. XUI. Pt. I, p. 138. 3. A General View of the Present Religious Situation in Japan, p. 2. 32 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. regarded as introducing into Japanese society. The action of the government was based on the recognition of an intimate con- nection between loyalty, or national morality, and reverence offered at the shrines. As nucleating centers of the popular sentiments directed toward a line of emperors descended from the gods and toward all apotheosized national heroes, they were indispensable in the conservation and development of the Jap m- cse spirit. Subsequent events have proved that this " act ot disestablishment " did not mark a decline in the fortunes of Shinto. The government was carefully preserving all that was of real value to the state. Not only has there been no disestablishment of Shinto, but, on the oth er hand, the intimacy ot relationship pyi<;t uig betwee n" th e Japanese g overniqgent and the culf of the shrines has increased st eadily since_ igoolJEvidence in support of this statement is given below. In 1902 the Japanese government published detailed regu- lations concerning the rank, appointment, duties and support of the priests attached to all government and national shrines as follows : ^ " Regulations Concerning the Duties of Priests of Govern- ment Shrines and National Shrines." (Imperial Ordinance Num- ber 27, February 10, 1902. Revised under Imperial Ordinance Number 174, May, 1911). '* Article I. The following grades ot priests are hereby established in Government and in National Shrines : Guj'i ' (Chief priest), one to each shrine. Gonguji (Sub-chief priest), one to each shrine. This office is to be limited to the Grand Government Shrines of Atsutaand Idzumo. Negi (Priest) one to each shrine. Shuten (Lower priests). This office is limited to the Grand Government Shdne of Atsuta. I. §.11, Guji; ^H^iJ, Gon^uji\ Ji;£, Negi; ±|J, Shuten ; %^, Gusho. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 33 GusJw (Lower priests). Note : The number ot Shuten and Gusho shall be fixed by the Minister of Home Affairs. ^' Article II. The chief priest shall be under the direction and inspection of the Minister of Home Affairs and of the local governors. He shall officiate in national festivals, direct cere- monies, and manage general affairs. " Article III. The sub-chief priest shall assist the chief priest in ceremonies and in general affairs. *' Article IV. The Negi shall engage in ceremonies and in general affairs under the direction and inspection of the chief priest and the sub-chief priest. ** Article V. The Shuten and the Gusho shall engage in ceremonies and general affairs under the direction of the higher priests. " Article VI. In case of failure to discharge his duties on the part of the chief priest, the sub-chief priest shall take his place ia such shrines as have the office of sub-chief priest ; for other shrines the Negi shall take the place of the chief priest. *' Article VII. The chiet priests and sub-chief priests are to be accorded the treatment of Sorting officials and are to be appointed by the Cabinet subject to the approval of the Emperor made through the Minister of Home Affairs. Negi, Shuten, and Gusho are to be accorded the treatment of Hanniy^ officials and are to be appointed by the prefectural governors. " Article VIII. Salaries are to be attached to the priestly offices of Government and National Shrines. The Minister of Home Affairs, however, may treat the offices of chief priest and F,ub-chief priest as honorary posts, and the prefectural governors may do the same for the offio s of Negi, Shuten, and Gusho. " Article IX. The Minister of Home Affairs shall fix the I- ^fl:> ^^'^1^ of officials appointed subject to the approval of the Emperor. 2, #'ij'ff:, rank of officials appointed by the chiefs of the various depart- ments, bureaus, or offices Chokunin ^J[jft:) rank mentioned below refers to direct Imperial appointment. 34 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. regulations regarding the service, the salaries, and the travelling expenses of the priests of Government and of National Shrines. '* Article X. The powers exercised by the Minister of Home Affairs and by the local governors in these regulations, in the case of the relations with the priests of the Yasukiini Shrine, a government shrine of special grade, shall be exercised by the Ministers of War and of Naval Affairs."^ In July and August of 1 891, the year following the pro- mulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education, laws had appeared dealing with the duties of priests divided into two general classes, first, those connected with shrines of prefectural grade and below (laws of July), and, second, those attached to Government and National Shrines (laws of August).^ These laws in, slightly revised :form were republished in 191 3 and made to apply to all priests of Shinto without exception. The laws read as in the subjoined translation. "■ Order Number 9, Department of Home Affairs, April 21, 1913- ** Article I. Priests have the functions ot conducting national ceremonies in accordance with national ritual. There- fore they should be masters of national classics, they should understand the national constitution, and should at all times discharge their duties with exemplary behavior. " Article II. The ceremonies (of the shrines) establish a standard for national morality. Accordingly they should center in dignified reverence, and should give sincere expression to the sentiment of gratitude toward ancestors {Hohon han shi)^ *' Article III. Ritual must be carried out according to regulations. Only under extraordinary circumstances is it permitted to change the order at will or to abbreviate the time. On the other hand they are to follow the ancient ceremonies and are to be appropriate to the historical usage of the local shrine. 1 . Genko Jinja Horei Rtihan, pp. 1 59- 1 60. 2, 11. Z, i89i,p. 206. 3- w^m^ THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. 35 " Article IV. In case special festivals take place notifica- tion must be given to the Chief of the Police Bureau in whose jurisdiction the shrine is located, and in case of Government and National Shrines an additional notification must be sent to the local governor. " Article V. It is forbidden to distribute charms to others than the parishioners of the tutelary deities and to worshippers. On request, however, they may be granted to others."^ Miyao and Inamura in their discussion of shrine law make the following observations on the relations of high civil officials to the shrines ceremonies. " I. On the occasion of either the Festival of Prayer for the Year's Crops or the Harvest Festival at both National Shrines and Government Shrines, an officer of the local gov- ernment visits the shrines and makes offerings to the Kami, and the chief priest recites norito. There is no purificaiion ceremony. "2. The local governor attends the great Festival of a Government Shrine and recites norito. The Purification Ceremony is performed. " 3. The vice-governor attends the Great Festival of a National Shrine and participates in the ceremonies. The High Priest recites norito. There is no ceremony of purification. "4. In the ordinary festivals of the Kankokn lieisha in all cases the High Priest recites norito and there is no purification ceremony."^ 1. Genko Jinja Horei Ruisan, y^. i\2.. 2. Miyao and Inamura, op. cit., p. 508, An excellent illus' ration of I he special relation existing between the Japanese government and the shrines is to be found in regulations regarding the ceremonies of the Yasukiml Shrine of Tokyo. The Official Gazette {Kampo) for Apr. 26, 1921, p. 803 says, "On account of the Special Grand Ceremonies at the Yasu- ^//;« Shrine all military and naval officials, all mili ary divisions, and all students shall have a holiday on the twenty-eighth of this month. All government officials ol Tokyo apart from those of the army and navy shall observe either 'he twenty eigh'.h or the twenty-ninth as a holiday. By Imperial Order." 36 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Up to May i, 1907 Shinto priests were under special dis- ciplinary regulations. From this date on they carne under the disciplinary regulations of ordinary civil officials of the Japanese government. Shinto priests were hereby more closely identified with the government and the treatment accorded them was distinguished clearly from that of ordinary religious teachers and preachers. The law says : '* Concerning the discipline (of Shinto priests) in accordance with the treatment granted civil officials, — except in case of those who are under special regulations, those priests who receive the treatment of higher officials shall come under the regulations applying to higher officials in the Ordinance for the Discipline of Civil Officials, while those priests who receive the treatment of Hannin officials shall come under the regulations applying to Hannin officials in the same Ordinance. " Appendix : This ordinance shall become effective from the date of promulgation. " This abolishes the regulations for the discipline of Shinto priests and also Imperial Ordinance Number 349 of 1899."^ The disciplinary regulations under which Shinto priests now come are as given below. *' Ordinance for the discipline of civil officials (abstract), '' Chapter I. General Regulations. '* Article I. With the exception of officials who are ap- Cabinet Notification No. 2. And again, " On account of the Special Grand Ceremonies of the Yasnkuni Shrine, officials of the Imperial Household residing in Tokyo shall observe either the twenty-eighth or the twenty-ninth as a holiday. By Imperial Order." Imperial Household Department Notification No. 9. Directions for ceremonies specify attendance by representatives of the Imperial Family, ministers of state, including the Minister of War and the Minister of the Navy, the President of the House of Peers, the President of the House of Representatives, princes, the Superintendent General of the Metropolitan Police the Governor of Tokyo-fu, representatives of the various grades of nobility, of the Department of War, of the Department of the Navy, of each government bureau, of the Imperial Guards, of the First Division, of the members of the House of Peers and of the House of Representatives. I. Genko Jinja Jloisi Ruisan, p. 229. IHE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 37 pointed directly by the Emperor and also those who are under special regulations, no civil officials shall be disciplined except under these regulations. " Article II. Cases in which officials are to be disciplined are as follows : 1. Contravention of duties of office or neglect thereof. 2. Actions, whether in public or private life, wh'ch com- promise the dignity or trust of official position. " Article III. Discipline may take the following forms : 1. Dismissal from* office. 2. Reduction of salary. 3. Reprimand. ** Article IV. Those who are dismissed Irom office shall not be able to enter government service again for two years from the date of dismissal. In case of serious offense it is requir- ed that court rank be returned. " Article V. The period of reduction of salary is to be for not longer than one year and for not less than one month. The amount of reduction is to be at the rate of not more than one third of the monthly salary. " Article VI. In case of officials of Clwkunin rank matters of dismissal and reduction of salary must be according to the decision of the Disciplinary Committee and must be submitted to the Throne by the Prime Minister and shall become effective subject to the sanction of the Emperor. In case of officials ot Sonin rank dismissal must be according to the decision of the Disciplinary Committee, must pass through the hands ot the Prime Minister and must be submitted to the Throne by the head of the office concerned and shall become effective subject to the sanction of the Emperor. ** The reduction of salary of officials of 5i5;z/;z rank and matters of both dismissal and reduction of salary of officials oi Hannin rank shall be according to the decision ot the Disciplinary Com- mittee and shall be put into effect by the head of the office con- cerned. Reprimand shall be by the head of the office concerned. 3^ THE i»of.!TICAL t>HlLOSOPHY OP MODERN SHINTO. " Article VII. The Disciplinary Committee may not take up for consideration a case of discipline which is still in process of litigation in the criminal courts." ' The above regulations, it is to be noted, are in no way concerned with ordinary criminal procedure. They are designed purely for the sake of control and efficiency inside the govern- ment offices themselves, and the inclusion of Shinto priests herein is an expression of the unique status which the government would attach to these " ritualists." Ordinary religious teachers are completely outside of this classification. State regulations governing shrine finances are minute. A study of the sources of income throws some light on relations between the shrines and the government as well as on relations with the worshipping community. The official regulations con- cerning financial reports from Government and National Shrines is fixed in a form issued January i6, 1908 as Order Number i of the Department of Home Affairs. The designated sources of income are : " I. Appropriations from the national treasury. *' II. Appropriations for offerings and Heihakiiryd. " III. Income through the shrine proper. (i). Income from offerings, etc. a. Income from the sale of charms and amulets. b. Voluntary cash offerings. c. Offerings in kind {sakCy food, etc.), ofTerings of the first fruits of rice. d. Income from saying 01 prayers. e. Contributions lor lighting. f. Charges for placing pictures in front of shrines. Etc., Etc. (2). Income from the shrine precincts. a. Ground rentals. b. Sale of withered or injured trees. Etc., Etc. I. I'na., pp. 228-9. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 39 (3). Income from lands outside the shrine precincts. a. Land rentals. b. House rentals. c. Sale of timber and bamboo. Etc., Etc. (4). Income from forests which are entrusted to the supervision of the shrine. {$). Miscellaneous receipts derived from, a. Interest on money in deposit. b. Sale of unneeded properties. c. Exhibition of treasures. Etc., Etc. " IV. Designated contributions." ^ The relation of the Japanese state to the fiscal items of the above outline is indicated in the laws given below. " The expenses of Government and National Shrines shall be defrayed from the national treasury. The amount of money apportioned to each shrine shall be determined by the Minister ot Home Affairs." ^ For shrines of lower grade the regulations are given in Im- perial Ordinance Number 96, April 26, 1906, as follows : " Article I. The expenses of offerings for shrines {s/iinsen Jieiliakuryo) may be met by the prefectural government for pre- fectural shrines, and by the county and city governments for district shrines. The shrines which may receive funds to defray the expenses of offerings shall be designated by the prefectural governors." " Article II. The Minister of Home Affairs shall deter- mine the amount of money that shall be given toward offerings stated in Article I. " Article III. Regulations concerning offerings for prefect- ural, district and village shrines which are located in Hokkaido, in Okinawa, or in any other district where there are no municipal 1. J bid., pp. 431-433- 2. H. Z., 1906, Vol. 2, p. 61, Nainuisho Order No. 24 (April 6). 40 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MJDEKN SHINTO. and village organizations are to be decided by the Minister of Home Affairs." ^ The above evidence of legal enactments showing the re- markable extent to which the nationalization of the shrines has been carried out has additional corroboration in official statements wherein the determination to utilize the ideas and practices associated with the shrines as the nexus of national unification is either directly stated or clearly implied. A docu- ment found in the records of the Tokyo Prefectural Office under the date of October 31, 1908, explicitly announces the official point of view. The document is evidently a transcription on to the prefectural records of a general order from the Central Im- perial Government and may be taken as intended for all shrines throughout the country, of the grades indicated. It was directed to the Shinto priests themselves. In translation the order reads : " To Government, Prefectural, Town, Village, and Ungrad- ed Shrines. Reverence {Keis/dn) ^ is a special characteristic of our nation. It may be taken as a hopeful sign that people throughout the country have recently begun various public, cooperative enterprises centering in the shrines and also that various educational and moral agencies havj been organized in relation to the shrines. It is likewise a matter for rejoicing that there are numerous cases in which the cooperation and improve- ment of the people has been encouraged and promoted with vows before the gods and thus aid has been given both to public morality and to the administration of the people. As for the future, it is now desired that the essence of our national life {kokiitai) ^ and the glory of our national history be fexalted by developing the spirit of reverence and furthermore 'y that the shrines be utilized in promoting the unification and te I. H. Z., 1906, Vol. I, p. 196. 3. [^1*, " national constitution," " nationn.l life," "national organization" — the political and social organization expressive of the characteristic traditions and psychology of the people. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 4 1 administration of the country. These matters have a direct relation to the Imperial Edict which was issued on the thirteenth day of the present month and Shinto priests should give great attention hereunto." ^ / One of the most noteworthy orders relating to the shrines is that affecting public schools. In 1 9 1 1 Mr» Komatsubara Eitar5, Minister of Education under the second Katsura cabinet, issued orders that school teachers should conduct their pupils in a body to public shrines, and that there they should do obeisance before the altars. The original order appears to have taken the form of Naikun, or secret instructions, to the chiefs of the de- partments of internal affairs of the various prefectural governments and was handed on from these offices to the various schools. In translation the order reads : *' Concerning visitation at Local Shrines on the Occasion of Festivals. The sentiment of reverence {keishin) is correlative I. Tokyo-fu Ktinrei (Tokyo Urban Prefecture Orders), No.- 45, Oct. 31, 1908. The Imperial Rescript referred to is the " Rescript on Thrift and Dili- gence," otherwise known as the Boshin Rescript. Upon comparing the contents of the rescript with the above order to the Shinto priests, it would appear that the government was now giving orders that the shrines should be utilized as agencies for the correction of dangerous tenden- cies in thought and practice that appeared in the wake of the Russo-Japanese war. The main body of the rescript says, " Our country, which has but recently emerg. ed from sanguinary war, calls for activities in various branches of administration. We desire all classes of Our people to act in unison, to be faithful to their cal- lings, frugal in the management of their households, submissive to the dictates of conscience and calls of duty, frank and sincere in their manners, to abide by simplicity and avoid ostentation, and to inure themselves to arduous toil without yielding to any degree of indulgence. " The teachings of Our revered Ancestors and l he record of our glorious history are clear beyond all misapprehension. By scrupulous observance of the precepts thus established, and by directing assiduous and unwearied exertions, the growing prosperity of Our Empire is assured. In the face of the actual situation. We hope that, with the co-operation of Our loyal subjects, the noble work of the Restoration may be augmented and the benevolent virtue of Our Ancestors exalted. Our subjects should appreciate the high aspiration with which we are uniformly guided." . Japan Year Book^ 1911, p. 496. Cf. Kampdy Oct., 14, 1908,. p. 343. 42 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. with the feeling of respect for ancestors and is most important in establishing the foundations of national morality. Accordingly, on the occasion of the festivals of the local shrines of the districts where the schools are located, th^ teachers must conduct the children to the shrines and give expression to the true spirit of reverence. Also, either before or after the visit to the shrines the teachers should give instruction to the children concerning reverence in order that they may be made to lay it deeply to heart. This is announced by government order.*'^ A further statement containing important evidence bearing on the official estimate of the political value of Shinto shrines is found in an address to the Shintd priests byUDr. Midzuno Ren- taro, who at the time of the publication of the utterance- in May 1 91 8, was Minister of State for Home Affairs. The address in part says : " The shrines are the unique institutions of our nation. They are the essence of our national organiza- tion.^ They are inseparably related to the state. Thus, the great shrines inust become the centers of our nation, while the small shrines must become the centers of the life of villages and hamlets. On these grounds I have advocated the doctrine of the central ity of the shrines. That is to say, the shrines must become the centers of education, of industry, and of self-govern- ment ; they must become the centers of activity in all directions. /C T^^ . The unique feature of our national organization lies in the system of the shrines. This system is well nigh without parallel in foreign countries and I have always maintained that the faith of the people in the state as well as in the Imperial House grows deeper in proportion as the system of the shrines is made more and more nearly complete. The sentiment of 1. From the Tbkyd-fu Naimu Bucho Tsucho {^^^^^1^%T^W3k^ "Notifications of the Chief of the Department of Internal- Affairs of the Tokyo Urban Prefecture"), dated Sepenilier, 191 1, appearing in the Mombusho Kunreiy FureikinoBu {S.%^M^y )^^^Z.%y "Regulations of the Department of Education, Section on Prefeclural Ordinances "j, Ch. 3, Ordinary Education. Primary Schools, p. 32 (2). The regulation is still in effect (I921). 2. W&p:>^% THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 43 patriotism may be found in all lands. Also, the idea of loyalty exists in all places. The sentiment of reverence, however, is the distinctive trait of Japan. To be sure, the idea of reverence directed toward the deities of religion, taken in the sens-e of a sentiment of religion, probably exists in all foreign countries alsc> but I am of the opinion that the sentiment as directed toward the deities of our Japanese Shinto shrines is probably unique to our country. Reverence, patriotism and loyalty, these three, are in reality but one. The sentiments of loyalty and patriotism must take their rise from reverence.^^ *' Subsequent to the development of institutions relating to the divine ancestors of the Imperial House and the shrines, which are a unique feature of Japan, the idea of country first made its appearance and the idea of sovereign was born. Consequently, j in order to inculcate the sentiments of loyalty and patriotism, first of all the idea of reverence must be propagated. The propagation of the idea of reverence is a matter that relates to our educational system also, but in the main it is the business of you Shinto priests."^ Statements such as those just given are not infrequently accompanied by an official repudiation of the religious nature of the national cult. Mr. Tsukamoto Seiji, writing in 191 8 in his ^ capacity as Chief of the Bureau of Shrines of the Department of Home Affairs, gives a clear-cut statement of the government position in this matter. At the same time Mr. Tsukamoto 's discussion furnishes us with an excellent summary of the special relations existing between the Shinto shrines and the Japanese state, which have been passed unclear review in the laws already considered. Mr. Tsukamoto says : *' In discu^ ing the matter of shrine institutions it is necessary first of all to state that the shrines are not organs of religion. It appears well-nigh impossible for foreigners, who do not under- I. — Midztmo, Rentaro, ShinsJwku no Sekimn, Jinja ni Kansuru Keen {i^Wm.'krv.m'^(^^^- m'±VM-^hW^ "The Responsibilities of Priests," " lectures en the Shrines," Tokyo, I918),. pp. H-I J. _ 44 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. stand the organization of our nation, to comprehend this point. This misunderstanding is not confined to foreigners. Even among Japanese there are those who needlessly confuse the shrines with religion. Furthermore, the number of scholars who interpret the shrines as places where religious ceremonials are conducted, is not small. It is highly regrettable th it on this account the feelings of the people are stirred up from time to time over the sentiment of reverence. It is not my intention here to consider the sentiment of reverence from a philosophical point of view and attempt to determine whether or not it contains religious ideas. It may be asseverated without the least hesitancy, however, that from the standpoint of national law the shrines are not organs of religion. Attestation of this fact may be found both in national management and in law. ** In the first place, the affairs of the Shinto shrines were formerly managed in connection with the administration of religion by the Shajikyoku (** Bureau of Shrines and Temples ") in the Department ot Home Affairs, In 1900 a division was made and the Bureau of Shrines and the Bureau of Religions were established. Subsequently, the Bureau of Religions was transferred to the Department of Education. It does not follow, however, that the shrines were first regarded as non- religious institutions at the time of the consummation of this division. They were regarded as non-religious prior to this. Theoretically it would not be impossible to administer the affairs of religion and also the affairs of the shrines, which are not religious, in one and the same ofifice which might be known as the Bureiu of Religions. Again, it is likewise wrong to argue that if the affairs of the shrines are administered in a Bureau of Religions, the shrines are consequently religious in nature. Nevertheless it is only natural that there should be anxiety lest misunderstandings should only deepen owing to the administra- tion in the Bureau of Religions of affairs that are easily confused with religion. The solution of this difficulty was unquestionably THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 45 the main reason why finally the Bureau of Shrines was separated from the Bureau of Religons and made independent." "In the second place, formerly the rules and regulations relating to the shrines began with general principles ot manage- ment for shrines and temples, and cases were numerous in which notices and proclamations were issued in common for Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples. It came to be recognized, however, that since the essential natures of the Shintd shrines and Buddhist temples are greatly different and since their relations to the nation are altogether dissimilar it was not only wrong but quite impossible to govern them with identical rules and regulations. On this account from some decades past there has been a gradual separation of the two, and now, with one or two exceptions, they are altogether under independent rules and regulations. Furthermore, the ceremonials and business relating to Shinto shrines as well as matters of management and finance are all fixed by national law. This is because the ceremonials of the shrines are national rituals and the business of the shrines is the business of the state. On the other hand, the business of the various religious sects of Buddhist temples and of churches is of course managed according to the independent determina- tions of the several bodies concerned. It is not a matter in which the state participates and is thus not the business of the nation. "In the third place, those who serve in the Shinto shrines are officials of the state, although their rank differs according to the grade of the shrine. H.I.H., the Lord Custodian of the Great Shrine of Ise is appointed as the representative of His Majesty, the Emperor. He receives the treatment of an official directly appointed by the Emperor and is in a special class. The other officers of the Great Shrine of Ise are of Cliokunin, Sonin, or Hannin rank. Also the officials serving in Government Shrines and National Shrines receive the treatment of Sonin or Hannin officials. That is to say, all have a relation to the state and all are officials who take charge of state affairs. 46 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Consequently, procedure as to their appointment and dismissal is exactly the same as for general government officials. In accord- ance with their official rank some are under ministers of state while others are under the pretectural governors, but in spite of difference, the appointment and dismissal of all are matters of national concern. On the other hand, the administrative heads of the different sects of Shinto and Buddhism as well as the teachers of other religions do not have duties that pertain to state affairs and consequently they are not officials of the state. .... ** Upon consideration of the above three points, not only will it be apparent that from the standpoint of law there is a conspicuous difference between the relationship of the state to the Shinto shrines and to the various sects of religion, but also, I believe, there should be no room for doubt that from the stand- point of the organization of the state the shrines are not regarded as institutions of religion."^ ( The attempt to come to closer terms ^vith these official claims must be postponed to a later point in the investigation. Meanwhile, in partial summation of the discussion up to the present point it may be said, that the real reason for the^ govern- ment's isolation of the control of official Shinto and the consequent " separation of religion from politics " is not to be found in any a priori conviction of the non-religious nature of the shrine ceremonies, as Mr. Tsukamoto would have us believe, but rather, in the exigences of historical situations that have made it imperative from the official point of view that the government should not appear before the world to be fostering a state religion but at the same time should retain absolute control over the Shinto shrines.^ The extent of the expansion ot Shinto as a national cult during the Meiji and Taisho eras may be deduced from a I. — Tsukamoto, Sqi]\, Jinja Gyosel ni Kansuni Chtti Jiko (^^•^,^, %^t^ ' i?riPfel-BSl" h^^%y%^^y " ^l^atters to be Heeded Regarding the Administration of the Shrines,") Jinja ni Kansuru Koen, pp. 19-22. THE 1-OLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODIilRN SHINTO. 47 comparative st idy of the annual governnunt reports of the statistics for shrines, p2rhi[-s even more concretely than from an examination of the national laws themselves. Reference to the stati:>tical tables* will show that while the reported totals for small shrines of village and ungraded classes have decreased since 1900, the year in which the official control of the shrines was separated from that of ordinary religions, (from a maximum number of 192,332 for 1900 to 111,181 for 1 920, a decrease of 81,151), yet tor all shrines of superior grade there has been a steady increase. Since 1899 twelve shrines have been added to the class of government shrines ; national shrines have been maintained at 75 ; while prefectural shrines have increased by 189, making a total increase of 201. During the forty years lying between 1880 and 1920 government shrines have increased by the number of 50, national shrines by 7, prefectural shrines by 316, a total increase for all shrines of these grades of 373. This is an average of slightly better than nine large shrines per year. The yearly totals for district shrines have maintained practical uniformity throughout the entire period. A movement which, during the past four decades has increased the reported number of large institutions of highest grade by a total of three hundred and seventy-three is far from moribund. Also, the decrease in the number of smaller shrines is more apparent than real. Small way-side shrines are not included in the official reports. Since 1888 the government has ceased including in the statistics the small ungraded shrines established within the precincts of larger sKrines. The total of these subordinate ungraded shrines for 1887 was 102,463. The apparent decrease in the number of ordinary village and ungraded shrines can be explained by the fact that in numerous cases the control of small groups of these shrines has been merged. The statistics for priests tell the same story as do those for shrines. The total number of priests connected with district, village and ungraded shrines has decreased during the past I. See below, pp. 324-5. 48 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. twenty years, although since 191 5 the tendency in all these classes has been to maintain equilibrium with an average of 34 1 7 priests for district shrines, 8682 for village shrines and 926 for ungraded shrines. As over against this the number of priests connected with shrines of prefect ural grade and above increased from 1345 in 1880 to 1707 in 19 19, a total gain of 362. The figures given above support the proposition that the primary interests of the national cult lie in the direction of the development of those shrines above v'Uage and ungraded classes which aid in the centralization of the sentiments and activities of the people beyond purely local interests. On the basis of the statistics it would seem fair to conclude that Shinto as a national cult has been steadily and solidly growing during the past forty years and that this growth has been distributed with a fair degree of uniformity over the entire period. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 49 CHAPTER II. The Shrine Problem. The Japanese government has recently become an object of considerable criticism because of its alleged efforts to strengthen Japanese nationalism and political solidarity by encouraging a form of nationalistic religious worship at the shrines. Criticism has come not only from Buddhist and Christian sources, as might well be expected, but also from progressive politicians, journalists and scholars among the Japanese people themselves. The grounds of this criticism may be summarized under three heads. / I. In the first place, the Shintd shrines in their actual, historical character are true religious institutions and have always been treated as such by the Japanese people. ) It is impossible to separate the shrines from their historical character by the proclamation of new official regulations. In the opening years of Meiji the Japanese government itself recognized and concurred in the existing popular estimate of the shrines. The legislation of 1872 which makes exp'icit declaration to the effect that the main duty of Shintd priests ''shall be the instruction of parish- ioners in accordance with the three principles " can be adequately explained only on the ground that the government of the time classified Shinto as pure religion. Again, a judgement based on the actual practice of the vast majority of the Japanese people of all classes must embody the conclusion that the Shinto shrines are not popularly regarded simply as patriotic cult centers where the memory of those who have contributed meritorious service to the Japanese state is revered and where emotions of gratitude to heroes of the past and loyalty to existing institutions are stimulated. On the other hand, the same shrine that serves as site for the official ceremony is visited by the ordinary worshipper out of purely religious 50 THE POLITICAL PHILOSDPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. motives and the enshrined spirit, whether regarded as an ancestor of the race or as one of the " gods of Heaven and Earth " is supplicated for prosperity in business, for health and long life, for offspring in marriage, for relief in drought, flood and famine, for food, clothing and shelter, as well as for the prosperity of the state and success in war. The shrines are thus not merely inspiring monuments to the greatness of the past ; they are the sacred places of Japanese religion where unique access is gained to an unseen spirit-world. The Japanese government by licensing the sale of charms at the shrines recognizes and makes concessions to this populai interpretation. The shrine laws declare on this point : " Shinto priests in compliance with the requests of the people may distribute charms and sacred images^ but this must not be done out of cpvetousness and impure motives."^ One of the most vigorous criticisms of the ambiguous religious situation in which the Japanese government is thus involved has been published by the Shin__sect of Japanese Buddhism in a propaganda pamphlet entitled KeisJiin Mondai Chosa Hokokii C Report of an Investigation of the Problem of Reverence"), dated December, 1920. In November, 1919, the Mikawa Association of the Shin sect drew up a series of three questions relating to the Shinto policy of the government and presented it to the Department of Home Affairs. The inter- rogations read : "■ I. According to our interpretation the essential nature of reverence for deities and respect for ancestors,'' which for some years past have been propagated among the people of the nation, is limited to the sense of gratitude. But is not this a misconception on our part ? Is there some other meaning to be attached thereto ? 2. II. Z., 1891, pp. 187, 206, Naimusho Knnrei No. 12, Art. 3, July 6. 4- ^m^m^ THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 5 1 " 2. There are people who regard the taima^ of the shrines as images of the deities, and who say that those who do not receive taima are unpatriotic. In our sect we look upon the taima as religious charms.^ We base the interpretation that receiving them is a voluntary matter on Ordinance Number 30, issued by the Department of Home Affairs in March 1878/' Is this an error on our part ? " 3. Home Department. Order Number 7, B, issued in January, 1882, states, "From this date on the right of Shinto priests to exercise the functions of teachers of religion and morals {Kyodo Shoku) is abolished. Priests shall not take charge of funeral services. Exception : For the present priests connected with shrines of prefectural rank or lower may do as before." Since the promulgation of this order already more than thirty years have elapsed and yet priests of shripes of prefectural grade and below conduct funeral services as in the earlier period. What then is the purport of the law just cited which distinguishes between Shinto priests and teachers of religion and morals ? "'' The government in reply is reported to have made the significant statement : " These are matters on which instruc- tions cannot be given in writing. If, however, you come to the capital we will make oral reply. "^ This oral statement was not given until October 9, 1920. On this date the Chief of the Bureau of Shrines replied to a committee of the Shin Sect cis follows : '' I. If reverence for the deities and respect for ancestors have in them harm for the nation, then nothing can be' done ; if, 1. -}^^- 2. If 1^, Shimpu. 3. The law referred to says, " It is hereby announced that, with regard to the taima of the Jingu, from now on, irrespective of the relations with local officials, the acceptance or rejection thereof is to rest entirely with the choice of the people." Department of Home Affairs, March 23, 1878. Cf. t^^i^^, J^ff JP'i'illhii'piEi^n^frl^j (Sugimori, K., Genko Jinja Ilorei Chikujo Kogi, "Lectures on Contemporary Shrine I-.aw," Tokyo, 1910), Appendix, p. 102. 4. Keishin Mondai Chosa Hokoku, p. 3. 5. Md. 52 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. however, there is advantage in them, all people high and low must cooperate in planning for the progress of these sentiments. When the idea of reverence for the deities ot heaven and earth is exalted, the people naturally look up to divine virtues and they come to desire to secure daily progress under divine guidance. This is prayer. We wish that the idea of reverence might advance to this point. This is not, however, to be forced. Prayer in the sense of supplication for individual profit and happiness we neither encourage nor repress. Yet if Shinshu teaches merely pure gratitude toward the deities of heaven and earth we have no objection. "2. Taima are not images of the deities. They are media through which the people revere the deities of the shrines. This is their real meaning. Therefore we desire that the people should receive them. " 3. Concerning the order of 1882 which permits priests of shrines of prefectural grade and below to conduct funeral services, the law used the term tobim^ ('^ for the present "). As a matter of fact, the necessity still exists. For example, in certain districts some people desire Shinto funerals but they do not wish them conducted by any of the Shinto sects. It is by all means necessary to provide for these people with services by Shintd officials {s /tins ho hi). '''^ The same report prints a condensed statement attributed to the Chief of the Bureau of Religions in reply to the same questions. The statement is dated October 12, 1920 and says, " I am not of the opinion that the idea of prayer toward the deities of heaven and earth must be maintained by all means. I do desire that the people receive taima, but I do not believe that they must be received without exception. Also unwillingness to accept them does not necessarily imply disrespect to the deities.'" I- %^' 2. Keishin Mondai Chosa Hokoku, pp. 6-8 3. Op. ciL, p. 8. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 53 The report closes with resolutions embodying the attitude of the Mikawa Association toward the issue. The statement says : *' We should be grateful for the great benefits of the divine spirits of Imperial ancestors who founded the nation and establish- ed virtue and should offer them reverence that is deep and true, likewise, weshould be thankful to all the other deities who labored for the nation and who gave the people peace. But it is forbid- den in this sect to pray for one's own selfish ends and for benefits and blessings in this world. This is the teaching of the Shin Sect regarding the deities of heaven and earth. We repudiate all such things as heresy, Shinto churches, and the deities ot a multitude of shrines arbitrarily established. ** Taiina are not images of the deities ; they are religious charms. The government, working through a Department for Shrines is now making general distribution of these objects. But the reception or refusal thereof are matters in which the people have freedom of choice. This was established in a proclamation of the Department of Home Affairs in 1878. Therefore, to say that those who do not receive them are unpatriotic is a gross libel."' A further statement regarding the taima says, " From the standpoint of name, history and past method of distribution it is clear that taima are charms. The government and one or two scholars persist in trying to interpret taima from the point of view of the psychology of the recipients but their attitude cannot be called honest in that they do not interpret either the meaning or the method of distribution."^ Another publication of the Shin Sect, entitled Gyoku Den Okura Toi'onki^ (** An Account of the Discussion between Gyoku Den and Okura ") presents in detail the reasons why adherents of the sect are forbidden to receive talma. The most 1. Op. cit., pp. 13-14. 2. op. cit., p. 13. 3- z^m^^mmt^ m%m^mix^¥i> m^mm^ $4 THE rOLlTICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. important part of the explanation says, '' Oar position that recep- tion of taima on the part of adherents of the Shin Sect is con- trary to the principles of the sect has its basis in the fact that there exists the idea that \{ taima are placed on the god-shelf and worshipped and revered morning and evening, evil and misfortune will be averted thereby. If the actual, popular usage of taima is investigated it will be found that beliefs concerning them are such as these : If taima are stood up in cultivated fields they will prevent destruction by insects ; if pasted up in cattle sheds they will prevent diseases of cattle ; or, if put up at garden entrances they will drive away evil spirits."* Such practices, it is stated, are a rude form of prayer for the things of this world and thus contradictory to a fundamental tenet of the sect. A remarkable criticism of the existing situation is contained in a speech in the Imperial Japanese Diet, made in December, 191 8, by Mr. Tatsuguchi Ryoshin, a member of the Diet. With regard to the issue under consideration the speech says : " In the matter of the relation of the Shinto shrines and religion, it is to be said that the shrines of our country are places where the deities of heaven and earth are worshipped. These deities are the ancestors of our Imperial Family and of other personages of our nation and are by no means the same as the God of Christianity or the Buddha of Buddhism. At shrines those who have contributed meritorious service to the state are commemorated. Thus the shrines are places where rites are performed in memory of our ancestors and are by no means religious and are not to be regarded as religious chapels. *' I wish to say, however, that the priests of prefectural grade and below perform funeral ceremonies and preach sermons ; they distribute amulets and charms'^ and offer prayers. They function 1. Op. cif., p. 25. 2. Omamori^ ofuda. The practice of distributing these objects is not con- fined to shrines of lower grade as the speech would seem to indicate They can be secured at the greatest shrines of Shinto, as for example at the Grand Shrine of Ise and the new Meiji Jingu of Tokyo. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 55 exactly as the priests of Buddhism. Thus it is that our ancestral ceremonies have become religious and the Shinto priests have become religious teachers. This confusion of religion and the shrines has in it the following great dangers : *' I. That the dignity of the shrines be injured and the gocd traditions of our ancestor worship be destroyed. ** 2. That the shrines finally take on the form of a national ) religion and become the cause of the persecution ot other /j religions."^ ( II. In the second place, the ceremonials conducted under government direction at the official shrines are ol a genuinely religious nature. ,It is true that the government attempts to distinguish betweef'n suhai or shuhaif (" worship "), and sukei or sJiiikei^ (" reverence "), maintaining that at the official shrines the latter is offered, directed toward the commemoration of those who have been conspicuous for loyalty to ancestors, em- peror and state in the past. But when investigation is made of the rites which are employed to express this reverence, it is found that even officialdom makes use of religious ceremonial. These rites are based on the ancient ceremonies of the Engi Shiki. They include norito (prayers), shinsen (food offerings), kaihi (ceremony of opening the screen before the shrine), and harai (prayers for the expulsion of evil). It is impossible to maintain that these are mere forms devoid of true religious significance.* The objection to officially inspired *' shrine worship " on the ground that it is a real religion has been well formulated by the ^oman Catholic Church of Japan, speaking through the Bishop of Nagasaki. The promulgation says, "The members of the Catholic Church, without hesitation; will join in paying due reverence toward the nation's distinguished men as a part ot patriotic duty. Nevertheless, however generous our frame of I. Chugai Nippd [t^^^ ^), Dec. 26, 1915 (No. 4913), p. 2. 4. J. E. Japan Evangelist), May, 1918, p. I81. $6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. mind may be with regard to this view of the shrines (government view), we cannot give our support to it. . . . Shrine wor- ship is indeed poor in religious ideas judged from the inner worth of religion, but is amply furnished with a wealth of cere- monialism fixed by law. It is an organized form of reverence paid to supernatural beings and must be regatded as a religion. Moreover, it is a religion forced upon the people, and if it be different from Shinto, it may not inappropriately be called shrine religion. It is something proposed to take the place of a national religion. . . . We regret exceedingly that as Catholics we cannot accept the interpretation of shrine worship given by the government, nor can we visit the shrines and engage in the services for the dead nor can we ever pay respect to the so-called gods."' ^ The Federated Churches of Japan (Protestant) take similar ' ground. This body, representing practically all the Christian forces of Japan outside of Roman Catholic and Greek Catholic constituencies, has taken the position that " to lead people into a vague religious exercise under the pretext of reverence toward ancestors, and thus to mix the two things, is not only irrational, but results in harm to education and hinders in many ways the progress of the people."^ The Nikon Kirisuto Kydkai (Presb.), acting through the Gotemba Conference of 19 17 has likewise separately passed a resolution to the effect that government ceremonies performed at the shrines are conducted in a true religious spirit and with religious rites.* The position of the Greek Catholic Church of Japan, although not officially expressed, has been interpreted by a representative of that body in a recent publication. In general each individual is allowed to follow the dictates of his own conscience. Worship at the shrines in the sense of honor or respect paid to ancestors is encouraged, but only at those shrines ' I. Op. cit., pp, 180-182 ; Kirisuto Kyohoy March 28, 1918. 2. J. E., Nov. 1917, p. 413. 3. J. E., Sept. 1917, p. 340. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. $f dedicated to the memory of those closely related with the history of the country or the Imperial Family. Christians are permitted to pray for the salvation of ancestors who were not believers and for the spirits of those to whose memory the shrines are dedicated. On the other hand, worship at the shrines in the sense of prayer for personal good fortune is not permitted.' III. i In the third place the position of the government is criticised Sis a violation of the Japanese Constitution itself. It is maintained that the position of the national government on " shrine worship " creates a situation that interferes directly with the exercise of the constitutionally guaranteed rights of freedom of religious faith. Different non-Shinto religious bodies, within the last few years have adopted resolutions and otherwise made public utterances calling attention to this situation.^ On October 31, 19 17, the Federation of Japanese Churches (Christian), meeting to commemorate jointly the quadricentennial of the outbreak of the German Reformation, and the birthday of the reigning Japanese Emperor, considered the occasion oppor- tune for the adoption of resolutions emphasizing the rights of religious liberty under the Constitution. The document drawn up at this time makes a " distinction between religion, on the one hand, and respect that may properly be paid to ancestors and to those historic personages that have rendered meritorious services to their country on the other." The churches strongly affirm their loyalty to the state and the Emperor, and add that it is the duty of all loyal men to encourage a cosmopolitan spirit and to aid in eliniinating superstition. Clause Five of the resolutions then states the main griev- ance : " The Imperial Constitution guarantees freedom of faith, and we must do our best to see that this law is maintained. We must note, however, as utterly inconsistent with the principle of religious liberty the following matters : the recent arrange- I. J. E., Aug., 1915, pp. 342-3 } Sii^yd Yowa, May, 1915. 58 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. ments about shrines, the connection established between shrines and education, many things that have occurred in towns, villages, and elsewhere, and the common custom of making the observance of these superstitious customs almost com- pulsory."^ The Roman Catholic Church has likewise called attention to the freedom of religious belief granted in the Constitution promulgated by the late Emperor Meiji and has expressed a desire that the government create a status for the shrines under which it may be possible for Christians to maintain their constant purpose to be loyal to the Empire and at the same time be " faithful to the most high God " without doing violence to conscience.^ An additional Roman Catholic view, translated trom " Les Nouvelles Religieuses " by the Japan Chronicle, goes even farther and expresses no little anxiety lest the situation may eventuate in the abrogation of even the existing constitutional protection of religious liberty. The article says regarding the point under consideration, **Nor is it possible to Ibresee whether, some day, the religious liberty protected by the Constitution may be limited. The text of the Constitution carries the construction that this religious liberty is granted on condition that public peace and order are not troubled. Hostile voices are already heard in the Press demanding the restriction of this liberty. Others, on the contrary, have expressed their apprehen- sions lest the text of the Constitution be found to furnish a pretext for thase abuses. Whatever happens, it can be under- stood how those who have devoted their lives to making known in Japan the benefits of the Gospel, experience, as one or two ot them have written, 'serious and legitimate disquiet for the future of our holy religion when they see the recrudescence of Shinto (the cult of the Imperial Ancestors), the efforts, limited I. J. E., Nov., 1917, p. 413. », J. E., May, 19 18, p. 183. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 59 but constant, of the official world to make it the sole national cult, and the gradual advance of Japan toward Caesarism'."' The Nihon Kirisuto Kyokai declares — " When the Govern- ment authorities encourage this worship at the shrines, yea, and even almost compel school children to take part in the same, it is clear that they are violating the Constitution of the Empire as well as infringing upon the freedom of faith guaranteed by the Constitution."' Buddhist organizations have taken similar action. The issue between Buddhism and Shinto reached a stcige of special acuteness at the time of the coronation of the reigning emperor in 191 5. There is evidence on hand to show that at this time government officials in various places were attempting to strengthen Shinto as a support for nationalism by utilizing opportunities that arose in connection with the coronation ceremonies at Kyoto. The translations given below from the Japanese Buddhist press of the time will serve to show the nature of the difficulties that appeared as well as the reaction that manifested itself in a large section of Buddhism. The Chugai Nippo under the date of November 30, 191 5, prints the following : " A statement of a conference of the Shin Sect regarding interference with religion on the part of the governor of Kagawa Prefecture — " Governor Wakabayashi, acting * through the Chief of the local Department of Home Affairs, recently summoned the heads of all cities, towns and villages and gave instructions that at the time of the coronation the people of the entire province without regard to religious affiliations should erect kadomatsu (ceremonial pine trees) at the gates, place kamidana (god shelves) in the houses, stretch shimenawa (sacred ropes) under 1. The National Cult in Japan^ «A Roman Catholic Study of Its Opposi- tion to Evangelization, p. 8, (Japan Chronicle, Kobe, Japan, 1918). For a Japanese answer to this criticism see Japan Weekly Chronicle, Dec. 26, 1918, p. 895, " The National Cult in Japan." 2. J. E.," Sept. I9I7» p. 340» Resolutions of the Gotemba Conference of 1917- >- -. 6o THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. the eaves, that they should purify their houses and that all the people should go in groups to designated shrines of cities, towns and villages and perform distant worship [toward Kyoto]. *' In certain villages the coercion was added that failure to obey this command was punishable with a fine and the charge was made that any offender was unpatriotic. " As a result the heads of respective towns and villages enforced the order on the people and, as a matter of fact, a local policeman visited the Rev. Tachibana Jokai at his re.sidence within the court of the K5sei Temple and obliged him to hang shimenawa at the temple gates, to stand kadomatsu at the entrance, forced him to purify the temple just like a common house, ^and commanded him to make public attendance at a shri^iiMejf^ ordinary person and perform distant worship."^ Und^/ me date of December ii, 1915, the same publication says, *\ In Yamagata Prefecture, just as in Kagawa Prefecture on the occasion of the coronation, all people were forced to put up kamidana, hang shimenawa, and erect kadomatsu. Owing to such extraordinary interference the opposition of the people has been aroused and there is ^ movement to secure the resignation of the governor and heads of towns and villages. In this province all the sects of Buddhism, including the Jodo, East Hongwanji, West Hongwanji, Soto, and Rinzai sects have united and are taking up with the local governor the matter of this unlawful interference."^ Similar situations in Hiroshima, Shimane, Ishikawa and other prefectures called forth further criticisms from Buddhist sources.'^ Even prior to the appearance of the issue over the corona- tion ceremonies, namely, in March, 191 5, twelve delegates, representing fifty-six sects of Japanese Buddhism had waited on the Minister of Education and demanded consistency in the 1. ChTigai Nippd^ Nov, 30, I915 (No. 4890), p. 3. 2. Op. cit.y Dec. II, 1915 (No. 4900), p. 3. 3. Op. cit.y Jan. 5, 1916 (No. 4916), p. 3 ; Kei Sei, Feb., 1916 j J. E., March, I9l6,p. 117. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 6 1 government's Shinto policy. Their statement reads, " Although Shinto is independent of and separate from religion, yet religious services are conducted by Shinto priests at their shrines. In order to safeguard religious freedom the prohibition of the unwarrantable practices of conducting religious services through Shinto priests is deemed urgent."^ Again, on December loth of the same year, sixty-four delegates representing fifty-six sects, met in the West Hongwanji Temple at Kyoto, adopted a set of six resolutions and appointed a committee to carry them into effect. The first resolution is important as expressing united loyalty to the central institution of the Japanese state. The reading is, ** First : The various Buddhist sects shall unite in purpose and activity for the revival and dissemination of religion and for adding new emphasis to the duties of propagandism, with a view to a better promotion of the fortunes of the Imperial House." The second, third, and fourth resolutions bear further on a program of Buddhist federation ; the last two are directed toward the solution of the religious issue with the authorities. " Fifth : To keep clear the distinction between the shrine ofific'als {Shin- shohi) and Shintoism as a religion {S/iindo Shukyo) there shall be put forth efforts to prevent these two from being identified. Sixth : There being recently a very unsatisfactory attitude toward Buddhism manifested by the authorities, these conditions shall be made public and an effort shall be put forth to induce the government to remove the unsatisfactory conditions."^ A frank exposition of the constitutional aspects of the problem as well as of the difificulties confronted by the Japanese government as it attempts to maintain simultaneously a national cult in Shinto and a guarantee of general religious freedom in the Constitution, is stated in the publication of the Mikawa Association of the Shin Sect already noted. In its introduction to the dis- 1. Cf. Missioi: News (Organ of Am. Board Mission, Kobe, Japan), June, 1916, p, 184. 2. Tokyo^Asahi Shimbtin^ Dec. il, 1915 ; J. E., Jan., 1916, pp. 30-31. 62 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. cussion of the shrine problem this document remarks, " Whoever is born in this country, even if he knows but little gratitude, must revere the deities of heaven and eaith and respect his ances- tors. But reverence for deities and respect for ancestors are not things to be used for certain ulterior objects. They are, in and of themselves, precious principles for the nation. Accordingly, they must always be treated with care and seriousness. If, however, the essential nature of reverence for ancestors is for- gotten and under cover of the beautiful name thereof, it is thrust forward arbitrarily, not only is the divine will misunderstood, but also the certain result is that the freedom of religious faith guaranteed under the Imperial Constitution is endangered, various other religions are antagonized and the sprit of the people is thrown into confusion. If one considers the plans of the govern- ment during the fifty years since the Restoration and especially during the past ten years he will come to know that this is not simply groundless apprehension."^ The statement further says, " It is very much to be doubted whither the authorities themselves possess a firm faith in the shrines and the deities. Yet the government cannot go on being blind to the increasing confusion in popular ideas. But as gov- ernment officials it is not possible to consider entrusting Bud- dhism with the sjreat responsibility of unifying the popular mind, and likewise it is impossible for them to depend on Christianity. Therefore, from the government standpoint, the unification of the popular mind cannot be accomplished otherwise than by hoisting up the shrines. Thus the official advocacy of reverence for deities is entirely policical policy. In order to carry out this policy the government would like to regard the shrines as places of religious worship. Otherwise, the sentiment of reverence for deities cannot be implanted strongly in the hearts ot the people. But if this were done it would immediately contradict the freedom of religious faith guaranteed in the Constitution. Therefore, the government asserts that the shrines are not religious. Thus the I. Keishin Mondai Chosa Ilo/ioku, p. I. THE POLITICAL FHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 63 government is constantly standing in the presence of a self-con- tradiction. The reason why the government authorities are never able to give a clear and unequivocal solution to this pro- blem is just here. In particular, the fact that the official attitude toward Christianity is not clear has its basis altogether in this matter.'" .„^^ A criticism of similar import from the Japanese secular press \ yf /^ says, "The worship at the shrines where great men of the country are deified is clearly a manifestation of religious senti- ment, and so all the rites and forms in the Shinto shrines are unquestionably religious in character. The Japanese authorities, however, have been averse to recognizing this axiom and con- sequently refuse to call a spade a spade. It is a great mistake, on the part of the government to regard as not religion what possesses all the essential attributes of a religion. Yet it desires to give a religious benefit to the people by the observance of ) religious forms. "^ ~^^ In this connection special notice should be made of the Fukuin ShimpOy a Christian magazine which has consistently and fearlessly criticized the government position on shrine worship. One of the most refreshingly direct criticisms that has yet ap- peared was published by this journal at the time of the dedication of the Meiji Shrine. The writer says : *^ Shrine worship which government authorities are now encouraging and at times even forcing is a matter that is accom- pained by numerous questions both from the standpoint of faith and of ideas. At times one feels as though truth were being set at naught and justice were being trampled under foot. . . . " The government authorities announce that the shrines are not religious, and then as the superlative proof thereof they point to the government organization which separates the Bureau of Shrines from the Bureau of Religions. To this kind of an 1. Op. cit.y pp. 5-6. 2. Yorodzu Shimbnn. Trans, in Japan Weekly Chronicle, May 25, I916, p. 836. ■ 64 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. apology I can never give my assent. The determination of whether or not the shrines are religious is not a matter that lies within the province of government offices. It is purely a pro- blem of knowledge and is to be determined by application of scientific method to the study of religion. . . . Considered from this standpoint the definition handed down by the govern- ment has no value whatever From the point of view of the science of religion it is doubly clear that, in origin and tradition, in form of ceremony and in spirit of worship, the shrines are religious. In this there is not room for the injection of a particle of doubt. Accordingly, if the government forces shrine worship on us by order, it overrides the rights which are guaranteed us in the Constitution. " Among the Japanese of today are deists, pantheists, and materialists. There are both those who affirm and those who deny the existence of God, There are those who believe in the immortality of the soul and those who do not so believe. There are great differences according to variation in individual ideas. Especially in Japan, pantheists who have come under the influ- ence of Indian thought and materialists who have come under the influence of modern science are numerous. According to the teachings of pantheism all change is like the waves on the sea. When the waves calm down all becomes water again. All things finally return to the Absolute and individual existence is annihilated. The human soul after death is immersed in the Absolute and not a shadow or sign of it is left. •' Again, it is impossible for a materialist to admit the existence of the soul. Consequently, for a pantheist or a mater- ialist to kneel before ancestors, to offer norito, and pray at the shrines becomes altogether meaningless. To what extent there are those who out of a desire to preserve public harmony practice opportunism with indifference, I cannot say, but if they value the truth and are loyal to the principles in which they believe, it ought to be impossible for pantheists and materialists to worship at the shrines. . , , For the state to be blind to THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 65 the existence of philosophy and science and to force a kind of faith and a set of ideas on the people is to disregard human life and spirit, and is folly " I am not one who feels that shrine worship must be op- posed by all means. Religious faith is free. Those who find satisfaction in the ceremonies of the shrines should therewith make sincere expression of ancestor worship. But for the state to force this on those who cannot find satisfaction in the cere- monies of the shrines is certainly illegal and is persecution. Where there is no freedom hypocrisy flourishes. I feel that the forcing of this additional falsehood upon the Japanese nation which is already suffering from great hypocrisy is a matter that ought to be fully considered."^ The case against the government has been well summarized by Mr. Ojima Saneharu, the most representative of the Christian students of Shinto. An abridgment of his exposition includes the following points. 1. The norito issued in 19 14 by the Japanese Department of Home Affairs for the use of Shinto priests contain prayers for abundant harvests, health and victory. In view of the special position of the official cult, this cannot be harmonized with the guarantee of religious liberty contained in the Constitution. 2. The government declares that at the shrines are wor- shipped the ancestors of the Imperial Family and those who in past have won merit in the service of the state. If among the ancestors of the Imperial Family are included such personages as Ainaterasu-0-Mi-Kaini, Ama-no-Mi-Naka-Nushi-no-Kami^ Taka-Mi-Musiibi-no-Kami and Kami-Musuln-no-Kami, then offi- cial Shintd is a religion and the shrines become religious institutions. 3. It is illogical and inconsistent for the government to say that the shrines are not religious and at the same time permit I. /hif|^^5f;^, Pfil-^l" ;5)|i^. {Onot/mra, Rinzo, Jinja ni tai sum Gigi, " Doubts Regaiding the Shrines "), Fukuin Shimpo, Nov. 25, 1920, pp. 576-577- 66 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. priests of prefectural, district and village shrines to conduct funeral services. 4. The fact that the government does not manage the Shintd shrines through the Bureau of Religions is explicable as a kind of official sophistry, for the shrines are genuine religious institutions.* ( In spite of such criticism the government has persisted in maintaining its position that the shrines are not religious institu- tions. A recent statement of the Home Department says, " Whatever ideas or beliefs the people may have, the govern- ment does not look upon the shrines as being religious in nature. However desirable it m^y be for the people to return to the former ideas and interpretations regarding the shrines, at the present time the government has no thought of doing anything to bring this about. The government simply encourages respect for the shrines and believes that shrines may be reverenced and supported by those who have faith in any religion without conflict or inconvenience. Whatever opinion may be held as to what should be done regarding the religious attitude toward the shrines, the government will maintain a neutral position on the ground that religious belief should be free."" The latest phase of the development of official Shinto is in connection with educational ^oblems that have been forced into prominence as a ri gsult o f the _Great War. During the war the Japanese government appointed a special commission on educa- tion to consider, among other things, matters relating to the unification of the thought of the people. It is worthy of note that forty-two members of the Imperial Diet were on this commission. The reports were made public in the months of January and February, 1919. 1. Cf. (9/7//;^, Saneharu, Tettei sezaru Jinja Ron (J^J^^tfo. fiS'^tl$*5 ^^iJ^I'^, " Unconvincing -Arguments regarding Shrints," 5///;/////, Vol, 17, No. 5, May, 1916), pp. 75-80. 2. T. E., Apr. 1916, pp. 154-5 ; Fiikuin ShimJ'd, Apr. 1916. Statemeni of the Bureau of Shrines. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 6/ The Commission alleges that unsound social conditions have been developing mpidly in Japan of late and assigns as cause an excessive and indiscriminate introduction into Japan of occidental ideas and institutions subsequent to the Restoration. The report says, ^' The situation is very giave and calls for serious consideration ; " and, again, '^ Such systems, organizations and social conditions as are found to be inconsistent with and contra- dictory to the fundamental principles of our national education . must be reformed and readjusted, and for that purpose joint efforts of those in positions of authority and those in private are indispensable."^ -'^^TN Along with this harmonious cooperation of government and' | people, the Commission urges the carrying out of a reconstruc- tion program along the lines of traditional Japanese institutions. The foundations must be the old characteristic culture of Japan {Nihon no koyu no biinkd). The report thus emphasizes the necessity of the continued worship of national deities and advocates " the preservation of the dignity and solemnity of the shrines, commensurate with their sacred associations, and the universal education of the people to the true meaning of religious ceremonies and also to elevating the status of the Shinto priesthood.'*^ The issue, however, still remains open. Up to the present, it has proved impossible to find consistency in the official inter- pretation of the shrines. As an indication of the ambiguity of the government attitude, we may quote from the report of a "Special Committee on Shrines" of the National Christian Educational Association of Japan as given July lo, 1920. The report states, " Your committee made two calls on the Bureau of Shrines of the Japanese Government and presented our point of view and our hopes respecting both shrine worship and pilgrimages to shrines. The only answer we received was that 1. J. E., Apr. 1919, pp. 136-7; Japan 7imes and Mail, Feb. 11, 21, 22, I919. 2. J. E., op. cit. p. 137. fi8 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. the government must give the matter further consideration. We greatly regret that we have not yet been able to attain our point. Our demand briefly stated is, that the government shall adopt adequate measures for making public proclamation to the effect that the meaning of shrine visitation is limited to an expression of honest respect and is not to be understood as religious worship."^ The legal difficulty, however, has a fundamental aspect. It relates to the underlying philosophy upon which has been reared the structure of Japanese communal ancestmlism. Is the state itself, consciously or unconsciously, committed to a politico- religious theory that makes impossible at present the genuine secularization of the shrines? Are the great ancestral kami nothing more than mere men who have labored and passed off the stage of human affairs and the memory of whose greatness is revered at the shrines ? Or are they regarded as actual spirits of a superhuman world, able to aid suppliant human beings and ever watching over the destinies of Japan ? In attempting to arrive at defensible answers to these questions we may turn first to some typical solutions that have been offered by Japanese investigators, themselves. i^ i#^IS:Wlimtmi^rp]|g,#ii*:^, p. 12. Tokyo, 1920. ' THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 69 CHAPTER III. Japanese Interpretations of Shint5 : The Ethical Definition. Solutions of the shrine problem presented by contemporary J apanese Shintoists resolve themselves into two general classes of interpretation, (i) the nationalistic-ethical and (2) the nation- alistic-religious. Both forms of interpretation are equally penetrated by a point of view which Japanese Shintoists attempt to expound as the mark of the fundamental social mind of their race, namely, .a group consciousness or social and political loyalty which is represented to be of such strength as to dominate and very frequently to eliminate individualism.^ The solidarity of the primitive " we-group " has made its way up through the clan spirit of feudalism into the modern state ; the particularism of the old 1 ^-^ feudal order has been drawn together about a national emotional ' center in the Imperial House " of unbroken line throughout all time as Heaven and Earth eternal." Under the stimulus of modern conflicts with external forces this social mind hats become extraordinarily self-conscious and is manifesting itself in the form of a nationalism which, as set forth by a large group of Japanese apologists, is supposedly supported by a patriotism which is unique in human history. This situation in modern Japanese social psychology has been^ indicated in the above terminology by the application of the term " nationalistic " to both forms of the interpretation of Shinto. The difference between the two lies largely in the % I.' Cy. Uehara, G. E., The PoUlical Development of Japan, p. 19; Kato, Naoshi, " Eastern Ideals and the Japanese Spirit," T. J. S. L., VoL XIII (1914-15), Pt I, p. 142 ; Haga, Yaeichi, Kokuminsei Juvon (>^^^— , iiH14+f^> " Ten lectures on National Traits," Tokyo, 1914, 12th ed.), p. 4 ff . ; Tanaka, Yoshito, Shiudo Hongi (EEmJg.t^, ffiiTJs;^, ''Essentials of 5/«;i/^," Tokyo, 1911), pp. 137.140. U^ 70 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. nature of the fundamental philosophical explanation of the basis of Shinto. The first n^imed attempts to develop a Shinto pantheon out of the heroes of Japanese political history, while leaving the ultimate nature of these " deities " largely unex- plained. The second, while likewise stressing political values, definitely ties up communal ancestralism with pantheism or with idealistic monism. We may consider the two forms in the \^ above mentioned order. The formulation which Japanese exponents attempt in the nationalistic-ethical interpretation follows along the lines laid down in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries by Kada Azumaro, Kamo Mabuchi, Motoori Noringa and Hirata Atsutane. .-It concurs with the official announcement that Shinto is not a religion, at least in the ordinary sense, and builds largely on the proposition that Shinto deities are human beings. Not only so, it further attempts to carry this thesis right back through the earliest Japanese mythology. The point of view here indicated is applied in two directions : (a) as the interpretation of existing political institutions and the support thereof, and (b) as a means of facilitating a harmonization of this supposedly non-religious form of Shinto with thought and practice looked upon as truly religious. Behind the former application lies the interest of a host of statesmen, politicians, soldiers, educationalists and Shintd officials ; behind the latter, the interest of many of the genuine religious leaders of the nation. We turn first to the consideration of the political application of the nationalistic-ethical interpretation. There is hardly a subject in modern Japan that has received, at the hands of both governmental and educational authorities, the attention that has been accorded so-called Kokumin Dotoku} '• [SKiMitii- For bibliographies of Japanese literature on this subject cf. Inotiyt^To.K'-XiixxQ, Kokuinin DotokuGairon {^\-±M^M^ ^WA'^Mtm^ " Out- lines of National Morality"), Appendix, pp. 103-117; Kono, Shozo, Kokumin Z?5/<7y^« 6"/4/«>« (fDJIf^H, iai^it^^liSl> "A History of National Morality"), pp. 256-8. X iHE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. y'l — '^ national morality." It is the fundamental motive of Japanese education.' In the form of apologetic here under discussion, / Shinto becomes practically identical with Kokumin Dotokiu That is to say, S hinto is now inter preted n s either the system of n ational morality itself or as the unique spirit w hich prodnre^ thg- system . It is a social and political ethic emerging from the peculiarities of Japanese psychology and history. It is identifi ed with Japanese, deve lo pment from the hppinninrr f^n^ ''"^ i-^p-at-rl^r^ a s vitally necessary to t he main tenance of the Tapanese state. If k ndq^j ttedlv applied as a means of stab ilising existing- [apanese institutions in the presence of distintegrating and suppressing ' tendencies supposed ly threatening Japan through the incoming of ! Occidental civiliza tion. It lays out a program of Shinto e duca- tion i n which the primary motive is the development of reverenc e f or the past , res pect for authority and loyalty to existing institu- - tion s of the state . It inculcates ideas of the unique sanctity and moral authority of Imperial Rescripts, together with special regard for the " peculiar dignity and superiority of the Imperial House of Japan "^ and the assurance that " th ^ i;ig^^ional idgal of_ Japan is unsurpassed and imprepnahle." ^ In such a way the protection afforded Japanese institutions by the Tokugawa seclusion policy which was disrupted by the arrival of the " black ships" of Perry in 1853, is now secured by a psychological and educational program that attempts to strengthen the inner spir it rather than to put a wall of seclusion about the land.' Modern Japanese exposition of the elements of " national y morality " comes back, sooner or later, to the ethical teaching oi ^ T the Imperial Rescript on Education, promulgated in 1890. The Japanese government and a large number of individual writers on the subject are agreed that the Rescript on Education 1. Cf. Inouye, op. cit.y pp. 2-3. 2. Cf. Motoori, " Shinto Education," Japan Magazine^ May, 1917, p. 4I. 3. Ibid., p. 42. 4. Cf. Inpuye, op. cit. pp. 84-100. 72 THE FOIJtlCAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. must be taken as setting forth the basis of contemporary Japanese ethics, both public and private. The official English translation of this Rescript is here given for purposes of re- ference. ''Know Ye, Our Subjects : '* Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting, and have deeply and firmly im- planted virtue ; Our subjects ever united in loyalty and filial piety have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty thereof. This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies the source of Our education. Ye, Our subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters ; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true ; bear yourselves in modesty and modera- tion ; extend your benevolence to all ; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers ; furthermore, advance public good and promote common interests ; always respect the Con- stitution and observe the laws ; should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State ; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye be not only Our good and faith- ful subjects but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers. *' The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeath- ed by Our Imperial Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for all ages and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in common with you. Our subjects, that we may all attain to the same virtue. " The 30th day of the loth month of the 23rd year of Meiji. [The 30th of October, 1890]. (Imperial Sign Manual, Imperial Seal)."^ I. For the history of this translation consult Kikuchi^'D^\xoV.\x, Jcpatiese Edtuation (London, 1909), pp. 1-3. An ofiicial edition of the original Japanese tHE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 73 On the day following the promulgation of this Rescript the Minister of Education, Mr. Yoshikawa Akimasa, issued instruc- tions which indicated plainly the use which the government intended to make of the document. A translation of the order follows. '' His Imperial Majesty, deeply anxious concerning the education of His subjects, has graciously handed down an Im- perial Rescript. I, Akimasa, the present incumbent of the office of Minister of Education, am entrusted with a great responsi- bility. Reflecting on the matter night and day, I am fearful lest I make a mistake. I have received the Imperial Rescript with reverence and, deeply moved, have made copies thereof and am distributing them to the schools of the entire country. Those who are engaged in education, always obedient to the Imperial will, must not neglect the duties of culture and disci- pline, and especially on the days of school ceremonies or on some date determined according to convenience, the pupils must be assembled and the Imperial Rescript on Education must be read before them. Furthermore, the meaning must be carefully explained to the pupils and they must be instructed to obey it at all times."* text may be found in almost any one of the numerous text-books on ethics pub- lished by the Japanese Department of Education, as for example, Jinjo Shogaku Shushimho (5^/>^1^ J'#, " Text-book of Ethics for Primary Schools "), Vol. VI, Preface. I. Mombtisho Kunrei^Ippanhono Bu{-^^%%^^, ~^^tk^J%i "Instruc- tions of the Department of Education, Section on General Regulations "), p. I, Oct. 31, 1890. In 1912 Mr. Yoshikawa made public a statement on the actual origin of the Imperial Rescript on Education which makes interesting reading, especially in view of the fact that the above order would naturally lead the reader to infer that the composition of the rescript is referable in toto solely to the Emperor Meiji Mr Yoshikawa's explanation, as given below, shows that the rescript had its origin in an effort to apply a corrective to certain dangerous tendencies appearing in Japanese life in the eighties of the last century owing to the rapid and indiscriminate " westernization " that had been going on, and furthermore, that, as a matter of fact, the opinion of experts consulted in the compilation of the rescript was far 74 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Along with this statement on the part of the Minister of Education there appeared a covering order from the Depart- ment of Education, indicating the same intention of utilizing the new rescript as the basis of public instruction in ethics. The order reads, " Concerning the Imperial Rescript on Education and the Instruction of the Minister of Education, to the Hokkaido Government, the Urban Prefectures, and the other Prefectures. from being unanimous as to the expediency of this attempt to build national character on a modified Confucian basis. The statement says, " At the time of the Restoration the late Emperor decla.ed it would be the guiding principle of his government to introduce western civilization into the country and to establish New Japan upon that civilization. Consequently every institution in Japan was westernized and the atmosphere of the " new civilization " was felt in almost every stratum of society. Indeed the process of westernization was carried to extremes. Thus those who advocated the virtues of righteousness, loyalty and filial duty brought down on themselves the cynical laughter of the men who professed as their first principle the westernization of Japan every way, and who declared that the champions of the old fashioned virtues were ignorant of the changed social condition of the Empire. " But if any tendency is carried too far, inevitably there comes a reaction. The excessive westernization of Japan very naturally aroused strong opposition among conservative people, especially scholars of the Japanese and Chinese clas- sics, who thought it dangerous for the moral standard of this Empire to see this process carried even into the moral teachings of the people. Thus a hot contro- versy followed between scholars, publicists and teachers who were divided into many schools. The question was so keenly agitated that it was taken up at a meeting of Governors at the Home Office in 1890. At that time Prince Yama- gata was Minister of Home Affairs, and I was the Vice -Minister of the same depart- ment and personally witnessed the heated debate at the Governors' conference. It was, however, agreed in the end among the Home Office authorities that as the question concerned the people's thought, it must be dealt with rather by the educa- tional authorities than by the Home Office officials. '' His Majesty at once instructed the Minister of Education, Viscount Eno- moto, to frame some principles for education. Viscount Enomoto, however, resign- ed for some reason before he had completed the task and I succeeded him and had to complete the work, I consulted the late Viscount Ki Inouye, then Director of the Legislation Bureau, on the matter, and the draft was finally drawn up. While, however, the draft was under compilation, we frequently approached the Emperor, and asked his gracious advice upon the moral princii)les which were to be embodied in the new moral standard of the nation. "As people know, the Imperial Rescript on Education was based on the four THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 75 The Minister ot Education has issued instructions relative to the Imperial Rescript on Education, graciously promulgated recently by His Imperial Majesty, and copies will be distributed to all schools, whether public or private, within the jurisdiction of the department. Thus the Imperial Will will be fully carried out.'" An order appearing in the regulations of Tokyo Prefecture at practically the same time as the above, states in so many words that the new Rescript was to constitute the foundation of Japan- ese education. The statement says : '* Recently, the Imperial virtues : benevolence, righteousness, loyalty and filial piety. The making of these four virtues the foundation of the national education w^as, however, strongly criti- cized at that time, and some scholars even declared that these virtues were imported from China and ought never to be established as the standard of the nation's morality. Others again said .that, should such old fashioned virtues be encouraged among the people, it would mean the revival of the old form of virtue typified by private revenge, etc. But I strongly upheld the teaching of those four principal virtues, saying that the essence of man's morality is one and the same irrespective of place or time, although it might take different forms according to different cir- cumstances, and that therefore the aforesaid four virtues could well be made . the moral standard of the Japanese people. " The Imperial Rescript was issued in its original form, and, in spite of the criticism and opposition before its promulgation, which caused much fear about its future, the Rescript, once issued, soon came to be the light of the people in their moral teaching and is now firmly established as the standard of the nation's morality." Japan Advertiser, Aug. 6, 1912, Trans, from Kokumin Shimbun, Aug. 5, 1912. In estimating the importance to be attached to the criticism that the virtues stated in the rescript " were imported from China " comparison should be made with the cardinal virtues of Confucianism, namely, benevolence or humanity, righteousness, wisdom, propriety, and faith. Compare also the well-known virtues of Platonism, i.e. wisdom, courage, temperance, and righteousness or justice. The relations of ruler and subject, of parent and child, of husband and wife, of brothers and sisters, and of friends with which the rescript concerns itself merely repeat the gorin, or five human relationships^ of Confucian ethics. I. Mombiisho Ktmrei., Iptanho no Bii, order No. 8, Oct. 31, 1890. Note also, " The portraits of the Emperor and Empress and the copy of the Imperial Rescript on Education, which have been bestowed on each school within the . jurisdiction of the department, should be placed most reverently in a designated place within the school." J/<7W^«j>^o .A^/im, No. 4, Nov. 17, 1891. 76 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Rescript on Education was graciously conferred and instruction was also given out by the Minister of Education. The Rescript constitutes the great foundation of the education of our country/ Communication is hereby made to all public and private schools that all who engage in education must obey the Imperial com- mand and must be assiduous not to mistake the aim of education in the future."^ Further evidence showing the extraordinary importance which the Japanese government attaches to the Imperial Rescript on Education as an instrument of nationalistic moral training may be seen in the Japanese educational program directed toward the assimilation of Korea. An official statement on the subject says : " As one of the vital aims of the new educational system is to develop in the younger generations of Koreans such moral character as will make them loyal subjects of Imperial Japan, not only is the general idea of the fundamental principles set forth in the Imperial Rescript on Education pretty well understood by most of the present-day students, but the new national anthem is quickly becoming their favorite song ** As alluded to in the last Annual Report, when the new educational system in the Peninsula was formed, the Imperial Rescript on Education, issued for Japan twenty-one years ago, was graciously granted to the Governor-General, and the Im- perial Will, desiring the extension of the fundamental principles of the national education to the Peninsula, was thus clearly manifested, also that Koreans and Japanese were alike regarded as His Majesty's loyal subjects. Receiving this Imperial Re- script with reverence, the Governor-General decided to distribute copies of it among the Government Schools and other Public Schools. On January 4th, 191 2, the Governor-General issued an instruction to the Provincial Governments and Government Schools with regard to the Imperial Rescript on Education. >• *?|?&W ^ :^*- ^/- also Kikuchi, op. cit., pp. 3, 102-3. 2. Mombushb Kunrei, Order No. 27, Tokyo-fu Kunrei (" Inslruclions for Tokyo Prefecture "), Nov., 1890. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. J'J During the year under review, Government and Public Schools receiving copies of the Imperial Rescript numbered 473."* I The Imperial Rescript on Education has come to be re- garded as a sort of condensed sacred Scripture of the official cult, especially by advocates of the nationalistic-ethical school of Shinto. The position of this school is well set forth in the I. Annual Report on Reforms and Progress in Chosen {^Kored) 1912-I3, pp. 207-8. (Compiled by the Government-General of Chosen, Seoul, Dec. I9I4)' Mr. Sekiya Tasaburo, formerly Director of the Education Bureau of the Korean Government, a man who has been characterized as largely responsible for the Japanese educational policy in Korea, has declared, " The fundamental purpose and policy of the government in its educational work in Korea is none other than that which it has before its mind constantly in Japan, namely, upon the basis of the Imperial Rescript on Education, to train the pupils into a loyal and virtuous people." J. E., Nov. 1913, p. 481. Under the circumstances it is, perhaps, hardly to be expected that Japanese criticism of the Imperial Rescript on Education should manifest any special courage or originality. Ordmary Japanese attempts at evaluation hasten to make avowal of the superlative all-sufficiency of the rescript as an instrument of moral education. It is " perfect in spirit and in form, especially in fostering the spirit of loyalty and patriotism." {Cf. Kato, N., "The Educational System of Japan," T. J. S. L., Vol. XVI, p. 142). It is a most clear statement of the essence of Japanese national life, an authoritative expression of the virtues of the individual, the home and the nation, an exhaustive exhibition of the good and the beautiful. (Cf. Ebina, Danjo, in Shinjin, Dec. 27, 1910). Dr. Uesugi Shinkichi says, " The Imperial Rescript on Education supplies the bones of Japanese morality and the foundation of the spirit of the nation. It transcends all criticism." (®il^j4^ ^1^, Kokutai Kempo oyohi Kensei, " The National Organization, the Constitution and Constitutional Government," Tokyo, 19 16, p. 82). Prof. Tanaka Yoshito, says, " The Imperial Rescript on Education is the august teaching of the gods (Imperial Ancestors)." {Shinto Hongi, p. 152). The same author, writing in I918 and commenting on the " Great Way " set forth in the rescript says, " Un- like what Confucius says in the Analects, or what Gautama says in the Sutras, or what Christ teaches in the Bible, the Emperor Meiji did not merely express his own august opinion (in the Rescript), but, indeed, he set forth in epitome the teaching bequeathed by the Imperial Ancestors, who are worshipped as gods in the shrines which our people have established." {W^WM.W^^Wi%^ Kokumin Dotokii y^?7^ A^/, " Lectures on the Essentials of Na ional Morality," Tokyo, 1918, p. 145). These latter statements are especially worthy of consideration in view of what Mr. Yoshikaw^ has said concerning the actual origin of the rescript. An occasional criticism, while maintaining the flawlessness of the rescript \ yS THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. writings of Tanaka Yoshitd, recently appointed lecturer on Shinto in the Tokyo Imperial University.^ From the point of view of Tanaka's discussion a full and sufficient indication of the practical norm of Japanese social and political obligations is to be found in the Imperial Rescript on Education. "The Imperial Rescript on Education gives the essential elements of Shinto. That is to say, it expresses the last testaments of our Imperial Ancestors, which must be kept by our people."^ The origins of the moral propositions of this rescript are to be found in the indigenous development of the Japanese race. In conformity with this position Tanaka expounds Shinto as the unique historical deposit of Japanese racial psycho- logy. In spite of the fact that various religious cults and moral codes have existed in Japan from ancient times right down to the present, Shinto alone expresses the true spirit of the Japanese people. The essential meaning of Shinto is thus to be determined by reference to the qualities of this spirit. The heart of the cult is not religion at all in the ordinary sense ;^ it is Yamato Dama- shii, the peculiar psychological endowment of the race. The itself, attaclcs the ethical instruction that is based thereon as formal and fruitless. i^Cf. Kato, op. cii. ; Ebina, oj). cit). Here and there a Japanese critic appears with the courage of his convictions. The editors of the Japan Year Book have declared, " The Rescript, with all respect to its august origin, primarily aims to produce patriotic and law-abiding citizens and is equally deficient in inspiring and leavening power," (The Japan Year Book, 1911, p. 260;. Dr. N. Ariga eluci- dates the historical background of the rescript thus : " When the Constitution was granted in 1889, it was feared by some that the development of the idea of < the rights of the people ' would destroy the idea of loyalty and patriotism, and the famous Rescript on Education was the result, which looked at humanity entirely from the standpoint of intellect, and excluded all element of faith and mystery." (J. E. July, 1908, p. 259, trans, hy Japan Chronicle). I. Prof. Tanaka is the most prolific of the modern Japanese Shintoists» For a list of his most important writings consult Appendix B 2 Shinto Hongi, p. 156. Cf. also i'jid., pp. 147, 1 5 2-8, 3. Tanaka does not attempt to deny the existence of religious elements in Shinto. {Cf Kokninin Dotoku ydryo Kogi, pp. 162-3). ^^^ ^^^* ^^ regards Shinto as something more fundamental than mere religion, is to be seen in his insistence that Shinto is a Great Way that underlies morality, politics, education and religion alike. {Shinto Hongi, pp. 28, 113, 115, 162 ff.). His emphasis THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINXS. /Q question is immediately raised, what are the fundamental psycho- logical characteristics of the Japanese people ? According to Tanaka, these are three in number : (i). An intellectual nature capacitating for orderliness and unification {Chitsujo teki toitsu teki shiso), (2). A vivacious and practical (lit. '' this- worldly ") emo- tional nature {liaikatsu teki gensei teki kanjo). (3). A disposition toward development and expansion {Hatten teki bocho teki seikaku)} The unique importance attached to this three-fold pyscho- logical endowment in Japanese historical development is seen in Tanaka's statement : "■ This spirit has afforded the foundation from which Shintd has had its rise."^ The manifestation of this spirit in the actual life of Japan constitutes Shinto. These psychological characteristics in the uniqueness of their combina- tion are explained as the particular possessions of the Japanese. " To be sure," Tanaka adm'ts, *' we must recognize the fact that such intellectual qualities as orderliness and the capacity for unification have been conspicuous among the Chinese. In the case of this people however, even early in the ancient period of their history, this spirit collapsed well nigh to the foundations owing to changes in the reigning dynasties. Also a sprightly emotional nature, in which the things of the present world were especially emphasized, is to be noted as having obtained among the Greeks. We must likewise admit that a capacity for deve- lopment and expansion was preeminent among the Romans. These nations, however, possessed these virtues singly. With throughout is fundamentally ethical and political. Shinto, even as a religion, relates primarily to the politico-religious affairs of Japanese society. \Cf.%^'^ W^fn^. '5Az«^^ Tetstigaku Seigl, " The Essential Meaning of Shinto Philoso- phy," Tokyo, 1918, p. 210"). He declares emphatically that if the content of religion is limited to the special character.stics manifested by Buddhism and Christianity then Shinto is not religion. {Op. cit , p. 205). 1. Shinto Hongi, p. 32. See also /jC^^^^^^, Motoori Norinaga no Telsugaku, "The Philosophy of Motoori Norinaga," p. 57. 2. Shintd Hongi, p. 34. 80 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO the succeeding decline of their national destinies, they became extinguished and disappeared. Our race alone, having ever been superior to the misfortune of ruin, has preserved this intel- lectual nature, this emotional quality, and this capacity (for ' expansion) in a special way and consequently has developed. In fine, this mentality (s/iiso), this emotional nature {kanjo), this character {scikakii), taken together as one, constitute the in- herent spiritual quality of our race."^ V / This Yamato DamashiiyOV national spirit nf J-apgn, i? r>r> ^ r ecent and f- ri ^n«<^"t- nrViinvnmnwf^ It 1^ marked Japanese psychology from m ost ancient times, and thus, deeply embedded it l the" spiritual depths of the race, its unchanp ;inf y per pft"^»?-->" throuf^hout the future is guaran teed. The divine ancestors hav e embo died the very essence of this spirit and have revealed i ts virtues . Particularly is this true of the sacred empf ro^° ^^'^^ may properl y be regarded as the incarnations of th <" t^"^ Japan^^^cpi' spirit. " Furthermore " — to quote — " the de eds and example s of all of our emperors from ancient times" down to the present, have exerte d a mighty influence on our peopl e and have become th e norm ot national action in politico, | n ^ fpliginn nnH in n^Wxon^ t hus completely regulating t he activiti es and utterances of the nation. Th us, doth the basis and t/^e norm for tJ ^^ artiijitip^ nf t he Japanese race have their origin in the deeds of our sacred a ncestors. This is Shinto.''- " The most revered of all the kami are those of the successive generations of the Imperial Line, beginning with the Divine Ancestress, Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami, The matters that have been disclosed by these successive generations of /C'^w/, beginning with Ama-ierasu-o-mi-kami, constitute the principal part of Shinto.""^ " This Shinto, already in the ancient period, exercised an important influence, in harmony with the intellectual, emotional, and practical necessities of the time. Thus, as revealed in every- 1. Motoori Norinaga no Tetsugaku, p. 57. 2. Ibid , pp. 57-58. 3. Shinto Ilongi, p. 145. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 8 1 day affairs prior to the introduction of Confucianism, which has exercised such a great influence on the moral life of our people, Shinto constituted our national ethical system. Also,' prior to the introduction of Buddhism which has exerted such power in the religious world of Japan, Shinto was the religion that gave calmness and tranquility to our people. Furthermore, in the r^ Imperial Rescript of the third day of the first month of the third year of Meiji, it is written, * The Heavenly Deities and Sacred Ancestors ascended the Imperial Throne and founded the Im- perial Line. Sacred Emperors reigned in succession, continuing and extending the lineage. Religion and g overnment were *^ u n separated and the people were all united in a single heart. Above, government and education were excellent, and belo^/, manners and customs were beautiful.' / According to this, from most ancient time on, government^ and religion have been one, and prior to th e introductio n of Chinese political philo - sophy , Shint5 was the way of political j tffairs. In additio n Shinto had its influence on every aspect of the practical life of our people . T hus it is, that in ju st such manner as we Japanese h ave received our bodies, even to our hair and our sk in, from our divine ancestoi^h;^nr|f"d down nnrnrrnpteH from_father to son, so also, thefundamental thin gs of Shin to are eter nal, hand ed down from generation to generation."^ ^ On the basis of his analysis of the Japanese spirit Tanaka is led to affirm a fundamental difference between the Japanese ancl other races. ^In the matter of basic concepti nnq there i^ a. d ifference between the p e ^pji" ^^ '^'^*' nnHin nm-T f-i i< . - iLMn . i i n .i' 2 ^ T his fundamental difference manifests itself primarily in the atti- J^ude toward the sta te. I n the foreign point of view the state is ultimately subo rdinated to individualism .^ The Japanese spiri t on the other hand, characteristical ly eypre<;<;ec; ifgpl f in the r.om- plete abandonment of individual ism to the support of a state li fet, 1. Alotoori Norinaga no Tetsugaku, pp. 58-60. 2. Shinto Ilongi, p. 140. 3. IbuL, p. 139. J 82 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHLNTO. y\ organized around the princ i ple of imperinl sovereign ty. This tact has given extraordinary stability to Japanese political iustitu- tions./ There has been going on in the past a fierce struggle for existence among the nations of the earth. It is to be noted that not one of the great European nations of the remote past has survived into the present/ Japan alone of the modern natio ns of the world has an unbroken existence extendin g back to the daw n of history. How does it happen that throughout a history of three thousand years Japan has never lost territory to foreign aggression and has preserved intact the integrity of her empire ? The author answers, " In so lution of this p roblem I m aintain frat thi s in a word is due to the fact of the existence from anc ient t imes of the unique Great Way of our nation/ ^^ The historical result is that the Japanese Empire '^ possesses a national organiza- . tion {kokutai) without parallel in the world. "^ The military value of this apologetic is not lost sight of by / Prof. Tanaka. He attemp t^; fo maintain thnf Wxe- milLt:a4y suc- cesses of Japan can only ht^ filly explained by reference t o the fundament al qualities of this uniqu ejapaoca^-spkit^ He admits that in external, physical characteristics the Japanese must be classified along with other human beings. The significant differ- ences, however, are in the spiritual realm. '' If Japanese and foreigners are the same, how does it happen that in the two great wars of recent times, namely in the Sino-Japanese and the Russo- Japanese wars, countries great in population, wide in area, rich in wealth, superior in military equipment, and great in number of soldiers — how does it happen that such a China and such a Russia went down before a Japan, limited in population, small in area, deficient in soldiers (from a numerical standpoint) and lacking in wealth ? " The author's answer is, " The result is due to the fact that over and above these matters of military equip- 1. Ibid., pp., Il8 ff. 2. Ibid., p. 121. 3. y^/V/., p. 112. 4. Ibid , pp. 146 ff. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV OF MODERN SHINTO. 83 ment, numbers of soldiers, population, and area, there exists a unique and special something with which these things cannot be compared. That is to say, in as much as there prevails among the people of our nation our characteristic Great Way, in a word, because there exists a Great Way unmatched in all the world, this result has come forth. In the face of this, the strong- est country in the world must shrink back."^ "--- Shinto is thus in its last analysis simply the historical man i- festati on of the unique Japanese Spirit . Shinto as . the Grea t Way of Yamato Damashii underlies Jap anese religi on, ethics politics, and education. As already pointed out, this interpreta" tion harmonizes easily with the official declaration that Shinto is not a religion, although Prof. Tanaka, himself, would go much farther than the government in admitting genuine religious efe- I. Ibid., pp. 148-9. Written before the World- War. Dr. G. Kato, writing subsequent to the World War, has presented Yamato Damashii as having at its heart the unique patriotism of the Japanese. ( Waga Kokutai to Shinto, p. 221). Waller Dening wrote in 1910, " The language used by certain Japanese writers claims for them the possession of certain mysterious hidden merits not found in other nations. Their regard for the Emperor, for instance, is representedas far superior to the feeling which Knglishmen have for their King. Baron Kikuchi, Dr. Kato [Hiroyuki], even Mr. Sawayanagi, and many other writers use language that is capable of no other vnterprelation. Baron Kikuchi tells Englishmen and Americans they have not the eyes to see this. It is one of those mysteries that only Japanese can understand. On their regard for the Emperor is based all that is best in Japanese human nature, according to Di». Kikuchi, He and many others assume that their attitude lo the throne places Japanese high above all nations and that the patriotism displayed by the Japanese has its sources in the respect they feel for the Emperor. It may be so, but it would certainly be true (o say that equally ardent patriotism is to be seen in numerous other countries whose constitution is radically different from that of Japan." (Art. "Reason and Sentiment in this Country," y^?/^?^^ Mail. See Japan Evangelist, 1910, p. 254). The same-writer says, "It has been a self- imposed duty of mine to study the ethical and religious thought and to analyze the moral character of the Japanese for three decades, and the conclusion I have reached is, that while in fine moral qualities the best Japanese are not behind the best Occidentals, neither are they ahead of them. Equality is all the most thoughtful and best informed Japanese claim, not superiority. If Japan has evolved ethical and religious thought that is quite new to the Western world, where in the whole range of Japanese literature is it to be found ? " {Op. cit,, p. 253). •y L 84 THE POLITICAL THILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. ments in Shintd. The success which has met the widespread propagation of this interpretation may be seen in the common experience of finding it repeated constantly as the typical school- boy interpretation of Shinto, — i.e. the essence of Shinto is in Yainato Damashii\ its creed is in the Imperial Rescript on Education. It is not possible within the limits of the present discussion to enter upon the detailed study of Japanese racial psychology which would be involved in the proper investigation of Yamato Damashii, the Soul of Japan.^ Present consideration must be limited to representative statements by Japanese apologists who are avowedly speaking from the point of view of the exposition of Shinto. In the exposition given by Mr. Kono Shoz5, one of the professors of the Koku Gakuin Dai Gakii, the Shint5 College in Tokyo, and at the same time one of the most I'ecent writers on the subject, Shinto is likewis e expound ed as a n? ^'^"^^<^t^^-?^^''^^^ sy stem wherein Japanese racial psychology finds its most cha r- acteristic expression . Although Prof. Kono's discussion involves the recognition of religious elements in Shinto, it is nevertheless predominantly ethical. Shinto is defined as *' the moral system of the Ja panese people whTch has developed "on a foundation of the ideaof reverence from a center in the Great Deity. Am a- terasii-o-ml-kamL^'^ Further definition says, " S hinto is that practic al, nationalistic, or better^ imppnalfc^Hr |yinro1i>y xvrTn^VV, has for its centr al life the spirit of ginf«"ri<-3^ nnH w'hiVVi fmr^i an cient times has been the constant spiritual pnwpj- and ^ynnmir o f the Vamato rare."^ The first mentioned Japanese rhararWigftV f^y^^ ,if>.Pihintn 1. See La Vieuville, G., Essai de Psychologie Jafonaise, La Race des D'letix, Paris, 1938; Dening, Walter, "Mental Characteristics of the Japanese," T. A. S. J., Vol. 19, Pt. I ; Gulick-, S. L., The Evolution 0/ the Japanese, Social and Psy^h'c, New York, 1903 ; Murdoch, James, A History of JafaUy Vol. i, pp. 5-16. 2. Koknmin Dotokti Shiron, p. 220. 3. Ibid , p. 228. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 85 is r everence for the Imperial Famil y, regarding which the author says, '' The sentiment of reverence for an Imperial Line unbroken from time immemorial, v vhereb y ruler and subjects are made one and by means of which the national lite is protected , rnpt^tlrmrf c" the life of Shinto and is the source of the happiness of the Japanese nation." ' Other characteristics are listed a s. a strong and a rdent love of countr y, a ncestor worsh ip, h ero worship , faith i n the grace of Heaven and the aid of the god s, an emphasis on the activities of the present world, a regard for cleanliness (including the idea of re ligious purificatio n), an d an emphasis on etiquette.'^ The writings and public addresses of Marquis Dkuma may be taken as a semi-official exposition of the views of this school of Shinto. In his treatment the special characteristics of the Jai)anese race are regarded as always tending toward the creation and maintenance of a certain form of political and social life, namely, a hierarchy in which the members of the ruling classes fj-'*''^ as well as public benefactors of various grades are regarded as " deity." These deities, however, are not to be considered as akin to the superhuman gods of ordinary religions. On the contrary, the kami (** deities ") of the Shinto cult are true', Japanese ancestors, particularly those ancestors connected with ; the governmental regime. This characterization is applied even to the supposedly mythological sections of early Japanese tradi- tion. Thus, -the genealogy of the most ancient kami appearing in the Kojiki and the Nihongi must be taken as affording lists of the names of actual ancestral rulers of old Japan.^ The extent to which Okuma is willing to go in utilizing Japanese mythology in developing his theory of the state may be gathered from the following quotation. " The former [the Kojiki] in its description of the first /^^w/ opens thus : 'The kami who, in the beginning of heaven and earth, created them- selves in the High Heavenly Plain {Taka?jia-ga-IIara), were 1. Il>id., p. 229. 2. Ibid., pp. 228-234. 3. C/., Okuma, Fi/ly Ygars of New Japan^ Vol. i, pp. I-io, 19-20. 86 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. three, Ame-no-mi-naka-nushi-no-kami, Taka-mi-musubi-no-kamif and Kami-miisubi-no'kami' The sentence might by some be given a religious interpretation, namely, that the deity Ame-no- mi-7iaka-nushi (meaning ' master of the center of heaven ') was the ruler of the universe, and the deities Musiibi (supposed by some to mean ^ to produce ') were the creators, but in fact these kami were entirely different from the superhuman gods of religion. The three laid the foundations of the Great Eight Islands, or the Japanese Archipelago, and their children intermarried and pros- pered. The descendants of the first named, who were charged to govern the newly created country, were the lineal descend- ants of the kamif or according to the strict meaning .of the : ideographs, the ' sons of the celestial kami.^ The other two j Musiibi are sometimes called the ini~oya-no-kami, or ancestral 1 kami and represent the maternal side of the family of the kami, (Their descendants increased to the number of yao-yorozu-no- kauii (literally ' eighty myriad kami,' but really ' multitudinous kami ') who ' assembled in divine discussions, ' Thus was begun a system of government by a council of elders before the throne. The families of the Shin-betsu, that is, branches of the kami — the Fujiwara for instance, which during many centuries were the most powerful of the mobility — were for the most part descend- ants of these kami. Hence it follows that the Japanese concep- tion of the deities — % that term be properly applicable — does not, as is the case with the supreme beings of religions in general, involve the idea of obedience imposed by external authority, for instead of rites of sacrifice and prayer, whereby the devotees of other cults invoke blessings for themselves, the Japanese offer to their ancestors in thanksgiving the first fruits of the harvest, the members of each family assembling in their invisible presence and joyfully commemorating their own callings in life."^ It is to be anticipated then that Okuma will not support a strictly religious interpretation of the shrines. In an article written by him for the Meiji Jinja Shiryo, " Guide to the Meiji I. Op. cU., pp. 3, 4. THK POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OP MODERN SHINTO. S/ Shrines/'^, be argues that the chief value of the shrines lies in the fact that they are an institution coterminous with Japanese his- torical development itself and as such expressive of the deepest and most characteristic sentiments of the Japanese race. The proper spiritual attitude of the devotee at the Shinto shrines is not that of religious worship in the ordinary sense ; it is, on the othe r hand, kelshin, namely, reverence. ^ Thus Okuma is led to oppose the traditional or religious usage of the shrines in the following words, " To attempt by means of prayers to drive away sickness or to pray for prosperity and happiness, is mere super stition and is a violation of the nature ot reverence. ReV' erence is not a kind of religious faith {Keishin to wa hitotsii no sJiukyb'jo no shinko de nakii). Buddhists and Christians alike, i n as much as they are Japanese, ought to conform to this and, indeed, t he matter is of such a nature that they can conform ."^ After passing in brief review, the manner in which this spirit of reverence expresses itself in Japanese society, Okuma summarizes thus: ''The Japanese idea of reverence is in this wise an exceedingly simple matter. To advance and extend th e ideas of loyalty and pllal pietv toward Emperor and parents, to manifest a spirit of thanksgiving toward the spirits of the great men of the nation, both the ancestors of the CQ rnm^n people iind th ose of th e Imperial Family, and for all time to look up to their high virtues — keishi n is nothing other than th is. Such being the case, keishin includes the ideas of loyalty and filial piety. "^ Miyao and Inamura, in their valuable study of the shrines^ likewise affirm emphatically that the shrines are not religious institutions. A single quotation will suffice to indicate the point of view of these authors. " There are scholars who interpret the shrines as places of religious worship. There are also those who argue that since the shrines are historical survivals relating I- ^^IrSliPifilSl^j (3 Vols., Tokyo, 1915), Vol. i, Introduction. 2. Op. ciL, p. 2. 3. Il>id., p. 7. 4. Jinja Gyoseiho Kogi, Tokyo, 1911. 88 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. to ancestral ism, if ancestralism is to be classified as a form of religion, it consequently becomes impossible to place the shrines outside of religion. Whether or not they are religious when regarded from a philosophical position is beside the question. Here, in a word, let it be said, that under existing laws of the state the shrines are by no means religious institutions."* .... " Again, they [the shrines] are not places where religious activi- ties are carried on. They must be classified as altogether outside of religion.'"" Dr. Haga Yaeichi, one of the most representative of the modern Japanese nationalists, repeats the same argument with even greater emphasis in Kokiunin Set JuroUj '' Ten Lectures on National Characteristics."^ The form of Shinto that expresses itself in the shrines is declared to be '* a matter altogether distinct from religion !' "It has no relation whatever to the problem of the freedom of religious faith."'* The author compares the shrines with the memorial statues found in Europe and America and maintains that the related sentiments are the same in both cases. In comparison with statues he remarks, " The shrines of our country are, after all, the same thing. Foreigners erect statues, we celebrate at the shrines, this is the only difference. It is inconsistent to say that, while one may pay respect before bronze statues he may not visit and pay reverence at the shrines. No one can reasonably say that while it is fitting to pay respect at the graves of relatives and friends, it is, on the other hand, beneath one's dignity or a violation of one's faith to visit and pay homage at the shrines of illustrious men. The difficulty arises from a misunderstanding of the word kami and a confusion with religion. In our National Constitution religious freedom is liberally permitted. Subjects of the state, without regard to religious connections, are permitted to do homage at the Ances- 1. C?/«V.,p. 53. 2. Ibid.^ P- 57* 3- f^KHi^fml, Tokyo, I914. 4 O^. cit., p. 40. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINt5, 89 tral Sanctuary - of the Imperial Palace, and in case of death on behalf of the public weal are collectively commemorated at the Yasiikuni Shrine. This is proof that the shrines are not related to religion."^ We have next to consider the religious application of the nationalistic- ethical interpretation, hi the eyes of certain Japan- ese writers, especially those interested in the development of genuine religious education, one of the great practical values of the purely ethical interpretation of Shinto, when consistently applied, is that it is calculated to eliminate all fundamental diffi- culties lying between actual religion and the fostering of national morality through the medium of Shinto ceremonials. We may first note in this connection the exposition of Dr. Hiroike Senkuro who writes from the standpoint of an adherent of the Shinto sects and in particular of Tenri Kyo. This author in his book Jinja Sukei to Shukyo, " Shrine Reverence and Religion,"" gives the weight of his support to the interpretation that, from the standpoint of national law the official Shinto shrines are not religious institutions. His entire discussion is based on the idea of a two-fold function in the shrines, themselves, namely, that arising out of what may be called a popular character which is admitted to be genuinely religious, and that relating to an official character which is ethical and nationalistic. These two functions may be discharged at one and the same shrine and even in one and the same ceremony without conflict or inconsis- tency. The basis of Dr. Hiroike's distinction, however, may hardly be said to lodge in a thorough-^oing examination of either the nature of religion or of the actual ceremonials of the shrines. His conclusions rest on an acceptance of legal enact- ments as final. In particular he interprets the religious laws of 1882 and of 1900 to mean that, under existing Japanese law, the shrines are not religious institutions.^ 1. Ibid., pp. 45-46. 2. P«i:^§JC>.^|5:, Tokyo, 1915. 3. Ibid.t p. 42 flf. 90 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODEI^ SHINTO. Hiroike thus explains the official position to mean that the shrines are cult centers where reverence and gratitude toward ihe great leaders of Japanese history are expressed and stimulat- ed. They are not properly places where private supplication is offered to the spiritual world.^ He admits that there are certain ceremonials conducted at the shrines which because of their historical origins may, from a certain standpoint, be interpreted as having mingled in them the meaning of prayer, and also grants that individuals may approach the shrines impelled by the idea of supplicating spiritual powers for various temporal benefits. " The mere matter of prayer for the future, however, and, again, the practice of distributing charms have no relation whatever with so-called religion from the standpoint of national law."^ At the same time Hiroike admits that if one regards the matter from an academic or idea- listic position, or perhaps from a sociological point of view, there is no objection to saying that the activities of the official shrines are based on religious notions and that the rituals bear a religious meaning. Yet, on the other hand, whatever be the nature of the supplications with which the individual approaches the shrine, there is no reason why, from the standpoint of law, the shrines should be regarded as religious institutions. National law has never interfered with the belief of the people in ordinary cases. The implication which the author here makes is, that for the state to attempt a reformation in individual beliefs and practices connected with the shrines would be tantamount to an abridg- ment of the religious freedom guaranteed under the Japanese Constitution. Furthermore, he argues, in case either individuals or groups of individuals make entreaties at the shrines for such particular benefits as good crops or large hauls of fish, there is nothing in conflict with national law if priests in charge conform to the meaning of such prayers and, by making use of proper ritual, 1. Ibid.^ pp. 47-8. 2. Ibid., p. 50. 92 THE POLITICAL 'PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. From the standpoint of national morality it would be necessary to pronounce him a person with serious defects of character.'" A modem Christian apologist, Tanaka Tatsu, has attempted an exposition of Shinto from this same standpoint.^ The prin- ciple undedying his harmonization may be formulated thus : The conception of deity in true religion and the idea of kami as found in pure Shinto are of such radically diverse natures as to render any conflict between Shinto and real religion impossible. Tanaka attempts, in the first place, to establish the proposi- tion, '' The Way of the Gods {SJiindo) is equivalent to the Way of Men " {Jindo), This statement, although resembling that advanced by various modern students of religion, to the effect that there is nothing in the god-world that is not first in the man-world, is nevertheless, from the standpoint of our Japanese author, different, since he recognizes the existence of religious values not included in Shinto, as he understands it. Tanaka thus develops the further proposition that in pure Shinto the so-called deities are nothing more than human beings. In other words tl^e essential nature of Shinto is to be found in a system of human ethics, centered in the Japanese state.^ In support of his position, Tanaka makes no attempt to sift the ancient Japanese literature bearing on his discussion, nor is he willing to admit that the actual religious life of the Japanese people, as expressed in the various Shinto sects of the present, affords any criterion for the determination of the true nature of Shinto. On the other hand, he settles the matter by an appeal to the authority of certain recognized Japanese scholars, namely Kada Azumamaro, Arai Hakuseki, Kamo Mabuchi, Motoori Norinaga, Watarae Nobuyoshi, Tanaka Yoshito, and Inonye Tetsujiro. By a proper selection of this scholastic evidence Tanaka is enabled to conclude that both ancient and modern 1. Ibid., p. 54. 2. Tanaka, Tatsu, Shinto Kanken (igtHJ^, W^^fi* "A Birds-eye View of Shinto "), Tokyo, I915. 3. Op. cit., pp. 1-7. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 93 scholars are one in maintaining that the deities of Shinto are human beings. " It is here, I believe," says Tanaka, *' that the point of reconciliation between Shintd and Christianity is to be found, and for the following reason. In the case of both Shinto and Christianity we have come to employ the same term for deity, namely kami. Although the sound is identical in each case, as a matter of fact, there is a fundamental difference. Both Hirata and he Teijo have repeatedly complained that it has been the source of much confusion to have applied the Chinese ideogram for deity^ to the Japansse word kami. In the same way, I consider it regrettable that either the Chinese form or the Japan- ese term kami has been used to express the Christian conception of Jehovah."' It is important to take note of the ethical qualities which Tanaka emphasizes as fundamental in Shinto. Following in the lead of Tanaka Yoshito and Inouye Tetsujir5 he reduces Shinto ethics to the operation of three primary virtues, wisdom, benevo- lence and valor.^ These are regarded as having been particu- larly prominent in the Japanese race from most ancient times right down to the present. Through the influence of foreign cults, however, notably Confucianism, and Buddhism, this pure Shinto indigenous to Japan has been modified and corrupted. It is not dif^cult to see in this a reaffirmation of the arguments of the Shinto revivalists of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Tanaka concludes that if the syncretistic elements introduced through contact with foreign religions and also the impurities that have survived out of primitivity— both Japanese and foreign — could be eliminated from modern Shinto, then as a conse- quence popular Shinto with its supernaturalism and superstition 1. p. 2. Tanaka, Op. cit., p. 7. 3. ^, <::, M> Tanaka, Op. ciL, p. 80; Cf. Inouye, Tetsujiro, in Ton no Hikarif Vol. V, No. 7 ; Vol. 10, No. 8; also Koktimin Doloktt Gabon, p. 138. 94 TEE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. would probably die. This he believes would be greatly to the advantage of pure Shinto. What would be lett would be an expression of the Japanese spirit which would find the objects of ceremonial and devotion altogether within the human realm, that is, within the field of Japanese society. " I have no objection/' Tanaka adds, '' to defining Shinto as that spiritual activity which expresses itself in development with Japan as center [after Inouye Tetsujiro]. In this sense Shinto cannot be taken as a religion. If Shinto is not a religion, then the popular perplexity with regard to Shinto is solved and followers of other cults can be- lieve in their religions in peace. The main motive of the govern- ment in actually dividing Shinto into two parts and attaching one part to the Bureau of Shrines and the other to the Bureau of Religions is probably to be found here."^ That the interpretation which Tanaka makes is strongly influenced by Japanese nationalism and yet, at the same time, is religious in its fundamental interest, is apparent without further elaboration. Dr. Takagi Jintaro, who until his recent death was one of the leaders of the Christian movement in Japan, found oppor- tunity on the occasion of the dedication of the Meiji Shrine in the autumn of 1920 to write, " The relation of the Shinto shrines to religion is a matter in which even among scholars there is not unanimity of opinion. The government, however, has com- pletely separated the shrines from religion. The government, by maKing a distinction between Shrine Shinto {Jinja Shinto) and Religious Shinto {Sliukyo Shinto) has made it plain that the shrines are not religious institutions." Dr. Takagi calls attention to the shrine laws of 1900 and 1913 which put Christianity, Buddhism, and Shinto sects under the control of the Bureau of Religions in the Department of Education while placing the shrines in charge of the Bureau of Shrines in the Department of Home Affairs and on the basis of this legal distinction says. 57, Tanaka, Op, cit., pp. 81-2. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. g$ ** Thus it is that the shrines are altogether outside of religion. To be sure, it cannot be said that at present there is a complete elimination of religious elements in the shrines. Such practices as the distribution of charms and the making of vows to the gods still exist. On the part of multitudes of people the shrines are worshipped as the objects of religious faith. This gives basis to the arguments that the shrines are religious. But In as much as the government classifies them as not religious and is laboring to separate them from religion, there is no necessity that we should insist that they are religious. We also should put forth efforts to separate the shrines as far as possible from all religious elements." The majority of the shrines, according to Dr. Takagi's view, are dedicated to ancestral ^ami, that is, to emperors, national heroes, and those who have won merit in the service of the state. '* The shrine s have their orig in in the idea of reverence for ancestors and are not expressive of th e religious sgititr" This interpretation agrees with that of Tanaka Tatsu in the view that the great kaini of Shinto are men. On the other hand, the God of Christianity is the Great Spirit of Life who created the worlds and who providentially directs human history. He cannot be made the property of a single race or nation. If the kami commemorated at the shrines were of such a nature as to entitle them to occupy the position of the God of Christianity, then Christians would of course be unable to worship them, but this is not the case. Since the kami of the shrines are the ancestors of the Imperial Family and the spirits of Japanese heroes, their nature differs altogether from that of the God of Christianity. Dr. Takagi concludes : " Thus it is that our feel- ing in venerating these (the ancestral kami) and our feeling in case of worshiping the One God are inherently different. For this reason shrine reverence is not a thing tliat cannot be harmonized with Christian faith." The same writer speaks of the newly dedicated Meiji shrine as a kinen dittsu, " a memorial institution." He compares the shrines with the commemorative statues and buildings of Europe g6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHT OF MODERN SHINTO. and America. The real meaning of the shrines is not essentially different from that of Westminster Abbey and the Pantheon. ** To be sure," he says, " the shrines of our country differ in form from these ;nemorial institutions, but in inner meaning they are similarly related to commemoration and gratitude."* Edma Danjo and Kozaki Hiromichi may be taken as further representatives of this same Christian-Shintd school. Dr. Ebina has long advoca*^ed that the Christian forces of Japan should build on the official determination that the national shrines are merely for the promotion of national morality and in no sense religious. He significantly says, " Unless we Christians hold fast to that distinction we are bound to have trouble."^ This same writer finds it regrettable, however, that there still lingers about the shrines the odor of an old religion and fears the results of possible compromise with lingering religious ideas and practices. Dr. Kozaki likewise finds any difficulties between Chris- tianity and official Shinto precluded by the government declara- tion of 1882 making the shrines of no connection with religious Shinto. '' The shrines," he says, ^^ are institutions where those who have won merit in the service of the state are commemorat- ed and they are altogether without relation to religion."^ He declares that they are '^ klnen-Jii no gotoki inono,'^ objects com- parable with monuments."'* It would seem fair to state that these Christian writers are either consciously or unconsciously interpreting the situation in such a way as to gain standing room for Christianity. In secur- ing this form of Christian-Shinto apologetic the government 1. Takagi, Jintaro, Jwja to Shukyo ni tsuitc (^;4^ii:HK, M%, h ^DC- 5>ji;r', " Concerning Shrines and Religion " , Kyokai Jiho (" The Christian Times," • Methodist), Nov. 12, 1920, No. 1524, 2. Ebina, Danjo, " Stumbling Blocks in the Way of Japanese Inquirers and How to Remove Them," Jafan Evangelist, Feb.j 1915, (entire article, pp. 78-81), p. 80. 3. Kozoki, Hiromichi, Kokka io Skukyo (/J>il|'j[Aii» W^ b ^"^^ " I^eli- gion and the Nation "), Tokyo, 1913, p. 83. 4. Op. cit, p. 265. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. g*J policy has attained some success, at least as far as certain indivi- duals are concerned/ Thg^ shrines here function as the means of ** centtal izjng the-tho ught-€>f-tbe pe o pled/, and at the sanie trme religious satisfactions are secured elsewhere. It is very much to be doubted, however, if the solution is thus easy, trusting as it does in the finality of legal definition and resting on the assump- tions that the great deities of official Shinto are merely historical ancestors and that the Japanese idea of kami is fundamentally different from ordinary supernaturalism. Private opinion in the Christian church is far from agreeing unanimously with the solu- tions offered by such men as Tanaka, Takagi and Kozaki. The resolutions of Christian groups as such have already been stated. The Christian-Shinto solution is willing to go even farther than the government in advocating a radical reformation in ** reverence for the shrines," whereby they may be made an even stronger support for Japanese national morality. The pro- gram advocated involves two primary measures. I. The interpretation that official Shinto is not a religion is, likewise, being given wide -spread circulation outside of Japan. For example, De Forest, writing in 1905, says " Japan now has no state religion." Government subsi'dy is given the shrines, " not because of their religious character, but because they are historic monuments worthy of being maintained as silent teachers of the past." (De Forest, Religions of Mission Fields,-^. \\). Alfred Stead is of the opinion tha^ the completeness with which Japan has succeeded in separating church and state constitutes a model for the western world. He says, " Not only is there no State Church, but from the national standpoint there is an absolute equality where the various religions are concerned To sum up, then, the Western World may learn from Japan the dangers of a State Church, the elimination of politics from religion, tolerance, and a desire to seek out and help on the best in all creeds." (See T. J. S. L., Vol. VII, 1905-6, Ft. II, p. 194). 'Y\vt Japan Gazette year-book says, " It is noteworthy that in Japan religion, except in general practice, has no connection with politics." {The ^ Japan Gazette^ Japan VearBooky 19I3-14, p. 285). Mr. N. Kato, writing for the Japan Society of London, re- marks, " As to the religious teaching in the school, I do not know how the Gov- ernment could see the way through to its introduction, as there is no State Religion in Japan." (T. J. S. L., Vol. XVI, I917-18, p. 142). Hamilton Wright Mabie wrote in I914, " Shinto is no longer a religion ; it is a profound national sentiment. It never was a religion properly speaking ; but nature worship was combined with it to satisfy the cravings of primitive worshipers." {Japan To-day and To-morrow, 9^ THE rOLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. In the first place, it urges the eradication of certain incon- gruous institutions at present connected with " reverence for the shrines/' e.g. prostitute quarters in the environs of the shrines, as at Ise, Kasama, Tsukuba and elsewhere, also circuses, theatricals and moving picture shows established on shrine grounds at the time of important festivals. The second part of the program is more serious. It urges a government educational policy so completely carried out as to separate absolutely the shrines from all religion. Children in the public schools rather than being taken to visit the shrines, should be frankly taught that the *^ gods " of the shrines are mere men and not the proper objects of religious worship. Such a vigorous educational policy would necessitate the abandonment of all superstitions at present connected with the shrines, as for example, the beliefs that a deity or a group of deities actually inhabit the shrines, that deities can be moved about from shrine to shrine, or that sacrifice and ritual are efficacious in establishing favorable relations with the kami} Wq may turn next to the consideration of the nationalistic- religious interpretation of Shinto, in which modern Shintoists are deliberately attempting to appraise the shrines as religious in- stitutions. p. 27). Mr. K. Watanabe, speaking before the Second International Congress of the History of Religions said of Shinto, " Seine moralischen Vorschriften uben noch einen tiefen Einflus auf das sittliche Leben aus. Allein er ist keine Religion mehr, sondern nur noch ein Zeremoniell bei festlichen nationalen Anlassen Diese Tempel sind bloss Verehrungsdenkmaler fiir die bedeutenden Manner, die Japan grosse Dienste geleistet haben. Die Priester sind nur Verwaltungsbeamte dieser Tempel." ( Actes du Deuxieme Congt-es Inter- national (THistoire des Religions, Bale, 1904, pp. 103-4). See also Brinkley, Japan, Described and Illustrated by the Japanese, Vol. II, p. 203 ; Griffis, W. E., 7 he Mikado, Institution aiid Person, p. 33. I." " See J. E., 1914 (Aug.), pp. 341 ff. ; Shinjin, July, 1914. A THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 99 CHAPTER IV. Japanese Interpretations of Shinto: The Religious Definition. The most elaborate attempts that have yet been made by any modern Japanese writers to set forth Shinto as a religion are undoubtedly those recently undertaken by Dr. Kakehi Katsu- hiko^ of the Law Department of the Imperial University of Tokyo and independently by Dr. Kato Genchi,^ lecturer on religion in the same institution and professor in the Military College of Tokyo. In the treatment, accorded the subject by Dr. Kakehi an effort ^,nmdeJ:cL.expand Shinto into a great, all-inctusive world- rpligjnn^ f>mKrar}ppr \yif:Viin its elf Buddhism, Confuciauism, J be thirteea^Sbiato^-se ctO) ChriGtianity, Taoicm, - ^aad-MobatTimedaiiT. jgm» ^« ,Sb'"<' ^j'' g?yg T^T ^ ^^hs " j g the faith at the basis of all religions." " It is _the religio n^ of religion s."^ A perusal of Kakehi's discussion soon reveals the fact, however, that deeply interested as he apparently is in religion, he is still more interested in politics. The world-wide expansion of Shintd which he contemplates is not the application of a generous religious syncretism ; it involves, on the other hand, at its very center, an extension of the Japanese political system in which special importance is attached to the inculcation of respect for the jure divino claims of Japanese sovereignty to- 1. Kakehi, Katsuhiko, Koshindo Taigi i%'^J^, "^WM'k^y " The Essen- tials of Old Shinto "), Tokyo, 1912 ; Zoht Koshindd Taigi (WLtiW^%^y " The Essentials of Old Shinto, Coutiiiuod"), 2 Vols., Tokyo, 1914, 1915. 2. Kato, Genchi, Waga Kokutai to Shintd, (ftU^lSi?, Uet3^'^i|i;Wii' "Our National Organization and Shinto "), Tokyo, 1919. 3. Zoku Koshindd Taigi, Vol. IT, p. 836. 4. Ibid 5. Ibid ICXD THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. gether with reverence for the imperial line as descended from the gods. Claims so extraordinary, coming as they do from such a source, require further definition. In Kakehi's theology, the basis of all life is the Uchu no Dai Seimei, " The Great Life of the Universe." " The deep and mighty consciousness existing within us is god (kamiy^ " God is the unchanging foundation (of all things). If we accept his existence, we can explain the universe ; if we deny it we can explain nothing.'"^ Thus, the idea of God is found necessary to a rational explanation of the world ; yet God is to be known and met with not simply through the operation of intelligence but also through human emotional and volitional experiences. This divine force is omnipresent, dwelling in all people and things and expressing itself in human life and activity.^ All this is ordinary enough as far as the theology is con- cerned. Kakehi here stands on ground well worn by the feet of other men. This is, however, but the beginning. Kakehi's interest lies in the direction of equating this monistic theology with the contents of a portion of the most ancient Japanese mythology, thereby making possible the transition from the modern situation to old Shinto. This transition is accomplished by declaring that the first deity mentioned in the Koji/d, namely, Ame-no-ini-7iaka-mishi-no-kami (" The Deity August Lord of the Center of Heaven ") is identical with the Great Life of the Universe."* Thus, at the very beginning of Japanese history, the great spirit which Kakehi makes central in his modern world view was known, named and worshipped by the Japanese people. Kakehi forthwith proceeds to take up the discussion of the system of the kami {kami-gami no keito), that is, their relation- ships and functions, and develops more specifically the nature 1. ]bid.. Vol. I, p. 470. 2. 7/^/\). 469-472. 4. Jbid., pp. 474 ff. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. lOI of Ai)ie-no-ini-naka-nushl-no-kaim} We may note the main points. r. T hjs deity exists both in and above the p p^piriral uni- verse^ He is both immanent and transcendent. He surrounds the visible world and partakes of its nature just as an outer> enveloping circle or sphere includes but transcends a smaller concentric one.'' Thus dwelling above the phenomenal universe of human experience, he is yet a most intimate and inseparable part thereof. He possesses the attributes of ddji-dosho^ " same- time-same-place," yet, although existing in all times and in all places, he is nevertheless superior to temporal and spatial limitations. • 2. The designation, naka ('' center " or *' middle'") in the title of this deity, is not to be taken as indicating localization in a central place in heaven (Ama), thought of as part of the existing universe. Centrality is referable to him not in a physical spatial sense, but in the sense that all depends on him.^ 3. He is both sosetsu and hisosetsu^ that is, with reference to the phenomenal world, he is both creator and the thing created. In the work of creation he exhibits both an active and a passive function. '* Life," says the author, " is not simply a force that creates, but is likewise something that is created."' From this standpoint Kakehi criticises the traditional Christian idea of God as incomplete, since God is therein presented merely as creator and not as also created object. 4. He is fushd-fiiJiielsH'fiizd-fuhen,^ " without beginning, without end, without increase, without decrease." He is the unaltering basis and background of flux in the phenomenal I. Ibid. 2. Ibid., pp. 476-8. 3- After Hegel. 4- 1^1 B$ Ud'v Cf. Zoku Koshindb Taigi, Vol. I, p. 480. 5' Ibid., pp. 479-80. 6. WimMmm- c/. ^/. av., p. 483. 7- Ibid. 8. ^&,^mK-^^'^- cf.op.cit. ?.: '■ 102 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. world, transcending all change. Kakehi admits that at this point his terminology is borrowed from Buddhism. One can press his indebtedness even farther. He borrows from l^uddhism not only his words but his ideas also. This general philosophical background is thoroughly essen- tial to Kakehi's entire politico-religious construction. In other words, the idea of a static absolute is vital to his system in order that he may secure an absolute guarantee for the finality of certain institutions of state in which he is interested. It is altogether appropriate and expected, then, that the closing words of his entire lengthy discussion should be an appendix th^ chief burden of which is the fixed nature of ultimate reality, " Reality .is a static thing i^fudo) that expresses itself by means of motion ; and, again, it is dynamic force expressing a static reality."^ This Absolute has its unique and full revelation in the Japanese race. The expression of the Great Life of the Universe found in early Japanese history is ancient Shinto. That is to say, early Shintd involved a conception of the existence of a great, all-inclusive spirit, manifested in the life of each individual human being. What is found in the old religion, we are told, *' is not a philosophy, is not a theory ; it is the spirit itself ; nay, it is the Great Life itself."^ This gives Kakehi a basis for declar- ing that Shinto is so great, so comprehensive as to include all religions. Buddha, Confucius, Lao Tse, and Jesus Christ were all missionaries of Shinto.® In such a way as this, although Christianity is regarded as imperfect, it is not opposed as antago- nistic to the Japanese national constitution (kokutai). Christian missionaries and " people at large " are accused of holding the opinion that such antagonism exists, but Kakehi declares that it is an idea that cannot persist. On the other hand, he says, *' It is by all means necessary to appreciate the essence of the 1. Op. cit.y Vol. II, Appendix, following p. Ili8. 2. Ibid.y Vol. I, p. 463. 3. iJtrf;, pp. 464.5. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. IO3 spirit of Jesus, himself, and to save and develop this by means of the Great Spirit of Shinto."' Kakehi finds support for his claims concerning the com- prehensiveness of Shinto in the fact that it constituted the foundation of the entire cultural life of ancient times.^ In the functioning of old Shinto, political and religious spheres were not distinguished. The Great Spirit of Shinto embraced and con- trolled all human activities. " This/' we are told, " constitutes the uniqueness and nobility of the Japanese national consti- tution."^ The fallacy in Kakehi's position at this particular point is immediately evident to any one at all familiar with the outlines of primitive religion. Thai which ^^^^^ selects as a unique factor is in real ity the very point at which ancient Shinto clearly indicates the extent to which it is to b e equated, in general type, with pri mitive religion everywh ere. That which here is the " nobility " of earliest Japanese culture, is likewise " nobility " in other fields. nt^^J2^Jhp^^;^t<^t,^t^(^h^Q mr^rkg of primitivitv is undifferentia tion in the ^_£oliti^^l ^"d rf>1igir>n<; li fe of the g roup. All activities, law, ethics, politics and religion were mingled in a general mass and a religious interest penetrated all/ Criticism of Dr. Kakehi's identification of Uchu-no-Dai- Seimei and Aine-no-jnl-naka-nushi-no-kaml can best be conducted by an examination of the source material on which the conclu- sions are supposed to rest. This material is to be found at the very beginning of the mythological section of the Kojiki. The portion of the text under consideration, as translated by Cham- berlain, reads : ** The names of the deities that were born in the Plain of High Heaven when the Heaven and Earth began were the 1. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 553. 2. Jbid , Vol. I, pp. 466-9. 3. Ibui., p. 467. 4. Cf. Irving King, The Development cf Religion (New York, 1910), pp. 89-91. / IU4 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV OF MODERM SHINTO. Deity Master-of-the-August-Center-of-Heaven, next the High- August-Prod ucing-Wondrous-Deity, next the Divine-Producing- Wondro US-Deity. These three deities were all deities born alone, and hid their persons."^ All this is remarkable enough. Others besides Kakehi have found in it occasion for maintaining that traces of primitive monotheism, expressed in a trinitarian formula, can be discerned in the most ancient Japanese records.^ At first glance the old mythology may appear to confirm the contention of Kakehi. But when we remember that the passage given above is all that the Kojiki has to say about Ame-no-mi-naka-nushi-no-kamii we perceive immediately how frail is the foundation upon which he has constructed his theology. While it is true that both the second and the third deities of this triad reappear later in the mythology, the very one selected by him for his great equation, after this bare mention, vanishes completely from the Kojiki, The Nihongiy except for one variant, omits this deity altoge- ther. Not only so, but the Rituals give no indication whatever of this deity having occupied even a humble place in the cere- monial of old Japan. While it is true that modern popular usage has given this god a place among the deities of the shrines,^ yet we must conclude that the exaggerated importance eissigned him by Dr. Kakehi rests on a subjective and unhistori- cal use ot the sources. Idealistic monism, centering in Ame-nc- 1. Cf. C, p. 15. The Japanese titles of these deities, given in the order of the text, are Ame-no-tni-naka-niishi-no-kami, Taka-mi-ffncsu7n-no-kar?ii and Kami- vntsubi-no- kam i. 2. Cf. Kaidy Genchi, " Ame-no-minaka-nushi-no-katni^^ T, A. S. J., Vol. XXXVI, Ft. I, pp. 141-162. Kalo attempts to show that the study of this deity, in the light of the modern science of religion, reveals (races of primitive mono- theism. The extent to which he makes use of the argument from silence, as well as the argument that the study of comparative religion favors his hypothesis, necessitates the acceptance of his conclusions only with radical qualifications. 3. Cf. OJima, Saneharu, 7eiiei sezam Jinja Ron (M,^l^?6» fiS^l&ti^'-S fi'l'fli: iin!) " Unconvincing Arguments Regarding Slirines "), Shinjin, Vol. 17, 1916 (May), pp. 77-78. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. IO5' ]jii-naka-iiusJii-no-kamiy is not in the original record. Kakehi gets it from modern philosophy, not from the KojiJd. In his scheme Kakehi thoroughly provides, however, for tlie worship at local shrines of this " Great Life of the Universe," thus included in the ancient Shinto pantheon. This he accom- plishes by arbitrarily introducing into the Original trinity the great sun-goddess, Ama-tcrasud-mi-kami} The two " produc- ing " deities, Taka-ini-iimsubi-no-kaini and Kanii-musubi-no-kaini are declared to be but one in essence — a two-fold expres- sion of but one *' producing god," musubi-no-kauii?' Then we are told that Ama-terasu-chmi-kaim is identical with Mi-musubi- no-kaini!' The trinity is now complete. What we may term the first person thereof is Aine-no-mi-naka-nuslii-no-kaiiiiy which, in Kakehi's scheme, means simply another name for the Great Life of the Universe, Uchu-no~Dai-Sciinei. The second person is Mi-musubi-no-kami, a title that is used *' when we consider deity from the standpoint of competency to function in activity.'* The third person is Aiua-terasn-o-mi-kami^ *' The Heaven-Shin- ing-Great-August-Deity." This last named ka/;u, Kakehi de- clares, is the visible historical incarnation of the second. Thus by virtue of the equation inside the trinity, that exists between Ame- no-mi-naka-nusld-no-kami and Mi-musubi-no-kamiy the cult activi- ties that center in the sun-goddess, ** Ama-terasu-d-mi-kann, are carried over to the invisible Great Spirit of the Universe. ^' If one wishes to worship Amc-no-ini-nakanushi-no-kami one must worship Aina-terasn-d-mi-kauii, and by worshipping the latter we worship the former."^ Kakehi even inserts in this connec- tion a parenlhetical reference to a tradition that formerly there existed a belief that Ame-no-mi-naka-misJii-no-kaml was enshrined in the great Gegu, or Outer Shrine at Ise. This is mere 1. 7.okti Koshindb Taigi, Vol. I, pp. 489 fF. 2. Jbid., pp. 487-8. 3 Ibid,, p. 489. 4 J bid., p 487. 5. Ibid f p. 490. I06 THE POUTICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. supposition. The central deity of the ceremonial and belief at Gegu is Toyo-uke-bime-no-kami, the ancient Japanese food goddess.* It is to be granted that Japanese mythology in places closely relates the activities of Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami and Taka- im-musiili-no-kamu It is impossible to do justice to the ancient records, however, and fail to see that these two kami, although frequently represented as acting in concert are not philosophized and presented as though one were the incarnation of the other. One does not dwell as an unseen deity " above " and the other down below as the earthly embodiment thereof. Both live in Takama-ga-Hara (" Heaven ") and, although functioning as partners in various activities, they are no more closely related than certain other deities in the extensive Japanese pantheon, e.g. Izanagi and Izanami. The best corrective to be applied to Kakehi's reasoning here, is the simple statement of the Kojikl that Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami was born from the left eye of Izanagi^ " The-Male-Who-Invites," as he purified himself in a river on the island of Tsukushi.^ This is undoubtedly the original mythology. J Dr. Kakehi's entire theological construction leads up to an interpretation of the person of the Japanese Emperor.** The Emperors of Japan, reaching in one long, unbroken line back to the very beginning of life as expressed in the Japanese race* constitute the temporal extension of Ama-terasu-b-mi-kami, This deity was the great ancestress of the Japanese sovereigns. She willed to send her grandson, Ninigi-no-mikoto, into the ** Central Land of Reed Plains " [Japan] to dwell therein and rule over it."* In such a way imperial rights of dominion over the Japanese islands rest on the unalterable command of deity. Behind the sovereign rights of the Japanese imperial line, lies an 1. Cf. T. A. S J., Vol. II, pp 99-121. 2. C, p. 42. 3. Z.oku Koshindo Taig\ Vol. I, pp. 499-501, Vol. II, pp 1 1 12 ff. 4. C/". C, pp. 106-111. THE I'OLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. IO7 explicit revelation of the will of the Absolute made through the command q>{ Auia-terasu-o-jui-kajni, All the Japanese Emperors, from Jimmu Tenno right down to the reigning sovereign main- tain an actual flesh and blood connection with this great deity. They continue her attributes ; they express the original intent of god. The Emperor is thus connected in an unbroken genealogical line not with Aina-terasud-mi-kanii, merely, but with the Great Life of the Universe, itself.^ The Emperor of Japan thus becomes the personal continua- y tion in time of conceptions an d instituti6na th at were bei^ygtt in h^^i&a {Takaj?ia-ga-Hara).^ Kakehi says, "His person [the Emperor's] constitutes the central point at which these things are realized here below. T herefore, the Em[)eror i s go^ r^y^al- edjixxnaft^ JieJsJdaoik^lLDjdty {Aki-tsu-mi-kamif . . . . Above all things else, we mubt so serve as to increase the divine radi ance of_ fhe^^&Tpergou- l^ver worsh'pping His excessive light, we must determine to extend and exalt the divine essence which we, ourselves, possess. This is not merely a hope, but already in the present we are realizing it in spite of all difficulties."' Again he says, " T he Emperors of our coun try are persons pr[vnjij;ie d w i th qnnlihVn without p a rallel in the wo rld ; they^ are both the centers of (religioug) faith and of temporal power . ' '* The following also should be noted. "All the fine relations existing between the Emperor, who is Manifest Deity, and the beneficent personages of heaven, all the mutual relations of men from morality, politics, and law, to manners and customs — whatever they may be, great or small — all are manifestations of the life of deity. But these things have no existence if separated from an effort which causes the light of the Emperor to shine Zo^u Koshindo Taigi, Vol. pp. 489 ff. Ibid., Vol, II, p. 1 1 14. Zoku Koshindo Taigi, Vol. II, pp. 1 1 14-1 1 15. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 500. I08 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. more and more and which while revering that august light, constantly glorifies it."* Finally — " The center of this phenomenal world is the Mikado's Land'' [^Mi-kimi, i.e. Japan]. From this center we raust-expaad this-GTeat-Sprrit thro ughontthe world. "^ Kakehi declares with enthusiasm, '' There are voices which cry, * Great Japan is the Land of t he Go ds.' Nor is this to be wondered at. It is a true statement of fact. It is a matter of course. The expansion of Great Japan throughout the world and the elevation of the entire world into the Land of the Gods is the urgent business of the present and, again, it is our eternal and unchang- ing object."* The method of this expansion Kakehi does not altogether make plain. His emphasis on the fundamental importance of faith and a disposition of sincerity would lead one to expect that the extension throughout the world is to be accomplished by the joint appeal of high ideals and consistent thinking. In this connection Professor Kakehi has attempted to forecast the future of Shinto by measuring 4t alongside of the characteristics that must be possessed by the true religion of the future.'^ He says that the religion of the future must be purged ot all superstitions and useless forms. It must be of such a nature as to furnish the foundation of all social life. It must possess elasticity, that is to say, the essential matters in both ceremony and doctrine must be presented in such forms as to be readily intelligible to all men everywhere and yet there must be such profundity and bound- lessness as to introduce harmony and peace into the confusion of human thought and practice. Similarly, it must be of such comprehensiveness as to make room for all the important faiths of man. Kakehi's idea of Shinto as constituting an original Japanese I. Ibid f Vol. II, Appendix, following p. 1118. 2. mm 3. Zokti Koshindo Taigi, Vol. II, p. 1 1 14. 4. Koshindo Taigi, p. 237. 5. Zoku JCoshindo Taigi, Vol. II, pp. 845-853. THE lOLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. IO9 expression of idealistic monism makes it possible for him to declare that Shinto meets these conditions of a world religion for the future. Kakehi admits that popular Shinto needs to get rid of certain nonessential superstitions and useless forms, but this process of expurgation does n**t involve essentials. He feels that the capacity of Shinto to become the foundation of all social life is evidenced by the directive function which it exercised in the total life of old Japan. Its elasticity and comprehensiveness are witnessed by the fact that the great religious teachers of the world have simply expressed the essentials of Shinto, as also by the fact that in actual Japanese history the fate of Confucianism and Buddhism has been that they have been gradually transfused by the Japanese spirit, Shintoized, as it were. The same thing must be expected regarding the future of Christianity in Japan. Kakehi feels that Japan furnishes the center from which the development of the religion of the future must work itself out under the formative influence of Shintd, for here in Japan all the great religions of the world are meeting as nowhere else on earth and are inevitably tending toward some sort of mutual adjustment. Kakehi's observations present material worthy of most serious reflection. Yet if this were all that is involved in his teaching, the future of his system, in spite of its Japanese complexion, would simply be that of idealistic monism. But, like Hegel, Kakehi writes with one eye on the Absolute and the other on the imperial institutions of the Fatherland. The extent to which Kakehi goes in merging his religious program with the Japanese political system, jiiakes the future of Shinto identical, not with that of idealism, but with Japanese imperialism. Nationalism is here built into a religious cult that seeks to find its sanctions in the unalterable nature of the Absolute. Further, the feeling of obligation to extend the system throughout the world takes on the form of an intense religious fervor. The extension of such a system among intelligent men can only be accomplished by the establishing of external control over human thought and action. This necessarily involves the use of the military arm of no THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. government. That Kakehi's politico-religious structure rests to no small extent on a military basis is to be seen in his theory of the relation of soldiers and Emperor. In a word, the former is a function of the latter. " Military men discharge their functions through the power of the Emperor .... and in truth, are an extension of the existence of the Emperor."^ In view of Kakehi's theory of sovereignty this seems to be open to but one interpretation, namely, that what the military arm of the govern- ment does under imperial control has back of it the sanction of an absolute divine initiative. Throughout his discussion Kakehi's object seems to be twofold : ( I ). To strengthen the Japanese national spirit by supplying I a religious foundation for a confidence of superiority as a chosen people. (2). To utilize the popular belief in Shint5 as the basis of a political apology for Tcnno Shiiken Setsu (" Theory of Imperial Sovereignty ") with a world-wide application. By interpreting the Japanese Imperial power as the temporal extension of the Absolute, the former is invested with aspects of inviolability and eternity that guarantee unchanging perpetuity in human history. Dr. Kato's presentation of the philosophical or theo- logical basis of the Japanese state, while less elaborate than that of Dr. Kakehi, is on the other hand, much more systematic and objective.'^ The effort is made to support the discussion with a wealth of citations from Japanese sources together with abundant references to contemporary literature. On the whole the treatment may be taken sis the most authorita- tive exposition of the religious nature of modern official Shinto that has yet appeared. The author attempts to build up his 1. Ibhi.y Vol. I, p. 670; cf. also ibid.^ pp. 670-674. 2. A valuable study of Dr. Kato's exposition of modern Shinto will be found in Pieters, Albertus, " Emperor Worship in Japan," International Review of Missions, 1920 (July), pp. 340-356. Reprinted in the Japan Advertiser^ Apr. 14, 15, 16, 1921. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Ill thesis in a progressive, orderly fashion with the use of the materials furnished by the study of Comparative Religion. His important points are summarized below. / Ja p^anese nati onal life (kokntai) has developed mainly under th^^^fl'^^"^^ *^^ a theory and practice which regards theEmperor as a Divi ne Bein g, ihis conception is indeed the foundation of Japanese national organization. / Japanese historical documents consistently classify the Emperor as divine. " The position occupied by Ter^ and Jotei^ among the Chinese or by Jehovah among the Jews has been held in Japan from ancient times by the Emperor.'" • " From ancient times the Emperor has been called by such / titles as Aki tsu kami* (Manifest Deity), Ara hito kami^ j/ (Incarnate Deity), and ^r<^ ;«//^^/;//^ (Incarnate Deity.)'" Thi^ j attribution to the Emperor of a position of association on equal j terms with deity is likewise indicated by such titles as Shison^ \ Shujo^ and Kami go ichi niri^^ as applied to the Emperor, all of which, according to Dr. Kat5's exposition, may be taken as | essentially the same as the titles ''Most High" and "Lord" | applied- to Jehovah." ^ The strength of this idea is seen in its effect on the develop- j ment of Buddhism. *' A world religion such as Buddhism, when it has once entered Japan, under the influence of our national life, becomes a Japanese Buddhism with its center in the Imperial House."^^ I. ■^' 2. ±^. 3- Kato, Waga Kokutai to Shinto, p. 4. Cf. also ibid.. pp. I3> 28 29» 66. 4. mnm- 5- ^^Km- 6. im%^' 7- M-^aga Koktitni to Shinto, p. 4. 8. 31Jt- 9- ±h- 10 JLf3ip-A- II Waga Kokutai to Shinto, p. 6. 12. Ididf p. 12. ^ 112 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. J This unique divine position of the Japanese Emperor is further seen, for example, in the difference that exists between foreign coronation ceremonies and the ceremonies accompanying the accession to the throne of a Japanese Emperor. Whereas in the former case the king receives his crown from a priest who is the representative of God, in the latter the Japanese Emperor is his own representative, announcing his own succession directly to the spirits of the Imperial Ancestors with whom he appears as an equal.^ Again, '' Whereas in .^lliordgOjCO^ ruler salutes the flag, in the case of Japan the flag^_salutes the Empero.r.n^"""'"''*^ ' ""^ " "^ Added to this belief in the divinity of the Emperor, the author points out another important factor in the elements of /Japanese national life, i.e. the position of the Emp exai; as the V I r acial head of his people. The Emperor is head not merely in ^ the sense of ruler or leader, he is buch by actual blood connec- tion.* By virtue, then, of this institution of a single line of Divine Emperors unchanging from time immemorial, wherein the Japanese nation finds its racial head, there is imparted to the Japanese nat ional constitution a unique _^<-^bility in thp r\iHc;t of all the c hanges of history and at the same time a p eerless character a mong the^p oj'^'i^ al f^nH mrmi^ - gy^ l PMHi r^f ih^ wnrlH,^ Kato next takes up the matter of lo^^al|x— cega«ied as r eligiousJ aJ.thi^ ^ The Japanese attitude of consciousness directed toward the Divine Emperor is expressed in the term chuko^ " loyalty." Is it religious or is it not ? Dr. Kato's discussion results in an equation of loyalty with religious faith. The latter is defined as that altitude of consciousness which is found in 1. Ibid.y pp. 24-25. 2. Ib'ui.^ p. 25. 3 The basis of this assertion may hz seen in the claim made by Japanese historians that out of abf)ut 6300 Japanese cognomens some 4900 can be (raced back to connections with the Imperial Line, Cf. Yaviagata, Aritcmio, " ICmpcror Meiji," T/ie far East, Vol. 20, No. 4, Nov. 13, I920, p. 103. 4. Waga Kokutai to Shinto^ pp. 28-64. 5. Ibid., pp. 66-90. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. II 3 absolute trust {zettai teki shinrai)} Evidence is adduced to show that loyalty to the Emperor on the part of Japanese subjects is of such intensity as to warrant identification with this absolute self surrender. " The attitude of consciousness existing in our loyalty and that found in religious faith are identical."^ In view of the nature of the object of this devotion it follows that the central institution of the Japanese state as found in the Divine Imperial Line is suppoited by an intense religious feeling. This is the center of Shinto. " ^hinto is not simply ethic al consciou sness as related to se cular affairs ; its fundamental princi ple subjectively stated, is that it maintains in loyalty an attitud e of consciousness which rivals that ot rel igious taith. This is Tenno kyo^ (Mikadoism), the characteristic product o^/ .^ our national spirit, which worships the Emperor as divine. For this reason Shinto is in truth nothing other than a national religion.'"* It is a religion of loyalty. The discussion now logically turns to the detailed considera- tion of the nature of Shintd thus defined as Emperor worship. As a preliminary to this discussion the author takes up the study of the nature of religion itself.^ " Rdigion," he says, "is a practic al mood of a man's mind toward the divine, " '^ which he further explains to mean that '' religion is a practical mea ns whereby ^^^ f^pt^rc m<-r> -^A^uX r^l^tJT' nship with some object or objects re fyarded a^ divinf^. Such objects of religious faith may be either naturalistic {shizen tekt) or ethical {rinri teki). In either case the religious object is regarded as higher than the man himself. The human, mental attitude toward the religious 1. Ibid., p. 72. 2. Ibid., p. 80. 3- 5^^ISl- The term is to be found in neither the Nikon Hakkwa Dai Jiten (Encyclopedia Japonica, Tokyo, 1908-19) nor the most extensive of the modern Japanese dictionaries, namely tlie Dai Nihon Kokugo Jiten by Uyeda and Matsui (Tokyo, 1915-19). 4. Waga Kokutai to Shintd, pp. 80-8 1. 5. Ibid., pp. 91-122. 6. Ibid., p. 120. 114 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. object may be termed faith or belief. This is a state of con- sciousness signifying either unconditional trust or, in its last phase, absolute freedom, and is not theoretically abstract but is practi- cally concrete."^ All religions divide into two great classes, (i) theocratic religion and (2) theanthropic religion. The former emphasizes the divine element and the separation of the human from the divine, the latter emphasizes the human element and the merging of the human with the divine. The former is deo-centric, the latter is homo-centric* Examples of the former are found in Christianity, Buddhism and Mohammedanism. Other religions, s including Shinto, are homo-centric, that is, gods and men possess identical attributes. " The Japanese conception of deity is to be completely identified with the theanthropic system. If finds deities among men and in nature. Men are kami ; nature is kauii {Hito wa sunawachl kami, shizen zva siinawachi ktimi tarn mono nari)y^ As for the meaning of kami, Dr. Kat5 declares that the term has the primary significance of such English words as " upper," '' above," " higher " or " superior."* \ Modern official Shintd is thus not merely a system of ethics divorced from religion ; its basis is religious. In this connection the author remarks : " To be sure, in our country, acts of loyalty toward the Emperor as the head ot our collective family system partake of a moral nature, so that it is hardly necessary to say that one aspect of loyalty permits of an ethical explana- tion. But in as much as the Emperor, who constitutes the object which imparts life to this loyalty considered as morality, is equipped conjointly with divine and human natures, it follows that that which from an external point of view is regarded as an ethical element, when considered in its deeper aspects, becomes 1. Ibid., p. 119. 2. Ibid., pp. 122-124. 3. Ibid., p. 133. 4. Ibid. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. II 5 transfused with the white heat of religious faith. Indeed, the loyalty of the Japanese has been so conspicuously transformed into faith and religion as to lead foreign scholars to go as far as to say that loyalty constitutes the religion of the Japanese people. As has already been explicitly set forth, the Emperor is Incar- nate Deity {Aki-tsu-kami) and occupies in Japanese faith the position which Jehovah occupied in Judaism. It has also been made clear that the spirit of loyalty which impels our goodly subjects, is nothing other than the heart of faith which controlled the chosen Hebrew people."^ ** Therefore, from the Japanese standpoint, that attitude of consciousness which stimulates loyalty to the Emperor, regarded as man, when he is regarded as Deity, immediately becomes filled with the content of an enthusiastic religious faith which offers body and spirit as a holy sacrifice. Wherefore, if one regards this merely from the standpoint of morality, it may be designated the unique patriotism of the Japanese. This is the secular aspect of Shinto. It must not be forgotten, however, that Shinto possesses fundamental aspects as well as external, that it is a national religion which worships the Emperor as divine."^ The author thus advances to a position from which he can pronounce on the essential nature of Shinto. ** The pith and e ssence of Shinto is the nnic]i i<^ pafrin1; ism of the Japanese togeth er with national moralit y, transfused with religious feeling . ''^^ Or again. ^^ t he life or essence of Shinto is the unique Tapanes e patriotism touched by the nati onalistic religious enthusiasm o f Japanese people From ancient times on this hai5 been called Yllmato Damashii^ the Soul of Japan. It may also appropriately be termed Mikadoism or the nationalistic adoration of the Emperor. The psychological attitude of the Japanese as directed toward the Emperor is neither mere respect nor simple 1. Ibid., pp. 219-220. 2. Ibid., pp. 221-222. 3. Ibid., p. 222. /: Il6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. obeisance ; it is reverence and adoration, that is to say, it is worship (suhai). This is the ultimate truth of Shintd. Shinto is not merely moral consciousness. It must never be forgotten that it includes the white heat of a fervent religious devotion, namely, Mikadoism, the nationalistic adoration of the Emperor.'" Dr. Kato's treatment in a word amounts to an exposition of the Japanese state as a theocracy in which a divine being manifested in human form exercises the prerogatives of ultimate control. Shinto is the cult of religious loyalty to the divine imperial line and the sacred Japanese institutions which it cen- tralizes. The author takes up the matter of the position of the official shrines in the thought world of Japan. Are the shrines merely cult centers where the moral sentiments of the Japanese people are crystalized ? Are they merely social and historical institu- tions vvhe re the great and virtuous of the past are honored and remembered ? Such a point of view is emphatically denied by Dr. Kat5. For, when we consider the historical origin of the shrines and their function in Japanese society, we find (to quote) that, " they are sacred spots where deity is supplicated and where prayers for the future are offered."^ The great spring and harvest festivals, for example, cannot possibly be legiti- mately construed as mere secular ceremonials. Those connected with the planting of crops presuppose the existence of superna" tural power to which appeal is made for good harvests, those in the autumn {Niiname Matsuri) contain the primary elements of thanksgiving to the kaini for blessings received. Hence ** we cannot pass over the fact that these ceremonials are accompanied by a faith in the divine aid of a great spiritual power llie shrines cannot be limited as being merely edifices where past heroes are commemorated in an ethical sense. The affairs of the festivals are pure religion. To regard these as other than 1. Ibid., pp. 222-223. 2. Ibid., p. 235. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. II7 religious is indeed a biased interpretation and must be pronounced an extreme misrepresentation of the shrines."^ Dr. Kat5 finds in Shinto, elements so thoroughly satisfactory to religious feeling as to entitle it to favorable consideration along with Christianity and Buddhism. In Shintd we may discern a deep faith in a higher spiritual and ethical world, the idea of the incarnation of the divine in the human,^ the institu- tions of prayer,'' priests and priestesses,'' ceremonies and worship and authority that ultimately resides in the state itself. In intel- lectual and ethical content it takes high rank among the religions of the world, due primarily to the great organizing principle of Divine, Imperial Sovereignty,^ Buddhism emphasizes [mercy, Christianity love, Confucianism humanity ; Shinto teaches honesty and sincerity.^ On the basis, then, of close resem- blance in fundamental aspects between the great religions that at present occupy the field in Japan, Dr. Kato anticipates ultimate reconciliation.'^ This recognition of the ideal of final human reconciliation on the basis of universal brotherhood will be welcomed by all who are interested in the permanent good of man. Again, it must be frankly admitted that Dr. Kato's discussion raises diffi- cult problems tor advocates of the absoluteness of any single religion resting on the claims of an exclusive supernaturalism. His exposition seems to recognize clearly the fact that all religions, Christianity, Buddhism, and Shinto alike, are to be tested by their fundamental value in the social life in which they develop, ^hinto, like other religions, is born of a human need. In this sense we can agree with Dr. Kato in finding in Shinto not simply nationalistic local elements, but universal elements as well. Grant- I Ibid., pp. 235-7. 2. Ibid , pp. 257 ff. 3. Ibid., pp, 196 ff. 4. Ibid., pp. 201 ff. 5. Ibid., pp, 248-252. '--u- 6. Ibid., p. ?54. 7. Ibid., pp 262-3. IlB THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OP MODERN SHINT5. ing all this, however, it is necessary to add certain reservations concerning Dr. Kato's exposition. In the first place, on what basis is a valid distinction to be created between certain members of Japanese society regarded as sacred and the great majority made up of the common and profane ? Is it to be an ethical distinction ? It so, postulations of divinity are to be vindicated on the grounds of character and genuine contribution to human welfare. Or, is it to be meta. physical deity, appearing as a superhuman, miraculous inset in human history ? In spite of pantheistic presuppositions it would appear that Dr. Kato's theory of emperor worship would de- mand an affirmative answer here. Yet, it is difficult to see how this position is to be reconciled with his exposition of the con- sanguinity existing between the Japanese people and the imperial line which is the racial head. The connection would seem to logically demand the extinction of the difference between the worshippers and the worshipped, and what we would have left would be a divine Japanese race worshipping itself. The main difficulty does not lie here, however. It lies in the fact that the very center of Dr. Kato's Shinto theology, exactly as in the case of Dr. Kakehi's exposition, is nationalistic political philosophy. Dr. Kato's words are unmistakable in this matter. Comparing the fortunes of Christianity and Bud- dhism with the prospects of Shintd, he says : " Neither JesUs nor Buddha complied with the political hopes for an ideal king existing in their respective lands, but turned away from the lower world to the world of spiritual things. The conditions of Japan, of India, and of Judea, however, differ with each country. Japan is preeminent above all nations and possesses a firm national foundation. Unlike the Jews her people are not citizens of a ruined land nor again is she possessed like India of an unstable royal house that is subject to rise and decline. She is the recipient of a single Imperial Line that has existed unchanged from time immemorial, towering aloft like mountains and stars, and which shall not change forever. In truth the appearance THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. I tQ of the ideal royal Messiah for whom the Jews earnestly hoped so long but who never actually appeared, or again, the revelation of Cakravarti Rajah, the ideal prince of India, may be seen in the Orient in the likeness of the Japanese Emperor of immemorial line."^ In his preface Dr. Kato says, " Just as our country possesses in the towering peak of Mt. Fuji a natural beauty unsurpassed in all the world, .so also this Orient land of virtuous men, with its historical record stretching across three thousand boundless years, with its Imperial House above reaching in unbroken lineage back to immemorial ages, with its subjects below looking up to this Line as it towers beyond mountains and . stars, with its heroes and remarkable men," a country, indeed, not unworthy the name, / The Land of the Gods ' — this land has produced a national organization that is peerless in the earth. "^ The book which contains these statements was published on February 25, 19 19, almost simultaneously with the report of the special commission on education which declared, *' the situation is very grave and calls for serious consideration." Whether there may be a connection or not, it is to be said that the exposition of these doctrines of a political Messiah in a divinely descended prince of age long dynasty, of a national organization without a rival in all the world, of an histon" cal record reaching back *' three thousand years," and of a loyalty that is unique in human history, while well adapted to foster unlimited xontentment with the status quo in Japanese political life is, also, so formulated as to raise difficult problems in the relations of official Shinto. In so far as Japanese political life, as centralized in this form of Shintd, may attempt both to strengthen itself within Japan and to propagate itself in the world* we may anticipate the appearance of serious questions arising in connection with the religious and political self-determination 0* various groups of peoples. The study of comparative religious 1. Ibid., p- 251. 2. Ibid,^ Preface p. a. 120 THfe rOLlTlCAL PHILOSOPHY OP MODERN SHINTO. and political history should warn the Shintoists here. It was exactly its refusal to adjust its nationalism to universal human needs that broke Judaism. Again, it is to be pointed out that the position of the Emperor in the Japanese state as well as in religion has varied with the changing fortunes of Japanese political history. Japanese history when scientifically studied, clearly teaches this fact.^ Dr. Kato's exposition reflects the interests of the revival of imperial institutions that began with the Restoration in 1868. The best index of the actual hold of emperor worship on historical Shinto is to be seen in the number of institutions which the sentiment of emperor worship has called into existence. Mr. Tsuda Noritake, writing in 1920, says on the point, " Emperors who have been worshipped as deities after death are exceedingly few. The grand total of Shintd shrines in our country today amounts to 110,000. Out of this great number shrines where past Emperors are worshipped total less than ten."^ Shrines at which the living Japanese Emperor is worshipped cannot be located in modern Shinto. In consideration of such evidence it would appear that Dr. Kato's exposition of the centrality of emperor worship in Shintd is more idealistic and pedagogical than actual. On the other hand, it is not to be denied that Japanese emperors have been regarded as living kaniL The basis of this belief will be considered in a later discussion. Although Kakehi and Kat5 go beyond most other Japanese interpreters in the philosophical elaboration which they extend to Shinto, they are far from standing alone in their religious interpretation of the Imperial House. They represent a con- temporary school of Shinto which must be taken into serious consideration in any effort to understand either recent Japanese religious history or the modern political situation. 1. Cf. Murdoch, James, A History of Japan, Vol. I, pp. 107-8, 118- 121, 184-6, 280, 296-366, 401, 442-50, 455-9, 540, 562-588; Vol. II, pp. 17,360-61, 372-7- 2. Isuda, Noritake, Shintd Kigen Ron (J^fflgij^, »*ig;Sig||&, "An Essay ou the Origins of Shinto," Tokyo, 1920;, p. 247. ,' THE rOLlTlCAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 121 V ltd Hirobumi, writing in his Commentaries on the Constitu- tion in 1889, said, '* The Sacred Throne was established at the \ time when the heavens and the earth became separated. The Emperor is Heaven descended, divine and sacred ; He is preeminent above all His subjects. He must be reverenced and is inviolable. He has indeed to pay due respect to the law, but the law has no power to hold him accountable to it. Not only shall there be no irreverence for the Emperor's person, but also He shall not be made a topic of derogatory comment nor one of discussion.'" Dr. Katb Hiroyuki, apprehensive of a divided loyalty induced by the extension of Christian teaching in Japan, wrote in 1907, " Christianity can never be assimilated to the national organization {kokutai) of Japan. Assimilation to the national organization of Japan would mean the complete destruction of the fundamental nature of Christianity. This being the nature of Christianity, it is impossible to say that Christianity is not a danger to the Japanese national organization. The patriarchal government of Japan is peerless among all the nations of the earth and accordingly it is not proper that she should revere a sovereign apart from the Emperor and the Imperial Ancestors. The national organization absolutely forbids that we should have above the sovereign * the One True God '.'"' Kume says concerning the Emperor, " He is regarded as a 1. ltd, Hirobumi, Commentaries (Eng. trans.), Tokyo, 1889, p. 6. 2. Kato, Hiroyuki, Waga Kokutai to Kirisuto Kyo {%%^jkt., #Slt ^ %^ ^, "Our National Constitution and Christianity," Tokyo, 1907), p. 56. With Dr. Kato's statement may be compared an editorial from the Keisei of Feb. i, 191 5, which says, " Even Christian believers, granted that they are Japanese, must understand why our national institution of loyalty to the Imperial House and the custom of ancestor worship are not to be regarded or disregarded as convenience may dictate Under the religious freedom, granted by our Constitu- tion, any religious faiths are, or course, permissable, but they must not be in opposition to our national institutions ; and on that account European Christianity must be revised so that it can co-exist with these institutions and harmonize with our national character. . . . Therefore if even in the least degree it is desired that Christianity shall strike down its roots, influence the national mind, and thus y ry 1 22 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. living kami, loved and revered by the nation above all things on earth, and himself loving and protecting the nation, who are deemed sons of Kami nagara and are entrusted to his care by the kami Thus, Shinto (doctrine of the kami) is kundo (doctrine of the Emperor) for Shintoism is Mikadoism ; * the kamVs will is the Emperor's will ' is a maxim inscribed on the heart of every Japanese. Herein one may see the fountain- head of our patriotic spirit, whose marvelous activity has served to raise Japan in these fifty years to the level of the first-rate Powers of the world."* In line with this same idea of Shintd, a recent Cabinet official has declared, *' The protection and advancement of the country is in the care of the ancestral spirits and their power resides in the Emperor. The use of that power is the work of the Imperial throne The central idea of the Japanese state is the belief that the spirits of the Imperial ancestors continue to rule through their living representatives, and from this belief springs the singular national spirit of the Japanese people."'^ lyenaga has likewise interpreted the substance of the Shinto pf the Restoration period as capable of being expressed in the proposition that the Emperor, as the lineal descendant of the ^gods, must be revered and worshipped as deity.'* More recently Uyehara has given expression to this theory of the Emperor in terms that suggest Kakehi's idea of a unique Japanese revelation of the Absolute. " He ["the Emperor] is to the Japanese mind the Supreme Being in the Cosmos of Japan, /las God is in the universe of the pantheistic philosopher. From v/ ftiim everything emanates, in him everything subsists prosper, it is necessary that plans should be made to reconcile it with our great national principles and customs. If to do this it be necessary to throw over the doctrine of a most high God, throw it over." J. E. 1915 (April), pp 181-2. 1. Kume, Kunitake, " Shinto," Fifty Years of New Japan, Vol. II, p. 30. 2. Japan Advertiser, Nov. 3, I916. 3. The Constitutional Development of Japan,:^. 2/^, / THE POLITICAL PHILOSOF'HY OF MODERN SHINTO I25 He is supreme^ in all temporal affairs of the State as well as in all spiritual matters."^ Dr. Hiroike Senkuro cites with approval the phrase , Aki tsu mi kami tarn rybhelka no seitoku, ** the holy virtue of their Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, the Manifest Deities."^ Dr. Haga in explanation of his idea of the relation between Japanese Emperors and subjects that has continued from the beginning of Japanese history to the present says, '* Kami, Deity or God. used in the sense of the * above ' is with its honorific prefix ^ O,' even now applied for the Mikado — hence the identification of God and Emperor."^ Mr. Mochiziiki Kotaro, writing of the Emperor Meiji Tenno in 19 13 said, *' Not a single Japanese is there who does not regard and obey every utterance of His late Majesty as divine revelation.""* Thesfe examples could be extended. They reach their climax in the representations made by Dr. Uesugi Shinkichi of the Law Department .of the Tokyo Imperial University, who says, *' Subjects have no mind apart from the will of the Em- peror. Their individual selves are merged with the Emperor. If they act according to the mind of the Emperor they can realize their true nature and they can attain the moral ideal. This is the fundamental relationship existing between the Japan- ese people and their Emperor who is the descendant and exten- sion of the Great Deity \_Ama-terasu-d-mi-kamt\. The organizing will resides inherently in the Emperor and apart from the Imperial mind there exists no organizing will. "^ 1. The Political Development of Japan, p. 23. Cf. also ibid., pp. 19, 21. 2. Jinja Sukei to Shukyo (J^^T^AgP, %r^^%.Z%Wi^ « Shrine Rever- ence and Religion "), p. 3. 3. Haga, Yaeichi, "The Spirit of Japan," T. J. S. L., Vol. XV (1916-17) p. 123. 4. Mochizuki, KotarS, The Late Emperor of Japan as a World Monarchy Tokyo, 1913, Preface, p. II. 5. \Jestigi,^\i\nV\c\\\, Kokutai Seikxva no Ifatsuyo {±Jf^\^^, ^^%^^ t ^^, " The Exaltation of the Essence of the National Constitution," Tokyo, 1919), p. 5<^' In evaluating Dr. Uesugi's claims it needs to be remembered that 124 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO All of these statements, as in the cases of the interpretations made by Dr. G. Kato and by Dr. Kakehi, reflect dynastic interests that have come into special prominence since the Resto- ration. The political value of the centralizing influence, during the period of rapid change since the beginning of the Meiji Era, of the idea of an unchanging and sacred imperial line, is well recognized by Japanese politicians and scholars.^ Indeed, it is difficult to avoid the impression that such political interest is largely the determining factor in giving form to the interpretation which makes emperor worship the center of modern Shinto. It is easy to pass from this to the position that the chiet object of Shinto ceremonials should be the development of sentiments directed toward the maintenance of the imperial throne. This is precisely the line of argument taken by Dr. Ariga Nagao in his discussion oi Shinto Kokkyo Ron, " Shinto as a State Religion." Dr. Ariga attempts to show that the cult of the Shinto shrines is nothing other than a state religion.^ He recognizes great defici- under the existing organization of the Japanese government this Imperial mind is always mediated to the people by the various bureaus and departments of the government, and that motives and methods of the intervening mediation are exactly where investigation would have to be made in order to establish the content of the original organizing will. 1. Cf. Frt'/wfl'^^/Vrt, Yoshitaro, "The Influence of Shinto and Buddhism in Japan," T. J. S. L., Vol. IV (1897-8), Pt. IV, p. 257. 2. In summary of this point Dr. Ariga says, " I can by no means agree with the proposition that the festivals [of the Shinto shrines] are not religious Failure to recognize that they are religious amounts to a disregard of reason. . . . . Shinto is to be looked ujx)n as a religion and there is justification for saying that up to the present the state has simply extended protection to a sect of Shinto which lias not emphasized doctrine." [" Shinto Kokkyo I^on," Tefsngaku Zass/ti, I910 (June), pp. 709-715] Prof. /«<7«ir Tetsujiro has likewise said, " There are two opinions : that Shinto is a religion, and that it is not a religion If we speak from the standpoint of religious science, of course it is a variety of religion. Furthermore, there are points in Shinto that lie very much at the founda:ion of Japanese national morality However, elemen ary it may apjiear as a religion, yet from the point of view of its relaiions with the national constitution {koknlai) and with national morality there is no occasion for taking a destructive a'li ude toward Shinto." {Kokurnin Diitoku Gairon^ p. 322). The i,aiue au hor has made THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 12$ encies in official Shinto as a religion, but feels that these defects can be made good by importations of ethical pabulum from Confucianism/ Then regarding the matter before us, he re- marks, " The fundamental principle of Shinto ceremonials consists in the preservation of the Japanese Imperial Throne, eternal as Heaven and Earth. This is their most important character. The carrying out of the will of the Imperial Ancestors is the greatest principle of Shinto. But it goes without saying that in order to make the Imperial Throne eternal the Japanese state itself must be eternal. But in order to make the state eternal the Japanese people must develop continuously."^ The extreme point of view which would seek either to effect or to accompany this continuous development of the Japanese people by the expansion of Shinto as a world religion is not con- fined to Professor Kakehi. Professor Tanaka Yoshito has said regarding the Great Way of Shinto, " To proclaim the Great Way of our empire throughout the world-r-this is our principal task, this is the sacred calling of the Japanese race."^ A recent editorial in Kami Kaze, a Shinto magazine says, " Shinto is a great religion that includes all others For example, Shinto may be compared with a tree while all other religions are fertilizers. Thus Shinto, by absorbing and assimi- lating various fertilizers, as the result of a process of inclusion and selection, must increase and expand itself. .... A religion like Christianity, however, which neglects both the family system and nationalism is not a fertilizer. On the other public declaration in favor of encouraging visitation at the shrines on the part of school children as a mean of developing patriotism. \Cf. Meiji Seitoku Kitten Gakkai Kiyd^ Vol. VII (April, 1917), pp 225-229; also J. E. 1916, pp 156, 377; ibid. 1918, p. 182. 1. "Confucianism," says Dr. Ariga, "is well adapted to the Japanese national constitution [kokittai). It is also suited to present day conditions of living and affords a satisfactory solution of the relations of individuals and the Absolute." (Ariga, op. cit y p. 721), 2. Op. cit. 3. lanakoy Yoshito, Shinto Iloiigi, p. l6l. 126 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5 hand it is a great evil. If the usages of the existing family system . should become extinct in Japan and we should come to pure individualism, or if, again, we should abandon nationalism and become altogether humanitarian, the results would be dis- astrous."^ Another contemporary Shinto publication, Miizu, with each issue prints the motto : '* Dai Nilion Sekai Kyo,'^ Great Japan World-teaching.""^ Onioto Kyo, which has achieved no small popularity in Japanese military circles, teaches, ^* The people and Gods who are centralized in the doctrine of A'^^i?- Omoto are only working to accomplish this greatest and loftiest task of unifying the world under the sway of the Emperor of Japan. . . . . . We are only aiming at making the Emj^eror of Japan rule and govern the whole world, as he is the only ruler in the world who retains the spiritual mission inherited rom the remotest ancestors in the Divine World. "^ Dr. Uesugi Shinkichi, writing after the close of the World War, with post belLmn reconstruction issues in mind, says,!" It is now most cle ar that th( ^ ^snlvMtinn of the entire h nninn rn rr ir tb^ mJHr'^" ^^ our empire. Na tions are now in a condition of disorder. There are classes within the nations, each class struggling for its own interests and'^eacITthlnking'T iii; utlier an irreCotielkble e nemy. /\ RaHicalism-ls ' spread Ifig^^bf ^^a^t: — T hg-poisbn of the di sease pen etrates flesh and bones an S threatensfto overthrow tlip c^| -nf^ l lieidea of reliance upon the sta te isconspir.^ ioimly wpnWpn«^r1. T he heart of man has lost its power to cooperate. Individuals do as they plea se^acting dissolutely witho ut restriction ./ Tlie capital- "" istic classes ot^ England and America, flushed with the victory of the Great War, have become arrogant and domineering throughout the world and are giving rein to unbounded greed. ) Behold the world is full of the struggle between capital and 1. Kami Kaze (ii^^), Tokyo, July, i, 1921, p. 4. 2. Pub, No. 45, Sakuragi Clio, Uyeno, Shilaya, Tokyo. 3. I'aisho Nichi-Nkhi Shii/i/uin, Osaka, Dec 21, 1920. For a statement by a Japanese critic of certain chauvinistic aspects of Onioio Kyo and a related ten- dency toward popularity in military circles, see M. Honda, Omoto-kyo: What it is and Why it Spread," yrt/<7» Adxxrtiser^ Tokyo, Jan. 27, 192 1, p. 4. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 12/ labor. They are fallen into the pit. The hell of fighting and bloodshed has appeared on earth. '* WJ ien we observe such conditions, t here is not one of o ur p eople who does not believe that, if they only had our Empero r as theirs, they would not come to such extremity. .... Our j[)eople, through the ben evolent virtu e of "the Rmp erorSj ha ve attained a national constitution that is without parajl el in t he world. Now, if all the human race should come to look up to the virtue of ou r KTr'p<^<'<^^ '^^'^ chnniH r nmf> to live under t hat influence, then t here would be light for the future of humanit^L— Th us the world can be saved from destru c- t ion, j ^rhusjife ca n be lived within the realms of go odness and beauty. Of a truth, great is the mission of our nation ."^ In considering the religious definition of official Shinto we have had before us a form of statement which, simultaneously with an insistence on the importance of the shrine ceremonies, makes emphatic declaration of the religious nature of the national cult. The solutions ot the related religious problems propose either reconciliation between Shint5 and other religions or ab- sorption of other religions by Shinto. The centrality of pol itical considerations in the solutions, however, carries the .problem N'^ outside of purely religious matters and presents factors which, in the extreme form advocated by such expositors as Kakehi and Uesugi, constitute a contradiction of the prijriciples of J^nterna- tionalism. The study as thus far conducted points to the necessity of investigating more precisely the nature of the supernaturalism that is involved in official Shinto. The questions to be taken up for examination in the ensuing pages include an iittempt to test the claim that Shinto is not a religion as based on the assignment of a strictly nationalistic and historical, human character to the kami. Can the claims for the uniqueness of this euhemeristic conception of deity in Shinto be maintained ? The matter may I. Uesugi, Sliinkichi, Kokutai Selkwa no Hatsi^yo, pp. 205-6. X28 THE POLITICAL l»HIIOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT3 be tested (i) by an examination of the primary meaning of /^^rwi in Shinto and a comparison with the reh'gious philosophy of other peoples, (2) by an investigation of the historicity of the great kami that head the genealogical lists ot modern official Shinto, and (3) by an effort to determine whether the cult life of official Shintc is such as to identify it with real religion. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SEINTO. 1 29 CHAPTER V. The Meaning of Kami. An argument based on the uniqueness of the idea of kami is advanced by certain modern Shintoists as a support for the proposition that the official cult does not partake of the super- naturalism of ordinary religion. Dr. Y. Haga represents a wide group when he says that the difficulties of the shrine issue have their origin in a misunderstanding of the word kami and a confusion with religion/ Official Shinto frequently falls back on the a< ^<=:prfrnn i-Viaf \\\e- hnnii arp rriprely f^upcrior human bejng s w ho have contributed meritoriously to the progress of the Japan ese s tate. ^ It is necessary to investigate these claims more exactly. " W^h rpo-ard to the wo rd kami, it is probably safe to sayj hat t here is no other term in the original Japanese language with such a rich and multiform conten t. Nor is there another term with respect to which translators, both Japanese and foreign, have encountered greater obstacles. The variation in concepts covered by the form is so great — ranging as it does from hair on the human head to emperor and deity — that at first sight one naturally inclines toward the conclusion that we are dealing with totally disconnected ideas, perhaps originally expressed by differ- ent sounds, which have, in the process of time, become assimilat- ed to one and the same phonetic form, or else that the explanation 1. See above, p. 85, also pp. 88, 93, 95. 2. Note, for example, the statement which one of the provincial governors is reported to have givtn out to a certain representative of Christianity, " Although the word kami continues to be used in the national cult, it has in no way the meaning of a supetnaiural being, which you give to it. It connotes only illustrious men, benefactors of their country. Consequently all Japanese, no matter what their religion, can pay them honour without doing violence to their conscience." The National Cult in Japan (A Roman Catholic Slu^y of its Opposition to Evan- gelization), p. 7. I30 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. is to be found in primitive undifferentiation, in accordance with which the ancient Japanese, out of a poverty of linguistic elements and a lack of capacity for making logical distinctions, came to cover a variety of experiences with an identical verbal form/ Our conclusions in the matter, however, must rest on an in- vestigation of the actual historical usage of the term kami itself. The attempts of Japanese scholars to arrive at the under- lying ideas connected with the term kauii, have followed very largely along philological lines. The original content is made to depend on an etymological analysis into supposedly primary elements. This form of investigation, while manifestly pre- carious in method, has served to indicate the fact that, in spite of the assurance with which certain controversialists, official and otherwise, have insisted on a non-religious content for the term, nevertheless, the opinions of Japanese scholars, themselves, have been far from unanimous regarding the fundamental meaning. In the ensuing discussion the attempt is trade, in the first place, to pass in review some of the more noteworthy explana- tions that have been attached to kami by Japanese scholars and, in the second place, to examine the actual historical usage of the term and, finally, to suggest a hypothesis wherewith the existing diversity of content may be accounted for and harmonized. We turn first, then, to matters of etymology. Neglecting a few palpably forced and impossible explanations such as those that derive kami from a mispronunciation of yomi or yomo, " lower world,"^ from kamu, " to brew," from kamu, " to chew,"' from kabiy '' mould "'* (a marvelous thing leading to the idea of the supernatural involved in the conception of deity), etc., we find three main types of explanation: (i) Interpreta- 1. So Buckley, " Shinto Pantheon," New World, Dec. 1906, p. i. 2. Cf. Proceedings of the 17th Session of the Comparative Religion Society of Tokyo {Hikaku Shukyo Gakkai), Japan Weekly Mail, April 8, 1899, p, 350. 3. Cf. Miyao and Inamura, op. cit., p. 167. 4. View of lakahashi Goro, in Shinto Shinron (" New Discusssion of Shinto "j, cited in Griffis, The Reli^ons of Japan, p. 381, note 21. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. I3I tions that emphasize a primitive meaning of purity. (2) Those which m ike the fundamental idea one of superiority, either in position or degree. (3) Those which go back to forms involving ideas of mystery, strangeness, incomprehensibility, the 'supernat- ural, the superhuman, or the " superordinary." We may take up the study in the order just indicated. I. De rivations from form s meaning " pure " or *' bright." (i) Kami is derived from kamiiganii^ by the elision ot the two middle syllables. This form, rendered into modern Japanese and interpreted in accordance with the sense of the ideographs employed in writing it, gives terashite miru or shoran, '' shining- see." The reference is to the viewing of an object or objects on the part of deity. The term thus has something of the meaning of the phrase, '' to behold from glory." This etymology is advanced by Lnibe Masamichi. It is claimed by him, without foundation, to be the most ancient Japanese explanation of the term, kami, based upon oral traditions dating from the earliest period of Japanese history. The etymology is taken by Imibe to indicate an ancient attempt at expressing a conception of the purity of the divine nature. *' The divine mind," he says, " like a clear mirror reflects all things of nature, operating with impartial justice and tolerating not a single spot of uncleanness. That which in heaven is Kami, in nature is Spirit and in man is Sincerity. If the spirit of nature and the heart of man are pure and clear {seimei), then they are kami.^''^ As the sun in heaven lights up the world, so divine intelligence permeates all things in human society and in nature. In criticism it may be briefly said that while this interpreta- tion indicates the thoroughgoing nature of the Shinto emphasis on ceremonial cleanness, it has no support in scientific philology. I. 2. Imibe, ^Iz&zxtMix, Shindai Kuketsu (.gii^JEifi, JPf'f^Pfi, "Oral Tradi- tions of the Age of the Gods "). Cited in M. Maruyama, Dai Nihon wa Shinkoku Nari, p. 31 ; also in Inamura, op. cit, pp. 159-160. Imibe flourished in the Muromachi period. The facts of his life have not been transmitted. ^ 132 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. It is an attempt to read back a developed moral philosophy, containing Buddhistic impressions into the ancient situation. (2) f^jr^ii ^'ff de^'V^'^ ^rr,r^^ hn.^nmi.^ '' mjrror," by th e elision of the middle f a. The connection with deity is, in this case, supposed to arise from a metaphorical usage, and, as In the preceding explanation, is taken as a primitive attempt to express a conception of the purity of the divine nature. God is kagamiy a clear mirror, spotless and without a cloud defiling his purity. Yamazaki Ansai (i 619-1682) who sponsors this form of etymology, says with reference to the origin of the term, " The heart of Kami is pure like a clear mirror without a single trace of dimness, therefore, as a figurative expression of this idea, the use of the word kagami arose. Later the middle ga was drop- ped, giving the form kami.*'^ It is probable that the etymology here given was suggested by the prominence of the mirror as a sacred object in the Shinto cult. The explanation of the connection of the mirror with the shrines, which is frequently given by the Japanese literati is that it is emblematic of purity.^ On the other hand, it seems tolera- bly certain that the mirror became attached to religious cere- monial in old Japan, not because it symbolized purity or cleanness, not even ceremonial cleanness, but because it was employed as part of the magical paraphernalia of the archaic cult.^ 1. 1^. 2. Cf, Maruyama, op. cii.', also, Miyao and Inamura, oj). cii., p. 160. Keichu (d. 1701), Watarae Nobuyoshi (d. 1 7 14), Yoshikawa Koretaru (d. 1694) and other scholars of the Suika school of Shinto [a combination of Shinto and Confucianism, organized by Yamazaki Ansai] support this same view. 3. Cf, Japan Weekly Mail, op. cit. 4. When the mirror first appears in Japanese literature it is evidently as part of a magical technique for removing an obscuration of the sun. Cf. C, pp. 54-59. Maruyama is of the opinion that ancient Japanese ceremonial treatment of the mirror had its origin in a belief that the sun goddess lived therein as a shadow spirit. Cf» Maruyama, op. cit.f p. 37. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 33 (3) Another view similar to that just stated, while deriving karni from the same form, kagami, attempts to carry the etymology back to a usage that obtained prior to the know- ledge of the mirror in Japanese society and takes the original meaning of kas cami to be the same as kagayaite-mieru, " to appear bright " or ** to appear brilliant/^ Thus Tanigawa Kotosuga (d. 1776), who advocates this interpretation says, " Before the mirror was known the sun and moon were called Ame-no-kagami-no-mikoto (^ Bright- Appearing- August-Thing-of- Heaven ')." This notion of brightness, together with the derived idea of purity, was then carried over into religion, and kagaml in the abbreviated form of kami was made to serve as the expression of this ancient idea of the inner nature of deity.^ The etymology here again is fanciful. It has no support in Japanese philology. It reflects the influence of highly developed and comparatively modern ideas of purity. (4) An additional derivation while going back to the same form kagami assigns a p rimary meaning "to lo ok at," " to judge,'' *' to d ecide.'^' We have, for example, in the modern Japanese language the word kangamiru used in the senses: to observe carefully, to profit by experience, to take warning, to judge, to determine, to consider. As a matter of fact, how- ever, this kangamiru, from which kangarni or kagaml in the sense of " to judge " or " to decide " is supposed to be derived, has no verifiable connection with kagami, " mirror" but, on the other hand, evidently comes from kangaeru (" to think," " to consider ") and mini ('* to see," '' to observe "). Note the modern vernacular kangaete mimasho, " I will consider the matter." (5) Closely related to this kagami etymology is an attempt, 1. Tanigawa, Kotosuga, Wakun no Shiori {^)\\^^, ^^l^^^, " Guide to Japanese Interpretations of Chinese "), Vol. I, p. 538. Ed. by Inotiye Yorikuni (*-h^@) and Kosugi Ovaor^ (/>^ia$5), Tokyo, 1898. 2. Cf. Harada, Art. « God (Japanese idea of) ", H. E. R.E., Vol. 6, p. 294. 134 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. which also appears to have originated with Tanigawa, to find the archaic form of karni in akami^ which is taken to be equi- valent to the torm akiraka ni iniru, *' to see clearly " [akiraka ni, " clearly," " brightly," " intelligibly " '' plainly," " manifest- ly," and mlru, *' to see." Cf. akami, *' a reddish tinge," aka^ **red," and ;;//, "viewing," ''seeing," "beholding"].^ The usage is supposed to reflect a primitive insight into the nature of the divine intelligence. On the face of it, however, the ety- mology is perhaps even more forced than those that precede. It takes it for granted that the philosophical interpretation existed in the primitive religion. 2. D erivations based on a reference to usage in which t he idea of ^' superiority. " is primary. (i) The thesis here becomes, Kainiwa kaminari^ '' Kami means above." The interpretation makes use of the fact that in the modern Japanese language kami may denote either the idea of deity or that of ordinary superiority in spatial position or in social rank. Since the time of the great revival of pure Shinto, beginning with Arai, this has been the most orthodox statement of the origin of the term under consideration, i.e., the diversified meanings of kami can all be carried back to this same form with the primary significance of superiority. This has the support of such scholars as Arai Hakuseki, Kamo Mabuchi, he Teijo, Kaid Genchi, Harada, and numerous others. Arai, who enjoys the reputation of having been the first noteworthy euhemerist of Japanese history, says in the Toga^ *' In ancient times what was called /^^;«/ was man. In the Nihongiy divine ancestors and sacred personages {shinsei shinjin) are described as kami. In the colloquial speech of our country this word is used to designate things that are venerated {sonsho),^ For example, rulers and high government officials are all called 1. Written ^g^. 2. Cf. Maruyama, op. c'lt, p. 32. 3- ?ii*lt-li"^j:'(J- 4- THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1$$ kami. Or to take a more commonplace example, the hair of the head is also kami. We also designate things that are high up [in space] by the use of this same word kami. So also, do we indicate our attitude of reverence toward those among men who are holy by the expression kami. In this connection we also use the forms Ok ami and Oiuikanii'^^ Although later students of the subject have been divided in the extent to which they have participated in Arai's euhemeristic tendencies, yet the far-reaching influence that his views have exerted upon native and foreign scholars alike is seen in the dominant position which his idea of /^^;w, as meaning fundamen- tally, " superior," maintains in modern Japanese philology. Harada, for example, says, " The generally accepted derivation, however, is that to be traced in modified meanings of the same word kami, signifying that which is * above ' or ' superior,' in contrast to shimo, signifying that which is ' below ' or ' inferior/ The upper part of the body is kami, while the lower part is shimo. A man of superior rank is kami, while an inferior is shimo. Heaven is kami, earth is shimo. So general is the term that it lends itself readily as an appellation of that which is looked upon with fear or respect, as above man in power or superior in any attribute."^ Dr. G. Kato has given his support to a similar view.^ he Teij5 has written in his Miscellany, " The meaning of kami is ' above.' Because a thing is venerable it is regarded as above and called kajni.'^^ KafnoyidhucYii says, " Kami means ' above.' In a later age people came to^distinguish between kami and ' above,' and, because they paid attention to the ideograms only, they forgot the original meaning and came to think that, since the ideograms differed, the meanings differed also."^ 1. Aral Hakuseki, Zenshu (^^QH^^> "Complete Works of Aral Hakuseki "), Vol. IV, p, 75. Ed. by Ichijima Kenkichi (rUElt^), Tokyo> 1906. 2. Harada, op. cit. See also The Faith of Japan, pp. 26-7. 3. See above, p. 114. 4. Zr^, Teijo, Teijo Zakki (^jt^^fE, "Miscellany of Teijo). Cf. Miyao and InaiTiura^ p. 162. 5. For reference see Miyao and Inamura, op. cit., p. 162. For the inter- 136 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. With regard to the evidence for this interpretation it must be admitted that it appears to have considerable support in both ancient and contemporary usage. ThatJthejfl[Dxd..ia;^i, 4a -cer- tain connections, carries the idea of superiority or height in social and political spheres or in spatial position is too apparent to admit of contradiction. It is to be noted, however, that the formulation of this interpretation into the statement, Kami wa kami de am ('* Kami means above "), whether understood in the religious sense as expressive of the idea that supreme height of character as well as a dwelling place in a world above belongs to deity and that in consequence the god is preeminently worthy of worship, or, as expressive of a socio-political point of view, which, while repudiating the former religious interpretation, accepts kami (*^ deity ") in the sense of important human beings who by virtue of their being kami (" above ") ought to be respected, honored and obeyed by the ordinary shimo jimo, is in either case, in such terms as to make it possible to tie up the alleged ancient usage very closely with modern theology on the one hand and modern political philosophy on the other. Thus, etymology is made to give the sanction of cintiquity to modern institutions. This sanction is even more directly secured on the political side by a slightly variant explanation which finds the primitive form of kajni in the archaic expression, kivd, signifying " lord," " ruler," or " sovereign."^ The important question that here opens up is not whether, upon examination of the actual usages of the term, cases can be pretations advanced by modern European and American scholars the reader should consult in this connection, Satow, '' The Revival of Pure Shintau," T. A. S. J., Vol, III, Appendix, p. 43, note 27 ; Chamberlain, B. H., Kojiki, Introduc- tion, pp. XXIII-XXIV; Aston, W. G., Shinto, the Way 0/ the Gods, pp. y -8; Florenz, Karl, " Der Shintoismus," Die Orlentalischen Religionen, Die Ktiltur der Gegenwaj't, Teil I, Abteilung III, I, p. 195 ; Revon, M., " Le Shinntoisme," J^evue de nHlstoire des Religions, Vol. XLIX, p. 28; Griffis, W. E., The Religions of Japan, p. 30; Knox, Geo. W., The Development of Religion in Jafan, p. 30; Buckley, Edmund, "The Shinto Pantheon," New World, Dec. 1896, p. i. I. Cf. Japan Weekly Mail, Apr. 8, 1899, p. 350. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 57 found in which kami must be interpreted in the sense of " supe- rior " or " above." This much is granted. We need to consider, however, the further question as to whether or not this view- does full justice to the original and characteristic religious con- ceptions and practices of the Japanese people. The possibility exists that kami interpreted as meaning '^ above " indicates merely a derived and not an original usage, and that it is to be fully understood only in relationship with a more comprehensive point of view. Material bearing on the solution of this problem will be developed later in the discussion. (2) In a closely related form of etymology this idea of superiority Is elaborated Into the conception of an invisible, per- fect or transcendent god. The explanation here attempts to find the primary element of the original usage in kakiireru, '' to be hidden," The three following derivations are to be noted. a. The original of kami is found in kakurimi^ '' hidden person," ' hidden body " ( kakureru, " to be hidden," and miy " body," " self," " person "). Saiid Hikomaru (d. 1854), who espouses this view, says, " Because Kami is unseen by the eyes of man. He Is kakuri-mi. This is abbreviated to kami,'* In further explanation Salto says, " In the beginning of heaven and earth the Gods of Heaven came Into existence of themselves and hid their persons. They were without parents and appeared spontaneously. They were unseen even by the other gods* When the world of man came Into being, although the gods appeared therein, they were unseen by human eyes and thus were called kajni {hakuri-mi, ' hidden persons ')."^ b. A variation of the above derivation, while going back to the same form, kakuri-mi, takes mi in the sense of " spirit,"^ - hence '' hidden spirit " rather than " hidden body."* I. m^- • 2. For reference see Miyao and Inamura, op. cit. 3. ^, read variously, tama, tatnashii, kushi, kami, kushibi. 4. Advanced by Haiia Tomonori (d. 1873). Cf. Miyao and Inamura, op,, cit.,^, 167. 138 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODEKxN SHINTO. c. Similarly we have a derivation from kakiiri or kakure, " hidden," " invisible/' or *' intangible " and mi-tsurii, " to be full of." In their combination the terms are supposed to express the ideas of completeness and transcendence. The explanation is that in the ancient religious situation that gave rise to the word kami there existed a conception of an Absolute who was regarded as existing in the supernatural world in his true and complete form but who, as one who was ^' full of intangibleness," could not be seen from the phenomenal world/ 3. In the third general group of derivations we have as already stated, a reference of the origin of kajm to forms that have a primary meaning of ^* strange," " mysterious," " fearful," " hidden," *' supernatural," " that which is beyond the power of the mind to grasp," etc. It may be taken as significant that the list of Japanese scholars who may be classified here includes some of the greatest names in the history of the interpretation of Shinto. We may note the following derivations and inter- pretations. (i) Ka?ni is derived from kashikomi^^ *' fear," ''awe," " reverence." In the opinion oi Arakida Hisaoi (d. 1804), who advocates this etymology, kami was employed by the ancient Japanese as a means of expressing emotional reactions in the presence of whatever was regarded as possessing conspicuous virtue or whatever was felt to be fearful and awesome. Arakida says, *' There are various explanations of the word kami, but none of them correct. Kami has the primary meaning of awe-inspiring or dreadful. Susa-no^vo-no-mikoto said to the great serpent, * You are a fearful kami {Najtji osoru beki kami nari).'' In the Kimmei chronicle both the tiger and the wolf are called awesome kami {kashikoki kami). The sixteenth book of the Manyoshu speaks of * the tiger of China who is called kamL There is also a pillow word which mentions the wolf in the phrase, ' the field 1. Cf. Miyao and Inamura, op. cit., pp. 167-8. 2. ^. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 39 of the true kami of the great mouth.' It is by conclusions drawn from such usage that the meaning of kami is to be determined."^ (2) The interpretation advanced by Hirata is even more suggestive than the above. Hirata says, ^' Regarding the mean- ing of kami : At the beginning of the Chronicles of the Age of the Gods {Niho?tgi) it stands written, ' In ancient times Heaven and Earth were not yet separated and the In and the Yo^ were as yet undivided. All was turbid and of chaotic mass like an Qgg, and kabi was contained therein.' Kami is the same as this kabi. The ka of kabi has the significance of ' that '^ and is a demonstrative serving to point out an object. Bi is a word that indicates something which is mysterious {reimyo)} The forms kabiy kami, kabu and kamu are all the same. . . . The kabi which was included in original matter was the cause of matter taking on form. . . . Kabi was the source of all things that appeared in the world and, in as much as it was very mysterious, afterwards everything that had mystery in it came to be designated by this word. Now kabi and kami are the samey In as much as the idea is that of a thing that is mys- terious .4nd strange, not only the kabi which performed the work of creation, but also everything in the world possessing marvelous and strange virtue was called kabi. Later this was written kami. Then it followed that among ordinary human beings any superior person was called kami. Also, in the natural world anything that was preeminent was generally called kami,^^^ (3) Motoori's interpretation similarly emphasizes aspects of 1. C/. Miyao and Inamura, op^ cit.^ p. 165. 2. The male and female, or active and passive, principles of Chinese philosophy. 3 ^, kano. 4- Wik^i wonderful, miraculous, mysterious, supernatural. 5. Hirata Atsutane, Koshiden{^^%'^,-^'^%),^\i I. Hirata Atsutaiu Zenshu (•^g;i5l|l:^S> "The Complete Works of Hira^^wz may be seen by an analysis of fif into its primitive elements. The two important elements to observe in the analysis of jpf are the radical^ and \h a pictorial representation of a lightning flash. In the course of its evolution the symbol manifests the following different forms, p y ^ f /h > § f ^ t %»%y ^\b, ^K ^1^ and finally ^. [Chalfant, Frank, H. jEarly Chinese Writing, in « Memoirs of the Carnegie Museum," Vol. IV., No. i. (Sept., 1906), Plate XXVI, No. 352]. The other element ^ appears in modern dictionaries as the one hundred thirteenth radical, serving as a classifier for symbols relating to religious matters. The most common modern Japanese readings of ^ are shimeshi (n.) meaning " that which is indicated " or " that which is pointed out," and shimesu (v.), " to in- dicate," " to point out," or " to reveal." The original idea is evidently revelation by divination. Shuo Wen ;n the " Etymological Dictionary of the Han Dynasty," published about 120 A.D., explains the sign as indicating "that which comes from Heaven as revealing fortune or misfortune to men. From ZL and |' , sun, moon, and stars descending. Pertains to astrological scrutiny into divine affairs." THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. I4I SO forth. In ancient usage, anything whatsoever which was outside of the ordinary/ which possessed superior virtue, or which was awe-inspiring was called kami. Eminence here does not refer merely to the superiority of nobility, goodness or meri- torious deeds, but evil or mysterious things, if they are extraordi- nary and dreadful, are called kami. It is needless to say that among human beings who are kaini the successive generations of august emperors are all included. The fact that emperors are also called ' distant kami ' {totsu kami)y is because, from the standpoint of common people, they are far separated, worthy of reverence and majestic. In a lesser degree, we find human beings, in the present as well as in ancient times, who are kami. Although these may not be accepted throughout the whole country, yet in each province, each village and each family there are human beings who are kami, each one in accordance with his proper position. The kami of the Divine Age were for the most part human beings of that ° time and, because the people of that age were all kami, it is called the ' Age of the Gods' {Ka7niyo), Furthermore, among things which are not human, the thunder is always called naru kami or kami nari (' mounding kami'). Such things as dragons, the echo {kodamd)^ and foxes, in as much as they are conspicuous, wonderful and awe-inspiring, are also kami. In popular usage the echo is said to be the tengu^ which in Chinese writings is referred (Quoted in Chalfant, op. cit., Plate XXVI, note). Chalfant says, " The horizontal lines may be the sign for * above,' or a special sign for Heaven. The vertical lines depict the descending influences." (C/. cit^. Thus, the Chinese ideogram for " deity " can be carried back to two elements, one growing out of early human experiences with the lightning flash, the other out of ideas of an " overhead "force that was manipulated through magic and divination. 2. Written by Motoori, jg}^, " tree spirit " ; from ko [ki), " tree," and dama {tamd), " spirit." In the modern Japanese language kodama (" tree spirit ") is still used as colloquial for echo. 3. 5^|f^, a long-nosed, red-faced, winged goblin, supposed to inhabit moun- tains and forests. He is thus associated with those wild spots wherein vague sounds and echoes would stimulate feelings of awe and mystery. 142 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. to as a mountain goblin/ The tengii mentioned by the Nihongi in the book treating of Emperor Jomei is quite different.^ The Genji Monogatari speaks of tengn and also of kodaina and it might seem as though tengu were different from kodama. In as much as the people of that time used tcngii and kodama interchangeably, however, the usage of the Genji Monogatari is not to be taken as especially significant. As a matter of fact they are one and the same thing. That which is called kodama (echo) in the present, in ancient times was called mountain-man i^yama-biko)!' These matters are of no importance here but are advanced merely as an explanation of the echo. In the Nihongi and the Manyoshu the tiger and the wolf are also spoken of as kami. Again there are the cases in which peaches were given the name Okainu-dzn mino-mikoio (" August-Thing-Great- /iL^;;///-Fruit ") and a necklace of jewels was called AIi~kiira- tana-no-kami (*' August-Storehouse-Shelf- A'^;;// "). There are also examples in which rocks, stumps of trees and leaves of plants spoke audibly. These were all kami. There are also numerous examples in which seas and mountains are called kami. This does not have reference to the spirit of the mountain or the sea, but kami is here used directly of the particular mountain or sea. This is because they are exceedingly awe-inspiring (kashikoki mono nam yue nari). " Thus there are various kinds of ka?ni. Some are worthy of honor, some are vile, some are strong, some are weak, some 1. |gjg, chi-mi, a monster living in wooded mountains. In Chinese folk- lore |g indicates a mountain hobgoblin represented as having the face of a man and the body of a beast. J@| signifies a forest ogre, likewise having the face of a man and the four legs of an animal. 2. The tengu in this case was evidently a shooting star which the wisdom of the time explained as the appearance of the Fox of Heaven. Cf. A., II, p. a68 (637 A.D., 2nd month, 23rd day) ; N. p. 483. 3- iJjigf, from ^rtwfl-, " mountain " and /«/'i>, " an extraordinary man," '«a man," « a male." THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 43 are good, some are evil ; and their hearts and acts vary accord- ingly."\ (4). Maruyama favours a derivation from kagemi^ " sha- dow body *' {/cage, shadow " and ;;//, ** body " or " person "), We may gather from his discussion the following points.^ a. Use is made of the ancient Shint5 idea that the mirror {kagami) was the dwelling-place of a spirit, i.e., the mirror was a kage-fniy ka and ke (ge) often being used interchangeably in the old Japanese language. The elision of the middle syllable gives /caml. In accordance with this theory, the most ancient Japanese word for spirit was kagemi " shadow-body." In this usage Maruyama thinks that we can discern the attempt of primitive man to indicate his experiences with the vague shadows which haunted the world about him, which appeared to him in dreams, and which were mysteriously reflected in mirrors. b. Maruyama then says, " Thus the original usage oi kami was in connection with whatever ordinary people could not easily comprehend, whether in concrete object, in dignity, in virtue, in ability, in learning, or in shrewdness."^ /^^/;^/-objects were thus felt as *' above " in the sense that they transcended that which was well known or well within control. c. Accordingly, by a process of natural development out of this original feeling of mysterious *' overheadness " the word came to indicate distinction of grade or position in things and in human society, as may be seen in the usages of kajjti with 1. Motoori, Norinaga, Kojiki Den, Vol. Ill, Motooii Norinaga Zetishu (?|C^©E^lfe "Complete Works of Motoori Norinaga"), Vol. I, pp. 150-152. Ed. by Motoori Hoei (?ls;/5^^;I), Tokyo, 1901. Hirata has reproduced this pas- sage on kami, with certain modifications, in his Kodo Tail (" Principles of Old Shinto "). Cf. Hirata Atsutane Keen Shu (Ed. by I. Muromatsu, Tokyo, 1913), Vol. I, pp. 31 ff. Satow has given an English version of Hirata's rendering in T. A. S. J. Vol. Ill, pp. 42-43. 2. ^^' 3. Maruyami,^ op. cit., pp. 36-38. 4. 3id.,^. 31. 144 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. the meanings of " governor *' or *' feudal lord," " hair on the human scalp," and ^' above " or " superior." (5) Miura Sempo, one of the most astute of recent Shinto scholars, similarly advances the view that the term kami, in its earliest and most characteristic usage, is associated with ideas and feelings that arise in the presence of anything reigen teki (" mysterious," *' ghostly ") or fukashigi teki (" marvelous," " strange ").^ He rejects the hypothesis that kami in its original sense expresses simply the idea of a supreme or transcendent being, although he is willing to accept this as a derived meaning. He distinguishes two main steps in the process whereby the word has come to take on its characteristic content. a. " The first matter of importance to note concerning kami is its content of mystery and wonder. Kami means not simply that which is superior as compared with human beings and with things, but it denotes that which in intelligence, virtue, or power is marvelous and mysterious. The fact that]in ancient times mountains, rivers, and seas were commonly worshipped as kami is not simply because they were looked upon as superior in height, size, depth, or breadth, but because these things were beyond the power of the mind to grasp and thus mysterious. We can explain in the same manner the fact that serpents, tigers, and wolves were also kamiy'^ b. Then with true pyschological insight Miura adds, '' In as much, however, as the mysterious and the marvelous are set over against that which is not mysterious and not marvelous, it goes without saying that an idea of superiority is involved. Thus, kami means, in the first place, that which is marvelous and mysterious and, in the second place, it seems to me to express the idea of superior being. "^ 1. Miura Sempo and Tanaka Jigohei, Shindai no Shiso (jnJ^^I^^^IP* ffi 4» /6S^^^> ff i^;2:®,'®, " The Ideas of the Age of the Gods," Tokyo, 191 2), p. 127. 2. Op. cit. 3. Ibid.f p. 128. . THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 45 Miura further advances the hypothesis that Japanese words beginning with syllables of the ka-series [i.e., beginning with the elements ka, ki, ku, ke or ko\ exhibit a tendency toward bearing a content that is colored by the ideas of strangeness and mys- tery.^ -He makes no attempt to elaborate the theory, however, beyond suggesting a few words that illustrate the point in ques- tion.'^ Thus, although his theory is undeveloped, his study as far as it goes, favors an etymology that refers the first syllable of kami to an original usage in which ka expresses primitive reactions in the presence of various baffling, uncontrolled, terrify- ing, or mysterious experiences that throw the human mind into attitudes ^f unusual awareness and caution. With regard to the ;«2-syllable Miura advances the tenta- tive hypothesis that this element is to be taken in the same sense as w/ (*' body," "person") or mi ("fruit," "substance," or " matter "). Mi thus must be understood in the sense of sub- stantiality or form. As terms analogous to kami in construction, he suggests omi (lit. " big body," " big person " ; in the archaic regime the term was probably applied to subordinate chiefs who were personally attached to the great chief or sumera-mikoto)^ tami (lit. " rice-field person," used even in the modern vernacular to indicate the common people), he-mi or ^^-^^ (" serpent "), nezu-mi (" rat "), shira~mi (" louse "), no-mi (" flea "), etc.^ Under this analysis, kami would mean, " possessed of mysterious or marvelous substance." Th-- underlying idea which Miura arrives at is thus identical with that reached by Hirata. 1. Ibid., p. 127. 2. Such terms as kakusu, " to conceal," kakureru, " to hide," " to disappear from sight," ka^^ " a shadow," " a phantom," kagayaku, " to shine," ki, " spirit,'* kuma, " a dark spot," kushibi^ " strange," " supernatural." Hatta Tomonori has advanced a similar view and suggests a comparison of kami with such forms as kasuka, " dim," *' vague," kakuri, " isolation," " hidden," kaze, " wind," kasumi, " haze," " mist." On this basis he proposes that kavii is possibly a combination of ka with the primary meaning of " vagueness " or " indistinctness " and mi, from mi-isutu, " to be full of," hence " full of vagueness." Cf. Maruyama, op. cit, p. 34. 3. Miura, op. cit.y p. 129. 146 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHJNTO. (6) Tanaka Yoshito, although attempting something of a compromise view, finds the idea of mystery entering into kami as one of its important elements. At the same time he charac- teristically seeks to preserve unique aspects in favor of the super- iority of the Japanese conception. " If we summarize briefly the content of kami'^ he says, ** we may say that it includes the ideas of aboveness and of mystery also those of superiority and glorious presence {shorin or kagamiy'ii)} My opinion is that any object that possesses these peculiarities and attributes is kami. Today among actual living people there are those who are kami and who may be called arabito garni (incarnate kami). Among our ancestors of the past those who jfbssessed one, two, or all of these attributes just named are kami. Ac- cordingly, this is not the abstract deity found in occidental monotheism. That is, it is not arbitrarily produced by poets, philosophers and religionists. The Japanese kami is equipped with human personality. The foreign idea of deity differs greatly."^ (7) Professor Miyaji Naoichi^ declares that the fundamental / meaning of kami is *' possessing superhuman power." He says, ** Regarding the meaning of kami : Our Japanese race which has possessed an extremely stable faith from the time of the beginning of the establishment of the state, has designated the objects of daily worship by the general term kami. Even if we express the idea with the ideograms shin (deity) or shingi (deities of heaven and earth) yet the various meanings of /^^w/ are not by any means unified thereby. Furthermore, the idea of kami has undergone great changes in passing through the ages. I intend to speak of what is lodged in the characteristic thought of our people. 1. Ri^g^. Tanaka's meaning is not altogelher clear here. The ideograms ean be read tenxshite nozomu^ " shining, to look upon." Cf. the view of Imibe given above. 2. Tanaka, Y.. Shinto Hongi, p. 131. 3. I^clurer on Shinto his;ory in the Imperial University of Tokyo. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 47 " It is not easy to determine the etymology of ka?m. If, however, we consider the actual usage of th2 term, it may be said that the most fitting interpretation assigns a general meaning of ' possessing superhuman power.' This was noted long ago by earlier writers. Consequently, the scope of the term is ex- ceedingly broad and extends into various diversifications. Thus kanii may be superior or the opposite ; they may be righteous or evil. Such ideas are not by any means limited to past ages."* The foregoing inventory of Japanese opinions contains some etymologies and interpretations that are fanciful and impossible ; others are remarkably suggestive and expressive of genuine psy- chological insight. Whether fanciful or sound they may at least serve to indicate that the offhand dogmatism which denies the existence of superhuman or supernatural elements in the meaning of kami is not supported by the authority of Japanese scholars who have made the actual religious life of the people an object of careful investigation. As the next step in our study it is necessary to attempt to gather together the different meanings of kami, giving as far as possible examples of the actual, historical usage. The various meanings of kami may be listed as follows : I. That whi ch is strange, fearful, T-r y^tfrinuiii ■^-■ri'-'»r.]n,.„^ u ncontroll ed, or beyond hum an compreh:^nsion {Jiakaru bekara- zaru koto) ; e xtraordinary ex p pripnrpc; fVi^f pr^dnrp nnnminl ' e motion s such as the frenzy of rel igious dances, or outstand ing objects that throw the atten tion into spec ial activity, su ch as tall tre es, high jngguntains, thunder and lightning ; implements of magic such as sacred mirrors and jewels ; uncanny animals such as foxes, tigers and wolves. In the Nikon SJioki two moi:?ntain wolves are called kashi- koki kami, *' fearful deities.'"^ The Manybshu speaks of Okiichi 1. Miyaji, Naoichi, SJiingi Shi Koy'o ('^j^jg;— , W^^M% "Outline History of the Deities of Heaven and Earth," Tokyo, I9i9\ pp- 4-5' 2. N , p. 367 ; A., II, p. 36. , 148 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. no inagami, '* Great-Mouthed-True-A'<3:;;//,"^ which, as Arakida suggests, may be identified as a reference to the wolf, fearful because of his big mouth. The FiidoJd says, " In Asuka there is an okanii (wolf) who has eaten many people; the people of the country in fear call it Great-Mouthed-A'^?;;//."^ The modern Japanese colloquial for wolf is still okami. The Nikon Shoki similarly speaks of the tiger as kashikoki kami, " fearful deity."' The Manyosliu mentions the tora to iu kaini, '* the kainl called tiger.*"* The extraordinary appearance of white animals led to their being accorded special ceremonial treatment. The appearance of a white deer was a supernatural portent.^ White sparrows, white pheasants, white crows, white swallows, white falcons, white owls, white moths, and white foxes were all good omens.® The fox images found at the Inari shrines of modern Japan are generally white. White snakes are still the objects of supersti- tious regard. The *^ Eight Great Kami of Idzushi " spoken of in the Kojiki are two strings of beads, *' a wave-shaking scarf," '' a wind-cutting scarf " [i.e. ** a scarf to raise the waves and a scarf to still the waves, a scarf to raise the wind and a scarf to still the wind "]/ '* a mirror of the effing " and " a mirror of the shore. "^ The necklace of jewels which Izanagi bestowed on the Sun Goddess was called Mikura-tana-no-kami, ** August- Store-house-Shelf-A'i^:;;//.'"' The sword which subdued the 1. Manyoshu,'^ 742, No. 1 636, Ed. by Watanabe Daisaburo and Watanabe Fumio, Tokyo, 1877. 2. Cited in G. Kato, Waga Kokiitai to Shinto^ p. 139. 3. N.,p.387. 4. ManycshUf op. cit., p. 786, No. 3885. 5. A., 1, p. 297. 6. A., pp. 124, 174, 236-7, 239, 252, 286, 322, 326, 352, 410. See also De Wisser, M. W., 'I he Fox and the Badger in Japanese Folklore^ T. A. S. J., Vol XXXVI, Pt. Ill, pp. 13, 29, 30. 7. Cj. C, p. 261, note 17. 8. Ibid., p. 261. 9. Ibid., p. 43. THE FOLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. I49 savage deities of Kumanu was called Sazhi-futsii-no-kami, " Thrust-Broad- AT^/;//."* Izanagi's marvelous sword was called Itsu-no-^vo-ha-bari-no- kami, " Majestic-Point-Blade-Extended-A'<^////."^ The peaches with which he held back the eight thunder->^«w/ and the five hundred warriors of Hell were called O-kamU'dzu-mi-no-mikoto, " Wonderful-Thing- Great-Divine Fruit. "'"^ The rock with which he blocked up the Pass of Hell was called Michi-gaeshi-no-d-kami, " Grcst-Ka/fiiofthe Road-Turning-Back.'"* The staff with which the same hero drove back the thunders ^N^sF^mado-no-^af;ii,^ Kami nariy ''' sounding kami,^^ may mean either thunder or lightning (thunderbolt). The thunder god is Ika-dziichi-no- kami, " Terrible Hammer- A'rt:;///,"^ or Take-mika-dzuchi-no-kaini " Brave- Awful- Hammer- A'ifz/w.'" The Manydshu indicates the popular beliefs that lie back of the usage when it says that it is fearful to see the kami who flashes near the clouds and roars.^ Karnii, which appears to be an older form of kami, has a similar usage. The frenzy exhibited by Uzume-no-mikoto in her dance before the Sun Goddess is called kamu-gakariy ** kamu- possession."*"* In the Manydshu the words of the Shinto priest, which caused the safe passage of the boats in the bay of Sumi, are called z^rt:;;/// ^(?/^, " kamu words."'" The wind that _ 1 . ™ 1. Ibid, p. 135- 2. Ibid., pp 34, 100. 3. Ibid; p. 37 ; also A., I, p. 30. 4. C,p. 38. 5. A., I, p. 30. 6. A., I, p. 29. See also T. A. S. J., Vol. VII, Pt. IV, pp. 414-15. 7. A., I, p. 115. 8. For reference see Kato, op. cit, p. 131. . 9. Cf. Shibugawa, Genji, Santai Kojiki {^)\\-^%, H||l5r-^!ll, "Tri- partite Kojiki," Tokyo, 1916), p. 44. 10. Sui7ii no e ni Itsuku haftiri ga Kamti goto to ; Yuku (0 mo hi to mo Fune 2UO hay a ke 7nu.— Manydshu, op. cit.. No. 4243. 150 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF ^lODERN SHINTO. blows from the sacred shrine of Watarahi is kainu kaze, '' kamu wind."* The conclave of the deities oi heaven is kamu Iiakari, " kamu consultation."^ A kai?iu-toko is a sacred place for worshipping the kami, Kamu-gaki signifies the sacred fence or inclosure about a shrine. Kamu-kai is sacred rice presented to the kami. In the ancient records certain sacred persons are called kamu, as Kamii-Yamato-ihare-biko, *' Sacred- Yam ato-I- hare-Prince/' the first Emperor according to tradition. KamUy both in form and meaning, strongly suggests the Polynesian term tabu. The sacred chiefs of Polynesia who can trace their pedi- grees back to the gods are arii tabu, ** chiefs sacred." A temple is zvaki tabu, *' place sacred." Kamu here has a ceremonial and not an ethical significance ; that is, the ka??iu object is sacred because it is taboo. 2. Spirits and Hf^ihVg nf n^tnrf^ In this sense kami is used of the spirits and deities of earth, sun, moon, stars, storm, thunder, lightning, earthquake, fire, wind, rain, volcanoes, mountains, rocks, seas, rivers, river mouths, waves, wells, trees, grasses, herbs, growth, vegetation, harvest, etc.^ 3. The spirits of ancestors, especially great ancestors, i.e. emperors, national heroes, wise men and saints. The great kami of the mythological period, such as Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami, ha-- nagi, Izanami, and Susa-no-ivo-notmikotOy are officially recog- The meaning of the poem appears to be, " By the kamu words of the conse- crated priest, the ships in the bay of Siimi, whether they go or whether they come, they pass in safety." 1 . Watarahi no Itsuki no Miya yu, Kamu kaze ni Ibuki madowashi. : Ama gtimo wo ; Hi no me mo m'.ezu.—Manydshuy op. cii., p. 704, No. 199. Tlie sense fnay bt rendered : " By the kamu breeze that blows from the sacred shrine of Watarahi [Ise] the clouds are scattered about ; the eye of heaven is unseen." 2. Manvoshu, op. ci(., p. 703, No. 167. 3. Cf. A., I, pp. 1-63; C, pp. 1-34, 39-43, 45-49; Aston, Shinto the Way of the Gods, y^. 1 21-176. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. I5I nized in this sense. The orthodox interpretation attempts to make out that the pers9nages just named are Japanese culture heroes. Japanese history abounds in records of famous human beings who at death were apotheosized and made the objects of general worship. Incuye Tetsujiro says, *' All famous human beings become kami. This is true of Kwanko \Sugawa Michi- zane], Nanko \Kiisunoki Masashige], Kitabatake Chikafusa, Nltta Yoshisada, A^^w^ Nagatoshi, Ninomiya Sontoku, Yosliida Shoin, and others."^ 4, Su perior huma n bein gs in actual human s ociety, i.e. high government officials such as heads oi departments and bureaus (ancient usage), feudal lords of the old regfme, governors, emperors. Among the names of the Daimyo, who at the time of the Restoration, " begged to be allowed to restore their fiefs to the Sovereign " are abundant examples of the use of kami as~a state title, e.g. Shiinazu Awaji no Kami, Matsudaira Deiua no Kami, Hisamatsu Iki no Kami, Nagai Hizen no Kami, and numerous others.^ The Shokii NiJwngi under the date of 698 A.D. (24th day, seventh month) speaks of the governor of the province of Ise as Kami!" , The " Chief oi the Administration of the Ise Shrines " was called Saigii no Kaiiu.^ A poem in the Manyoshu, dated the first year of Reiki (715 A.D.) spaaks of the ruler as Sumerogi no Kami, " Sov- ereign Kami."'^ A passage in the Slioku Nihongi reads, " The manifest god, descendant of the Goddess ot High Heaven, he who now rules over the country of the eight great islands, His 1. Cited in Tanaka, T., Shindo J^ivanken,^. 6. 2. Cf. Phoenix, Nov. 1870, pp. 63-4. Kami in this sense is generally written ^, " a lord," " a governor." 3. T. J. S. L., Vol. XV (1916-17), p. 156. 4. Ibid., p. 182. The Saigu of Ise was a virgin princess of the Blood en- gaged in the service of Ama-ierasu-d-mi-kaini. The period ol service ended only with the death of the Saif!ti or with the death or abdication of the emperor. 5. Manyoshu, op. cit., p, 706, No. 230. 15.2 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. Majesty Yamato Neko no Mikoto^^ The Nihongi similarly speaks of ** The God Incarnate, the Emperor Yamato Neko, who rules the world. "^ Important personages in the social and poli- tical life here become living kami and the usage in this sense implies attitudes of respect, reverence and caution on the part of the shimo — all below the kami. On the other hand, there is no evidence that such kami ever during actual life- time became the centers of organized cult and received worship at the shrines. e; . The f^overnment itsel f, colloquial usage. Kami no on sata Is *' a government order.""^ 6. Above in q^n^fi ; nnprrin i in liii il i^>n ^ Hito no kami ni tatsu is '* to stand above others." Hashigami {hashi-kami) is " above the bridge." Kawakami is used to indicate the upper waters of a stream in contradistinction with kawa-shimOy the lower. The blind masseur as he walks the streets in the evening still calls out, '* Amma, kami shimo sambyaku ;;/^;2, massage, from head {kami) to foot {shimo) three hundred mon.^* Further usages in this same sense are : one superior in age, a master, the first part of a thing, the upper part of a town, of the body, or of clothing, the first section of a Japanese poem, the direction ot the imperial palace or the capital, the first fifteen days of a month or the first ten days of a month. Okami-san is a term of respect for the wife of another in lower class usage. 7. In a temporal sense, " t ||e upper times. '* i.e. antiquity (rare). 8. The hair on the human scalp.^ 9. Paper.* 1. Trans, by J. Carey Hall, T. J. S. L., Vol. XV (1916-17), p. 152. 2. A., II, p. 210. 3. Cf. Inouye, Juklchi, Comprehensive Jafanese-En^ish Dictionary (Tokyo, 1921), p. 1063. Kami in this sense is written Y.. 4. Written _t.. So also for meaning number 7 given above. 5. Written §|. 6. Written ii^. THE POLITICAL PHILCSDPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 53 lo. neity ]* God.; "The God of Heaven," {Ama tsu Kaini)\ the Christian God; "The Lord of High Heaven " {Tenjo no Shusai, Jotei, Tentei, Ten). These usages represent to a considerable extent the results of syncretism with Indian, Chinese, and Occidental thought. In considering the above diversity of usage the question naturally arises as to whether there is not some possibility of arriving at a point of view which gives a unified perspective to ideas connected with the word kami. Revon who has made a most persistent attempt to unify the usage, after mention- ing the difficulty that Japanese scholars have had in coming together on any plausible etymology, finally concludes that the only possible explanation is that which rests on the general sense of kami in the Japanese language which should be translated simply by the word superieiir. Working from this point of view he finds a unity of such scope as to include even the mean- ing " paper " which is superior because of its special importance in the life of the Japanese people, particularly as the ** precious preserver of tradition."^ Is this all that can be said, however, of an expression that is 1. Written |^. Under kami thus written the Dai Nikon Kokugo Jiten (Vol. I, A-ki, pp. 938-9) classifies the following meanings : ( I ) Those personages who lived in Japan prior to Jimmu Tenno. - (2) A sacred influence which is regarded as dwelling in the unknown, which knows that which is unknown to man, which works in all things and which brings happiness and misfortune on mankind. (3 A term of respect for the Emperor. (4) Spirits of human beings enshrined in ih& Jinja after death. (5) The God of Christianity, the creator and governor of the universe. (6) A term used to designate all fearful things {Subeie osoroshiki mono no sho). (7) Things that are beyond human comprehension. (8) Thunder. [(9) A jester, a buffoon, a drum beater who entertained at public houses in former times (rare)]. 2. Revon. M., " Le Shintoisme," Hevue de IJHistoire des Religions, Vol. XLIX, p. 28. 154 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. used to cover man's experiences with deities, ghosts, spirits of ancestors, and extraordinary members of human society — all those, who in the words of Maruyama, "excel indignity, in ability, in virtue, in learning, or in shrewdness " — a word that is applied not only to that which is above but als ^ to magical charms, to foxes, wolves and tigers, to trees, stumps, echoes, rocks, moun- tains and seas, to dragons and goblins, to thunder and lightning — to '' all things whatsoever in the world which possess marvel- ous and strange virtue " ?^ In attempting to answer this question, one is immediately reminded of that considerable list of similar religious terms in other languages which the researches of modern investigators of primitive culture have brought to light — such terms as Mana of the Melanesians, Tabu of the Polynesians, Kaniui of the Ainu, Kramat of th.^ Malays, Tondi of the Bataks of Sumatra, Andria- manitra of the natives of Madagascar, Orenda of the Iroquois, Wakanda of the Sioux, Manitou of the Algonquins, Ngai or Engai of the Masai, Mulungu of the Yao tribe of thcr Bantu peoples, Oiidali of the Pigmies, Inkosi of the Zulus, TiLo of the Baronga, Hasina of Malagasy, Attia of the Maori, Kalou of the Fijians, AningquiltJia of the Australian Arunta, the old Norse hamingja and the makt of Swedish folklore. Modern students of the elementary forms of the religious life have made use of the term Mana as a convenient name for expressing the uniformity of emotional reaction and resultant classification and interpretation of experience which these various words connote in the philosophy of primitive man.^ The hypo- thesis is here advanced that the Japanese term Kami belongs to the Mana type of religious classification. Kami is essentially the same in meaning as Mana. In supporting this statement it is necessary to indicate more fully the most important elements in the meanings of the terms just listed. 1. Hirata. See above p. 139. 2. Cf. Marelt, R. R., " The •Conception of Mana," Transactions of the Ihini International Congress for the History of Religions, Vol. I, pp. 46-57. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 55 Maria, in the religious philosophy of the Melanesians,^ may be defined as a marvellous wonder-working force manifested in any object or being that exhibits unusual power or superiority. Codririgton says, '' There is a belief in a force altogether distinct from physical and in a way supernatural .... This inana is not fixed in anything, and can be conveyed in almost anything." Also, while '' it essentially belongs to personal beings to origi- nate it/' it may nevertheless appear in such humble objects as water, stones, or bones. In more specific illustration of ideas related with the term he says, " If a man has been successful in fighting, it has not been his natural strength of arm, quickness of eye, or readiness of resource that has won success ; he has cer- tainly got the mana of a spirit or of some deceased warrior to empower him, conveyed in an amulet of a stone round his neck, or a tuft of leaves in his belt, in a tooth hung upon a finger of his bow hand, or in the form of words with which he brings supernatural assistance to his side. If a man's pigs multi- ply, and his gardens are productive, it is not because he is in- dustrious and looks after his property, but because of the stones full of mana for pigs and yams that he possesses. Of course a yam naturally grows when planted, that is well known, but it will not grow very large unless mana comes into play ; a canoe will not be swift unless mana be brought to bear upon it, a net will not catch many fish, nor an arrow inflict a mortal wound. "^ Marett summarizing from Tregear indicates the usage of mana in the wider Polynesian field. Mana is applied, in Maori, "to a wooden sword that has done deeds so wonderful as to possess a sanctity and power of its own ; in Samoan, to a parent who brings a curse on a disobedient child ; in Hawaiian, to the gods, or to a man who by his death gives efficacy to an idol ; in Tongan, to whoever performs miracles, or bewitches ; in Man- 1. Cf, Codriuglon, R. H., Melanesians (Oxford 189I), p. 118, note 2. Id:d., p. 120.. I $6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. garevan, to a magic staff given to a man by his grandfather, or, again, to divination in general."^ The term is also applied to a tribal chief, a healer of sickness, a successful pleader, or the winner of a race. The psychological basis of the j/mna idea may be said to lie in a naive interpretation of emotional reactions originating in experiences lying outside the regions of ordinary control.^ Tadii in its original, local usage among the Polynesians is to be understood as a form of the //mua-ide^. Behind the ideas of separation from ordinary usage and appropriation to special persons and things, is the more fundamental notion of sacredness. The psychological origin of this feeling of sacred- ness expressed in ta/?u is undoubtedly to be found in an emotional expansion or " thrill " in the presence of anything that thrusts itself on the attention in a sudden or extraordinary manner.^ The exceedingly diversified content of the Ainu term kainui 1. Tregear, E., Maori- Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, (Wellington, N.Z., 1891), s.v. mana. C/. Marett, op. cit^ p. 49. 2. For literature on mana, in addition to Codrington, Marett, and Tregear as given above, see also Durkheim, Emile, The Elementary Forms of the Reli- giaus Life (Eng. trans, by Joseph Ward Swain from Les formes elementaires de la vie religieuse, Paris, I9I2\ pp. 61, 62, 188-239; Marett, R. R., art. "Mana," H.E.R.E., Vol. VIII, 375 ff. ; Ames, Edward Scribner, The Psychology of Reli- gious Experience, pp. 95-115; Soderblom, N., " Holiness " (General and Primi- tive) in H.E.R.E., Vol. VI, pp. 731-32 ; Hubert and Mauss, " Theorie Generale de la Magie " in DAnnee Sociologique, VII (1904); Marett, R.R., " Pre- Animistic Religions," in Folklore, XI (1900), pp. 162-182; Lovejoy, Arthur O., "The Fundamental Concept of the Primitive Philosophy," Mottist {^igo6), XVI, pp. 357-382 ; Kmg, Irving, The Development of Religion, pp. 132-164 ; Leuba, J., A Psychological Study of Religion, pp. 70-84, 122 ff., 163; Goldenweiser, A.A., " Spirit, Mana, and the Religious Thrill," fottrnal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods, (19 15), XII, pp. 632-640 ; Dewey, John, '< The Interpretation of the Savage Mind," Psychological Review, 1902. 3. Cf. Tregear, E., Maori -Polynesian Comparative Dictionaiy, s.v. " Tabu," especially remarks under Hawaiian usage ; Ames, Psychology of Religious Ex- perience, p, 108 J Thomas, N. W., Art. « Taboo," En. B., Vol. XXVI, pp. 337 ff. ; Frazer, J. H., Golden Bough, I, 297-464; III, 1-134, 201-236, 463-467; Churchill, Wm., Polynesian Wanderings, (Washington, 1911), pp. 263, 264. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV OF MODERN SHINTQ. 15/ is to be seen in the following list of usages, *' the maker of worlds and places/' i.e. the chief of all the kaimii, the progenitor of the Ainu race, the sun, the moon, fire, ordina-y spirits such as those of storm, sea, springs, rivers, etc. bears, foxes, moles and wolves (when exhibiting extraordinary characteristics), autumn salmon, birds of good or bad omen, a locality remarkable for beauty or a place where fish and game abound, high or rugged mountains or mountains where bears abound, government offi- cials and persons in high positions, e.g. the Emperor of Japan, beautiful flowers, pleasant dells, large trees, a cool breeze on a hot day, large waves of the sea, a " man-of-war " ship, a dog which has saved life, elephants, lions, evil spirits, reptiles, violent contagious disea<;es such as small-pox or cholera/ The Malay word, Kramat is similarly applied to men, animals, plants, stones, etc. Blogden says, *' When the word stands alone it almost invariably means a holy place y the word tempat being presumably understood. When applied to a per- son it implies special sanctity and miraculous power. "^ Kramat animals are generally marked by some extraordinary or uncanny characteristic, e.g. a shrunken foot, a stunted tusk, or albinism.* Tondi, as in use among the Bataks signifies a mysterious f^rce, power, or substance constituting the soul of man but appearing also in such objects as houses, boats, iron, animals, and plants (especially in rice).* Ellis remarks concerning the natives of Madagascar, ** Whatever is great, whatever exceeds the capacity of their understandings, they designate by the one convenient and com- prehensive appellation, Andriamanitra. Whatever is new and useful and extraordinary is called god. Silk is considered as 1. Cf. T.AS.J., Vol. XVI, pp. 20-28 Concerning the possibility of the word kamui having been borrowed from Japanese usage as expressed in kami or ince versa, cf. discussions by Batchelor and Chamberlain in T.AS.A., op. cit., pp. 17 ff., pp, 33 flF. 2. Cited in Skeat, \< . W., Malay Magic (London, 1900), p. 673. 3. Cf. Skeat, op. cit., pp. 71, 153, 163. 4. Warneck, Joh., Die Religion der Batak (Leipzig, 1909), pp. 8 fF., 46 fF. I5B THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. god in the highest degree, the superlative adjective being added to the noun — Andriamanitra-indrinda. Rice, money, thunder and lightning, and earthquake are all called god. Their ancestors and a deceased sovereign they designate in the same manner. Tarantasy or book they call god, from its wonderful capacity of speaking by merely looking at it. Velvet is called by the singu- lar epithet, * son of god.' "^ Among the Iroquois of North America, Qrenda indicates the mystic potency found in any extraordinary object of experience.^ It is found in ** the speech and utterance of birds and beasts, the soughing of the winds, the voices of the night, the moaning of the tempest, the rumble and crash of the thunder, the startling roar of the tornado, the wild creaking and cracking oi wind- rocked and frost-riven trees, lakes and livers, and the multiple other sounds and noises in nature."^ Orenda may manifest itself in the shaman, in the skillful hunter, in prophets and soothsayers, in any man or animal who exhibits extra- ordinary prowess or cunning, in storms, charms, amulets, fetishes, or mascots, and in plants, trees, rocks, mountains, water, clouds, or sky. Wakanda is a term used by the Sioux in connection with objects or persons regarded as possessing an unusual creative power, marvellous in operation. Wakanda was applied to a wide range of objects, such as mythological beings, sun, moon, earth, thunder, lightning, stars, storms, winds, certain [)lants, animals (such as bear, bison, and beaver), places of a striking character, blood, menstrual discharges, fetishes, ceremonial objects, the shaman, etc' Irving King says of this term, " Whatever attracts attention in any way, or seems associated 1. Ellis, History of Madagascar^ I, 39I-2, cited by Marelt, " rre-aniniistic Religion,". FolklorCy op. at., p. 169. 2. Hewitt, J. N. B., " Orenda and a Definition of Religion," American Anthropologisty New Series, 1902, pp. 33, 45. 3 Hewitt, op. cit. p. 36. 4. Cf. jSIcGee, Fifteenth Anntial Report of the Bureau of Ethnology^ « Washington (1897) pp. I57, 1S2 ff. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 59 with any striking occurrence, is thought to possess in some mea- sure this mechanical, impersonal power. The wild animals, especially those characterized by cunning, fleetness, and great strength, were thought to owe it to some peculiarly intimate contact with this power. All human achievement, beyond the most commonplace, was not thought to be due to any special merit in the individual, but solely to his shrewdness or to his luck in making proper connections with Wakonda,^^\ \\\ the philosophy of the Algonquins, Manitou is primarily a " mysterious quasi-mechanical essence, the active element in all that is strange, excellent, or powerful.'"^ In explanation of the psychological origin of the idea, William Jones has written, *' To experience a thrill is authority enough for the existence of the substance."' The following citation, from Roger Williams indicates the wide application of the term. '* There is general custom amongst them [American Indians] at the apprehension of any excellency in men, women, birds, beasts, fisbes, etc., to cry qmX. Manittoo if they see one man excel others in valor, strength, activity, etc., they cry out MzwzV/^f? and therefore when they talk among themselves of the English ships and great buildings, and especially of books and letters, they will end thus : Alanittozvock.^'* Thomson says of the Masai, " Whatever struck them as strange and incomprehensible, that they at once assumed has some connection with ngai I was Ngai. My lamp 1. King, Irving, op. cit, p. 139. See alse Riggs and Dorsey, " Dakota- English Dictionary," Contrib, N. Anter. Ethnol.y VII, p. 508 ; Dorsey, J. O., " Omaha Sociology," Third Annual Report of the Buteon of Ethnology (Wash- ington, 1884), pp. 211 ff,, 267; Durkheim, op. cit., pp. 192, 193, 195 ff., 199; Lovejoy, op. cit. pp. 363-68 ; Fletcher, Alice, " On the Import of the Totem among the Omahas," Proceedings of the American Association for the Advatuement of Science, 1897, p. 326. 2. King, op. cit., p. 137. 3. Jones, Wm., "The Algonquin Manitou," Jcu.nal of American Folk- Lore, Vol. XVIII, 1905, 183; cf. entire article, pp. 183-190. 4. " Key to t he Languages of America" (1643), Collections of the Rhode Island Historical Society^ I, quoted in Lovejoy, op. cit.., p, 368. / l6o THE POIJTICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. was Ngai^'^ The term is applied to i"ain, sky, volcanoes, sun, moon, morning and evening stars, clouds on the mountains steaming holes, deities, and spirits.^ Muliingu of the Yao tribe of the Bantu, is regarded as the active agent in anything mysterious or beyond the range of human comprehension. It is employed, for example, in speaking of the rainbow, good luck, spirits, or deity. Heatherwick con- nects the etymology with kuliingwa, signifying " great " or *' old," saying, *' It is the same root which appears in the Kaffir word for God, Unkidiinkulu, which may therefore be rendered as ' The old, old One,' or * The great, great One.' "^ Among the Pigmy people of Centml Africa, the expression Oudah serves to indicate a mysterious force or spirit manifested in any -object that ** catches the attention in the moment of sur- prise.'"* Marett says of Pigmy philosophy at this point, '* His knife acts normally as long as it serves him to trim his own arrow-shaft. As soon, however, as it slips and cuts his hand, there is ^ oudah ^ in, or at the back of, the ' cussed ' thing. "^ Inkosi of the Zulus and the term Tilo among the Baronga may be taken as setting forth essentially the same elementary philo- sophy.^ Hasina of Malagasy has been defined as an " indwelling or supernatural power, which renders a thing good and effective ; the power of a medicine ; the truth of a word ; the efficacy of amulets and incantations ; the holiness of a thing,"' The Maori applied the term atiia to all the incomprehensible 1. Thomson, Joseph, Through Masai Land (London, 1885), p. 445. 2. Hollis, W. C, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. XIX. 3. Heatherwick, A., " Some Animistic Beliefs among the Yaas of British Central Africa," Journal of Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XXXII, p. 94 ; cf. entire article pp 89-95. 4. Ames, The Psychology of Religious Experience^ p. 108. 5. Marett, R. R., "Is Taboo a Negative Magic ? ", Anthropological Essays, p. 230 ; cited in Ames, op. cit. 6. Cf ^ Haddon, Alfred C, Syllabus of Lectuns on Magic and Primitive Religion. (I^ndon, 1905), p. 6. 7. SSderblom, «7/. cit. 732. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. lOI activities of nature and to all supernatural beings and mysterious objects of any sort. " The strangers that first came among them sending thunder and lightning by the discharge of their fire-arms were real atiias. A watch, whose wonderful movements they did not understand, was an atiia»^\ Arungquiltha among the Australian Arunta is applied either to a supernatural, evil influence or to the object in which the influence is supposed to reside, such as bones, pieces of wood, poisonous animals or plants, the pointing stick of the medicine man, or the Churinga carried by the Illapuringa woman (lit. '' the changed," i.e.y the avenging woman).^ The ancient Norse associated hamingja with the mysterious protecting genius of individuals and of clans. It was the super- natural element in luck and fate.^ Makt is the mysterious ' might ' or ' power * of Swedish folk lore. Soderblom says, '' Men and animals can be ' might-stolen ' {makt-stiihia), through evil influence."* In other words, we meet here again a belief in a mysterious force or supernatural power that came and went in man and beast, under conditions that lay outside of ordinary control. The above list does not assume to be exhaustive, yet it is deemed sufificiently extended for the purposes of the present dis- cussion. The data just presented represent material gathered from the folk beliefs of all the grand divisions of the human race. An investigation of the usages connected with the various terms that have been brought under examination plainly indicates that, as far as diversity of content is concerned, the idea oikami presents no difficulties that students of religion have not already encoun- tered in other fields and explained with a considerable degree of scientific consistency. Prior to attempting to draw conclusions 1. Featherman, Social History of the Races of Mankind, II, p. 207. 2. Cf. Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 548. Durkheim defines. Arungquiltha as harmful mana. Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, p. 197. 3. Soderblom, op. cit. 4. Ibid. 1 62 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. in the matter, however, it is necessary to consider Japanese usage relating to kami in the sense of hair on the human head. As has been suggested previously, the standard explanation of kamif taken in the sense of hair on the human head, finds in it support for assigning a primary meaning of '^ above " or '' super- ior." In as much as kami is employed variously to indicate *' deity," " above," and " hair on the human head," it requires but little analysis to isolate a common element of superiority in degree or position and assign priority to this sense. There are important considerations, however, that bear against this inter- pretation. These considerations have to do with the fact that the hair on the human scalp is one of the principal objects of ceremonial treatment in Japan and, in both ancient and modern usage, presents aspects that would appear to justify an association with primitive supernaturalism or at least with the idea of mys- terious superhuman force. In considering the matter of the ceremonial treatment ac- corded human hair in Japan, it is important to bear in mind the s[jecial virtue which commonly attaches to hair as well as to the nails of toes and fingers, in lower culture generally. The hair on the human head is sacred. It is the seal of an oath, a charm against harm, and because of its intimate, sympathetic connection with the living body, itself, it is a powerful means of working magic ; it is an offering to the deities or to the dead ; it is an object of ceremonial treatment and an important means of com- munion with superhuman powers.^ From the point of view of primitive man hair is a strange supercorporeal material that grows and changes form mysteriously on the body. It is thus filled with inana. Hence among the ancient Greeks, as well as I Cf Durkheim, Elementaiy Forms of the Religious Life, pp, 64, 173 ff.; Warr.eck, Die Religion der Batak, pp. 9, ff. ; Frazer, Golden Bough, I, pp. 44, 45, I93» 244, 341-2, 344-5, 353-5, 524, 570; Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 45; E. E. Sikes and Louis H. Gray, Art. " Hair and Nails," H.E.R.E., Vol. 6, pp. 474 ff. This last mentioned article should be consulted for further references and li erature. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 63 certain other races, it was regarded as the seat of life, itself.^ Frazer says, with Polynesian usage especially in mind, " The head and hair, especially of a chief were particularly taboo or sacred — to touch a man's head was a gross insult. If a chief touched his own head with his fingers he had immediately to apply them to his nose and snuff up the sanctity which they had abstracted from his head. The cutting of a chief's hair was a solemn ceremony — the several locks were collected and buried in a sacred place or hung upon a tree."^ Likewise among the IBurmese the cutting of the hair of a king was a solemn and sacred act.^ Similar usage obtained among the ancient Romans. Aulus Gellius, quoted by Fabius Pictor, says, '' None but a freeman may cut a flamen's hair. He never touches or names a she-goat, raw-flesh, hair, or beans The parings of his nails and the cuttings of his hair are covered with earth at the foot of a fruit tree."* This usage would seem to be fairly open to the interpretation that under the old Roman idea hair and nails contained a mysterious power that imparted additional life to the fruit tree. The early Hebrews were acquainted with the idea that the hair on the human head was a source of marvelous strength which could be brought under control by cutting off the hair.^ The scalp-lock of the American Indian was regard- ed as associating the owner with the mysterious and supernatural power that controlled his life and death. Alice Fletcher says, " For anyone to touch lightly this lock was regarded as a grave insult."^ Sikes is of the opinion that the ancient widespread practice of leaving the hair uncut during a journey probably had its origin 1. lI.E.R.E., op. cii. 2. Art. " Taboo," En. Brit., 9th ed. 3. H.E.R.E., op. cii. 4. Aulus Gellius, X, 15, Rome, 22, 28; Botsford, Source of Book of Ancient History, p. 339. 5- Judges, 16: 17-31. 6. Fletcher, Alice, Handbook of American Indians^ cited in H.E.R.E., op. cit. 164 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO, in a fear lest a stranger might come into possession thereof and work magic by means of the locks/ Ideas of lucky and unlucky days for cutting nails and hair are common in early culture as well as are practices of caution in disposing of the cuttings.^ Again, the idea is frequently met with that the mysterious potency in hair and nails can be brought to bear in the healing of sickness^ This notion is further ex- tended to that of a wider rapprochement with nature. The Maori believed that the cutting of the hair on the human head might cause a thunderstorm. The Romans seem to have held a similar idea."* Against this briefly sketched background we may make comparison of Japanese ideas concerning the peculiar sanctity and mysterious nature of the hair on the human head. Human hair is frequently met with throughout Japan, pre- sented at temples and shrines, supposedly as an offering to the gods or as the binding symbol of a vow. Some shrines and temples possess great ropes of human hair, braided from the offerings of successive generations ot suppliants. The evidence is good that in ancient Japanese culture hair received ceremonial treatment and was regarded as sacred or taboo. Hair on the head was worn long by both males and females,^ although each sex appears to have had a characteristic coiffure even in very ancient times^ Men wore their beards long.'' It is recorded in the Kojiki that when Haya-siisa-no-wo-no-mikoto was expelled from the High Plain of Heaven for violent misdemeanor, his hair was cut off and his toe and finger nails were pulled out.® Chamberlain properly calls attention to the cruelty in this latter I H.ER.E., (7/.^?V. 2. Ibid. 3- Ibid. 4- Ibid 5- 6. 7- Cf' C, pp. 73-4, 45- C/.F.,p, 76; C, Intro, pp q. C, p. 44. :. XLI-XIJI. 8. Ibid.^ p. 59 (Sect. XVII). One of the Nihongi variants says the hair on the head of Susa-nO-wo was pulled out. Cf. A., I., 45 , THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 1 65 act but it is very questionable if, as he intimates, this form of treatment had its origin merely in a desire to inflict severe pain/ The removal of the nails is to be taken along with the cutting of the hair.*^ The object aimed at is identical in both cases, not to inflict suffering, primarily, nor, again, to brand with disgrace, but to remove in an effectual way a mysterious source of power, that is to get control over the offending deity. The account plainly seems to say that in this way an attempt was made to limit Susa-no-wo in strength and sacredness. It is recorded again that Amaterasu-o-mi-kami as part of her preparation for a dangerous meeting with the same Susa-no-wOy unbound her " august hair " and twisted it again into *' august bunches."^ The idea that the hair on the human head is a medium of com^ munication with supernatural powers still exists in modern Japan. Dr. M. Honda, writing of 'Dmoto-kyoy has said, "The Dmoto believers claim as a proof of the Japanese race being the gods' chosen people for the moral unification of entire humanity, that our hair has pith right up to the end while the white-skinned people's hair is dead three or four inches from its end. This is why, they say, we Japanese are more susceptible to spiritual influences than any other race, the hair being the receiver of spiritual messages. They therefore keep their hair at least three inches long, bound together as close to the head as possible and let down the back when it is long enough.'"* The Japanese wrestler, to whom superior physical prowess is a prime necessity, still wears his hair long. When the successful wrestler retires from the ring, his hair is cut in a dignified religious ceremony.^ The cuttings of the hair are offered to the kami on the family 1. C, Intro., p. LV. 2. Cf. Art. " Hair and Nails," H.E.R.E., op. cit. 3. g:c, p.45. _ 4. M. Honda, "Omoto-kyo: What it is and Why it Spread," Japan Advei-tiser, Jan. 27, 192 1, p. 14. 5. The order of service in this ceremony, as furnished by the priest of the Nomi no Sukune Shrine at Midori Cho, Honjo, Tokyo is as follows. 1 66 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. god-shelf or, more often, presented at the shrine o{ Nomi-no-sukune , the patron god of wrestlers. The sacredness of the hair attaches to those objects that come closely in contact therewith. Especially is this true of combs. Hence, in Polynesian usage, for example, combs, par- ticularly those of sacred persons, are taboo, and are the objects of special ceremonial treatment.^ That Japanese beliefs and customs exhibit an attitude of caution toward combs and a special regard for them is readily apparent upon examination of the'evidence. When Izanagi prepared to enter the lower world in search of his lamented mate he is recorded to have broken off a large end tooth from the comb that was " stuck in the august left bunch " of his hair and after lighting this to have " Order of Service for the Hair-cutting Ceremony. On an elevated place in the room a sacred enclosure is made ready, sacred rope is hung and a rough straw mat is spread. The Purification Ceremony is performed. All make obeisance. The divine spirit is summoned. Warning at the coming of the kami\. All make obeisance. Offerings are presented. ■ A Shinto priest recites norito. • The principal offers tamagushi [a branch of sakaki with gohei attached]- The priest offers tamagushi. Visitors make congratulatory addresses. The principal expresses his thanks. Hair-cutting. The principal takes his place. The person who cuts the hair stands behind him with scissors in hand. He inserts the scissors. An attendant receives the hair and lays it in a convenient place. The principal retires at his convenience and adjusts his hair. Offerings are withdrawn. The divine spirit is sent away. Warning. All make obeisance. All retire." I. Cf. Frazer, Art. " Taboo," Er\. Brit., 9th ed. For an account of the use of combs in magic see Skeat and Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Penin- sula, Vol. I, pp. 148, 156, 492, 420 fT. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 16/ gone in/ Apparently slight details are important here. It is not by chance, for example, that the story says left bunch. In the light of Japanese custom, this was the side of peculiar potency and the use of the comb is to be interpreted as exhibit- ing an old idea that it constituted a powerful, protective device for Izanagi as he entered the dangerous confines of Yomi, Again when pursued out of the lower world by Yomo-tsu'shiko- mCf the Ugly Female of Hades, his defense against her was to make use of hair ornaments. His head-dress, cast down in the path of the oncoming Fury, turned instantly to grapes which stayed her while she devoured them. In like manner the pieces of the comb in the hair on the right side of his head, when cast down upon the ground, changed to bamboo sprouts and " while she pulled them up and ate them, he fled on."^ The Nihongi introduces the observations of the ancient chronicler to the effect that the story oi Izanagi and his marvelous combs furnished the occasion for the rise of the cautious attitude toward combs prevailing " at the present da-y " which made the people fearful of casting such objects away in the night-time.^ In the light of modern interpretations of the priority of ciistoms as related to myths that embody or explain them, this comment in the Nihongi is to be taken as additional evidence for the existence in old Yamato culture of a special regard for the sanctity of hair ornaments. We read, again, that Susa-no-wo as a means of protecting the " Wondrous-Inada-Princess '* from the eight-headed serpent of Koshi, transformed her into a comb which he stuck into his hair.'' According to primitive ideas, no finer place of protection need be sought for ; not because the girl was concealed, but because she was made inviolable by the mighty taboo of comb and hair combined. Again, it was a Kghted comb that constituted the protective device of Hoho- 1. C.,p. 35. 2. Ibid., pp. 36-37. 3. F., pp. 50-51. 4. C, p. 62; F., p. 122. 1 68 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. demi-7io-}?iikoto vA\&ci he broke the taboo of the parturition house and looked in on his wife in childbirth/ The black comb of the old man, Shiho-tsuchi-no-oji, when cast upon the ground changed instantly into *' a multitudinous clump of bamboos."^ When the Saigu, or royal vestal virgin of Ise, was about to be sent away on her prolonged period of service at the Great Shrine, ' she was called to the palace and the emperor thrust a comb into her hair with his own hands. This was the zvakare no kushi, or " comb of separation." Thus the sojourn of the virgin princess at Ise was brought under the taboo of comb and hair.^ Moto- ori, writing near the close of the eighteenth century, shows that a precautionary attitude toward combs existed in his own day.^ Messrs. Fujioka and Takagi, writing in the Nikon Hakkiva Dai Jit en have advanced the idea that the ancient practice connected with " the comb of separation " constitutes a possible explanation of why caution is exercised in presenting others with combs in modern Japan.^ The Adzuma Kagami records the belief that the picking up of a cast off comb will result in the estrangement of blood relations.^ Modern Japanese folk-lore still preserves the old notion.' The belief is probably to be carried back to an origin in a practice in which the violation of the taboo of cast off hair ornaments induced such ceremonial defilement as to actually result in the alienation of even those nearest of kin. A related superstition of modern Japan requires that if a cast off comb is picked up some object of possession must be thrown away in its stead.® In summary, then, it may be said that Japanese usage pre- 1. A., I. p. 98. 2. Ibid., p. 96. 3. Nikon Hakkwa Dai Jiten, Vol. Ill, p. 465. 4. Cf. C, p. 42, note 9. 5. Nikon Hakkwa Dai Jiten, op. cit. 6. Adzuma Kagami t under the second year of Kencho (1250), 6th mo., a4th day. 7. Nikon Hakkwa Dai Jitent op, cit, 8. Ibid. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 69 sents unmistakable evidence of a precautionary attitude toward hair and hair ornaments. The Japanese ceremonial regard for hair Is to be interpreted in the light of the supernatural associa- tions which we find in the treatment of hair in other ethnic areas. In the light of the evidence it does not seem incorrect to con- clude that the hair on the human head received its Japanese designation kami, not because of its superior position with refer- ence to the other parts of the body, but because it was associated with the idea of a mysterious and superhuman power. If it be objected that it is only the hair on the human scalp, that is, on the topmost part of the body, that is kami, it may be answered that a study of the ideas of primitive man will show that it is exactly the hair on the human scalp which is generally associated most directly with the mysterious workings of uiana. The sacred hair of the American Indian was the scalpAo^} The interpretation that kami belongs essentially to the mana type of religious classification is further elucidated by certain other considerations of an etymological character. From the very nature of the case this can not be advanced beyond the stage of probability, yet as far as it goes it gives support to the hypothesis herein set forth. Soderblom has already called attention to the fact that psychological analysis leads easily to the inference that early human reactions toward the extraordinary and startling objects of experience probably first expressed themselves in an exclamation or cry.^ In view of this psycho- logical inference the possibility arises that in the first syllabic element of the word kami we actually have the Japanese form of this primitive human cry. An extension of Miura's undeveloped hypothesis that certain Japanese words in the /^<^-series exhibit 1. With regard to /^u, Cf. Churchill, Wm., Polynesian Wartderings, p, 264. 2. Cf. Hopkins, E., W., The History of ReHgions (New York, 191 8), p. 421. 3. Cf. Art. « Head," H.E.R.E., Vol. 6, pp. 532-40. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. I/I certain direction, to have a severe pain in the intestines or else- where, to break out with a skin eruption. Behind all these meanings there seems to be the idea of the operation of a hidden, mysterious influence. Given the idea of touching to the head as making sacred or taboo, it is easy to see how this may well be the case. In one meaning the operation of hidden influence is directly stated, while in the meanings, "to have a severe pain " and ** to break out with a skin eruption," .it is possible to discern, from the point of view of an ancient diagnosis, the idea of the activity of some mysterious agency. Note also in this connec- tion ka-bure, a skin-eruption, poisonsing, good or evil influence, leaven. Ka-karuy to depend on, to hang, to afflict with, to be pos- sessed by, etc. Ka-ki, fence, boundary, enclosure. Cf, ki, tree. Ka~giru, to limit, to restrict. Cf. kirUy to sever, to divide, to limit. Ka~bi, mould, mildew, buds of plants. Ka-mosii, to brew. Ka-i, rice in the ear, a head of grain. The term appears in the ancient norito, Ka-Z2u number ; kazu kasu, in great numbers. Ka-ji, rudder. Ka-gamarii, to be crooked, bent. . Ka-ga-yaku, to shine, to glitter, Cf, yaku, to burn. Ka-kureru {v. i.), to hide, to disappear, to die, to perish. Ka-kusu {v. t.), to hide, to conceal. Ka-kuy to wane (of the moon), to be defective, to be broken, to be flawed, to lack. Cf, ku, kuru, to come. Also, kaku^ to scratch, to write, to draw a picture. Ka-me^ turtle, tortoise — used in ancient Japanese divination. The method of divination, which was perhaps borrowed from continental usage, was to heat the shell of the tortoise in fire and to read the marks left by the scorching. It is possible that me is here the same as w^," eye," a word which has a large number of 1/2 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. derivative meanings, among them *' markings," as on measuring- sticks, dice, checkerboards, etc. Ka-ge, ha-ga, reflection, shadow ; divine influence, power, or help. Cf. kagami, mirror. The ge or ga of kage {kaga), shadow, is perhaps the same as ke {ge)y spirit, appearance, aspect. Cf, ke-muriy smoke ; ke-sif strange. Ka-zey wind. Ze is possibly the same as the archaic term for wind, si or shi. For an example of the s-z mutation cf, si, sisiy sizi, thick. Ka-pa, ka-ha, ka-wa, river. In the application of ka to wind and river we may find, on the hypothesis here assumed, an indication ot early human reactions toward the mystery of moving air and water. Ka-suka, ka-soka, dim, faint, vague, distant and indistinct. Ka-sumiy haze. Ka-nasi, ka-nashi, sad, melancholy. Ka-sikoy ka-shikoshi, awful, dreadful, venerable (derived meaning).* All this may be nothing more than coincidence. Yet if coincidence is everything that can be said in the matter, surely it is most remarkable. The fact that we actually have, in the archaic Japanese language, a form in which ka appears as an exclamation of surprise lends considerable support to the conjec- ture that this original cry has entered into the composition of numerous other words that arose out of emotional reactions in the presence of whatever was mysterious, startling, unassimilated \x\ the social life, or regarded as connected with some uncontrolled influence. Ka is undoubtedly one of the primary elements of original Japanese speech. It has the phonetic form of a most primitiv^e cry.^ It is not impossible that it came over into human speech out of pre-human articulation. The element mi in kami need not detain us. If the above 1. On the above meanings consult Dai Nikon Kokngo Jiten^ s.v. 2. Cf. Aston, W.G., "Japanese Onomatopes and the Origin of Language," Jotir. Anth. Inst.y Vol. 23, pp. 332-62. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 73 analysis has in it anything more than mere coincidence, then the mi syllable may be accounted for in the same sense as numerous other analogous forms in the Japanese language. It is possible, as Miura suggests, that it signifies substantiality or form. It may likewise be taken in the sense of the common suffix mi, similar in meaning to the English " ness," denoting quality or state, as in aka?ni, ** redness," {aka, *' red "), omomi, " weight " {omoi, " heavy "), etc. In this sense ka?m would mean simply ka-nQss. If either kamu or kabu is found to be original then the u-i mutation must be accounted for. This form of discussion, however, cannot be carried at present beyond the stage of con- jecture. Whatever the correct etymology of ka?ni may be, the actual historical usage is as has been given in the preceding discussion. We may turn to the general summary of the argument of this chapter. In this connection it is to be said that unity is to be found in the different meanings oi kami ]u^ as it Js found, for example, in the various applications of inana or orenda, I» other words, kami is fundamentally a term that distinguishes "^ between a world of ceremonially sacred thhigs, thought of as filled with mysterious power, and a world of common things {s/iimo) that lie within the control of ordinary technique. Although upon examination of the meanings of the various ^ ^ terms from the ethnic fields that have been just considered, hH'^^ minor differences can be distinguished, dependent primarily \^ upon variation in geographical and social factors, yet in their 'ftyt^ general applications all the forms are identical. From a psycho- logical standpoint they are markers for the *' super-ordinary," spirit world of primitive man. Even in their detailed meanings there is remarkable similarity. The ceremonial regard for white snakes, white foxes, white birds, etc., in Shintd is to be matched with the Malayan belief in which animals that exhibit albinism are kramat, that is connected with a mysterious, superhuman power. Izanagi's staff which was kami is repeated in the magic staff of the Mangarevan which was mana. The same is true of 1/4 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. Izanagi's sword. The wonderful sword of the Maori is mana. Among the natives of Madagascar the book of the European which could speak when merely looked at was " god," To the Masai a lamp was a mysterious being. The Ainu called the European warships kamuL Among the Algonquins, English ships and great buildings were inanitoo. The Japanese peasants propitiated the first foreign-style houses that they saw. All these usages originate in the same fundamental emotional reactions. That elementary Japanese world view which finds kami in sun, moon, sky, fire, storm, thunder, lightning, earthquake, sea, rivers, springs, water, plants, trees, rocks, mountains, foxes, wolves, badgers and men is seen, on actual investigation, to be based on a primitive human experience which reaches back in time to an unknown antiquity and which in geographical exten- sion fairly covers the earth. The Shintd practice which makes kami of emperors, of ancestors and of individuals of *' superior merit," is to be analyzed and accounted for with exactly the same psychological apparatus as is used, for example, in explain- ing the fact that the living shaman and the great chiefs of the Sioux are regarded as having made mysterious connections with wakanda, or that in Madagascar ancestors and deceased sov- ereigns are andriamanitra. All the terms that have been^examined reflect attitudes and emotions of caution, awe, fear, wonder, reverence or expansion in the presence of a great mass of experiences with various sorts of objects in the environment in which man has found himself. These diverse objects are, nevertheless, united in this, that all, in one way or another, are extraordinary, new, terrifying, or of unusual significance, that is unassimilated or not fully controlled in the ordinary life of the individual and the group, and thus to be guarded against with precautionary ceremony. The unique object of experience, whether sun, moon, storm, wind, thunder, lightning, strange tree, aged stump, stone of odd shape, uncanny animal, skillful hunter, great chief or mighty sovereign — whatever it may be — induces an unusual emotional response. This is the THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1/5 " religious thrill." For the sake of exactness we may, perhaps better, adopt the old Japanese exclamation or cry and call it a i'^-emotion or a /^^-reaction. This ka-&n\oMon lies at the very basis of primitive supernaturalism ; or, if '^ supernaturalism " seems to imply a distinction that early man never knew, it may be said that this emotional reaction lies at the basis of all primi- tive philosophy of the supf rordinary. In arriving at this philo- sophy primitive man simply makes a generalization of his separate experiences. The i^-emotion throws the attention into special activity, a " watch out " attitude is induced, the emotion is found to repeat itself in contact with a multitude of diversified objects which externally appear to have no connection whatsoever. Nevertheless the uniformity of the emotion becomes the ground on which the intelligence posits the existence of a corresponding agency operating as a uniform cause in all the various objects that have stimulated the emotion itself. This is kami ; it is mana or orenda. In other words since there is no place for the unique object in the ordinary, well-known, everyday world, it is put into a mysterious, '^ over- head " world and treated with a special technique ; it is either in and of itself kainiy or kami appears in it as a marvel- working force. Precautionary ceremonial handling of such objects becomes all important and these precautionary activities themselves become sacred customs and sacred rituals. With such conclusions in mind it hardly needs to be pointed out that the kaini-y^Q.2, of Shinto does not have its basis in an original pantheistic world view. Old Shint5 is not pan-psychism or hylozoism.' Nor, again, is the original idea of kami an ancient recognition of the revelation of the " Great Life of the Universe."^ The psychological analysis of the Japanese idea and a comparison with the usages of other fields leaves absolutely no remainder to be accounted for under such terms as pantheism or pan-psychism. Modern Shintd still preserves the ancient philosophy of kami, Mr. T. Kanamori, writing from the standpoint of the 1. See above p. 4. 2. Sec above p. 102. 1^6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. rank and file of the Japanese people, has given a statement of present day ideas regarding kaini that might almost serve as a definition of mana. " The Japanese term kami, in a word, indicates anything that possesses power that is superior to the human. It is not limited- to men. Birds, beasts and insects, in case they are regarded as possessing mysterious force are imme- diately looked upon as ka?ni. Old foxes, old badgers, big snakes, centipedes, all are worshipped as kajiti. If a great tree is found standing out conspicuously in the forest, it is said, ' m that tree dwells a tree-spirit,' and immediately a sacred rope {shime nawa) is hung about it. A great rock is worshipped as O-iwa-dai- inyo-jin (' Big-Rock-Great- Wonderful-God '). Also there are people who worship the sun, moon and stars as kami^^ A recently published study, entitled Ujigami to Ujiko, '* Tutelary Deities and their Proteges," takes up the account of the existing religious life of the Japanese people as it centers in the Shinto shrines. Although the investigation is far from systematic, yet it does present first-class evidence going to show the extent to which the old ka?ni-ide2i is still central in modern Shinto. According to this book the kami worshipped at the shrines include the following : '* the three kami of creation " who appear at the very beginning of the Kojiki, namely Ame-no- mi-naka-nushi-no-kami, Taka-mi-jnusubi-no-kami, and Kami-mu- subi-no-kami ; the two great parents of the race, Izanagi and Izanami ; the two great ancestors of the Imperial Line, namely Ama-terasn-d~mi-kami and Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto ; other ancestral kami, both of the Imperial Family and of the common people ; O'kimi-nnshi-no-kamiy " who governs the Hidden World " ; the moon god {Tsuki-yomi-no-mikoto) ; the great food-goddess {Uke-mochi-nO'kami) ; the harvest god (^Mi-toshi-no-kami) ; the kami of the five elements, i.e. of wind, fire, metal, water and earth ; kami of the sea, of grasses, of trees, of mountains, of rivers, of river-mouths, of the distribution of water, of wells, of I. Kanamoiiy Tsurin, Shinko no Summe (^^jS^ ^%%^^^t *' A" Exhorlaliou to Faith," Tokyo, 1916), pp, lo-ii. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. I// kitchens (Kamado-no-kami), of gateways and of privies {Kawa- ya-no-kami) ; patron kami of tradesmen such- as the kami of carpenters or the kami of smiths ; patron kami of one's birth- place ; kami who protect the coming and going of ships ; phallic kami {Saruta-hiko-no-kami, Sahe~no-kami, Dosojin, etc.); kami who bring happiness and intelligence ; kami who bring misfortune and evil {inaga-kami) ; and also spirits of enemies living and dead, of foxes and of badgers who cast malign influences and curses on men.^ This outline of the modern Shinto pantheon to which the discussion in Ujigami to Ujiko introduces us, incomplete though it is, yet serves to make plain the fact that modern Shintd still breeds true to original type. Another contemporary publication includes in the pantheon " the eight myriad kami of heaven and the eight myriad kami of earth who have divided control over mountains, rivers, grains, grasses and trees, — that is over all things of the universe."^ A first hand study of the shrines will confirm the above statements of the idea of kami in modern Shinto. The most popular rural shrines are those of Inari, a kami whose exact origins are obscure but who, nevertheless, is assigned the primary function of presiding over food especially over rice. A census of Inari shrines, if it could be secured, would furnish valuable evidence regarding one of the preponderant religious interests of modern Japan. A conservative estimate of the number of Inari shrines must place the total well up in the thousands. Inari, if rightly propitiated and appealed to grants the " hundred cereals," wealth, general prosperity, and happiness to man.^ His mes- senger is the mysterious fox. In numerous cases, however, the 1. 6«2«y^?, Takeichi, Ujigami to Ujiko {^^f."^—, J3£l'?ij3t^> "Tutelary Deities and their Proteges," Tokyo, 1920), Appendix, pp. 1-9. 2. Kanzaki, Kazusaku, Shinto Honkyoku Kiyo (|f iIJ§— f^, jfif iE?jii.^$E^» "A Memoir on Shinto Honkyoku," Tokyo, 1914), p. 8. 3. Cf, Ishikura, Shigetsugu, Kasama Inari Jinja Engi (H:5^M^> .^^^ ^fli^^^^, "The History of the Kasama Inari Shrine," Kasama, Ibaraki Province, 1 904), pp. 5-7. 1 78 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. fox itself is worshipped as Inari. Inari shrines are a part of the official cult. An example of this relationship is to be seen in the fact that the chief priest of the great Inari Shrine at Kasama in Ibaraki Province receives the treatment of a state official appoint- ed under the approval of the Emperor {sonin rank). The official definition that Shinto is not a religion and that the idea of kami in the state cult does not partake of the super- naturalism of ordinary religion must likewise be made to cover various phallic shrines, as, for example, the Ebishima Shrine near Ishikoshi, north of Sendai, the Shrine of the " Road- Ancestor-God " {Dosojin) of Wakayanagi, also near Ishikoshi, shrines to Dosojin at Ichinoseki, at Kashima, and at Aikomura in Rikuzen, the Iwato Shrine of Shikoku, also shrines of phallic kajni at Miyanoura and elsewhere in the Inland Sea.^ Japanese kami under more than eighty different names have been identifi- ed as associated with phallicism.^ In the village of Kiryu, of the district of Yamada, in Kozuke, is a forked tree which is worship- ped as the kami of male and female union {danjo engiimi no kami).^ Small way-side shrines are frequently found near forked trees. A plain forked stick may sometimes be found thrown in at phallic shrines along with emblems of the phallus and kteis. A phallic deity is sometimes called inata-no- kami or chimata-no-kami^ " crotch-/'^;/// " or '' ioxV-kami'^ All this is a part of the cult of the shrines. At certain shrines tooth-ache is cured ; some specialize in eye diseases, others in ear trouble ; there are numerous shrines where the kami protect against conscription into the Japanese army. 1. Cf. Chub Bukkyo, " Dosojin to Seishokki Suhai" Sept., 1921, pp. 62-72 (4»:^{^tit, ilMf? :^ ^5tI^^#» ^^' fij'st ed., 1889; seventh ed., 1914. 2. See above p. 121. ^J 1 82 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. of the Sacred Throne transmitted through an unbroken line of one and the same dynasty has always remained as immutable as that of the heavens and of the earth. At the outset, this Article states the great principle of the Constitution of the country, and declares that the Empire of Japan shall, to the end of time, identify itself with the Imperial dynasty unbroken in lineage, and that the(i principle has never changed in the past, and will never change in the future, even to all eternity. It is intended thus to make clear forever the relations that shall exist between the Emperor and His subjects."^ The Preamble to the Imperial House Law contains the statement, " The Imperial Throne of Japan, enjoying the Grace of Heaven and evedasting from ages eternal in an unbroken line of succession, has been transmitted to us through successive reigns."^ The Preamble to the Constitu- tution likewise opens with the words, " Having, by virtue of the glories of Our Ancestors ascended the Throne of a lineal succes- sion unbroken for ages eternal ""^ 1. Il5, Commentaries f pp. 2-3. 2. Ibid., p. 153. 3. Ibid ^ Intro, p. XI. The sacred character of the Emperor i.s officially supported by surrounding his contacts with his subjects with numerous safeguards and restrictions that are written into the national laws themselves. In these various regulations it is possible to dis- cern the influence and continuation of ancient taboos such as are aUached to sacred persons in early culture. Regulations regarding the use of the imperial name on the part of the people may be noted first. In old Japanese civilization the name of a royal person was an imi-na, that is a tabu-name, and usage thereof was limited to emperors and princes of the blood [Cf. Harada, T., « Names (Japanese)," H. E. R. E., Vol. 9, p. 167). Modern Japanese law perpetuates this old safeguard Subjects may make use of the separate ideograms of the imperial names in writing' personal or family names, but the private name of the Emperor in its entirety 13 still taboo. The law of March 28, 1873 ^^7^ relative to this inatter, " The usage of the ideo- grams of the names of past Emperors or of the name of the reigning Emperor is not forbidden I0 the people from now on. However, it is not permitted to use the imperial name as such." (H. Z., 1873, p. 155, Order of the Council of State, No. 118). This situation in modern Japan is to be studied as a primitive survival utilized in the interests of political control. To be understood it mu.st be com- pared with the elaborate protections and prohibitions with which the secret names THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 83 These ideas thus written prominency into the most import- ant documents of the Japanese state are constantly echoed and reechoed throughout the length and breadth of modern Japan from teacher's desk, from press and from speaker's platform of sacred persons such as sorcerers, chiefs, priests and kings are surrounded in lower culture. The Japanese usage is to be examined in the light of what modem anthropology has to say concerning widespread practices relating to name-souls and the magical use of names in casting spells even to the extent of bringing death to others by manipulating their real names. The modern Japanese law which withholds the private name of the Emperor from the danger and defilement of popular usage is only one instance of a similar practice in other fields. Mate- rial for comparative study here is very extensive. In certain primitive societies punishment with death was visited upon those subjects who took the royal name as their own. [For literature and discussion see Foucart, G., " Names (Primitive)," H. E.l^. E., Vol. 9, pp. 130-6. For a case in modern Japan of suicide arising out of social chagrin at an illegal use of the sacred imperial name see W. M. Mc- Govern, Modern Japan (London, 1920), p. 129]. In royal jourrieyings contacts with the people are likewise closely guarded. A law issued on March 9, 1873 covers the matter of imperial processions with the following regulation, " On the occasion of an imperial procession, people passing along the imperial route, at sight of the royal ensign, must dis- mount from horses and vehicles, must remove coverings such as umbrellas and hats and, standing by the wayside, must make obeisance." (H. Z., 1873, p. 76. Order of Council of State, No. 96). The application of the law is extended so as to prevent looking down on the Emperor from any superior posi- tion as from upper windows or tramcars. With this Japanese practice is to be compared the widespread idea of the sacredness of the head and the notion that the head must not come below any inferior or contaminating person or thing. {Cf. " Head," H. E. R. E., Vol. 6, pp. 532-40, esp. p. 532). The great detail with which the Japanese government controls the contacts between the common people and the Sovereign may be seen in regulations setting forth the " Form of Obeisance for Students on the Occasion of an Imperial Pro- cession " [Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince] . The directions cover both military and non-military occasions. The former incidentally reflects the extent to which military training is a part ol the normal Japanese educational system, especially in Middle Schools. The regulations read : " The form of obeisance for students on the occasion ol an imperial procession is fixed as follows. " I. Military form. The school principal and staff shall take their places at the extreme right of the entire corps. Group leaders shall take their places to the right of each group. Students shall have previously fixed bayonets. On the appearance of the vanguard of the imperial procession the leaders shall give the command, ' Attention ! ' Students shall assume an erect and unmoving attitude. 1 84 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. alike. The establishing of genealogical connections that are " everlasting from ages eternal " necessitates identification with various personages appearing in the ancient Shinto pantheon, a fact which, in turn, supplies a basis on which a modern Shinto writer like Tanaka Yoshito can claim the Japanese Constitution itself as a Shinto document/ When the imperial carriage has approached to approximately ten paces from the company the leaders shall command, < Present Arms.' All shall simultaneously present arms. When the imperial procession has passed to approximately ten paces to the left they shall take their former positions. " After the imperial carriage has passed to the extreme left of the corps, principal, teachers and group leaders shall take up their positions to the left. *< 2. Non-military form (includes girl students). The school principal and staff shall lake their places at the extreme right of the entire body. Group leaders shall take their places to the right of each group. On the appearance of the vanguard'of the imperial procession the command, ' Attention ! ', shall be given and all shall remove hats simultaneously and shall assume an erect dnd unmoving atti- tude. When the imperial carriage comes in front of the group leader the com- mand, ' Salute,' shall be given and all shall make obeisance (that is, with eyes fixed on the imperial carriage the upper part oi the body shall be bent forward about thirty degrees). At the command, ' As you were ! ', they shall take their former positions. " After the imperial carriage has passed to the extreme left of the body, principal ttachers and group leaders shall take up their positions to the left." (Department of Education. Order No. i8, August 26, I910. Genko Tokyofu Gakurei Ruisan, p. 346;. Regulations regarding the public use of imperial portraits are as follows : " I. The portraits of the Emperor and ot the members of the imperial family whether or not they bear the imperial titles or names must not be repro-' duced except as imperial portraits. " 2. Imperial portraits must never be so made as to show carelessness or disrespect. " 3. The imperial portrait must not be hung or exhibited in a place of disrespect. " 4. The imperial portrait must not be put on sale or distributed at street- stalls." {Genko Tokyofu Gakurei Ruisan, pp. 1-2). The sale of the imperial portrait in regular shops is fully permitted. In such cases the royal features are frequently screened by attaching a piece of white paper. The government regula- tion covering the care of the imperial portraits in public schools has already been given. (See above, p. 75, n. i). I. Tanaka, Y., Shinto TetsugqMu Seigi, p. 208. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 85 The question is thus raised for us as to how we shall interpret the oldest Japanese ancestral traditions. The Japanese govern- ment by declaring that Shinto is not a religion, while at the same time attempting to retain the support of the ancient genealogical connections assigned to important personages of state, would appear to be logically under the necessity of declaring that the gods were men. That the government has not made its position altogether clear in this matter will be shown later. Whatever theological presuppositions may be involved in the official stand- point, it is to be here noted that the government does attempt to build on the proposition that the great kami of the ancient records are to be accounted for completely under the ancestral hypothesis. The implications of such a position are fully carried out in the instruction administered under official direction in the public schools of Japan. In presenting an example of the manner in which the details of this state pedagogy are worked out in the modern Japanese educational system we may cite the recently published Chu Gaku Nihon Rekishi, '^ Japanese History for Middle Schools," a text-book which, on the word of the publishers, has a wider usage in the Middle Schools of Tokyo thcUi any other similar work. It is also extensively used in the provinces. According to this text-book, the relevant portion of the royal pedigree is as follows : " Summarized Genealogy of the Imperial Family. Izanagi-no-mikoto and Izanami-no-mikoto ! 1 I I Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami. Tsuki-yomi-nomikoto. Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto. I _ I Ame-no-oshi-ho-mimi no-mikofo. 0-kuni-niishino-mikoto. I Ama-tsu hiko-hiko-ho-no ninlgi no-mikoto. HikohO'ho-demi nomikoto. 1 Hiko-nagisa take u gaya-fuki-ahezu-no-mikoto. I Jimmu Tenno (First Emperor. Original Japanese name is Kamu-yamato- ihare-hiko-nomikoto). Ascended the throne 660 B.C'i I. Shiba, Kuzumori, Chu Gaku Nihon Rekishi {^%^y ^W^VH^'^^V^y 1 86 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. From this point on the genealogy continues down through the officially established lineage to the reigning Emperor who ac- cordingly came to the throne as the one hundred twenty-second Emperor in the 2572nd Year of the Empire after the accession of Jimmu Tenno. The reigning Emperor is thus the direct descendant of Izanagi and Izanami, and of course of the Great A ncest ress, ^ ;;/<3;- teras u- o-mi-ka mi. Chapter I of the discussion after a characteristic introduc- tion takes up the explanation of the genealogy. The text reads : " Part I. Ancient History. " Chapter I. The Divine Age. '* Our National Constitution, Our Empire of Great Japan, with an Imperial Line above unbroken from time immemorial and with its subjects below matchless in loyalty and patriotism, from ancient times down to the present has never once received a foreign insult. '' Such a national character is without parallel throughout the world and is, indeed, a cause for great pride on the part of our people. ** The Begiftning of the Country, Tradition says that in the very ancient history of our country there were two kamiy male and female, called Izanagi-no-mikoto and Izanami-no-miko- to. These two created the Eight-Great-Island-Country [Japan] and gave birth to Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami and to Susa-no-wo-no- "Japanese History for Middle Schools," 2 Vol., Tokyo, 1917), Vol. I, Intro., p. i. The meanings of the elaborate titles of the descendants oiAma-terasud-mt-kaniidiXQ very difficult to determine. Following Chamberlain's suggestions, however they may be given the tentative renderings : (i) His Augustness Heavenly-Great -Great- Ears, (2) His Augustness Heavenly-Sun-child-Sun-child-Rice-ear-Ruddy-Plenty, (3) His Augustness Great-Rice -ears-Lord-ears, (4) His Augustness Sun-child- Wave-linvit-Brave-Cormorant-Thatch-Meeling-Incompletely, (5) His Augustness Divine-Yamato-Ihare-Sun-child. The repetition of the elements hi (" sun," " fire," " light," " day "; and ho (" fire ") in the titles would seem to favor the conjecture that the idea of light is prominent in the genealogy. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 87 mikoto, Aiiia terasu-d-mi~kaini, as the one possessing ths highest virtue, ruled over Takama-ga-hara. Her younger brother, Susa-no-wo-no-tnikoto , performed many acts of violence and, on ac- count of causing suffering to the Great Deity \Ama-terasii-d-ml- kaini\, he was finally driven out and went down to Idzumo. There he subdued the rebels and secured the Sacred Sword {Mura-kumo- no-tsurugi, " Clustering-clouds-Sword ") which he presented to the Great Deity. '* The Presentation of the Country by 0-kuni-nushi-no-mikoto. The kami known as 0-kiini-nushi-no-mikoto was the son of Susa- no-wo-no- mikoto. He succeeded his father as ruler of Idzumo and, together with Sukuna-hiko-na-no-kami, brought the country under cultivation, subdued those who were rebelious and taught the knowledge of medicine. Thus the influence of his virtue spread to the four quarters of the land. When Ania-terasii-o- mi-kami was about to make her grandson ruler of this land [Japan] she sent as messengers, Futsu-nushi-m)-kaini and Take- mika-dzuchi-no-kaini and caused them to announce that the land should be given up. 0-knni-nusJii-no- mikoto reverently obeyed the Imperial Edict and retired to the palace of Kidzuki, This kami is now enshrined in the Great Shrine ol Idzumo. " The Descent of the Imperial Gi-andson. Aina-terasu-d-iiii- kami thereupon gave an Imperial command to her grandson, Ninigi-no- mikoto, saying, ' The Luxuriant Reed-Plain Land-of- Fresh-Rice-ears [Japan] is the land over which my descendants shall reign. Do thou, Imperial Offspring, go and rule over it and the prosperity of the Imperial Succession of Heaven shall be as everlasting as Heaven and Earth.' The foundations of our Imperial rule, which shall not be moved forever, were in truth laid at this time. " The Great .Deity also conferred upon the prince {Ninigi- no-mikoto) the Eight-sided-Mirror, the Clustering-clouds-Sword and the Curved Jewels of Yasaka Gem. These are called the Three Sacred Treasures. At this time the Great Deity said, * When you look into this mirror, regard it as looking on me, 1 88 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. myself.' From that time on the sacred treasures have been handed down by the successive generations of Emperors. They are the symbols of the Imperial Throne. " Thereupon Ninigl-no-mikoto , leading the kami, descended upon Hyuga and dwelt in the palace of Takachiho. Ninigi-no- mikoto and his son, Hiko- ho ho-de mi-no- mikotOy and his grand- son, Ugaya-fukl-ahezii-no-mikoto — three generations — made their capitals in Hyuga. The above is called the Divine Age."^ Chapter two is devoted^to the exploits of the first traditional emperor. It opens with the statement, '' Jimmu Tenno was the son of Ugaya-fuki-ahezu-no-mikotoy^ Numerous similar cases [might be cited going to show the great importance attached to the inculcation of correct ideas regarding the royal succession, in the modern Japanese educational system. For example, the Japanese History for Higher Primary Schools," published by the Department of Education, gives the same genealogy as above with the except tion that connections beyond Ama-terasu-o-ini-kami are not emphasized.^ The section of the imperial genealogy as just presented in the quotation from the " Japanese History for Middle Schools," apart from the formidable character of the titles themselves, does not appear, on the face oi it, to possess any features essentially different from what may be met with in any well authenticated royal genealogy, say, of European history. A Japanese student thus introduced to the matter, and unequipped with a know- ledge of the method and materials of critical historical study, must naturally come to feel himself in the presence of an lii-tori- cal absolute — a principle of Japanese political life that ** has never changed in the past, and will never change in the future, even to all eternity." It is not easy, under the circumstances, 1. Chu Gaku Nihon Rekishi, pp. I -4. 2. Jbia., p. 4. 3. Koto Shogaku Nikon Rekishi i^'%f\<^ B^IC^ifc.^—," Japanese His- tory for Higher Primary Schools "), Vol. i, Appendix, p. 14. THE FOLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 89 to avoid the impression that the upbuilding in the minds of Japanese students of such confidence and conviction is the primary motive in the state pedagogy which insists on the genealogy as thus shaped up under the official imprimature. Certain extraordinary features of the Japanese genealogy need to be considered. These matters relate both to the nature of the great *' ancestors " that head the list and to the actual historical basis on which the earliest chronology is calculated. The former subject must be considered at length, the latter may be noted in passing. The chronology which fixes the date of the accession oi Jimmu Tenno at 660 B.C. is officialized in modern Japanese law and in imperial edict alike. History text-books for public schools reckon time according to this ** Japanese Era." An example of this may be found in a statement published by the Department of Education in the ''Japanese History for Higher Primary 'Schools," which, after describing the earlier portion of the achieve- ^ments of Jimmu Tenno, says, *' Subsequently the Emperor made his palace at Kashiwara in Yamato and carried out the first cere- mony of accession to the throne. This took place 2573 ' years before 191 3 [i.e. 660 B.C.]. This is the first year of the era of our country. The eleventh day of the second month of each year, in which is celebrated the accession of Jimmu Tenno, corresponds with the day on which this auspicious accession ceremony was carried out."^ The imperial decree promising the establishment of a parliament, promulgated on Oct. 12, 1881, opens with the clause, " We, sitting on the Throne which has been occupied by Our dynasty for over 2500 years. . . ."* This chronology thus represents official, historical orthodoxy in .modern Japan. Occasional Japanese historians who have dared to criticize it in accordance with even the elementary / principles of scientific historiography and in the Japanese lan- 1. Jinj'o Shogaku Nihon Rekishi (^'^/Jn^H ;it;M&'^-'> " J^P^'^^s^ ^^s- tory for Ordinary Primary Schools "), Vol. i, p. 5. 2. Cf. T. A. S. J., Vol. XLII, Pt. I, p. 86. I90 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. guage, have been subjected to severe official discipline.^ The gov- ernment itself has not attempted to date the royal genealogies beyond Jimmu Tenno although the assurance with which the descent is traced from Aina-terasu-d-ini-kaini would seem to imply that more remote dates can be supplied if necessary. There are certain individual Shintoists of the present, however, who do not hesitate to enter in even where the government apparently fears to tread. Dr. G. Kato, Dr. T. Inouyeand Prof. Y. Tanaka have all recently made written statements that refer to three thousand years of Japanese history.^ These claims, both official and private, are to be adjusted in the light of certain obvious historical facts. An official recogni- tion of the knowledge of writing in Japan does not appear in written documents until 405 A.D.;"^ although individual Japan- ese were probably acquainted with Chinese ideograms fairly early in the Christian era. The existence of a knowledge of how to make calendars is first mentioned in 553 A.D."* The first known Japanese attempt at historical writing, the Kujiki (now lost), dates from 620 A.D.^ The oldest extant historical writing, the Kojiki, dates from 712 A.D.^ The Nihongi was completed in 720 A.D.'^ The modern Japanese government in insisting on a chronology that dates back to 660 B.C. makes use ot at leeist one thousand years of un verifiable tradition. Shintoists who speak of an historical record "stretching across three thousand boundless years " have thereby introduced a period of oral tradition that is of greater length than the genuine historical period that can be definitely authenticated on the evidence of actual 1. Cf. T. A. S. J., Vol. XXXVII, (i9io\ p. 257; Chamberlain, B. H., Things Japanese (London, 1905, Fifth Revised Edition), p. 230, note. 2. See Kato, Waga Kokutai to Shinto, Preface, p. 2 ; Inouye, in Yamato Shinibun, Nov. 29, 1920, p. i ; Tanaka, Shinto Hongi, p. I2i. 3. Cf. A., I, pp XI, XVII. 4. Md., p. XVII. 5. Ibid., p. XII . 6. Cf. C, Intro., p. I. 7. C/. A., I, p. X ill. . THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. I9I written documents. The " Japanese Era " was not officially estab- lished in the modern situation until December 15, 1872. A law of this date says in part, ''The accession to the throne of Jimmu Tenno has been settled upon as the beginning of the (Japanese) era."^ The .great yearly festival commemorating this accession was fixed by law* at the same time.^ It was not until March 7, 1 873 that the govern- ment settled upon a regular name for this festival. A law was then issued saying, " The day of the accession to the throne of Jimmu Tenno shall be called Kigensetsu (" Year-Origin-Festival ").•'* Such simple historical facts as have just been stated, in accord- ance with which the validity of the official chronology is to be esti- mated, are not unknown to individual Japanese writers.'' Yet, however loyal private opinion maybe to the principles of a scientific methodology, up to the present it heis exerted no perceptible in- fluence on the official situation. .Governmental expediency and not historical science is in control. A better idea of what is involved here may be secured from a study of the nature of the early my- thology which is thus utilized as history. We must turn there- fore to the mythology and take up the investigation of the nature of the two original ancestors with which the " Japanese History for Middle Schools " begins the royal genealogies. The " National Reader {Kokumin TokuJion\ " for Japanese schools, compiled under the direction of Marquis Okuma dis- 1. H. Z., 1872, pp. 283-4; Order of the Council of State, No 342 (Dec. 15). 2. Order of the Council of State, No. 344 (Dec, 15, 1872). The law reads, " The twenty-ninth day of the first month corresponds with the day of the accession to the throne of Jimmu Tenno, and shall be observed yearly as a festival day." A marginal annotation to this regulation in the Horei Zensho reads, " This was corrected in 1874 to February 11 of the present calendar." 3. H. Z., 1873, P- 75 > Order of the Council of State, No. 91 (March 7). 4. Cf. Saito, H., Geschichte Japans (QtrWn, 1912), pp. 4-5; Nitobe, 7 he Japanese Nation^ pp. 53-5 ; Asakawa, K., The Early Institutional Life of Japan, p» 23-25 ; Kikuchi, Japanese Education, p. 7. Mr. Nakayama Taro, speaking before ' the Meiji Japan Society in 1921 assigned as one of the principal causes of the | existing unsatisfactory state of the study of the most ancient Japanese records, a failure to distinguish between mythology and history. {MeiJi Seitokn Kinen Gakkai KiyOy 192 1, p. iii). / 192 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. cusses Izanagi and Izanagi under a section entitled " The Deve- lopment of the Empire " and under a chapter heading designated " The Beginning of the Foundation of the State." The text speaks of these two deities as " The ancestral kami who in very 'ancient times produced the Eight Great Islands."^ Dr. G. Kato in a recent attempt at the interpretation of these deities has emphasized culture hero elements and thereby legitimatized the effort to associate them with an ancestral line appearing in actual human society.^ An explanation by Prof. S. K5no similarly gives prominence to a mythology centering in hero worship (eiyu shinwa)^ Popular beliefs in modern Japan make Izanagi and Izanami universal parents. The Shinri sect of Shinto teaches, '" The origin of man was at the time of creation. The form of man was patterned after the body of God. The two kami, Izanagi and Izanami, are the parents of the human race.'"* The "iTaisha Sect teaches that these two deities '^ First trod the path of spouses and produced god-men, deigning to lay the founda- - tion for all enterprise. Hence it was that all mankind breath and have their being They are the first parents of the human race."^ ^he canon of Shinto Hon-Kyoku teaches, ** The two kamiy Izanagi and Izanami, are the source of the construction of the land and of the propagation of living things."® In other sects of modern Shinto they ^re similarly regarded as original parents.' Even such a scholar as Dr. N. Ariga appar- I Okuma,'&\!i\^tx\(^\3i,KokuminTokuhon{-)^^'^^, ^J]^^7Js;, "National Reader," Tokyo, 1915), p. 21. 2. Meiji Seitoku Kinen Gakkai Kiyo, Vol. 16 (Sept. 1921), p. 103. 3. Ibici.,Y>- 104. 4. J^ujiia Koyo, Shinto Kaku Kyoha no Hyori (^H^KI, fifit^^^iSO^ Jg^, "The Shinto Sects considered from Within and Without," Tokyo, 1919 , p. 105. 5. T. A. S. J., Vol. XLI, Pt. IV (1913), p. 639. 6. Kanzaki, Kazusaku, Shinto Honkyoku Kiyo (jji^iJf— f'^, 'WM.'^W(^%y ** A Memoir on Shint5 Honkyoku," Tokyo, 1914), p. 8. 7. Cf. Maki, Makijiro, Kurozumi Munetada Den (Jfi^^BP, ^ffe^,^.^. *' Life of Kurozumi Munetada," Osaka, 1907), pp. 37 ff . ; Mastino, Shobei (Ed.), Tenrikvo Kyoten Shakugi (l^$fiE:J^f|f. ':^^W^%^^y " Exposition of the Scripture of Tenri Kyo," Osaka, 19 12), p. 29. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5, 1 93 ently endorses the view that the world was created by Izanagi and Izanami} The deep hold which ideas regarding the primitive creative activity of Izanagi and Izanami have on official genealogies and on folk-lore alike can only be adequately explained by reference to social experiences correspondingly deep and comprehensive passed through by the ancient ancestors of the Japanese race. The internal criticism of the literary records in the light of the findings of comparative mythology furnishes material that leaves little doubt as to what these ancient, formative experiences were. The evidence given below attempts to show that jn Izanagi there is preserved the memory of an ancient Japanese Sky-Father and in Izanami, his mate, the idea of_an_old_Earth- Mother, and that the Japanese account of the activities of this original creative pair has affinities with similar mythologies the world over. Especially striking parallels to the Japanese my- thology relating to this pair are to be found in^the Polynesian form of the cosmogonic myth. As a means of orientating the discussion it is necessary to in^'roduce in the first place comparative material of a general nature showing the universality of ideas relating to the Sky- Father and the Earth-Mother in primitive mythologies. Modern ethnology — the " new ethnology " — supported by the sciences of psychology, sociology, history, comparative mythology and comparative religion, is giving us new insight into the interpretation of the experiences of primitive man. We are learning among other things that great mythologies emerge from great life experiences, and that a great deity stands for something correspondingly vital in the social life of man. As the material from the various, human, cultural groups past and present is made available for comparative study it becomes increasingly apparent how strikingly parallel are human reactions under similar circumstances of external environment. The great 31, Cf. T. A S. J., Vol. XXXVII (1910), Intro , p IX, note. J t,94 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. myths of mankind are almost monotonously similar in their fundamental aspects. The truth of this general observation is shown specifically in the well-nigh universal myth of the mar- riage of Earth and Sky. J. A. MacCulloch has said, ** The expanse of Heaven and the broad earth were early regarded as personal beings, and also as husband and wife. Earth, from which so many living things sprang, being thought of as female. Their union was the source of all things in Nature, and, when the gods of departments of nature were evolved, these were regarded as their children. Generally also they are the parents of gods and men. In most cosmogonies Earth is the fruitful mother impregnated by Heaven, though in some cases the Sun or *' Great Spirit " is her husband and they are universal parents."^ H. B. Alexander in connection with his exposition of North American mythology has written, '' The personification of the Earth, as the mother of life and the giver of food, is a feature of the universal mythology of mankind. It prevails everywhere in North America, except among the Eskimo, where the concep- tion is replaced by that of the under-sea-woman, Food Dish, and on the North- West Coast, where sea deities again are the important food givers, and the underworld woman is no more than a subterranean Titaness. In many localities the marriage of the Sky or Sun with the Earth is clearly expressed."^ Foucart, reasoning ;from the universality of the sky-god concept at the base of practically all of the cosmogonic mytho- logy of the world, concludes that the origin of the idea of the sky-god is to be assigned to the most ancient period of tiie history of religious thought. The same author indicates the following fields and peoples among which the sky-god idea is found. In America : among the Toltecs, Mayas, Incas, the Indians of Brazil, the Indians of the Andes, the Caribs, in sliort, 1. MacCulloch, J. A., Art. « Earlli," 11. E. R. E., Vol. 5, p. 130. 2. P^&YJSxAtx,Yiz.x\\tyV>^xXy North American My ihology {The Mythology of All Rac£s), p. 289. Cf. also ilfui.j pp. 81, 273, 295, THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 95 from the natives of Tierra del Fuego on the south to the Eskimo in the north. In Asia : among the Shamanist Groups of North Asia, among the Ainu, the Chinese, and in " primitive Japanese Shinto " [evidently Ama-terasii-d-mi-kami\ The Sky-Father "is related to the ancient Pulugu of the Andamans, to the Varuna of primitive India, and, toward the west, to the pantheons of the ancient classical'.East."^ He is found also in old Chaldea, in the Semitic and the proto-Ssmitic mythologies. In Oceania he appears in the cosmologies of Australia, of Melanesia and Poly- nesia. " Bat nowhere does his physiognomy appear more dis- tinctly than in Africa — whether in the pantheons of ancient Egypt or in the many savage religions of the black continent. From the great Kilima of the Bantu groups to the Negritian Mahu we recognize him as always the same under a hundred different names. "^ The cult of the Sky-Father and Earth-Mother appears in the Rig Veda.^ It was likewise primary in the mythology of ancient Babylon.'' Vegetation rituals to which mythologies of the Earth-Mother were intimately related, lay back of the cere- monies of the mystery religions of the Eastern Mediterranean area.*^ Zeus, the father ot gods, demi-gods and men, was originally a personification of the sky.^ The priestess of Dodona in Epirus chanted, " Earth sends up fruits, so praise we Earth the Mother.'" Personifications of the earth and the sky had important places in the mythologies of the ancient Romans and Teutons, and also probably of the ancient Celts.^ The 1. Foucart, George, Art. "Sky and Sky-gods," H. E. R. E., Vol. ii, p. 581. 2. Ibid. 3. Hopkins, E. W., " The History of Religions y- p. 172. 4. Jeremias, Alfred, AUgemeine Religions-GescJiichte (1918), pp. 26-30. 5. For literature and discussion consult H. E R. E., Vol. 9, pp. 70-83; Farnell, L. R., Ctdts of Greek States, Vol. III., pp. 289-306. 6. Cf. Fox, Wm. Sherwood, Greek and Roman Mythology {^Mythology of All Races), p. 152 ; L. R. Farnell, « Greek Religion," H. E. R. E., Vd. 6, p. 395. 7. Harrison, Jane Ellen, « Mountain Mother," H. E. R E., Vol. 8, p. 86S. 8. Cf. MacCulloch, 0^. cit., p. 129. 196 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. primitive Chinese myth of Panku is to be understood as a person- ification of heaven and earth/ Among the Polynesians the original parents from whom came gods, men, and the islands, were the two great deities Rangi, the Sky-Father, and his wife, Papa^ the Earth-Mother.' To this list we may add Japan. The stories of the labors of a Sky-Father and of an Earth-Mother under the names of Izaiiagi and Izanami He at the center of the ancient Japanese form of the cosmogonic myth. In elucidation of this statement- we may first make comparison with the Polynesian mythology to which reference has just been made. The old Maori account says, " Men had but one pair of primitive ancestors : they sprang from the vast heaven that exists above us and from the earth which lies beneath us. According to the traditions of our race, Rangi and Papa, or Heaven and Earth, were the source from which, in the beginning, all things originated. Darkness then rested upon the heaven and upon the earth, and they still both clave together, for they had not yet been rent apart. "^ Rangi the Sky, and Papa, the Earth-Mother, however, were not regarded as the oldest of the gods. The cosmogonic myth of the Maori, which Dixon says is very old, presents a conception of existence as beginning with Kore . " Negation " and Poy '' Darkness." Following these appears a series of similar abstractions presented in genealogical order and finally, twenty generations after the manifestation of the initial void, the great creative parents come into existence. Rangi takes to wife Papa and between them they beget the gods, and according to some accounts, men and the islands on which they lived."* 1. Mo-ytr, Chinese Mamial, ■^. 174. Cited in Aston, ^Vi'/^^'w^v, Vol. I, p. 28. 2. Grey, Sir George, Polynesian Mythology and Ancient Traditional His- toiy of the New Zealand Race, as furnished by their Priests and Chiefs (London, 1855), pp. 1-2. 3. Grey, op. cit. 4. Cf. Tregear, Maori- Polynesian Compaj'ative Dictionary^ pp. 391-2; Dixon, Roland Burrage, C^^««?V i1/v^/^^/i3^' (Boston, 1916^ p. 14; Anderson, J. C, Alaori Life in Aotea, p. 127. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. 1 9/ The form of the Japanese cosmogonic myth is closely similar. Izanagi and Izanaini, although they occupy the primary position as creative deities, are not regarded as the old- est of the gods. The Japanese account as set forth in the Kojikl repeats the form of the Polynesian record in that it attempts to carry speculation back to the very beginning of the universe. The first god mentioned is Ame-no-mlnaka-nushl-no-kamiy " The Lord of the Center of Heaven." Following this kaini appears a list of sixteen other divine beings, arranged for the most part in genealogical sequence, ending with the great creative pair, Izanagi and Izanamu These two give birth to the islands of the Japanese archipelago and likewise become the ancestors of gods and men.^ In the Nihongi account the creation myth opens with a picture of chaos in which darkness and light have not yet been separated and in which Heaven and Earth are not yet formed. Out of this chaos Heaven eventually emerges and afterwards Earth. The first definite kami to appear is Kuni-toko-tachi-no- mikoto, given in a slightly variant account as Atna-no-toko- tachi-no-mikoto. Seven generations after this deity, Izanagi and Izanami appear and exercise the same creative functions as in the Kojiki record.^ The introductory sentences of the Nihongi which have just been briefly summarized have been criticised by Japanese and foreign scholars alike as an attempt to rationalize Japanese mythology under the influence of Chinese philosophy.^ While the fact of Chinese influence on early Japanese literature must not be lost sight of, yet it must be admitted that the problem of possible relationships is much more complicated than an exclu- sive reference to Chinese analogies would seem to indicate. After this general comparison we are in a position to note 1. Cf. C, pp. 15-18. 2. Cf. A., I, pp. 1-13. 3. C/*. Aston, Shinto, the Way of the Gods^ pp. 169- 1 70; Meiji Setioku Kinen Gakkai Kiyo, Vol. 16 (Sept., 192 1), pp. 1 16, I20. 198 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5 some of the more particularized data concerning Izanagi and Izanami. As evidence that they are to be taken as Sky- Father and Earth-Mother, respectively, we may further note : The Japanese records agree in representing Izanagi as having originally come down from out of Heaven. One of the Nihongi accounts informs us that after his creative tasks were finally accomplished he went back to Heaven and lived there *^ in the smaller palace of the Sun."^ The fact that Izanami is also represented as having come down from Heaven may be said to be in all probability the result of an early effort to assign an adequate origin to the Earth Mother. As will be indicated below, in the later role which the mythology assigns her, she is com- pletely identified with the earth. In the Kojiki account the sun and moon deities sprang from the purified eyes of Izanagi as he washed in a river of Tsukushi, the sun-goddess. from his left eye, the moon-god from his right eye.^ Polynesian mythology presents analogous details here, again. The mythology of the Cook Group relates that the father of gods and men was Vaiea who took to wife Papa, the Earth- Mother. An account which Gill considers very ancient repre- sents Vatea as possessed of two wonderful eyes, *' rarely visible at the same time." " In general, whilst one, called by mortals the sun, is seen here in the upper world, the other eye, called by men the moon, shines in Aviki (the spirit world). "^ A Maori poem speaks of the moon and sun as having been thrown up into the sky '' as the chief eyes of Heaven.*'* 1. A., I, p. 34. For " smaller palace of the Sun " the text reads ^ ^g-, hi no waka miya (N. p. 23). Anesaki has translated this " Solar Young Palace " {Cf. H. E. R. E., Vol. 8, p. 38). The meaning of this apparent subordination of Izanagi to the Sun-goddess will be taken up later in the discussion. 2. Cf. C, p. 42. 3. Gill, Wm. Wyatt, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific (London, 1876), pp. 3.4. 4. Taylor, R., Te Ika a Maui or New Zealand and its InkaHtants (Lon- don, 1870 2nd ed.), p. 109. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MOT)ERN SHINTQ. 199- Dixon says, '' The sun and moon in the Maori myth seem generally to be regarded as Rangi's offspring who were later placed for eyes in the sky, and similar beliefs prevailed in the Society GrQup and in Samoa."^ A myth that connects the origin of the sun and moon with the eyes of Izanagi can mean little other than that this kami is to be understood as a deification of the sky, thought of as pos- sessing two wonderful eyes. Again, Susa-no-wo, the Japanese god of storm and violence, represented as having been born from the nostrils of Izanagi,^ The mythology at this point can be consistently interpreted a& presenting the idea that the stormy, violent wind was the snort- ing breath ot the Sky- Father. The Nihongi says that the wind~ god, Shina-tsn-Jiiko-no-kami {" Prince-of-Long-Wind-AT^/m ")^ who drives away the morning mists is the breath of Izanagi.^ Again, the connection with the lower world which the mythology assigns to Izanami is such as to identify her with earth-deities of other fields. The myth relates that Izanami while in the midst of her creative activities, through giving birth to a deity of fire, at length went away. Izanagi in order to meet with her after their separation had to pass into the Land of Night beneath the earth.** Here Izanami became the Great Goddess of the Underworld. The Kojiki says, " So Izanami- no-mikoto is called the Great-Deity -of-Hades {Yomo-tsu-o-kami)"^ In the Polynesian myth Papa, after her separation from Rangi, was so closely related to the earth and the lower world as to constitute in her own person the various divisions of hell.^ This identification of the Earth-goddess with the underworld is a wide- spread characteristic of primitive mythology. This double nature 1. Dixon, op. cit, p. 37. Cf. also Tregear, op, cit., p. 392 ; White J.,. Ancient History of the Maori, I, p. 7. 2. g^. C, p. 43. 3. A., I, p. 22. 4. C, p. 34. 5. /^^^.,p. 38. 6. Tregear, op. cit., p. 315. ^porti 200 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. was common to most Earth-divinities among the Greeks. Mac- CuUoch points out that the Roman Tellus was likewise associated with the underworld.^ The same is probably true of the Baby- lonian Earth-goddess AUatu, " The Lady of Hell."^ .The Earth- mother of the Iroquois was the goddess of both night and earth.^ The meaning of this two-fold character in the case of Izanami will be dealt with later in the discussion. An additional piece of evidence pointing toward the ancient Sky-Father character of Izanagi is to be derived from that ion of the account wherein are introduced the tears which Izanagi shed at separation from his wife. The Maori myth here again presents valuable material for comparison. The mythology of this people after recounting the story of the great separation already mentioned, continues, " Up to this time the vast Heaven has still ever remained separated from his spouse the Earth. Yet their mutual love still continues — the warm sighs of her loving bosom still ever rise up to him, ascending from the woody mountains and valleys, and men call these mists ; and the vast Heaven, as he mourns, through the long nights his separation from his beloved, drops frequent tears upon her bosom, and men seeing these term them dew-drops ""^ Although the meaning of the separation of the Japanese lovers appears to differ in certain important respects from that of the above, yet the Polynesian myth sheds valuable light on the inci- dent of the weeping oi Izanagi, After Izanami had retired upon giving birth to the fire-god, Izanagi is made to cry out, " Oh, my • beloved wife ! Oh, that I should have exchanged you for a single child ! " The Kojiki then continues : *' And as he crept toward her pillow and as he crept toward her feet, there was / born from his tears the deity who lives at Unewo no Konomoto I on Mount Kagu. Her name is * Weeping-Rain-Deity ' {Naki- 1. MacCulloch, pp. cii., p. 131. 2. Ibid. 3. Alexander, op. cii.y p. 295. 4. Dixon, op. cit.f p. 33, quoted from Grey, Polynesian Mythology. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. 20I same-no-kamiox Naki-sawame 720 ^-anif )."lnthe Japanese accounts the tears oi Izanagi are ram-drops, in the Maori myth the tears L of Rangi are dew-drops ; in both cases moisture from the sky is interpreted as tears of grief and longing at the separation of the ancient lovers. The conclusion, that Izanagi is to be interpreted as the great Sky-Father, similar to Rangi, appears to be support- ed by this evidence. The Sky-god nature of Izanagi is further suggested in the apparently meaningless statement ** as he crept toward her pillow and as he crept toward her feet." What at first glance appears altogether fanciful if not ridiculous, becomes on further thought an inevitable part of the story. The myth has preserved here a fragment that is of considerable value in determining jubt what and who Izanagi and Izanami anciently were. We only have to imagine ourselves standing with primi- tive man on the^prostrate form of Mother- Earth, with the weep- ing, rainy sky creeping down toward her *' pillow " on the one horizon and down to her feet on the other — we have but to understand this to surmise that Izanagi and Izanami emerg- ed out of fundamental and universal human experiences with the phenomena earth and sky. Further data pointing toward the original sky-god character of Izanagi may be found in the nature of the sword which was girded about him and which flashes forth here and there in the mythology. The conclusion is that this sword was the lightning flash. Like Jupiter Fulminator and other sky-fathers, Izanagi was equipped with a striking weapon which had its origin in ancient experiences with the thunderstorm. The evidence which I. Cf. Santai Kojiki, p. 18; C, p. 31. The title of this deity is written in the Kojiki \^-{%-ii::W and in the Nihongi H^i^icfif- The rendering of sawame jn the sense of same, aim, " rain " follows a suggested reading advanced by Motoori in Kojiki Den. \Cf. Dai Nihon Shimmei Jisho (:^ 07!^i|fife|$^, " Dictionary of Japanese Gods," Tokyo, 191 2), p. 231]. Yor ame, "rain," read same in compounds see harusame, " spring rain " and murasame, " sudden show- ers." Suggestive material for comparison with IzanagVs tears of separation will be found in Harrison, J. E., Themis, A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion (Cambridge, 1912), p. 176. 202 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF M0D2RN SHINTO the old Japanese records furnish in this matter is fairly conclu- sive. According to the Kojiki, the name of IzanagVs sword was Ame-no-wo-ha-hari^ '* Heavenly-Podnt-Blade-Extended."^ This sword appears as one of the kami with the title Itsit-no-wo-ha-bari- no-kami, ^' Majestic-Point-Blade-Extended-Deity. "^ Itsu or idzu in the title of this deity is a term used to express the awe-inspiring character or the effulgence of a kami. In the mere matter of the names of IzanagVs sword there seems to be a slight amount of evidence indicating an original formative experience in some phenomenon that was associated with the heavens {ama) and which, at the same, time was majestic or terrible. More direct evidence is to be found in the fact that the Kojiki makes this sword the father of the ancient Japanese thunder-god, Take-inika- dzuchi-no-zvo-no-kami ('' Terrible-Thunder-Male-Deity ").'^ The myth relates that when the matter of the pacifying of the tur- bulent land that later was to become the territory of Japan, was under discussion in the council of Taka-ma-ga-haray it was pro- posed that " Majestic-Point-Blade-Extended-Deity " be sent down to accomplish this task. When consulted in the matter this deity replied, " I will obey and will respectfully serve you. Nevertheless on this errand ye should send my child, the Terri- ble-Thunder-Male-Deity."* The offspring of IzanagVs sword then is thunder. The inference is plain as to what the sword itself must have been in the original experience of the makers of the myth. Further evidence pointing to a connection between thunder and IzanagVs sword is to be found in the Nihongi, In one I. Cf. C, p. 34. Votive swords with blades broad toward the point in imita- tion of the shape of the ancient Japanese weapon are frequently found at Shint5 shrines in the present. The shape of these swords suggests a. remote origin in the itone age first-hatchet. 2. Qf.CyJt. 100. 3. (y. A., I, p. 68, note 3. Mikadzuchi is evidently the same as ikadziuhi^ « thunder." See also Satow, « Ancient Japanese Rituals," T. A. S. J., Vol. VH, 4. Cf. C, p. 100. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ 2O3 passage of this record we read of certain deities who dwelt in the Rock Cave of Heaven. They were the three genera- tions of kami : Mika-nchhaya-hi-no-kami (*' Terrible-Swift-Fire^ Deity "), who was the son of Itsu-no-wo-bashirl-no-kami (Majes- tic-Male-Running-Deity/*), Hi-no-hay a-hi-no-kami ('' Swift-Fire- of-Fire-Deity ''), and Take-mikadzuchi-no-kami (" Terrible-Thun- der-Deity ") who was the child of Swift-Fire-of-Fire-Deity.^ These deities lived in the Rock Cave of Heaven ; that is to say, they were generally invisible/ but they flashed forth as swift fire accompanied by a thunder-child. We may have . little hesi- tation in saying that they had their origin in ancient human experiences with the thunder storm. The parentage of the thunder god, found once in IzanagVs sword and again in a swift fire of heaven, plainly favors the interpretation that these two are one and the same and that the Majestic-Point-Blade-Extended, worn by Izanagi is nothing other than the lightning flash. Evidence for the conclusion that the sword of Izanagi is the lightning flash can be made yet more particular. We have only to consider the exegesis of the various deities that spring from the blood that attaches to the different parts of IzanagPs sword when he slays Kagu-tsiicki, to find unexpected confirma- tion of our interpretation. The pertinent section of the KojiJd following the account of how Izanami died in giving birth to KagiHsuchi reads, " Hereupon Izanagi-no-mlkoto drew the ten- grasp sword with which he was girded and cut off the head of his child, Kagu-tsuchi-no-kami, The names of the deities that were then born from the blood that stuck to the point of his sword and bespattered the multitudinous rock masses were Iwa- saku-no-kami ('' Rock-Splitting- Deity "), next Ne-saku-no~karrd 1. Cf. N., p. 50 ; A., I, p. 68. 2. The conclusion that invisibility of celestial phenomena or obscuration thereof was described by the early Japanese myth-makers as an entering into the Rock Cave of Heaven is supported by the account of how when Ama-ierasu-o-mi- kami, the Sun-goddess, entered the " Rock Cave of Heaven " all the earth became dark. The original experience in this case was evidently the obscuration of the sun either in an eclipse or by rain clouds; 204 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. (" Root-Splitting-Deity "), and next Iwa-tsutsn-no-wo-no-kami (*^ Rock-Possessing-Male-Deity ")/ The names of the deities that were next born from the blood that stuck to the upper part of his sword and again bespattered the multitudinous rock- masses were, Mika-no-haya-hi-nc-kami (" Terrible-Swift- Fire- Deity ") next Hi-no-hay a-hi~no-kami (" Swift- Fire-of-Fire Deity") and Take-mikadzuchi-no-wo-no-kami (** Brave-Thunder-Male- Deity " or " Brave-Terrible-Hammer-Male-Deity ").^ .... The names of the deities that were next born from the blood that came together on the hilt of his sword and leaked out between his fingers were Kura-okami-no-kami ('* Dark-Rain- Deity "/ and Kiira-midzn-ha-no-kami (" Dark- Water-Swift- Deity '").'* " The parallel account in the Nihongi rounds out the number of deities born from IzanagVs sword to three sets of triplets by adding to the list the name of Kura-yama-tsu-mi-no- kami C' Dark-Mountain-Body-Deity ").^ How then shall we interpret a sword that, at its point breaks the rocks, splits the trees to the roots, and impregnates the rocks with fire,^ that appears in its upper part as swift fire, giving birth 1. For these three kami see C, p. 32. 2. These three kami, appearing on the upper part of IzanagHs sword, have already been noted as those who dwelt in the Rock Cave of Heaven. 3. The title of this deity is written ^J5^ )^W^^ in the Kojiki and[^f|jiif in the Nihongi. Kura (jg is taken in the sense of " dark " or " black." This meaning is favoured in the Dai Nikon Shimmei Jisho {Cf. p. 137 under Kura-okami-no- kami). Okami is taken in the ordinary sense of the reading ^, as given in the jVi'/^wz^/, namely "the god of rain or water" (C/". N., p. 14). The elements of the ideogram give the idea of a dragon god of rain ( jjg, " rain " and f |, " dragon "). 4- H^?t^P {Kojiki), Hl^Hlf {Nihongi). The Dai Nikon Shimmei Jisho, following Motoori, advances the interpretation that midzu (^^) here carries the idea of "water" and ha (^) the sense of sumiyaka, " swift." {Cf. Dai Nikon Skimmei Jisho, p. 137). The Nihongi definitely states that a certain Midzu-hano-me, born from Izanami, was a " water deity " (;M^). {Cf. N., p. 12). Thus, on good authority, Kura-midzu-ka-tw- kami may be rendered " Dark-Water- Swift-Deity." 5. Cf A, I, p. 23, note 13. 6. The Japanese myth of the deities that appear at the point of Izanagi's sword reflects a widespread belief that flints, which contain the element of fire, are THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 20$ to thunder — a sword that brings forth at the hilt dark, mountain- like masses that drip water? Plainly, it is the picture of a thunder storm. Kagu-tsuchi was killed by a mighty thunder- storm in which, when the sword of Izanagi flashed in the sky, swift fire broke on the rocks and trees, Mika-dzuchi pounded with his hammer, Kiira-okami and Kiira-yama-tsu-mi-no-kami were seen gathering together like the masses of great black mountains up above, and .then, as the climax of the entire scene, trickling out between the fingers of Izanagi came Midzii-ha — water raining down out of the black clouds upon the earth below. We stand here in the presence of what is probably the oldest picture in Japanese literature. It is indeed a picture-poem, certainly one of the first ever produced by the remote ancestors of the Japanese race. The picture placed before us here in the Kojiki contains all of the elements of a terrific thunder-storm and, be it noted, nothing more. We conclude then that the sword of Izanagi is the lightning flash. One of the Nihongi accounts still further connects the death of Kagii-tsuchi with a thunder-storm by introducing the variant : " Izanagi-no-mikoto drew his sword and cut Kagii-tsuchi into three pieces. One of these became the Thunder-god {Ikadziichi-no- kami)} one became the Great-Mountain-Body-Deity {U-yama-tsw mi-no-kami) and one became the Fierce-Rain-god {Taka-okami)^^ thrown down by the thunderbolt or that sacred fire, i.e. the lightning flash, falls from heaven and enters into " rocks, trees and herbage " (Cf. A., I, p. 29) from whence it may be extracted by striking or rubbing. For a clear statement of the meaning of the death of Kagu tsuchi in relation to early ideas of the origin of fire see Revon, " Cosmogony and Cosmology (Japanese)," H. E. R. E., Vol. 4, p. 165^ Revon does not connect the death of Kagu tsuchi with the lightning flash and the action of a Japanese sky-father, yet such a connection is strongly supported by the internal evidence of the literary records. For a statement of the early cult of rocks and stones in relation to sacred fire and the sky-god see Foucart, G., " Sky and Sky-Gods," H. E. R. E., Vol. 11, p. 583. ; I. The text here leaves no room for doubt. It says plainly |||f, thunder- god. Cf. N., p. 18. 2- ^M ^f' ■^■» ^/' '^^^- '^^^ Nihon Shimmei Jisho (p. 189) suggests that taka should be taken in the sense of takekL *< fierce." 206 THE. POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. It is difficult to see how anything other than experiences with seasonal storm could have produced this mythology. Again, when Izanagi flees from out of the lower world after his vain effort to possess his dead wife once more his sword is again unsheathed. This time it flashes " behind him " as he hurries on pursued by the eight deities of thunder} The evi- dence here also suggests the memory of seasonal storm. It was then a thunder-storm that killed Kagu-tsuchiy " Glittering-Earth."^ He was a true child of Izanami — Fruitful Mother Earth — and at the same time, he was a Fire God. He was a specialized form of fire. He was that form of fire which manifested itself to the makers of the myth in their experiences with an intense summer heat. When it became time for him to be born his mother '* became feverish," she ^' was burnt," she " suffered change and went away." The old mythology in forms that are about as plain as human words can well be made thus sets forth experiences in a climate in which vege- tation withered and died away owing to the coming of a season of intense heat. It was a heat so great that it " glittered " and " shone ;" a very god of fire was brought forth from the womb of Mother Earth. And then Kagu-tsiicki died in a mighty storm. He was killed by ths sword of the Sky-Father. Yet hs did not altogether die. His death was the breaking of the drought. 1. Cf. C, pp. 36-37. 2. The full title of this deity is tj^^^^^.^^ {Hi-no-ka^n-tsuchi-no-kamif ^ Giittering-Earth-Deity-of-Fire "). Tstichi ( Ji) is here interpreted in the sense of the primary meaning of the ideograph, i.e. " earth." For similar renderings in the cases of other deities whose titles contain the element tsuchi or tsutm cf. Dai Nihon Shimmei Jisko, pp. 65, 230. Kagu is taken in the sense of kagayakii, " to glitter." Alternate names of this deity indicate an original experience with objects which contain heat or fire and which also reflect heat or glitter therewith — Hi-no- yagi-haya-wo-no-kami, " Glittering-Swift-Male-Deity-of-Fire " or " Fire-burning- Swift-Male-Deity-of-Fire," Hi-no-kagabiko-no-kamiy " Glittering-Sun-child-Deity- of-Fire " or " Shining-Prince-Deity -of- Fire " and Hqviusubi-tto-kami^ " Fire. Producing-Deity." Experitnces with the dry and healed objects of summer earth would naturally produce such epithets. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 205r That Kagu-tsuchi did not altogether die is seen immedi- ately in the character of the deities that came from his divided body. Kagu-tsuchi, who, it must be remembered, is, in the original formative experience, only an aspect of the earth, namely, earth in a fiery mood, when slain by Izanagi, gives birth to mountains. In this connection the Kojiki says> ** The name of the deity that was born from the head of Kagu tsucJii no kami who had been slain was the Deity Possessor-of-the-True- Pass-Mountains. The name of the deity that was next born from his chest was the Deity Possessor-of-Descent-Mountains. The name of the deity that was next born from his belly was the Deity Possessor-of-the-Innermost-Mountains. The name of the deity that was next born from his private parts was the Deity Possessor-of-the-Dark-Mountains. The name of the deity that was next born from his left hand was the Deity Possessor-of-the- Densely- Wooded- Mountains. The name of the deity that was next born from his right hand was the Deity- Possessor- of-the-Outlying-Mountains. The name of the deity that was next born from his left toot was the Deity Possessor-of-the-Moorland- Mountains. The name of the deity that was next bom from his right foot was the Deity Possessor-of-the-Outer-Mountains."^ The Kojiki herein sets forth a racial memory that is true to the experiences of the makers of the myth. One who has lived through the dry season of southern Asia wherein the heated earth cracks and the air becomes so thick and heavy with dust that in certain districts the sun seems to go down in the middle of the afternoon, knows that after the great storms of the south-west monsoon have killed Kagu-tsuchi, the air is washed clear and the mountains appear as if new-born from the bcdy of the earth. There is no intention of attempting to maintain that the storm that killed Kagu- tsuchi was the south-west monsoon, yet it seems fair to conclude that somewhere in their wide journeyings the ancestors of the Japanese race passed through agricultural I. C.,p. 33. 208 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5 experiences in a mountainous country that had a terrific summer heat which made it inevitable that from the slain body of Kagu- tsuchi should emerge mountain deities. We may conclude, then that the episode of the withdrawal of Izanami to the lower world is based on the same human social experiences as are similar episodes relating the withdrawal of similar Earth-Mother deities in other fields. These ancient and fundamental human experiences are agricultural, emerging out of the effect of seasonal changes on vegetation. In a cold climate when winter comes on, earth's vegetation withers and Mother-Earth retires. In a hot climate when the heat of sum- mer comes on, vegetation likewise languishes and withers, and the Earth-Mother grows feverish, is burnt and goes away. This interpretation is already widely accepted in fields outside of Japan. We may have little hesitation in accepting it in explana- tion of early Japanese mythology. The search which Izanagi makes for Izanami re-echoes the search of the Egyptian his for the body of Osiris^ The original meaning of the death of Attis in the Phrygian myth of Attis and Cybele was the death of vegetation in winter.^ In the Homeric Hymn to De meter, the Earth-Mother goddess, written probably in the seventh cen- tury B.C. the story is told of how Persephone, when gathering flowers in a field, was stolen and carried away to the under world. The mother saddened and languished and refused to produce grain that men might live. The earth was unfruitful. It was finally arranged that the daughter should spend eight months of each year with her mother, during which time the earth was fruitful.^ The languishing of the Greek Earth-Mother, Demeter, corresponds exactly with the sickness and departure of the Japanese Earth-Mother, Izanami. The Babylonian Ishtar, the mother of gods and men, was an ancient Earth-Goddess. 1. Cf. Miiller, Egyptian Myikology {Mythology of All Naces, Vol. XII), pp. 113 ff. 2. Cf. IL E. R. E., Vol. 2, p. 21S. 3. Cf. II. E. R. E., Vol. 9, p. 78. * I THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 209 Her journey to the lower world in search of Tammuz was the ancient Babylonian interpretation of the death of vegetation. Vegetation died and earth's fertility ceased when Ishtdr was in . the lower world. ^ The idea that the Japanese myth of Izanagi and Izanami was in some way connected with seasonal changes in vegetation is suggested by the fact that in the struggle between Izanagi and the forces of the lower world various food items — grapes, bamboo-sprouts, and peaches — ^appear as important factors in assisting his escape to the upper world.^ Further connectioii with seasonal change arises from the evidence of the Nihongi that Izanami was anciently worshipped with a spring festival '* by offerings of flowers."^ Flower festivals to the Earth- Mother are widely distributed as, for example, " Among the aborigines of India, the Earth-Mother is worshipped mainly in connection with agricultural seasons. Sacrifices are offered, and she is begged to be propitious, while she has often a special festival, or, as among the Oraons, a spring festival celebrates her marriage with Heaven."^ The Dravidians of South India wor- ship a Great Mother. The customary offering is flowers.^ E. S. Hartland says, " Every year when the 5(^/-tree is in blossoni the Oraons of Bengal celebrate the marriage of the earth-goddess with Dharme, the sun-god."^ Every year when the flowers on Mount Tsukuba in Japan begin to blossom the peasants of the vicinity celebrate the Ozagawari (" Great-Seat-Change ") of Iza- namiy that is, her journey to her shrine on the mountain top. And 1. Regarding the point of Ishtar's relation to seasonal changes in vegeta- tion Jeremias remarks, " Since nature dies and comes to life again (in cosmical language sinks into the Underworld and then rises again), she is the goddess who goes with dying nature into the Underworld and who brings up the new life." " Die Religion in Babylonien," Allgemeine Religions-Geschichte, p. 29, 2. Cf. C, pp. 36-7. 3. Cf A., I, p. 21. 4. H E. R. E., Vol. 5, p. 129, Ref, is to Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of N. India, Vol. I, p. 30 ff. 5. Cf. Hopkins, E. W. T/ie History of Rtligions, p. 170. 6. H E R. E., Vol. 9, p. 823. 2IO THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. every year when vegetation begins to wither on the mountain she is brought down again to the shrine at the base. While it is true that Izanagi likewise shares in this modern Ozagarwaru yet the present-day, popular explanation is that it is especially designed to protect Izanami, The peasants of the district say in explanation, " It is not good that a woman should remain out on the mountain in the wintei"." It is of special interest that the movements of Izanami at the Tsukuba shrine should still be connected with seasonal changes. The old mythology of the south seems to have been adapted to fit a northern climate. The Earth-Mother character of Izanami is likewise to be found in the nature of the deities which spring from different parts of her body after her relations as the wife of Izanagi have been severed. These deities appear as the independent creation oi Izanami and thus, on the hypothesis put forward in the pre- sent discussion, ought to be closely related to the earth itself. From the vomit of Izanami came two deities of metal, from her excrement two other deities who preside over clay, from her urine a water deity and also a god of growth called Waka-mii- subi-no-kami ('* Young Growth Deity ").^ These first named deities may be understood as originating in an early mythological scheme which regards metal, clay, and water as discharges from the body of the Earth-Mother. In the Nihongi account the ** Young Growth Deity " just mentioned appears as the producer of the silk-worm, the mulberry tree, and the five grains.^ *' Growth " thus transforms '* Earth " into these objects useful t3 man. The Kojiki relates that in the .body oi Izanami as she lay in the lower world resided eight deities of thunder.* We here have a mythological fragment which may be consistently interpreted as originating in primitive experiences with subter- ranean noises. In Teutonic mythology the thunder god Thor 1. Cf. C, p. 29. 2. Cf. A., I, p. .21. 3 C/. C.,p.36. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 211 has for his mother the great giantess Jordh who is identified as the Earth/ One of tlie noyito has preserved the account of IzanamVs return to the upper world out of the Land of Night and her creation anew of certain deities that break the drought brought on by the birth of Kagu-t$uchi. The evidence seenis practically conclusive in identifying the movements of Izanami with the complete cycle of seasonal changes passed through by the Earth-Mother deities of other mythologie=:. The norito which was formerly used in the *' Fire-calming-ceremony " (Jio-shizume no matsuri) presents this episode thus : " The two deities Izanagi and Izanami became husband and wife and begot the eighty countries and the eighty islands and, also, they begot the eight hundred myriads of deities. Finally, when Izanami gave birth to Ho-miisubi-no-kami (Fire-Producing-Deity) her private parts were burned and she became hidden in the rocks. ' My beloved husband, look not on me for the space of seven nights and seven days', she said. Before the end of the seven days, he wondered at her concealment and looked on her, and her private parts had been burned in giving birth to Fire. Then Izanami said, ' Oh, my beloved husband, thou hast put me to shame by looking on me at such a time when I had said, '^ Look not on me." So my beloved husband, thou must rule the upper world and I will rule the lower world.' And she became hidden in the rocks. When she reached the Even Hill of Yomi she thought and said, ' In the upper world, ruled over by my be- loved husband, I have given birth to and left behind a child qf evil heart. So returning, she yet again gave birth to children — the Deity of Water, Gourd, River-leaves, and Clay-Mountain- Lady {Hani-yama-hime) — ^to these four kinds of things she gave birth. Then she taught Izanagi saying, ' Whenever the heart of this evil-hearted child becomes violent subdue it with the I. Cf. H. E. K. E., Vol. 5, p. 129. 212 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MOERDN SHINTO. Deity of Water, with Gourd, with Clay-Mountain- Lady and with River-leaves."^ The introduction of the Deity of Water here as one of the agents in the subjection of Kagu-tsuchi reapeats the idea of the coming of water in the form of the two rain-deities, Kura~d-kami- no-kami (*' Dark-Rain-Deity ") and Kiira-midzu-ha-no-kami (" Dark- Water-Swift-Deity ") who appeared on the sword of the Sky-Father when he killed his child.^ The gourd is simply an ancient receptacle for storing and carrying water. " River- leaves," which the noriio makes Izanami produce on her re- appearance in the upper world, strongly suggests seasonal change wherein the new vegetation first appears along the courses of streams and rivers. According to the Nihongi, Hani-yama- hime is an earth-goddess.^ She is made to marry Kagu-tsuchi, who is also an earth deity, and the two beget between them, Waka-musubi-no-kami^ already mentioned as the producer of the five grains, the mulberry tree and the silk-worm. The Kojiki states that the child of this same Waka-musubi-no-kami was the great Food-Goddess, Toyo-uke-bime-no-kami^ The basis of this mythology is evidently seasonal change, regarded as induced by the return of the Earth-Mother. This change brings new life to the parched earth and food to the ancient husbandman. That the underlying experience is recurrent with the coming and going of seasons is also suggested by the state- ment of the norito that IzanamVs new children are to be made use of ** Whenever the heart of this evil-l\earted child becomes violent." An item of evidence of a different character is to be found in the fact that the term papa has survived in Polynesian langu- 1. Okubo, JIaisuo, Norito Shiki Kogi iMMi^^^y^y " Lectures on the Norito Ceremonies," Osaka, 1908, 4th ed.). Vol. TI, pp. 3-4. See also Aston, Shinto, pp. 315-316. 2. See above, p. 204. 3. C/: A., I, p. 21. 4. Ibid. 5. C/. C, pp. 29-30. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 213 ages with the meaning of " Earth-Mother "^ while in archaic Japanese the same form, papa^ means " mother "^ (modem Japanese Jiaha), A most important argument for the Sky-Father and Earth-Mother characters of Izanagl and Izanami is to be found in their primary creative function with reference to the total mythological scheme of old Shinto. They are universal parents. They gave birth to the land, the living things of the vegetable world, and were the ancestors of gods and men. The Nihongi preserves the record of their proper position in the original my- thology when it says, '* They produced all manner of things whatsoever. """^ The Kogoshui opens the account of the Japanese cosmogonic myth with the creative activities of this pair. They are the first kami introduced. The text says, ** I have heard that at the creation of heaven and earth the two deities Izanagi and Izanami became man and wife. They begot the Eight Great Islands and also mountains, rivers, grasses and trees. Again, they begot the sun-goddess and the moon-god.""* Thus it is that they occupy in the ancient Shintd pantheon exactly the positions of the Sky-F'ather and the Earth-Mother of other mythologies. The interpretation of Izanagi and Izanami here adopted assigns them an importance consistent with the place which they occupy in the Shinto pantheon. For although in that portion of the mythology which clearly reflects the influence of the political organization of ancient Yamato culture the Sun- Goddess, Ama-terasu-o-mi-kaim, takes precedence over all other deities, yet in the original cosmogonic myth, itself, the activities of Izanagi and Izanami are central. The probable reasons for 1. Cf. Tregear, op, cit, p. 314. 2. Cf. T. A. S. J., Vol. 16, p. 262. 3- ^^^^^,^^^, N., p. 13. 4. Saeki, A., Kogoshui Kogi (^ffi^^, '^B^^W^> " Lectures on the Kogoshui " Pub. by the Kogaku Shoin^ loth ed., Tokyo, I921), p, 4. 214 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. this rise of the cult of the Sun-Goddess and the subordination of the Sky-Father and Earth-Mother will be considered later. Aston classifies Izanagi and Izanami under the heading of gods of abstraction and regards them as '^evidently creations of sub- sequent date to the Sun-Goddess and other concrete deities, for whose existence they were intended to account."^ Izanagi and his mate are assigned by this scholar " to that stage of religious progress in which the conception has been reached of powerful sentient beings separate from external nature."^ The interpre- tation of origin which Aston is thus led to accept is that they were suggested to the ancient Japanese writers by the Yin and the Yang, or the male and the female principles, of Chinese philosophy. Against Aston's view can be advanced the thoroughly concrete character of Izanagi and Izanami as indicated by the evidence given above. They are not abstractions formulated to give a theoretical account of older deities. The central position which these original parents occupy in the Japanese mythology makes it hardly possible that they could have been borrowed from Chinese philosophy without the entire cosmogonic scheme having been likewise taken over. With all the obvious Chinese influence in the Nihongi there is no evidence of such extensive and early borrowing from China as is made necessary by Aston's theory. Izanagi and Izanami must be taken as original Japan- ese deities. They are the concrete expression of primitive ex- periences with the phenomena of earth and sky, interpreted in terms of a social life that is still so undeveloped as to be confined almost entirely to the events of the parent-child group. This alone is proof of a great antiquity. Similar objections are to be advanced against the interpre- tation which overemphasizes a phallic character for these deities.' The theory here builds to a large extent on etymological con- 1. Shinto, p. 169. 2. tbid., p. 170. . 3. So Buckley, Pkallicism in Ja^an^ pp. 22-26. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 21 5 siderations. It follows Motoori in assigning to the words Iza- nagi and Izanami an origin in izanau, " to invite," while gi and mi are taken as equivalents of " male '' and " female " respec- tively ; hence the meanings, " Male-Who-Invites " and " Female- Who-Invites," i.e., invites to sexual relations.^ The naive detail with which the Kojiki enters into a description of the first creative activity of this pair lends some plausibility to the interpretation. That phallic practices have been a" 'part of the worship of Izanagi and Izanami is beyond question. Yet phallicism is not the key to their interpretation. On the other hand, an isolated phallic theory does not do justice to their position in the cosmo- gonic scheme. Phallicism, with an underlying relation to fertility rites, has a world-wide association with Earth-Mother cults.^ For example, Priapus, the Greek phallic deity, was the son of Aphro- dite, an original earth-goddess.^ The Isis and Osiris cult of Egypt appears to have been associated with phallicism.'* Male and female emblems with the meaning of fertility charms, appear- ed in the ceremonies of both the Arrephoria and the Thesmo- phbria.* Among the Yoruba on the west coast of Africa the Earth-Mother is also a phallic deity.^ It is altogether to be expected that phallic rites should be associated especially with Izanami in her character as universal mother. 1. Cf. C, p. 1 8, note 8. At the present stage of investigation, the attempt to argue from the meaning of these names to the functions of the deities is pre- carious. Aston prefers to take isa (Jza) as a place-name ; hence, " the Male of Iza" and "the Female of Iza" (5/^/«/5, p. 172). A recent Japanese explanation attempts to interpret iza in the sense of " beginning " or " first " ; hence, " the First Male " and " the First Female " {C/. Meiji Seitohi Kinen Gakkai KiyOy Vol. 16, p. 125). ' 2. For references consult art. " Phallism," H.E.R.E., Vol. 9. 3. Ibia. 4. Ibid. 5. Cf. Harrison, Themis p. 266, also pp. 396 fF., 451 fF. "At Syracuse^ on the day of the Thesmophoria cakes of sesame and honey representing the female sex were carried about and offered to the goddesses — pro- bably Demeter and Kore " (H E.R.E., Vol. 9, p. 818). 6. H.E.R.E., op. cit. 2l6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. The foregoing discussion is offered as evidence that in Izanagi is preserved the memory of an ancient Japanese Sky- Father and in his mate, Izanami, the idea of a great Earth- Mother. Izanagi is a being who produces the deities of sun and moon from his eyes, the storm-god from his nostrils, whose breath is the wind, whose tears are probably rain-drops and who carries a sword which is the lightning flash. Izanamiy his mate, is a being who has the double function of an earth-goddess of the upper world and of the lower world, whose body is as- sociated with the things that come from out the earth such as metal, clay, water and growing crops. Her death and depar- ture into the underworld are to be interpreted as an ancient statement of the effects of seasonal change on vegetation. The early mythology, in spite of its existing fragmentary char- acter, still preserves the account of her return from the lower world with reviving life. Izanagi^ also, seems to have brought new vegetation with him out of the land of Yomi and modern local ceremonial still retains the influence of the idea that Izanami properly goes up to the mountain top with the returning life of spring. Finally the two are universal parents. In all these points the correspondence with Sky-Fathers and Earth-Mothers of other peoples is close. Such are the kami in whom modern Shinto still finds original parents for the Imperial Family and for the general popu- lace alike. The sense in which they are to be taken as ancestors is plain. In tracing the royal line back to Izanagi and Izanami the modern genealogists have been true to pure Japanese tradi- tion, but at the same time they have evidently builded better than they know. The line as thus established does reach back to " immemorial ages." We have, indeed, the extraordinary spectacle of a modern state supporting its political fabric with a genealogical scheme that has come straight down out of a primi- tivity so remote as to bear the impress of a mythology that was probably formulated as man's first attempt at a systematic world- \ view. The historicity of the two great ancestors who head the THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 21/ royal genealogies as given in the modern *^ History for Middle Schools " is to be estimated exactly as we estimate the historical validity of Sky-Father and Earth-Mother myths elsewhere. The study here carries us into the field of pure rriythology and not into that of history, as such. In assigning the above value to Izanagi and Izanami we need not be led astray by the fact that the mythology so fully anthropomorphizes and domesticates them. Izanagi is pictured in the myth as a patriarch who marries and begets children, who wears clothes and carries a weapon with which he takes the life of a child. The legend of his final place of '' concealment " on the Island of Ahaji is carefully preserved.^ Izanami is a woman who dies in childbirth and who is buried at Arima of Kumano.^ Folk lore does the same thing for similar deities elsewhere, how- ever. Greek tradition, for example, has likewise preserved the knowledge of the places of birth and burial of the Sky-god, Zeus.^ E. W. Hopkins has fittingly called attention to the fact that the German thunder-god, Thor, was not regarded merely as a noise in the sky but as *^ a heavenly man with a decent family of his own and with intimate relations with his clan on earth."'' Such socialization of experience with nature is indeed an inevitable part of the evolution of human thought. In connection with the early ideas of the relations of Heaven and Earth a further matter is to be noted. Japanese my- thology bears clear traces of the influence of a conception that, at one time, Heaven hung close down over Earth and possibly, also, of the idea that the two were subsequently separated through the efforts of the divine beings who lived in between them. A similar idea is widespread in the Oceanic area. The extent of the geographical distribution of a notion 1. CA A., L, p. 34. 2. 3id.y p. 21. ^. Cf. Fox, W. S., Greek and Roman Mythology^ pp. 154 fif. ; Harrison, <^. cit., pp. I -1 5. 4. Hopkins, E. W., The History of Religions^ p. 8. 21 8 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MCDSRN SHINTO. of the original close proximity of Heaven and Earth and their final separation, constitutes one of the remarkable features of Oceanic mythology, passing, as it does, throughout almost the entire Polynesian and Indonesian areas. The myth occurs in India, Borneo, in the Philippines, in the Celebes, in the Marshall Islands, in New Zealand and the Chatham Islands, in Samoa and the Union Group. In the account from the New Hebrides the sky originally hung so low as to be struck by a woman as she worked with mortar and pestle. In the mythology of both the Cook Group and the Society Islands the sky at first rested as far down over the earth as the leaves of plants growing on her surface.^ The New Zealand myth of the separation of Heaven and Earth presents noteworthy features, that, in certain respects, s^em to shed light on fragments in old Japanese mythology. As summarized by Tregear from the graphic accounts of Maori chiefs and priests compiled by Sir George Grey, the outlines of the story are as follows. " Rangi (Heaven) and Papa (the Earth) lay clinging in a close embrace, so intertwined that the children they had begotten dwelt in darkness in their narrow realm. These children who afterwards became the great gods of men, resolved to rend their parents apart, and, after taking long counsel together essayed the task. One only, Tawhiri- matea, the Lord of Winds and Storm, was grieved at the deci- sion, and refused to join in the forcible divorce of Rangi and Papa. Rongo-ma-Tane, Tangaroa, Huamia-tiketike, and Tu^ mata-uenga all attempted the ' rending apart ' in vain ; but the mighty Tane-ma-huta, the Lord of Forests, at length forced Rangi upwards from the breast of his wife, and let in the light ofday."^ In a further Maori account, presenting new details, Tane is assisted by Paia, his younger brother. The story relates how, after Raki (Rangi) and Papa had spoken words of affectionate 1. Dixon, Oceanic Mythology, pp. 30-36, p. 322 note 93. 2. Tregear, Maori- Polynesian Compamtive Dictionaiy, p. 39 1 flf. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. * 219 farewell, *' Pafa uplifted Raki, and Tane placed his toko (pole) «... between Papa and Ragi. Paia did likewise with his toko. . . . Then Raki floated upward, and a shout of approval was uttered by those up above, who said, ' O Tu of the long face, lift up the mountain.' Such were the words shouted by the inumerable men (beings) from above in approval of the acts of Tane and Paia ; but that burst of applause was mostly in recognition of Tane's having disconnected the heaven, and propped up its sides, and made them stable."^ On the Japanese side according to the Nihongi account, at the time in which the creative activity of Izanagi and Izanami was in operation, Heaven lay close down over Earth. They were so near together that it was possible to send both the Sun- Goddess and Moon-God up into the sky by erecting a ladder between Earth and Heaven — '' At this time Heaven and Earth were still not far separated, and therefore they sent her [the Sun- Goddess] up to Heaven by the ladder of Heaven.'^ Again an arrow shot from Earth punctured Heaven and passed through into the midst of the deities dwelling therein." The Nihongi opens with the statement, *' In ancient times, Heaven and Earth were not yet separated." Thereupon follows the passage already considered which relates how Heaven and Earth evolved out of primitive chaos, ending with the statement, " Thus Heaven was formed first and Earth was established after- wards." In immediate sequence appears a passage which liter- ally reads, " And Divine Beings existed in between " or " And Divine Beings lived in this interior (space)",* a form of statement which makes at this point a close similarity between the Oceanic and the Japanese mythologies. The question naturally arises, is the similarity any closer ? Is there anything in the old Japanese records indicating an idea 1. White, Ancient History of the Maori, Vol. I, p. 46. 2. A , I, p. 18. 3. C, I, p. 96. 4. mmm^%^%' c/.N.,p. i. 220 . THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. that these deities dwelling between Heaven and Earth constituted the agency whereby the separation was accomplished ? While it is true that in the Japanese records this theme of separation is not expressly elaborated, yet Japanese mythology does state explicitly that there was a time when Heaven and Earth were still close together, and in one passage of the Kojiki there appears a statement bearing on the subject of separation which looks like the outcropping of an old mythological bed-rock which was assumed as well-known popular belief at the time of the compilation of the Kojiki. The passage in question appears in the form of a note or commentary in the original text. It comes immediately after the account of the beginning of Heaven and Earth wherein the names of the first five Heavenly Deities of the Kojiki are recorded. The note then says, ^' The five deities in the above list are the deities who disconnected Heaven."^ Such a translation, although involving a departure from the interpretation of the Japanese commentators, is not forced ; on the other hand, it follows the plain meaning of the ideograms.^ It will be noted that in the Maori account given above we likewise have five deities involved in the attempt to raise up Heaven. It is not impossible that the Japanese annotator is emphasizing a numerical factor, as if it were a well-known idea that the number of deities should here total exactly five. In this same connection the similarity between the Japanese and Polynesian myths extends to a further interesting detail. It will be recalled that in the variant Maori account given above, Taney the great god who labored with the most effect in the separation of Heaven and Earth, ^^w^s assisted by his younger brother, Paia, and that the disconnection was facilitated by the erection of poles {toko) between the bodies of Rangi and Papa, 7^^ throughout Polynesia has the meaning of " pole," " prop '* 1. }L\%^W^mjm' ^'ojiki, p. I (Ed. ^±MtC. Tokyo, 1899). Note I, wakant, " to separate," " to divide " ; wakare, " a separation," " a parting." 2. Cf. C, p. 16, n. II. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 221 Although Tane^ himself, does not appear to have been called a toko-^o^j that is, a * prop '-god in Maori mytho- logy, yet a whole series of such deities is associated with him. Their names are variously given as Toko-jnua, Toko-roto, Joko- pa, Tokd-7naunga, Toko-hurunukuy Tako-htirurangi, loko-ruati- pua, Toko-kapuka, and Toko-tupua? On the Japanese side we have two toko gods listed in the ancient mythologies, namely, Ame-7io-toko-tachi-no-kami and Kiini-no-toko-tachi-no-kami, or *' Heavenly-/^as of reverence for the Imperial Family and of love of country."^ Similar evidence is abundantly furnished in the publica- tions of the Department of Education. In this, the matter before us for special attention is the extent to which the modern Japanese government makes use of a mythology centering in the Sun-Goddess of Shinto as a means of furnishing support for the existing organization of the state. Book V of " Text-books of Ethics for Ordinary Primary Schools," also published by the Department of Education says, " In ancient times AmoL-terasii-d'mi-kami sent down Ninigi-no- inikoto and caused him to rule over this country. The great- grandchild of this Prince was the Emperor Jimmu. More than 2570 years have elapsed since the accession to the throne of this Emperor.^ His descendants throughout successive genera- tions have ascended the throne. There are many countries in the world, but there is no other which, like our Empire of Great Japan, has over it a line of Emperors of one and the same dynasty throughout the ages. Moreover, the successive generations of Emperors have loved Their subjects as children, and our ancestors all revered the Imperial Family and fulfilled the principles {michi) of loyalty and patriotism.''^ We, who are born in such a precious country, who have over us such an august Imperial Family, who, again, are the descendants of subjects who have bequeathed such beautiful customs, must become splendid Japanese and do our utmost for oui Empire."* The official explanation of the above, as given in the corresponding Teacher's Manual, adds nothing to the meaning but seeks to drive home the obvious moral by saying in con- 1. Ibid.^ p. 5. 2. Published in I913. 3. As a means of checking this statement consult references given above p. 120, n. I. 4. Jinjo Shogaku ShTishin Sho (^^/hf^<|f:g',^i «* Japanese Reader for Ordinary Schools," Pub. by the Government of Korea, 1913), pp. 26-29. 2. Ihid., p. 29. 3. Jinjo Shogaku Shushin Sho, No. Ill, p. 52. 4. /injo Shogaku Shushin Sho, No. IV, p. 66. 234 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. with ceremonies conducted at the Grand Shrine of Ama-terasu- o-mi-kaml and elsewhere may be seen in the official explanation as given in the text-book just quoted. The statement says, " The fete days of our country are : New Year's Season {Shinneti), the Anniversary of the Accession of the Emperor Jimmu {Kigen Setsti), the Emperor's Birthday {Tencho Setsu), and the Imperial Birthday Celebration Day {Tencho Setstc Shikujitsii). The New Year is celebrated on January i, 2 and 5, the Anniversary of the Accession of the Emperor Jimmu on February 1 1 , the Emperor's Birthday on August 31 and the Imperial Birthday Celebration Day on October 31. All are auspicious days. '* The great festival days are : the Festival of Sacrifice to the Origin {Genshi Sai), the Festival of the Vernal Equinox (Shunki Korei Sai, lit. *' Spring-season-Imperial-Spirit-Festi- val "), the Anniversary of (the death of) the Emperor Jimmu (Jimmu Tenno Sai), the Anniversary of (the death of) the Emperor Meiji {Meiji Tenno Sai), the Festival of the Autumnal Equinox {Shuki Korei Sai, lit. " Autumn-season-Imperial- Spirit-Festival "), the Festival of Presentation of First Fruits {Kanname Sai) and the Harvest Festival {Niiname Sai). " The Festival of Sacrifice to the Origin is on January 3 and (at this time) services are held at the Imperial Court in the Kashiko-dokoro} in the Koreiden^ and in the Slunden? The Anniversary of (the death of) the Emperor Jimmu is on April 3, while the Anniversary of (the death of) the Emperor Meiji is on July 30. The Festival of Presentation of First Fruits is celebrated on October 1 7. On this day the first ears of rice are offered at the Ise Shiine. The Harvest Festival is cele- brated on November 23. On this day the first ears of rice 1. The shrine in the Imperial Palace where the sacred mirror is kept and where Ama-teirtsn-o-mi-kami is worshipped. 2. The shrine in the Imperial Palace where the spirits of past Emperors, Empresses and Princes are worshipped. 3. The shrine in the Imperial Palace where the Deities of Heaven and Earth are worshipped. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 235 .(of the late crop) are offered to the gods at the Shinkaden} Also at the vernal equinox and at the autumnal equinox the spirits of successive generations of Imperial Ancestors are worshipped. These two festivals are the Shunki Korei Sai and the Shuki Korei Sai. " The fete days ar.d the festival days are important occa- sions. In the Imperial Court the Emperor, himself, officiates in solemn ceremonies. We must thoroughly comprehend the reason for these days and (thus) nourish the spirit of loyalty and patriotism."* In summation of the evidence as given thus far in the [)resent chapter it may be noted that the Japanese government ill carrying out a nationalistic program for fostering the senti- ments of loyalty and patriotism in the puolic schools of the . empire gives central importance to the following teachings, s aA that Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami is the distant ancestor of the reign- ' /\ ing Emperor ; that in a remote period of Japanese history she ,v appeared in human society as a person of unusually lofty char- acter who conferred great blessings on the people ; that the begin- ning of the Japanese state, founded eternally on the principle Q^ imperial sovereignty, is to be carried back to her express command ; that her shrine at Ise should be an object of special reverence ; that pilgrimage to the Ise shrine should be en- couraged ; that reverence for the shrine should include the elements ot worship and prayer, especially prayer for the prosperity of the Imperial Family ; that this worship should find its great example in that which is offered to the Sun-Goddess by the Royal Court, itself; that the spirit of loyalty and patriotism sliould be nourished by the observation of the festival days of Shinto; and, finally, that in the form of its national life Japan is the greatest country in the world. 1. The sanctuary in the Imperial Palace where the Niiname Sai is carried out. A plan showing the location of these shrines will be found in Jinjo Shogaku Shushin Sho, Kyoski Yd, No. HI, p. 60. 2. Jinjo Shogaku S/iTishiii Sho, No. IV, pp. 55-58. 236 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. We have before us the evidence of officially inspired Shinto propaganda in the public schools of Japan. In its scope it is as extensive as the school system of the entire empire. In its content it makes use of the elements of the ceremonials of the shrines and of prayer to the ** spirits of ancestors " regarded as supernatural beings. The officially acknowledged motive in all this is the inculcation of such sentiments in the minds of the young as will effect the stabili- zation of the status quo in Japanese political life. In this process of strengthening the existing order, the material of the old Shinto mythology, especially that part relating to Ama- terasu-o-tni-kami, is utilized in such a way as to give support to the affirmation that the present organization of the Japanese state is the manifestation of a fundamental and unchanging historical principle. In other words, the official position may be taken to mean that historical investigation of the Japanese state cannot be carried back beyond a time when this funda- mental principle was not in operation. Not only so, but an attempt is made to support this program of establishing an historical absolute, by building on the foundation of the strongest religious beliefs to which the Japanese children are officially introduced. The greatest power in the spiritual world which the government text-books on ethics open before the minds of the Japanese children is Ama-terasu-d-ini-kauii, " the August Ancestor of the Emperor." The foundations of the existing order in the state were laid by no other agency than that of this central spiritual power. The Japanese government is very plainly seeking to surround a doctrine of political absolutism with the final sanctions of religious belief It hardly needs to be pointed out that a form of instruction which thus identifies certain of the most vital interests of the modern bureaucratic state with an ancient Shintd mythology, reveals more concern- ing the methods and motives of contemporary official peda- gogy in Japan than it does regarding the verifiable historical basis of the teaching, itself. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 2},^ Private interpretations which reecho or amplify the official statements just examined are numerous. Okuma's ** National Reader " {Kokiimin Toknhon), which, though not a publication of the Department of Education of the government, itself, is nevertheless intended as an instrument of public instruction, says : " The various countries of the world have repeatedly passed through revolutions wherein the royal dynasties have been changed. The Empire of Great Japan alone is an excep- tion. The national foundation established by the Heavenly Ancestors is strong for ages and the Sovereign continues the line of the Sun-Goddess. The nation preserves the system of the Divine Ages. The relations of ruler and subject were established by nature and have never changed."' The extent to which the official interpretation here ex- tends a directive influence over the public utterances of individ- uals may be inferred from the caution with which a scholar of the rank of Dr. N. Hozumi handles the subject even when not writing primarily for Japanese readers. In discussing Japanese ancestralism in the three-fold form of the worship of Imperial Ancestors, of clan ancestors and of family ancestors, Dr. Hozumi says, " The first of the three kinds of Ancestor-worship, namely, homage to the Imperial Ancestor, Ama-terasu O-Mikami, or ' The Great Goddess of the Celestial Light,' may be styled the national worship."^ In the preface to the third and revised edition of Ancestor Worship and Japanese Lazv from which this quotation is taken, Dr. Hozumi calls attention to the fact that he has been ciiticized for the above statement, making Ama- terasu- o-mi-kami the " First Imperial Ancestor." He does not hazard any attempt to meet this specific criticism but turns his defence into an effort toward the vindication of ancestor- worship in general.^ No revision is made of the text 1. Okuma^ S., Kokumm Tokuhott, p. 3. 2. Hozumi, N., Ancestor-Worship and Japanese Law (Tokyo, 1913^ P-34. 3. Cf. ibid., Preface, pp. VI-XIV. 238 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO, relating to the position of the Sun-Goddess in the royal genealogy. One of the latest books of Dr. S. Uesugi is especially noteworthy for the manner in which it attempts to support a theory of Imperial Absolutism by a similar use of the materials of the mythology centering in Ama-terasu~d-mi~kami. Regard- ing the matter under discussion this author says : — " Our national organization consists in Imperial Absolu- tism. The Empire of Japan is ruled over by an Emperor of a line unbroken from ages eternal. Our national organization is pure, absolute monarchy. The Divine Ancestor, Ama-terasu- o-mi-kami, sent her Imperial Grandson, Ninigi-no-mikotOy down into this country, and her descendants have acceded in succes- sion to the Imperial Throne, as eternal as Heaven and Earth. She established the rule of the mighty Emperors over Ashi- hara-no-chii-ho-aki-no-inidzu-ho-no-kiiniy and herein was deter- mined their authority over the Empire. The Eight Great Islands were made the territory of Japan, ruler and subject were united in one body and thus the Empire of Great Japan was built up. The absolute authority of the Emperor con- stitutes the basis of our national system. It is the foundation on which the nation stands. If there were no Emperor there would be no nation. Without him there would be no subjects and our territory would cease to exist. " The Emperor continues the Imperial Succession of Heaven and rules over the four seas as the incarnation of the spirit of the Divine Ancestor. In him the Divine Ancestor, as though now living, reigns over the Eight Great Islands. The Emperor is Heavenly Deity {Ajnatsu Kami). He is God of Light {Hi no Kami) ; he is Manifest God {Ara-hito-gauu). His heart is the heart of the Divine Ancestor and he continues her work. He is the Mighty Ruler of Great Japan. All tilings subsist altogether in the Emperor. Authority is vested in a single person. It is not to be tolerated that the Emperor should be divided from his authority or that any one should THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 239 place a limit thereunto. His authority is unique. He is the absolute ruler determined by the Divine Ancestor."* A recent publication of the Shinto College in Tokyo {Koku Gakuin Dai Gakii) furnishes some indication of the im- portant position which doctrines relating to Ama-terasn-o-mi- kami occupy in the instruction imparted to candidates for the modern Shinto priesthood. This book which was issued from tlie press in April, 192 1, bears the title, Kokutai Kowa (" Lec_ tures on the National Constitution ") and is devoted to an exposition of the nature of Japanese national life as centered in Imperial Absolutism. It especially emphasizes the greatness, uniqueness and superiority of the Japanese state organization over against all the other governments of the world. At the center of the argument lies the following statement : — " National constitution {kokutai) is the essential nature of the state. All variation in essential nature signifies variation in the value of the thing itself It may be said, therefore, that variation in the national constitution means differences in the value of the state. The number of countries on earth is, of course, great, and among them so-called monarchies are by no means limited to a i^vj, yet is it possible to find among them any in which the existing oiganization of the state is genuinely monarchical ? In our opinion none can be found apart from our Empire. Whether regarded from the standpoint of the principle of the establishment of the state or from that of its expression in history, the one country possessing a true monar- chical organization, which has reality as well as name, is, in j truth, our Empire of Great Japan. Indeed, there is none apart . from our country. Our national constitution — unique, peerless, j matchless in all the world — in truth possesses a value that is beyond comparison. What shall we say then regarding this • national constitution ? *' It goes without saying that the reason why our national constitution, in comparison with those of other countries of the I I. Uesugi, S., Kokutai Seikiva no Haisnyo, pp. 9-10. , j 240 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO, world, is special and unique and^ further, preeminent above all other countries in a commanding way, is because the rights of sovereignty in the state are wholly vested in the Emperor. Not only is the Emperor absolute and complete sovereign, but also the Imperial Throne, from the very foundation of the state, has been occupied throughout successive generations by the offspring of the Heavenly Ancestor [Ama-ierasu-d-jni-kajni]. The Imperial Throne, which is rhe substance of sovereignty, descends in a single line as unchanging and everlasting as heaven and earth. The majesty of the Imperial Throne and the Imperial descent in a single line, in other words, the fact that the relations of the Imperial House and the state have been consistent from the beginning — this is the fundamental system on which our state is established, and compared with the facts of world history and judged in the light of the actual conditions in the world to-day, it is, most emphatically, without peer on earth. " ' The Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and govern" ed by a line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal.' In 1889, on the Anniversary of the Accession of the Emperor Jimmu, the late Emperor Meiji announced] these words to the spirits of the Imperial Ancestors above, and to us, the subjects of the empire, below. This is the express determination of the First Article of the Imperial Constitution of Japan. The article is authoritative and as clear as the light of sun and stars. We may compare it with the words which, long ago in the Divine Age, the Heavenly Ancestor, Ama-terasu-d-uii-kami, spoke to the Heavenly Grandson, when in establisliing in the beginning the principle of sovereignty in the state, she personally confer- red on him the Three Sacred Treasures and sent him do\vn and appointed him as the sovereign who should rule over this country. In promulgating the Sacred Rescript of the founding of the state she instructed the Heavenly. Grandson thus : * This Reed-plain-Fifteen-thousand-Autumn-Fresh-Rice-ear-Land is the region over wliich my descendants shall reign. Do thor, THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 24I Imperial Offspring, go and rule over it. Go ! and the prosperity of the Imperial Succession of Heaven shall be as everlasting as Heaven and Earth.' If we compare this great and sacred Im- perial Rescript of the foundation of the state with the First Article of the Imperial Constitution we can see that although they differ in matters of form of composition and choice of words yet in meaning and content they agree. "^ Similar effusions are abundant in contemporary Japanese literature. With all their tendency toward extravagance and bombast, they present little that is not logically involved in the position occupied by the government itself Common to official progapanda and to private exposition alike are the funda- mental tenets that Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami is the first ancestor of the Imperial Line, that she is the greatest benevolent force of Japanese society and the founder of the principle of Imperial absolutism in the state, and finally that the value of the Japan- ese state life transcends that of all other political organizations of the world. That Ama-terasu-o-?ni-kami is the Sun-Goddess of the ancient Shinto pantheon is so apparent and so widely accepted as to make unnecessary any extended attempt to justify such an interpretation here. The meaning of her ordinary title, as just given, is simply " Heaven-Shining-Great- August-Deity." Cer- tain of her variant titles identify her with the sun even more directly. Among such names are, d-hini-me-no'imichi (" Great- Mid-day-Female-Possessor ") and Ama-terasii-d-hirii-me-no-mi- koto ('* Her -Augustness- Heaven -Shining -Great -Mid-day-Fe- male ").^ The Nihongi states in so many words that she is a Sun- Goddess. In the course of its account of the creative activity of the Sky-Father and the Earth-Mother this record says, " Hereupon they together produced the Sun-Goddess, Hi-no- 1. Kokutai Kowa (^.|f ^|J§, " Lectures on the National Constitution,'' Tokyo, 192 1), pp. 13 ff. 2. Cf, A., I, p. i8. 242 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. kami [called in one writing Ama-terasu-no-d-kamf\.''^ ^^ the Kojiki account, as already pointed out, she is born from the left eye of the Sky-Father, while the Moon-God, Tsuki-yomi- no-kami, is produced immediately afterwards from his right eye.^ In Polynesian mythology, again, the sister of Ra, the solar deity, is Maramaj the moon.* After her creation, Ama- terasu-d-uii'kami is sent up into the sky and charged with the ruling of the " Plain of High Heaven " while the Moon-God is given authority over the dominion of Night.'' The most strik- ing episode in all the mythology connected with her is to be interpreted either as an eclipse myth or as the result of experi- ences with the obscuration of the sun by storm clouds. When she retires to the Rock Cave of Heaven, great darkness prevails in heaven and earth ; when she again shows her face, both the Land of Reed-plains and the Plain of High Heaven again become light.^ Her shintai [representation or dwelling-place in the shrine] is a mirror, that is a sun symbol.^ One of the Nlhongi variants says that she was produced by Izanagl from a white-copper mirror.'^ In certain of the modern Shinto sects the sun, under the same of Ama-terasti-d-ini-kaini, is worshipped as a personalized kami^ This popular faith must be regarded as expressing the beliefs of genuine Shinto. There are Shintoists in modern Japan who admit all this but who, at the same time, call attention to the well established principle that mythology necessarily takes form under the in- fluence of the social and political institutions of the environ- ment in which it develops. The political functions assigned to Ama-terasu-o-mi-kaml in the ancient records of Shinto are thus I. ti^w^Vimi-m^^^it-Ktm 67.N.,p.9. 2. cf. c , p. 43. 3. Tregear, Maori- Polynesian Comparative Dictionary^ p. 383. 4. Cf. C, op. cit. 5. Ibid., pp. 54-59. 6. Cf. Satow, E., « The ShiiV.au Temples of Ise," T.A S J., Vol. II, p. 117. 7. Cf. K, I, p. 20. 8. Fujita, K., Shinto Kaku KyoJia no Hyori, pp. 140-143. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 243 taken as evidence for the early manifestation of certain persis- tent facts both of Japanese state organization and of Japanese racial psychology. Dr. Y. Haga well exemplifies this method of interpreta- tion when he says, " The mythology of our country differs from that of other countries in that it has its center in the Imperial House. Again it is a mythology that makes our national domain central. At the time of the separation of Heaven and Earth the two kami, Izanagi and Izanami, descended upon the island of Onogoro and first gave birth to the Eight Great Islands, that is they gave birth to our national territoiy. Then they produced the deities of water, trees and fire. After giving birth to the deity of fire, Izanami went away. Izanagi, in order to meet with her, went after her to the Land of Darkness. Afterwards, when he was washing away his defilement, there were produced from his eyes and nose the three deities, Ama-terasu-d-iiii-kainiy Tsuki-yomi-no- ka mi a.nd Susa-no-zvo-no-mikoto. This Ama-terasu-d-nti-kamiis called the Ancestor of our Imperial Family. In other words the Japanese territory and Ania-terasu-d-uii-kaini .are both the children of Izanagi. That is to say, they are broJier and sister. The fact of an inseparable connection between the national domain and the Imperial Family may be understood from this. " Then it was established that Ama-terasii-d-ini-kami should rule the Plain of High Heaven, that Tsiiki-yoini-no-mikoto should rule over the night and that Siisa-no-wo-no-mikoto should rule the sea. Later Hiko-hoho-ninigi-no-mikoto came down from heaven upon this land and ruled over it. Since this land was born in the beginning as the brother of Ania-terasu-o-jni-kami, there was no reason why any one could object to this. ** Afterwards Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto went to Idzumo. As jhis descendant, in the fifth generation, appeared O-kimi-nushi- no-Juikoto. The latter, recognizing (the lordship of) the Heaven- ly Grandson, quietly submitted and handed over his country to 244 THE POLITICAL PEILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. him Thus it is that the essential, formative element in our ancient mythology is the idea that our national domain should be ruled over by the Heavenly Grandson as well as the idea that our national domain should be ruled over by no others than those of the lineage of the Heavenly Grand- son. The spirit of O-kiini-nushi-no-rnikoto who, upon hearing that Ninigi-no-mikoto was the Heavenly Grandson, quietly surrendered up the land to him, appears likewise as the spirit of our people in the Reform of Taika (645 A.D.) and in the Restoration of Meiji (1868 A.D.)."^ Prof S. Honaga and Dr. T. Inouye make similar use of the mythology. The latter writer speaks, of the command of Ama-terasu-d-rni-kami to Ninigi-no-mikoto that he should " go and rule over " the territory that later became part of the Empire of Japan, as a great prophecy? Prof Honaga is of the opinion that the great " edict " of the Sun-Goddess cannot be taken merely as a bit of mythology, *' since there is handed on to us in this edict, in an authoritative way, the tendency and meaning of the foundation of the state. What Ama-terasii-o- mi-kami therein purposed was actually brought to pass. In the sequel, the Japanese national spirit has nourished itself upon this edict. "^ The form of interpretation just examined frankly re- cognizes that Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami is a Sun-Goddess. At the same time it attempts to deduce important conclusions from the political position which she is alleged to have occupied in the oldest Japanese mythology. Dr. Haga in making his argument concerning the unique- ness of Japanese mythology, wherein he seeks to prove an inseparable connection between the national domain and the royal family from the relationship of the Sun-God- 1. Haga, Y., Kokumin Set Jurorty pp. 15-17- 2. Inouye, T., Kokumin Dotoku Gairon, pp. 85-86. 3. ^ondig^y^.y Ama-Terasu-Oho-Ml-Ka?ni, Der Urspmng ihrer Verehrung ah Goettliche Urohnin von Japan ^Bristol, 191 6), pp. 6-7. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO, 245 Goddess and the Japanese islands, is apparently ignorant of the fact that a similar argument can be built up for practically every people among whom we can locate the myth of the Sky- Father and the Earth-Mother. We can imagine a New Zealand chief, for example, formulating essentially similar con- clusions on the basis of the myth of the creative activity of Rangl, the father of many of the islands of Polynesia and the ancestor of gods and men/ Furthermore, contrary to the view of the above writers, it may be said with a considerable degree of confidence that the oldest mythology revealed in the literary records does not center in the Sun-Goddess. As shown in the preceding chapter, the center of the oldest Japanese mythology lies in the activities of the Sky-Father and the Earth-Mother. Earlier deities, it is true, are mentioned in the Kojiki and the Nihongi, yet the mythology which surrounds them is meagre and with- out movement, and the genealogical sequence as it appears in these two sources is probably a comparatively late expression of speculative interest, if not, indeed, of a political motive which aims at deliberate suppression of these two older deities. It is to be remembered that the Kogoshul opens with the account of the activities of Izanagi and Izanami. These two are to be taken as the most primitive Japanese deities that can be identified. The important fact for us to observe here is that the earli- est mythology clearly subordinates the Sun-Goddess to the Sky-Father. Older than the great command of Ama-terasu- o-mikami to Ninigi-no-mikoto, which is supposed to have led to the founding of the Japanese state, is the command of Izanagi to Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami wherein he says, " Do Thine August- ness rule the Plain-of-High-Heaven."^ The primitive patri- archal organization of society that is here reflected in Izanagi s direct authority over his offspring is manifestly a very different I. See above, p. 196, note 4. 2. cy:c.,p. 43- 246 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. thing from that which is implied in a program that con- templates wide-spread political unification under the standard of the Sun-Goddess regarded as a great tribal chieftainess. The evidence of the mythology shows that Japanese political and social life, exactly as in the cases of all other ancient societies, evolved out of very simple beginnings. The operation of a principle of change and development can be discerned even in the mythology. In other words, the mythology changes in form with alterations in the fundamental character of the social life and with the appearance of new interests in the political field. The great fallacy in the position of modern Japanese Shintoists, as a whole, is that they practically deny the operation of a principle of development in Japanese society. Consciously or unconsciously dominated by an interest in safe-guarding the permanence of the existing form of political life, they attempt to carry back to the remotest beginnings of organized Japanese society an idealization of the present status quo. Over against the conclusions of such a method, it is to be maintained that the formative element of the oldest Japanese mythology is not the idea that the national domain should be ruled over by the Heavenly Grandson and his descendants. The social life reflected in the most ancient mythology has not yet advanced to any such complicated situation. The earliest formative element is, on the other hand, simply that of a veiy ancient domestic life, under the influence of which is constructed a world-view in terms of the primitive relations of father, mother and child. This gives us exactly the same naive mythological scheme as is found widespread over the earth at corresponding stages of cultural develop- ment. Not only is it true that the oldest mythology does not make the activities of Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami central, but even in that later mythology which clearly reflects the presence of a centralizing political program, the Sun-Goddess is far from being that embodiment of political absolutism which certain extremists THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 24/ among modern Shintoists would make her out to' be. The decisions relating to the subduing of the Central Land of Reed plains are made by a council of the Gods.* In the Nihongi the Heavenly Grandson is sent down by Taka-mi-musubi-no- mikoto?' In the Kojiki he is sent down by Ama-terasu-o-tni- kami and Taka-mi-miisubi-no-kami acting conjointly and the two together lay on him the command, " This Luxuriant-Reed- plain-I.and-of-Fresh-Rice-ears is the land over which thou shalt rule."^ We are brought, then, to a place where we must consider certain factors relating to the probable reasons for the rise of the cult of the Sun-Goddess to a central position in Shinto. The later mythology clearly subordinates the Sky-Father to the Sun-Goddess. In accounting for this inversion of the older relationship we may note the operation of two factors, the one a natural evolution in mythology, the other, as it would appear, a move- ment in the field of political interests. In the course of the ordinary development of mythology that goes on concomitantly with the tendency of human social experience to become increasingly complicated, specialized and definite, it is the universal fate of the Sky-Father and the Earth- Mother that they are superseded by the more particularized nature deities to whom they give birth. Foucart, in his study of sky-gods, has already pointed out three results of this ten- dency — " (a) The acts of the sky-god become separate perso- nalities and gradually dismember his personality. (b) The beings produced by the celestial energy — sun, moon, stars — tend to ... . relegate to the background the beneficent role of the sky. (c) On the terrestrial plane the activities of various spirits and of their representations (fetishistic or iconic) take a more and more conspicuous part in the world's strug- 1. Cf. C, pp. 93-95, 99-101. 2. Cf. A., I, pp. 64, 67, 70. 3. (^.C, pp. 107, III. 248 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. gles."^ Finally they " capture " at least a portion of the attri- butes of the original parents. This process has gone on in Japanese myth as elsewhere. As the mythology develops, Izanagi and Izanami retire into the remote background and the story moves on with the account of activities centering in the more definite forms of their offspring, regarded as the deities of specific phases of experience which was once merged as a more or less undifferentiated totality in the general outlines of the great parents. In this connection, Foucart's discussion furnishes material for establishing an illuminating parallelism between Japanese and Egyptian cultures. This author says, " The progress of the religious system almost always results in substituting for crea- tion by the sky-god the organization of the world by the sun- god, the moon-god, or one of the stellar gods. Sometimes in fact the sun-god is supreme creator. Ancient Egypt presents a very complete schema of this type of evolution. It tends to substitute Ra (the sun) for the sky-gods (such as Atum, Hor, Nut, Hathor, Anhur, Sebek, etc.) ; but it does not completely realize this evolution, and consigns to the more or less vague beginning the primitive activity of the sky-god."^ The Japan- ese Sun-Goddess is far from being the supreme creator. In this field the Sky-Father consistently maintains a dominant position ; yet from the point of view of general type of develop- ment Shintd must be here classified along with early Egyptian religion. The early specialization of social experience which led to this differentiation and elevation of the Sun-Goddess on the part of the Japanese ancestors was undoubtedly connected with agricultural development. This is made plain in the mythology. After the goddess of food (Uke-mochi-no-kami) has been made to produce from her own dead body, oxen, horses, millet, silk- worms, panic, rice and beans, it is the Sun-Goddess who de- 1. Foucart, George, « Sky and Sky-gods," H.E.R.E., Vol. XI, p. 584. 2. Ibid., p. 585. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 249 clares, " These are the things which the race of visible men will eat and live."^ The myth then says, " So she [the Sun-God- dess] made the millet, the panic, the wheat, and the beans the seed for the dry fields, and the rice she made the seed for the water-fields. Therefore she appointed a village-chief of Heaven, and forthwith sowed for the first time the rice seed in the narrow fields and in the long fields of Heaven. That autumn, drooping ears bent down,'eight span long, and were exceedingly pleasant to look on. Moreover she took the silkworms in her mouth and succeeded in reeling thread from them. From this began the art of silkworm rearing."^ The Sun-Goddess ap- pears here as the organizer of agricultural industry. The social organization has reached the stage of well developed agricultural communities under village chiefs who are account- able to some central authority, yet even thus the chief functions of the Sun-Goddess are in relation to food. The same conclusion. m.ay be deduced from the fact that Ama-terasn-d-mi-kaini appears in the NoritodiS the ** Divine Producer" (of food and life).* Her most intimate associate in the mythology, if not her actual double, is the great producing . god, Taka-mi-musubi-no-kami, ** the High-August-Producing-Wondrous-Deity."* The sur- vival of an early relation to agriculture is to be seen in the fact that the center of the Harvest Festivals of modern Shint5 is still the presention of first-fruits to the Sun-Goddess.^ The same relationship is further indicated in the fact that the great- est of the associates of Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami in the worship of the Ise shrines is a food goddess.® This development of the cult of the Sun-Goddess under early agricultural influences has been accompanied by the I. A., I, p. 33- 2. Ibid. 3- Cf. T.A.S.J., Vol. VII, pp. 126-127. 4- Ibid. 5- See above, pp. 132-3. 6. C/.T.ASJ, Vol. II, pp. 99-121. 250 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. w operation of definite political interests. Yet the utmost caution must be exercised in any attempt to reconstruct out of the legendary records of the Kojiki and the Nlhongi the details of the expression of this political motive. The modern Japanese government, in its program of utilizing the old mythology as material for nationalistic ethical training in the public schools,is far from recognizing any such limitations. As already pointed out a particularized account of the descent of the Heavenly Grandson under the command of the Sun-Goddess and the establishment of his rule over his destined empire is expounded with a degree of assurance that is well adapted to induce the confidence that the entire movement is completely within the bounds of well established historical fact. The conclusion that such actual historical facts as lie behind the narrative here are almost inextricably entangled in a network of mythology is confirmed by a closer investiga- tion of the evidence. It will be remembered that the " Japanese Histoiy for Middle Schools," as quoted earlier in the discussion, in its account of the presentation of the Reed-plain Land of Japan to the grandson of Ama-terasii-d-ini-kami, gives prominent place to the coming down of the two kamiy Take-mika-dziichi and Fiitsn-nushi} They were sent by the Heavenly Deities to 0-kuni-nushi-7io-mlkolo, the ** ruler of Idzumo " with the message that the latter should surrender up his land to the Heavenly Grandson. The episode is of sufficient importance to warrant the introduction here of the Nlhongi account verbatim. The story is as follows. " After this, Taka-mi-musubi-no-mlkoto again assembled all the Gods that they might select some one to send to the Central Land of Reed-Plains. They all said : — ' It will be well to send Futsu-nushi-no-kami, son of Iha-tsutsu-no-wo and Iha-tsutsu-no- me, the children oi Iha-saku-ne-saku-7io-kami' " Now there were certain Gods dwelling in the Rock-cave I. See above, p. 187. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 2$ I of Heaven, viz. Mika-no-haya-hi-no-kamiy son of Idzii-no-ivo- bashiri-no-kami, Hi-no-haya-hi-no-kami, son of Mika-no-haya-hi- no-kami, and Take-mika-dziichi-no-kami, son of Hi-no-haya-hi-no- kami. The latter God came forward and said : — * Is Futsii- nushi-no-kami alone to be reckoned a hero ? And am I not a hero ? ' His words were animated by a spirit of indignation. He was therefore associated with Futsu-niishi-no-kami and made to subdue the Central Land of Reed-Plains. The two Gods thereupon descended and arrived at the Little Shore of Itasa, in the Land of Idzumo. Then they drew their ten-span swords, and stuck them upside down in the earth, and sitting on their points questioned Oho-na-mochi-no-kami [one of the numerous titles of d-kiini-nushi-no-mikoto]y saying : — * Taka-mi-musubi-no- mikoto wishes to send down his August Grandchild to preside over this country as its Lord. He has therefore sent us two Gods to clear out and pacify it. What is thy intention ? Wilt thou stand aside or no ? ' Then Oho-na-mochi-no-kami answer- ed and said : — ' I must ask my son before I reply to yoii.' -At this time his son, Koto-shir o-iiushi-no-kami was absent on an excursion to Cape Miho in the Land of Idzumo, where he was amusing himself by angling for fish •' He therefore took the many-handed boat of Kumano, and placing on board of it his messenger, Inase-hagi, he des- patched him, and announced to Koto-shir o-nushi-no-kami the declaration of Taka-mi-musubi-no-kaini. He also inquired what language he should use in answer. Now Koto-shir o-nushi-no- kami spoke to the messenger, and said : — * The Heavenly Deity has now addressed us this inquiry. My father ought respectfully to withdraw, nor will I make any opposition.' So he made in the sea an eight-fold fence of green branches, and stepping on the bow of the boat, went off [died]. The mes- senger returned and reported the result of his mission. Then Oho-na-mochi-no-kami said to the two Gods, in accordance with the words of his son : — * My son, on whom I rely, has already departed. I, too, will depart. If I were to make resistance 252 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ all the Gods of this Land would] certainly resist also. But as I now respectfully withdraw, who else will be so bold as to refuse submission ? ' So he took the broad spear which he had used as a staff when he was pacifying the land and gave it to the two Gods, saying : — * By means of this spear I was at last successful. If the Heavenly; Grandchild will use this spear to rule the land, he will undoubtedly subdue it to tranquillity. I am now about to withdraw to the concealment of the short-of-a hundred-eighty road-windings [road to the Under World].' Having said these words, he at length became concealed [died]. Thereupon the two Gods put to death all the rebellious spirits and Deities Ultimately they reported the result of their mission."^ Take-mika-dzuchi-no-kami, who appears in the above account as the forerunner of the Imperial Grandson, has already been identified as an ancient Japanese thunder-god. Futsu-nushi-no-kami, like the sword of Izanagi and like Take- mika-dziichi with whom he is associated, grew out of primitive experiences with the lightning flash. He is not altogether the creation of mere imagination nor is he so entirely the expression of social experience as to be explicable purely as a culture hero, as the account in the Japanese History for Middle Schools would seem to imply. Futsu-nushi is a kami who was actually seen to come down out of heaven, in shape like a sword. In the visible traces of his striking and smiting on earth there was vivid proof of his power to subdue the land. The old account remembers that such was his character when it says that acting in coopera- tion with the thunder-god he put to death " the tribes of herbs, trees and rocks, "^ that is, he struck them with his sword. An examination of the names and further activities of this deity con- firms the interpretation just suggested. Futsu-nushi is the Striker or the Smiter. He appears under various names : Thrust- 1, A., I, pp. 67-70. 2. Ibid.f p. 69. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 253 Strike-Deity {Sazhi-futsic-no-kami), Awful-Strike Deity {Mika- futsu-no-kami), August-Strike-Spirit {Futsu-no-mi-tamd) and Strike-Master-Deity {Futsu-niishi-no-kami)} In all of his titles the idea of striker persists. In one case he is the son of Rock- Possessing-Male {Iwa-tsutsn-no-wo)^ a kami who Is naturally as- sociated with primitive experiences with fire-flints. In another case he is spoken of as a sword belonging to the thunder-god.* Again, he is so closely related with thunder that the Kojiki gives the names Terrible-Strike-Deity {Take-futsu-no-kami) and Abundant- Strike-Deity {Toyo-fntsu-no-kami)z^ alternate titles of the thunder- god, himself."* There is a passage in the Kojiki j under the account dealing with the achievements of the first Emperor, which furnishes unique evidence in support of the lightning-god character of Futsu-nushi, The story relates how, when the royal progress of Jimmu Tenn5 was seriously delayed by the savage deities of Kumanu, there appeared a man, Takakuraji by name, bearing a marvelous cross sword that had been sent down from heaven. When the Emperor once had the sword in his possession, " the savage deities of the mountains of Kumanu all spontaneously fell cut down."^ The name of the sword was Thrust-Strike-Deity 1. CT". C, p. 135, A., I, p. 115. The justification of translating futsu by " strike " is found in the close kinship evidently existing between futsu and butsu or utsu '•' to hit," " to strike." For example, the derivative adverbial forms /zi^sun, btittstiri and puttsuri all have reference to a breaking or snapping sound. We have here the evidence of a b-f mutation in the form butsu {utsu), A common interpretation oi futsu favors the meaning of " snap," hence " Awful-Snap-Deity " as the title of this particular kami. {Cf.C, p. 135, note 13). The idea of " snapper," however, does not seem altogether congruous to the nature of a deity to whom the epithets " thrust " and " awful " are applied and who is spoken of as the sword of the thunder-god. Futsu in the sense of " strike " is fully as permissible as in that of " snap " and is much more appropriate to the function of the deity concerned. 2. gr. A., I, p. 67. 3. C, p. 135. 4. Ibid., p. 32. 5. Ibid, p. 134. 254 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. (Sazhi-futsu-no-kami) and the manner of its being let down from heaven is the interesting part of the story. It was revealed to Takakuraji in a dream that the thunder-god would perforate the roof of his store house and drop the sword through the hole thus made.^ The Nihongi then relates : *' The next morning, as instructed in his dream, he opened the storehouse, and on looking in, there indeed was a sword which had fallen down (from Heaven), and was standing upside down on the plank floor of the storehouse.'"' We are reminded that in early Greek rvjligion the lightning-god was also " the Striker " and the *^ Earth-shaker " and that in certain elevated spots, as on the Acropolis at Athens, were Places of Coming, open to the sky, upon which the lightning-god might descend, and, further, that in order to facilitate his coming down from heaven, a hole was left in the roof of the north porch of the Erechtheion.^ 1. Ibid., p. 135. 2. A., I, p. 115. The statement that the sword was standing upside down has its probable explanation in the fact that the ceremonial swords found at the Shinto shrines are frequently inserted in a pedestal and given this inverted position The ceremonial usage is probably very old. A large wooden sword, seen at the Namiyoke Shrine of Tokyo in the summer of 1921, had an engraved representa_ tion of a lightning flash, colored in bright red, running the entire length of the blade. What was fully as remarkable was the fact that the sword was mounted on a base carved in the form of a serpent's tail. The local explanation declared that this was the great serpent slain by €iisa-no-wo, from the tail of which was taken the sword that has since become a part of the Imperial regalia. The object exhibited by the Namiyoke Shrine was at once a serpent's tail, a sword and a lightning flash. Both legend and art in Japan connect the serpent or dragon with the thunder-storm. The storm-dragon is frequently found represented at the shrines. The great serpent of Mimuro Hill spoken of in the Nihongi gave forth rolling thunder and had eyeballs that flamed with fire. Its name was Ikadztuhi, ** Thunderbolt " (A., I, p. 347). The sword which Stisa-no-wo extracted from he serpent's tail is called Mura-kumo-no-tstirngi, " Clustering-clouds-Sword." The evidence here again suggests a sword that appeared when the great serpent writhed in the storm clouds. Cf. T.A.S.J., Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 347. 3. Cf. Harrison, T/ie/nisy pp. 91-92. The Place of Coming in Greek religion may be profitably compared with an ancient ceremonial object of Shinto, known as the himorogif which is connected with the coming down or the bringing down of the god. The himorogi is in fact a " place of coming " and is probably THE POLITICAL PHILCSDPHY OF MODERN SHINTO, 255 The movement of the subduing of the land in preparation for the coming of the August Grandson of the Sun-Goddess is thus in the realm of the activities of mythological nature deities. Idzumo was conquered by Thunder and Lightning. The account of the descent of the grandson of the Sun- Goddess is likewise clothed in the garments of a nature myth. The iV};7/!^;z^/ says of this event, ** So the August Grandchild left his Heavenly Rock-seat, and with an awful path-cleaving, clove his way through the eight-fold clouds of Heaven, and descended on the Peak of Takachiho of So in Hiuga."^ The picture is that of the sun's rays — offspring of the Sun-Goddess — striking in a broad path between the clouds down onto a mountain peak. That the story is not moving merely in the realm of the figurative representation of imperial splendor is to be seen in the further statement that Nlnigi-no-mikoto took as his wife Ko-no-hana-saku-ya-hime (" Princess-Blossoming-Brilli- antly-Like-the-Flowers-of-the-Trees "),^ who is the goddess of Mt. Fuji. Her father is the Deity of Mountains, O-yama-tsn- i7ii-no-kaini (" Great-Mountain-Body-Deity '')!' The offspring of this marriage in the third generation becomes the first tradi- tional emperor of Japan, Jimmu Tenno.'* Yet the conclusion that the outlines of certain remote tribal movements can also be dimly perceived through this myth and legend is probably correct. The records appear to the original Shinto altar. It evidently antedates the shrines, themselves. It con- sists, in general, of a sacred enclosure marked off by shimenawa within which is placed a small tree, usually the sakaki, mounted upright on a table. Modern Shintoists define hhnoiogi to mean " god-dwell-tree." The tree appears to be the im- portant part of the device. Hemp fibre and white paper, the latter folded and cut in a zig-zag form, are fastened into the top of the tree and evidently represent descend- ing influences. The form of the paper suggests nothing so much as a symbolic representation of lightning coming down into the tree. This in turn suggests the source from which the gohei possibly derives its pecular zig-zag shape. 1. Ibid., p. 70. 2. C/. C.,p. 115. 3. gr.Cpp. 27, 115. 4. See above, p. 185. 256 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. bear witness to an early struggle between independent tribal settlements located in Kyushu and Idzumo, which later amal- gamated to a certain extent and migrated into Yamato. Final unification was effected under this Yamato state, wherein the dominant political element was of Kyiishii origin.^ The sub- duing of Idzumo does not appear to have been accomplished through such quiet submission on the part of the original rulers as Dr. Haga and others would have us believe took place. Repeated attempts were apparently made to conquer this state^ and complete subjection to the offspring of the Sun-Goddess seems to have been secured only after various " rebellious spirits and deities " had been put to death.* In determining the amount of importance that is to be assigned the words of renunciation in favor of the Heavenly Grandson which the records put into the mouths of 0-na-mochi and his son, Koto- shiro-nnshiy it is to be remembered that both the Kojiki and the Nihongi were written in the interests of an effort to fortify dynastic claims in the presence of rival political interests, appearing in the seventh and eighth centuries of Japanese history."* This policy of centralization and unification was being carried out by the descendants of the very priests who brought the Sun-Goddess into Yamato.^ It is in this process of political amalgamation that the dogma of imperial descent from Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami becomes especially important. As just stated, the Sun-Goddess of Shint5 was brought in by the conquerors from the south. The doctrine plays no part in the original Idzumo genealogies. The great ancestor of the Idzumo line is 0-kuni-nushi-no-mikoto^ The latter line has been at- tached to the lineage of the Sun-Goddess through Siisa-no-wo- 1. Cf. Murdoch, Vol. I, pp. 50-51 ; C, Intro., pp. XLIV— LXIV. 2. Cf, C, pp. 93-99. 3. Cf.Ky I, p. 09. 4. Saito, H., Geschichte Japans, p. 4; Murdoch, op, cit. pp. 57-59. 5. Murdoch, op. cit,, pp. 57, 67. 6. Cf, T.AS J., Vol. XLI, Pt. IV, p. 583. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 25/ no-mikoto, but it is significant that the priests of Idzumo, them- selves, do not claim descent from Susa-no-wo} The rise of the cult oi Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami \.o its dominant position in Shinto is thus to be explained m no small measure from the point of view of its intimate association with the fortunes of imperial sovereignty vested in the chiefs of the Kyushii- Yamato tribe and their royal descendants. As the great ancestor of this line, she|has gained ascendency pari passu with the centralization of power in the hands of the Emperor and the imperial bureaucracy and has subordinated other deities as an im- portant part of the extension of this centralized political control. Regarding the great " Edict " of the foundation of the state, modern Shintoists say, "What Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami therein purposed was actually brought to pass." The suspicion is strong, on the other hand, that Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami is made to purpose what dynastic interests were seeking to bring to pass. We have examined in outline the main reasons for the rise of sun worship to preeminence in Shintd. The natural development of the cult of the Sun-Goddess under the influence of the needs of an agricultural people has been accompanied by the interaction of political interests. The problem before us, however, is not the reconstruction of the nature of sun wor- ship in old Shintd. Nor need the fate of Shinto throughout the long medieval period concern us here. We must return to the modern situation. We know that in the middle of the nineteenth century, Buddhism and Confucianism were in control in the fields of religion and morals and that the Shinto shrines were neglected and disorganized. De facto political power was in the hands of the Tokugawa Shogunate. Then came the Res- toration of 1868, a coup (Vet at carried out by men from the southwest. The Choshu and Satsuma clansmen, descendants of the original conquerors from Kyushu, broke the power of the Tokugawas, placed the Emperor on the throne and once again brought in their ancient Sun-Goddess. The method of I. Ibid., p 537. 258 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOFHV OF MODERN SHINTO. unification that had served so well in the establishment of the state, was to be used again in a modern effort to control the think- ing of the people. Factions and contentions arising from within and disintergrating forces threatening from without were to be met by the stabilizing influence of a state cult centering in the Sun-Goddess. Certain Shintoists have gone farther and have actually proposed the unification of the world under the aegis of Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami, The political value of sun worship and of a doctrine of the solar ancestry of the ruler is thus to be found in the centraliz- ing principle that is necessarily involved therein. The sun is a source of life for growing crops and a center of strength and energy for man and thus a benevolent being under whose pro- vidence the vital needs of society are supplied. In addition, men, by virtue of their mutual relations to the one and only sun of heaven, are universally consolidated and at the same time subordinated. The sun thus becomes symbol of unity — unity, indeed, under an emblem of incomparable grandeur. Japanese statesmen and priests have been by no means the first to utilize, in political affairs, this aspect of sun worship, made to center in a doctrine of royal descent from the sun deity. Probably the best example in history is that of ancient Egypt, where already by the year 2750 B.C. the priests of Heliopolis were beginning a program of political amalgamation through a worsliip of the Sun-God, regarded as the great patron divinity of the state. This was accompanied by the fiction that the Sun-God was a former ruler of Egypt and also the great ancestor of the reigning Pharaoh as well as the protector and leader of the nation.* These propositions are almost indentical with those advanced in the modern text-books on ethics and on history published by the Department of Education of the Japanese Government. We may turn next to the consideration of Susa-no-ivo, "The Impetuous male" of the Shinto pantheon. Modern I. Cf. Breasted, J. H , Development of Religion and Thought in Amient Eoypt (New York, 1912), pp. 15 ff. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 259 official interpretation makes this deity the brother oi Ama-terasu- b-mi-kami and consequently one of the ancestors of the Imperial Family. He appears in the Kojiki as Take-hay a-susa-no-w a- no-mikoto, " His Brave-Swift-Impetuous-Male Augustness "^ and in the Nihongl with the slightly different titles, Susa-no- wo-no-mikoto^ Haya-susa-no-ivo-no-mikoto^ and Kamu-susa-no- wo-no-mikoto^ \susa or sosa probably from susumUj ** to be impetuous "]. The use which the Department of Education of the Japan- ese Government makes of some of the mythology connected with Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto may be seen in the following transla- tion from one of the school readers. The story relates the origin of the sacred sword which has already been enumerated as one of the Three Sacred Treasures that constitute the tradi- tional regalia received by successive generations of Emperors on accession to the Imperial Throne. The reader says, " The younger brother of Ama-terasu-o-mi-kanii was called Susa-no- wo-no-mikoto. He was a deity possessed of great courage. Once as he w^as passing along the bank of the river Hi in the land of Idzumo a chopstick came floating down the stream. There- upon he concluded that people lived up the river and as he went along the bank, gradually going farther into the depths of mountains, he came upon an old white haired man and his wife, with their daughter placed between them. They were weeping. ** * Why do you weep ? ' asked the Prince. '* The old man made answer, " We once had eight daughters, but they have been captured and devoured one each year by a great serpent called Yamata-no-orochi ('* Eight-Forked-Great-Ser- pent "). Now only this one child is left to us. It is now the exact time of the year for the coming of this great serpent and 1. c/:c,p.43. 2. Cf. A, I, p. 28. 3. Cf. A, I, p. 19. 4. Cf, op. cit. 26o THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. ■\ve know not whether the life of this child will be taken to-day^ or to-morrow.' " ' What kind of a serpent is this Yamata-no-orochi f ' " * It is a great serpent whose length covers eight moun- tains and eight valleys, it has eight heads and eight tails. Its eyes are red like the ground-cherry and its back is covered with moss.' *' On hearing this account the Prince said, ' Enough ! I will destroy this great serpent. Fill eight sake-vats with strong sake and arrange them in a row in the place where the great serpent comes.' '* They made ready in this way and waited. Presently the great sei-pent appeared and, spying the sake, he put his eight heads into the eight sake- vats and began to drink. Vv'Iiile so doing, he became intoxicated and fell soundly asleep. Then the Prince drew his sword and cut the great serpent into pieces. The blood flowed into the Hi River so that the waters became a bright red. When he was cutting the tail, the blade of his sword was nicked. Thinking this strange he cut open the tail and examined it. Whereupon, there appeared a magnificent sword. * This is a precious thing,' he said and presented it tO' Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami. This is the Clustering-clouds-Sword-of- Heaven {Ama-no-mura-ktimo-jto-tsurugi), which afterwards was called the Grass-mo wing-Sword {Kusa-iiagi-no-tsurugi). It is one of the Three Sacred Treasures."^ Book I of the teacher's manual accompanying the " Japan- ese Histoiy for Ordinary Primary Schools ". presents material that makes similar use of the Susa-no-wo myth in explaining the origin of the Three Sacred Treasures. The official exposi- tion here says, " The younger brother of Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami was Susa-7io-wo-no-mikoto. On account of the violent acts which he often performed in Takama-ga-haray the Great Deity became enraged and hid herself within the Rock Cave of Heaven. Hereupon all the deities held consulation together and caused 79 Jiitjo Shogaku Tokiihon, No. VIII (Tokyo, 1921), pp. 1-6. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 26 1 Ishi-kori-dome to take copper from Heavenly Mount Kagu and make an eight-sided mirror and caused Taina-no-oya-no-uiikoto to make the Curved Jewels of Yasaka Gem. These they hung on the brc nches of a sakaki tree together with blue and white , soft offerings ' and presented them to the Great Deity. Then they made music before the Rock Cave and called her forth. Afterwards on the occasion of the descent of the Heavenly Grandson, the Great Deity conferred this sacred mirror on the Prince and commanded him saying, " Regard this as looking on me, myself" She gave him in addition the Grass-mowing- Sword and the above mentioned Curved Jewels of Yasaka Gem. These three together are called the Three Sacred Trea- sures. The Grass-mo wing-Sword is the sword which Siisa-no- wo-no-mikoto secured when he subdued the great serpent in Idzumo. First it was called the Clustering-clouds-Sword i^Miira-kumo-no-tsiirugi) and later was worn by Yamato-take-no- mikoto when he went to subdue the barbarians. From the fact that in order to escape the danger of a fire (kindled by) the enemy he cut down the grass (about him), the name of the sword was changed to Grass-mo wing-Sword {Kusa-nagl-no-tsiirugi). ** After the time of Ninigi-no-mikoto the Three Sacred Treasures were kept for successive generations in the Imperial Palace, but in the time of Sujin Tennd (Tenth Emperor), out of a fear lest the divine influence might be contaminated, the sacred mirror and the sacred sword were enshrined in a separate sanctuary. Newly made reproductions, together with the Curved Jewels of Yasaka Gem, became the regalia of the Im- perial Throne. After this the sacred mirror and the sacred sword which were handed down from the Divine Age were kept at the Grand Imperial Shrine of Ise, but ever since the eastern invasion of Yamato-take-no-mikoto the sacred sword has been kept at the Atsuta Shrine of the city of Nagpya of the country ofOwari."* I- Jinjo Shogakti Nikon Rekishi, Kyoshi Yd (Tokyo, 1912), Bk. I, pp. 5-6. 262 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHJNTO. Susa-no-wo-no-inikoto is thus officially included in the Im- perial genealogies as the younger brother of the greatest of the ancestors of the Emperor. Evidently the government expects this to be taken as authentic histoiy. And yet it is difficult to see how public confidence cannot fail to be weakened ultimately by thus placing on a mythological basis the account of the origin of one of the most precious object of modern politico- religious ceremony, namely the Sacred Sword of the Imperial Regalia. The seriousness with which the government regards the Susa-no-wo myth may be further seen in evidence to be found in one of the Japanese school readers for Korean children published by the Japanese Government for Korea, which says, *' The younger brother of Ama-terasn-o-mi-kami was named Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto. He was a person of extraor- dinary strength who visited about in various places and who also went to the land of Idzumo. At that time there lived in the land of Idzurho a great serpent having eight heads who terrorized the .people by capturing and eating human beings. Susa-no^wo-no-mikoto filled eight large jars with sake and awaited the coming of the great serpent. Thereupon the monster came to the spot, drank the sake and became intoxi- cated. Then, while it was sleeping, Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto cut it down and thus ended its existence. Strange to relate, in the body of the serpent was found a jeweled sword. Susa-no<.vo- mikoto took this and presented it to Ama-terasii-o-ini-kami. " Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto also visited Korea.* Furthermore, •in Japan proper he planted a large number of trees and with these ships were constructed for going back and forth between Korea and Japan. "^ 1. C/. A, I, p. 57. 2. Futsu Gakko Kokugo Tokiihon ("Japanese Reader for OrJinary Schools," Pub. by the Japanese Government for Korea), Bk. IV, pp. 53 ff. The account of how Suui-no-wo " planted a large number of trees," as given in one of the Nihongi variants, reads, " Sosa no wo no Mikoto said: — ♦ In the THE POLITICAL PHILOSOFH/ OF MODERN SHINTO. 265 In the practice exercises that follow the lesson, question number two says : " Tell the reason why Suia-no-mjo-no-mikoto^ planted a large number of trees."^ The above official exposition would appear to be legiti- mately open to the interpretation that the Japanese educational authorities for Korea are attempting to utilize an episode of ancient Japanese mythology in a pseudo-historical sense as a means of establishing a connection between Korea and Japan in the minds of Korean children. Likewise, the emphasis on the relation between Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto and Ama-terasu-o- mi-kami indicates the governmental intention, already pointed out, of including Siisa-no-ivo-no-mikoto as one of the ancestors of the Imperial Family. The historicity of official Japanese statements regarding Susa-no-wo is to be estimated in the light of evidence going to show that Siisa-no-wo is an ancient storm-god. Buckley has already presented convincing proof of the storm-god character of this deity. ^ Florenz has added his authority to this inter- pretation.'* Aston eventually came to adopt a similar point of view/ Mr. Tsuda, one of the best informed of modern Japan- ese students of Shint5,* likewise concludes that Susa-no^ black, clouds reflecting glowing red light, clouds wildly drifting from all quarters and wildly bursting, clouds of thunder storms, and clouds hurriedly flying."^ Like Siisa-no-zvo, he enters into a struggle with his brethern. He attacks Tane-mahuta and smites and breaks the forest; he swoops down on the ocean and lashes the waves in his wrath ; he attacks Rongo-jna-tane and Hamnia-tikitiki, the gods and progenitors of cultivated and uncultivated food.* With this may be compared the Japanese tradition that Susa-no. cii.f Pt. I, p. 9; Pt. II, i) 2^. 286 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. shrines, just as in the cases of the smallest rural shrines, centers in /^ami-cult, wherein kami is to be understood in the sense of mana. Further confirmation of this statement will be found in the actual r.eligious use made of these deities by the govern- ment itself Forms of prayer to be offered before these various deities are carefully fixed by national law. Attention has already been called to the fact that shortly after the Restoration in 1 868 measures were adopted by the Japanese government for pro- moting politico-religious centralization by providing uniform ceremonies for the Shinto shrines. New rituals {norito), based on those of the Engi-Shiki, were issued on April 13, 1875.^ A revision of these earlier rituals was adopted by the. government on March 27, 19 1.4, under Order No. 4 of the Department of Home Affairs.* These new regulations, which furnish forms of public worship for Shinto shrines of all grades, went into effect on April i, 19 14.* It is necessary to examine the nature of the petitions that are contained in these norito of 1914. The norito read before the ka?ni by the guji, or chief priest, in the celebration of the Festival of Prayer for the Year's Crops (Kinen Sai) at Government Shrines and National Shrines contains petitions for abundant harvests and for the protection of the growing crops against devastation by wind, flood and rain. The passage which contains this prayer may be render- ed : " Grant that all things produced by cultivation, from the harvest of late-ripening rice to the smallest leaves of plants, may not suffer by evil wind or by violent waters. Prosper them fruitfully and luxuriantly (to the end that) the Harvest Festival may be performed with splendor and with beauty."* At the same festival a civil official, sent from either the 1. See above, p. 21. 2. Cf. Genko Jinja Horei Ruisan, pp. 271-310. 3. Ibid., p. 272. A. The original texts of the sections of this and the other norito wliich are THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 28/ Imperial Household Department or from the office of the local governor, presents a norito which includes the following prayer : " Grant to bless with ears eight hand-breadths long, yea with fine ears, the harvest of late-ripening rice which the sovereign deities will bestow. From the Great House* of the Sovereign to the people of the land,^ grant that all jiiay prosper more and more (with lineage) long and (with families) wide, like the luxuriant manifold branches of the mulberry tree."^ In the ritual employed in the celebration of the Harvest Festival (Niiname Sai) on the twenty-third of each November, prayer is offered to the deities of the official cult as follows : " Biess and prosper with peace and tranquility the mighty Reign of His Sovereign Augustness, with majestic Reign, with prosperous Reign, for a thousand myriad long continued autumns. Grant to care for and to bless (all), from the. Imperial Princes and their offspring to the people of the land ; prosper here considered, accompanied by transliteration with roman letters, are added for purposes of reference. m:m^^^%^. 'n-ibyim%^''^M%. f^mgfi^m^^^^. ^.mE^^?^ Oki tsu mitoshi wo hajwiete, kusa no kakiha ni itaru made, tsukuri to tsukuru mono domo too, ashiki kaze aroki midzti fii awase tamawazu, yutaka ni muktisaka ni nashi sakiwae tamaite, niinae [niiname] no matsuri ikashiku uruwashiku istikae- matmrashime tamae. — Genko Jinja Horei Ruisan, pp. 275-6. 1. Omikado, lit. " great- august -gate ; " the reference, however, is to the Im- perial Household, Cf. I. Muromatsu, Shin Notito Tsukai (^^S^^> WMM%M^ " A Commentary on the New Norito," Tokyo, 192 1), p. 9. 2. Written 5c7^T7^1SS» ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ no shita no omitakara (" the great august treasure under heaven "). The reference is to the people of the nation ag the great treasure of the Emperor. Sumeka77ii tachi no yosashi matsuramu oki tsu mitoshi wo,yatsukn ho no ikashi ho ni nashi sakiwae tamaite, Sumera ga omikado wo hajimete, afne no shita no omitakara ni itani made, iyato ni iyahiro ni ikashi yagiiwae no gotoku iachisaka^- fhitJi^ iamae.— Genko JinJa Horei Ruisan, p. 276. 288 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHJNTO. them like the luxuriant manifold branches of the mulberry tree, and make them to serve the kamiy^ In the course of the same ceremony a civil official is instructed to pray : " Grant that the August Descendants (of Aina-terasu-d-ini-kami) may partake of the Great Food, in peace and tranquility, for a thousand myriad long-continued autumns. From the Great House of the Sovereign to the people of the land grant that (all) may prosper more and more (with lineage) long and (with families) wide like the luxuriant manifold branches of the mulberry tree."^ In the norito prepared for the use of the chief priests in the grand local festivals (reisai) of Government Shrines and National Shrines appears a prayer which may be translated : " Bless the Great Reign of His Sovereign Augustness with majesty and prosperity ; and may it be as firm and as everlasting as the rocks. Prosper it as a long continued Reign. Grant pro- tection and blessing (to all), long continued and peaceful, from the Imperial Princes and their offspring to the people of the land."^ I- ■^^^IbX'^'^^. WM'^-^^m'^'^. ^^^Ib^'^'^^M. ^^ ^^^^^^M^^M^Jt^ ll£^^i^^i^^J£> 5^7>T7!r^SWm©Bi Stnnera viikoto no omiyo zvo ikashi miyo no tarashi miyo to yorozti chiaki no nnga io aki ni tairakeku yasurakeku hvai matsuri sckiwae tnatsuri tamai, mikotachi okimitachi wo hajimete ame no shita no omitakara ni iiaru made node tamai megutni tamaite, ikashi yaguwae no gofoku tachisakae tsukae matsurashime tamaeP — Genko Jinja Horei Ruisan, p. 276. 2. ^wk^ib-xm^^. ^^^ib^-£Mmn. ^^X'Sc^xn^i^ Sumemima no mikoto no omike wo yorozu chiaki no naga io aki ni tairakeku yasurakeku kikoskime sashime tamai, sumei'a ga omikado wo hajimete ame no shita no omitakara ni itarti made iyato ni iyahiro ni ikashi yaguwae no gotoku tachisa- kaeshime tamae. — Genko Jinja Horei Ruison, p. 277. 3- '^^^ibxm\'^^. wm' mxmm7bi<,mnm^nM^.M^}:\:. Sumera ga omikado wo hajimete ame no shita no omitakara ni itajti made iyato ni iyahiro ni mamori iamai sakiwae tamaite, kono osukuni ame no shita wa kuni no yaso kuni shima no yaso shima mot urn koto naku otsuru koto naku ame no kaki tatsu kiwami kuni no sokitatsu kagiri stime cm 'kado no omiizu wo aogashime tamaiy sume omikuni no omihikati wo kagorashime tamae. — Genko Jinja Horei Ruis m, p. 277. 2. Addressed to the deity or deities of the local shrine. mmm'^mn. ^^M^-ii:. ^t^t^^^^ mm.^x. im.^mm'^m 290 THE POUTICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. The ritual for use in the Genshisai (Festival of Sacrifice to the Origin, Jan. 3) contains the prayer : '* Guard and bless the prosperity of the Imperial Throne, ruled over by His Sovereign Augustness, with the eternity of heaven and earth, unshaken and unchanged. Keep the land {ame no shita) in peace and the state (kunuchi) in tranquility. Make the Glory of the Great House of the Sovereign to shine with splendor in heaven and with splendor on earth and make heaven and earth to .be filled with the Prosperity of the Imperial Land."^ In the norito for use in the celebration of the Emperor's Birthday {Tenchosetsu) is the prayer : " Bless the life of His Sovereign Augustness with length of days and make it as firm and as everlasting as the multitudinous rock clusters. Prosper the Emperor with a majestic reign, cause the Imperial Glory to shine higher and wider evermore and make the Imperial benevolence to be revered forever and forever."^ The rituals for shrines of prefectural grade and below Kono toshi wo yoki toshi no umashi toshi to mamori tat?iai sakiwae tamaiie, sumera mikoto no o mikado wo kakhva ni iokiwa ni iwai matsuri tamai, ame no shita tairakeku tanatsu mono yutakeku nariwai wo iya siaume ni sustime omitakara wo iya sakae ni sakaeshime tamaite, omiizu wo sashinoboru toshi no haisuhi no hikari to tomo ni iya niasumasu ni kagayakashime tamae. — Genko Jinja Horei Ruisan. p. 279. Sumera mikoto no shiroshlmesu amatsii hitsiigino omisakae ame tsuchino miita tokoshie ni tigoku koto naku ka7varu koto ttaku iwai matsnid sakiwai matsuri tamai, ame no shita tairakeku kunuchi yasurakeku sunie omikado no omiizu wo amakakashi kunikakashi ni kagayakashime tamai, sume omiktmi no omisakae wo wnatarashi kunitarashi ni tarawashime tamae.— Genko Jinja Horei Ruisan, p. 279. 2. ^^^Tbi^.u^^. ^^Tb-xmm^. ^mm¥i7b^x. ^i^mmmm Sumera mikoto no omiinorhi wo tanaga no dmiinochi to yutsu iwa mura no gotoku tokiwa ni kakhva ni iwai matsuri, ikashi miyo ni sakiwae matsuri tamaiy dmiizu wo iya iaka ni iya hiro ni kagayakashijne tamai, omimegumi wo iya to ni iya n ign ni aogashime tamae.— Genko Jinja IJorei Ruisan, 'p. 280. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 29 1 repeat those prescribed for Government and National Shrines, with only such alterations as are necessitated by differences in the grades of the shrines and in the ranks of the officiating priests. The one exception to this; general statement is to be found in the no7ito used in the great local festivals of all shrines below the Kampeisha and Kokuheisha classes. This ritual, as fixed by national law, contains a domestic prayer that deserves special attention. Herein petition is addressed to the local tutelary deities as follows : " Again [lit. dividing the words], we say : Since they thus serve thee, grant to protect and bless widely and liberally both thy proteges and also the people of this district [the name of the village, town, ward, city or district of the prefecture is here inserted]. Keep them contented in heart and well in body, make their homes peaceful and their occupations prosperous. May they one and all live in increasing harmony and grant that children born to them may prosper more and more unto numberless generations [lit. yaso tsuzuki, '* eighty succes- sions "]. This we say with deepest reverence."^ The forms of prayer to be offered before the deities of the shrines are thus precisely fixed by national law. In these rituals the government, itself, acting through its authorized representatives, makes appeal to various kami, regarded as *' ancestral spirits," for certain very definite benefits. The range of the appeals covers most of the vital interesLo of the modern state. It includes prayers for the protection of grow- Kotowakite tnosahi, kakti tsukaeniaimrii ni yoiite, j?ihtj;ko no hiiodomo mo maia kono bo dofu ken (gun, shi, kti, choy son) no hitodojuo zuo hiroku atsuku ma- inori tamai juegitnii tamaJU, kokoro odni ni /iii siikoyaka ni ienuchi yasitku nariwai yutakeku ono mo ouo nio iya mgibi ni ni^^ibite, nmi no ko no yaso tstizuki ni itaru made iya sakae ni sakae shivu tumae to, kashikomi kashikoini mdsu.-Genk'oJinja Borei Rnisan, pp. 283-4. 292 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. ing crops, for abundant harvests, for the prosperity, health and contentment of the people, for domestic harmony, for national peace and progress, for flourishing offspring in the families of rulers and subjects, for the well-being and unbroken continuity of the Imperial House, for a long and prosperous reign on the part of the Emperor and for the extension of the prestige o* Japan throughout the world. The same idea of an officially inspired appeal to the deides of Shintd, regarded as active agents in a superhuman spirit- world, is to be found in certain other important documents of state which have been promulgated between 1868 and the present. The Imperial Rescript to the Daimyo, issued March 21^ 1868, says, in one section, " As has already been notified, the existence of relations with foreign countries involves very im- portant questions. We are willing therefore for the sake of the people of the Empire to brave the perils of the deep and to undergo the greatest hardships ; to swear to spread the national glory abroad, and to satisfy the departed spirits of Our ances- tors, and of the late Emperor.'"* The Imperial Decree of October 12, 1881, promising the establishment of a parliament, reads in one of its clauses, " Our ancestors in Heaven watch Our acts, and We recognize Our responsibility to them for the faithful discharge of Our high duties, in accordance with the principles, and the perpetual increase of the glory, they have bequeathed to Us."^ The promulgation of the Japanese Constitution on Feb. 11^ 1 889, was accompanied by an Imperial oath, the first declaration of which says, " We, the Successor to the prosperous Throne of Our Predecessors, do humbly and solemnly swear to the Imperial Founder of Our House and to Our other Imperial Ancestors that, in pursuance of a great policy co-extensive with the Heavens and with the Earth, We shall maintain and secure 1. Japan Herald, April 18, 1868, p. 1339. 2. Japan Weekly Mail^ i88i, p. 1199. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 293 from decline the ancient form of government." The oath conckides : " These Laws amount to only an exposition of grand precepts for the conduct of the government, bequeathed by the Imperial Founder of Our House and by Our other Imperial Ancestors. That we have been so fortunate in Our reign, in keeping with the tendency of the times, as to accom.- plish this work. We owe to the glorious Spirits of the Imperial Founder of Our House and of Our other Imperial Ancestors. ** We now reverently make Our prayer to Them and to Our Illustrious Father and implore the help of Their Sacred Spirits, and make to Them solemn oath never at this time nor in the future to fail to be an example to Our subjects in the observance of the Laws hereby established. " May the Heavenly Spirits witness this Our solemn Oath." (Official Translation.)^ ^^^ After the battle of the Sea of Japan in the Russo-Japanese War, the Emperor telegraphed to the grand fleet under Admiral Togo : Nanjira no churetsu ni yotte soso no shinrei ni kotoru zvo uru wo yorokobuy " We rejoice that by your loyalty and valor We are able to answer to the divine Spirits of Our ancestors."^ The Imperial rescript issued on the occasion of the suc- cessful conclusion of the Russo-Japanese war says, in part, " The result is due in large measure to the benign Spirits of Our Ancestors, as well as to the devotion to duty of our civil and military officials and the self wmm^m -« (I&;KSJ1) mm^mmm^^mm ; m -iBE) mmmmm (#*§ n^m nmmmf^m^m imf^mm) m-^-uwrnmrnrf^mm (+i*±^3^) ®SR5?M^S-Il m±) #gtS?i?ti-iE m:t^) mmn^M. mm m) ■^AUm (IfilJb) ■^m.m.m m±) mmr,mt i>m'^-£.WM mm'sm) THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINIO. $21 w:MAO)mmm ' mrii'mm Willi: K^#illfe * ^ m M 322 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. mm m^mm (:^0*iafs#) mmmm i^Mm'^m f3 * f5 mmmw M m. ill (tiBsiSif^ Mm^'k) :fcB*iiRfii mm m rJfeS^fls BIRilS (=1=smA) WIS) THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 323 324 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. APPENDIX C* I — Statistics for Shinto Shrines. X. Totals for Totals Grand Govern- National Prefec- Shrises District Village Ungraded for TotaL Year Shrine ment tural ; above grade Village and all of Ise. Shrines. Shrines. Shrines. of District Shrines. Shrines. Shrines. Shrines. Ungraded Shrines. Shrii 1880 ... 55 68 369 493 3,272 52,754 130,293 183,047 186,i 1881 ... 65 68 414 538 3,365 53,310 130,144 183,454 187,; 1882 ... 63 69 429 562 3,426 52,520 131,661 184,181 188,; 18«?> ... 63 70 445 579 3,445 53,451 132,393 185,847 189,i 1884 ... 63 70 457 691 3,461 53,231 133,135 186,366 190,^ 1885 ... 78 73 454 606 3,457 52,613 136,050 188,663 192,; 1886 ... 78 73 460 612 3,456 52,680 135,220 187,900 191,< 1887 ... 78 73 458 610 3,453 52,778 135,518 188,296 192,J 1888 ... 79 76 455 611 3,448 52,365 136,607 183,972 193,( 1889 ... 81 76 456 614 3,460 52,426 136,783 189,209 193,; 1890 ... 87 75 457 620 3,467 52,423 136,732 189,155 193,t 1891 ... 87 75 458 621 3,470 52,410 136,652 189,062 193,] 18^2 ... 87 75 460 623 3,470 52,411 136.972 189,383 193,^ Ife93 ... Si 75 462 624 3,469 52,420 136,916 189,336 193,^ 1894 ... 88 75 467 631 3,463 52,404 134,305 186,709 190,^ 1895 ... 90 75 472 638 3,461 52,412 134,247 186,659 190,- 1896 ... 93 73 486 653 3,465 52,423 135,459 187,882 192,( 1897 ... 93 73 493 660 3,462 52,419 135,421 187,840 191,i 1898 ... 93 73 496 663 3,464 52,413 135,366 135,332 187,779 19I,t: 1899 ... 93 75 496 665 3,467 52,414 187,746 191,^ 1900 ... 93 75 538 707 3,319 54,045 138,287 192,332 196,^ 1901 ... 93 75 543 712 3,318 53,037 138,189 191,226 195,i 1902 ... 95 75 574 745 3,478 62,135 139,698 191,833 196.( 1903 ... 95 75 571 742 3,476 52,133 136,947 189,080 193,5 1904 ... 95 75 566 737 3,447 52,506 136,139 188,645 192,^ 1905 ... 95 75 571 742 3,476 52,467 135,681 188,148 192,:^ 1906 ... 95 75 578 749 3,465 52,397 133,825 186,222 190,^ 1907 ... 95 75 580 751 3,463 51,052 121,474 172,526 176,7 1908 ... 95 75 580 751 3,461 49,508 108,722 158,230 162,^ 1909 ... 95 75 580 751 3,463 47,988 95,239 143,227 147,4 1910 ... 95 75 583 754 3,449 47,081 85,850 132,931 137,1 1911 ... 95 75 587 758 3,446 46,455 79.599 126,054 13(»,5 1912 ... 97 73 590 761 3,447 46,117 76,751 122,868 127,(; 19131 ... — — — — — — — — — 1914 ... 98 72 599 770 3,452 45,680 72,691 118,371 122,5 1915 ... 98 72 606 777 3,455 45,514 71,063 116,577 120,^ 1916 ... 102 73 625 801 3,447 45,332 69,338 114,670 118,£ 1917 ... 102 75 634 812 3,4nl 45,248 68,218 113,466 117,7 1918 ... 102 75 648 8-26 3,456 45,165 67,419 112,584 116,J- 1919 ... 105 75 6H6 847 3,457 45,155 66,738 111,89^^ 116,1 1920 ... 105 75 685 866 3,462 45,112 66,069 111,181 115,5 * Based on yearly reports in Kohisei Ippan, published by the Department of Home Aflalrs. The statistics here given do not include those for small UDgraded shrines located within the precincts of larger shrines. t Statistics ior 1913 are not available. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 32$ 2 — Statistics for Shinto Priests. Grand Shrine of Ise. Gtovem- rnent Shrines. National Shrines. Prefec- tural Shrines. Totals for Shrines above District Shrines. District Shrines. Village Shrines. Ungraded Shrines. Totals for i)istriot, Village and Ungraded Shrines. 57 287 285 716 1,345 4,093 8,643 177 12,913 55 336 305 769 1,465 4,212 8.798 180 13,190 54 375 348 791 1,568 4,332 9,031 27 13,390 68 394 372 781 1,605 4,285 8,819 34 13.138 59 399 367 779 1,604 4,088 8,649 275 13,012 58 500 381 767 1,70'6 4,103 8,588 273 12,964 59 503 371 766 1,699 4,084 8,756 310 13,150 56 — — 758 814 4,133 8,742 503 13,378 61 231 209 748 1.249 4,039 8,897 363 13,299 61 252 214 746 1,273 4,006 8,984 402 13,392 61 264 209 739 1,273 4,032 9,035 377 13,444 61 277 224 732 1,294 4,006 9,034 366 13,406 61 296 217 732 1,306 4,062 8,994 371 13,427 60 290 218 742 1,310 3,759 9,275 406 13,440 61 294 211 737 1,313 3,830 9,244 449 13,523 61 298 213 770 1,342 3,876 9,114 597 13,587 68 305 205 823 1,401 3,955 9,103 699 13,757 71 317 210 869 1,467 3,897 9,264 838 13,999 72 306 308 207 868 1,453 3,991 9,418 9,238 890 971 14,299 72 207 863 1,450 3,787 13,996 73 314 217 873 1,477 3,802 9,364 1,765 14,931 73 318 216 896 1,503 3,703 9,228 1,931 14,862 72 334 220 893 1,519 3,661 9,399 1,514 14,574' 73 342 222 901 1,538 3,726 9,073 1,131 13,930 73 345 219 915 1,552 3,631 8,743 1,091 13,465 73 346 227 906 1,552 3,647 8,670 1,143 13,460 73 354 225 918 1,570 3,688 8/710 1,176 13,574 72 354 230 923 1,579 3,608 8,660 1,161 13,429 73 360 230 912 1,575 3,588 8,549 1,124 13,261 73 356 234 910 1,573 3,604 8,543 1,101 13,248 73 377 214 908 1,572 3,575 8,485 895 12,955 73 371 224 902 1,570 3,532 8,513 883 12,928 73 369 226 887 1,555 3,470 8,448 879 12,797 73 383 225 894 1,575 3,394 8,378 876 12,648 73 408 208 890 1,579 3,365 8,491 907 12.763 73 403 227 907 1,610 3,422 8,679 908 13,009 73 414 239 955 1,681 3,408 8,677 926 13,011 73 426 236 951 1,686 3,405 8,716 925 13,046 73 427 234 958 1,692 3,433 8,714 920 13,087 73 432 233 969 1,707 3,417 8,624 950 12,991 DA-^ \3SB. ^^o-^^^ u BsrvJ*^ 530 SIM- UNIVERSiTY . 'i:J