fs ant) fflorgan'g 2Latin Series EDITED FOR USE IN SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF EDWARD P. MORRIS, L.H.D., PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN YALE UNIVERSITY AND MORRIS H. MORGAN, PH.D., PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY VOLUMES OF THE SERIES Essentials of Latin for Beginners. Henry C. Pearson, Teachers College, New York. 90 cents. A School Latin Grammar. Morris H. Morgan, Harvard University. $1.00. A First Latin Writer. M. A. Abbott, Groton School. 60 cents. Connected Passages for Latin Prose Writing. Maurice W. Mather, Harvard University, and Arthur L. Wheeler, Bryn Mawr College. $1.00. Caesar. Episodes from the Gallic and Civil Wars. Maurice W. Mather, Harvard University. $1.25. Cicero. Select Orations with Extracts from the Epistles to serve as Illustrations. J. Remsen Bishop, Walnut Hills High School, Cincinnati, and Frederick A. King, Hughes High School, Cincinnati. Selections from Latin Prose Authors for Sight Reading. Susan Braley Franklin and Ella Catherine Greene, Miss Baldwin's School, Bryn Mawr. 60 cents. Cicero. Cato Maior. Frank G. Moore, Dartmouth College. 80 cents. Cicero. Laelius de Amicitia. Clifton Price, University cf California. 75 cents. Selections from Livy. Harry E. Burton, Dartmouth College. $1.25. Horace. Odes and Epodes. Clifford H. Moore, Harvard University. $1.50. Terence. Phormio and Adelphoe. Edward P. Morris, Yale Uni- versity. Pliny's Letters. Albert A. Howard, Harvard University. Tibullus. Kirby F. Smith, Johns Hopkins University. Lucretius. William A. Merrill, University of California. Latin Literature of the Empire. Alfred Gudeman, University of Pennsylvania. Vol. I. Prose: Velleius to Boethius $1.80 Vol. II. Poetry: Pseudo-Vergiliana to Claudianus 1.80 Selections from the Public and Private Law of the Romans. James J. Robinson, Yale University. $1.25. Others to be announced later. SELECTIONS FROM THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LAW OF THE ROMANS WITH A COMMENTARY TO SERVE AS AN INTRODUCTION TO THE SUBJECT BY JAMES J. ROBINSON, PH.D. FORMERLY INSTRUCTOR IN LATIN, YALE UNIVERSITY NEW YORK- : CINCINNATI- : CHICAGO AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY COPYRIGHT, 1905, BY EDWARD P. MORRIS AND MORRIS H. MORGAN. ENTERED AT STATIONERS' HALL, LONDON. LAW OF THE ROMANS. W. P. I STACK ANNEX tc KG ilk 5* PREFACE THE purpose of. this book is to introduce the student to some of the more interesting and instructive principles of Roman law by selected passages from the original Latin sources. It is intended to offer to students of Latin a selection of texts gathered from a field well worthy of study by those who would broaden their view of Roman life and institutions, as well as by those who would extend their acquaintance with the Latin language beyond the Latinity of the authors usually read in a college course. It is scarcely necessary to repeat what is acknowledged on all sides that Rome's legal and political institutions are the imperishable monument to the real genius and civilization of her people, and that they constitute her most important contribution to the modern world. Furthermore, along with the more recent tendency to broaden the scope of philological studies, it is beginning to be more fully recognized that the language of the Roman legal writers is worthy of greater attention than it has hitherto received. The Roman jurists were as a rule exponents of a concise, clear, and elegant style. At a time when Latin literature had lost its art, and artificial- ity of thought and diction was substituted for the better tradition, the jurists were still writing with a simplicity and elegance worthy of the importance and dignity of their subject-matter and in keeping with their distinguished 5 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW position in public life. The concrete case arising in the everyday, practical affairs of men formed the basis of their abstractions, and their writings, being the record of experi- ence drawn from the life of their own day, contribute to a more complete understanding of the Roman people. The best texts have been followed, and only an occa- sional verbal change has been allowed when required to render the text more intelligible. No attempt has been made toward uniformity of spelling of words drawn from so many sources. One linguistic difficulty in legal texts cannot be avoided. From the manner in which they have been preserved and transmitted, it can never be positively determined that we have the exact words of the author excerpted or the linguistic peculiarities of his period. The excerpts (fragmcnta or leges} presented in Justinian's Digest suffered revision at the hands of the jurists compil- ing that work. The extent to which the idiom and vocabu- lary of authors already several centuries dead were thereby affected, cannot now be determined. The classical student should perhaps be reminded that there are no sources giving anything like a general survey of the law as it was in the best days of Rome. No attempt has been made, therefore, in these selections to present the law of any one period, but the historical development of some institutions has been briefly traced in the notes. Extracts from the legal literature have been freely quoted in the notes, both to explain the text and to encourage the student to acquaint himself still further with the original sources. The technical terms of Roman law commonly occurring in Latin literature and works on Roman history, and many of the concise and pithy maxims characteristic of the Roman legal system, have been put 6 PREFACE before the learner with considerable frequency by inten- tional repetition and by cross reference. Chief attention has been given to the subject-matter, but an occasional linguistic or grammatical difficulty has been explained or reference has been given to the school grammars in general use, indicated by the usual initials. In addition to acknowledgments made in the notes, the author's indebtedness to many of the more important works on Roman law is publicly acknowledged by append- ing at the end of the volume a list of works cited and most frequently consulted. Grateful acknowledgment is due Professor Eduard Holder and Professor August von Bechmann, of the uni- versities of Leipzig and Munich respectively, for material drawn from notes taken in their most instructive and learned lectures. My friend and former colleague, Professor J. W. D. Ingersoll, of Yale University, very courteously read the manuscript and offered valued criticism. I am most deeply indebted to my friend and former colleague, Pro- fessor E. P. Morris, for his constant encouragement from the very inception of the idea of publishing some legal selections, and for his careful criticism and help at every stage of the work. The fact that the author knows no book of similar pur- pose, and has had to determine and pursue his own course without guide or forerunner, has not only increased his difficulties, but has made it impossible for him to avoid many imperfections. JAMES J. ROBINSON. THE HOTCHKISS SCHOOL, LAKEVILLE, CONNECTICUT. CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION THE SOURCES OF ROMAN PRIVATE LAW . 11-30 Customary Law . . . . . . . . . . .11 Statute Law 12 Leges Regiae 12 The Twelve Tables ...12 Edicts of the Magistrates 14 Decrees of the Senate . 16 Constitutions of the Emperor 17 Scientific Jurisprudence 18 The Literature of the Classical Roman Law 21 Sources of Law after Diocletian ........ 23 Pre-Justinian Codes and Collections of Law ..... 23 Legislation of Justinian 24 The Code 25 The Fifty Decisions 25 The Pandects or Digest 26 The Institutes ........... 27 The New Code . .......... 27 The Novellae 28 The Roman Barbarian Codes ........ 28 SOURCES OF INFORMATION FOR THE STUDY OF ROMAN LAW . 30-40 The Extant Sources of Roman Law in their Original Form . . 30 The Pre-Justinian Sources ......... 32 The Writings of Jurists 32 The Pre-Justinian Sources of the Post-classical Period 35 Extant Remains of Pre-Justinian Constitutions 36 The Remains of the Leges Regiae and the Twelve Tables ... 37 The Extant Remains of Popular Enactments, Edicts, and the Decrees of the Senate 37 Legal Documents of a Private Character 38 The Non-juristic Literature 38 Books of Selections from the Sources 39 INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO POMPONIVS, D. i, 2, 2, DE ORIGINE IVRIS 41 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW De origine iuris et omnium magistratuum et successione prudentium . . .45 Preliminary Definitions 72 Persons 77 Freemen and Slaves 79 Freeborn 81 Slaves 83 8 CONTENTS PAGB Slavery arising from Captivity 84 Manumission ........... 88 Manumission Restricted ......... 95 Freedom acquired without Consent of Master ..... 100 Relation of Patron and Freedman ....... 102 Definition of the Term Family ........ 104 The Agnatic Family 107 Cognatic Relationship 108 Marriage no Impediments to Marriage 114 Betrothal . . . .119 Dissolution of Marriage . . . . . . . . .122 Manus 125 Patria Potestas 127 Adoption 132 Arrogation 135 Capitis Deminutio 136 Guardianship 139 The Law of Things 157 Acquisition of Ownership {lure Gentium*) . . . . .165 Treasure-trove . . . . . . . . . . .179 Acquisition of Ownership (fure Civili) ...... 181 Vsucapio . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 Subordinate Rights of Ownership, Servitudes ..... 188 Praedial Servitudes .......... 190 Personal Servitudes .......... 195 The Law of Obligations ......... 201 Real Contracts ........... 201 Verbal Contracts .......... 205 Literal Contracts .......... 206 Consensual Contracts ... . . . . . . . . 209 Sale ............. 209 Hire 217 Societas 220 Mandatum 224 Obligations quasi ex Contractu 228 Obligations ex Delicto ......... 232 Theft 233 Robbery ............ 239 Damage to Property .......... 242 Injury to the Person .......... 250 Obligations quasi ex Delicto ........ 255 The Law of Inheritance ......... 259 APPENDIX. WORKS CITED OR CONSULTED . . . .293 INDEX TO THE INTRODUCTION AND NOTES . . . .297 EXPLANATION OF REFERENCES TO THE SOURCES C. 5, 17, 8. Justinian's Code, book 5, title 17, constitution 8. C. Th. 9, 5, i. Theodosian Code, book 9, title 5, constitution i. Collat. 6, 3, i. Comparison of Roman and Mosaic Law, title 6, fragment 3, paragraph I . D. i, 2, 2, pr. Justinian's Digest, book i, title 2, fragment 2, prin- cipiuin (initial paragraph). Fr. Vat. 149. Vatican Fragments, paragraph 149. Gai. i, 13. Institutes of Gaius, book i, paragraph 13. Gai. D. 9, 2,4, I. Justinian's Digest, book 9, title 2, fragment (from Gaius) 4, paragraph i. Inst. 2, 5, 3. Justinian's Institutes, book 2, title 5, paragraph 3. Nov. 118, 3, i. Justinian's Novellae, number 118, chapter 3, para- graph i. Paul. 2, 20, i. Sententiae of Paulus, book 2, title 20, paragraph I. Paul. D. i, 3, 36. Justinian's Digest, book i, title 3, fragment (from Paulus) 36. Ulp. i, 24. Fragments of Ulpian, title i, paragraph 24. Ulp. D. 3, 3, i. Justinian's Digest, book 3, title 3, fragment or lex (from Ulpian) I. 10 INTRODUCTION THE SOURCES OF ROMAN PRIVATE LAW i. Customary Law. Of all the peoples of antiquity, the Romans displayed the greatest political and legal genius. Organization of government and formulation of legal rights were problems to which they devoted their best thought and abilities. Rome's most enduring monument, there- fore, and her greatest contribution to the modern world is her jurisprudence. Unlike most peoples of antiquity, the Romans regarded their law as springing from a human source. Their con- stitution was a slow and gradual growth, the work of many men through many years, and the fundamental principle of the constitution was that the people were the source of law. As time went on, however, several agencies came into being which were instrumental in creating and de- veloping the Roman legal system, as will appear from a historical survey of the sources of the private law. The Romans, like other primitive peoples, lived for centuries governed by no rules of civil conduct save those growing out of custom (inos, mores, consnetudo). Princi- ples of customary law, growing out of the life and experi- ences of the community, lived on after conscious legislation by the organs of the sovereign power began. The Romans looked upon custom as a source of law, though inferior in quality to statute law, which met more clearly their idea of precision and definiteness of form. After the Roman SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW people began to express their will in direct legislation, customary law continued to have validity as subsidiary law when not expressly abrogated by statute. 2. Statute Law. A resolution enacted by the entire people (Populus Romanus) in assembly was called lex. A plebiscitum was a resolution enacted by the plebeians alone in their assembly. Originally plebiscite were binding on the plebeians only, but by the Hortensian law (about 287 B.C.), after the conflicts between patricians and ple- beians had ended, they were binding on all citizens. There- after lex and plebiscitum were used without distinction of meaning, * plebiscitum being often designated as a lex. 3. Leges Regiae. According to the tradition handed down in the sources, laws were enacted by the people as early as the Regal period. These so-called leges regiae were collected and published by the first Pontifex Maximus, named C. Papirius. The first authentic mention of these laws dates from the time of Julius Caesar (ins Papiriamini). These laws were ascribed to individual kings, mostly to the first three, and though they are undoubtedly of great antiquity, their sub- ject-matter shows that they are not leges properly, but belong rather to the sacred law, being ordinances of the pontifical college. The ascription of these so-called laws to individual kings is doubtless apocryphal, as is, perhaps, the account of the kings themselves, and in the absence of the true explanation of their origin, later writers sought to endow them with greater antiquity and sanctity by connecting them with the names of the earliest kings. 4. The Twelve Tables. According to the tradition, the Decemviri published the private law and certain provisions 12 INTRODUCTION of the public law about sixty years after the beginning of the republic, on twelve tables. These tables remained thereafter the basis of Roman law, and were not formally repealed until the time of the publication of Justinian's law books. The codification of the law by the Decemviri was politically, the tradition says, the result of a compromise between the patricians and the plebeians, whereby the plebeians were to receive protection against patrician mis- rule. Though the contents of the extant fragments do not support this view, it does appear that the severity of the previous customary law was somewhat mitigated in favor of the non-ruling classes. The sources abound in reference to the Greek influence on the law of the Twelve Tables, but with such widely differing opinions that the whole question has been looked upon with suspicion. Some ancient authors would refer the entire Roman code to a Greek source, while others claim only a partial incorporation of foreign law. There are undoubtedly traces of Greek influence in the decemvi- ral legislation, but the sweeping assignment of the Roman code to a Greek origin is only one of the general inven- tions of early Roman history. The whole idea of the Decemvirate as an irresponsible magistracy, with extraor- dinary powers to administer the government, codify the law, and supersede constituted authority, is doubtless an invention closely modeled after a Greek original. It is impossible to separate the real from the fictitious in the transmitted accounts, but the prevailing modern opinion is that the law of the Twelve Tables was, in all of its more important provisions, of a national character, being the native customary law which the Decemviri codified and SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW published after the proper ratification by the Comitia Centuriata. The Twelve Tables are, therefore, a statute and are often designated by the Romans as Lex, simply, i.e. as their most important lex. It is commonly supposed that the original tabulae per- ished in the destruction of Rome by the Gauls, 390 B.C. They were probably reconstructed and were well known in the days of Cicero, who intimates that schoolboys in his day learned them by heart. Literary traces of them appear as late as the fifth century of our era. The extant fragments of these laws have been trans- mitted, partly in the original phraseology, partly in sub- stance only, and chiefly by non-juristic writers. After the Twelve Tables, statutes continued to be enacted ; but after the time of the Punic wars, direct leg- islation by popular assemblies, at no time a very fruitful source of law, grew gradually less. After codification followed a period of interpretation. New agencies were employed in the further development of the private law. In the early empire, the activity of the popular assembly ceased, and by the changes in the constitution whereby the power was divided between the emperor and the senate, the making of new leges and plebiscita eventually ceased. The last lex which the sources show was enacted under the Emperor Nerva. 5. Edicts of the Magistrates. By the Roman constitu- tion, every magistrate was empowered to issue proclama- tions concerning the business of his own office and, when these were made in writing and displayed in a public place, they were called edicta. Edicta might be issued for a single case, with only tem- 14 INTRODUCTION porary force {edicta repentina), or they might contain measures which continued in force during the magistrate's entire term of office (edicta perpetua). In the year 367 B.C. the administration of justice was intrusted to a -newly created magistracy called the praetor- ship. The praetor had the general supervision of the Roman judicial system, and was at the same time judge and minister of justice. About the year 242 B.C. a second praetor was installed, whose duty it was to sit in judgment in cases in which one or both parties were peregrini. He was, therefore, at a later time called Praetor Peregrinus ; the other praetor whose judicial duties were inter cives, having already been designated Praetor Urbanus. It was the duty of the praetors to make use of their ins edicendi to set forth the main principles of law and procedure as they were to be administered during their term of office. The praetor's edict was exposed in a public place, on a white board (album], at the beginning of his term of ser- vice. The only other magisterial edicts of legal impor- tance were those of the curule aediles (e dictum aediliciinn) and the provincial governors (edicta provincialid}. Of these, the former were occupied chiefly with matters per- taining to the markets, and the latter with the business of provincial administration. Each magistrate had individual freedom as to the con- tents of his own edict. It became customary, however, for each succeeding officer to adopt, so far as practicable, the greater part of his predecessor's edict, introducing only emendations and improvement in form or substance. It resulted, therefore, that the fundamental parts of the edict were handed down unchanged (edictum tralaticium\ while, at the same time, the edict was the instrument wherein 15 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW could be incorporated any desirable innovations, such as, for example, the granting of a new remedy or the admis- sion of a new form of plea. It was for this reason that the Roman jurists called the praetor's edict the viva vox inris civilis. . The praetorian edict rose to great importance in the development of the law. The bulk of praetorian law (ins honorariuni) was developed during the republican period. After the establishment of the empire, the praetor's func- tion as minister of law was absorbed by the emperor him- self, and the praetorian edict passed into a stereotyped form. Hadrian commissioned the great jurist, Salvius Julianus, to revise the edicts of the praetor urbanus, the praetor peregrinus, and the curule aedile, consolidating them into a system of praetorian law (edictum lulianuni}. The law as set forth in the edict was called magisterial law (ius honorarium, ius praetorium, ins aediliciuni) and was sharply distinguished from statute and customary law (ius civile). The praetor developed legal principles through his control of procedure, rather than by the direct creation of law, since he was engaged chiefly with the admission of pleas, with remedies, and with the granting or refusal of actions based on equitable considerations. Praetorian law and the ius civile continued to exist side by side until the time of Diocletian. Thereafter they were blended for the most part into one system, though traces of their different origin still appeared in the law of Justinian. 6. Decrees of the Senate. During the early history of Rome the senate was not a law-making body, but its influ- ence on legislation was felt through the auctoritas patrum, the senate being the advisory council of the executive. 16 INTRODUCTION Toward the end of the republic, decrees of the senate seem to have had the force of law to a limited extent. What had been originally received as advice came now to be regarded as a command. In the empire, however, the senate acquired full powers of a legislative body. During the first century of the empire the constitutional right of the senate to make law was still questioned, but as the popular enactment of the comitia gradually disappeared, the decrees of the senate attained greater prominence. 7. Constitutions of the Emperor. All manifestations of the emperor's will which concerned the development of law were called imperial constitutions (placita or consti- tutiones principunt). From the beginning of the empire, the decrees emanating from the emperor were of great legal significance. After the second century, all ordi- nances of this kind were called by the general collective name, constitutions of the emperor. Of these there were four kinds : (1) Edicta. The emperor, like other magistrates, had the general power of issuing proclamations (ins edicendi}. His edicta were public ordinances of a general character, containing provisions for future observance. (2) Decreta. As the word indicates (cernere), the decreta were decisions of a judicial character. The emperor, as the chief magistrate, could review the decisions of all cases, as well as decide them in the first instance. (3) Epistulae. These embraced all expressions of the imperial will in epistolary form. When the epistulae were replies to questions of officials or private persons regarding points of law, they were frequently called rescripta. These answers were sometimes in the form of special letters and sometimes merely added as footnotes (subscriptiones) in the ROMAN IAW 2 i SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW letter of inquiry and returned to the sender. Rescripts were most frequent in private suits, where the emperor, upon request, decided doubtful points of law, leaving the questions of fact to the judge, who was absolutely bound by the interpretation of the emperor. Before the time of Hadrian, rescripts were apparently addressed to judicial magistrates only, thereafter to private persons as well. (4) Mandata, Magistrates, even during the republic, had the power to delegate (mandare) authority to subor- dinates to execute certain business of their office. The emperors availed themselves of this privilege to a high degree and through general instructions (mandate) issued to provincial governors and other officials directed them as regards the conduct of their respective offices. These directions were usually in writing, and in this way they obtained significance as sources of law. Through these various ways in which the emperor manifested his will, it came about that by the time of Diocletian, the jurists ascribed to the emperor's will the force of law (quod principi placuit, legis Jiabct vigorcni), though without any constitutional authority to that effect. 8. Scientific Jurisprudence. At Rome, in the earliest time, the pontiffs were the depositaries and custodians of law, human (ius) and divine (fas). They alone were acquainted with the formulae and ritual requisite for the worship of the gods, as well as the procedure and tradi- tions governing the legal relations of men with one another. It was, therefore, the pontiffs who were the earliest coun- selors in matters of law, imparting their advice (rcspondere) to consulting litigants as to the secret and intricate method of procedure by which their rights could be brought to the test. In matters of state importance, the decisions of the 18 INTRODUCTION pontifical college were communicated through the Pontifex Maximus. Opinions on questions of private law were delivered by a member of the college annually detailed for that duty. The responsa of the pontifical college were recorded (commentarii pontificum}, and the formulated rules of pro- cedure were preserved in the archives of the priestly col- lege (libri pontificuni). Since pontiffs only had access to these hidden mysteries, early procedure was veiled in secrecy, and, being unknown to laymen and the unprivileged classes, became a great source of power and oppression in the hands of the ruling patrician order. The pontiffs, as the sole interpreters of the law, were instrumental in giving it shape and form so long as it existed chiefly in the form of unwritten, customary law. When the law had been given a definite form and had been made known to all by the codification of the Twelve Tables, ins smdfas began to be more definitely separated, but procedure (actiones, ins actionum) still remained in the private control of the pontifical college. It was the pontiffs who still retained the technical knowledge whereby the machinery of the law could be set in motion for the vindi- cation of invaded rights. According to the traditional account, Appius Claudius Caecus made a collection of the formulae of actions as they had been put in shape by the pontiffs, and through the agency of his scribe (Flavius) they were made public (ins Flavianuni). By this publication the monopoly of the patrician pontiffs was broken. Soon thereafter, the first plebeian pontifex maximus, Tiberius Coruncanius (about 264 B.C.), announced himself as ready to give advice pub- licly regarding the mysteries of the law (primus publice '9 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW profiteri coepit\ not only to those interested as party in a particular case, but also to those seeking a theoretical knowledge of law. This was the beginning of a system of public legal instruction which led soon to the preparation of text-books and eventually to a legal literature. The opportunity was thus open for the development of a trained legal profession. Jurists now gave advice in the technicalities of juristic transactions and the drawing of formulae (cavere), the method of court procedure (agere\ and they rendered opinions on legal questions submitted to fa&an(respondere\ Opinions given in writing (responsa\ though they were not binding, had a strong moral influence on the court, when they were renderd by able and learned jurists. Controversies and opposing views were the inevi- table result of these responsa, leading to a lively discussion of principles, which gave a strong impetus to the progress of a legal science (disputatio fori\ By this professional activity, new spirit began to be in- fused into the letter of the law. Scientific interpretation extended the principles of the ins civile, making them comprehensive and flexible. In addition to this new application of principles already existing in the ius civile, the jurists took up new principles from the ius gentium, giving to the strict Roman law a more equitable and uni- versal character. It was under the emperors that the influence of the jurists reached its highest point. Augustus, in his political reorganization of the state, recognized the expediency of enlisting the services and influence of the professional jurists to the support of his cause. He therefore conferred upon certain eminent jurists the privilege of delivering opinions (ius respondendi} which had the force of law, by INTRODUCTION authority of the imperial grant (ex auctoritate principis). Those jurists having the ins respondendi were called inris auctores. The emperor as supreme judge could delegate his power of judicial interpretation to others, whose deci- sions, by his commission, were authoritative. At first only the responsum given in writing, under seal and for the special case, was binding on the judge ; though it soon happened that the writings of these privileged jurists came also to have the authority of their responsa. Hadrian ordained that the judge should be bound by con- current responsa, but that, when they were divergent, he should decide according to his own discretion. 9. The Literature of the Classical Roman Law. The scientific cultivation of law led to an enormous literary pro- ductiveness. As early as 100 B.C. scientific treatment of subjects began, but the classical period of legal literature fell in a time when other forms of Latin literature were, rapidly declining or had entirely lost their art. Roughly the years between 150 and 250 A.D. cover the classical period of Roman jurisprudence. Here belong the names of Gaius, Papinian, Ulpian, Paulus, in whose work the high- est degree of excellence known to the Roman law was attained. The scientific legal literature of Roman jurists embraced works of most varied kind and character, of which some of the more important types were the following: (1) Commentaries (a) on statute law, decrees of the senate, and imperial constitutions, (b} on the praetorian edicts, (c} on the works of other jurists. (2) Digests and compilations of a comprehensive char- acter, covering the entire legal system. (3) Practical discussions of responsa and quaestiones. Of these, the exposition of the quaestiones was the more 21 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW detailed, inquiring more minutely into the underlying prin- ciples of the cases handled. Disputationes and opinioncs were discussions of a similar character. (4) Institutioncs or elementary text-books for beginners. (5). Annotated editions of earlier jurists' works, contain- ing emendations and critical comments (notae). (6) Monographs on various subjects of legal signifi- cance. (7) Regiilae, scntcntiae, definitiones, designed especially for practitioners, containing brief collections of current legal maxims and succinct statements of the more common legal principles. (8) Popular treatises, containing elementary principles of law, set forth in an informal way. This classification does not by any means include all the forms which the intellectual output of the jurists exhibited. It is possible to gain some idea of the literary activity of the great jurists and the enormous proportions to which legal literature attained, from the titles of works and the number of volumes of each, as they have been transmitted in the sources. Taking as examples a few of the greatest jurists, it appears that Papinian's chief works, Responsa and Qnacs- tioncs were in 19 and 37 books respectively, and in ad- dition to these he was the author of several books of different kinds ; Paulus wrote one commentary on the praetorian edict in 78 books, Responsa in 23 books, Quacs- tiones in 25 books, and, in addition to these, a long list of works making a total of 89 known by title, falling into 319 books ; Ulpian's commentary on the praetorian edict con- tained 8 1 books, his work Ad Sabinnm (commentary on the ins civile according to the system of Sabinus) 5 1 books, 22 INTRODUCTION and in addition to these enormous works, numerous others, varying in size from one to several books each. Labeo, the great jurist who was contemporary with Augustus, is said to have been the author of 400 legal works. Of the mass of legal literature which was composed before the time of Diocletian, only a small fragment is extant. 10. Sources of Law after Diocletian. From the time of Diocletian the emperor was the only organ of sovereign power, an absolute monarch, bound by no law. This change in the constitution naturally had its influence on the further development of the law. Already the jurists had proclaimed that the will of the emperor was law, but now and henceforth there was but one source of law and one interpreter of law. The ins respondendi of privileged jurists was a thing of the past. Henceforth authoritative responsa emanated from the emperor himself and from him alone. The further progress of a scientific legal literature was interrupted. Science died, to be only slightly revived toward the end of the fifth century, through the influence of the law schools. The constitutiones principum were now the only source of new law. 11. Pre-Justinian Codes and Collections of Law. The literature of law and the constitutions issued by the emperors had become so voluminous that the practitioner was unable to find his way through the mass of interpre- tation and decision. The inconvenience of working with such an unwieldy bulk of juristic material induced private persons to undertake its abridgment and codification. Several works of this character came into existence. (i) Codex Gregoriamis, a private code of imperial con- stitutions, which were issued from the time of Hadrian to 23 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW 295 A.D., containing at least nineteen books. This code was published about 300 A.D. (2) Codex Hermogenianus, also a private work com- posed of imperial ordinances. This work was published as a supplement to the foregoing code, and appeared about the year 365 A.D. (3) Fragmenta Vaticana, so-called because discovered in the Vatican library. This collection, containing juristic writings and imperial ordinances, was the work of an unknown author. It was a private publication, composed between 372 and 438 A.D. (4) Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum or Lex Dei quam Dominus praecepit ad Moysen, a parallel of verses from the Pentateuch and passages from several Roman jurists, the Gregorian and Hermogenian codes, and one or two later ordinances. The work was published between 390 and 438 A.D. by an unknown author. (5) Codex Theodosianns, a codification of juristic litera- ture and imperial constitutions issued after Constantine's time, prepared by order of the Emperor Theodosius II. The work was published 438 A.D., considerable portions of it still surviving. (6) Consultatio veteris cuinsdam tun's consulti, a collec- tion of opinions delivered by a jurist to an advocate, with citations from Paulus and the three codes mentioned above. 12. Legislation of Justinian. Justinian succeeded to the throne April I, 527, and continued to reign until his death, November 13, 565. From the very beginning of his rule he pursued a well-defined plan for the codification of the Roman law. For the execution of his legal reforms he enlisted the services of his minister, Tribonian, whose 24 INTRODUCTION ability and zeal were of the greatest value toward the suc- cessful accomplishment of the undertaking. The history of the preparation of the compilation of Justinian's law books is given in detail in the decrees placed as a preface to the different parts of the work. Many of the facts there stated have been lately called into ques- tion, and they should be taken with due allowance for the bombastic and exaggerated style of an Oriental monarch. What is commonly called the Code of Justinian consists of four parts, as it exists in modern times. (i) The Pandects, or Digest, of the scientific law litera- ture ; (2) the Codex, or collection of imperial laws ; (3) the Institutiones, or introductory text-book for instruction ; (4) the Novellae, or new imperial laws issued after the other works were completed. 13. The Code. By royal decree, a committee of ten men was instructed to prepare a collection of laws, com- piled from the three codes and the imperial constitutions issued later than the Theodosian code, together with the constitutions already issued by Justinian, and to publish them in a code suitable for the use of practitioners. This work was completed and published with the force of law, April 1 6, 529. All imperial legislation not contained in this code was to be discarded. This work was called the Codex Iiistinianus. 14. The Fifty Decisions. After the publication of the Codex, Justinian attempted by a number of constitutions to remove misconceptions and conflicts growing out of the juristic literature, and to set aside or -alter provisions of the law which had become dead or worthless. These were published as a collection in 531 A.D., and were known as 2 5 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW the Qninqnaginta Decisioncs. These have not survived to the modern world. 15. The Pandects or Digest. The foregoing tasks were only preliminary to a much greater undertaking, the codification of the scientific law literature. For the execu- tion of this work, a new commission of seventeen members, under the leadership of Tribonian, was appointed Decem- ber 15, 530. From the huge mass of legal literature the most essen- tial material was to be extracted, systematized, and ar- ranged in one harmonious whole. This undertaking was completed and published with force of law December 30, 533, bearing the title Pandectae (irdv + ^e-^eaOai), or Di- gesta (digerere). The work was divided into fifty books, each book falling into titles (tituli), and each title having its appropriate heading (rubrica, " written in red "). Under the titles stand the excerpts, called fragment a or leges (fr. or /.), each one being preceded by the name of the author and the name of the work excerpted. Each fragment or lex is divided into ^.principiutn (pr.~) and numbered paragraphs. The earliest of the jurists whose writings are represented in the Digest is Q. Mucius Scaevola, consul 95 B.C. ; the most recent were Charisius and Hermogenianus (about 300 A.D.). Although thirty-nine jurists in all are represented in the excerpts of the Digest, the great bulk of the material was drawn from very few authors. Ulpian and Paulus together contribute about three fifths of the entire Digest. Of this amount, Ulpian alone furnishes about two fifths. The rest of the material of the Digest is drawn chiefly from about eight writers. Arranged according to the amount of mat- 26 INTRODUCTION ter contributed, the excerpted authors stand approximately as follows : Ulpian, Paulus, Papinian, Gaius, Modestinus, Cervidius Scaevola, Poraponius, Julianus, and (proximi longo intei-vallo^ Marcianus, Javolenus, Africanus, Marcellus; these twelve furnished about eleven twelfths of the whole compilation. It was decreed that the Digest should henceforth be the sole authority for jurist-made law, and that only the ex- cerpts incorporated in this work should have validity. The commission had full authority to curtail, alter, or supplement the original text to bring the subject-matter into harmony with their times. Inasmuch as this freedom was extensively employed, it is not always certain that the text is that of the original excerpted author (Interpolationes, Emblemata Triboniani). 16. The Institutes. As a part of the general plan of his legal reforms, Justinian recognized the importance of an elementary work to serve as an introduction to the study of the Digest, and intended as a book of instruction (instituere) for beginners in the study of law. This work was prepared by two law professors, under the general supervision of Tribonian, and was published with the force of law along with the Digest, December 30, 533, bearing the title, Institntioncs, The subject-matter was drawn largely from the Insti- tutes and Res Cottidianae of Gaius, from similar works of Ulpian, and from the Institutes of Florentinus and Mar- cianus, compiled and arranged in such a way as to present a continuous treatment of the entire legal system. 17. The New Code. So much new law had been cre- ated through the ordinances of Justinian since the publi- cation of the Codex in 529, that a revision of that work 27 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW was already required. This undertaking was intrusted to a commission under the leadership of Tribonian, and the work was ready for publication with the force of law December 29, 534. The revised Codex (Codex repetitae praelectionis] con- tained, besides the revision of the constitutions of the pre- vious Codex, the imperial ordinances issued since 529. All constitutions not included in it were to be discarded as invalid. It is this work, chiefly taken up with matters of public law, which is known in modern times as the Code. The Codex is divided into twelve books, each book being subdivided into titles, and the titles into leges and para- graphs. With the revision of the Codex, the three works intended by Justinian to constitute one single code of law were completed. The Corpus luris of Justinian was composed of (i) the Digest, (2) the Institutes, and (3) the Code. 18. The Novellae. After the Corpus luris had been published with statutory force, Justinian continued to issue constitutions to supplement and correct his previous works. These were issued in large numbers between the years 535 and 565 A.D. They were mostly in Greek, some in both Greek and Latin, and a few in Latin only. These were collected and published after Justinian's death with the title, Novellae (i.e. novellae constitutiones post codicem). The collection of Institutes, Digest, Codex, and Novels constitutes the Corpus luris Civilis in the form in which it is known in modern times. It is in this form that the Roman law has been, for the most part, preserved and received by continental Europe. 19. The Roman Barbarian Codes. Though not prop- erly reckoned among the sources of Roman law, it is neces- 28 INTRODUCTION sary to notice the three Codes which some of the barbarian kings promulgated for the Roman inhabitants of their respective kingdoms, and which were drawn from Roman sources. These codes, or summaries, are sometimes called Leges Romanae Regum Barbaronim, and, although they do not contain Roman law in an uncontaminated form, they are, in a varying degree, of importance for the understand- ing of the law prior to Justinian and the history of the text of certain sources outlined below, since they have pre- served some material which would otherwise have been lost. () Lex Romana Visigothonim, called also Breviarium Alaricianum, a code published by King Alaric II in 506 for the Roman subjects of the Visigothic kingdom. It contained excerpts from the Institutes of Gaius, the Sen- tentiae of Paulus, the Codex Gregorianus, the Codex Her- mogenianus, the Codex Theodosianus, the post-Theodosian Novellae, and a Responsum of Papinian. The Institutes of Gaius were incorporated in this Code in an abridgment, which had been made for the purposes of instruction, and the first knowledge of the work was gained from this source. It furnished also the text of the Sententiae of Paulus (see below, 22, c}. Edition, Hanel, Lex Romana VisigotJiorum, Leipzig, 1849. (b) Edictum Theodorici, or the Lex Romana Ostrogotho- rum, a code published by Theodoric the Great for his Roman and Ostrogothic subjects, soon after 512. It con- tained an independent presentation of law drawn from the Codex Gregorianus, the Codex Hermogenianus, the Codex Theodosianus, the post-Theodosian Novellae, the Senten- tiae of Paulus, and other sources of Roman law. Edi- tion, Bluhme, Monumenta Germaniae Leges, V, pp. 145 ff. Hannover, 1875. 29 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW (V) Lex Romana Burgiuidionmn, a code published by the king of the Burgundians for the Roman subjects of the Burgundian kingdom sometime about 512. It contained, in an independent form, law taken from Roman sources worked over with Burgundian elements into the form of a code. The Roman sources drawn upon were the Codex Gregorianus, the Codex Hermogenianus, the Codex Theo- dosianus, the post-Theodosian Novellae, the Institutes of Gaius, and the Sententiae of Paulus. Edition, Bluhme, Monumenta Germaniae Leges, III, pp. 579 ff. Hannover, 1863. SOURCES OF INFORMATION FOR THE STUDY OF ROMAN LAW The preceding paragraphs have traced briefly the sources from which the Roman law originated, and the agencies by which it was expanded and reduced to a system. There have been noticed also the attempts to bring the great mass of law into a more available form, by collections and codes, and finally the great achievement of the Emperor Justinian in reducing the law to the form in which it was handed down to the modern world. It now remains to mention briefly the sources extant and available at the present day for the study of Roman law, and also to indicate some of the books in which these sources may be most conveniently found. 20. The Extant Sources of Roman Law in their Original Form. The material extant in original form falls into two groups : the Corpus luris Civilis and the pre-Justinian sources, which have been transmitted in various ways. The account of the origin and general character of the 3 INTRODUCTION several parts of the Corpus luris has been given above ( 12 ff.). The most authoritative edition is that of Mommsen, Kruger and Scholl (editio stereotypa). It is published in three volumes, of which Vol. I contains the Institutes and the Digest, /th ed., Berlin, 1895 ; Vol. II contains the Codex, 6th ed., Berlin, 1895 ; and Vol. Ill con- tains the Novellae, ist ed. begun in 1880 and completed in 1895. Of this monumental work, the Digest was edited by Theodor Mommsen, the Institutes and Codex by Paul Kruger, a,nd the Novellae by Rudolf Scholl (completed after his death by Wilhelm Kroll). There is no ancient, single Ms. of the entire Corpus htris. The edition of D. Gothofredus, 1583, was the first to print the whole body of the law of Justinian as a single book with the title Corpus luris Civilis. The editions are very numerous, and it has been said that no other book, except the Holy Bible, has been printed so often. Of the Institutes, the best separate text editions are those of Kruger, Berlin, 1900 (the latest and most critical), and Huschke, Leipzig, 1878, in the Teubner series. Some other editions, with notes or commentary, are: J. B. Moyle, Imperatoris lustiniaui Institutionum Libri Quat- tuor, Vol. I, text, introduction, notes, and various excur- suses; Vol. II, English translation, Oxford, 3d ed., 1896; T. C. Sandars, The Institutes of Justinian, with introduc- tion, text, translation, and notes, containing at the end a summary of the principal contents of the text and notes, arranged in a methodical form, 8th ed., London and New York, 1888 ; J. Ortolan, Explication Historiqtie des Instituts de I'Empereur Justinien, avec le texte, la traduction en regard et les commentaires sous cJiaque paragraplie, 2 vols., 1 2th ed., Paris, 1883; E. Schrader, Corpus luris Civilis, SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Vol. I, containing the Institutes, with valuable commen- tary, Berlin, 1832. 21. The Pre-Justinian Sources. These sources are of several kinds, transmitted in different ways. The more important are : the writings of jurists in their original form ; the remains of collections and codes in their original form; the constitutions of the emperors in their original form ; the statutes and popular enactments in their original form ; other documents and records of legal transactions written on various materials ; and the information supplied by lay writers in the literature of Rome. These various sources will be noticed in the order indicated. 22. The Writings of Jurists. The bulk of the extant literature of the first three centuries of the Empire (the so- called classical period) has been transmitted through the Digest of Justinian. Excerpts from some of the greatest jurists of this period have been preserved in the remains of the collections noticed above ( n); but there are several more or less fragmentary works, or parts of works, of jurists which have been transmitted* in some cases directly and in their original form, in other cases indirectly and in an altered text. The more important of these are noticed below, and first, those emanating from the classical period : {a) Gaii institutionum commentarii qnattnor, discovered by Niebuhr, in 1816, at Verona, in a palimpsest of about the fifth century. This work is by far the most complete and important of these sources. It was before this known only from an abridgment of it (epitome Gaii} contained in the Lex Romana Visigothorum. The Institutes of Gaius were a model for the compilers of the Institutes of Jus- tinian. Large portions of Gaius were taken over bodily 32 INTRODUCTION into the later work, often with mere verbal alterations. Facts regarding the origin, personal history, and even the name of the author of this work, commonly called " Gains," are unknown. The purpose of the book is not definitely known. It was possibly intended as an elementary text- book for the use of students beginning their studies in the law school. It was composed about 161 A.D., and it gives, in a simple and clear style, a systematic presentation of the law of that period. The first edition was prepared by Goschen, under commission from the Prussian Academy of Sciences in 1820. The most critical reproduction of the Ms. has been published by W. Studemund, with the title Gaiiinstitutionum commentarii qnattuor. Codicis Veronen- sis deuuo collati apograpJium, Leipzig, 1874. Corrections and additions, derived from subsequent examinations of the Ms., have been incorporated in the latest and most critical text edition, that of Kriiger and Studemund, 4th ed., Berlin, 1899 (Vol. I of the Collectio, see below, 29). The Teubner text of Huschke is far less authoritative. An excellent English edition is that of E. Poste, Gait Institu- tionum luris Civilis Cotnmcntarii Quattuor, with translation and commentary, Oxford, 3d ed., 1890. (6) Vlpiani liber singularis regularum, usually called the Fragments of Ulpian, discovered by Jean Dutillet in 1540, in a Ms. of the tenth century, then in his own pos- session, now in the Vatican. About one third of the book is missing at the end. Its style is characterized by an admirable brevity, clearness, and precision in the treatment of the most fundamental doctrines of the private law. The fragment forms part of Vol. II of the Collectio, see below. (c) Pauli libri quinqiie sententiarum ad filium, usually called the Sententiae of Paulus. This work was contained ROMAN LAW 3 33 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW in the Lex Romana VisigotJiornm (see above, 19, a) and, owing to its indirect transmission, is in a less genuine and uncontaminated form than the Fragments of Ulpian. The omissions have been partly supplied by passages found in other extant sources, e.g. the Digest, the Collatio, and the Fragmenta Vaticana. The book contains a survey of the most important principles of the private law, briefly stated and intended for practical use. It forms part of Vol. II of the Collectio. (a) Several minor fragments, giving information on sin- gle subjects or points, rather than any connected survey of the law, have been transmitted. The following are some of the more noteworthy: (i) Notae inris, of the grammarian Valerius Probus (lived in the latter half of the first century), containing an explanation of abbreviations em- ployed in statutes, edicts, decrees of the senate, etc., e.g. V.D.P.R.L.P., that is, unde de piano recte legi possit (see note on latam, p. 46). The authoritative recension is that of Mommsen in Keil's Grammatici Latini, IV, pp. 265 f., given by Kriiger in Vol. II, pp. 141 f. of the Collectio. (2) Fragmcntnm de iure fisci, discovered by Niebuhr in Verona simultaneously with the Ms. of Gains. Its author- ship is uncertain. The fragment is found in the Collectio, Vol. II, p. 162. (3) Fragment inn Dosithcanum de Manumis- sionibtis, a part of a schoolbook of the year 207 A.D. The master, Dositheus, set before his Greek-speaking pupils, as an exercise in translation, a passage from some Ro- man jurist. The text is in the form of a retranslation from Greek back into Latin, with the crudities of school- boy exercises in translation. Found in the Collectio, Vol. II, p. 149. (4) Fragmcntnm de formula Fabiana, a parch- ment fragment discovered in Egypt and first published 34 INTRODUCTION in 1888. In it occurs the formula Fabiana, but the work, of which the fragment formed a part, and its authorship are unknown. Found in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 299. (5) Papiniani responsornm fragmcnta, badly mutilated frag- ments of the fifth and ninth books of Papinian's Responsa, recovered from an Egyptian parchment in 1876. Found in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 285. 23. Pre-Justinian Sources of the Post-classical Period. Of these sources, some proceeded from the Western, and some from the Eastern, Roman Empire. Of the former are : (a) Fragnicnta Vaticana, discovered by Cardinal Mai in 1821, in a palimpsest of the Vatican library, containing somewhat extensive remains of a large collection of ex- cerpts from juristic writings and imperial constitutions (see ii above). Found in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. i. (fr) Collatio Icgum Mosaicarum ct Romanarnm, containing excerpts from Gaius, Papinian, Paulus, Ulpian, Modes- tinus, and constitutions from the Gregorian and Hermoge- nian codes. The purpose of the author in making this parallel comparison of the Roman and Mosaic law is vari- ously explained, but it was probably done merely to show the many points of identity in the two systems. Found in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 107 (see n above). (c) Consultatio, etc. (see 1 1 above), a fragment of a collection of opinions on questions of law, dating from the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century. The work probably originated in Gaul, where the single Ms. was discovered. Found in the Collectio, Vol. Ill, p. 199. From the Eastern Empire are: (^) Scholia Sinaitica, papyrus fragments discovered on Mt. Sinai, containing scholia on Ulpian's Libri ad Sabi- 35 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW num, written between 439 and 529. Found in the Col- lectio, Vol. Ill, p. 265. (i) Leges Constantini, Theodosii, et Leonis, or a collec- tion of Syrio-Roman law, found in Mss. in the Syrian, Arabic, and other Oriental languages, probably made from one Greek original, and dating from the years between 472 and 529. As an exposition of Roman law it is of lit- tle value. The authoritative edition, with translation and commentary, is by Bruns and Sachau, with the title, Das Syrisch-Romische RecJitsbucJi, Leipzig, 1880. 24. Extant Remains of Pre-Justinian Constitutions. The imperial constitutions, known either in their original phraseology, through independent transmission, or, in sub- ject-matter, through their preservation in other sources, are numbered by the thousands. These cannot be men- tioned here in detail. Some have been preserved by in- scriptions, others by their interpretation and elaboration in the writings of jurists and lay writers, still others in the remains of codes and collections. A collection of pre- Justinian constitutions is that of Hanel, Corpus Legum ab Imperatoribus Romanis ante lustinianum Latarum, Leipzig, 1857. Information regarding the Gregorian and Hermogenian codes is derived from the use made of them by later works, e.g. Lex Romana Visigothorum, Collatio, Consnltatio, etc. For these codes the best edition of the remains is that of Kriiger, Collectio,Vo\. Ill, p. 221. For the Theodosian Code, there is no good Ms., but frequent gaps have been filled from later works, which drew from that source. The best edition is that of Hanel, cited above. For the post-Theodosian Novellae the edition is, Hanel, Novellae Constitutiones Tmperatorum, etc., Bonn, 1844 (a part of Hand's Corpus Legum mentioned above). Some 36 INTRODUCTION of the more important edicts and rescripts preserved in inscriptions are given by Bruns, Fontes (see below, 29). 25. The Remains of the Leges Regiae and the Twelve Tables. The fragments of the so-called leges regiae, to- gether with a citation of all the literary references to them, are given by Bruns, Fontes, pp. 1-15. Since the beginning of the sixteenth century, attempts have been made to ar- range the extant fragments of the Twelve Tables in their original order. The modern text was practically estab- lished by Dirksen, 1824. The work of Dirksen was im- proved by the more searching philological criticism of R. Scholl, 1867. A text of these fragments, based on the recensions of Dirksen and Scholl, together with the cita- tion of all the literary references to them, is given by Bruns, pp. 15-40. 26. The Extant Remains of Popular Enactments, Edicts, and Decrees of the Senate. Of the, leges en acted subsequent to the Twelve Tables only a few have been transmitted inde- pendently and in their original form. Information regard- ing by far the greater part of the leges (including plebiscite^) has been obtained entirely from the literature. Those transmitted in their original phraseology in inscriptions are given, in convenient form, by Bruns, pp. 45160, accompanied by notes on the history of their recovery, their present place of preservation, and a citation of the literature bearing on their interpretation. Of the lists of leges made by modern scholars, those of Rudorff, Romische Rechtsgeschichte, I, 10-44, an d Lange, Romische Alter- tiimer, II, 3, 132-133, arrange the individual statutes according to their subject-matter; while those of Orelli- Baiter, Onomasticon Tullianum, III, pp. 117 f. (Vol. 8 of Orelli's Cicero), and Rein, in Pauly's Real-Encyclopddie, 37 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN* LAW IV, pp. 956 f., arrange them in alphabetical order. Information regarding the contents of the edicts of the praetors is derived from the literature. Considerable knowledge of the Edict um Perpetuitm, compiled by Salvius Julianus under Hadrian, is derived from the writings of the jurists excerpted in the Digest. Attempts to reconstruct this work began in the sixteenth century. The latest and best attempt is the brilliant work by Lenel, Das Edictum Perpetuum, Leipzig, 1883, given also by Bruns, pp. 202 ff. Information regarding the decrees of the senate is ob- tained chiefly from the literature. Some have also been transmitted independently in the inscriptions. These are given in convenient form by Bruns, pp. 160-202. 27. Legal Documents of a Private Character. Valuable sources, which contribute to the understanding of the law, are the documents and private instruments preserved and transmitted through wax tablets, papyri (in recent times, especially, coming to light in great numbers), and inscrip- tions. These documents give glimpses of the application of the law to concrete cases or preserve records of legal transactions, which illustrate the requirements of law in much detail in the various forms of contracts, in the exe- cution and opening of wills, in matters of procedure, and in the commonest legal relations of the everyday life of the people. These documents are well illustrated in the selections made by Bruns, pp. 270 ff. 28. The Non-juristic Literature. Among the sources of information for the study of Roman law must be taken into consideration almost the entire body of non-juristic litera- ture, including those Greek authors who treat of Roman history and institutions. In Latin, the works of Cicero are the most fruitful. Gellius furnishes much information 38 INTRODUCTION in matters of public and private law. In public law and constitutional matters, Livy and the other historians con- tribute most. The rhetoricians and grammarians furnish useful material. In certain subjects information is drawn from the agricultural writers, Cato, Varro, Columella. Even the poets and the commentators on the poets, espe- cially Donatus on Terence, Servius on Vergil, and the scholia of Aero and Porphyrio on Horace furnish information on matters of detail. Plautus makes numerous references to matters of a legal character, using business and legal terms with great frequency. Owing, however, to the uncertain relation of his plays to their Greek originals, the plays of Plautus cannot be considered unreservedly as contributing to a knowledge of the early law of Rome. A valuable little book showing the references to legal matters in the works of the non-juristic Latin authors is Precis des Insti- tutions du Droit Privt de Rome, by Gaston May and Henri Becker, Paris, 1892. A few of the many books of this character, devoted either to single authors or to classes of authors, are, for Plautus, E. Costa, // Diritto Privato Romano (in the comedies of Plautus), Turin, 1890; for Cicero, F. Keller, Semcstrium ad M. Tullium Ciceronem libri tres, Zurich, 1842; Gasquy, Cice"rpn Jurisconsulte, Paris, 1887; Roby, Roman Private Law, Vol. 2 (Appen- dix), Cambridge, 1902; for the poets, Henriot, Mosurs juri- diqnes et judiciaires de Vancienne Rome d'aprh Ics poetes latins, Paris, 1865 ; Benech, Sur les classiqucs latins (Hor- ace, Persius, Martial, Juvenal), Paris, 1853. 29. Books of Selections from the Sources. Besides the Corpus luris Civilis some of the books referred to above as giving extant sources in a convenient form are Mommsen, Kriiger and Studemund, Collectio librorum iuris anteinsti- 39 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW niani, 3 vols., Berlin, 18781899; Huschke, lurisprudentiae anteiustinianae quae supersunt, Leipzig, 1886. These two works contain the extant remains of the pre-Justinian literature. The former offers the more critical and authori- tative text, while the latter is more convenient, being in one volume. It has also useful indices and a valuable collection of parallel passages. Bruns, Fontcs iuris Romani antiqni, 6th ed., by Mommsen and Gradenvvitz, Freiburg and Leipzig, 1893. This book gives the most important legal monuments which have been transmitted in inscrip- tions, and also a collection of documents illustrating private legal transactions. Lenel, Palingeuesia iuris civilis, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1888-1889, a restoration of the excerpts of the classical jurists to their original connection. The style of each individual writer is best seen from the use of this very valuable book. Corpus iuris anteinstiniani, etc., Bonn, 1842, a collection of pre-Justinian sources edited by a number of professors at Bonn. 40 INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO POMPONIVS, D. i. 2. 2, DE ORIGINS IVRIS 1. The following selection by Sextus Pomponius on the origin and development of Roman law, the history of the magistracies and the most important jurists of Rome from the earliest time to his own day, is a fragment of a work by that author preserved in Justinian's Digest. Works on the history of the development of law apparently received but little attention from Roman juristic writers. The im- portance of this fragment lies in the fact that it furnishes the only historical account of Roman law transmitted to modern times, and that it was considered of sufficient im- portance by the compilers of Justinian's Digest to be placed as an opening chapter, introducing law students to the study of that work. 2. Nothing is known of the personal history of Pom- ponius ; but the period in which he flourished is clearly established by the extant fragments of his works. He wrote under the reigns of Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. 3. The Manual (liber singtilaris enchiridii\ of which this selection formed a part, was written in the reign of Ha- drian ; the last jurist mentioned in its enumeration of law writers and teachers being the celebrated Salvius Julianus, who flourished under Hadrian and prepared, by that emperor's direction, the Edictum Perpetuum. 4. Pomponius was the most voluminous juristic writer of the second century of the Empire. Although he was the SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE RDM AN LAW author of numerous works covering various departments of the law, he lacked originality and independence in scholarship. He was not a jurist of the first rank, but he was an industrious writer of commentaries and made much use of the literature of his predecessors. Of the few authors whose works were drawn upon extensively in the compilation of the Digest, Pomponius stands in the second group, ranked according to the amount of material supplied. 5. Although Pomponius was not the most productive of Roman juristic writers, an enumeration of his works will give a fair idea of the fertility of a typical Roman lawyer : (1) Libri ex Sabino, a commentary in 36 books, on the ins civile according to the arrangement of a similar work of the distinguished jurist, Massurius Sabinus. (2) Ad edictnm libri, a commentary on the praetorian edict, containing at least 83 books (D. 38, 5, I, 14. The subject-matter here indicates the probability of almost as many more). (3) Ad Q. Mucium (Scacvolain) lectionum libri, a com- mentary in 39 books, according to the arrangement of Mucius in his treatise on the ins civile. (4) Ex Plantio libri, a commentary on the jurist Plau- tius in 7 books. (5) Epistulanun libri, legal opinions in epistolary form in 20 books. (6) Variae Icctioncs, miscellaneous discussions of legal questions in 15 books (or possibly in 41 books). (7) De stipulationibns, a treatise on stipulations in at least 8 books. (8) De senatus consultis libri, a commentary on the decrees of the senate in 5 books. 42 INTRODUCTORY NOTE (9) Digestorwn ab Aristone libri, a commentary on the Digest of Aristo in at least 5 books. (10) Fideicommissorum libri, a work on testamentary trusts in 5 books. (11) Regnlarum liber singularis, a book of legal defini- tions. (12) Liber singularis enchiridii, a small handbook in- tended for students, of which the following fragment is all that has been transmitted. 6. The sources for this historical survey are unknown. Sanio has endeavored to show that Varro was Pomponius's chief authority. The evidence is, however, not conclusive ( Varroniana in den ScJiriften der rom. Jnristen, Leipzig, 1867). 7. The results of the controversy regarding the histori- cal value of the fragment may be stated briefly : the contributions of Pomponius to matters contemporaneous or approaching his own day are of great worth ; those which concern the republican period and the earliest develop- ments of Roman legal science are, as a rule, to be held in suspicion. 8. The selection falls into three subdivisions : (1) The origin and development of Roman law, 1-12. (2) The magistrates and administration of law, 13-34. (3) The most important jurists and their works, from the beginning of Roman jurisprudence down to the author's own day, 35-53. 43 DE ORIGINE IVRIS ET OMNIVM MAGISTRATVVM ET SVCCESSIONE PRVDENTIVM Pompon. D. Necessarium itaque nobis videtur ipsius iuris i- 2, 2, pr. originem atque processum demonstrare. 1. Et quidem initio civitatis nostrae populus sine lege certa, sine iure certo primum agere instituit omniaque 5 manu a regibus gubernabantur. 2. Postea aucta ad aliquem modum civitate ipsum Romulum traditur populum in triginta partes divisisse, quas partes curias appellavit propterea, quod tune rei i. nobis : the name of the people were governed by local author and the title of the work customs rather than by law. from which the excerpt is made 5. manu: with discretionary stand at the beginning of each lex authority. The tradition repre- (or fragment) in the Digest, and sents the kings as ruling with hence the personal style frequently absolute authority, although the occurs. Cf. Introd. 15. institutions of the period were 3. sine lege ... sine iure : with- those of self-government. In the out definite statute or customary monarchy, as in the republic, the law. For the meaning of lex and people were the ultimate source of ius in this place, see Introd. I political power. and 2, also notes on iustitia, p. 72 8. curias : not connected ety- and ex nan, p. 73. mologically with cura. The true 4. agere instituit: began to origin of the word is uncer- Kve, i.e. at this early period the tain. Other instances of false 45 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW [3 publicae curam per sententias partium earum expediebat. Et ita leges quasdam et ipse curiatas ad populum tulit, tulerunt et sequentes reges. Quae omnes conscriptae exstant in libro Sexti Papirii, qui fuit illis temporibus, 5 quibus Superbus Demarati Corinthii filius, ex principalibus viris. Is liber, ut diximus, appellatur ius civile Papiri- anum, non quia Papirius de suo quicquam ibi adiecit, sed quod leges sine ordine latas in unum composuit. 3. Exactis deinde regibus lege tribunicia omnes leges 10 hae exoleverunt iterumque coepit populus Romanus incerto magis hire et consuetudine aliqua uti quam per latam legem, idque prope viginti annis passus est. etymologies found in legal writers are : miituum. as if from meotunin ; testamentum, from testatio mentis ; servus, from servare. Cf . also note on quasi, p. 106. 2. leges . . . tulit : proposed measures for the enactment of the comitia curiata. It was a funda- mental principle of the constitu- tion that law-making required the cooperation of the people and the king or magistrate. The king, therefore, is not law-giver, but, having the sole right of initiative, he is in a position to control legis- lation. For the process of passing a lex, see note on latam legem below. 6. ius ... Papirianum : the refer- ence is to the so-called leges regiae, cf. Introd. 3. The statement of the text that the ius Papirianum was a collection of leges curiatae which lost their validity after the overthrow of the Tarquins, is not supported by any other author. The title of this work as " ius civile Papirianum " is also an invention of Pomponius, cf. Serv. Aen. 12. 836, where the work is referred to as de ritu sacrorum, a title giving an indication of the real contents of the book. ii. latam legem: the various steps in the process of enacting a statute (/ 3. 35 bata sunt ac per annos plurimos observata, velut tacita civium conventio non minus quam ea quae scripta sunt iura servantur. Paul. D. Immo magnae auctoritatis hoc ius habetur, quod in tantum probatum est, ut non fuerit 25 necesse scripto id comprehendere. the Romans, as among other peo- i and 4). The Romans used the pies, was custom, approved by long terms -written and unwritten law usage (quod usus comprobavit). in the literal meaning of the words. Later on, unwritten custom (mas, i.e. written law was all that was mores, usus, consuetudo) was sup- reduced to writing and was au- plemented by conscious legisla- thoritative (e.g. leges, edicta, re- tion (lex, ius scriptnm, cf. lex duo- sponsa prudentium, etc.). See decim tabular urn, and see Introd. also Introd. i and 2. 74 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Paul. D. Si de interpretatione legis quaeratur, in primis i, 3, 37 inspiciendum est quo iure civitas retro in eius- modi casibus usa fuisset : optima enim est legum interpres consuetude. 5 Scriptum ius est lex, plebiscita, senatus con- I>2>3 sulta, principum placita, magistratuum edicta, responsa prudentium. Lex est, quod populus Roman us senatore magistratu interrogante, veluti consule, constituebat. Plebiscitum est, 10 quod plebs plebeio magistratu interrogante, veluti tribuno, constituebat. Plebs autem a populo eo differt, quo species a genere ; nam appellatione populi universi cives significantur connumeratis etiam patriciis et senatoribus : plebis autem appellatione sine patriciis et senatoribus ceteri cives signi- 15 ficantur. Sed et plebiscita lege Hortensia lata non minus valere quam leges coeperunt. Senatus consultum est, quod senatus iubet atque constituit. Nam cum auctus est populus Romanus in eum modum, ut difficile sit in tmum eum convocare legis sanciendae causa, aequum visum est 20 senatum vice populi consuli. Sed et quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem, cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem concessit. Quodcumque igitur imperator per epistulam constituit vel cognoscens decrevit vel edicto 25 praecepit, legem esse constat : haec sunt, quae constitu- tiones appellantur. Plane ex his quaedam sunt personales, 8. magistratu interrogante : planation see note on plebiscita, i.e. when a senatorial magistrate p. 50. proposes the bill (legis rogatio, cf. 16. Senatus consultum : see Int. notes on leges tulit, and on latatn 6 and note on senatus cons. p. 5 1 . legem, p. 46). 20. quod principi placuit : see 9. Plebiscitum: for further ex- Introd. 7 and 10. 75 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW quae nee ad exemplum trahuntur, quoniam non hoc princeps vult ; nam quod alicui ob merita indulsit, vel si cui poenam irrogavit, vel si cui sine exemplo subvenit, personam non egreditur. Aliae autem, cum generales sunt, omries procul 5 dubio tenent. Praetorum quoque edicta non modicam iuris obtinent auctoritatem. Haec etiam ius honorarium solemus appellare, quod qui honores gerunt, id est magistratus, auc- toritatem huic iuri dederunt. Proponebant et aediles curules edictum de quibusdam casibus, quod edictum iuris honorarii 10 portio est. Responsa prudentium sunt sententiae et opi- niones eorum, quibus permissum erat iura condere. Nam antiquitus institutum erat ut essent qui iura publice inter- pretarentur, quibus a Caesare ius respondendi datum est, qui iuris consulti appellabantur. Quorum omnium senten- 15 tiae et opiniones earn auctoritatem tenent, ut iudici recedere a response eorum non liceat, ut est constitutum. Omnes populi, qui legibus et moribus regun- Gai. i, i . . tur, partim suo propno, partim communi omnium hominum iure utuntur ; nam quod quisque populus ipse 20 sibi ius constituit, id ipsius proprium est vocaturque ius civile, quasi ius proprium civitatis ; quod vero naturalis 5. Praetorum edicta: see In- and adapted to other requirements trod. 5. by the introduction of new princi- 19. quod quisque populus ipse pies drawn from the ius gentium* sibi ius constituit : the text makes i.e. the law which was found to the further important distinction exist among the other peoples with between the ius civile and the ius whom the Romans came into busi- gentium. The most ancient law ness relations. By the agency of of Rome was called ius civile, or the praetorian edict and the scien- law peculiar to the Roman state tine interpretation of trained ju- and governing Roman citizens rists, the formal and rigid laws of only. As time advanced, this the ius civile were rendered more body of law, partly written and flexible and adaptable to new cir- partly unwritten, was supplemented cumstances, so that eventualh 76 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW ratio inter omnes homines constituit, id apud omnes popu- los peraeque custoditur vocaturque ius gentium, quasi quo iure omnes gentes utuntur. Populus itaque Romanus partim suo proprio, partim communi omnium hominum 5 iure utitur. Omne ius, quo utimur, vel ad personas perti- net, vel ad res, vel ad actiones. Et prius videa- mus de personis. PERSONS (De lure Personarum] Hermog. D. Cum hominum causa omne ius constitutum sit, 10 z > 5. 2 primo de personarum statu dicemus. what was originally merely the law of a city became a cosmopoli- tan law of the world. De lure Personarum : persona, meaning literally the mask worn by an actor and then the r61e in a play, is used metaphorically in law to denote the role played by the individual in the different parts of the drama of civic life. The same individual might be endowed with the personality of father, husband, guardian, etc. {persona patris,mariti, tie tor is}. Persona, therefore, in legal language, de- notes whoever or whatever is the subject of legal rights and duties or is capable of assuming such rights and duties, i.e. individuals (but not slaves), corporations, and public bodies. Abstract concep- tions clothed by law with legal personality (artificial, juristic, legal persons), the Romans called cor- pora, collegia, societates, sodalitates, etc. Of these, some of the more important were the Populus Ro- manus, the imperial treasury {fis- cus), industrial guilds (collegia opificuni), societies for the burial of the poor (collegia temiioruni), mining and tax-gathering compa- nies (societates aurifodinarum, argentifodinaruin, salinarum, vec- tigalinm publicoruni) , social and political clubs ( sodalilates) , etc. 10. de personarum statu : status is the technical term denoting the civil position of the individual as a legal person. The three ele- ments of status, each of which was called caput, were liberty (liber- tas}, citizenship (civilas), and membership in a family (familid). In the person of a civis Romanus these three elements were united. 77 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Paul. D. i.S.7 Qui in utero est, perinde ac si in rebus hu- manis esset custoditur, quotiens de commodis ipsius partus quaeritur; quamquam alii antequam nascatur nequaquam prosit. 5 Paul. D. Antiqui libero ventri ita prospexerunt, ut in S. 4. 3 tempus nascendi omnia ei iura integra reserva- rent; sicut apparet in iure hereditatium. Paul. D. Non sunt liberi, qui contra f ormam humani gen- I > 5- H eris converse more procreantur : veluti si mulier 10 monstrosum aliquid aut prodigiosum enixa sit. Partus au- tem, qui membrorum humanorum officia ampliavit, aliqua- tenus videtur effectus et ideo inter liberos connumerabitur. uip. D. Quaeret aliquis, si portentosum vel monstro- 50, 16, 135 sum ve i debilem mulier ediderit vel qualem visu i. Qui in utero est: inasmuch as legal rights are created for the benefit of man, the limits of his personality are determined by the points where such rights begin and cease to be useful by the oper- ation of nature, namely, at birth and death. Birth is the complete separation from its mother of a child born alive (partus antequam edatiir, nuttier is port to est vclvisce- ri, D. 25, 4, i, i). By excep- tion, however, in the matter of inheritance, according to a law of the Twelve Tables, a child already conceived but still unborn is re- garded as possessed of legal rights, if it come into the world alive, being reckoned among the heirs as if already born (nascitnms pro iain nato habetur qnando de eius commodo agitur). Otherwise the unborn child was without legal significance, and during the re- public, therefore, abortion in the case of a married woman was not punishable. in rebus humanis : ' as if already born alive.' 4. prosit : sc. qui in utero est as subject. 5. libero ventri: 'for a child free at its birth.' Venter often means, in legal Latin, the child in embryo. As the status of the child depends upon the status of the father, if born from a he stum matriinoniitm, and of its mother, if born extra matrimonium, the privilege stated in the text is ex- tended to that embryo only which will be free at the time of its birth. 9. converse more : ' in an un- natural manner. 1 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW vel vagitu novum, non humanae figurae, sed alterius, magis animalis quam hominis, partum, an, quia enixa est, pro- desse ei debeat. Et magis est, ut haec quoque parentibus prosint : nee enim est quod eis imputetur, quae qualiter 5 potuerunt, statutis obtemperaverunt, neque id quod fatal- iter accessit, matri damnum iniungere debet. FREEMEN AND SLAVES Summa itaque divisio de hire personarum haec est, quod omnes homines aut liberi sunt aut servi. Et libertas quidem est, ex qua etiam liberi 10 vocantur, naturalis facultas eius quod cuique facere libet, Inst. i, 3 2. prodesse : it was the'policy of Roman legislation to encourage marriage. As early as the lex Cincta, 204 B.C., which placed a limit to the giving of gifts and rewards, exception was made in favor of gifts made to family relations for the purpose of pro- viding a dos. Augustus sought to encourage marriage and the rearing of children, and to dis- courage celibacy and childless- ness, by the lex Inlia (4 A.D.) and the lex Papia Poppaea (9 A.D.). Among other provisions of these laws, the freeborn mother of three children and the freedwoman mother of four children (ius triiitn vel quattuor liberoruni) were re- lieved of certain disabilities and received several advantages in the rights of inheritance. According to the Twelve Tables, creatures contra for mam humani generis (portenta, monstra, prodigia) and cripples (debiles) were to be put to death, though they sufficed for the avoidance of the penalties for childlessness imposed by the lex Iidia et Papia Poppaea. Freemen and Slaves : accord- ing to the Roman law, not all human beings are persons. Per- sonality presumes a free condition. Slaves are, therefore, not persons but things. They are not protected by the law as its subjects, but by their masters as property. They are without rights and have no legal capacity (servus nulhim ca- put habet, cf. Inst. I, 16, 4). How- ever, since the slave is possessed of reason and is physically capable of acquiring rights (therein differ- ing from other animals), he is some- times loosely spoken of as persona. The slave was answerable for his crimes and, though his contracts 79 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW nisi si quid aut vi aut iure prohibetur. Servitus autem est constitutio iuris gentium, qua quis dominio alieno contra naturam subicitur. Servi autem ex eo appellati sunt, quod imperatores captives vendere iubent ac per hoc servare 5 nee occidere solent. Qui etiam mancipia dicti sunt, quod ab hostibus manu capiuntur. Servi autem aut nascuntur aut fiunt. Nascuntur ex ancillis nostris : fiunt aut iure gentium, id est ex captivitate, aut iure civili, cum homo liber maior viginti annis ad pretium participandum sese 10 venumdari passus est. In servorum condicione nulla dif- ferentia est. In liberis multae differentiae sunt. Aut enim ingenui sunt aut libertini. had no legal significance under the ins civile, they nevertheless created natural obligations which were binding if the slave attained his freedom (semi ex delicti* obli- gaiitur ; ex contractibus autem ch'iliter non obligantur. sed natu- ral Her et obligantur et obligant, D. 44, 7> 14)- i. Servitus constitutio iuris gentium : according to the Roman view, all men are by nature free. Slavery was found to exist, how- ever, among the various tribes and nations with which the Romans came in contact and was therefore looked upon as an institution of the ins gentium (cf. Inst. I, 2, i). But as regards the institution of slavery, this ins gentium was found to be in conflict with the law of nature, since slavery existed among all peoples. Owing to this lack of harmony between the theory of the natural freedom of all men and actual practice, the policy of the law was constantly in favor of liberty (favore libertatis}, tending to ameliorate the condition of slaves by protecting them against cruelty and facilitating the acquisi- tion of freedom by various forms of manumission. Cf. note on Freedom, p. 100. 8. iure civili : a freeman by collusion with a pretended master might fraudulently allow himself to be sold as a slave to an inno- cent purchaser. Inasmuch as liberty was an inalienable right, after the purchaser had paid the price, the one sold could set up a claim for his freedom and, except for the provision whereby the pre- tended slave was to be taken at his word, could have gained his release and have succeeded in the fraud. Slavery as a penalty was one of the worst forms of civil death. A freeman might become 80 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW FREEBORN (Ingenui) Ingenui sunt qui liberi nati sunt; libertini, qui ex iusta servitute manumissi sunt. Ingenuus is est, qui statim ut natus est liber est, sive ex duobus ingenuis matrimonio editus, 5 sive ex libertinis, sive ex altero libertino, altero ingenue. Sed et si quis ex matre libera nascatur, patre servo, inge- Gai. i, ii Inst. i, 4 a slave in other ways, e.g. qui cum liber esset, censeri nohierit could be sold trans Tiberim (Cic. pro Caec. 34, 99) ; qui ad dilectum olim non respondebat (D. 49, 16, 4, 10) ; one who was a delinquent debtor (nexus) at the hands of his creditor (Twelve Tables, III) ; one sentenced to death or to work in the mines (servus poenae, Inst. i, 12, 3) ; a freedman who displayed ingratitude toward his former master (revocatio in servitutetti) . Ingenui : men as regards their legal position are divided into liberi and servi. Liberi are further divided into freeborn (ingenui) and freedmen (libertini) on the one hand ; and into ewes, Latini, and peregrini, on the other hand. Gives are further subdivided into personae sut iuris and personae alieni iuris. Status or condicio of the individual is determined by birth. A child born from a marriage which conforms to the requirements of the ius civile (ma- trimonium legitimum or iustum), follows the status of the father ; born from a marriage of the ius ROMAN LAW 6 8 I gentium (sine legitimo matrimonio) or out of wedlock, the child fol- lows the condition of the mother, conubio interveniente liberi semper patrem sequuntur, non interve- niente conubio matris condicioni accedunt, Ulp. 5, 8 ; qui illegitime concipiuntur, statum sumunt ex eo tempore quo nascuntur, Gai. I, 89, though cf. note on ex matre, p. 82. 1. Ingenui sunt qui liberi nati sunt : an ingenuus is one who has not only been born free, but who has always continued to be free. 2. ex iusta servitute : iusta means legitima, that which is ac- cording to law, hence iusta servitus is the actual condition of slavery, in law as well as in fact, a condi- tion which must not have arisen through error in fact in supposing one was a servus when in reality he was an ingenuus. Manumis- sion of one merely supposed to be a slave did not prejudice birth (veritati et origini ingenuitatis manumissio quocumque modofacta non praeiudicat, Paul. 5, I, 2). SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW nuus nihilo minus nascitur ; quemadmodum qui ex matre libera et incerto patre natus est, quoniam vulgo conceptus est. Cum autem ingenuus aliquis natus sit, non officit illi in servitute fuisse et postea manumissum esse, saepissime enim constitutum est natalibus non officere manumissionem. uip. D. Libertinus si ius anulorum impetraverit, quam- 40, io, 6 vis j ura ingenuitatis salvo iure patroni nactus sit, tamen ingenuus intellegitur : et hoc divus Hadrianus re- scripsit Uip. D. 38, 2, 3 Etiamsi ius anulorum consecutus sit libertus a principe, adversus huius tabulas venit pa- Cf. note on non officit, below. Those returning from captivity (jservi excaptivitate) recover their former status iure postliminii (see note on postliminium, p. 85), and are, therefore, ipso facto neither libertini nor servi. i. ex matre libera : in general, the child follows the status of the mother at the moment of birth. The jurists modified this principle favore libertatis, so that the child was born free if its mother had been free at any time during gestation, even though she was enslaved when the child was born, D. I, 5, 5, 2-3- 3. non officit in servitute fu- isse : i.e. ' it does not prejudice his status to have been in the position of a slave ' and aftenvard to have been manumitted. Such a one is still ingenuus, not libertinus (cf. note on ex iusta, p. 81). 'In ser- vitute esse 1 means to be in the position of a slave de facto, while ' semis esse ' means to be a slave de iure, e.g. a freeborn child, stolen and sold as a slave, is in servitute, but if it fall into the hands of a master who manumits it, the child is not libertinus, but ingenuus de iure. The theory in this case is that blood is not viti- ated by a servile condition. 6. Libertinus si ius anulorum impetraverit : freedmen (libertini) may attain the status of freeborn citizens (ingenui) in two ways : (a) by acquiring the right to wear the gold ring (ius aureonun amdoruni), in which case, the right of patron over his freedmen remained unimpaired (salvo iure patroni) ; (b) by a kind of legal regeneration (iiataliitm restitutio} with a suspension of the patron's rights (restituitur quantum ad ius totuin pertinet). Justinian extend- ed these privileges to all freedmen, who then acquired full rights of free- born citizens without limitations. 82 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW tronus, ut multis rescriptis continetur : hie enim vivit quasi ingenuus, moritur quasi libertus. Mardan. D. Interdum et servi nati ex post facto iuris in- 40,11,2 terventu ingenui fiunt, ut ecce si libertinus a 5 principe natalibus suis restitutus fuerit. Illis enim utique natalibus restituitur, in quibus initio omnes homines fue- runt, non in quibus ipse nascitur, cum servus natus esset. Hie enim, quantum ad totum ius pertinet, perinde habetur atque si ingenuus natus esset, nee patronus eius potest ro ad successionem venire. Ideoque imperatores non facile solent quemquam natalibus restituere nisi consentiente patrono. SLAVES ui p D Quod attinet ad ius civile, servi pro nullis habentur ; non tamen et iure naturali, quia, 15 quod ad ius naturale attinet, omnes homines aequales sunt. Ex ancilla et libero iure gentium servus nasci- Gai. 1,82 tur, et contra ex libera et servo liber nascitur. 13. Quod attinet ad ius civile : illorum fit, et liber homo noster ancient law does not recognize all ab eis captus servus fit eorum, men as subjects of legal rights. D. 49, 15, 5, 2). In Roman law, Only members of each people's a slave is a thing, classed along community or state are protected with beasts of burden, and, like by the laws of that community or them, he is at the absolute dis- state (quod quisque populus ipse position of his master (inancipi sibi iiis constituit, id ipsius pro- res sunt servi et quadrupedes, prium dvitatis est vocaturque ius Ulp. 19, I ; servile caput nullum civile, quasi ius proprium ipsius ius habet, D. 4, 5, 3, i), who has civitatis, Inst. I, 2, i). Strangers over his sla,ve the power of life are unprotected and are looked and death (vitae necisque potestas*) upon as lawful prey to be seized and domestic chastisement. For and thrown into servitude as the the limitation of these rights under ' property of their captors (quod ex the empire see note on Freedom, nostro ad eos, i.e. hostes, pervenit, p. 100. 83 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW U!p. 5, 8 Conubio interveniente liberi semper patrem sequuntur; non interveniente conubio matris condicioni accedunt, excepto eo qui ex peregrine et cive Romana peregrinus nascitur, quoniam lex Minicia ex alter- utro peregrino natum deterioris parentis condicionem sequi iubet. Ex cive Romano et Latina Latinus nascitur et ex libero et ancilla servus, quoniam, cum his casibus conubia non sint, partus sequitur matrem. SLAVERY ARISING FROM CAPTIVITY 10 Ulp. D. 49. 15. 24 Hostes sunt, quibus bellum publice populus Romanus decrevit vel ipsi populo Romano ; ceteri i. Conubio interveniente: the ius conubii is the right to conclude a marriage valid according to the requirements of the ius civile (tnatrimonium iustum, legitimum, ex iure Quiritiuni), conferring patria potestas and other rights growing out of the organization of the family. Latini and pere- grini had the conubiuin only when obtained by special grant (conu- bitim est uxoris iure ducendae facultas. Conubium habent cives Romani cum civibus Romanis ; cum Lalinis et peregrinis it a, si concessum sit. Cum servis nullnm est conubiuin, Ulp. 5, 3 ; Veteranis quibusdam concedi solet principali- bus constitutionibus conubium cum his Latinis peregrinisve, quas primas post missionem uxores duxerint, Gai. I, 57). Cf. notes on iustum and iustas, p. 1 1 1. Slavery arising from Captiv- ity : as has been stated in the text, slavery arises from birth or from other circumstances recog- nized by the ius gentium and the ius civile. By the ius gentium, slavery arises from captivity, but the one returning from captivity regains his former status and his legal rights as they existed at the moment of his capture {postlimini- um habet, i.e. omnia restituuntur ei iura, ac si captus ab hostibus non essei). One dying in captivity was held to have died a free man, and, by a fiction of law (fictio legis Cor- neliae, important in the matter of inheritance), to have died at the moment of capture (in omnibus partibus iuris is, qui reversus non est ab hostibus, quasi tune decessisse videtur, cum captus est, D. 49. 15, 1 8). The most common ways in which slavery may arise by the ius civile have been mentioned above. Cf. note on iure, p. 80. 9. Hostes sunt : although the 84 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW latrunculi vel praedones appellantur. Et ideo qui a latro- nibus captus est, servus latronum non est, nee postliminium illi necessarium est ; ab hostibus autem captus, ut puta a Germanis et Parthis, et servus est hostium et postliminio 5 statum pristinum recuperat Pompon. D. Postliminii ius competit aut in bello aut in 49. 15, 5 pace. In bello, cum hi, qui nobis hostes sunt, aliquem ex nostris ceperunt et intra praesidia sua perduxe- runt : nam si eodem bello is reversus fuerit, postliminium 10 habet, id est perinde omnia restituuntur ei iura, ac si captus ab hostibus non esset. Antequam in praesidia perducatur hostium, manet civis. Tune autem reversus intellegitur, si aut ad amicos nostros perveniat aut intra praesidia nostra esse coepit. In pace quoque postliminium datum stranger was not protected by the laws of Rome originally, unless he enjoyed the rights of hospitality (hospitium publicum vel priva- tuttt), or was protected by treaty with his people, and might, there- fore, be seized as a slave, it was necessary, in order that the ius postliininii should operate and that slavery should arise ex cap- tivitate, that the captive should be taken by a formal enemy, i.e. one against whom the Roman people had formally declared war or vice versa {hostes hi sunt, qui nobis aut quibus nos publice bellum decrevimus~) . g. postliminium : this term is used subjectively and objectively. It is either the recovery of rights by a person who has been reduced to slavery by capture in war, or it is the recovery of rights over a per- son or thing restored from the possession of an enemy (cum duae species postliminii sint, ut aut nos revertamur aut aliquid re- cipiamus, D. 49, 15, 14). The derivation of the word, discussed by Cic. Top. 8, is retained by Jus- tinian, I nst. i, 12, 5 : dictum est autem postliminium a limine et post, ut eum, qui ab hostibus captus in fines nostros postea pervenit, postliminio reversum recte dici- mus. Nam limina sicut in do- mibus finem quendam faciunt, sic et imperil finem It men esse veteres valuer unt. Hinc et limes diet us est quasi finis quidam et terminus. Ab eo postliminium dictum, quia eodem limine revertebatur, quo amissus erat. Deserters and those surrendering to the enemy in SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAX LAW est : nam si cum gente aliqua neque amicitiam neque hos- pitium neque foedus amicitiae causa factum habemus, hi hostes quidem non sunt, quod autem ex nostro ad eos pervenit, illorum fit, et liber homo noster ab eis captus 5 servus fit et eorum ; idemque est, si ab illis ad nos aliquid perveniat. Hoc quoque igitur casu postliminium datum est. Captivus autem si a nobis manumissus fuerit et per- venerit ad suos, ita demum postliminio reversus intellegitur, si malit eos sequi quam in nostra civitate manere. Et ideo 10 in Atilio Regulo, quern Carthaginienses Romam miserunt, responsum est non esse eum postliminio reversum, quia iuraverat Carthaginem reversurum et non habuerat ani- mum Romae remanendi. Et ideo in quodam interprete Menandro, qui posteaquam apud nos manumissus erat, 15 missus est ad suos, non est visa necessaria lex, quae lata est de illo, ut maneret civis Romanus : nam sive animus ei fuisset remanendi apud suos, desineret esse civis, sive animus fuisset revertendi, maneret civis, et ideo esset lex supervacua. 20 Tryphon. D. In bello postliminium est, in pace autem his, 49, is. 12 qui bello capti erant, de quibus nihil in pactis battle with their weapons in their the enemy {nihil interest, quomodo hands did not enjoy the privileges captivus reversus est, utrum di- of the ius postliminii. missus an vi vel fallacia potesta- ii. responsum est : it was de- tern hostiuni evaserit, ita tamen, tided, i.e. by the court. Responsa si ea mente venerit, ut non illo of the jurisconsults were not au- rev erteretur : nee enim satis est thoritative at this time, cf. Intr. 8. corpore dotmtin quern redisse, si 16. animus remanendi: the mente alienus est, D. 49. 15, 26). manner of a captive's return was 21. in pactis erat comprehen- immaterial, provided he return sum: 'regarding whom no pro- with the intention of remaining visions had been made in the and had not promised to go back to treaties.' 86 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW erat comprehensum. Quod ideo placuisse Servius scribit, quia spem revertendi civibus in virtute bellica magis quam in pace Romani esse voluerunt. Verum in pace qui per- venerunt ad alteros, si bellum subito exarsisset, eorum 5 servi efficiuntur, apud quos iam hostes suo facto depre- hendimtur. Quibus ius postliminii est tarn in bello quam in pace, nisi foedere cautum fuerat, ne esset his ius post- liminii. Pompon. D. Si quis legatum hostium pulsasset, contra ius 10 si 7, 18 gentium id commissum esse existimatur, quia sancti habentur legati. Et ideo si, cum legati apud nos essent gentis alicuius, bellum cum eis indictum sit, respon- sum est liberos eos manere : id enim iuri gentium convenit esse. Itaque eum, qui legatum pulsasset, Quintus Mucius 15 dedi hostibus, quorum erant legati, solitus est respondere. Quern hostes si non recepissent, quaesitum est, an civis Romanus maneret : quibusdam existimantibus manere, aliis contra, quia quern semel populus iussisset dedi, ex civitate expulsisse videretur, sicut faceret, cum aqua et 20 igni interdiceret. In qua sententia videtur Publius Mucius fuisse. Id autem maxime quaesitum est in Hostilio Man- cino, quern Numantini sibi deditum non acceperunt; de i. placuisse Servius scribit, der of the guilty one to an enemy etc. : ' that this was so ordained whose ambassadors have been because the Romans wanted citi- violated. zens to base their hope of return 21. Hostilio Mancino : Hostilius more on bravery in war than on Mancinus, after he had been de- an expectation of peace.' Servius feated by the Numantines during Sulpicius Rufus, the friend of Cic- his consulship, 137 B.C., succeeded ero, is meant. Cf. D. i, 2, 2, 43 in making a peace with them above, text p. 66. which, failed to gain the approval 9. Si quis legatum pulsasset : of the senate, and he was conse- among the ways in which slavery quently ordered to return to the may arise iure civili, is the surren- enemy. A lex was afterward 87 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW quo tamen lex postea lata est ut esset civis Romanus, et praeturam quoque gessisse dicitur. MANUMISSION Ulp. D. 1,1,4 Manumissiones quoque iuris gentium sunt. Est autem manumissio de manu missio, id est 5 datio libertatis : nam quamdiu quis in servitute est, manui et potestati suppositus est, manumissus liberatur potestate. Quae res a iure gentium originem sumpsit, utpote cum iure naturali omnes liberi nascerentur nee esset nota manu- missio, cum servitus esset incognita ; sed posteaquam iure 10 gentium servitus invasit, secutum est beneficium manumis- passed in his favor (Vel. Paterc. 2, i), though the causa Mancini became an important instance of deditio ad hostem, referred to sev- eral times by Cicero (de Or. r, 40; de Of. 3,30; Top. 8). Manumission : a servus differed from other things (res) in that he was capable of obtaining his freedom by manumission, acquir- ing thereby personality and legal capacity for himself. As a master could not confer more right than he himself possessed, a manu- mitted slave became civis only when his master was a Roman citizen. There were degrees in the status of a manumitted slave, according as the legal requirements for manumission were totally or only partially fulfilled. Complete manumission required (a) that the master have complete ownership (do minium) of his slave ex iure Quiritium; (6) that the manu- mission occur in one of the ways prescribed by law (mantttnissio iusta ac legit ima), e.g. vitidicta, censu, testamento, etc. ; (c) that it conform to the restrictions upon manumissions imposed by law (e.g. by the lex Aelia Sentia). In cer- tain cases a slave might obtain his liberty without manumission. See D. 40, 8, and note on Freedom, p. 100. 4. de manu missio : mantis de- notes the power of a paterfamilias over his slaves and children, but the word is usually employed more specifically of the power of hus- band over his wife (matins mar it i). The master (dominus) has domin- ium over his slave as a part of his property ; he also has potestas over his slave (like that over his son) as a passive member of his house- hold; hence the power of the SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW sionis. Et cum uno natural! nomine homines appellare- mur, iure gentium tria genera esse coeperunt : liberi et his contrarium servi et tertium genus liberti, id est hi qui desierant esse servi. Libertorum genera sunt tria, cives Romani, Latini luniani, dediticiorum numero. Ulp. i, 5 master over his slave is usually called dominica pot est as ; that of father over his children, patria po- testas ; that of husband over his wife, maims, 3. liberti : liberti is here used for libertini. The usual distinction between libertus and libertinus is that the former is concrete, denot- ing a certain freeclman with refer- ence to his patron, whose name usually follows in the gen. case; while the latter is abstract, denot- ing the freedman class as con- trasted with the freeborn (e.g. libertinnm quideni se confiteri, li- ber turn autem Seii se negare). 5. Libertorum genera sunt tria : other modes of manumission than those called legitima, though void iure civili, were recognized by cus- tom, by the praetorian law, and by imperial constitutions. Slaves manumitted by one of these modes were placed in a position inferior to citizenship, as that of Latini or dediticii. By the lex Aelia Sen- tia (4 A.D.) it was further required, in order to make a complete manu- mission which conferred citizen- ship, that the slave be thirty years of age. By the lex lunia Nor- bana (about 19 A.D.), those whose manumission was defective, but who enjoyed the protection of the praetor as freedmen, were given, instead of complete civitas, the rights of Latini luniani, i.e. of all the public and private rights, they received the ius continercii only. The Latinus Innianus could not make a Roman will nor inherit under a will ; at death, his property fell to his manumissor as if he were still a slave. Owing to the crimi- nal character of great numbers of manumitted slaves, the lex Aelia Sentia provided that slaves con- victed of crime, who had been put in chains, tortured, or branded, should after manumission be in the position of those who had sur- rendered to an enemy (dediticii'). Among other disabilities, dediticii could not live within one hundred miles of the City, could never be- come cives, and at death forfeited all their property to their manu- missor. The distinction between freedmen as cives, Latini, and dediticii was not abolished until the time of Justinian, under whose legislation, however, a slave be- came wholly free by any act of SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Vindicta manumittuntur apud magistratum populi Romani, velut consulem praetoremve vel proconsulem. Gai. D. Non est omnino necesse pro tribunal! manu- 5 4. 2. 7 mittere : itaque plerumque in transitu servi ma- numitti solent, cum aut lavandi aut gestandi aut ludorum gratia prodierit praetor aut proconsul legatusve Caesaris. Hermog. D. Manumissio per lictores hodie domino tacente 40, 2, 23 expediri solet, et verba sollemnia licet non dican- 10 tur, ut dicta accipiuntur. his master intended to grant free- dom. i. Vindicta manumittuntur: manumissio was an act of both pri- vate and public significance. As a private act, in freeing a slave from the ownership of his master, it de- prived the master of a part of his property ; as a public act, it was significant because it conferred personality and citizenship upon one who had formerly no part in the state. Under the old law of the republic, therefore, manumis- sion was not a matter of private interest only, accomplished by the mere will of the dowinus, but a transaction in which the state in- tervened, as is shown by the oldest forms of this institution. Manu- mission by vindicta was a fictitious suit (causa liber alts'), brought be- fore a magistrate. The vindicta (orfestuca) was a staff represent- ing the ancient hasta as a symbol 6f ownership. A friend of the slave (assertor libertatis), in later times a lictor of the praetor often acting in this capacity, touched the slave with the staff, at the same time asserting his freedom. The master, releasing his hold on the slave (manu mittens), indicated his acquiescence in the claim. The magistrate, representing the au- thority of the state, then declared the slave to be free. For an ac- count of this procedure in the sources, see Gai. 4, 16. This act of manumission might be per- formed wherever the praetor could be found (i.e. de piano, ' on the level ground 1 ) and did not require his presence in formal court (pro tribunali, ' on his elevated plat- form 1 ). 8. Manumissio per lictores : the definite requirements of the ficti- tious suit by vindicta passed away in time and the appearance of an assertor, even though he were rep- resented in the person of a lictor, was unnecessary. The only re- quirement then remaining was the 90 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW ui p . D. Ego cum in villa cum praetore fuissem, passus 40, 2, s sum apud eum manumitti, etsi lictoris praesen- tia non esset. Censu manumittebantur olim, qui lustrali Ulp. i, 8 5 censu Romae mssu dommorum inter cives Romanes censum profitebantur. Fr. Dosith. Census autem Romae agi solet et peracto censu J 7 lustrum conditur ; est autem lustrum quinquen- nale tempus, quo Roma lustratur. Sed debet hie servus 10 ex iure Quiritium manumissoris esse, ut civis Romanus fiat. Magna autem dissensio est inter peritos, utrum eo tempore vires accipiant omnia, quo in censu aguntur, an eo tempore quo lustrum conditur. Sunt enim qui existimant non alias vires accipere quae in censu aguntur, nisi haec dies sequa- 15 tur, qua lustrum conditur; existimant enim censum descen- dere ad diem lustri, non lustrum recurrere ad diem census. Quod ideo quaesitum est, quoniam omnia quae in censu aguntur lustro confirmantur. Marcian. D. Testamento manumissus ita demum fit liber, si 20 40, 4, 23 testamentum valeat et ex eo adita sit hereditas, vel si quis omissa causa testamenti ab intestato possideat declaration of freedom by the mag- period. This form of manumis- istrate in the presence of the slave sion disappeared (olini) with the manumitted. abolition of the census, the last 4. Censu manumittebantur : lustrum having occurred under manumission censu was completed Vespasian, 74 A.D. (Censorin. de under magisterial supervision by in- Die Nat. 18). It was a disputed serting the name of the slave to be point with the jurists of the re- manumitted in the list of citizens public, whether the manumission with his master's approval. Here was valid from the beginning or the state was represented by the only at the end of the lustral censor and the act was legalized by period. the lustrum condition, celebrated 19. Testamento manumissus : at the conclusion of the lustral manumissions by last will were valid 91 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAX LAW hereditatem. Testamento data libertas competit pure qui- dem data statim, quam adita fuerit hereditas vel ab uno ex heredibus ; si in diem autem libertas data est vel sub con- dicione, tune competit libertas, cum dies venerit vel con- 5 dicio extiterit. Qui directo testamento liber esse iubetur, velut hoc modo : ' Stichus servus meus liber esto,' vel hoc : ' Stichum servum meum liberum esse iubeo,' is ipsius testatoris fit libertus. Nee alius ullus directo ex testamento 10 libertatem habere potest, quam qui utroque tempore testa- toris ex iure Quiritium fuerit, et quo faceret testamentum et quo moreretur. uip. D. Si servi, qui apud hostes sunt liberi esse iussi 40,4.3 sunt, ad libertatem perveniunt, quamvis neque 15 testamenti neque mortis tempore testantis, sed hostium fuerunt. in the same way that other testa- mentary dispositions were valid. Though the execution of a will was a private act, it was theoreti- cally an act in which the state was interested, as the history of the Roman testament shows (cf. testa- mentum calatis comitiis, requiring the cooperation of the popular as- sembly with the testator). Owing to this fact, manumissio testamento was classed along with the forms already mentioned as iusta ac legi- tima. Direct manumission, be- queathed by the testator as a legacy to his slave (manumissio testa- mento direct a), is to be distin- guished from the testamentary injunction to the heir to effect the manumission of the slave (inanu- missio fideicotnmissaria). In the former case, the slave was called orcinus, because his patron was already deceased when liberty was acquired ; see also note on non testatoris, p. 93. i. pure data statim. quam : 4 when granted unconditionally, is acquired just as soon as. 1 3. in diem vel sub condicione : it was a common practice to make the manumissio directa operate from a stated time or depend on the fulfillment of a condition. In either case, the slave remains ad interim slave of the heir and is called statuliber. When the pro- vision has been satisfied, he gains 92 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Ulp. 2, 7 Libertas et directo potest dari hoc modo : ' liber esto,' ' liber sit,' ' liberum esse iubeo,' et per fidei- commissum, ut puta : 'rogo, fidei committo heredis mei, ut Stichum servum manumittat.' Is, qui directo liber esse 5 iussus est, orcinus fit libertus : is autem, cui per fideicom- missum data est libertas, non testatoris sed manumissoris fit libertus. Multis autem modis manumissio procedit : aut Inst. 1, 5, 1 , . ..... enim ex sacns constitutiombus in sacrosanctis 10 ecclesiis aut vindicta aut inter amicos aut per epistulam aut per testamentum aut aliam quamlibet ultimam voluntatem. Sed et aliis multis modis libertas servo competere potest, q*ui tarn ex veteribus quam nostris constitutionibus intro- ducti sunt. Servi vero a dominis semper manumitti solent ; his liberty ipso hire (statuliber est) qui statutam et destinatam in tem- pus -vel condicionein libertatem habet, D. 40, 7, i ; stattiliber, quam- diu pendet condicio, servus heredis est, Ulp. 2, 2). 6. non testatoris sed manumis- soris fit libertus : the importance of the distinction between manu- missio directa and fideicommis- saria appears in the rights of patrons over their freedmen and the duties of freedmen to their pa- trons (cf. note on Relation, p. 102). Properly manumissio per fideicom- missum is no manumission at all : it is only a direction to the heir to manumit, hence the mamimissio does not occur testamento, but is to be effected by the heir in some one of the regular ways, e.g. vin- dicta, censu, etc. 9. in sacrosanctis ecclesiis : a new form of complete manumission was added by Constantine, whereby a declaration of freedom was made by the master in the sacred edifice before the bishop. In the time of Justinian every oral or written declaration of freedom acknowl- edged by five witnesses and numer- ous informal modes of manumitting were valid, e.g. by the master's writing or subscribing a letter to his slave giving him his freedom {per epistulam) \ by declaration among friends (inter amicos) ; by the slave's attending his master's funeral wearing the hat of freedom (pileatus) or by an invitation to his master's table (per mensani), etc. ii. aliam quamlibet ultimam voluntatem : e.g. per codicillos, i.e. 93 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW adeo ut vel in transitu manumittantur, veluti cum praetor aut proconsul aut praeses in balneum vel in theatrum eat. Constan. Q ui rcligiosa mente in ecclesiae gremio servu- C.Th. 4,7 jig su j s rneritam concesserint libertatem, eandem 5 eodem iure donasse videantur, quo civitas Romana solemni- tatibus decursis dari consuevit. Sed hoc dumtaxat eis, qui sub adspectu antistitum dederint, placuit relaxari. just. c. Sancimus, si quis per epistulam servum suum 7. 6. i in libertatem producere maluerit, licere ei hoc 10 facere quinque testibus adhibitis, qui post eius litteras sive in subscriptione positas sive per totum textum effusas suas litteras supponentes fidem perpetuam possint chartulae praebere. Et si hoc fecerit, sive per se scribendo sive per tabularium, libertas servo competat quasi ex imitatione 15 codicilli delata, ita tamen, ut et ipso patrono vivent et lib- ertatem et civitatem habeat Romanam. Sed et si quis inter amicos libertatem dare suo servo maluerit, licebit ei quinque similiter testibus adhibitis suam explanare voluntatem et quod liberum eum esse voluit dicere ; et hoc sive inter acta 20 fuerit testificatus sive testium voces attestationem sunt am- plexae et litteras tarn publicarum personarum quam testium habeant, simili modo servi ad civitatem producantur Ro- manam quasi ex codicillis similiter libertatem adipiscentes. an informal will, requiring fewer so- but the witnesses must sign in lemnities than a testamentitm and either case at the bottom {post not meaning, as in the English use eius litteras). of the term codicil, a supplemen- 19. inter acta testificatus sive tary will. testium voces : ' he may either make ii. per totum textum: the a declaration of this alone before a writer might affix his signature magistrate or the statements of the simply or write the entire text with attesting witnesses may prove it his own hand. In the latter case, and these should have the signa- his signature was unnecessary, tures of,' etc. 94 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Gai. i, 13 MANUMISSION RESTRICTED Lege itaque Aelia Sentia cavetur, ut qui servi a dominis poenae nomine vincti sint, quibusve stigmata inscripta sint, deve quibus ob noxam quaestio tor- mentis habita sit et in ea noxa fuisse convicti sint, quive ut 5 ferro aut cum bestiis depugnarent traditi sint, inve ludum custodiamve coniecti fuerint, et postea vel ab eodem domino vel ab alio manumissi, eiusdem condicionis liberi fiant, cuius condicionis sunt peregrini dediticii. Vocantur autem peregrini dediticii hi, qui quondam ad- 10 versus populum Romanum armis susceptis pugnaverunt, delude victi se dediderunt. Manumission Restricted : toward the end of the republic the num- ber of slaves set free increased to such an extent that the public wel- fare was menaced. As a result of foreign conquest, slaves in great numbers were imported into the City from all directions, but espe- cially from the conquests in the East, constituting for the most part a vicious and dangerous class. It was also true that manumission was not always a reward for good conduct and faithful service. It was, on the contrary, often a means of disposing of undesirable prop- erty. Special laws were enacted to check the clothing of these dis- reputable and criminal classes with Roman citizenship (e.g. the lex Aelia Sentia and the lex Fufia Ca- ninia). According to the lex Aelia Sentia, criminal slaves could attain only partial liberty (dediticia liber- tas) ; could not live within one hundred miles of Rome ; and could never attain citizenship. This law was passed under Augustus (4 A.D.) and received its name from the two consuls for the year, Sextus Aelius Catus and Gaius Sentius Saturni- nus (Suet. Aug. 40, magni prae- terea existimans, sincerum atque ab omni colluvione peregrini ac servilis sanguinis incorruptum servare populum, et civitatem Roinanam parcissime dedit et mamimittendi moduin termina- vit). 8. peregrini dediticii : the con- quered peoples became slaves of the Roman state, but were not al- ways sold as slaves, inasmuch as the imperator or senate gave them provisional freedom until their final disposition was determined 95 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Huius ergo turpitudinis servos quocumque modo et cu- iuscumque aetatis manumissos, etsi pleno iure dominorum fuerint, numquam aut cives Romanes aut Latinos fieri dice- mus, sed omni modo dediticiorum numero constitui intel- 5 legemus. Quod autem de aetate servi requiritur, lege Gai. i, 18 Aeha Sentia mtroductum est. Nam ea lex minores XXX annorum servos non aliter voluit manu- missos cives Romanos fieri, quam si vindicta, apud con- 10 silium iusta causa manumissionis adprobata, liberati fuerint. lusta autem causa manumissionis est veluti si quis filium filiamve aut fratrem sororemve naturalem, aut alumnum, aut paedagogum, aut servum procuratoris habendi gratia, aut ancillam matrimonii causa apud consilium manumittat. 15 Consilium autem adhibetur in urbe Roma quidem quinque senatorum et quinque equitum Romanorum puberum ; in provinciis autem viginti recuperatorum civium Romanorum, idque fit ultimo die conventus ; sed Romae certis diebus apud consilium manumittuntur. 20 Item eadem lege minori XX annorum domino non aliter manumittere permittitur, quam si vindicta apud consilium iusta causa manumissionis adprobata fuerit. upon by a law or by an edict of made heir (heres solus et necessa- the provincial governor, cf. lex n'us), and had obtained his free- Antonia de Termessibus, Bruns, dom thereby. The inheritance Fontes*, p. 94; Liv. 1,38; 7,31; might include among the slaves 9,9; Cic. in Verr. 2, 2, 16, 39; his own near relations, whom he ad Att. 6,1, 15. could then manumit. A man ii. filium aut fratrem: since might manumit his brother where slaves are without proprietary and the father had had a child born family rights, it may be questioned from a slave woman and also an- how a father can manumit his own other born from a legal marriage, son or daughter. Such a case could The latter (filius legitinms) , upon arise where a slave father had been succession to his father's estate, 96 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Inst. i, 6 Non tamen cuicumque volenti manumittere licet. Nam is qui in fraudem creditorum manu- mittit nihil agit, quia lex Aelia Sentia impedit libertatem. Licet autem domino, qui solvendo non est, testamento 5 servum suum cum libertate heredem instituere, ut fiat liber heresque ei solus et necessarius, si modo nemo alius ex eo testamento heres extiterit, aut quia nemo heres scriptus sit, aut quia is qui scriptus est qualibet ex causa heres non extiterit. Idque eadem lege Aelia Sentia provisum est et 10 recte : valde enim prospiciendum erat, ut egentes homines, quibus alius heres extaturus non esset, vel servum suum necessarium heredem habeant, qui satisfacturus esset credi- would become master of the former (fratrem natnralem}. 2. in fraudem creditorum : the lex Aelia Sentia further provided that the manumission of slaves which impaired the rights of cred- itors was void ab initio, when the owner was already insolvent or be- cameso by reason of the diminution of his assets caused by such a man- umission (alienatio in fraudem creditortim). If the creditors failed to question the manumission as fraudulent, the slave was con- sidered free ; or if the liabilities of the master were satisfied before the manumission was impugned, the slave was free. 4. solvendo non est : insolvent. This use of the dat. of the gerund is frequent in legal Latin. See H. 542, II; L. 2257; A. & G. 505. 6. heres solus et necessarius : since the heir originally assumed all ROMAN LAW 7 97 the liabilities of the deceased, an in- heritance might prove to be such a burden, especially if insolvent, that it would be refused. It was custom- ary, therefore, for an insolvent tes- tator to institute his slave alone as obligatory heir (i.e. solus et neces- sarius), who, .in return for the as- sumption of liabilities and the duty of performing the proper funeral rites, etc., obtained freedom and citizenship (praesumptio liberta- tis). The slave then received the stigma resulting from bankrupt proceedings and relieved the mem- ory of the deceased from the en- suing ignominy (necessarius heres est servus cum libertate heres in- stitutus, ideo sic appellatus, quia sive ve'lit sive nolit omni modo post mortem testatoris protinus liber et heres est, Gai. 2, 153). 10. egentes homines : bankrupts. n. vel . . . aut: rare as cor- relatives. SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW toribus, aut hoc eo non faciente creditores res hereditarias servi nomine vendant, ne iniuria defunctus afficiatur. Idemque iuris est et si sine libertate servus heres institutus est. Quod nostra constitutio non solum in domino, qui 5 solvendo non est, sed generaliter constituit nova humani- tatis ratione, ut ex ipsa scriptura institutionis etiam libertas ei competere videatur, cum non est verisimile eum, quern heredem sibi elegit, si praetermiserit libertatis dationem, servum remanere voluisse et neminem sibi heredem fore. 10 In fraudem autem creditorum manumittere videtur, qui vel iam eo tempore quo manumittit solvendo non est, vel qui datis libertatibus desiturus est solvendo esse. Praevaluisse tamen videtur, nisi animum quoque fraudandi manumissor habuit, non impediri libertatem, quamvis bona eius credi- 15 toribus non sufficiant ; saepe enim de facultatibus suis 1. hoc eo non faciente: 'or if the slave should not do this, that the creditors may sell the estate. 1 2. ne iniuria afficiatur : the per- sonal disgrace (iniuria) attaching to the memory of the dead, and caused by the sale of property for the liquidation of debts, was here transferred to the insolvent debt- or's slave (;// ignominia, quae ac- cidit ex venditione honor urn, hnnc potius heredem qnam ipsum testa- tor em contingat, Gai. 2, 154). 6. ex ipsa scriptura : ' by the mere appointment of a slaveas heir, the gift of liberty is implied.' 7. cum non est : ' for it is un- likely that the testator (enni), even if he has neglected to mention the direct grant of liberty, wished that the one whom he has designated as his heir should remain a slave, and that he himself should have no heir.' 9. neminem sibi heredem fore : the slave, having no legal capacity, could, of course, not take the in- heritance (i.e. he lacked testamenti factio passiva) without the datio libertatis (expressed or implied) which operates immediately after the testator's death. 13. animum fraudandi habuit: in questions of fraud, it is necessary that the fact, as well as the inten- tion, be considered (fraudis inter- pretatio semper in hire civili non ex eventit dumfa.vat, sed ex con- silio quoque desideratur, D. 50, 17,79)- 98 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW amplius quam in his est sperant homines. Itaque tune intellegimus impediri libertatem, cum utroque modo frau- dantur creditores, id est et consilio manumittentis et ipsa re, eo quod bona non suffectura sunt creditoribus. 5 Lex Fufia Caninia iubet testamento ex tribus Ulp. i, 24 . . servis non plures quam duos manumitti, et usque ad X dimidiam partem manumittere concedit ; a X usque ad XXX tertiam partem, ut tamen adhuc quinque manu- mittere liceat aeque ut ex priori numero ; a triginta usque 10 ad centum quartam partem, aeque ut decem ex superiori numero liberari possint ; a centum usque ad quingentos partem quintam, similiter ut ex antecedenti numero viginti quinque possint fieri liberi. Et denique praecipit, ne plures 3. ipsa re, eo quod :' and in fact, that is, because. 1 5. Lex Fufia Caninia: the design of Augustus in enacting this law (8 A.D.) was to impose restrictions on wholesale and reckless freeing of slaves. The sources state that the Romans, in emancipating slaves in such great numbers, were actuated by generosity, avarice, or weakness ; some desired to reward faithful service ; others, to obtain in the name of their freedmen (litre patronatus) the grain dis- tributed to poor citizens from the public crib ; still others sought to gratify personal vanity by mak- ing provision for brilliant funeral pageants, attended by numerous freedmen, witnesses of the testators' generosity, even in death. Reck- less manumission during the mas- ter's lifetime was regulated chiefly by economic reasons lessening of property ; but Augustus sought to restrict the foolish gratification of vanity, which was really at the expense of the heir. His policy of caution in extending the Roman franchise and emancipating slaves was recommended in his will for future observance. Justinian re- pealed the lex Fufia as inappro- priate to his time. 8. ut adhuc quinque manu- mittere liceat : it was allowable that the lowest number of any higher class equal the highest number of each preceding class, otherwise, although the owner of ten slaves could manumit five {dimidiam partetti), the owner of twelve could not manumit more than four (tertiam partem) and so on up. Cf. also Gai. i, 45- 99 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW omnino quam centum ex cuiusquam testamento liberi fiant. Eadem lex cavet, ut libertates servis testamento nominatim dentur. Si testamento scriptis in orbem servis libertas data sit, quia nullus ordo manumissionis inveni- tur, nulli liberi erunt, quia lex Fufia Caninia, quae in fraudem eius facta sint, rescindit. FREEDOM ACQUIRED WITHOUT CONSENT OF MASTER Gai. i, 46 Servo, quern pro derelicto dominus ob gravem infirmitatem habuit, ex edicto divi Claudii com- 10 petit libertas. Modest. .D. 40, 8, 2 2. libertates testamento nomina- tim dentur : the manumission of all above the lawful number was void. The provisions of the lex Fnfia might otherwise be avoided, either by omitting the names of slaves (e.g. I manumit ' all my slaves ') or by writing their names in a circle so that the separation of those in excess of the limit was impossible (libertas non videbatiir posse incertae personae dari, Inst. 2, 20, 25). Freedom acquired without Con- sent of Master : under the empire it was the policy of the law to en- courage manumission (to a rea- sonable degree) and to protect the slave against cruelty. Reforms begun by the earlier emperors were continued by some of the Christian emperors, though it should be remarked that the in- fluence of Christianity on the spirit of Roman legislation is probably overrated. Social and economic reasons were more prominent in ameliorating the condition of slaves. After the Servile Wars in Sicily and elsewhere at different times, the dangers from a con- certed uprising of slaves, driven by maltreatment to deeds of vio- lence, were, as is shown by the legislation of Augustus, felt to be menacing. The Romans possessed such a vast amount of property in slaves, the public welfare was a stronger motive in legislation than was evangelic humanity. Abuse of property was regarded then as now as an infringement of the public welfare (expedit eniin rei publicae, ne quis re sna utatur male, Inst. i, 8, 2). Milman, Latin Christianity, I, p. 493. In certain exceptional cases freedom was acquired under the empire IOO SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW just. c. Sed scimus etiam hoc esse in antiqua Latini- 7- 6 - I > 3 tate ex edicto divi Claudii introductum, quod, si quis servum suum aegritudine periclitantem sua domo publice eiecerit neque ipse eum procurans neque alii eum 5 commendans, cum erat ei libera facultas, si non ipse ad eius curam sufficeret, in xenonem eum mittere vel quo poterat modo eum adiuvare, huiusmodi servus in libertate Latina antea morabatur et, quern ille moriendum dereliquit, eius bona iterum, cum moreretur, accipiebat. Talis itaque 10 servus libertate necessaria a domino et nolente re ipsa donatus fiat ilico civis Romanus nee aditus in iura patro- natus quondam domino reservetur. Quern enim a sua domo suaque familia publice reppulit neque ipse eum procurans . neque alii commendans neque in venerabilem xenonem 15 eum mittens neque consueta ei praebens salaria, maneat ab eo eiusque substantia undique segregatus tarn in omni without the owner's consent (sine That Latin citizenship is meant mamtinissione) : as a reward for which was introduced by the lex the detection of certain crimes, lunia Norbana, whereby freedom e.g. when a slave discovered the with a qualified citizenship was murderer of his master, according granted, i.e. with commercium to a SC under Augustus ; in cases only, a right to be distinguished of negligent and cruel treatment, from the more ancient ius Latii as when a master abandoned a aim conubio et commercio. Cf. sick or infirm slave, according to note on libertorum, p. 89. a SC under Claudius ; in various 1 1 . aditus in iura patronatus : cases after Trajan, where libera- see note onpatrono, p. iO3,forfur- tion was effected by the interven- ther explanation, tion of a magistrate; after a law 12. quondam : this adjective use of Leo, by appointment to certain of the word in the sense of former, court offices ; and after Justinian's late, etc. (not necessarily of those enactment, by the assumption of deceased), is very common in legal priestly orders. Latin. i. antiqua Latinitate : antiqua 15. maneat abeo: 'let the quon- is used with reference to the time of dam master be deprived of all inter- Justinian (scimus, i.e. Justinian). est in him and his property, not only SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW tempore vitae liberti quam cum moriatur nee non post- quam iam fuerit in fata sua concessus. Marcian. D. Qui ob necem detectam domini praemium 40-8,5 libertatis consequitur, fit orcinus libertus. 5 Paul. D. Si servus venditus est, ut intra certum tempus 4. 8 - ! manumitteretur, etiamsi sine herede decessissent et venditor et emptor, servo libertas competit ; et hoc divus Marcus rescripsit. Sed et si mutaverit venditor volunta- tem, nihilo minus libertas competit. 10 Ulp. D. 37. IS. 9 RELATION OF PATRON AND FREEDMAN Liberto et filio semper honesta et sancta per- sona patris ac patroni videri debet. during the entire lifetime of the freedman and at his death, but also after his death forever. 1 4. orcinus libertus : cf. note on testamento, p. 91. 6. sine herede : hence the slave is without a master to carry ^ out the intention ; freedom is nevertheless acquired by operation of law. Relation of Patron and Freed- man : although since the time of Servius Tullius (Dion. 4, 22) a lib- ertinus became a Roman citizen when his manumissor was a citi- zen, nevertheless the position of libertinus differs from that of the ingennus (a) in the department of public law, where the former possessed limited public rights only, and (b) in the peculiar rela- tion which the libertinus sustained toward his manumissor or patro- nus. Among public rights, freed- men lacked the ins honor um ; eli- gibility to the senate and to the office oidecurio ; and qualifications for serving in the legio. Preten- sion to these privileges was pun- ished as a misdemeanor. They possessed the private rights of conubium and commercium. The peculiar relation which the freed- man bore toward his patron arose from the idea that manumission was of the nature of rebirth. The freedman owed his legal personal- ity and his name (iiomen gentili- ciuiii) to his patron, and, in return, was bound to filial duty and obedi- ence, as a son, even when freed from patria potestas, was bound to his father (honesta et sancta persona patris ac patroni) . 102 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Paul. D. Ingratus libertus est, qui patrono obsequium 37, 14, 19 non praestat vel res eius filiorumve tutelam ad- ministrare detractat. uip. D. Patronorum querellas adversus libertos prae- 5 37. 14. i sides audire et non translaticie exsequi debent, cum, si ingratus libertus sit, non impune ferre eum oporteat. Sed si quidem inofficiosus patrono patronae liberisve eorum sit, tantummodo castigari eum sub comminatione aliqua severitatis non defuturae, si rursum causam querellae prae- 10 buerit, et dimitti oportet. Enimvero si contumeliam fecit aut convicium eis dixit, etiam in exilium temporale dari debebit; quod si manus intulit, in metallum dandus erit; idem et si calumniam aliquam eis instruxit vel delatorem subornavit vel quam causam adversus eos temptavit. i . patrono obsequium non prae- stat : the freedman owes respect and obedience to his patron (reve- rentia, obsequium). Violation of this duty was punishable by private chastisement (levis coercitio), by fines, and by return to slavery (revocatio in servitutem, cf. note on iure civili, p. 80). The freed- man was forbidden to bring an action against his patron, or his patron's parents or children, with- out the permission of a magistrate, and he was also bound to support any or all of these in case of need. The freedman owes his patron cer- tain services (operae liberti offi- ciates), such as the management of the latter's property and the tute- lage of his children, along with vari- ous other services and obligations (libertatis causa imposita'). The patron and his children acquired the rights of inheritance to in- testate freedmen, as well as guar- dianship over them for life. 5. translaticie exsequi : punish lightly ; trans-laticie(ferre), ' that which has been handed over ' (cf. edict um translaticium, Introd. 5), then, ' usual ' ; and eventually, ' negligently, lightly.' ii. convicium: convicium ap- pellatur quasi convocium . . . non otnne maledictum convicium esse, sed id soluw, quod vociferatione dictum est, sive unus sive plures dixerint, D. 47, 10, 15. Cf. note on convicitim, p. 251. 13. calumniam : ' malicious prosecution 1 (calumniator es ap- pellati sunt, quia per fraudem et frustrationem alias vexarent liti- bus, D. 50, 1 6, 233). 103 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW DEFINITION OF THE TERM FAMILY (Familia) uip. D. Familiae appellatio qualiter accipiatur, videa- 50, 16, 195, i rnus. Et quidem varie accepta est ; nam et in res et in personas deducitur. In res, ut puta in lege duo- decim tabularum his verbis ' adgnatus proximus familiam 5 habeto.' Ad personas autem refertur familiae significatio ita, cum de patrono et liberto loquitur lex: 'ex ea familia,' inquit, ' in earn familiam ' : et hie de singularibus personis legem loqui constat. Familiae appellatio refertur et ad corporis cuiusdam significationem, quod aut iure proprio 10 ipsorum aut communi universae cognationis continetur. lure proprio familiam dicimus plures personas, quae sunt sub unius potestate aut natura aut iure subiectae, ut puta patrem familias, matrem familias, filium familias, filiam familias quique deinceps vicem eorum sequuntur, Definition of the Term Family : common paternal authority. One familia has a much wider mean- not subject to such authority and ing than our word, family. Instead independent of family subordi- of the natural ties of blood and nation is persona sui luris, and affection, the Roman family is such a person, as constituting the based upon a purely legal concept, head of an independent familia having as a bond of union a civil is called paterfamilias or mater- and an artificial tie. Familia em- familias. The paterfamilias is braces everything subordinated to possessor of all the private rights the private authority of a Roman of a Roman citizen and is capable citizen. Things (res) as well as of exercising domestic authority. men, free and slaves ; property as Those free persons subjected to well as persons all are included the authority of another, to whom within the conception of this term. their independent will is surren- Designating individuals, it em- dered, are personae alieni iuris. braces all of common lineage and Of these persons there are three all bound together in a family re- classes : (a) personae in patria lation by a legal act (.-. adoption), potestate] (b) uxor in maun; who were or are subjected to a (c) personae in mancipio, cf. Gai. 104 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW ut puta nepotes et neptes et deinceps. Pater autem fami- lias appellatur, qui in domo dominium habet, recteque hoc nomine appellatur, quamvis filium non habeat ; non enim solam personam eius, sed et ius demonstramus ; denique 5 et pupillum patrem familias appellamus. Et cum pater familias moritur quotquot capita ei subiecta fuerint, singu- las familias incipiunt habere ; singuli enim patrum f amilia- rum nomen subeunt. Idemque eveniet et in eo qui emancipatus est ; nam et hie sui iuris effectus propriam 10 familiam habet. Communi iure familiam dicimus omnium adgnatorum ; nam etsi patre familias mortuo singuli singu- las familias habeixt, tamen omnes, qui sub unius potestate fuerunt, recte eiusdem familiae appellabuntur, qui ex eadem domo et gente proditi sunt. Servitutium quoque solemus i, 49. For servi in dominica potestate, see note on de mamt, p. 88. i. Pater familias appellatur, qui in domo dominium habet': it is ap- parent that paterfamilias does not signify or imply paternity, but one who is not in patria potestate, i.e. a homo sui iuris, whether he be infant or adult, married or un- married. 4. ius demonstramus : ius means here ' legal position. 1 8. qui emancipatus est : as early as the Twelve Tables, the lifelong authority of ti\z paterfamilias could be interrupted by the formal alien- ation of a son by three sales, of other liberi by one sale : filius quidem tribus mancipationibus , ceteri vero liberi (i.e. grandchil- dren, daughters, etc.), sive mascu- lini sexus sive feminini ima mancipatione exeunt de parent mn potestate ; lex enim Xlf tabu- larum tantum in persona filii de tribus mancipationibus loquitur his verbis 'si pater filium ter venum duit, a patre filius liber esto? Gai. i, 132. 10. familiam omnium adgna- torum : see note, p. 107, for expla- nation of agnatic family. 14. Servitutium : the gen. plur. of this word, otherwise rare, is fre- quent in the Digest. Servitus is used here for the concrete servi- tinm, meaning ' slaves.' Mommsen proposes the reading sermtiurn quoque solemus appellare famil- iam, i.e. ' we usually designate slaves, too, by the vfordfamih'a.' 1 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW appellare familias, ut in edicto praetoris ostendimus sub titulo de furtis, ubi praetor loquitur de familia publicano- rum. Sed ibi non omnes servi, sed corpus quoddam ser- vorum demonstratur huius rei causa paratum, hoc est 5 vectigalis causa. Alia autetn parte edicti omnes servi continentur, ut de hominibus coactis et vi bonorum rap- torum, item redhibitoria, si deterior res reddatur emptoris opera aut familiae eius, et interdicto unde vi familiae appellatio omnes servos comprehendit. Sed et filii con- 10 tinentur. Item appellatur familia plurium personarum, quae ab eiusdem ultimi genitoris sanguine proficiscuntur (sicuti dicimus familiam luliam), quasi a fonte quodam 2. ubi praetor loquitur de fa- milia publicanorum : for this usage see D. 39, 4, 1 2, familiae aittem ap- pellatione hie servilem familiam contineri sciendiim est . . . pub- licani aittem dicuntur, qui publica vectigalia habent conduct a. 6. ut (sc. in edicto) de homini- bus : for this usage see D. 47, 8, 2. 7. redhibitoria : sc. actione. See e.g. D. 21, i, i and 25, sive ipse deteriorem eum (sermtnt) fecit sive familia eius sive procurator, tenebit actio, i.e. an action for the rescinding of a contract of sale (redhibere, i to restore to a former condition'), if the thing sold has diminished in value. 8. interdicto unde vi : see e.g. D. 43, 16, i, 15. The interdict unde vi (so called from its initial words) was a magisterial order whereby one deprived of property by violence might recover pos- session. The cases mentioned here are all examples of technical remedies granted by the praetor and the aedile in their edicts, cf. Introd. 5, on the nature of the edict. 12. quasi a fonte quodam me- moriae : it is somewhat doubtful what this means. For quodam memoriae, Mommsen reads eodem ortae, as if the text were corrupt. But memoria seems to have a some- what similar meaning, D. 50, 16, 220, 3, etenim idcirco filios filiasve concipimus atque edimus, ut ex prole eorum earumve diuturni- tatis nobis memoriam in aevum relinquamus, i.e. ' that we may leave a memorial of our ancient lineage for all time to come.'' In this sense, familia is used as if it were a fonte quodam memoriae, i.e. expressed the fountain head of our ancestry. Such explana- 106 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW memoriae. Mulier autem familiae suae et caput et finis est. Gai D> Familiae appellatione et ipse princeps familiae 5. l6 . X 9 6 continetur. Feminarum liberos in familia earum 5 non esse palam est, quia qui nascuntur, patris familiam sequuntur. Sui iuris sunt familiarum suarum principes, id est pater familiae itemque mater familiae. uip. D. Patres familiarum sunt, qui sunt suae potesta- 10 I - 6 < 4 tis sive puberes sive impuberes ; simili modo matres familiarum, filii familiarum et filiae quae sunt in aliena potestate. THE AGNATIC FAMILY {Familia iuris civilis) Vocantur autem agnati, qui legitima cogna- Gai. 3> i . . . _ . . tione mncti sunt. Legitima autem cognatio est 15 ea, quae per virilis sexus personas coniungitur. Itaque tions are common in legal Latin, of her husband ; and she is finis cf. Paulus, 2, 12, 2, depositum est familiae suae, because her children quasi diu posit urn ; D. 39, 2,3, are in the familia of their father. damnum et damnatio ab ademp- 10. sive puberes sive impuberes : tione et quasi deminutione patri- girls were impuberes until the com- monii dicta sunt ; Ulpian, D. 50, pletion of the twelfth year of age ; 1 6, 31, pratum . . . ex eo dictum, boys, originally until the assump- quod paratum sit ad fructum tion of the toga virilis, but later, capiendum, etc. (Kalb, Roms until the completion of the four- Juristeti, p. 44, note i). Cf. also teenth year. note on curias, p. 45. Agnatic Family: agnati are all i. Mulier familiae suae et caput of those who are under the same et finis est : this maxim means that patria potestas, or who would be a woman sui iuris constitutes the under the same patria potestas if only possible member of her own the common ancestor were still liv- family ; for by her marriage with ing. Agnation, therefore, includes manus she passes into thefamttia not only those sprung from a com- 107 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW eodem patre nati fratres agnati sibi sunt, qui etiam consan- guine! vocantur, nee requiritur, an etiam matrem eandem habuerint. Item patruus fratris filio et invicem is illi ag- natus est. Eodem numero sunt fratres patrueles inter se, 5 id est qui ex duobus fratribus progenerati sunt, quos pleri- que etiam consobrinos vocant. Qua ratione scilicet etiam ad plures gradus agnationis pervenire poterimus. COGNATIC RELATIONSHIP {Familia iuris gentium) Paul. D. Nomen cognationis a Graeca voce dictum 38, 10, io, i videtur : crvyyevels enim illi vocant, quos nos 10 cognatos appellamus. Cognati sunt et quos adgnatos lex duodecim tabularum appellat, sed hi sunt per patrem cog- nati ex eadem familia ; qui autem per feminas coniungun- tur, cognati tantum nominantur. mon ancestor, but also those brought cial tie created by law. The old artificially under the patria PO- law recognized the agnatic princi- testas of a common paterfamilias pie only, but through the agency (e.g. by adoptio, in manum con- of the praetor, cognates gained ventio, etc.) ; for unlike the family more and more recognition, until based upon blood relationship, the finally, under the imperial legisla- ties of the agnatic family may be tion, the cognatic principle pre- changed at will (e.g. by marriage, vailed. in case of a woman, or by emanci- 1 1. hi sunt per patrem cognati : pation). The family peculiar to cognatio is used in two senses. In the ius civile is. the agnatic (cogna- the broader meaning of the word, tio iegitimd), whereas that of the it includes agnatio all cognates ius gentium is the cognatic (cogna- are agnates, but the reverse is not tio naturalis, per fentin as). Cog- true. In the narrower sense, it nati are those whose relationship is means relationship through the based on the ties of blood instead mother, as agnatio means relation- of subjection to the power of the ship through the father, same paterfamilias. Cognationis 12. per feminas : i.e. de fem- a natural tie ; agnation, an artifi- ina. 1 08 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Modest. D. Cognati ab eo dici putantur, quod quasi una 38, 10,4, i communiterve nati vel ab eodem orti progenitive sint. Cognationis substantia bifariam apud Romanes in- tellegitur; nam quaedam cognationes iure civili, quaedam 5 naturali conectuntur, nonnumquam utroque iure concur- rente et naturali et civili copulatur cognatio. Et quidem naturalis cognatio .per se sine civili cognatione intellegitur quae per feminas descendit, quae volgo liberos peperit. Civilis autem per se, quae etiam legitima dicitur, sine iure 10 naturali cognatio consistit per adoptionem. Vtroque iure consistit cognatio, cum iustis nuptiis contractis copulatur. Sed naturalis quidem cognatio hoc ipso nomine appellatur ; civilis autem cognatio licet ipsa quoque per se plenissime hoc nomine vocetur, proprie tamen adgnatio vocatur, vide- 15 licet quae per mares contingit. Coiiat. Consanguinei sunt eodem patre nati, licet di- 16, 3, 15 versis matribus, qui in potestate f uerunt mortis tempore ; adoptivus quoque frater, si non sit emancipa- tus, et hi qui post mortem patris nati sunt vel causam 20 probaverunt. uip. D. Inter agnatos igitur et cognatos hoc interest 38, 10, 10, 4 quod inter genus et speciem ; nam qui est ag- natus, et cognatus est, non utique autem qui cognatus est, et agnatus est ; alterum enim civile, alterum naturale 25 nomen est. 19. vel causam probaverunt: niculi causae probatio, i.e. by rear- Patria potestas arises primarily ing a child to the age of one year by birth from a lawful marriage, and furnishing proof of confor- but exceptionally by the lex mity to other requirements (cau- Aelia Sentia, in the case of Latini sain probare). For details see Gai. who acquired citizenship by an- i, 29-31. 109 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Inst. i, 9, i MARRIAGE Nuptiae sive matrimonium est viri et mulie- ris coniunctio, individuam consuetudinem vitae continens. Modest. D. Nuptiae sunt coniunctio maris et feminae et 5 23. 2, * consortium omnis vitae, divini et humani iuris communicatio. Marriage : the essence of a Ro- man marriage, distinguishing it from any other union of the sexes (e.g. concubinatiis, contuberniuni), was maritalis affectio (non enim coitus matrinw ni umfacit, sed mari- talis affectio) . Strictly speaking, no ceremony was required for entrance into the marriage relation ; consent of the parties concerned and a manifestation of maritalis affectio were sufficient. With reference to the legal position of the wife, the Romans recognized different kinds of marriage. The earliest marriage at Rome involved the transfer of the wife from the family of her father into the family of her hus- band (in manum conventio), thereby establishing a marital authority, called mamis mariti, which placed the wife in loco filiae and under the patria potestas of her own husband (cf. note on Afanus, p. 125). As early as the Twelve Tables, the ius civile recog- nized a marriage without mamis, by which the wife did not pass into the familia of her husband, and consequently did not have legal relationship with her own children. With reference to the legal consequences of marriage and the wife's position, the Roman law distinguishes three periods : marriage with matins; separation of marriage and mamis ; and the disappearance of warms. Toward the end of the republic, marriage without manus was the more us- ual, and under the empire it became the only marriage. i. Nuptiae sive matrimonium: there is no distinction of meaning discernible in the legal usage of these words. 4. Nuptiae sunt coniunctio : the second definition of marriage (by Modestinus) explains somewhat more fully that of the Institutes. Indhndua consuetude vitae of the latter denotes a continued and in- separable (individua in the later meaning of ' inseparable,' 'perma- nent ') union of man and woman, involving a community of all the relations of life, rank, position, domicile, etc., but not of property. The wife /;/ tnanu relinquished all proprietary rights (si quam in ma- 110 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW lustum matrimonium est, si inter eos. qui Ulp. 5, 2 nuptias contrahunt, conubium sit, et tarn mas- culus pubes quam femina potens sit, et utrique consentiant, si sui iuris sint, aut etiam parentes eorum, si in potestate 5 sunt. Conubium est uxoris iure ducendae facultas. Conu- bium habent cives Roman! cum civibus Romanis; cum Latinis autem et peregrinis ita, si concessum sit. Cum servis nullum est conubium. lustas autem nuptias inter se cives Romani Inst. i, 10 10 contrahunt, qui secundum praecepta legum coeunt, masculi quidem puberes, feminae autem viripo- tentes, sive patres familias sint sive filii familias, dum tamen filii familias et consensum habeant parentum, quo- num ut uxorem receperimus, ems res ad nos transeunt, Gai. 2, 98), while in a marriage sine manu neither party had rights in the property of the other. 1. lustum matrimonium : atten- tion has already been called to the distinction between marriage iuris civilis, requiring comtbium of both parties (iustum, legitimum matri- inoninin ; iustae,legitimaenuptiae\ and marriage iuris gentium, not requiring connbium (non legiti- nutni). Only the former produced patria potestas over the children of the marriage (legit 'tmi). 2. masculus pubes : cf. note on sive, p. 107. 9. lustas nuptias inter se cives Romani : a legal marriage required the fulfillment of the following con- ditions : (a) the parties must have the connbium ; (6) they must con- sent and give due evidence of their intention to marry, and if they are not sui tun's, they must also have the consent of their respective pa- tresfamilias ; (c) they must be of lawful age {puberes) ; (d) they must not be within the prohibited degrees of relationship. 13. consensum habeant paren- tum : according to the family law of the ius civile a son remained in the lifelong power of his oldest living ascendant (whether he be father, grandfather, or great-grandfather), hence if one's father and a higher ascendant {e.g. grandfather) are both living, he must have the con- sent of both of them (itissum pa- rentis praecedere debeat), since at the death of the grandfather (A) the father (B) becomes paterfami- lias, and the latter's son (C) might otherwise have introduced mem- SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW rum in potestate sunt. Nam hoc fieri debere et civilis et naturalis ratio suadet in tantum, ut iussum parentis prae- cedere debeat. Vnde quaesitum est, an f uriosi filia nubere aut furiosi filius uxorem ducere possit. Cumque super 5 filio variabatur, nostra processit decisio, qua permissum est ad exemplum filiae furiosi filium quoque posse et sine patris interventu matrimonium sibi copulare secundum datum ex constitutione modum. Eo tempore, quo quis uxorem habet, concu- 10 binam habere non potest. Concubina igitur ab uxore solo dilectu separatur. bers into his (B's) family without his (B's) consent, a possibility which was contrary to the spirit of the family law. This question could not arise in the case of a daughter, because she introduced no new members into her father's family (cf. note on Mulier, p. 107). Parentes in this connection does not mean ' parents ' but ' male as- cendants.' 4. aut furiosi filius uxorem ducere possit : as consent was necessary, the question arose whether the son of a madman was able to marry, since his father, being deprived of reason, could not give consent {furor contrahi matrimonium non sinit, quia consensu opus est, sed recte contractual non itnpedit, D. 23, 2, 1 6, 2) . Justinian determined a number of ways in which the children of madmen might make a valid marriage (nostra processit decisio, C. 5, 4, 25). 9. concubinam habere non potest: besides legal marriage (inatrimo- niitin iiistum, etc.), the Roman law recognized and controlled a per- manent union called concubinatus. a form of marriage of inferior right and dignity. Concubinatus dif- fered from matrimonium in the absence of maritalis affectio, and it was a relation most often entered into between a manumissor and his liberta. The concubina lacked the dignitas nwris and did not enjoy the rank and position of her husband. Children from such a union were called naturales liberi and were, of course, not subject to patria potestas, though they were by the later law capable of becom- ing legit imi by the marriage of parents who were eligible to a le- gal marriage. Among the Romans concubinatus, like matrimonium, was strictly monogamous in char- acter. 112 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Gai. i, 64 Inter servos et liberos matrimomum contrahi Paul. 2, 19, 6 . non potest, contubermum potest. Neque funo sus neque furiosa matrimonium contrahere possunt; sed contractum matrimonium furore non tollitur. Si quis nefarias atque incestas nuptias con- traxerit, neque uxorem habere videtur neque liberos; itaque hi, qui ex eo coitu nascuntur, matrem qui- dem habere videntur, patrem vero non utique ; nee ob id in potestate eius sunt, sed tales sunt quales sunt hi, quos 10 mater vulgo concepit ; nam et hi patrem habere non in- telleguntur, cum is etiam incertus sit; unde solent spurii filii appellari, vel a Graeca voce quasi o-TropdSrjv concepti, vel quasi sine patre filii. 2. contubernium potest : no union of slaves or of slaves with free- men was recognized as marriage. Inasmuch as slaves were capable of becoming persons by manumission and as libertini had the right of marriage, the law recognized near relationship among slaves as a bar to their intermarriage after manu- mission (illud certiim est serviles cognationes impedimenta esse nup- tiiSj si forte pater etfilia autf rater et soror manumissi fuerint, Inst. I, 10, 10). 4. matrimonium furore non tol- litur : the marriage of a lunatic is void ab initio, but subsequent lunacy is not a ground for dis- solving the marriage (furiosits nullum negotium gerere potest, quia non intelligit quid agat, Gai. 3, 1 06). 5. Si quis nefarias nuptias con- traxerit : such a union is void ab initio, and the issue (incestuosi) , therefore, follow the usual rule in such cases (part us sequitur ven- trern, cf. note on Ingenui, p. 81). Children quos mater vulgo con- cepit are to be distinguished from those issuing from concubinatus ; the latter are naturales and as such have claim upon their father for support ; the former, called spurii (bastards), were depend- ent upon their mother for sup- port ; and, as regards paternity, were filii nullius. ROMAN LAW 8 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE A quarundam nuptiis abstinere debemus. Inter eas enim personas, quae parentum libero- rumve locum inter se obtinent, nuptiae contrahi non pos- sunt, nee inter eas conubium est, velut inter patrem et filiam, 5 vel inter matrem et filium, vel inter avum et neptem ; et si tales personae inter se coierint, nefarias et incestas nup- tias contraxisse dicuntur. Et haec adeo ita sunt, lit quamvis per adoptionem parentum liberorumve loco sibi esse coeperint, non possint inter se matrimonio coniungi, 10 in tantum, ut etiam dissoluta adoptione idem iuris maneat ; itaque earn, quae mini per adoptionem filiae aut neptis loco Impediments to Marriage : im- pediments to marriage are either absolute or relative. Absolute impediments, rendering marriage impossible and void in all cases are : lunacy, infancy, castration, and an existing marriage ; rela- tive, preventing marriage between certain persons only, are, near relationship, differences in rank, the official position of the hus- band, adultery (after 18 B.C.), and seduction (after Constan- tine). 2. parentum liberorumve locum inter se obtinent : agnatic as well as cognatic relationship in the di- rect line (i.e. between ascendants and descendants) to any degree, is always an impediment to marriage. This is true also although the re- lationship arose through adoption into the agnatic family ; for even if the one adopted has been emancipated from the family, the fiction of relationship (as if by a tie of blood) is still maintained (idem iuris maneat). In the col- lateral line, however, the rule is not so strict. In the early law, collaterals to the fourth degree could not marry (consobrini) but during the republic first cousins were permitted to marry, and this continued to be the rule in the Eastern empire, although not so in the Western empire. After Claudius it was legal to marry a brother's daughter (relationship of the third degree), but this was forbidden by Christian emperors. Adoption in the collateral line did not prevent marriage even between brother and sister, after the eman- cipation of either one of them (adoptio dissoluta). 114 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW esse coeperit, non potero uxorem ducere, quamvis earn emancipaverim. Inter eas quoque personas, quae ex trans- verso gradu cognatione iunguntur, est quaedam similis observatio, sed non tanta. Sane inter fratrem et sororem 5 prohibitae sunt nuptiae, sive eodem patre eademque matre nati fuerint, sive alterutro eorum ; sed si qua per adoptio- nem soror mihi esse coeperit, quamdiu quidem constat adoptio, sane inter me et earn nuptiae non possunt con- sistere; cum vero per emancipationem adoptio dissoluta 10 sit, potero earn uxorem ducere ; sed et si ego emancipatus fuero, nihil impedimento erit nuptiis. Fratris filiam uxorem ducere licet, idque primum in usum venit, cum divus Claudius Agrippinam, f ratris sui filiam, uxorem duxisset ; sororis vero filiam uxorem ducere non licet. Et haec ita 15 principalibus constitutionibus significantur. Item amitam et materteram uxorem ducere non licet. Item earn, quae mihi quondam socrus aut nurus aut privigna aut noverca fuit. Ideo autem diximus 'quondam,' quia si adhuc con- stant eae nuptiae, per quas talis adfinitas quaesita est, alia 20 ratione mihi nupta esse non potest, quia neque eadem duo- bus nupta esse potest, neque idem duas uxores habere. Fratris vel sororis filiam uxorem ducere non Inst. i, 10, 3 . . licet. Sed nee neptem fratns vel sororis ducere 16. quae mihi quondam socrus aut wife and a ' deceased wife's sister 1 nurus : affinitas, or relationship by (i.e. between brother-in-law and marriage, was the tie between each sister-in-law) was permitted until one of a married pair and the kin- the prohibitions of Constantine dred of the other. Intermarriage and several later emperors (C. 5, among affines is prohibited in the 5, 5). direct line (between ascendants 22. Fratris vel sororis filiam ux- and descendants, and in Christian orem ducere non licet : the legalizing times, in the collateral line also). of the marriage of a man with his Marriage with a deceased brother's brother's daughter (case of Clau- 1*5 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW quis potest, quamvis quarto gradu sint. Cuius enim filiam uxorem ducere non licet, eius neque neptem permittitur. Eius vero mulieris, quam pater tuus adoptavit, filiam non videris impediri uxorem ducere, quia neque naturali neque 5 civili iure tibi coniungitur. Duorum autem fratrum vel sororum liberi vel fratris et sororis iungi possunt. Mariti tamen films ex alia uxore et uxoris filia ex alio marito, vel contra, matrimonium recte contrahunt, licet habeant fratrem sororemve ex matrimonio postea contracto 10 natos. Lege lulia prohibentur uxores ducere senatores quidem liberique eorum libertinas et quae ipsae quarumve pater materve artem ludicram fecerit, item cor- pore quaestum facientem. Ceteri autem ingenui prohiben- 15 tur ducere lenam et a lenone lenave manumissam et in adulterio deprehensam et iudicio publico damnatam et quae artem ludicram fecerit. dius and Agrippina) was repealed political status were recognized in by Constantine, hence the appar- the law of marriage during its entire ent contradiction in the text (cf. history prior to Justinian. Origi- no\.tonparentum,p. 114). It was nally there was no marriage be- unlawful to marry the ascendant tween cives and peregrini. Until or descendant of one already with- the lex Canuleia (445 B.C.) there in the prohibited degree (sororis was no conubium between patri- filiam . . . nee neptetii). cians and plebeians. During the 3. Eius mulieris, quam pater republic, ingenui and libertini could tuus adoptavit, filiam : asa';;w//w intermarry, but with a loss of so- et caput et finis suae familiae estj cial standing to the former. The her children did not follow her lex lulia de maritandis ordinibus into her adoptive family; hence (4 A. D.) forbade senators and their they were not related to its mem- descendants to the third genera- bers (neque naturali neque civili tion to marry libertini and certain iure). Cf. note on Mulier, p. 107. other classes of persons disquali- ii. senatores liberique eorum fied by their occupations and social libertinas : differences in rank and status (e.g. infantes'). Ingenui 116 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Paul. D. Si quis officium in aliqua provincia adminis- 23- 2, 38 trat, inde oriundam vel ibi domicilium habentem uxorem ducere non potest, quamvis sponsare non prohi- beatur. 5 Paul. D. Senatus consulto, quo cautum est, ne tutor 23. 2, 59 pupillam vel filio suo vel sibi nuptum collocet, etiam nepos significatur. Paul. D. Non est matrimonium, si tutor vel curator 23.2.66 pupillam suam intra vicesimum et sextum 10 annum non desponsam a patre nee testamento destin- atam ducat uxorem vel earn filio suo iungat : quo facto uterque infamatur et pro dignitate pupillae extra ordi- nem coercetur. Nee interest, films sui iuris an in patris potestate sit. 15 Tryph. D. Non solum vivo tutori, sed et post mortem 2.. 2, 67 e j us films tutoris ducere uxorem prohibetur earn, cuius tutelae rationi obstrictus pater fuit. were also forbidden to marry per- with the completion of the twenty- sons of the last mentioned class. fifth year. Until that time the pu- By the lex lulia such marriages pilli required the assistance of a were not void, but were penalized. curator in the management of their The emperor M. Aurelius declared affairs (masculi piiberes et feminae them void, and Justinian made -viripotentes usque ad vicesimum them completely valid, the old quintiim annum completiim . . . differences of status having passed licet puberes sint, adhuc huius ae- away. tatis sunt, ut negotia sua tueri non i. Si quis officium in aliqua pro- possint, Inst. i, 23). vincia administrat : this prohibi- 12. uterque infamatur : i.e. both tion, directed particularly against the tutor and the curator. The the marriage of governors of prov- office of tutor and curator was a pub- inces and of soldiers stationed in lie duty (inunus publicuni), and provinces, was prompted by public such a marriage, unless directed welfare. by the will of the woman's father, 9. intra vicesimum et sextum was regarded as a breach of trust annum : full majority was attained and contrary to public policy. SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Paul. D. 23, 2, 2 Nuptiae consistere non possunt nisi consenti- ant omnes, id est qui coeunt quorumque in potestate sunt. uip. D. Si nepos uxorem velit ducere avo furente, om- 5 23, 2, 9 nimodo patris auctoritas erit necessaria ; sed si pater furit, avus sapiat, sufficit avi voluntas. Is cuius pater ab hostibus captus est, si non intra triennium reverta- tur, uxorem ducere potest. Pompon. D. Mulierem absenti per litteras eius vel per 10 2 3. 2 - s nuntium posse nubere placet, si in domum eius deduceretur ; earn vero quae abesset ex litteris vel nuntio suo duci a marito non posse ; deductione enim opus esse in mariti, non in uxoris domum, quasi in domicilium ma- trimonii. i. Nuptiae consistere non pos- sunt : absence of consent, or with- holding of consent (except under certain limitations) , was an impedi- ment to marriage (iiuptias non con- cubit us sed consensus facit, D. 35, 1,15). As marriage in the earliest period was always attended by ma- nus y the forms of acquiring mantis and the forms of entering marriage became identified, i.e. confarreatio, coemptio, and usus (cf. note on Afamts, p. 125, and following notes). In the later law, marriage without manns required nothing more than the consent of the parties, openly and unequivocally manifested. A usual manifestation of consent (though no part of the requirement of the marriage con- tract, except when the husband was absent) was the deditctioin domum mariti; hence the marriage could be entered into if the consent of the man was expressed by letter or messenger (owing to his ab- sence), and if the consent of the woman was manifested by her de- ductio in domum by the relatives of her future husband. Owing to this requirement of delivery of possession, the woman must be present in the domicile of her husband. 6. Is cuius pater . . . uxorem ducere potest : this applies to both sexes. If the father return after the period of three years, he can- not dissolve the marriage because of his disapproval. 118 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Florent. D. 23, i, i UIp. D. 23, I, 2 BETROTHAL Sponsalia sunt mentio et repromissio nupti- arum futurarum. Sponsalia autem dicta sunt a spondendo ; nam moris fuit veteribus stipulari et spondere 5 sibi uxores futuras, Fiorent. D. unde et sponsi sponsaeque appellatio nata est. UI'P.'D. Sufficit nudus consensus ad constituenda spon- 23. i. 4 salia. Denique constat et absenti absentem de- sponderi posse, et hoc cottidie fieri. Betrothal : in the earliest law, engagements to marry were made by the formal sponsio (cf. note on Verbis, p. 205) between the bride- groom and the bride's father. This form of betrothal was retained in the Latin law (i.e. in Latium), and a breach of promise of marriage was actionable and satisfaction was rendered in pecuniary damages (Cell. 4, 4). At Rome, however, no action lay for a breach of prom- ise of marriage, since, by Roman law, marriage was based on a con- sensus nuptialis, but never on a consensus sponsaltcius, a promise of future marriage. Still, in prac- tice, marriage was often preceded by an informal agreement to marry, given either by the consent of the affianced pair or by that of their patresfamilias. In the latter case, the son had the unquestioned right of rejection, while the daughter could refuse only on account of the unworthiness or immoral charac- ter of the intended husband. Be- trothal required that each party be seven years of age, i.e. iinpiiberes might enter into an informal agree- 'ment to a future marriage. Either party might recall his promise, without showing cause for his act, but more than one engagement at a time was ' contra bonos mores J and caused the offender to be branded with infamy (infamia notatur qui bina Sponsalia binasve nuplias in eodem tempore constitu- tas habuerit,\). 3, 2, i). Pledges and gifts given in consideration of betrothal (arra sponsalicia) were forfeited by the one renounc- ing the engagement, except in cer- tain cases (osculo interveniente, etc.). 4. stipulari et spondere : be- trothal was originally accomplished by the form of promise known as stipulatio^ in which the words spondesne? spondeo were em- ployed, hence the words sponsus SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Modest. D. In sponsalibus contrahendis aetas contrahen- 23. i. 14 tium definita non est ut in matrimoniis. Qua- propter et a primordio aetatis sponsalia effici possunt, si modo id fieri ab utraque persona intellegatur, id est, si non 5 sint minores quam septem annis. Paul. D. In sponsalibus nihil interest, utrum testatio 23. i. 7 interponatur an aliquis sine scriptura spondeat. In sponsalibus etiam consensus eorum exigendus est, quo- rum in nuptiis desideratur. Intellegi tamen semper filiae 10 patrem consentire, nisi evidenter dissentiat, lulianus scribit. Julian. D. Sponsalia sicut nuptiae consensu contrahen- 23, i, ii tium fiunt ; et ideo sicut nuptiis, ita sponsalibus filiam familias consentire oportet. uip. D. Sed quae patris voluntati non repugnat, con- 1523,1,12 sentire intellegitur. Tune autem solum dissenti- endi a patre licentia filiae conceditur, si indignum moribus vel turpem sponsum ei pater eligat. and sponsa (cf. Fr. epoux, epouse) spectively are impuberes. Im- for the betrothed. puberes are further divided into 4. si non sint minores quam infantes (\.e.quifarinonpossunt}, septem annis : in Roman law the children under seven years, and capacity to act with full legal ef- infantia maiores, children between feet depends upon sex and age. the completed seventh and four- The Romans recognized two ages teenth years. The former are in- of capacity, while we are accus- capable of performing juristic acts ; tomed to one only. In Roman the latter act for themselves, but, terms, infancy and minority are except for their own benefit (i.e. not synonymous. Full capacity by acquiring rights), only with the begins with pubertas, which was assistance of a guardian (aucto- originally determined by physical ritate tutoris). Maior aetas begins development and afterward fixed with the completed twenty-fifth by the jurists at fourteen for males year (pieberes maiores vel minores and twelve for females. Those XXV annis}. This distinction persons under the completed gained legal recognition as early twelfth and fourteenth years re- as the time of Plautus (cf. Pseud. 120 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Paul. D. 23, I > X 3 Ulp. D. 23, i, 18 Filio familias dissentiente sponsalia nomine ems fieri non possunt. In sponsalibus constituendis parvi refert, per se (et coram an per interntmtium vel per epistu- 5 lam) an per alium hoc factum est: et fere plerumque con- diciones interpositis personis expediuntur. Gai. D. In sponsalibus discutiendis placuit renuntia- 24, 2, 2, 2 tionem intervenire oportere ; in qua re haec verba probata sunt: 'condicione tua non utor.' 10 uip. D. I n potestate manente filia pater sponso nun- 23, i, 10 t mm remittere potest et sponsalia dissolvere. 303) by a lex Plaetoria against defrauding minors. Toward the end of the republic the principle was developed by the praetor, who allowed a remedy to the minor defrauded on account of his inex- perience (restitutio in integrum propter minor em aetateni) , and by imperial legislation, which allowed the minor the protection of a curator (cf. note on infra, p. 117). 9. condicione tua non utor : ' I do not avail myself of your offer.' As the promise of marriage involves no legal obligation and no penalties, it may be renounced at will. These are the usual words employed in the breaking off of an engagement (remintiatio), not in the dissolu- tion of marriage, as given in Har- per's Lat. Diet. s. v. Candida, B. i. Dissolution of Marriage : mar- riage may be dissolved by necessity and voluntarily. By necessity, as when marriage comes to an end by some circumstance independent of the will : by death ; by cap- tivity, as when either spouse be- comes a prisoner of war ; by loss of freedom in other ways ; by im- pediments to marriage which arise ex post facto, as when a father adopts his daughter's husband (incest us superveniens} or when the husband of a libertina becomes a senator. Voluntary dissolution of marriage arises by separation (di-vortiitm) , i.e. by a discontinu- ance of the marriage relation with the intention of permanently dis- solving the marriage. This may arise by agreement of husband and wife or by the voluntary re- nunciation of the marriage by either spouse (divortium followed by repudium). As marriage arises by consent, it may be dissolved voluntarily, since the prohibitions against divorce are very few in Roman law (cf. Cell. 10, 15,23; D. 24, 2, 11). In the older law, 121 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Paul. D. 24, 2, i Tryph. D. 49- IS. I 2 - 4 5 Pompon. D. DISSOLUTION OF MARRIAGE Dirimitur matrimonium divortio, morte, capti- vitate vel alia contingente servitute utrius eorum. Sed captivi uxor, tametsi maxime velit et in domo ems sit, non tamen in matrimonio est. Non ut pater filium, ita uxorem maritus iure 49. 15. J 4. * postliminii recipit, sed consensu redintegratur matrimonium. Julian. D. Vxores eorum, qui in hostium potestate per- 24,2,6 venerunt, possunt videri nuptarum locum reti- 10 nere eo solo, quod alii temere nubere non possunt. Et generaliter definiendum est, donee certum est maritum vivere in captivitate constitutum, nullam habere licentiam ceremonies in effecting divorce were required only in the case of marriage by confarreatio, which required a corresponding diffar- reatio. Marriage by coemptio and probably by usus were dissolved by the usual remancipatio (' fic- titious sale '), followed by manu- missio on the part of the fictitious purchaser. Divorce during the republic was regulated more by custom and the corrective power of the censor than by law (cf. case of Sp. Carvilius Ruga, 234 B.C.). After Constantine, sepa- ration for insufficient cause or for guilt was punished by heavy fines (C. 5, 17, 8). By the law of Justinian, divorce was accom- plished by informal methods, without judicial or clerical inter- vention. 1 . morte captivitate vel alia con- tingente servitute : marriage with or without mamis ceases at death, by captivity, and by any other loss of freedom of either spouse. For loss of freedom in other ways see note on iure civili, p. 80. Byfosl- liminium a captive citizen recov- ered all of his legal relations where he laid them down at the time of his capture, with the exception of marriage. The marriage contract must be renewed by agreement of the parties. It was enacted by law (perhaps the lex lulia et Papia Poppaea) that captivity dis- solved a marriage only when the life of the captive was despaired of and a period of five years had elapsed since capture. 2. utrius : for alterutrius, utri- usque. 122 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW uxores eorum migrare ad aliud matrimonium, nisi mallent ipsae mulieres causam repudii praestare. Sin autem in incerto est, an vivus apud hostes teneatur vel morte prae- ventus, tune, si quinquennium a tempore captivitatis ex- 5 cesserit, licentiam habet mulier ad alias migrare nuptias, ita tamen, ut bona gratia dissolutum videatur pristinum matrimonium et unusquisque suum ius habeat imminutum ; eodem iure et in marito in civitate degente et uxore captiva observando. 10 just. c. Neque ab initio matrimonium contrahere 5. 4. *4 neque dissociatum reconciliare quisquam cogi potest. Vnde intellegis liberam facultatem contrahendi atque distrahendi matrimonii transferri ad necessitatem non oportere. '5 Gal. D. Divortium autem vel a diversitate mentium 24, 2, 2 dictum est vel quia in diversas partes eunt, qui distrahunt matrimonium. In repudiis autem, id est renun- tiatione, comprobata sunt haec verba : ' tuas res tibi habeto,' item haec : 'tuas res tibi agito.' 6. bona gratia dissolutum: a (magna et iusta causa), and later divortium bona gratia was a sepa- emperors advanced the view of the ration free from all disadvantages text. A wife in manu could not, and penalties (suum ius habeaf), of course, divorce herself (invitam when it occurred by agreement or autem ad maritum redire nulla for reasons attaching no blame to iuris praecepit constitute, C. 5, either party. 17, 5). 12. liberam facultatem contra- 15. Divortium ... In repudiis : hendi atque distrahendi : in the there is no contrast here between earlier law the paterfamilias could divortimn and repudium (as given dissolve the marriage of his filia- s. v. divortium in Harper's Lat. familias if she were not in manu Diet.). Divortium is the general mariti. Usually the consent of term for the separation from a a paterfamilias was unnecessary. marriage. Repudium is the decla- M. Aurelius forbade his interfer- ration or formal notice (renunti- ence except for serious reasons atio) given by one party to the 123 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Paul. D. 24.2,3 Divortium non est nisi verum, quod animo perpetuam constituendi dissensionem fit. Itaque quidquid in calore iracundiae vel fit vel dicitur, non prius ratum est, quam si perseverantia apparuit iudicium animi 5 fuisse : ideoque per calorem misso repudio, si brevi reversa uxor est nee divortisse videtur. Paul D Nullum divortium ratum est nisi septem civi- 24.2,9 bus Romanis puberibus adhibitis praeter liber- turn eius qui divortium f aciet. other, of which the usual words of style are ' tuas res habeto? etc. The prevailing opinion is that divortium is a separation by agreement ; repudium, a separa- tion by compulsion or withdrawal of consent on one side only (repudiation). This view seems untenable from the sources. It appears as more likely that di- vortium is a term denoting a separation of any kind, whether by agreement or by the application of one party only, while repudium denotes the formal declaration of will and intention of either party seeking a dissolution of marriage (cf. Sohm, Institutionen, 8th ed., 1899, p. 453). The mere agree- ment to separate did not dis- solve the marriage, but agree- ment followed by the declara- tion (repudium mittere, dare) sent or given by one of the parties. i. Divortium non est nisi ve- rum : ' a divorce is ineffectual unless there be a serious inten- tion of making the separation permanent.' 7. Nullum divortium nisi septem civibus Romanis : the lex Inlia de adiilteriis (18 B.C.) introduced this formality under penalty, in order to establish clear proof of the in- tention of the parties. This con- tinued to be the law under the empire, although Diocletian re- quired the declaration to be in writing (repudii libellus) . 8. praeter libertum : why a liber- tus of the one applying for a sep- aration should be present as a witness is not known. It has been suggested, in the absence of a better explanation, that it was a prerogative of the higher classes in divorce proceedings, since they alone possessed freedmen (Leon- hard). It is furthermore possible that the freedman is a remnant and reminiscence of the old family council of the republic (indicium domesticum) . 124 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Gai. i, 109 MANVS Sed in potestate quidem et masculi et feminae esse solent ; in manum autem feminae tantum conveniunt. Olim itaque tribus modis in manum convenie- bant, usu, farreo, coemptione. Farreo in manum conveniunt per quoddam genus sacri- ficii, quod lovi Farreo fit in quo farreus panis adhibetur, unde etiam confarreatio dicitur : complura praeterea huius Manus : manus is the technical term for the power of the husband over his wife. The wife in manu was called materfamilias (not to be confused with a woman sui mris, cf. D. 1 , 6, 4, and note on Defi- nition, p. 104) ; the wife sine manu was called simply uxor (Cic. Top. 3, 14). Originally every iustum matrimonium carried with it manus; later manus became in- dependent of marriage and arose only through an especial act as an accessory of marriage. In this way manus was fictitiously employed in other relations than those of marriage, so that the woman passed temporarily into the manus of even a third party. Manus matrimonii causa came into dis- favor toward the time of Cicero (Cic. pro Mur. 12) and occurred but seldom during the earlier empire ; manus as a fiction, how- ever, continued longer and was an institution of the classical law. The legal position of the wife in manu was as follows : (a) she passed entirely out of her family into the family of her husband, to whom she stood in the position of a daughter (quasi filiafamilias, filiae loco), and to her own chil- dren, who were in patria poteslas, she was in the position of sister (sororis loco) ; (b) her entire prop- erty became her husband's and all that she acquired after marriage (per eas personas, quas in manu mancipicrve habemus, proprietas quidem adquiritur nobis ex omni- bus causis, sicut per eos qui in potes- tate nostra stint, Gai. 2, 90) ; for her previously contracted debts her husband was responsible up to the extent of her property (missto in bona of her creditors) . 3. Olim tribus modis in manum conveniebant : manus had become practically obsolete in the time of Gaius and had vanished entirely from the law of Justinian. Along with the change in manners and social life during the last century and a half of the republic, women preferred the more independent 125 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW iuris ordinandi gratia cum certis et sollemnibus verbis, praesentibus decem testibus, aguntur et fiunt. Quod ius etiam nostris temporibus in usu est ; nam flamines maiores, id est Diales, Martiales, Quirinales, item reges sacrorum 5 nisi ex farreatis nati sunt, non leguntur ; ac ne ipsi quidem sine confarreatione sacerdotium habere possunt. Coemptione vero in manum conveniunt per mancipa- tionem, id est per quandam imaginariam venditionem ; position afforded by marriage with- out manus along with the freedom of divorce, independent property, etc., which it granted. 1. sollemnibus verbis: the power of the husband over his wife was derived from a union of their re- spective sacred rites, symbolized by a ceremony in which the woman was introduced into the religious worship of her husband. The words of the ceremony (certa verba, sollemnia) were ' Vbi tu es Gaius, ibi ego sum GaiaJ spoken by the woman. 2. Quod ius nostris temporibus in usu est: confarreatio made the issue of the marriage eligible for certain high priestly offices (Jlamen maior, rex sacrorutn, virgo vestalis) and, as it was the most ceremonious and aristocratic form of marriage, it was the pre- rogative of the patricians only. Augustus renewed the priesthood of Jove (10 B.C.), and by a law of Tiberius, marriage by confarre- atio with zflamen Dialis produced manus with regard to sacred rites only. In other respects the wife retained the rights of an nxor sine matin. 7. Coemptione in manum con- veniunt : marriage by the secular co- emptioviz.?, accessible to all citizens, plebeians as well as patricians. The primitive bride purchase took in Roman law the form of manci- patio, originally a formal proceed- ing per aes et libram, but eventually a fictitious sale in which the daughter was purchased from her paterfamilias and later a transac- tion in which the bride sold her- self (aiictoritatetutoris} iti manum mar it i. Two forms of coemptio occur : coemptio matrimonii causa and coemptio fiduciae causa. The latter was a fiction whereby women might avoid certain legal restric- tions and disabilities (e.g. coemptio tutelae evitandae causa, testament i faciendi causa, etc.). In these co- emptiones the wife trusted (fidu- cia) that the sham husband would not take the marriage seriously, but would immediately set her free from manus by remancipation. For greater security old men were se- lected for these 'dummy 1 husbands, 126 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW nam adhibitis non minus quam quinque testibus civibus Romanis puberibus, item libripende, emit is mulierem, cuius in manum convenit Vsu in manum conveniebat, quae anno continuo nupta 5 perseverabat ; quia enim veluti annua possessione usu- capiebatur, in familiam viri transibat filiaeque locum ob- tinebat. Itaque lege duodecim tabularum cautum est, ut si qua nollet eo modo in manum mariti convenire, ea quo- tannis trinoctio abesset atque eo modo usum cuiusque anni 10 interrumperet. Sed hoc totum ius partim legibus sublatum est, partim ipsa desuetudine oblitteratum est. PATRIA POTESTAS Quaedam personae sui iuris sunt, quaedam Gai. i, 48 . . aheno mn sunt subiectae. Rursus earum per- sonarum, quae alieno iuri subiectae sunt, aliae in potestate, at the most, merely short-lived pur- other rights of a iustum matrimo- chasers of the marital power (senes nium. According to the Twelve coemptionales, cf. Cic. pro Mur. Tables, manus acquired by dwell- 12, 27). ing together matrimonii causa for 4. Vsu in manum conveniebat : one year might be avoided by the just as manus could be acquired absence (iisurpatid) of the wife by bride purchase, so could it be from the marital roof for three acquired, like power over other consecutive nights (quotannis tri- pieces of property, by prescriptive noctio). By this symbolical inter- title. By usucapio under the old ruption of the continuity of the ius civile, immovable property was marital power it is evident that as acquired in two years ; everything early as the Twelve Tables there else in one year. The daughter could be a marriage without ma- of a stranger (peregrimes), there- nus (inre civili), and eventually fore, over whom manus could not usus no longer produced manus, be acquired by confarreatio or co- and the institution became obsolete emptio might pass into the power of (ius desuetudine oblitteratum est) . her husband by usus. From ma- Patria Potestas : patria potestas nus derived in this way arose all the is the relation of the paterfamilias 127 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW aliae in manu, aliae in mancipio sunt. Videamus nunc de his, quae alieno iuri subiectae sint ; nam si cognoveri- mus, quae istae personae sint, simul intellegemus, quae sui iuris sint. Ac prius dispiciamus de iis qui in aliena 5 potestate sunt. with his filiifamilias (and filiae- familias), whether they are sub- jected to his power by birth from a lawful marriage (liber i. filii legi- timi), or by the fiction of legitima- tion and adoption. The paternal authority of a Roman citizen over his children is a peculiar character- istic of the law of status. Patria potestas is analogous to dominica potestas in its severity and scope, but the filiifamilias differ from those subjected to dominica potes- tas in that they are free and citi- zens, possessing the private rights of commercium and conubium. They are furthermore capable of becoming independent persons with full legal capacity and having the ius potestatis themselves as soon as the patria potestas over them ceases (sui iuris). All rights accrue to \\itpaterfamilias, so that the filiusfamilias has no potestas over his own children while he is under the power of his own father. In other words, the rights growing out of the ius conubii and com- mercii are centered in the pater- familias. As regards the public rights of a.filiusfamilias, see note on Films, p. 132. With regard to the person of the filiusfamilias, the paterfamilias possesses the following rights : originally the unlimited power of life and death (vitae necisque potestas, especially with the approval of a domestic tri- bunal) ; the right of sale (ius ven- dendi}, either into slavery (trans Tiberini) or to a Roman citizen (mancipatio^, afterward limited to fictitious sale, and sale by reason of father's poverty (propter nimiain paupertatem) ; the right of sur- render to the injured party for de- licts, in lieu of pecuniary damages (ex maleficiis, exnoxali causa man- cipio datur). Cf. note on indi- cium, p. 240. i. aliae in mancipio : the old law recognized the rights of parents to sell their children into bondage. The relationship created by such a sale was one of master and bond- man. The bondman was in an in- termediate status between freedom and slavery, occupying the position of a slave as regards his master, but in other relations he was re- garded as liber and civis. The phrase in mancipio esse means to be in a position analogous to that of slave. The right of par- ents to sell their children was later restricted, and eventually such sales were punishable as disgraceful and unlawful acts. Fictitious sales 128 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW In potestate nostra sunt liberi nostri, quos iustis nuptiis procreavimus. Quod ius proprium civium Romanorum est; fere enim nulli alii sunt homines, qui talem in filios suos habent potestatem, qualem nos habemus. Idque 5 divus Hadrianus edicto, quod proposuit de his, qui sibi liberisque suis ab eo civitatem Romanam petebant, signi- ficavit. Nee me praeterit Galatarum gentem credere in potestate parentum liberos esse. uip. D. Nam civium Romanorum quidam sunt patres 10 * 6 > 4 f amiliarum, alii filii f amiliarum, quaedam matres familiarum, quaedam filiae familiarum. Patres familiarum sunt, qui sunt suae potestatis sive puberes sive impuberes ; simili modo matres familiarum ; filii familiarum et filiae quae sunt in aliena potestate. Nam qui ex me et uxore 15 mea nascitur, in mea potestate est; item qui ex filio meo et uxore eius nascitur, id est nepos meus et neptis, aeque in mea sunt potestate, et pronepos et proneptis et deinceps ceteri. Morte patris filius et filia sui iuris fiunt ; morte Ulp. 10, 2 20 autem avi nepotes ita demum sui mns fiunt, si post mortem avi in potestate patris futuri non sunt, velut continued to be used in adoptions sequens matrimoniiiin, per rescrip- and emancipations. turn principis). i. In potestate nostra sunt 7. Galatarum gentem: the Ga- liberi : the natural basis of patria latians were of Gallic origin, and Potestas is birth (liberi ex iusto Caesar (B, G. 6, 19) testifies to matriinonio) . Potestas could be an institution like the Roman acquired over liberi naturales (non patria potestas among the Gauls. legitimi) by legitimation, which St. Paul refers also to this pecu- might be effected, under the Chris- liarity of the Galatians (Gal. 4, i). tian emperors, by the subsequent 19. Morte patris filius et filia sui marriage of parents eligible to iuris fiunt: patria potestas might marriage, or by a rescript of the cease for various reasons, but emperor, etc. (legitimatio per sub- neither marriage nor the attain- ROMAN LAW 9 129 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW si moriente avo pater eorum aut iam decessit aut de potes- tate dimissus est ; nam si mortis avi tempore pater eorum in potestate eius sit, mortuo avo in patris sui potestate fiunt. Si patri vel filio aqua et igni interdictum sit, patria 5 potestas tollitur, quia peregrinus fit is, cui aqua et igni interdictum est ; neque autem peregrinus civem Romanum neque civis Romanus peregrinum in potestate habere potest. Si pater ab hostibus captus sit, quamvis servus hostium 10 fiat, tamen cum reversus fuerit, omnia pristina iura recipit iure postliminii. Sed quamdiu apud hostes est, patria potestas in filio eius interim pendebit, et cum reversus fuerit ab hostibus, in potestate filium habebit; si vero ibi decesserit, sui iuris filius erit. Filius quoque si captus 15 fuerit ab hostibus, similiter propter ius postliminii patria potestas interim pendebit. In potestate parentum esse desinunt et hi qui flamines Diales inaugurantur et quae virgines Vestae capiuntur. Poenae servus effectus filios in potestate Inst. i, 12, 3 ... 20 habere desinit Servi autem poenae efficiuntur, qui in metellum damnantur et qui bestiis subiciuntur. ment of majority relieved a son or virgo vestalis in the older law, from paternal authority at Rome. or the office of bishop or rank of Patria potestas terminated of ne- patricins in the law of Justinian, cessity : by death of paterfamilias, Patria potestas terminated of free though grandchildren then pass will: by emancipation (also by into the power of their father if he datio in adoptionem and by in is alive (otherwise they become manum con-ventio) occurring, ac- sui iuris) ; by loss of freedom or cording to the Twelve Tables and citizenship of either paterfamilias the classical law, by mancipatio fol- or filiusfamilias (subject to ins lowed by manumissio ; by rescript postliminii); by assumption of cer- in the imperial law ; and by decla- tain offices on the part of those sub- ration before a court in the law of jected to power, as flamen Dialis Justinian. 130 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Filius familias si militaverit, vel si senator vel consul fuerit factus, manet in patris potestate. Militia enim vel consularia dignitas patris potestate filium non liberat. Sed ex constitutione nostra summa patriciatus dignitas ilico ab 5 imperialibus codicillis praestitis a patria potestate liberat. Praeterea emancipatione desinunt liberi in Gai. i, 132 /- i potestate parentum esse. Sed films quidem tribus mancipationibus, ceteri vero liberi sive masculini sexus sive feminini una mancipatione exeunt de parentum 10 potestate; lex enim XII tabularum tantum in persona filii de tribus mancipationibus loquitur his verbis ' si pater filium ter venum duit, a patre filius liber esto.' Eaque res ita agitur : mancipat pater filium alicui ; is eum vindicta manumittit; eo facto revertitur in potestatem patris; is 15 eum iterum mancipat vel eidem vel alii (sed in usu est eidem mancipari) isque eum postea similiter vindicta manu- mittit ; eo facto rursus in potestatem patris revertitur ; tertio pater eum mancipat vel eidem vel alii (sed hoc in usu est, ut eidem mancipetur), eaque mancipatione desinit 20 in potestate patris esse, etiamsi nondum manumissus sit sed adhuc in causa mancipii. Sed ea emancipatio antea quidem vel per Inst. i, 12, 6 antiquam legis observationem procedebat, quae per imaginarias venditiones et intercedentes manumissiones 25 celebrabatur, vel ex imperiali rescripto. Nostra autem providentia et hoc in melius per constitutionem refor- mavit, ut fictione pristina explosa recta via apud compe- tentes iudices vel magistratus parentes intrent et filios 4. summa patriciatus dignitas : ity in imitation of the old patriciate the term patricius was changed arising from birth. It was hence- by Constantino to a title of nobil- forth a title conferred at the pleas- SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW suos vel filias vel nepotes vel neptes ac deinceps sua manu dimitterent. Gai . D . Liberum arbitrium est ei, qui filium et ex eo i. 7. 28 nepotem in potestate habebit, filium quidem 5 potestate demittere, nepotem vero in potestate retinere; vel ex diverso filium quidem in potestate retinere, nepotem vero manumittere ; vel omnes sui iuris efficere. Marcian. D. Non potest filius, qui est in potestate patris, i. 7. 3 1 ullo modo compellere eum, ne sit in potestate, 10 sive naturalis sive adoptivus. Pompon. D. Filius familias in publicis causis loco patris I - 6 -9 familias habetur, veluti ut magistratum gerat, ut tutor detur. ADOPTION Non tantum naturales liberi in potestate pa- Ulp. 8, 1 15 rentum sunt, sed etiam adoptivi. Modest. D. Filios familias non solum natura, verum et T '7. * adoptiones faciunt. Quod adoptionis nomen est quidem generale, in duas autem species dividitflr, ure of the emperor on the highest judge in a suit to which his father and most esteemed personages of was a party or even preside over the imperial court. his own adoption or emancipation. n. Filius familias in publicis He might, though still under causis : patria potestas did not power himself, be appointed to fill apply in the gphere of public law. the public office of guardian over The filiusfainilias, regardless of another (quod ad ius publicuin paternal authority, had the two attinet, non sequitur ius potestatis, public rights, ius honorum and ins D. 36, I, 14). suffragii. He could exercise all Adoption: adopted persons may political functions and hold the be subjected to patria potestas as highest political offices without well as those belonging to the release from patria potestas and family by birth. The transaction with no prejudice to his public by which one person is rendered authority. He might officiate as subordinate to another, taking the 132 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Inst. i, ii, 8 quarum altera adoptio similiter dicitur, altera adrogatio. Adoptantur filii familias, adrogantur qui sui iuris sunt. In plurimis autem causis adsimilatur is, qui adoptatus vel adrogatus est, ei qui ex legitimo 5 matrimonio natus est. Et ideo si quis per imperatorem sive apud praetorem vel apud praesidem provinciae non extraneum adoptaverit, potest eundem alii in adoptionem dare. Sed et illud utriusque adoptionis commune est, quod et hi, qui generare non possunt, quale's sunt spadones, 10 adoptare possunt, castrati autem non possunt. Feminae position of son, grandson, etc., is called adoption. Of adoption there are two kinds : adoptio and arrogatio. Adoptio, in the specific sense, is the name given to the transaction by which a persona alieni inris (filiusfainilias') is transferred from the power of one paterfamilias to another ; arroga- tio is the name of the transaction by which a persona sui iuris (pater- familias') is subjected to the power of another. In the old law, adoption of a son required that he be emancipated three times by his father and that he be trans- ferred to the power of the adoptive father (vindicatio in patriam potestatetn). See also note on gui, p. 105. In the later law, adoption was effected before the proper court in the presence of the parties, and in the law of Justinian it was complete only when the one adopting was an ascendant of the one adopted (called adoptio plena) . 6. non extraneum : -a^extraneus is one not related by a family tie ; here non extraneum means a de- scendant. Under the law of Jus- tinian the adoption of a stranger (extraneus) did not confer patria pot est as or any other rights over the one adopted (called adoptio minus plena), hence he could not be given in adoption to still an- other person. The one adopted, however, obtained rights of in- heritance ab intestate in the estate of his adoptive parent. 9. qui generare non possunt : there were certain requirements which must be observed in cases of adoption : the adoptive parent must be capable of exercising patria potestas and he must be eligible to marriage ; he must also be one generation (eighteen years) older than the one adopted ; the parties concerned must consent. As adoption imitates nature, only those capable of marriage (though not necessarily married) could 133 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW quoque adoptare non possunt, quia nee naturales liberos in potestate sua habent ; sed ex indulgentia principis ad sola- tium liberorum amissorum adoptare possunt. Paul. D. Et qui uxores non habent filios adoptare pos- 5 J '7-3o S unt. Minorem natu non posse maiorem adoptare placet: adoptio enim naturam imitatur et pro monstro est, ut maior sit films quam pater. Debet itaque is, qui sibi per adrogationem vel adoptionem filium facit, 10 plena pubertate, id est decem et octo annis praecedere. Licet autem et in locum nepotis vel neptis vel in locum pronepotis vel proneptis vel deinceps adoptare, quamvis filium quis non habeat. Et tam filium alienum quis in lo- cum nepotis potest adoptare, quam nepotem in locum filii. *5 Paul. D. Cum nepos adoptatur quasi ex filio natus, con- x '7- 6 sensus filii exigitur, idque etiam lulianus scribit. adopt. Spadones could marry ; 10. plena pubertate praecedere : caslrati could not marry. The although the age of puberty was possibility of spadones having fixed in the classical law at fourteen, children was not entirely disre- it was agreed by jurists that in garded (nee ei corporate vitium some cases the age should be placed impedimenta est, D. I, 7, 40). later to include those of retarded 2. ad solatium liberorum amis- physical development. The age sorum adoptare possunt : women accepted as sufficient for adoption could not adopt because they did and certain other acts was eighteen not have the patria potestas, but (plena pubert as). An interval of the emperor Diocletian enacted eighteen years was therefore re- that a mother might adopt for the quired between the ages of the reason stated in the text (C. 8, adoptive father and son. 47,5). This was not a complete 15. consensus filii exigitur : the adoption, but the adopted child consent of a son was required for was placed in a position similar the same reason in adoption as that to that of the mother's own child, of a father in marriage (cf. note on with reciprocal rights of inherit- consensual, p. in). A grandson ance ab intestato, (C) might be adopted in a general 134 SELECTED TEXTS EROM THE ROMAN LAW Inst. i, ii, 7 In eo casu et filius consentire debet, ne ei invito suus heres adgnascatur. Sed ex contra- rio si avus ex filio nepotem dat in adoptionem, non est necesse filium consentire. Gai. i, 99 ARROGATION Populi auctoritate adoptamus eos, qui sui iuris sunt ; quae species adoptionis dicitur adrogatio, quia et is qui adoptat rogatur, id est interrogatur, an velit eum, quern adoptaturus sit, iustum sibi filium esse ; et is, qui adoptatur, rogatur, an id fieri patiatur ; et populus rogatur, way, or as the son of a particular son (B), who might be still living, or deceased. If a grandson (C) were adopted as the son of a partic- ular son (B) of the adopting grand- father (paterfamilias), it would happen, at the death of the grand- father (A), that the adopted one (C) would pass into the power of this particular son (B) and become one of his agnatic heirs. Hence without this provision the son's (B's) heirs would be increased without his consent. A grandson adopted in a general way would become sui iuris at the death of his adoptive grandfather. Arrogation : in the early law arrogation was accomplished by a rogatio populi in coniitiis calatis (lex curiata) with the cooperation of the pontiffs, who watched over the religious interests involved. The transaction by which a homo sui iuris became alieni iuris might involve not only the extinction of a family, but also that of a gens. Arrogation was, therefore, a matter of concern to the state, and it al- ways remained an institution gov- erned by public law. Procedure in the matter of arrogation before the comitia curiata was similar to that of other formal transactions before this body (for the formula see Cell. 5, 19, 9. Cf. also note on latam, p. 46). Only those could be arrogated who were qualified to appear in the comitia curiata ; women and impuberes were, there- fore, excluded. In the empire, arrogation was performed by re- scriptum principis (auctoritate Principis), the will of the emperor supplanting the former auctorilas populi. Antoninus Pius allowed impuberes to be arrogated in cer- tain cases, but only when provision had been previously made for the protection of their interests. 135 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW an id fieri iubeat. Imperio magistrates adoptamus eos, qui in potestate parentum sunt, sive primum gradum libe- rorum obtineant, qualis est films et filia, sive inferiorem, qualis est nepos neptis, pronepos proneptis. Et quidem 5 ilia adoptio, quae per populum fit, nusquam nisi Romae fit ; at haec etiam in provinciis apud praesides earum fieri solet. uip. D. Si pater familias adoptatus sit, omnia quae 1,7.15 eius fuerunt et adquiri possunt tacito iure ad 10 eum transeunt qui adoptavit CAPITIS DEMINVTIO Capitis deminutionis tria genera sunt, maxima, media, minima : tria enim sunt quae habemus, libertatem, civitatem, familiam. Igitur cum omnia haec Paul. D. 4. 5. 5. ilia adoptio: i.e. arrogatio (adoptio hominis sui iiiris) . at haec : i.e. adoptio (adoptio homi- nis alieni iuris) . Capitis Deminutio : the legal ca- pacity of persons depended upon their civil position. Certain mem- bers of Roman society were legally disqualified, while others enjoyed varying degrees of legal capacity, according to their position with reference to liberty, citizenship, and domestic relations. Only those persons who were free Roman citi- zens and independent members of d. familia were capable of enjoying all the rights conferred by the law. The legal capacity of the individual is designated as caput. Caput de- pends upon the civil position of the individual with reference to liber- tas, civitas, and familia. Any alteration in the position of a civis Romanus with reference to any of these three relations will cause a loss of his previous personality (capitis deminutio), i.e. civil death of previous personality (quia civili ratione capitis deminutio morti coaequatur, Gai. 3, 153). As //- bertas is requisite for civitas and familia, its loss is called capitis deminutio maxima (serinis nulluin caput habet) ; civitas being re- quired tor familia, its loss is called media or minor; any change in domestic position (familia) is called minima. The loss of the higher degree involves the loss of the lower. 136 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW amittimus, hoc est libertatem et civitatem et familiam, maximam esse capitis deminutionem : cum vero amittimus civitatem, libertatem retinemus, mediam esse capitis de- minutionem : cum et libertas et civitas retinetur, familia 5 tantum mutatur, minimam esse capitis deminutionem constat Est autem capitis deminutio prioris status per- Gai. i, 159 mutatio. Eaque tnbus modis accidit : nam aut maxima est capitis deminutio, aut minor, quam quidam 10 mediam vocant, aut minima. Maxima est capitis deminu- tio, cum aliquis simul et civitatem et libertatem amittit ; minor sive media est capitis deminutio, cum civitas amit- titur, libertas retinetur ; quod accidit ei cui aqua et igni interdictum fuerit; minima est capitis deminutio, cum et 15 civitas et libertas retinetur, sed status hominis commuta- tur ; quod accidit in his, qui adoptantur, item in his, quae 10. Maxima est capitis deminu- enemy ; by surrender of a guilty tio : capiiis deminutio maxima oc- person to the enemy for injury to curs when a civis Romanus loses his their ambassadors, or for making libertas, e.g. by captivity (subject to a treaty not sanctioned by the postliiniiiium, see note on the word, Roman people, etc. p. 85); by sale trans Tiberim as 14. minima est capitis deminutio : slave ; by sale pretii participandi minima capitis deminutio occurs causa ; by condemnation to death, when a citizen exchanges one caput to the mines, etc. ; by revocatio in for another by any loss or change servitut em tf liber tusingratus, etc. of position in familia, whether he Cf. also note on tare, p. 80. increases or diminishes his per- 12. minor capitis deminutio: sonal independence, e.g. when a capitis deminutio minor occurs homo sui iuris becomes alieni iuris when a citizen loses his citizenship, (e.g. by arrogatio or in ntanum e.g. by banishment because of the conventio of a woman sui iuris) ; inter dictio aquae et ignis ; by depor- when a homo alieni iiiris becomes tatio in the empire ; by emigration sui iuris (by emancipation from to a Latin colony or a foreign state ; patria potestas or from a marriage by desertion of a soldier to the cum manu maritt) ; when a homo 137 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW coemptionem faciunt, et in his, qui mancipio dantur quique ex mancipatione manumittuntur ; adeo quidem, ut quotiens quisque mancipetur aut manumittatur, totiens capite demi- nuatur. 5 uip. D. Intereunt autem homines quidem maxima aut 17, 2, 63, 10 media capitis deminutione aut morte. uip. D. Capitis enim minutio privata hominis et fami- 4- 5. 6 ii a e eius iura, non civitatis amittit. Maxima est capitis deminutio, cum aliquis 10 simul et civitatem et libertatem amittit. Quod accidit in his, qui servi poenae efficiuntur atrocitate senten- tiae, vel liberti .ut ingrati circa patronos condemnati, vel qui ad pretium participandum se venumdari passi sunt. Minor sive media est capitis deminutio, cum civitas quidem 15 amittitur, libertas vero retinetur. Quod accidit ei, cui aqua et igni interdictum fuerit, vel ei, qui in insulam deportatus est. Minima est capitis deminutio, cum et civitas et liber- tas retinetur, sed status hominis commutatur. Quod acci- dit in his, qui, cum sui iuris fuerunt, . coeperunt alieno 20 iuri subiecti esse, vel contra. Servus autem manumissus capite non minuitur, quia nullum caput habuit. alieni iuris changes paterfamilias person for a new person and, there- (by adoptio, by in manum conven- fore, lays down the rights and du- tio of a filiafamilias, by arrogatio ties of his -former personality. In of a homo sui iuris who has chil- the eye of the private law, he suf- dren in his potestas, by manumis- fers civil death followed by an im- sio e mancipio, etc.). mediate resurrection ; but in the 5. Intereunt homines : by the two eye of the public law, his person- greate'r changes in status (libertas ality remains unaltered and he suf- and ci-vitas, called also together, fers no loss of public rights (iura capitis deminutio magna) the in- civitatis non amittit). See also dividual suffers civil death, but by note on Filius, p. 132. the least of the changes in status 7. Capitis enim minutio privata : (fatmlia) he exchanges his former with minutio sc. minima. The 138 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Inst. i, 13 GUARDIANSHIP Transeamus nunc ad aliam divisionem. Nam ex his personis, quae in potestate non sunt, quaedam vel in tutela sunt vel in curatione, quaedam neutro iure tenentur. Videamus igitur de his, quae in 5 tutela vel in curatione sunt ; ita enim intellegemus ceteras personas, quae neutro iure tenentur. Ac prius dispiciamus de his quae in tutela sunt. Est autem tutela, ut Servius definivit, ius ac potestas in capite libero ad tuendum eum, qui propter aetatem se defendere nequit, iure civili data ac forms deminutio, diminutio, and minntio were all in common use. Guardianship: guardianship (tu- tela, cura, curatio) is an insti- tution whereby the legal capacity of those persons sni iuris who are wholly or partially incapable of performing legal acts on account of immature years, mental inca- pacity, or business inexperience, is completed and protection is af- forded such incompetent persons in the exercise of their legal rights. Guardianship applies only to per- sonae sui iuris. Not all personae sui iuris are capable of independent action. Persons may become sui iuris irrespective of age or sex and still be absolutely incapable of per- forming legal acts (e.g. infantes}, or they may be only partially capa- ble of such action (e.g.- infantia maiores), or they may be capable but lack sufficient judgment and experience (e.g. minor es XXV aunts'). The Roman law therefore developed three kinds of guardian- ship, according to the degree of in- capacity of the ward and the degree of authority conferred upon the guardian, viz.: tutela impuberum, tutela mulierum, cura (curatio} puberum. Personae alieni iuris required no guardian because they were already subordinated to the power and protection of another (in potestate, in manu, in manci- pio). 8. ius ac potestas in capite lib- ero : in capite libero is equivalent to persona sui iuris. The principle at the basis of guardianship was twofold. In the earlier law, guar- dianship (tutela) was a private right (ius ac potestas}, analogous to patria potestas and a substitute for it, exercised by those persons most interested in the protection of the ward's person and property (Cell. 5, 13). Later, guardianship was transformed into a public office, whose acceptance was obligatory 139 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW permissa. Tutores autem sunt, quae earn vim ac potes- tatem habent, ex qua re ipsa nomen ceperunt. Itaque appellantur tutores quasi tuitores atque defensores, sicut aeditui dicuntur qui aedes tuentur. 5 Sed impuberes quidem in tutela esse omnium J Gai. i, 189 ... . *. . ., ,. . . civitatium mre contmgit, quis id natural! rationi conveniens est, ut is qui perfectae aetatis non sit, alterius tutela regatur. Nee fere ulla civitas est, in qua non licet parentibus liberis suis impuberibus testamento tutorem 10 dare; quamvis, ut supra diximus, soli cives Romani vide- antur liberos suos in potestate habere. Tutores constituimtur tarn masculis quam feminis. Sed masculis quidem impuberibus dumtaxat propter aetatis infirmitatem, feminis autem tarn 15 impuberibus quam puberibus, et propter sexus innrmitatem et propter forensium rerum ignorantiam. Masculi puberes et feminae viripotentes usque Inst. i, 23 ad vicesimum quintum annum completum cura- tores accipiunt ; qui, licet puberes sint, adhuc tamen huius 20 aetatis sunt, ut negotia sua tueri non possint. (nam et tutelam et cur am placuit furiosi, prodigi), is the lex Plae- publicum munus esse) and whose toria (about 204 B.C.). By this conduct was a public duty (onus). law full majority (perfecta aefas, 10. ut supra diximus: cf. text legitimaaetas) was fixed at twenty- and note on Galatamm, p. 129. five (hence the distinction t;ia- 15. propter sexus infirmitatem : iores, minores XXV annis), and for the lifelong tutelage of women any fraud practiced upon those see text and note on Veteres, under this age in the conclusion of p. 152. contracts (circuniscriptio adules- 17. Masculi puberes ad vicesi- centiuni) subjected the guilty per- mum quintum annum curatores acci- son to criminal prosecution and piunt : the earliest known provision the injured minor was granted a for the guardianship of ptiberes, remedy (exceptio legis Plaetoriae') . not otherwise disqualified (e.g. Cf. also note on si non, p. 120. 140 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Inst. i, 14, 4 Inst. i, 23, 2 Certae autem rei vel causae tutor dari non potest, quia personae, non causae vel rei datur. Item inviti adulescentes curatores non acci- Inst. i, 14 piunt praeterquam in litem ; curator enim et ad 5 certam causam dari potest. Dari autem potest tutor non solum pater fa- milias, sed etiam films familias. Sed et servus proprius testamento cum libertate recte tutor dari potest. Sed sciendum est eum et sine libertate tutorem datum 10 tacite et libertatem directam accepisse videri et per hoc recte tutorem esse. 2. quia personae, non causae da- tur : the chief distinction between tutela and cura appears in the rela- tion of tutor es and curatores to the property of their respective wards : tut ores represent constantly the personality of their wards in all' proprietary relations (tutor ad uni- versum patrinwniuin datus esse creditur, Inst. i, 25, 17). Addi- tional tutores or curatores may be appointed for a single transaction or for a special purpose only (e.g. adlileni). The essence of tutela is the duty of supplying the defi- ciency in the ward's capacity to perform legal acts; this is called the auctoritatis interpositio (auc- toritas, augere in legal Latin means ' the supplying of some de- ficiency 1 ), the tutor cured (auge- bat) the inability of his pupilhis to understand the meaning of legal transactions. The essence of cura was the administration of property (gestio, administratio) and, though in some cases the curator was concerned with the personal wel- fare of his ward, he was in the main charged with the duty of pre- venting pecuniary damage or loss to him. In this sense the maxim, tutor personae datur, curator rei, is true, but not as commonly stated, that the tutor is given to the per- son of the pupil and the curator to the management of his property (e.g. Harper's Lat. Diet. s. v. tu- tor). The tutor may have the gestio of his pupil's property, as in tilt el a impuberuin ; or he may lack it, as in tutela mulierum ; to the office of cttrator, however, gestio is essential. 6. Dari potest tutor non solum pater familias, sed films familias : under the older law the only qual- ifications for the office of tutor were citizenship and male sex. Those incapable of conducting the office because of immaturity or physical and mental infirmities 141 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Gai D. Tutela plerumque virile officium est. Et sci- 26. *. l6 endum est nullam tutelam hereditario iure ad alium transire ; sed ad liberos virilis sexus perfectae aetatis descendunt legitimae, ceterae non descendant. 5 Nerat. D. Feminae tutores dari non possunt, quia id 26. !. l8 munus masculorum est, nisi a principe filiorum tutelam specialiter postulent. Minores autem viginti et quinque annis olim 1. 1, 25, 13 q u |^ em excusa bantur ; a nostra autem consti- 10 tutione prohibentur ad tutelam vel curam aspirare, adeo ut nee excusatione opus fiat. Qua constitutione cavetur, ut nee pupillus ad legitimam tutelam vocetur nee adultus ; cum erat incivile eos, qui alieno auxilio in rebus suis admi- nistrandis egere noscuntur et sub aliis reguntur, aliorum 15 tutelam vel curam subire. Idem et in milite observandum est, ut nee volens ad tutelae munus admittatur. Complura senatus consulta facta sunt, ut in ^"j" ' locum furiosi et muti et surdi tutoris alii tutores 20 dentur. could be represented by a substi- ship hold the office (a principe tute. Even a slave could be ap- filiorum tutelam specialiter pos- pointed by testament, but in the tulenf). absence of express gift of liberty, 3. perfectae aetatis : for expla- he was held to receive his freedom nation see note on Masculi, p. 140. by implication (tacite et libertatem 12. pupillus nee adultus : the de- direclani) and hence could act as finitions of pupillus, adultus, and tutor (cf. note on Testamento, p. 91 tutor in Harper's Lett. Diet, are also). For the filiusfamilias as inexact for legal usage. Pupillus tutor, cf. note on Films, p. 132. is an impubes, or, specifically, an In the later law and in the law impubes not in patria potestas, but of Justinian, impuberes, minores, in tutela. Adultus (adulescens) soldiers, and bishops were dis- is used specifically in legal Latin qualified, but women might in to denote one between the ages of some cases of near relation- fourteen and twenty-five. 142 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Inst. i, 25 Excusantur autem tutores vel curatores variis ex causis : plerumque autem propter liberos, sive in potestate sint sive emancipati. Si enim tres liberos quis superstites Romae habeat vel in Italia quattuor vel in 5 provinciis quinque, a tutela vel cura possunt excusari ex- emplo ceterorum mimerum : nam et tutelam et curam placuit publicum munus esse. Sed adoptivi liberi non prosunt, in adoptionem autem dati naturali patri prosunt. Item nepotes ex filio prosunt, ut in locum patris succedant, 10 ex filia non prosunt. Filii autem superstites tantum ad tutelae vel curae muneris excusationem prosunt, defuncti non prosunt Sed si in bello amissi sunt, quaesitum est, an prosint. Et constat eos solos prodesse qui in acie amit- tuntur; hi enim, quia pro re publica ceciderunt, in per- 15 petuum per gloriam vivere intelleguntur. i. Excusantur tutores vel cura- tores variis ex causis : properly qualified persons called to the office of guardian became thereby ipso iure guardians and, except in the case of those appointed by testa- ment, had no right of refusal. After the office came to be classed among the munera civilia (publica), a large number of reasons deter- mined by law (excusationes) gave relief from the necessity of assum- ing the office and also released one from continuance in it, if already undertaken. These excusationes were developed chiefly during the empire, the most important of them being : (a) the ins liberorum (according to the lex fulia et Pa- pia Poppaea, excusing one hav- ing three children Romae, four in Italia, five in provinciis) ; (b) magistrates and those holding cer- tain offices were excused (e.g. gui res fisci administrat ; qid curam viae habet, etc., cf. also Fr. Vat. 134-147) ; (c) those in certain callings and professions were ex- cused (e.g. grammatict, medici, etc., cf. also Fr. Vat. 149) ; (d) those already conducting three guardianships were excused (tria ttttelae onera) ; (e) those already burdened by poverty, illness, ad- vanced age, etc. ; (/) those who proposed another (nominare) as better qualified for the office (po- tioris nominatio) were excused if their nominee were accepted by the magistrate. 10. ex filia non prosunt : the rea- son that the children of a daughter 143 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Item divus Marcus rescripsit eum, qui res fisci admini- strat, a tutela vel cura quamdiu administrat excusari posse. Item qui rei publicae causa absunt, a tutela et cura excu- santur. Sed et si f uerunt tutores vel curatores, deinde rei 5 publicae causa abesse coeperunt, a tutela et cura excu- santur, quatenus rei publicae causa absunt, et interea cura- tor loco eorum datur. Qui si reversi fuerint, recipiunt onus tutelae nee anni habent vacationem, ut Papinianus responsorum libro quinto scripsit ; nam hoc spatium habent 10 ad novas tutelas vocati. Et qui potestatem aliquam habent, excusare se possunt, ut divus Marcus rescripsit, sed coep- tam tutelam deserere non possunt. Item Romae grammatici, rhetores et medici et qui in patria sua id exercent et intra numerum sunt, a tutela vel 15 cura habent vacationem. Item tria onera tutelae non aff ectatae vel curae praestant vacationem, quamdiu administrantur. Sed et propter paupertatem excusationem tribui tarn divi fratres quam per se divus Marcus rescripsit, si quis 20 imparem se oneri iniuncto possit docere. Item propter adversam valetudinem, propter quam nee suis quidem negotiis interesse potest, excusatio locum habet. Simili- ter eum qui litteras nesciret excusandum esse divus Pius were not reckoned was because empt from public duties in cities they belonged to the family of of different sizes was determined, their own father or paternal grand- The largest provincial cities were father, and not to that of their each allowed ten medici, fivegram- maternal grandfather (cf. note on maiici, and five rhetores. Philoso- Multer, p. 107). Otherwise they phers, crowned athletes, and jurists would be counted twice. who were members of the imperial 13. grammatici et medici : by a council were also excused (yaca- rescript of Antoninus Pius (D. 27, tionem habent). I, 6, 2) the number of those ex- 19. divi fratres: i.e. M. Aurelius 144 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW rescripsit; quamvis et imperiti litterarum possunt ad administrationem negotiorum sufficere. Item maior sep- tuaginta annis a tutela vel cura se potest excusare. Tune demum excusandus est, qui prius datus Fr. Vat. 157 5 fuerat, si is quern nommavent et potior necessi : tudine et idoneus re fideque vel absens deprehendatur. Testamento nominatim tutores dati confirman- tur eadem lege duodecim tabularum, his verbis : ' uti legassit super pecunia tutelave suae rei, ita ius esto ' ; 10 qui tutores dativi appellantur. Permissum est itaque parentibus, liberis quos in potestate sua habent testamento tutores dare: masculini quidem sexus impuberibus, feminini autem Ulp. ii, 14 Gai. i, 144 and L. Verus, joint emperors 161- 169 A.D. M. Aurelius reigned alone 169-177. 5. si is quern nominaverit : the privilege of exemption from the munus tutelae by potioris nomina- tio, on account of its abuse, was restricted by Septimius Severus and was altogether removed by Justinian. 7. Testamento nominatim tu- tores dati : there are three general modes by which tutela may arise : by testament (tutela testamentarid) ; by law (tutela legitima) ; by magisterial appointment (tutela a magistratu data, tutela dativa). Tutores are therefore called, respec- tively, testamentarii, legitimi, dativi. By testament a paterfa- milias can appoint a tutor for his impuberes children in sua potestate (including postumf) and for his grandchildren who will become suiiuris at his death. The tutela testamentaria takes precedence over every other kind, and the office of tutor is acquired ipso iure the moment the inheritance is en- tered upon. 9. uti legassit super pecunia: legassit, archaic perf. subj. (from legare, ' bequeath ') . This phrase from the Twelve Tables is ex- plained thus, latissima potestas tributa videiur et heredis institu- endi et legata et libertates dandi, tutelas quoque constituendi. pecunia : used in the old sense of property ; and suae rei means ' the rights belonging to family law, as regards property and power of the paterfamilias ' (cf. Grad- enwitz, Hermes, XXVIII, p. 329). 10. tutores dativi appellantur : though the sources call tutores ROMAN LAW IO SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW sexus cuius cumque aetatis sint, et turn quoque, cum nuptae sint Nepotibus autem neptibusque ita demum possumus tes- tamento tutores dare, si post mortem nostram in patris sui 5 potestatem recasuri non sint. Itaque si films meus mortis meae tempore in potestate mea sit, nepotes ex eo non poterunt ex testamento meo habere tutorem, quamvis in potestate mea fuerint; scilicet quia mortuo me in patris sui potestate futuri sunt. 10 Cum tamen in compluribus aliis causis postumi pro iam natis habeantur, et in hac causa placuit non minus postu- mis quam iam natis testamento tutores dari posse, si modo in ea causa sint, ut si vivis nobis nascantur, in potestate nostra riant. 15 Rectissime autem tutor sic dari potest ' L. Titium liberis meis tutorem do.' Sed et si ita scriptum sit 'liberis meis vel uxori meae Titius tutor esto,' recte datus intellegitur. Legitimi tutores sunt, qui ex lege aliqua Ulp. ii, 3 descendunt ; per emmentiam autem legitimi 20 dicuntur, qui ex lege duodecim tabularum introducuntur, testamento dati, ' dativij the term tur), and also those born after the is usually applied to tutores ' a execution of a testament (qui post magistratu dati? test amentum factum nasctintur, i. turn quoque, cum nuptae sint: vivo pair e, i.e. testator e, nati). A this means of course : cum nuptiae grandson was postnmus situs, if sint sine manu, which was the pre- born after the death of his father, vailing marriage in the time of otherwise, postnmus alienus. In Gaius. For the tutelage of women, the latter case he could not re- see note on Veteres, p. 152. ceive a tutor by the testament of 10. postumi pro iam natis habe- his grandfather, antur : cf. note on Qui, p. 78. Pos- 15. L. Titium liberis meis tuto- tumi are those born after the death rem do : appointment of a tutor in a of their father or other ascendant will, according to the old ius civile, (qui post mortem parentis nascun- must be in the Latin language and 146 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW sen palam, quales sunt agnati, sen per consequentiam, quales sunt patroni. uip. D. Legitimae tutelae lege duodecim tabularum 26, 4, i adgnatis delatae sunt et consanguineis, item 5 patronis, id est his qui ad legitimam hereditatem admitti possint ; hoc summa providentia, ut qui sperarent hanc successionem, idem tuerentur bona, ne dilapidarentur. Gai D Si plures sunt adgnati, proximus tutelam nan- 26, 4, 9 ciscitur et, si eodem gradu plures sint, omnes 10 tutelam nanciscuntur. Ex eadem lege duodecim tabularum liberto- rum et libertarum tutela ad patronos liberosque eorum pertinet, quae et ipsa legitima tutela vocatur ; non Inst. i, 17 in formal words, like other testa- mentary dispositions. In the post- classical period the phraseology was a matter of indifference. 3. Legitimae tutelae lege duode- cim tabularum adgnatis delatae : in the absence of testamentary appoint- ment, tutor es are called to the office by operation of law, i.e. not by the will of the testator, but by the com- mand of the lawgiver. According to the law of the Twelve Tables, following the rule of intestate suc- cession, those first called to the guardianship were the nearest male agnates of the pupillus (tutela agftatorum). Cognates, as nearest intestate successors, were first ad- mitted to the tutela legitima by Justinian (Nov. 118 and 127). After the analogy of the Twelve Tables, the guardianship of pa- trons and their children over their freedmen (tutela patronoritin} was developed per interpreta- tionem, in agreement with the rules governing intestate succes- sion and the rights of patrons (cf. note on patrono, p. 103) on the principle that he who is to derive the benefit of the inheritance ought also to have the burden of the guardianship (ubi successionis est emolument itm, ibi et tutelae onus esse debet}. The father had the same right over his emanci- pated child (par ens manumissor} ; the extraneus mauumissor over the one e mancipio emancipatus ; and the sons of the parens mantt- missor over their previously eman- cipated brothers and sisters (tutor es fiduciarii). The tutela legitima provided for the welfare of the guardian as well as for that of the pupils, inasmuch as it gave SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW quia nominatim ea lege de hac tutela cavetur, sed quia perinde accepta est per interpretationem, atque si verbis legis introducta esset. Eo enim ipso, quod hereditates libertorum libertarumque, si intestati decessissent, iusserat 5 lex ad patronos liberosve eorum pertinere, crediderunt veteres voluisse legem etiam tutelas ad eos pertinere, cum et adgnatos, quos ad hereditatem vocat, eosdem et tutores esse iussit et quia plerumque, ubi successionis est emolu- mentum, ibi et tutelae onus esse debet. 10 uip. D. Tutoris datio neque imperii est neque iuris- 26, i, 6, 2 dictionis, sed ei soli competit, cui nominatim hoc dedit vel lex vel senatus consultum vel princeps. Si cui nullus omnino tutor sit, ei datur in Gai. i, 185 urbe Roma ex lege Atilia a praetore urbano et 15 maiore parte tribunorum plebis, qui Atilianus tutor voca- tur ; in provinciis vero a praesidibus provinciarum ex lege lulia et Titia. uip. D. Si quis sub condicione vel ex die tutorem 26, 2, ii dederit, medio tempore alius tutor dandus est, the guardian the protection of the for a temporary period, if the reg- property to which he had the right ular tutor has been appointed sub of succession (idem tuerentur bona condicione vel ex die, or if he is ne dilapidarentur). absent in captivity, etc. The duty 10. Tutoris datio : sc. a magis- of making application (postulatio tratu. The appointment of guar- tutoris) for a tutor dathnis fell dian was not a function of the mag- upon the nearest heirs ab intestato istrate arising from his imperium. of the pupillu s. It was a power conferred by custom 14. ex lege Atilia a praetore : the or by express statute. The magis- date of the lex Atilia is uncertain, trate exercised this power of ap- It is commonly placed at about pointment when tutores testamen- 311 B.C. The emperor Claudius tarii and legitimi failed, or in case intrusted this duty to the consuls of their incapacity, release or re- in Rome, later it was the duty of a moval. A tutor may be thus given special praetor {praetor tutelaris)-. 148 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW quamvis legitimum tutorem pupillus habeat ; sciendum est enim, quamdiu testamentaria tutela speratur, legitimam cessare. Et si semel ad testamentarium devoluta fuerit tutela, deinde excusatus sit tutor testamentarius, adhuc 5 dicimus in locum excusati dandum, non ad legitimum tutorem redire tutelam. Idem dicimus et si fuerit remo- tus ; nam et hie idcirco abit, ut alius detur. Ab hostibus quoque tutore canto ex his leeri- Gai. i, 187 , bus tutor peti debet ; qui desmit tutor esse, si is 10 qui captus est in civitatem reversus fuerit; nam reversus recipit tutelam iure postliminii. Ne tamen et pupillorum et eorum qui in cura- Gai. i, 199 . r . r tione sunt negotia a tutonbus curatonbusque consumantur aut deminuantur, curat praetor, ut et tutores 15 et curatores eo nomine satisdent. Sed hoc non est per- petuum ; nam et tutores testamento dati satisdare non coguntur, quia fides eorum et diligentia ab ipso testatore probata est ; et curatores, ad quos non e lege curatio per- tinet, sed qui vel a consule vel a praetore vel a praeside 20 provinciae dantur, plerumque non coguntur satisdare, scili- cet quia satis honesti electi sunt. Masculi autem cum puberes esse coeperint, Gai. i, 196 tutela liberantur. 14. et tutores et curatores satis- tary guardians were not compelled dent : for the security of the pupil- to assume the munus tutelae, his, the guardian, before entering since they alone in the classical upon his duty, took an inventory law had the right of rejection of his ward's property and (with (abdicatio) without the requisite the exception of the tutor testamen- grounds for excuse (exciisatio ex tarius) gave security (satisdatio) iusta causa}, hence the fiduciary for the proper conduct of his office character of their office. (rem pupilli salvarn fore) . 22. Masculi puberes tutela liber- 17. quia fides eorum ab testatore antur : guardianship terminates on probata : furthermore, testamen- the side of the pupilhis : by death ; 149 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Item finitur tutela, si adrogati sint adhuc ' X| 22> I impuberes vel deportati ; item si in servitutem pupillus redigatur vel ab hostibus fuerit captus. Sed et si usque ad certam condicionem datus sit testamento, aeque 5 evenit, ut desinat esse tutor existente condicione. Simili modo finitur tutela morte vel tutorum vel pupillorum. Sed et capitis deminutione tutoris, per quam libertas vel civitas eius amittitur, omnis tutela perit. Minima autem capitis deminutione tutoris, veluti si se in adoptionem dederit, 10 legitima tantum tutela perit, ceterae non pereunt ; sed pupilli et pupillae capitis deminutio licet minima sit, omnes tutelas tollit. Praeterea qui ad certum tempus testamento dantur tutores, finito eo deponunt tutelam. Desinunt autem esse tutores, qui vel removentur a 15 tutela ob id quod suspecti visi sunt, vel ex iusta causa sese excusant. Sciendum est suspecti crimen e lege duodecim tabularum descendere. Datum est autem ius by ever}' capitis deminutio ; by the sibility was established in the attainment of pubertas. On the Roman law. Each case was de- side of the tutor : by completion termined by the question whether of the appointed term ; by magna the person was near the age of pu- deminutio capitis (also minima, in berty and understood that he was case of tutela legitima) ; by excusa- doing wrong (si proximus puber- tio (also abdicatio^ see above) ; by tati sit et ob id intellegat se delin- removal (accusatio suspecti). guere, Gai. 3, 208). A pupillus 2. in servitutem pupillus redi- might be reduced to slavery (if he gatur : it may be asked how far a were proximus pubertati and un- child under the age of fourteen' derstood the nature of his act) for was capable of committing delicts, the reasons given above, cf. note and whether he was amenable to on hire, p. 80. criminal punishment. Only in- 17. suspecti crimen : according fantia maiores were capable of to the Twelve Tables, any one (in- committing a wrong, but no defi- eluding women related to the ward) nite age limit for criminal respon- may bring an action (suspectum SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW removendi suspectos tutores Romae praetori et in pro- vinciis praesidibus earum et legato proconsulis. Conse- quens est, ut videamus, qui possint suspectos postulare. Et sciendum est quasi publicam esse hanc actionem, hoc 5 est omnibus patere. Quin immo et mulieres admittuntur ex rescripto divorum Severi et Antonini, sed hae solae, quae pietatis necessitudine ductae ad hoc procedunt, ut puta mater ; nutrix quoque et avia possunt, potest et soror. Suspectus autem remotus, si quidem ob dolum, famosus 10 est ; si ob culpam, non aeque. Suspectum enim eum puta- mus, qui moribus talis est, ut suspectus sit ; enimvero tutor vel curator quamvis pauper est, fidelis tamen et diligens, removendus non est quasi suspectus. postulare} against a tutor guilty of dishonesty or a breach of good faith in the conduct of his office (qui non ex fide tutelatn gerif). A tutor suspectus is removed and, if guilty of dolus, he is branded with infamy (infamia, see Class. Diet.}. Removal for other grounds, such as business inability, indo- lence, etc., is not attended with infamy. 4. quasi publicam actionem : an actio publica was one which made a demand chiefly in the interest of the state or community, and might be instituted by any citizen re- gardless of his private interest in the result. The accusatio tutoris suspecti is called quasi publica, because it is raised in the interest of the private rights of the indi- vidual ward and also because it is at the same time followed, if suc- cessful, by criminal punishment. Women were permitted to bring this action, though usually the privilege of instituting a public action was denied them. 9. ob dolum . . . ob culpam: dolus implies malicious intent (sic definit Labeo : dolum malum esse omnein calliditatem, fallaciam, machinationem ad circumvent- etidum, fallendum, decipiendum alterum adhibit am, D. 4, 3, i, 2). Culpa implies negligence or fault, which may be gross (lata) or slight (levis) : magna negligentia ctdpa est, magna culpa dolus est, D. 50, 1 6, 226. The tutor was removed with infamia for culpa lata (lata culpa est nimia negligentia, i.e. non intel- legere, quod omnes intelligunt, D. 50, 1 6, 213, 2). Cf. also note on dolo, p. 252. SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Veteres voluerunt feminas, etiamsi perfectae aetatis sint, propter animi levitatem in tutela esse. Itaque si quis filio filiaeque testamento tutorem dederit et ambo ad pubertatem pervenerint, filius quidem 5 desinit habere tutorem, filia vero nihilo minus in tutela permanet; tantum enim ex lege lulia et Papia Poppaea iure liberorum tutela liberantur feminae. Loquimur autem exceptis virginibus Vestalibus, quas etiam veteres in hono- rem sacerdotii liberas esse voluerunt, itaque etiam lege XII 10 tabularum cautum est. Feminas vero perfectae aetatis in tutela esse Gai. i, 190 .... fere nulla pretiosa ratio suasisse videtur; nam quae vulgo creditur, quia levitate animi plerumque decipi- untur et aequum erat eas tutorum auctoritate regi, magis 15 speciosa videtur quam vera ; mulieres enim, quae perfectae aetatis sunt, ipsae sibi negotia tractant et in quibusdam i. Veteres voluerunt feminas in tor. tutor) like other incompetent tutela esse : from the earliest times persons (e.g. children, lunatics, all Roman women sni iuris were and prodigals). The reason is under a lifelong guardianship. more ' specious than true, 1 since in This institution was based not so the classical law women beyond much on the helplessness of women the age of puberty were capable as on the material interest which of managing their own property, their agnates, as heirs at law, had The lifelong guardianship of in the protection and preservation women was evidently not designed of their property. The jurists, later to guard their own interests alone, on, sought to justify the perpetual It gradually passed away, disap- tutelage of women on grounds of pearing entirely about the begin- feminine frailty (fragilitas sexus), ning of the fourth century. lack of business experience (for en- 6. ex lege lulia et Papia Poppaea slum rerum ignorantia), unsound tutela liberantur: i.e. ingenuae judgment (infirmitas consilii), and trium liberorum iure; libertinae, intellectual weakness (animi lem- quattuor liberorum iure. Vestal fas) : and that women for these virgins were exempt from tutelage, reasons required a protector (//- according to a very ancient law SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW causis dicis gratia tutor interponit auctoritatem suam, saepe etiam invitus auctor fieri a praetore cogitur. Pupillorum pupillarumque tutores et negotia gerunt et auctoritatem interponunt, mulierum 5 autem tutores auctoritatem dumtaxat interponunt. Tutoris auctoritas necessaria est mulieribus quidem in his rebus : si lege aut legitimo iudicio agant, si se obligent, si civile negotium gerant, si libertae suae permittant in contubernio alieni servi morari, si rem mancipii alienent. 10 Vxori quae in manu est proinde ac filiae, item Gai. i, 148 . _,.. . , nurui quae in filn manu est proinde ac nepti tutor dari potest. In persona tamen uxoris quae in manu est recepta est etiam tutoris optio, id est ut liceat ei permittere quern velit 15 ipsa tutorem sibi optare, hoc modo TITIAE VXORI MEAE TVTORIS OPTIONEM DO. Quo casu licet uxori tutorem optare vel in omnes res vel in unam forte aut duas. Ceterum aut plena optio datur aut angusta. Plena ita dari solet, ut proxime supra diximus. Angusta ita dari solet TITIAE ascribed to Numa (cf. Plut. Nitma, ways as tutela impnberum : by tes- 10, and Introd. 3), confirmed by tament, by law, and by magisterial the Twelve Tables (Gai. I, 145). appointment. The paterfamilias 4. mulierum tutores auctorita- could name in his testament a tern interponunt: guardianship of guardian for \\isfiltaefamilias and feminae piiberes differs from that uxor in manu. The latter, how- of all impuberes in that the woman ever, had a right of choice (tutoris administers her own property, her optio) by which she could name a tutor having no gestio (adminis- guardian agreeable to her will. tratio reruni) over her property, The husband, instead of desig- although his auctoritas was re- nating her guardian, gave his wife quired in the transactions named authority to make her own selec- and in several others. tion (tutor optivus). This right 10. Vxori quae in manu est : might be limited (angusta) or un- tutela mulierum arises in the same limited (plena). '53 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW VXORI MEAE TVTORIS OPTIONEM DVMTAXAT SEMEL DO, aut DVMTAXAT BIS DO. Quae optiones plurimum inter se dif- ferunt. Nam quae plenam optionem habet, potest semel et bis et ter et saepius tutorem optare ; quae vero angustam 5 habet optionem, si dumtaxat semel data est optio, amplius quam semel optare non potest; si dumtaxat bis, amplius quam bis optandi facultatem non habet. Vocantur autem hi, qui nominatim testamento tutores dantur, dativi, qui ex optione sumuntur, optivi. I0 Et olim quidem, quantum ad legem XII tabu- 157 larum attinet, etiam feminae agnatos habebant tutores. Sed postea lex Claudia lata est, quae quod ad f eminas attinet, agnatorum tutelas sustulit ; itaque mascu- lus quidem impubes fratrem puberem aut patruum habet 15 tutorem, femina vero talem habere tutorem non potest. Praeterea senatusconsulto mulieribus permis- Gai. i, 173 , . . - .. sum est in absentis tutons locum alium petere ; quo petito prior desinit; nee interest, quam longe absit is tutor. 20 Ex lege lulia de maritandis ordinibus tutor Ulp. II, 20 . datur a praetore urbis ei mulien virgmive, quam ex hac ipsa lege nubere oportet, ad dotem dandam di- ii. feminae agnatos habebant their fathers, and of freedwomen tutores : by the tutela nndierum in that of their patrons. legitima the same persons are called 16. senatusconsulto mulieribus to the office as in the case of the permissum est : guardians are ap- tiitela impiiberum. The tutelage pointed for women, either perma- of agnates, which came to be nently or temporarily, as when the avoided in several ways, was en- regular tutor is prevented from tirely removed by the emperor granting his auctoritas by absence, Claudius. Tutela inulierum there- youth (e.g. if the tutor legititnus is after was of little significance, ex- ^.pupiUus)^ or physical and mental cept in the case of emancipated incapacity (tmit us. furiosus, etc.). daughters in the guardianship of 20. Ex lege lulia de maritandis 154 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW cendam promittendamve, si legitimum tutorem pupillum habeat. Sed postea senatus censuit, ut etiam in provinciis quoque similiter a praesidibus earum ex eadem causa tutores dentur. 5 Item si qua in tutela legitima furiosi aut muti Gai. i, 1 80 sit, permittitur ei senatusconsulto dotis constitu- endae gratia tutorem petere. Curatores aut legitimi sunt, id est qui ex lege duodecim tabularum dantur, aut honorarii, id est 10 qui a praetore constituuntur. Lex duodecim tabularum furiosum itemque prodigum, cui bonis interdictum est, in curatione iubet esse agnatorum. Ulp. 12, I tutor datur : according to this law, 4 A.D., freeborn mothers of three children and freedwomen bearing four children were exempt from the tntela legitima (agnates, patrons, etc.) as an encouragement to marriage and a reward for the rear- ing of children. Women could also free themselves from the limi- tations placed upon them by the tntela legitima (such as the veto of important acts) by a fictitious mar- riage with manns (coemptio fiduciae causa) followed by remancipatio (cf. note on Coemptione, p. 126). The manumissor became tutor, but as he was not tutor legitimus, the power of veto was lost. All of these subterfuges show the diffi- culty with which women escaped from legal disabilities in the ear- lier law and mark steps toward complete 'emancipation.' 8. Curatores aut legitimi aut honorarii : curators were appointed partly by operation of law, partly by the magistrate. The most im- portant kinds of cura were : cura furiosi, cura prodigi, cura mino- r ia/i, and cura deb ilium. Accord- ing to the Twelve Tables, the cura furiosi and prodigi fell to the agnates as those most interested in the preservation of their ward's property (cura legitima). Failing agnates, appointment of curators was made by the magistrate. La- ter, the cura legitima passed away and the praetor gave the necessary curators (cura dativa, crtratores honorarii). The furiosus had in lucid intervals (dilucida inter- valla) full capacity of action, at other times he could not even ac- quire rights unaided. The Twelve Tables placed the prodigus (cut bonis interdictum esf) in an analo- gous position, requiring oversight because he acted without reason. He could, however, acquire rights, 155 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Ulp. D. 27, 10, i Lege duodecim tabularum prodigo interdicitur bonorum suorum administratio, quod moribus quidem ab initio introductum est. Sed solent hodie prae- tores vel praesides, si talem hominem invenerint, qui neque 5 tempus neque finem expensarum habet, sed bona sua dila- cerando et dissipando profudit, curatorem ei dare exemplo furiosi. Furiosi quoque et prodigi, licet maiores viginti Inst. i, 23, 3 . , . , qumque annis smt, tamen in curatione sunt 10 adgnatorum ex lege duodecim tabularum. Sed solent Romae praefectus urbis vel praetor et in provinciis prae- sides ex inquisitione eis dare curatores. Sed et mente captis et surdis et mutis et qui morbo per- petuo laborant, quia rebus suis superesse non possunt, 15 curatores dandi sunt. but could not alienate property or bind himself without the authority of his curator. Curators appointed by testament were admitted only after the confirmation of a magis- trate. 13. mente captis et surdis et mu- tis : the cur a debilium personarum included the oversight of those per- sons incapable of managing their own affairs because of stupidity (tnente capti) or bodily infirmities (surdi, mutt, morbo laborantes, etc.). Curatores were appointed at the request of such persons and had the administration of their affairs. Debiles were capable of acquiring, alienating, binding them- selves and making a testament. A curator might also be given to a nasciturus in anticipation of an inheritance (ciira ventris} ; for the property of one in captivity or of a bankrupt (cur a bonoruiii) ; for an inheritance not yet entered upon (Jiereditas iacens) ; for the conduct of a lawsuit, etc. For cura minor um, see note on si non, p. 1 20. Law of Things : res, in its broadest sense, designates every- thing capable of private ownership i.e. property. Every object of a proprietary right which lacks personality (including slaves, ho- mines) is called res. Res em- braces everything which adminis- ters to the wants and requirements of man. -In this sense, res are divided into corporeal (cot porales) property, having a tangible exist- ence, and incorporeal (incorpo- 156 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Gai. D. i, 8, i, i THE LAW OF THINGS (Res) Quaedam rescorporales sunt, quaedam incorpo- rates. Corporales hae sunt, quae tangi possunt, veluti funclus, homo, vestis, aurum, argentum et denique aliae res innumerabiles. Incorporates sunt, quae tangi 5 non possunt, qualia sunt ea, quae in hire consistunt, sicut hereditas, ususfructus, obligationes quoquo modo contrac- tae. Nee ad rem pertinet, quod in hereditate res corporales continentur; nam et fructus, qui ex fundo percipiuntur, corporales sunt, et id quod ex aliqua obligatione nobis 10 debetur plerumque corporate est, veluti fundus, homo, pecu- nia ; nam ipsum ius successionis et ipsum ius utendi fruendi et ipsum ius obligationis incorporate est. Eodem numero rales) property, having no tangible existence, but existing only in con- templation of law (in iure con- sistunf), e.g. rights in another's property, as a usufruct or right of way ; rights growing out of con- tracts ; rights of inheritance, etc. The right itself is a res incorporatis, though the object of that right, as a field, building, or slave, is a res corporalis. The Roman distinc- tion is derived from popular usage rather than from scientific analysis, since, properly speaking, a right of ownership of a material object is just as intangible as a right to a right (e.g. a right to the ' right of way ' across another's field). 3. fundus, homo : for an explana- tion of fundus see text and note on this word, p. 1 61. Homo, mean- ing servus, is very common in legal Latin (cf. the formula in man- cipation, ' hunc ego hominem ex iure Quiritium meum esse aio'). This meaning of the word is not given adequate recognition in Har- per's Lat. Did. 5. qualia sunt ea, quae in iure consistunt : ' such as, rights ' (quae in iure consistunt, cf. above on Law) . Hereditas means both the substance of an inheritance and also the right of inheritance, here in the latter meaning. Vsusfructus is the right to enjoy the use and fruits (ius utendi et fruendi) of another's property (see below, Servitudes) . Obligationes (see below), i.e. the rights growing out of a bond of law (yrinculum iuris~) arising from contract or delict. SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW sunt et iura praediorum urbanorum et rusticorum, quae etiam servitutes vocantur. Modo videamus de rebus. Quae vel in nostro Inst. 2, i, pr. . . patrimonio vel extra nostrum patrimonium ha- 5 bentur. Quaedam enim naturali iure communia sunt omnium, quaedam publica, quaedam universitatis, quae- dam nullius, pleraque singulorum, quae variis ex causis cuique adquiruntur, sicut ex subiectis apparebit. Gal. D. Summa rerum divisio in duos articulos dedu- io * 8> * citur, nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani. Divini iuris sunt veluti res sacrae et religiosae. Sanctae i . iura praediorum urbanorum et rusticorum : praedia urbana, i.e. real estate in buildings or rights pertaining to buildings. Praedia rustica, i.e. land and rights per- taining to land. Although origi- nally the former were urban and the latter rural, the terms came to be applied irrespective of the sit- uation of the property (see below, Servitudes, p. 188). 3. in nostro patrimonio : patri- monium meant originally paternal property, since only patresfamilias had rights of ownership, but here it means that which may form the property of a legal person and is capable of private ownership. Res extra patrimonium are, therefore, those things which are withdrawn from private ownership by law or by circumstances. Certain things are by necessity incapable of pri- vate ownership, e.g. res divini iuris, while certain other things, though the property of the state set apart for the common use of all citizens, are withdrawn from private ownership (quae publicae sunt. nullius in bonis esse cre- duntur, ipsius enim universitatis esse creduntur, D. i , 8, i ) . Res in commercio and res extra commer- ciiim are terms in common use, equivalent to res in patrimonio and res extra patrimonium. Of res, some are by nature common to all men (res communes'} ; some are set apart for public use (res publica^e, res universitatis) ; some things are the property of no one (res nullius') ; but most things are the property of individuals (res singulorum) . 8. ex subiectis apparebit : see p. 165 of text. 9. Summa rerum divisio : the di- vision of res into those belonging to divine law and those belonging to human law, is analogous to the division above of res in patrimo- nio and res extra patrimonium. SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW quoque res, veluti muri et portae, quodammodo divini iuris sunt. Quod autem divini iuris est, id nullius in bonis est ; id vero, quod humani iuris est, plerumque alicuius in bonis est, potest autem et nullius in bonis esse : nam res heredi- tariae, antequam aliquis heres existat, nullius in bonis sunt. Hae autem res, quae humani iuris sunt, aut publicae sunt aut privatae. Quae publicae sunt, nullius in bonis esse creduntur, ipsius enim universitatis esse creduntur; pri- vatae autem sunt, quae singulorum sunt. Sacrae sunt, quae diis superis consecratae sunt ; religiosae, quae diis Manibus relictae sunt. Sed sacrum quidem hoc solum existimatur, quod ex aucto- ritate populi Romani consecratum est, veluti lege de ea re lata aut senatusconsulto facto. Religiosum vero nostra Gai. 2, 4 for res divini iuris are not capable of private ownership and therefore are not part of the private law (i.e. res sacrae, sanctae, religi- osae}. Res divini iuris are the property of nobody (res nullius') because they are the property of the gods and are hence withdrawn from individual, private ownership. Res humani iuris may be the prop- erty of nobody, not because they are incapable of private ownership, but because nobody has acquired ownership of them {e.g. wild game, gems along the seashore, etc., nul- lius in bonis esse) . 10. Sacrae sunt, quae diis superis consecratae : i.e. aedis, ara, sig- nin/i, locus, pecunia, cf. Festus s. v. sacer mons. A thing may become res sacra through the dedicatio of the people by a definite lex and the consecratio of the Pontifex Maxi- mus. These proceedings should occur in due form. Cicero argued, on his return from exile, that his house had not been made a res sacra with due regard to divine law. In the appeal which he carried to the pontiffs, he main- tained that the dedicatio was not valid. The pontiffs decided, fa- vorably to Cicero's contention, that a dedicatio must occur at the hand of a magistrate designated by name, formally intrusted with this duty by the popular assembly. For an account of this decision see ad Att. 4, 2 ; also de Dom. 20, 45. 53- 14. Religiosum : a thing may be made religiosa by a private act, as by the burial of a dead body. The place of interment, along with 159 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW voluntate facimus mortuum inferentes in locum nostrum, si modo eius mortui funus ad nos pertineat. Sanctae quoque res, velut muri et portae, quodammodo divini iuris sunt. 5 Marcian.D. Sanctum est, quod ab iniuria hominum de- J - 8 - 8 f ensum atque munitum est. Sanctum autem dictum est a sagminibus : sunt autem sagmina quaedam herbae, quas legati populi Romani ferre solent, ne quis eos violaret, sicut legati Graecorum f erunt ea quae vocantur 10 cerycia. In municipiis quoque muros esse sanctos Sabi- num recte respondisse Cassius refert, prohiberique oportere ne quid in his immitteretur. * uip. D. Purus autem locus dicitur, qui neque sacer ". 7. 2 . 4 neque sanctus est neque religiosus, sed ab om- 15 nibus huiusmodi nominibus vacare videtur. Et quidem naturali iure communia sunt om- Inst. 2,1,1. mum haec : aer et aqua pronuens et mare et per hoc litora maris. Nemo igitur ad litus maris accedere prohibetur, dum tamen villis et monumentis et aedificiis whatever may be erected upon it, they may be entirely independent becomes a locus religiosus, if it is of ownership, e.g. things existing intended that the interment be still in a state of nature, as wild permanent and that the place shall animals, gems along the seashore, become a sepulcher. In the law etc. There may be also res which of Justinian, res religiosae were are incapable of absolute private confined to places of entombment, ownership because they are the but in the earlier law, sacred spots common property of mankind, e.g. in Rome were regarded as loca re- air, running water, the high sea, ligiosa, e.g. Casa Romuli, Ficus the seashore, etc. Ruminalis. 19. villis et monumentis et aedi- 16. iure communia sunt omnium ficiis abstineat: although the sea- haec : most res humani iuris are shore is a res communis omnium, in commercio. They may be in nevertheless whatever part of it is the control of private persons or occupied by villas, etc., acquires the 1 60 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW abstineat, quia non sunt iuris gentium, sicut et mare. Flu- mina autem omnia et portus publica sunt, ideoque ius piscandi omnibus commune est in portubus fluminibusque. Est autem litus maris, quatenus hibernus fluctus maximus 5 excurrit. Riparum quoque usus publicus est iuris gentium, sicut ipsius fluminis, itaque navem ad eas appellere, funes ex arboribus ibi natis religare, onus aliquid in his reponere cuilibet liberum est, sicuti per ipsum flumen navigare. Sed proprietas earum illorum est, quorum praediis haerent. Qua 10 de causa arbores quoque in isdem natae eorundem sunt Litorum quoque usus publicus iuris gentium est, sicut ipsius maris et ob id quibuslibet liberum est casam ibi imponere, in qua se recipiant, sicut retia siccare et ex mare deducere. Proprietas autem eorum potest intellegi nullius 15 esse, sed eiusdem iuris esse, cuius et mare et quae subia- cent mari, terra vel harena. uip. D. 43, Loca enim publica utique privatorum usibus deserviunt, hire scilicet civitatis, non quasi pro- pria cuiusque. 20 iav. D. 50, Fundus est omne, quidquid solo tenetur. !6, us Ager est, si species fundi ad usum hominis comparatur. character of a res in commercio imperiuin habet, populi Romani and loses its character as litus esse arbitror, D. 43, 8, 3). maris so long as the structure re- 20. Fundus . . . Ager : still an- mains and does not interfere with other division of things was that into the public use of the sea and sea- res mobiles and res iinmobiles. The shore (in litore hire gentium aedi- latter consist of the soil and what is ficarelicere, D. 43, 8, 4). Justinian attached to it (solum et res soli, classes the seashore among res \.z.solocohaerentes). A definitely communes, but Celsus regarded it defined portion of the solum was as the property of the state pos- called f undies or ager. The dis- sessing the territory along the coast tinction between solum Italicum (litora, in quae populus Romanus and solum provinciale was impor- ROMAN LAW II I 6 1 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Ulp. D. 50, 16,60 Locus est non fundus, sed portio aliqua fundi, fundus autem integrum aliquid est. Et ple- rumque sine villa locum accipimus, ceterum adeo opinio nostra et constitutio locum a fundo separat, ut et modicus 5 locus possit fundus dici, si fundi animo eum habuimus. Non etiam magnitude locum a fundo separat, sed nostra affectio et quaelibet portio fundi poterit fundus dici, si iam tant up to the time of its removal by Justinian. The ties civile was applicable only to the former ; the latter, as property of the state, was not capable of private ownership. The title to the solum provinciate was in the sovereign power (in provincial* solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos au- tem possessionein tantuin velusuin- fructum habere videmur, Gai. 2, 7). There is the further division of solum provincial into praedia stipendiaria and praedia tributa- ria, according as land is situated in the territory belonging respec- tively to the Roman people or to the private fiscus of the emperor. Res immobiles consist of prae- dia rustica and praedia urbana, according to their economic char- acter as land or appurtenances to land. Land obtained by conquest was reserved partly for secular and partly for religious purposes. Be- yond such reserved portions its uses were determined according to its character as arable or not ara- ble land. If arable, it was sur- veyed (agri limitati) and devoted to the establishment of coloniae (ager assignatns) or to individuals (ager viritanus}, or sold (ager quaestorins) or leased for a defi- nite rent (ager vectigalis). Un- cultivated land, on the other hand, was not surveyed, but it was as- signed to individuals for their possession and use for the annual payment of a crop rent, one tenth of grain and one fifth of small fruits (agri occupatorii, arcifinii), or set apart for public forests and pastures (silvae et pascua publica) in return for a fixed rent (called 1 scripturaj qtria piiblicanus scri- bendo conficit rationein cum pas- tore, Festus). Of res mobiles, some are capable of motion through their own power (res se tnoventes, am'matia), i e. slaves and beasts. Of beasts, there are two kinds, those enjoying their natural freedom (ferae bestiae} and those which have been tamed or are by nature tame (mansuefac- tae, mansuetae). The most im- portant of the latter class are beasts of burden (animalia quae collo dorsove domantur). Cf. res man- cipi below and Ulp. 19, i, text, p. 163. 162 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW hoc constituerimus. Nee non et fundus locus constitui potest, nam si eum alii adiunxerimus fundo, locus fundi efficietur. Loci appellationem non solum ad rustica, verum ad urban a quoque praedia pertinere Labeo scribit. Sed 5 fundus quidem suos habet fines, locus vero latere potest, quatenus determinetur et definiatur. Fiorent. D. Fundi appellatione omne aedificium et omnis 50,16,211 ager continetur. Sed in usu urbana aedificia aedes, rustica villae dicuntur. Locus vero sine aedificio in 10 urbe area, rure autem ager appellatur. Idemque ager cum aedificio fundus dicitur. ui p . D. Vrbana praedia omnia aedificia accipimus, 50, 16, 198 non so i um ea quae sunt in oppidis, sed et si forte stabula sunt vel alia meritoria in villis et in vicis, vel 15 si praetoria voluptati tantum deservientia, quia urbanum praedium non locus facit, sed materia. Proinde hortos quoque, si qui sunt in aedificiis constituti, dicendum est urbanorum appellatione contineri. Plane si plurimum horti in reditu sunt, vinearii forte vel etiam holitorii, magis 20 haec non sunt urbana. Sunt provincialia praedia, quorum alia sti- Gai. 2, 21 ..... .. . . ... pendiana, aha tnbutana vocamus. btipendiana sunt ea, quae in his provinces sunt, quae propriae populi Romani esse intelleguntur ; tributaria sunt ea, quae in his 25 provinciis sunt, quae propriae Caesaris esse creduntur. Omnes res aut mancipi sunt aut nee mancipi. Mancipi res sunt praedia in Italico solo, tarn 19. holitorii : vegetable gar dens, yards'; horti holitorii, i vegetable found in Harper's Lat. Diet. s. v. gardens.' olitorius, formed from holus, < vege- 26. res mancipi aut nee mancipi : table.' Horti, < ornamental gar- mancipi is the contracted gen. dens ' ; horti vinearii, ' vine- sing, (mancipif) stereotyped form 163 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW rustica, qualis est f undus, quam urbana, qualis domus ; item iura praediorum rusticorum, velut via, iter, actus, aquae- ductus ; item servi et quadrupedes, quae dorso collove domantur, velut boves, muli, equi, asini. Ceterae res nee S mancipi sunt. Elefanti et cameli quamvis collo dorsove do- mentur, nee mancipi sunt, quoniam bestiarum numero sunt. Magna differentia est inter mancipi res et nee mancipi. Nam res nee mancipi ipsa traditione pleno iure alterius fiunt, si modo corporales sunt et ob id Gai. a, 18 which was still retained in legal Latin after the long forms in -' prevailed (end of Augustan age). For the negative, see Harpers Lat. Diet. s. v. neqtie. The terms res mancipi and nee mancipi were of much significance in the early law and down to the classical period, but they disap^ peared from the post-classical law. Manns meant in early law the power of i\\t paterfamilias over the persons and things in his familia (cf. note on de manu, p. 88). Man- cipare (manu-capere) meant the acquiring of manns, i.e. ownership (dominium). Mancipium (older form mancHpiutn, showing the vowel progression from man-ca- piuni) had three distinct mean- ings: power of the housefather (synonymous with manus) ; the thing over which this power was exercised (especially slaves) ; the legal process by which certain things were acquired and alienated (real estate in Italy and certain appurtenances to real estate) . The term res mancipi was derived from the last meaning. It designated those things acquired or alienated by the process called mancipium (later mancipatio). Transfer by mancipium alone gave full owner- ship (dominiitm ex iure Qiiiri- tium}. Those things mentioned in the text as res mancipi origi- nally constituted the property of \.\\& familia. All other things (res nee mancipi) were classed as pecu- nia, hence in the old formula of wills, ' familia pecniiiaqite mea? etc. There is no difference be- tween mancipium and mancipatio as terms of procedure. 2. iura praediorum rusticorum : for the explanation of these rights appertaining to real property, called by the Romans Servitudes (cf. the English Easements), see below, text and notes, p. 188. Elephants and camels, not being native to Italy, were not regarded as among domesticated beasts of burden and were hence res nee mancipi. 8. traditione pleno iure alterius fiunt : in practice the importance of the distinction between res 164 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW recipiunt traditionem. Itaque si tibi vestem vel aurum vel argentum tradidero sive ex venditionis causa sive ex dona- tionis sive quavis alia ex causa, statim tua fit ea res, si modo ego eius dominus sim. Mancipi vero res sunt, quae 5 per mancipationem ad alium transferuntur ; unde etiam mancipi res sunt dictae. ACQUISITION OF OWNERSHIP (Jure Gentium) Quarundam rerum dominium nanciscimur iure gentium, quod ratione naturali inter omnes ho- mines peraeque servatur, quarundam iure civili, id est iure Gai. D. 41, 1, 1 mancipi and res nee mancipi lay in the fact that complete ownership according to the terms of the ins civile (ex hire Quiritium) could be acquired only by a formal trans- action to which ci-ves Romani alone were eligible, i.e. the solemn man- cipatio or in iure cessio (see be- low, text p. 183) ; whereas res nee mancipi could pass by an informal act of delivery of possession (tra- ditio) attended by an intention to confer ownership and having as a basis for the transaction an under- lying fact (causa) as a reason for the operation. Acquisition of Ownership : the Romans called ownership of corpo- real things dominium. The owner of the thing forming part of a per- son's property was called carports dominies, in distinction from one who has merely a right in the property of another, i.e. a ins in re (aliena). Rights of property may be absolute or limited. They are absolute when the owner possesses full legal disposition of the thing to the exclusion of every other person. This in Roman phrase- ology was a full and free property (proprietas plena). Proprietary right is limited when the right to use or enjoy the thing is separated from the ownership and belongs to another, or where any other real right in the thing restricted the rights of ownership. The owner was then said to possess the naked property (tiuda proprietas), i.e. dominium stripped of part of its rights. The law prescribes cer- tain modes by which property may be acquired. Acquisition (acqui- sitid) may be per universitatem, e.g. when property is acquired in .an entire inheritance, with all the rights and duties involved ; or it may be rerum singular um, as when property in single things is 165 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW proprio civitatis nostrae. Et quia antiquius ius gentium cum ipso genere humano proditum es't, opus est, ut de hoc prius referendum sit. Omnia igitur animalia, quae terra, mari, caelo capiuntur, 5 id est ferae bestiae et volucres et pisces, capientium fiunt. Quod enim nullius est, id ratione naturali occupanti con- ceditur. Nee interest quod ad feras bestias et volucres, utrum in suo fundo quisque capiat an in alieno. Plane qui in alienum fundum ingreditur venandi aucupandive gratia, 10 potest a domino, si is provident, iure prohiberi ne ingre- deretur. Quidquid autem eorum ceperimus, eo usque nos- trum esse intellegitur, donee nostra custodia coercetur ; cum vero evaserit custodiam nostram et in naturalem libertatem se receperit, nostrum esse desinit et rursus 15 occupantis fit. Naturalem autem libertatem recipere intellegitur, cum vel oculos nostros effugerit vel ita sit in conspectu nostro, ut difficilis sit eius persecutio. Illud quaesitum est, an acquired. Acquisitio rerutn singu- COttcedihtr)* f res n it I' i its cedit larum may be civilis or naturalis, occupanti' (as stated in modern i.e. in accordance with the require- times). In this connection the ments of the ins civile or with Romans meant by res nullius : a those of the ius gentium (naluralis thing which has never had an ratio). The acquisition of res owner (as wild game, undiscovered singulae is first considered (cf. islands, gems picked up on the noteon perierstfatem,p. 2$<)). seashore); or a thing which has 4. Omnia animalia, quae terra, been abandoned by its former mari : the first mode of acquisition owner, voluntarily, with the inten- iure gentium is occupatio (Occu- tion of relinquishing his proprie- pancy of English law). It is the tary right in it (as derelicts, or acquisition of title to a res nnllhts largesses thrown to a crowd), by first seizure and possession, with 8. utrum in suo fundo quisque the intention (animus) to make it capiat an : hunting, fishing, and one's property (quod enim nullius fowling were entirely free in Roman est id ratione naturali occupanti times, so that game captured on 166 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW fera bestia, quae ita vulnerata sit, ut capi possit, statim nostra esse intellegatur. Trebatio placuit statim nostram esse et eo usque nostram videri, donee earn persequamur, quod si desierimus earn persequi, desinere nostram esse 5 et rursus fieri occupantis ; itaque si per hoc tempus, quo earn persequimur, alius earn ceperit eo animo, ut ipse lucrifaceret, furtum videri nobis eum commississe. Plerique non aliter putaverunt earn nostram esse, quam si earn ceperimus, quia multa accidere possunt, ut earn 10 non capiamus, quod verius est. Apium quoque natura fera est ; itaque quae in arbore nostra consederint, antequam a nobis alveo concludantur, non magis nostrae esse intelleguntur quam volucres, quae in nostra arbore nidum fecerint. Ideo si alius eas incluserit, earum 15 dominus erit. Favos quoque si quos hae fecerint, sine furto quilibet possidere potest ; sed ut supra quoque diximus, qui in alienum fundum ingreditur, potest a domino, si is providerit, hire prohiberi ne ingrederetur. Examen, quod ex alveo nostro evolaverit, eo usque 20 nostrum esse intellegitur, donee in conspectu nostro est nee difficilis eius persecutio est ; alioquin occupantis fit. Pavonum et columbarum fera natura est nee ad rem the property of another became case of the latter, detention alone the undisputed property of the is required. As a swarm of bees huntsman. The term game, be- has no intention of returning, it ing more comprehensive than in continues to be the property of modern times, embraced also bees, the owner of the hive as long peacocks, and doves. Ofwildani- only as he keeps the swarm in mals (ferae naturae) there is a sight and has the possibility of distinction between those partly recapturing it. In the case of tamed, as deer, peacocks, bees, tame animals, straying does not etc., and game in a state of nature. extinguish the rights of owners, Property in the former ceases when even though animus revertendi is the animus revertendi ceases ; in absent. 167 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW pertinet, quod ex consuetudine avolare et revolare solent ; nam et apes idem faciunt, quarum constat feram esse naturam ; cervos quoque ita quidam mansuetos habent, ut in silvas eant et redeant, quorum et ipsorum feram esse 5 naturam nemo negat. In his autem animalibus, quae con- suetudine abire et redire solent, talis regula comprobata est, ut eo usque nostra esse intellegantur, donee revertendi animum habeant, quod si desierint revertendi animum habere, desinant nostra esse et fiant occupantium. Intelle- 10 guntur autem desisse revertendi animum habere tune, cum revertendi consuetudinem deseruerint. Gallinarum et anse- rum non est fera natura ; palam est enim alias esse feras gallinas et alios feros anseres. Itaque si quolibet modo anseres mei et gallinae meae turbati turbataeve adeo 15 longius evolaverint, ut ignoremus ubi sint, tamen nihilo minus in nostro dominio tenentur. Qua de causa furti nobis tenebitur, qui quid eorum lucrandi animo adprehend- erit. Item quae ex hostibus capiuntur, iure gentium statim capientium fiunt ; adeo quidem, ut et liberi homines in ser- 20 vitutem deducantur ; qui tamen, si evaserint hostium potes- 18. quae ex hostibus capiuntur : the soldiers capturing it. The the principle of Occupancy (occupa- principle oi postliminium operated tid) was extended in ancient times in cases of prizes of war, when to the property and persons of ene- they fell into the hands of their mies captured in war. Whatever original owners (postliminium est property of the enemy (res hostiles) z'us anrissae rei recipiendae ab ex- was taken within Roman posses- traneo et in statumpristinum resti- sions became the property of those tuendae, D. 49, 15, 19). See also seizing it. Booty of war, how- text and note on postliminiiiin. ever, as a rule fell to the victorious p. 85. According to Cicero (Top. state, the army being the mere 8, 36), those things which reverted representative of the state. Occa- to their original owner by postli- sionally movable property was al- minium were : ships of war, slaves, lowed to become the property of horses, mules. Cf. also 0.49, 15, 2. SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW tatem, recipiunt pristinam libertatem. Praeterea quod per alluvionem agro nostro flumen adicit, iure gentium nobis adquiritur. Per alluvionem autem id videtur adici quod ita paulatim adicitur, ut intellegere non possimus, quantum 5 quoquo momento temporis adiciatur. Quod si vis fluminis partem aliquam ex tuo praedio detraxerit et meo praedio attulerit, palam est earn tuam permanere. Plane si longi- ore tempore fundo meo haeserit arboresque, quas secum traxerit, in meum fundum radices egerint, ex eo tempore 10 videtur meo fundo adquisita esse. Insula quae in mari nascitur (quod raro accidit) occupantis fit, nullius enim i. quod per alluvionem : passing from occupatio as a mode of acqui- sition, the text next mentions va- rious ways in which property may be acquired without any act of possession on the part of the one acquiring, but rather by some in- crease in the thing already owned, due to the action of the forces of nature. This increase is called accessio. The word is also ex- tended by commentators to indi- cate the mode by which title to the actual increase is acquired. Own- ers of land acquire by Accession all increase by alluvial soil ; or by avulsio (' sudden increase '), if suffi- cient time has elapsed (si longiore tempore fundo meo haeserit arbo- resque radices egerint) ; by forma- tion of an insula in flumine ; by change of river bed (alveus relic- tus) ; by building on another's soil (inaedificatio) ; by planting and sowing ( plant atio, satto). ' Superficies solo cedit." 1 5. vis fluminis partem aliquam detraxerit : such sudden removal of a considerable portion of soil the commentators call avulsio. The former owner retained ownership in this mass because the increase in the soil of another was percepti- ble and might be recoverable by detachment (hence not alhivio). The exception to this was noticed above. 10. Insula quae in mari nascitur : since the sea, seashore, and bed of the sea were res communes and could not become the property of any individual person, an island formed in the sea was looked upon as part of the bed of the sea risen to the surface, and it was, therefore, treated as a res nullius, subject to occripatio by discovery and first seizure. An island formed in a river (/;/ flumine natd) was treated dif- ferently for the reason that riparian owners had a qualified ownership in the bed of the river, though its ;6o. SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW esse creditur. In flumine nata (quod frequenter accidit), si quidem mediam partem fluminis tenet, communis est eorum, qui ab utraque parte fluminis prope ripam praedia possident, pro modo latitudinis cuiusque praedii, quae lati- 5 tudo prope ripam sit. Quod si alteri parti proximior sit, eorum est tantum, qui ab ea parte prope ripam praedia possident. Quod si uno latere perruperit flumen et alia parte novo rivo fluere coeperit, deinde infra novus iste rivus in veterem se converterit, ager, qui a duobus rivis 10 comprehensus in formam insulae redactus est, eius est scilicet, cuius et fuit. Quod si toto naturali alveo relicto waters were subject to the uses of the public. Whatever part ceased to serve the public as a stream be- came subject to the rights of the riparian owners. 4. pro modo latitudinis cuiusque praedii : if the boundary lines of land lying on either side of the stream intersected the banks at vary ing angles, each riparian owner would acquire as much of the island as was included between his boun- dary lines (pro modo latitudinis) projected perpendicularly to the stream until they intersected the line dividing the island longitudi- nally, i.e. if the island stood in the middle of the stream, otherwise to the line marking the center of the stream. 5. proximior : this form occurs occasionally in late Latin and shows the linguistic tendency to double comparison. It contains the super- lative suffix, -;//iiversitatem by prescriptive title 8. longo tempore captum: i.e. did not carry with it the ownership rent or dominium usu captum. of individual things of which the From these phrases, especially nsit- entirety was composed. Univer- capere, capere alone came to have sitas (modern universitas rerum) the meaning. ' acquire by prescrip- means several individual things tion, 1 often as here. For the pre- (res singulae') which, when taken 174 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW solo, quod intellegeret alienum. Si alienam plantam in meo solo posuero, mea erit : ex diverse si meam plantam in alieno solo posuero, illius erit, si modo utroque casu radices egerit. Antequam enim radices ageret, illius permanet, 5 cuius et fuit. His conveniens est, quod, si vicini arborem ita terra presserim, ut in meum fundum radices egerit, meam effici arborem ; rationem enim non permittere ut alterius arbor intellegatur, quam cuius fundo radices egisset. Et ideo prope confinium arbor posita, si etiam 10 in vicinum fundum radices egerit, communis est. Qua ratione autem plantae quae terra coalescunt solo cedunt, eadem ratione frumenta quoque quae sata sunt solo cedere intelleguntur. Ceterum sicut is, qui in alieno solo aedifi- cavit, si ab eo dominus soli petat aedificium, defendi potest 15 per exceptionem doli mali, ita eiusdem exceptionis auxilio tutus esse poterit, qui in alienum fundum sua impensa consevit. Litterae quoque licet aureae sint, perinde chartis membranisque cedunt, ac solo cedere solent ea quae aedifi- cantur aut seruntur. Ideoque si in chartis membranisve 20 tuis carmen vel historian! vel orationem scripsero, huius together, in the eye of the law omnia sollemniter acta (cf. also form a whole (e-g- wiiversitas Kalb, Roins Juristen, p. 31). aediuni). 14. defendi potest per exceptio- 5 . His conveniens est, quod nem doli mali : an except io doli mali meam effici arborem : there seems to was a plea or defense setup by the be authority in legal Latin for this defendant alleging fraud on the construction of quod with the infin. part of the plaintiif, and intended and subject accus., a construction as an offset to the latter's claim, cited by Schmalz, Mliller's Hand- An actio in rem (for the ownership buck, II 2 , p. 499, from Cyprian of the building) was therefore met (died 258 A.D.). It is also em- by a claim for compensation in ployed by Ulpian (died 228 A. D.), the nature of an exceptio to the D. 45, i, 30, sciendum est, quod si demand of the plaintiff. quis se scripseritfideiussisse, videri 20. huius corporis non ego sed tu 175 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW corporis non ego, sed tu dominus esse intellegeris. Sed si a me petas tuos libros tuasve membranas nee impensas scripturae solvere velis, potero me defendere per excep- tionem doli mali, utique si bona fide eorum possessionem 5 nanctus sim. Sed non uti litterae chartis membranisve cedunt, ita solent picturae tabulis cedere, sed ex diverso placuit tabulas picturae cedere. Vtique tamen conveniens est domino tabularum adversus eum qui pinxerit, si is tabulas possidebat, utilem actionem dari, qua ita efficaciter 10 experiri poterit, si picturae impensam exsolvat ; alioquin dominus : according to the text, writing accedes to the paper on the principle that the writing can- not exist without the paper (iie- cessarie ei ret cedit, quod sine ilia esse 'non pot est, see below), and that the result is still fundamen- tally paper. In case of painting, however, the substance forming the basis of the paint accedes to the painting (specificatio). On this point the sources differ. The proper distinction is well stated by Sohm. When the result of the painting is simply a painted surface, as a canvas, the canvas still existing as the principal thing, the result is a case of Acces- sion (e.g. a drop curtain or mere daub) ; the owner of the canvas remains owner of the painted thing (cf. text below, p. 177, Paul. D. 6, i, 23, 2). When the result of the painting is a work of art, a new thing has been created which is neither mere paint nor canvas, the materials losing their identity in a new creation, the case is then one of Specification. The new product is the property of the artist. The same difference exists in the case of writing mere paper containing writing is a case of Accession ; if the writ- ing is a literary performance, it is Specification. Ownership in each case follows the regular rule, ac- cording to the economic changes in the condition of the thing under consideration. Cf. Sohm, Institutionen, 8th ed., p. 319, or Eng. trans. (1892) p. 248. 9. utilem actionem dari : the owner of the tablet on which the painting was executed was treated as if he were the owner of the finished work, because he was allowed to assert that he was the owner when the painting was in the painter's possession, and the Praetor granted him an equitable action (actio ntHis) by which he could sue fictitiously as if he were owner. The painter had an actio 176 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW nocebit ei doli mali exceptio, utique si bona fide possessor fuerit qui solvent. Adversus dominum vero tabularum ei qui pinxerit rectam yindicationem competere dicimus, ut tamen pretium tabularum inferat, alioquin nocebit ei doli 5 mali exceptio. Paul. D. Si quis rei suae alienam rem ita adiecerit, ut 6, i, 23, 2 p ars ems fieret, veluti si quis statuae suae brac- chium aut pedem alienum adiecerit, aut scypho ansam vel fundum, vel candelabro sigillum, aut mensae pedem, domi- 10 num eius totius rei effici vereque statuam suam dicturum et scyphum plerique recte dicunt Sed et id, quod in charta mea scribitur aut in tabula pingitur, statim meum fit, licet de pictura quidam contra senserint propter pretium picturae ; sed necesse est ei rei cedi, quod sine ilia esse 15 non potest. In omnibus igitur istis, in quibus mea res per praevalentiam alienam rem trahit meamque efficit, si earn rem vindicem, per exceptionem doli mali cogar pretium eius quod accesserit dare. Item quaecumque aliis iuncta sive adiecta accessionis loco cedunt, ea quamdiu cohaerent 20 dominus vindicare non potest, sed ad exhibendum agere directa, since he had become by pal verb, is omitted in legal Latin his work legally owner. Except as in the comic writers (cf. Plau- for the actio ntilis, the owner of tus, Ca.pt. 256; Trin. 956; Men. the tablet could merely bring a 539)- Eum and eos are frequently personal action against the painter omitted, se less often, for the value of the materials 14. sed necesse est ei rei cedi : used. The painter had a real Mommsen proposes the reading: right to the property (vindicatio necessarie eirei cedit, quod, etc. recta), having acquired title to it 19. accessionis loco cedunt : ac- by specificatio. cessio means here that the union 10. dicturum (esse): the subject is a separable one. The actio ad is eum, referring to quis. The exhibendum is for the separation, subject of the infin., even when the rei vindicatio^ for the transfer, different from that of the princi- of the property. ROMAN LAW 12 177 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW potest, ut separentur et tune vindicentur ; scilicet excepto eo, quod Cassius de ferruminatione scribit. Dicit enim, si statuae suae ferruminatione iunctum bracchium sit, unitate maioris partis consumi et quod semel alienum factum sit, 5 etiamsi inde abruptum sit, redire ad priorem dominum non posse. Non idem in eo quod adplumbatum sit, quia fer- ruminatio per eandem materiam facit confusionem, plum- batura non idem efficit. Ideoque in omnibus his casibus, in quibus neque ad exhibendum neque in rem locum habet, 10 in factum actio necessaria est. At in his corporibus, quae ex distantibus corporibus essent, constat singulas partes retinere suam propriam speciem, ut singuli homines, singulae oves ; ideoque posse me gregem vindicare, quam- 6. quia f erruminatio per eandem materiam facit : the distinction between plumbatura and f erru- minatio is : the former is the mere soldering together of two metals with a third, in such a way that they do not lose their identity and may be afterward separated. No new product results from this union. Neither of the two metals consumes the other. Hence there is no change of property, and after an actio ad exhibendum, either of the component parts may be the object of a rei -vindicatio. Ferru- minatio, on the contrary, is the union of one thing with another in such a way that the accessory becomes consumed by the princi- pal thing the accessory loses its identity, and the result of the union is a finished product, as an arm affixed to a statue ; the result is a statue the arm was not a statue. Hence the thing so consumed may not be claimed by vindicatio, nor is it subject to an exhibendum, since ownership in it has changed. 10. At in his corporibus, quae ex distantibus : D. 41, 3, 30, tria au- t em genera sunt cor porn in, nun in, quod continetur uno spiritu et Graece ^vw/Aevov (i.e. continuum) vocatur, ut homo, tignum, lapis et similia ; alterum, quod ex contin- gentibus, hoc est pluribus inter se cohaerentibus constat, quod a-vvif /A/xevov (i.e. coiiiitnctn/ti) t'ocatttr, ut aedificium, navis, armariutn ; tertium, quod ex distantibus con- stat, ?// corpora plura non soluta, sed uni notnini subiecta, veluti populus, legio, grex. The distinc- tion is between corpora distantia, those things which unite to form an entirety (inn 'versitas), of which SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW vis aries tuus sit immixtus, sed et te arietem vindicare posse. Quod non idem in cohaerentibus corporibus eveniret : nam si statuae meae bracchium alienae statuae addideris, non posse dici bracchium tuum esse, quia tota 5 statua uno spiritu continetur. Tignum alienum aedibus iunctum nee vindicari potest propter legem duodecim tabu- larum, nee eo nomine ad exhibendum agi nisi adversus eum, qui sciens alienum iunxit aedibus ; sed est actio antiqua de tigno iuncto, quae in duplum ex lege duodecim 10 tabularum descendit. Item si quis ex alienis cementis in solo suo aedificaverit, domum quidem vindicare poterit, cementa autem resoluta prior dominus vindicabit, etiamsi post tempus usucapionis dissolutum sit aedincium, post- quam a bonae fidei emptore possessum sit ; nee enim sin- 15 gula cementa usucapiuntur, si domus per temporis spatium nostra fiat. TREASURE-TROVE Paul. D. Thensaurus est vetus quaedam depositio pecu- 41, i, 31, i niae, cuius non exstat memoria, ut iam dominum the individual things (res singu- was ten years where both parties lae) remain intact, and corpora interested lived in the same prov- cohaerentia, where the component ince (inter praesentes), and twenty parts are lost in the resulting years where they lived in different corpus. provinces (inter absent fs). Al- 10. ex alienis cementis: the spell- though a house had been acquired mg cement 11 miorcaementum(caed- by this title, the owner of the mentum, ' quarried stone ') of the materials (cementa) was not pre- Florentine Ms. is not given in Har- vented from suing for them if the per's Lat. Diet. See caementum. house were demolished, even after 13. post tempus usucapionis: the prescriptive period had elapsed according to the classical law, the (post tempus usucapionis). prescriptive period necessary for 17. Thensaurus: thensaurus, acquisition of immovable property the Latinized form of the Greek, 179 SELECTED TEXTS FROM THE ROMAN LAW Inst. 2, i, 39 non habeat ; sic enim fit eius qui invenerit, quod non alte- rius sit. Alioquin si quis aliquid vel lucri causa vel metus vel custodiae condiderit sub terra, non est thensaurus ; cuius etiam furtum fit. Thesauros, quos quis in suo loco invenerit, divus Hadrianus naturalem aequitatem secutus ei concessit qui invenerit. Idemque statuit, si quis in sacro aut in religiose loco fortuito casu invenerit. At si quis in alieno loco non data ad hoc opera, sed fortuitu invenerit, 10 dimidium domino soli concessit. Et convenienter, si quis in Caesaris loco invenerit, dimidium inventoris, dimidium Caesaris esse statuit. Cui conveniens est, ut, si quis in publico loco vel fiscali invenerit, dimidium ip&ius esse, dimidium fisci vel civitatis. 077