ma Messrs. Tr'ubner & Co. have received the following opinions on Professor Aibrecht Weber s "History of Indian Literature : " Dr. BUHLKR, Inspector of Schools in India, writes : " I am extremely glad to learn that you are about to publish an English translation of Professor A. Weber's 'History of Indian Literature.' When I was Professor of Oriental Languages in Elpliinstone College, I frequently felt the want of such a work to which I could refer the students. I trust that the work which you are now publishing will become a class-book in all the Indian Colleges, as it is the first and only scientific one which deals with the whole field of Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit literature." Professor CowELL, of Cambridge, writes : " The English translation of Professor A. Weber's ' History of Indian Literature ' will be of the greatest use to those who wish to take a comprehensive survey of all that the Hindu mind has achieved. It will be especially useful to the students in our Indian Colleges and Universities. I used to long for such a book when I was teaching in Calcutta. Hindu students are intensely interested in the history of Sanskrit literature, and this volume will supply them with all they want on the subject. I hope it will be made a text-book wherever Sanskrit and English are taught." J. EGGELING, Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology in the University of Edinburgh, writes : " I am delighted to hear that the English translation of Pro- fessor Weber's ' Lectures on Hindu Literature ' is at last ready for publication. The great want of a general critical survey of Sanskrit literature in English, such as Professor Weber gave to German students more than a quarter of a century ago, must have been felt by all scholars engaged in teaching Sanskrit in British and American Universities. The translation, I have no doubt, will be welcomed even more cordially by Hindu students, to whom, with few exceptions, Professor Weber's Lectures must hitherto have been a sealed book. Hindu scholars and students have expressed to me repeatedly how much they feel the want of English translations of German works such as Weber's Lec- tures and Lassen's ' Indian Antiquities,' an acquaintance with which is indeed indispensable in dealing with questions of Sanskrit Literature. From what I have seen in proof of the English edition, I may say that the translation seemed to me exceedingly well done, and that it does great credit to the gentle- men engaged on it." Dr. R. ROST, Librarian of the India Office, writes : " I have carefully examined and compared with the original German the English translation of pp. 1-24 of Weber's 'Vorle- sungen,' and am able to state that it is more than a mere faith- ful reflex of the original work, and that it has the advantage of a very readable style and great clearness of expression. If the remainder of the translation is executed as carefully and as conscientiously as is the portion I have read, the whole will reflect the greatest credit upon the scholars who have been engaged upon it." Professor WHITNEY, Yale College, Newhaven, Conn., U.S.A., writes : " I am the more interested in your enterprise of the publica- tion of Weber's ' Sanskrit Literature' in an English version, as I was one of the class to whom the work was originally given in the form of academic lectures. At their first appearance they were by far the most learned and able treatment of their subject; and, with their recent additions, they still maintain decidedly the same rank. Wherever the language, and institutions, and history of India are studied, they must be used and referred tc as authority." h. C TRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. THE HISTORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE. BY ALBRECHT WEBER 9Tran0lateti from tfje Sectmti etman an ; k kh g gh fi ; ch chh j jh 11 ; r th d dh ii ; t th d dh n : p ph h bh in ; y r 1 v ; * sh s h ; Anusvstr.1 qi, in the middle of ;x word before sibilant :'i ; July, 1878. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. THE work of my youth, which here appears in a new edi- tion, had been several years out of print. To have repub- lished it without alteration would scarcely have done ; and, owing to the pressure of other labours, it was im- possible for me, from lack of time, to subject it to a com- plete and systematic remodelling. So the matter rested. At last, to meet the urgent wish of the publisher, I re- solved upon the present edition, which indeed leaves the original text unchanged, but at the same time seeks, by means of the newly added notes, to accommodate itself to the actual position of knowledge. In thus finally decid- ing, I was influenced by the belief that in no other way could the great advances made in this field of learning since the first appearance of this work be more clearly ex- hibited than precisely in this way, and that, consequently, this edition might at the same time serve in some measure to present, in nuce, a history of Sanskrit studies during the last four-and-twenty years. Another consideration was, that only by so doing could I furnish a critically secured basis for the English translation contemplated by Messrs. Triibner & Co., which could not possibly now give the original text alone, as was done in the French transla- x PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. tion,* which appeared at Paris in 1859. It was, indeed, while going over the work with the view of preparing it for this English translation, that the hope, nay, the con- viction, grew upon me, that, although a complete recon- struction of it was out of the question, still an edition like the present might advantageously appear in a German dress also. I rejoiced to see that this labour of my youth was standing well the test of time. I found in it little that was absolutely erroneous, although much even now remains as uncertain and unsettled as formerly ; while, on the other hand, many things already stand clear and sure which I then only doubtfully conjectured, or which were at that time still completely enveloped in obscurity. The obtaining of critical data from the contents of Indian literature, with a view to the establishment of its internal chronology and history not the setting forth in detail of the subject-matter of the different works was, from the beginning, the object I had before me in these lectures ; and this object, together with that of specifying the publi- cations which have seen the light in the interval, has con- tinued to be my leading point of view in the present annotation of them. To mark off the new matter, square brackets are used.f The number of fellow-workers has greatly increased during the last twenty-four years. Instead of here running over their names, I have preferred in order thus to faci- * l/istoire de la Littcrature Indicnnc, trad, de I'Allcmand par Alfred adous. Paris : A. Durand. 1859. t In the translation, these brackets are only retained to mark new matter added in the second edition to the original notes of the first ; the notes which in the second edition were entirely new are here simply indi- cated by numbers. Tu. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. xi litate a general view of this' part of the subject to add to the Index, which in other respects also has been con- siderably enlarged, a new section, showing where I have availed myself of the writings of each, or have at least referred to them. One work there is, however, which, as it underlies all recent labours in this field, and cannot possibly be cited on every occasion when it is made use of, calls for special mention in this place I mean the Sanskrit Dictionary of Bohtlingk and Eoth, which was completed in the course of last summer.* The carrying through of this great work, which we owe to the patronage of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences, over a period of a quarter of a century, will reflect lasting honour upon that body as well as upon the two editors. A. AV. BERLIN, November,. 187 5. * The second edition bears the inscription : 'Dedicated to my friends, Bohtlingk and Roth, on the completion of the Sanskrit Dictionary.' Tu. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. THE lectures herewith presented to the narrow circle of my fellows in this field of study, and also, it is hoped, to the wider circle of those interested in researches into the history of literature generally, are a first attempt, and as such, naturally, defective and capable of being in many respects supplemented and improved. The material they deal with is too vast, and the means of mastering it in general too inaccessible, not to have for a lengthened period completely checked inquiry into its internal relative chronology the only chronology that is possible. Nor could I ever have ventured upon such a labour, had not the Berlin Royal Library had the good fortune to possess the fine collection of Sanskrit MSS. formed by Sir li. Chambers, the acquisition of which some ten years ago, through the liberality of his Majesty, Frederick William IV., and by the agency of his Excellency Baron Bunsen, opened up to Sanskrit philology a fresh path, upon which it has already made vigorous progress. In the course of last year, commissioned by the Royal Library, I undertook the work of cataloguing this collection, and as the result a detailed catalogue will appear about simultaneously with these lectures, which may in some sense be regarded as a xiv PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. commentary upon it. Imperfect as, from the absolute point of view, both works must appear, I yet cherish the hope that they may render good service to learning. How great my obligations are, in the special investiga- tions, to the writings of Colebrooke, Wilson, Lassen, Bur- nouf, Eoth, Eeinaud, Stenzler, and Holtzmann, I only mention here generally, as I have uniformly given ample references to these authorities in the proper place. The form in which these lectures appear is essentially the same in which they were delivered,* with the excep- tion of a few modifications of style: thus, in particular, the transitions and recapitulations belonging to oral de- livery have been either curtailed or omitted; while, on the other hand, to the incidental remarks here given as foot-notes much new matter has been added. A. W. BERLIN, July, 1852. * In the Winter-Semester of TABLE OF CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION, 1-7 Antiquity of Indian literature, 2 ; proved by geographical evidence, 3-4 ; by internal evidence from the history of the Hindi! religion, 5 ; by evidence drawn from the language, 6 ; want of external chronology, 7. FIRST PERIOD VED1C LITERATURE. PRELIMINARY SURVEY, ....... 8-30 (I.) The Samhitds, 8-11. Samhitas of the three older Vedas, 8-9 ; mutual relation of these three Vedas, 9-10 ; period of their final compila- tion, IO ; Sainhita" of the Atharvan, n. (2.) The Brdhmanas, 11-15. Their character, 12, and origin, 13; mutual relation of the Brdhmanas of the several Vedas, 14 ; their common name Sruti, 15. (3.) The Stitras, &c. Their character and origin, 1 6 ; Srauta-Sutras, 17 ; Grihya- or Smdrta-Sutras, 17; gradual transformation of the original Smriti (Custom and Law), 17, 18; origin of caste, 1 8 ; connection between the Grihya-Sutras and the legal literature, 19-20 ; linguistic Sutras, their origin, 20, 21 ; character of the time in question, 21, 22 ; Prdtis'dkhya- Sutras, 23 ; metric, 23 ; Anukramanis, 24 ; tradition Brihaddevata^ 24 ; Nighan^u, Nirukti, the Veddngas, 25 ; science of grammar, 26 ; philoso- phical speculation, 26 ff. ; names applied to the early sages, 28 ; Upanishads, Aranyakas, 28, 29 ; astronomy and medicine, 29, 30. 4. RIGVEDA, 31-63 (a) SarpJiitd, 31-44. Its divisions, 31, 32 ; Sdkala and Vashkala recensions. xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS. 32 ; Vdrkali, the school of the Sunakas, 33 ; aunaka, F'anchdla Bdbhravya, 34 ; mythology of the primitive Indo-Germanic time, 35 ; Persian and Indian cycles of legend, 36, 37 ," mode of life of the Indians in their ancient home, 37, 38 ; reasons why they left their ancient homes, 38, 39 ; different constituents of Rigveda- Samhitd, 39 ; gods to whom the hymns are addressed, 40 ; exegetic literature connected with the Saniliitd : Y&ka, 41 ; Sdyana, 41, 42 ; editions, translations, &c., 43, 44- (1) Brdkmanas, 44-52. Aitareya- and Sdnkhdyana-Bralimanas, 44 ; data therein bearing on time of their composition, 45 ; they presup- pose earlier compositions with similar contents, 45-47 ; fables and legends contained in these two Brdhmanas, 47 ; the Aranyakas of the Rik : Aitareya-Aranyaka, 48 ff. ; Kaushitakdranyaka, Kaushitakopanishad,- 50. 51 ; Sam- kara's commentaries on the Upanishads, 51; Vashkala- Upanishad, 52. (e] Sutras, 52, 62. The Srauta-Sutras of Asvaldyana and Sdfikhdyana, 52 ff. ; commentaries thereon, 54, 55 ; the Grihya-Sutras of Asvaldyana and Sdnkhdyana, 55 ff. ; the literature pre- supposed in these, 56, 57 ; Rik-PrdtL4dkhya, Upalekha, 59, 60 ; Sikshd, Chhandas, Jyotisha, 60, 6l ; Anukra- manls, 6l ; Brihaddevatd, Rigvidhdna, Pari^ishtas, 62. / ; SAMAVEDA, 63 85 (a) Samhitd, 63-66. Its arrangement, 63 ; the Gdnas, 64 ; antiquity of the readings of the Sitma-Samhitd, 64, 65 ; recensions, 65 ; editions, &c., 65, 66. (6) Brdkmanas, 66-75. The Tdndya-Pauchavinsa-Brdhniana, 66 ff. ; geographical and other data contained therein, 67-68 ; ShadvinsV Brdhmana, 69 ; Chhdndogyopanishad, its relation to the Vrihad-Aranyaka, 70, 71 ; literary and other data in the Chhdndogyop., 71, 72; Kenopauishad, 73; the smaller I'idhmanas of the Sduiah Sdmavidhana, &c., 74, 75. (c) Sutras, 75-85. Srauta-Sutras: the Kalpa-Sutra of Mawaka, 75-76; Ld- tydyana-Siitra, 76 ff. ; literature therein presupposed, . 76, 77 > position of non-Brahmanical tribes in this work, 77 ; existence of Buddhism presupposed, 78 ; Sutra of Drdhydyana, 79 ; its relation to the Sutras of the other TABLE OF CONTENTS. xviS Vedas, 80 ; Anupada- Sutra, 80, 8l ; Niddna-Sutra, 81, 82 ; the Pushpa-Sutra of Gobhila, 82 ; Sdma-Tantra, Panchavidhi-, PratihaVa-, Tandalakshana-, and Upa- grantha-Sutras, 83 ; the Grihya-Sutra of Gobhila, 84 ; the Karrna-pradipa of Kdtydyana, 84 ; Paddhatis and Pari&shtas, 85. <7. YAJURVEDA 85-145 I. THE BLACK YAJUS, 85-103 (a) Samhitds, 85-91. Difference between the Black and the White Yajus, 86 ; names of the Black Yajus, 86 ff. ; Charaka, Taittiriya, and Khdndikiya, 87, 88 ; schools of the Black Yajus : Taittiriya- Samhita" (Apastamba), the Kdthaka, and the Atreyi 6dkhd, 88 ; Samhitds of the Apastamba and Atreya schools, and the Kdthaka, 89 ; data contained therein, 90 ; Ydska's connection with the arrangement of the Samhitd, of the Black Yajus, 91 ; the Mdnava and the Maitra, 91. (b) Brdhmanas, 92-99. The Brdhmanas of the Apastamba and Atreya schools ; the Kdthaka portion of the Taitt. Brdhmana, 92 ; Taittiriya- Aranyaka, 93 ; Upanishads of the Taitt. Ar., 93, 94 ; schools of the Bhdllavins, Sdtydyanins, Sdkdyauins, &c., 95 ; Svetasvataropanishad, 96 ; Maitrayana-Upanishad, its modern date, 97 ; the planets, &c., in the Maitr. Up., 98 ; possible relation of the work to Buddha, 99. (c) Siitras, 99-103. Srauta-Stitras, 99-101 ; Grihya- Sutras, 101, 102 ; Pra"ti- &tkhya-Sutra, 102 ; Anukramanis, 103. II. THE WHITE YAJUS, .... 103-145 The name explained, 103 f. ; the name ' Vajasaneya,' 104 f. ; the two schools of the Kdnvas and Mddhyaindinas, 105 ; possible connection of the Maclhyamdinas with the MaStapStfof, 106. (a) Samhitd, 107-116. Division of the Va'jasaneyi-Samhita', 107 ; later origin of the last fifteen adhydyas, 108 ; relation of the several parts of the Vdj. S. to the Black Yajus, 108 ; to its own Brdhmana, and to each other, 109-1 10 ; probable date of the Rudra-book, no; the mixed castes, III ; position of the Mdgadha, 1 1 1 ; nis position in the Atharva-Veda, 112 ; astronomical and other data in the Vdj. S., 113; position of the Kurus and Panchdlas, the names Subhadrd and Kampila, 114; Arjuna and b xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS. Phalguna as (secret) names of Indra, 115; the richas incorporated in the Yajus, 115, 116; editions, commen- taries, 1 1 6. (b) Brdhmana, 116-139. The Satapatha-Brdhmana, 116 ; its name and extent, 117 ; relation of the Brdhmana of the Kdnva school to that of the Mddhyaindinas, 117, 118; relation of the several ledndas to the Samhitd and to each other, 1 18, 119; posteriority of the last five Tcdndas, 1 20 ; Agnirahasya- kdnda, 120, 121; Ashtddhydyi-kdnda, 121 ; subjects of study named therein, 121, 122; other data, 122, 123; AsVamedha-kdnda, 124 ff. ; Gdthds, 124, 125; position of Janamejaya, 125; of the Pdrikshitiyas, 126; the Aranyaka-kdnda, 126 ; the Vrihad-Aranyaka : Madhu- kdnda, 127; its name and list of teachers, 128 ; Ydjna- valkiya-kdnda, 129; Khila-kdnda, 130; the concluding vansa of the Satapatha-Brdhmana, 131 ; probable north- western origin of kdndas vi.-x. of the Satap. Br., 132 the whole blended together by one arranging hand, 133 ; teachers mentioned in the i-iatap. Br., 133, 134; legends, 134 ff. ; relation of these to the Epic legends, 135; position of the Kuru-Panchdlas compared with that of the Pdrikshitas, 136 ; the Pdndavas not men- tioned, 137; points of contact with the Sdrnkhya tradi- tion, 137 ; with Buddhist legend, 138; commentaries on the Satap. Br., editions, &c., 139. (c) Si'itras, 139-145. The Srauta-Sutra of Kdtydyana, teachers mentioned there- in, 139; other data, 140; commentaries, 141; Pad- dhatis and Pari^ishtas : Nigama-Pari&shta, Pravard- dhydya, Charana-vyuha ; the Vaijavdpa-Sutra, 142; the Kdtiya-Grihya-Sutra of Pdraskara, 142, 143 ; the Prdti- 6"dkhya-Sutra of the Vdjasaneyi-Samh., 143, 144; Anu- kramani, 144, 145. D. ATHARVAVEDA, 145- 171 (a) Samhitd, 145-150. Extent and division of Atharvaveda-Sarnhitd, 145* 146 ; its contents and arrangement, 146 ; it probably origi- nated in part with the unbrdhmanised Aryans of the West, 147; data furnished by the Ath. S., the name 'Atharvan,' 148; earliest mention of this name, 149; the name 'Brahmaveda,' its meaning, 149, 150; edi- tions, &c., of the Ath. S., 150. TABLE OF CONTENTS. (u) Brdhmana. The Gopatha-Bra"hmana, 150-151. (c) Siitras, 151-153. The Saunakiya" Chaturadhya'yika', 15.1 ; Anukramani, 152 ; the Kausika-Sutra, 152; Kalpas and Parisishtas, 153. UPANISHADS, 153-171. Number of the Upanishads, 154, 155; Upanishads be- longing to the three older Vedas, 155, 156 ; special divi- sion of the Atharvopanishads into three groups : Veddnta, Yoga, and Sectarian Upanishads, 156 ; Atharvan re- cension of Upanishads borrowed from the other Vedas, 157. THE ATHARVOPANISHADS PROPER : (i.) those of the Veddnta class the Mundakopanishad, 1 58, 1595 Pra- nopanishad, 159, 160; Garbhopanishad, 160; Brahmopa- nishad, 160, 161 ; Ma"ndukyopanishad, 161 ; remaining Upanishads of the Veddnta class: Prdndgnihotrop., Arshi- kop., 161, 162 ; (2) Atharvopanishads of the Yoga class : Ja"ba"la, Kathasruti, Arunika, Bhdllavi, and others, 163 ; range of ideas and style in this class of Upanishads, 165 ; (3) the Sectarian Upanishads, 165 ff. ; (a) those in which worship of Vishnu (under the names NaYdyana, &c.) is in- culcated, 166; Nrisinhata'paniyopanishad, 167 ; Rdmata"- paniyopanishad, 1 68 ; Gopdlatdpaniyopanishad, 169; (P) Upanishads of the Siva sects : ^atarudriya, Kaivalyo- panishad, 169; Atharvas"iras, 169, 170; remaining Upanishads of the Siva sects, 170, 171. SECOND PERIOD SANSKRIT LITERA TURE. WHEREIN DISTINGUISHED FROM FIRST PERIOD, . . 175-183 Distinction in respect of language, 175; gradual develop- ment of Indo-Aryan Bhdshd, 176; influence of Indian aborigines thereon, 177 ; separation of written language from popular dialects ancient dialectic differences, 178; rock- inscriptions in popular dialects, 179; in- ternal evidence for posteriority of second period, 180 ; critical condition of texts in this period age of MSS., 181 ; distinction as regards subject-matter, 182 ; classi- fication of Sanskrit literature, 183. 4.-WORKS OF POETRY, 183-215 I. EPIC POETRY, 183-196. (a) Itihdsa, 183-189 : forerunners of Epic poetry in Vedio xx TABLE OF CONTENTS. period, 183; the Mahd-Bha'rata, 184; existence of a work resembling it in first century A. D., 186; legend of Mahd-Bha'rata, its relation to ^atapatha-Bra'hinana, &c., 186 ; text of Mahd-Bha'rata, non-epic constituents, 187; Kavi translation ; Jaimini-Bbdrata, 189; (b) Pu- rdnas : their general character ancient Purdnas lost absence of epic and prominence of ritual element in existing Purdnas and Upa-purdnas, 190, 191 ; (c) Kd- vyas, 191-196 : the Rdmdyana, 191 ; its allegorical character, 192 ; colonisation of Southern India, 193 ; Rdmdyana the work of a single author, 193; different recensions of the text, 194; remaining Kdvyas, artificial Epic, 195. 2. DRAMATIC POETRY, 196-208. Origin of Drama from dancing, 196 ; Nata-Stitras men- tioned in Pdnini, 197 ; dancing at the great sacrificial festivals, 198 ; alleged mention of dramas in oldest (?) Buddhistic writings, 199; age of surviving dramas, 200 ; no foundation for the view which places Kdliddsa in the first century B.C., 201, 202 ; internal evidence from Kdliddsa's dramas themselves on this point, 203 ; authen- ticity of the Malavikdgnimitra, 204 ; age of Sudraka's Mrichhakati, 205 ; subject-matter and special peculi- arities of the Hindti drama, 206 ; possibility of Greek influence on its development, 207. 3. LYRICAL POETRY, 208-210. Religious lyric, 208 ; Erotic lyric : Megha-duta, c., 209 ; mystical character of some of these poems the Gita- govinda, 210. 4. ETHICO-DIDACTIC POETRY, 210-213. Niti-s"a"stras, 210; ' Beast-Fable,' 211 ; Pancha-tantra, Hito- padesa, 212 ; popular tales and romances, 213. 5. HISTORY AXD GEOGRAPHY, 213-215. Rdja-taramgini, 213 ; inscriptions, grants, and coins, 215. /'. WORKS OF SCIENCE AND ART, .... 215-276 i. SCIENCK OF LANGUAGE, 216-232. (a) Grammar, 216-225 : Pslnini's Grammar, its peculiar terminology, 216; Pilnini's date statements of the Chinese traveller Hiuati Thsang, 217 ; weakness of the evidence on which Bohtlingk's view rests, 218; exist- ence of Mahfibhilshya in the time of Abhimanyu, 219 ; acquaintance with Greeks presupposed in Pdnini, 220 ; ' Yavandni,' 221 ; commentaries on Pdnini Paribhashda, TABLE OF CONTENTS. Varttikas, Mahiibha'shya, 222 ; date of Kityayana, 222 ; of the Mahdbha'shya, 223 ; critical condition of the text of Pa'nini, 224 ; Gana-pdtha, &c., 225 ; other gram- matical systems, 226. (6) Lexicography, 227-230 : Amara-kosha, no foundation for the view which places it in the first century B.C., 228 ; internal evidence against this view, 229 ; age of the work still uncertain, 230 ; Dhitu-pdthas, 230. (c) Metric, Poetics, Rhetoric, 231, 232 : Chhandah-s'a'stra of Pingala, Alamka'ra-s'iistra of Bharata, Sdhitya-darpana, 231. 3. PHILOSOPHY, 232-246. High antiquity of philosophical speculation among the Hindus, 232 ; ' Development,' ' Arrangement,' ' Crea- tion ' theories of the world, 233 ; gradual growth of these theories into philosophical systems, 234; the Samkhya-system, 235, 236 ; the Yoga-system, 237 ; Deistic sects, 238 ; influence of Sainkhya-Yoga on development of Gnosticism and 6ufism, 239 ; the two Mimdnsds, 239 ; Karma-Mimdnsd-Stitra of Jaimini, 240 ; Brahma-Mimdnsd-Sutra of Bddarayana, 242 ; age of Biidarayana, 243 ; the two logical systems, Nydya and Vais'eshika, 244 ; Heterodox systems, 246. 3. ASTRONOMT AND AUXILIARY SCIENCES, 246-264. Antiquity of astronomy, 246 ; solar year, quinquennial cycle, Yugas, 247 ; the lunar asterisms, 247 ; mention of these in Rik-Sarnhitd, 248 ; Jyotisha, 249; the planets, 249 ; their peculiar Indian names and number, 250 : importance of Greek influence here, 251 ; relations of Greeks with India, 251 ; the Yavanas, teachers of the ancient Indian astronomers, 252 ; 'Ptolemaios,' 'Asura- Maya,' 253 ; Romaka-Siddha'nta, Paulis'a-Siddha'nta, 253 ; Greek terms in Vardha-Mihira, 254, 255 ; further development of Indian astronomy : Hindus the teachers of the Arabs, 255 (also in algebra and arithmetic, the arithmetical figures, 256), and through the Arabs, of Euro- pean mediaeval astronomers, 257 ; Aryabha^a, 257 > the five Siddhdntas, 258 ; Brahmagupta, Vardha-Mihira, 259 ; date of Vardha-Mihira, ^atsinanda, and Bhdskara, 260, 261 ; Albiruui's statements regarding Bhjiskara (?), 262. Later period : Arabs in turn the teachers of the Hindus in astrology, 263; Arabic technical terms in Indian and European astrological works, 263, 264; lore of omens and portents, 264; magic, &c., 264. xxii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 4. MEDICAL SCIENCE, 265-271. Its earliest representatives, 265 ; Charaka, SusYuta, Dhan vantari, 266 ; Sdlihotra, Vdtsyayana, 267 ; uncertain date of extant medical works, 268 ; Hindu medicine apparently an independent development, 269 ; ques- tionable authenticity of existing texts, 269 ; importance of Indian medicine, 269 ; its influence on Arabs, 270. 5. ART OP WAR, Mo sic, FORMATIVE AND TECHNICAL ARTS, 271-276. Art of war (Dhanur-veda) : Vis'va'mitra, Bharadvaja, 271 ; music (Gandharva-veda), 271 (musical notation, 272) ; Artha-s^istra, 273 : painting and sculpture, 273 ; archi- tecture, 274 j technical arts, 275. C. WORKS ON LAW, CUSTOM, AND RELIGIOUS WOR- SHIP, 276-283 The Pharma-J-iastras, 276 ; Code of Manu, Brahmanical organisation as here presented, 276 ; highly developed judicial procedure here exhibited, 277 ; connection of Dharma-Sastras with Grihya-Sdtras, 277, 278; critical questions connected with existing text of Manu, 279 ; different redactions of Manu and the other Dharma- Sdstras, number of these, 280 ; relation of Manu's Code to that of Ydjnavalkya, date of the latter, 280, 281 ; Epic poetry and Purdnas also sources for Hindu, law, 282; modern jurisprudence, 282; Dekhan the chief seat of literary activity after eleventh century, 283. D. -BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE, . . . 283-310 Buddhism, its origin from Sdinkhya doctrine, 284 ; rela- tion of Buddhist legend to the later portions of Vedic literature, 285 ; princes of same name in Buddhist legend and Satapatha-Brahmana, 286 ; position in former of Kuru-Panchdlas, Pandavas, Mdgadhas, 286, 287 ; Buddhist eras, 287 ; discordance of these with other historical evidence, 287 ; earliest demonstrable use of these eras, 288 ; Buddha's doctrine, 288 ; his novel way of promulgating it, and opposition to Brahmanical hierarchy, 289 ; tradition as to redaction of Buddhistic eacred scriptures, Northern and Southern, 290 ; mutual relation of the two collections, 292 ; Pdli historical litera- ture, 293 ; scriptures of Northern Buddhists, their gradual origin, 294 ; language in which Southern scriptures were at first preserved different from that in which the Northern scriptures were recorded at third TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxiii council, 295, 296 (Jaina-literature, 296) ; data furnished by Buddhistic Sanskrit literature of doubtful authority for Buddha's age, 297. (a) The Sutra-Pitala : distinction between the simple and the MahaVaipulya-Sutras, 298 ; poetical pieces in latter, Ga'tha'-dialect, 299 ; contents of the simple Sutras : Ityukta, Vyakarana, Avaddna, Adbhuta-dharma, Geya, Gathd, Upades"a, Niddna, Jdtaka, 300, 301 ; their Pantheon different from that of the Brahmana-texts, 301 j but identical with that of the Epic poetry, 303 ; other chronological data in the Sutras, 304. (6) The Vinaya- Pitaka: discipline of clergy, system of mendicancy, 305 ; Buddhistic hierarchy as distinguished from the Brahmanical, Buddhist cult, 306 ; points of connection with Christian ritual, 307. (c) The Abhidharma-Pitaka, 307 ; schools of Buddhist philosophy, 308 ; relation to the Sa'mkhya-system, 308; and to Gnosticism, 309. Commentaries on the sacred scriptures, 309; Tantras, 3io. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES, 31 x INDICES : SANSKRIT INDEX, , 2 o INEEX OP MATTERS, fee. 353 INDEX OF AUTHORS, ...,.,,, 358 LECTURES HISTORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE. AT the very outset of these lectures I find myself in a certain degree of perplexity, being rather at a loss how best to entitle them. I cannot say that they are to treat of the history of " Indian Literature ; " for then I should have to consider the whole body of Indian languages, in- cluding those of non- Aryan origin. Nor can I say that their subject is the history of " Indo- Aryan Literature;" for then I should have to discuss the modern languages of India also, which form a third period in the development of- Indo- Aryan speech. Nor, lastly, can I say that they are to present a history of " Sanskrit Literature ; " for the Indo- Aryan language is not in its first period " Sanskrit," i.e., the language of the educated, but is still a popular dialect ; while in its second period the people spoke not Sanskrit, but Prakritic dialects, which arose simultaneously with Sanskrit out of the ancient Indo- Aryan vernacular. In order, however, to relieve you from any doubt as to what you have to expect from me here, I may at once remark that it is only the literature of the first and second periods of the Indo-Aryan language with which we have to do. For the sake of brevity I retain the name " Indian Literature." I shall frequently in the course of these lectures be forced to draw upon your forbearance. The subject they discuss may be compared to a yet uncultivated tract of A 2 LECTURES ON THE country, of which only a few spots have here and there been cleared, while the greater part of it remains covered with dense forest, impenetrable to the eye, and obstructing the prospect. A clearance is indeed now by degrees being made, but slowly, more especially because in addition to the natural obstacles which impede investigation, there still prevails a dense mist of prejudice and preconceived opinions hovering over the land, and enfolding it as with a veil. The literature of India passes generally for the most ancient literature of which \ve possess written records, and justly so. 1 But the reasons which have hitherto been thought sufficient to establish this fact are not the correct ones; and it is indeed a matter for wonder that people should have been so long contented with them. In the first place, Indian tradition itself has been adduced in support of this fact, and for a very long time this was considered suffi- cient. It is, I think, needless for me to waste words upon the futile nature of such evidence. In the next place, as- tronomical data have been appealed to, according to which the Vedas would date from about 1400 B.C. But these data are given in writings, which are evidently of very modern origin, and they might consequently be the result of calculations 2 instituted for the express purpose. Fur- 1 In so far as this claim may not other hand, the opinion expressed in now be disputed by the Egyptian the first edition of this work (1852), to monumental records and papyrus the effect that the Indians may either rolls, or even by the Assyrian litera- have brought the knowledge of these ture which has but recently been lunar mansions, headed by Krittikd, brought to light. with them into India, or else have 2 Besides, these calculations nre of obtained it at a later period through a very vague character, and do not the commercial relations of the Phoe- yield any such definite date as that nieians with the Panjttb, has recently given above, but only some epoch gained considerably in probability ; lying between 1820-860 B.C., see and therewith the suggestion of 1. St., x. 236; Whitney in Jouni. Babylon as the mother country of the R. A. S., i. 317, ff. (1864). True, observations on which this date is the circumstance that th oldest re- established. See the second of my two cords begin the series of nakghatras treatises, Die vcdischen Nachrichten with the sign Krittikd, carries ns von d-n Nakshatra (Berlin, 1862), pp. back to a considerably earlier period 362-400; my paper, Ueber den Veda- even than these dates, derived from kalender Namens Jyotisha (1862), p. the so-called Vedic Calendar, viz., 15 ; 7. St., x. 429. ix. 241, ff.; Whit- tw a period between 2780-1820 B.C., ney, Oriental and Linguistic Studies since the vernal equinox coincided (1874), ii. 418. Indeed a direct re- with 77 Tauri (Krittikd), in round ference to Babylon and its sea trade, numbers, about the year 2300 B.C., in which the exportation of peacocks eee /. St., x. 234 236. But, on the is mentioned, has lately come to light f US TORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE. tlier, one of the Buddhist eras has been relied upon, according to which a reformer is supposed to have arisen in the sixth century B.C., in opposition to the Brahraanical hierarchy ; hut the authenticity of this particular era is still extremely questionable. Lastly, the period when Panini, the first systematic grammarian, flourished, has been referred to the fourth century B.C., and from this, as a starting-point, conclusions as to the period of literary deve- lopment which preceded him have been deduced. But the arguments in favour of Panini's having lived at that time 3 are altogether weak and hypothetical, and in no case can they furnish us with any sort of solid basis. The reasons, however, by which we are fully justified in regarding the literature of India as the most ancient lite- rature of which written records on an extensive scale have been handed down to us, are these : In the more ancient parts of the Rigveda-Samhita, we find the Indian race settled on the north-western borders of India, in the Panjab, and even beyond the Panjab, on the Kubha, or Koi^v, in Kabul. 4 The gradual spread of in an Indian text, the Baverujdtaka, see Minayeff in the Melanges Asia- tiques (Imperial Russian Academy), vi. 577, ff. (1871), xn&Monatsberickte of the Berlin Academy, p. 622 (1871). As, however, this testimony belongs to a comparatively late period, no great importance can be attached to it. Direct evidence of ancient com- mercial relations between India and the West, has recently been found in hieroglyphic texts of the seventeenth century, at which time the Aryas would appear to have heen already settled on the Indus. For the word kapi, 'ape,' which occurs in I Kings x. 22, in the form qof, Gr. KTJTTOS, is found in these Egyptian texts in the form kafu, see Joh. Diirnichen, Die Flotte cincrcyypt. Koniyin ausdcm 17. Jahrh. (Leipzig, 1868), table ii. p. 17. Lastly, tuk/iiim, the Hebrew name for peacocks (l Kings x. 22, 2 Chron. ix. 21) necessarily implies that al- ready in Solomon's time the Phoeni- cian ophir-merchants "onteu affaire soil an pays meme des Abhira soit sur un autre point de la coto de 1'Inde avec des peuplades dravidi- ennes," Julien Vinson, Revue de Linyuistiquc, vi. 120, ff. (1873). See also Burnell, Elements of South In- dian Pala?ography r p. 5 (Mangalore, 1874). 3 Or even, as Goldstiicker sup- poses, earlier than Buddha. 4 One of the Vedic Rishis, asserted to be Vatsa, of the family of Kanva, extols, Rik, viii. 6. 46-48, the splen- did presents, consisting of horses, cattle, and vshtras yoked four toge- ther (Roth in the St. Petersburg Diet, explains uslitra as ' buffalo, humped bull;' generally it means ' cnmel ') which, to the glory of the Yadvas, he received whilst residing with Tirimdira and Pars'u. Or have we here only a single person, Tirirn- dira Parsu ? In the Sdukhdyana Srauta-Sutra, xvi. 1 1 . 20, at least, he is understood as Tirimdira Pa>a- s'avya. These names suggest Tiridiites and the Persians; see J.St.. iv. 379, n., but compare Girard de Rialle, Revue, de Linyuist., iv. 227 (1872). Of course, we must not think of th- 4 LECTURES ON THE the race from these seats towards the east, beyond the Saras vati and over Hindustan as far as the Ganges, can be traced in the later portions of the Vedic writings almost step by step. The writings of the following period, that of the epic, consist of accounts of the internal conflicts among the conquerors of Hindustan themselves, as, for instance, the Maha-Bharata ; or of the farther spread of Brahmanism towards the south, as, for instance, the Ea- mayana. If we connect with this the first fairly accurate information about India which we have from a Greek source, viz., from Megasthenes,* it becomes clear that at the time of this writer the Brahmanising of Hindustan was already completed, while at the time of the Peri plus (see Lassen, /. AK., ii. 150, n. ; /. St., ii. 192) the very south- ernmost point of the Dekhan had already become a seat of the worship of the wife of Siva. What a series of years, of centuries, must necessarily have elapsed before this boundless tract of country, inhabited by wild and vigorous tribes, could have been brought over to Brahmanism ! ! It may perhaps here be objected that the races and tribes found by Alexander on the banks of the Indus appear to stand entirely on a Vedic, and not on a Brahmanical foot- ing. As a matter of fact this is true ; but we should not be justified in drawing from this any conclusion whatever with regard to India itself. For these peoples of the Pan- jab never submitted to the Brahmanical order of things, but always retained their ancient Vedic standpoint, free and independent, without either priestly domination or system of caste. For this reason, too, they were the ob- jects of a cordial hatred on the part of their kinsmen, who had wandered farther on, and on this account also Buddh- ism gained an easy entrance among them. Persians after Cyrus : that would current, of the word Tiri in Tiridates, bring us too far down. But the Per- &c., from the Pahlavi tirZund tis- sians were so called, and had ttieir trya (given, e.g., by M. Br&il, De own princes, even before the time of Pcrsicis nominibiis (1863), pp. 9, IO), Cyrus. Or ought we rather, ns sug- is hardly justified, peated by Olshausen in the Berliner * Who as ambassador of Seleucus Monatsberickte (1874), p. 708, to resided for some time at the court think of the Parthavas, i.e., Parthi- of Chandragupta. His reports are .ins, who as well as Pur f? as are men- preserved to us chiefly in the 'IvStxd tioned in the time of the Achseme- of Arrian, who lived in the secoud nidro ? The derivation, hitherto century A.D. HIS TOR V OF INDIAN LITER A TURE. 5 And while the claims of the written records of Indian literature to a high antiquity its beginnings may per- haps be traced back even to the time when the Indo- Aryans still dwelt together with the Persa- Aryans are thus indisputably proved by external, geographical testi- mony, the internal evidence in the same direction which may be gathered from their contents, is no less conclusive. In the songs of the Rik, the robust spirit of the people gives expression to the feeling of its relation to nature, with a spontaneous freshness and simplicity ; the powers of nature are worshipped as superior beings, and their kindly aid besought within their several spheres. Begin- ning with this nature- worship, which everywhere recog- nises only the individual phenomena of nature, and these in the first instance as superhuman, we trace in Indian literature the progress of the Hindu people through almost all the phases of religious development through which the human mind generally has passed. The individual pheno- mena of nature, which at first impress the imagination as being superhuman, are gradually classified within their different spheres ; and a certain unity is discovered among them. Thus we arrive at a number of divine beings, each exercising supreme sway within its particular province, whose influence is in course of time further extended to the corresponding events of human life, while at the same time they are endowed with human attributes and organs. The number already considerable of these natural deities, these regents of the powers of nature, is further increased by the addition of abstractions, taken from ethi- cal relations ; and to these as to the other deities divine powers, personal existence, and activity are ascribed. Into this multitude of divine figures, the spirit of inquiry seeks at a later stage to introduce order, by classifying and co-ordinating them according to their principal bearings. The principle folloM r ed in this distribution is, like the con- ception of the deities themselves, entirely borrowed from the contemplation of nature. We have the gods who act in the heavens, in the air, upon the earth ; and of these the sun, the wind, and fire are recognised as the main repre- sentatives and rulers respectively. These three gradually obtain precedence over all the. other gods, who are only looked upon as their creatures and servants. Strength- . 6 LECTURES ON THE ened by these classifications, speculation presses on and seeks to establish the relative position of these three deities, and to arrive at unity for the supreme Being. This is accomplished either speculatively, by actually assuming such a supreme and purely absolute Being, viz., " Brah- man" (neut.), to whom these three in their turn stand in the relation of creatures, of servants only ; or arbi- trarily, according as one or other of the three is worshipped as the supreme god. The sun-god seems in the first instance to have been promoted to this honour ; the Persa- Aryans at all events retained this standpoint, of course extending it still further; and in the older parts of the Brahmanas also to which rather than to the Samhitas the Avesta is related in respect of age and contents we find the sun-god here and there exalted far above the other deities (jjrasavitd devdndni). We also find ample traces of this in the forms of worship, which so often preserve relics of antiquity. 5 Xay, as " Brahman " (masc.), he has in theory retained this position, down even to the latest times, although in a very colourless manner. His col- leagues, the air and fire gods, in consequence of their much more direct and sensible influence, by degrees ob- tained complete possession of the supreme power, though constantly in conflict with each other. Their worship has passed through a long series of different phases, and it is evidently the same which Megasthenes found in Hin- dustan,* and which at the time of the Periplus had pene- trated, though in a form already very corrupt, as far as the southernmost point of the Dekhan. But while we are thus justified in assuming a high antiquity for Indian literature, on external geographical grounds, as well as on internal evidence, connected with the history of the Hindu religion, 6 the case is sufficiently unsatisfactory, when we come to look for definite chrono- 5 Cf. my paper. Zmi reJhclic Texte popular dialects, for whose gradual ubcr Omina mid Porteitta (1859), pp. development out of the language of 392-393. the Vedic hymns into this form it is 6 To these, thirdly, we have to absolutely necessary to postulate the add evidence derived from the Ian- lapse of a series of centuries, puage. The edicts of Piyadasi, * According to Strabo,, p. 117, whose date is fixed by the mention A^vvaos (Rndra, Soma, Siva) was therein of Greek kings, and even of worshipped in the mountains, 'Hpa- Alexander himself, are written iu *c\?js (Inunt, Vishnu) in the plain. HISTORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE. 7 logical dates. "We must reconcile ourselves to the fact that any such search will, as a general rule, be absolutely fruitless. It is only in the case of those branches of literature which also became known abroad, and also in regard to the last few centuries, when either the dates of manuscripts, or the data given in the introductions or closing observations of the works themselves, furnish us some guidance, that we can expect any result. Apart from this, an internal chronology based on the character of the works themselves, and on the quotations, &c., therein contained, is the only one possible. Indian literature divides itself into two great periods, the Vedic and the Sanskrit. Turning now to the former, or Vedic period, I proceed to give a preliminary general outline of it before entering into the details. FIRST PERIOD. VEDIC LITERATURE. WE have to distinguish four Vedas the Rig- Veda, the Sama-Veda, the Yajur-Veda, which is in a double form, and the Atharva-Veda. Each of these is again subdivided into three distinct parts Samhita, Brahmana, and Sutra. Their relation to each other is as follows : The Samhita * of the Rik is purely a lyrical collection, comprising the store of song which the Hindus brought with them from their ancient homes on the banks of the Indus, and which they had there used for " invoking pro- sperity on themselves and their flocks, in their adoration of the dawn, in celebration of the struggle between the god who wields the lightning and the power of darkness, and in rendering thanks to the heavenly beings for pre- servation in battle." f The songs are here classified according to the families of poets to which they are as- cribed. The principle of classification is consequently, so to speak, a purely scientific one. It is therefore possible, though more cannot be said, that the redaction of the text may be of later date than that of the two Samhitas which * The name Sarnhitii (collect-ion) vi>li/ the that \ve first find the term Chhandas Brahmanas, and in the Sutras ; but specially applied to the Samhitiis, whether in the above meaning, is and more particularly in Pdnini, not as yet certain. The names by by whom Rixhi, Nigama, Mantra (?) which the Samhitds are designated are also employed in the same in the Brdhmanasare either richah, manner. mimdni, yajnnslii, or Rigveda, Sa- -f- See Roth, Zur Littcratur und maveda, Yajurveda, or Buhvricha.s, Gesc/iiclife . 8 (Stutt- Ciihutidugas, Adhvuryu?, or trayi gurt, 1846). THE SAMHITAS. 9 will come next under our consideration, and which, pro- viding as they do for a practical want, became necessary immediately upon the institution of a worship with a fixed ritual. For the Samhita of the Saman, and both the Samhitas of the Yajus, consist only of such richas (verses) and sacrificial formulas as had to be recited at the cere- monies of the Soma offering and other sacrifices, and in the same order in which they were practically used ; at ]east, we know for certain, that this is the case in the Yajus. The Samhita of the Saman contains nothing but verses (richas); those of the Yajus, sentences in prose also. The former, the richas, all recur, with a few ex- ceptions, in the Rik-Samhita, so that the Sama-Samhita is nothing more than an extract from the songs of the latter, of the verses applied to the Soma offering. Now the richas found in the Sama-Samhita and Yajuh-Samhita appear in part in a very altered form, deviating consi- derably from the text of the Rik, the Rik-Samhita. Of this a triple explanation is possible. First, these read- ings may be earlier and more original than those of the Rik, liturgical use having protected them from alteration, while the simple song, not being immediately connected with the sacred rite, was less scrupulously preserved. Or, secondly, they may be later than those of the Rik, and may have arisen from the necessity of precisely adapting the text to the meaning attributed to the verse in its application to the ceremony. Or, lastly, they may be of equal authority with those of the Rik, the discrepancies being merely occasioned by the variety of districts and families in which they were used, the text being most authentic in the district and family in which it originated, and less so in those to which it subsequently passed. All three methods of explanation are alike correct, and in each particular case they must all be kept in view. But if we look more closely at the relation of these verses, it may be stated thus : The richas occurring in the Sama- Samhita generally stamp themselves as older and more original by the greater antiquity of their grammatical forms ; those in the two Samhitas of the Yajus, on the contrary, generally give the impression of having under- gone a secondary alteration. Instances which come under the third method of explanation are found in equal 10 VEDIC LIT ERA TITRE. numbers, both in the Sama-Samhita and the Yajuh- Samhita. Altogether, too mucli stress cannot be laid on this point, namely, that the alterations which the songs and hymns underwent in the popular month during their oral transmission, must in any case be regarded as very considerable; since preservation by means of writing is not to be thought of for this period. Indeed we can hardly admit it for the time of the Brahmanas either, otherwise it would be difficult to account for the numerous deviations of the various schools with regard to the text of these works also, as well as for the great number of different schools (Sakhas) generally. But although the songs of the Rik, or the majority of them, were composed on the banks of the Indus, their final compilation and arrangement can only have taken place in India proper ; at what time, however, it is diffi- cult to say. Some portions come down to an age so recent, that the system of caste had already been organised; and tradition itself, in ascribing to Sakalya and Panchala Babhravya a leading part in the arrangement of the Rik- Samhita, points us to the flourishing epoch of the Videhas and Panchalas, as I shall show hereafter. The Samhita of the Saman, being entirely borrowed from the Rik, gives no clue to the period of its origin; only, in the fact that it contains no extracts from any of the later portions of the Rik, we have perhaps an indication that these were not then 'in existence. This, however, is a point not yet in- vestigated. As for the two Samhitas of the Yajus, we have in the prose portions peculiar to them, most distinct proofs that both originated in the eastern parts of Hin- dustan, 7 in the country of the Kurupafichalas, and that they belong to a period when the Brahman ical element had already gained the supremacy, although it had still to encounter many a hard struggle, and when at all events the hierarchy of the Brahmans, and the system of caste, were completely organised. Nay, it may be that "we have even external grounds for supposing that the present re- daction of the Samhita of the White Yajus dates from the third century B.C. For Megasthenes mentions a people called Ma&iavSivoi, and this name recurs in the Ma- 7 Or rather to the eaat of the Indus, in Hindustan. THE BRAHMANAS. TI dhyamdinos, the principal school of the White Yajus. More of this later on. The origin of the Atharva-Snmhita dates also from the period when Brahmanism had become dominant. It is in other respects perfectly analogous to the Rik-Samhita, and contains the store of song of this Brahmanical epoch. Many of the?e songs are to be found also in the last, that is, the least ancient book of the Rik-Samhita. In the latter they are the latest additions made at the time of its compilation ; in the Atharvan they are the proper and natural utterance of the present. The spirit of the twu collections is indeed entirely different. In the Rik there breathes a lively natural feeling a warm love for nature ; while in the Atharvan there prevails, ontlie contrary, only fin anxious dread of her evil spirits, and their magical powers. In the Rik we find the people in a state of free activity and independence; in the Atharvan we see it bound in the fetters of the hierarchy and of superstition. But the Atharva-Samhita likewise contains pieces of great antiquity, which may perhaps have belonged more to the people proper, to its lower grades ; whereas the songs of the Rik appear rather to have been the especial property of the higher families.* It was not without a long strugg e that the songs of the Atharvan were permitted to take their place as a fourth Veda. There is no mention made of them in the more ancient portions of the Brahmanas of the Rik, Saman, and Yajus ; indeed they only originated simultaneously with these Brahmanas, and are therefore only alluded to in their later portions. We now come to the second part of Yeclic literature, the Brahmanas. The character of the Brahmanas f may be thus gene- * This surmise, based upon cer- vcdische Texte uber Omina und Por- tn in passages in the Atharvan, would tenta, pp. 346-348.] certainly be ;it variance with the + This term signifies ' that which name ' Atharvangi rasas,' borne by relates to prayer, brahman.' Brah- tlr.s Samhitd ; according to which man itself means 'drawing forth,' as it would belong, on the contrary, to well in a physical sense ' producing,' the most ancient and noble Brah- ' creating,' HS in a spiritual one 'lift- man families. But I have elsewhere ing up,' 'elevating,' ' strengthen- advanced the conjecture, that this ing.' The first mention of the name name was simply assumed in order Urdhmana, in the above sense, is to impart a greater sanctity to the found in the Brdhmnna of the White contents, see /. St., i. 295. [Zwei Yajus, uud especially ill its thir- 12 VEDIC LITERATURE. rally defined: Their object is to connect the sacrificial songs and formulas with the sacrificial rite, by pointing out, on the one hand, their direct mutual relation ; and, on the other, their symbolical connection with each other. In setting forth the former, they give the particular ritual in its details: in illustrating the latter, they are either directly explanatory and analytic, dividing each formula into its constituent parts, or else they establish that con- nection dogmatically by the aid of tradition or specula- tion. We thus find in them the oldest rituals we have, the oldest linguistic explanations, the oldest traditional nar- ratives, and the oldest philosophical speculations. This peculiar character is common generally to all works of this class, yet they differ widely in details, according to their individual tendency, and according as they belong to this or that particular Veda. With respect to age they all date from the period of the transition from Vedic civilisation and culture to the Brahmanic mode of thought and social order. Nay, they help to bring about this very transition, and some of them belong rather to the time of its commencement, others rather to that of its termina- tion.* The Brahmanas originated from the opinions of individual sages, imparted by oral tradition, and preserved as well as supplemented in their families and by their disciples. The more numerous these separate traditions became, the more urgent became the necessity for bring- ing them into harmony with each other. To this end, as time went on, compilations, comprising a variety of these materials, and in which the different opinions on each subject were uniformly traced to their original represen- teenth book. In cases where the commentary, in the same sense ; dogmatical explanation of a cere- they also mention Anubrdhmana, a tnotiial or other precept has already term which does not occur elsewhere been given, we there find the ex- except in Panini. press! on tasyoktam brdhmanam, 'of * Pauini, iv. 3. 105, directly men- this the Biulimana has already been tions ' older (purdnaprokta) Bnih- star.ed ; ' whereas in the books pre- manas;' and in contradistinction to ceding the thirteenth, we find in these there must, of course, have such cases tasi/oktobandftuh' its con- been in existence in his day 'more nection has already been set forth." modern (or as the scholiast says, tid- [f. St., v. 60, ix. 351.] Besides yakdln) Brahmanas.' [See on this Bnihmana, Pravachana is also used Goldstiicker, Piinini, p. 132, ff., and in the Sanu- Sutras, according to the my rejoinder in /. St., v. 64, H'.] THE BRAHMANAS. 13 tatives, were made in different districts by individuals peculiarly qualified for the task. But whether these com- pilations or digests were now actually written down, or \vere still transmitted orally only, remains uncertain. The latter supposition would seem probable from the fact that of the same work we here and there find two texts en- tirely differing in their details. Nothing definite, how- ever, can be said on the subject, for in these cases there may possibly have been some fundamental difference in the original, or even a fresh treatment of the materials. It was, moreover, but natural that these compilers should frequently' come into collision and conflict with each other. Hence we have now and then to remark the exhibition of strong animosity against those who in the author's opinion are heterodox. The preponderant in- fluence gradually gained by some of these works over the rest whether by reason of their intrinsic value, or of the fact that their author appealed more to the hierarchical spirit* has resulted, unfortunately for us, in the preserva- tion of these only, while works representative of the dis- puted opinions have for the most part disappeared. Here and there perhaps in India some fragments may still be found ; in general, however, here as everywhere in Indian literature, we encounter the lamentable fact that the works which, in the end, came off victorious, have almost entirely supplanted and effaced their predecessors. After all, a comparatively large number of Brahmanas is still extant a circumstance which is evidently owing to their being each annexed to a particular Veda, as well as to the fact that a sort of petty jealousy had always prevailed among the families in which the study of the different Vedas was hereditarily transmitted. Thus in the case of each Veda, such works at least as had come to be con- sidered of the highest authority have been preserved, although the practical significance of the Brahmanas was * The difficulty of their preserva- writing in India, it is important to tion is also an important factor in point out that the want of suitable the case, as at that time writing material?, in the North at least, be- either did not exist at all, or at any fore the introduction of paper, must rate wns but seldom employed, have been a great obstacle to its [" In considering the question of peneral use." Burnell, Elements of the age and extent of the use of South Indian Palaeography, p. 10.] I 4 VEDIC LITERATURE. gradually more and more lost, and passed over to the Sutras, &c. To the number of the Brahmanas, or recen- sions of the Samhitas, which were thus lost, belong those of the Vashkalas, Paiiigins, Bhallavins, Satyayanins, Kalabavins, Lamakayanins, Sambuvis, Khadayanins, and Silankayauins, which we find quoted on various occasions in writings of this class ; besides all the Chhandas works (Samhitas) specified in the gaiw, 'Saunaka' (Pan., iv. 3. 106), whose names are not so much as mentioned else- where. The difference between the Brahmnnas of the several Vedas as to subject-matter is essentially this : The Brah- mnnas of the Rik, in their exposition of the ritual, gene- rally specify those duties only which fell to the Hotar, or reciter of the richas, whose office it was to collect from the various hymns the verses suited to each particular occa- sion, as its sastra (canon). The Brahmanas of the Saman confine themselves to the duties of the Udgatar, or singer of the sdmans; the Brahmanas of the Yajus, to the duties of the Adhvaryu, or actual performer of the sacrifice. In the Brahmanas of the Rik, the order of the sacrificial per- formance is on the whole preserved, whereas the sequence of the hymns as they occur in the Rik-Samhita is not attended to at all. But in the Brahmanas of the Saman and Yajus, we find a difference corresponding to the fact that their Samhitas are already adapted to the proper order of the ritual. The Brahmana of the San.an enters but sel- dom into the explanation of individual verses; the Brah- mana of the White Yajus, on the contrary, may be almost considered as a running dogmatic commentary on its Samhita, to the order of which it adheres so strictly, that in the case of its omitting one or more verses, we might perhaps be justified in concluding that they did not then form part of the Samhita. A supplement also has been added to this Brahmana for some of those books of the Samhita which were incorporated with it at a period sub- sequent to its original compilation, so that the Brahmana comprises 100 adliyAyas instead of 60, as formerly seems to have been the case. The Brahmana of the Black Yajus does not, as we shall see further on, differ in its contents, but only in point of time, from its Samhita. It is, in fact, a supplement to it. Ihe Brahmana of the THE SUTRAS. 15 Atharvan is tip to the present time unknown, though there are manuscripts of it in England. 8 The common name for the Brahmana literature is Sruti, ' hearing,' i.e., that which is subject of hearing, subject of exposition, of teaching, by which name their learned, and consequently exclusive, character is sufficiently intimated. In accordance with this we find in the works themselves frequent warnings against intrusting the knowledge con- tained in them to any profane person. The name Sruti is not indeed mentioned in them, but only in the Sutras, though it is perfectly justified by the corresponding use of the verb sru which occurs in them frequently. The third stage in Vedic literature is represented by the Sutras.'' These are, upon the whole, essentially founded 8 It has since been published, see below. It presents no sort of di- rect internal relation to the Ath. Sumhita. * The word Sutra in the above senseoccurs first in the Madhukandi, one of the latest supplements to the Brahmana of the White Ynjus, next in the two Grihya-Sutras of the Rik, and finally in Pdnini. It means 'thread,' 'band,' cf. Lat. sitere. Would it be correct to regard it as an expression analogous to the Ger- man band (volume) '! If so, the term would have to be understood of the fastening together of the leaves, and would necessarily presuppose the existence of writing (in the same way, perhaps, as grantha does, a term first occurring in Pdnini?). Inquiry into the origin of Indian writing has not, unfortunately, led to much result as yet. The oldest inscriptions, according to Wilson, date no earlier than the third century B.C. Nearchus, however, as is well known, mentions writing, and his time corresponds very well upon the whole to the period to which we must refer the origin of the Sutras. But as these were composed chiefly with a view to their being committed to memory a fact which follows from their form, and partly accounts for it there might be good grounds for taking exception to the etymo- logy just proposed, and for regard- ing the signification 'guiding-line,' 'clue,' as the original one. [This is the meaning given in the St. Peters- burg Dictionary. The writing of the Indians is of Semitic origin : see Benfey, Indien (in Ersck and Gruber's Encydopcedia, 1840), p. 254; my Indiscfie Skizzcn (1856), p. 127, ff. ; Burnell, Elosed by the ancients from those used in the Ilik of the ' measuring of that are nearer to his own time. speech,' viz., i. 164. 24 (47), and 10 On the sacrifice and sacrificial ix. 13. 3, and consequently may implements of the Srauta-Sutras, see there mean 'syllable.' According to M. Miillerin Z. D. M. G., IX. xxxvi.- tlie St. Petersburg Dictionary, this Ixxxii. ; Hang's notes to his transla- latter meaning is to be derived from tion of the Aitareya-Bnlumana ; and the idea of ' the constant, simple' ele- my paper, Zur Kenntnissdesvedischcn ment in language.] Opferritua'.s, /. St., x. xiii. THE SUTRAS. 17 the special name of Srauta- Sutras, i.e., " Sutras founded on the Srati." The sources of the other Sutras must be sought elsewhere. Side by side with the Srauta- Sutras we are met by a second family of ritual Sutras, the so-called Grihy a- Sutras, which treat of domestic ceremonies, those celebrated at birth and before it, at marriage, as well as at death and after it. The origin of these works is sufficiently indi- cated by their title, since, in addition to the name of Grihy a-Siitras, they also bear that of Smarta- Sutras, i.e., " Sutras founded on the Smriti." Smriti, ' memory,' i.e., that which is the subject of memory, can evidently only be distinguished from Sruti, ' hearing/ i.e., that which is the subject of hearing, in so far as the former impresses itself on the memory directly, without special instruction and provision for the purpose. It belongs to all, it is the property of the whole people, it is supported by the con- sciousness of all, and does not therefore need to be spe- cially inculcated. Custom and law are common property and accessible to all; ritual, on the contrary, though in like manner arising originally from the common conscious- ness, is developed in its details by the speculations and suggestions of individuals, and remains so far the property of the few, who, favoured by external circumstances, under- stand how to inspire the people with a due awe of the importance and sanctity of their institutions. It is not, however, to be assumed from this that Smriti, custom and law, did not also undergo considerable alterations in the course of time. The mass of the immigrants had a great deal too much on their hands in the subjugation of the aborigines to be in a position to occupy themselves with other matters. Their whole energies had, in the first in- stance, to be concentrated upon the necessity of holding their own against the enemy. When this had been effected, and resistance was broken down, they awoke suddenly to find themselves bound and shackled in the hands of other and far more powerful enemies ; or rather, they did not awake at all ; their physical powers had been so long and so exclusively exercised and expended to the detriment of their intellectual energy, that the latter had gradually dwindled away altogether. The history of these new enemies was this : The knowledge of the ancient songs B T8 VEDIC LITERATURE. with which, in their ancient homes, the Indians had wor- shipped the powers of nature, and the knowledge of the ritual connected with these songs, became more and more the exclusive property of those whose ancestors perhaps composed them, and in whose families this knowledge had been hereditary. These same families remained in the possession of the traditions connected with them, and which were necessary to their explanation. To strangers in a foreign country, anything brought with them from home becomes invested with a halo of sacredness; and thus it came about that these families of singers became families of priests, whose influence was more and more consolidated in proportion as the distance between the people and their former home increased, and the more their ancient institutions were banished from their minds by external struggles. The guardians of the ancestral customs, of the primitive forms of worship, took an in- creasingly prominent position, became the representatives of these, and, finally, the representatives of the Divine itself. For so ably had they used their opportunities, that they succeeded in founding a hierarchy the like of which the world lias never seen. To this position it would have been scarcely possible for them to attain but for the ener- vating climate of Hindustan, and the mode of life induced by it, which exercised a deteriorating influence upon a race unaccustomed to it. The families also of the petty kings who had formerly reigned over individual tribes, held a more prominent position in the larger kingdoms which were of necessity founded in Hindustan ; and thus arose the military caste. Lastly, the people proper, the Visas, or settlers, united to form a third caste, and they in their turn naturally reserved to themselves prerogatives over the fourth caste, or Sudras. This last was composed of various mixed elements, partly, perhaps, of an Aryan race which had settled earlier in India, partly of the aborigines themselves, and partly again of those among the immigrants, or their Western kinsmen, who refused adherence to the new Brahmanical order. The royal * Who were distinguished by their colour, for caste. [See 7. 2., x. 4, very colour from the three other 10.] castes ; hence the name varna, i.e. THE SUTRAS. 19 families, ike warriors, who, it may be supposed, strenu- ously supported the priesthood so long as it was a ques- tion of robbing the people of their rights, now that this was effected turned against their former allies, and sought to throw off the yoke that was likewise laid upon them. These efforts were, however, unavailing; the colossus was too firmly established. Obscure legends and isolated allusions are the only records left to us in the later writings, of the sacrilegious hands which ventured to at- tack the sacred and divinely consecrated majesty of the Brahmans ; and these are careful to note, at the same time, the terrible punishments which befell those impious offenders. The fame of many a Barbarossa has here passed away and been forgotten ! The Smarta-Sutras, which led to this digression, gene- rally exhibit the complete standpoint- of Brahmanism. Whether in the form of actual records or of compositions orally transmitted, they in any case date from a period when more than men cared to lose of the Smriti that precious tradition passed on from generation to generation was in danger of perishing. Though, as we have just seen, it had undergone considerable modifications, even in the families who guarded it, through the influence of the Brahmans, yet this influence was chiefly exercised with reference to its political bearings, leaving domestic manners and customs 11 untouched in their ancient form; so that these works cover a rich treasure of ideas and conceptions of extreme antiquity. It is in them also that we have to look for the beginnings of the Hindu legal literature, 12 whose subject-matter, indeed, in part corresponds exactly to theirs, and whose authors bear for the most part the same names as those of the Grihy a- Sutras. With the strictly legal portions of the law-books, those dealing with 11 For the ritual relating to birth (1854), and M. Miiller, ibid., IX. fee Speijer's book on the Jdtakarma i.-xxxvi. (1855) ; and lastly, 0. Don- (Leyden, 1872) for the marriage uer's Pindapilriyajna (1870). ceremonies, Haas'a paper, Utber die la Besides the Grihya-Sutras we I/eirathsf/tbrduche der alttn Indcr, find some texts directly called Dhar- \vith additions by myself in /. &t., ma-Sutras, or Siimaydchiirika-Sutras. v. 267, ff. ; also my paper Vedisc/ie which are specified as portions of J/oc/izeitssfjruche, ibid., p. 177, ff. 6rauta-Sutras, but which were no (1862) on the burial of the dead, doubt subsequently inserted into lioth in Z. D. M. G., viii. 487, ff. these. 20 VEDIC LITERATURE. civil law, criminal law, and political law, we do not, it is true, find more than a few points of connection in these Sutras ; but probably these branches were not codified at all until the pressure of actual imminent danger made it necessary to establish them on a secure foundation. The risk of their gradually dying out was, owing to the con- stant operation of the factors involved, not so great as in the case of domestic customs. But a far more real peril threatened them in the fierce assaults directed against the Brahmanical polity by the gradually increasing power of Buddhism. Buddhism originally proceeded purely from theoretical heterodoxy regarding the relation of matter to spirit, and similar questions; but in course of time it addressed itself to practical points of religion and worship, and thenceforth it imperilled the very existence of Brah- manism, since the military caste and the oppressed classes of the people generally availed themselves of its aid in order to throw off the overwhelming yoke of priestly domination. The statement of Megasthenes, that the Indians in his time administered law only UTTO ^1/77^779, ' from memory,' I hold therefore to be perfectly correct, and I can see no grounds for the view that p-vr^ir) is but a mistranslation of Smriti in the sense of Smriti-Sastra, ' a treatise on Smriti.' * For the above-mentioned reason, however in consequence of the development of Bud- dhism into an anti-Brahmanical religion the case may have altered soon afterwards, and a code, that of Manu, for example (founded on the Manava Grihya-Sutra), may have been drawn up. But this work belongs not to the close of the Vedic, but to the beginning of the following period. As we have found, in the Smriti, an independent basis for theGrihya-Siitras in addition to the Brahmanas, where but few points of contact with these Sutras can be traced so too shall we find an independent basis for those Sutras the contents of which relate to language. In this case it is in the recitation of the songs and formulas at the sac- rifice that we shall find it. Although, accordingly, these * This latter view has been best nell, Elements of S. Ind. Palaogr^ set forth by Sclnvanbeck, Mfijns- p. 4.] thcnes, pp. 50, 51. [But see also Bur- THE SUTRAS. 21 Sutras stand on a level with the Brahmanas, which owe their origin to the same source, yet this must be under- stood as applying only to those views on linguistic rela- tions which, being presupposed in the Sutras, must be long anterior to them. It must not be taken as applying to the works themselves, inasmuch as they present the results of these antecedent investigations in a collected and systematic form. Obviously also, it was a much more natural thing to attempt, in the first instance, to elucidate the relation of the prayer to the sacrifice, than to make the form in which the prayer itself was drawn up a sub- ject of investigation. The more sacred the sacrificial per- formance gre\v, and the more fixed the form of worship gradually became, the greater became the importance of the prayers belonging to it, and the stronger their claim to the utmost possible purity and safety. TQ effect this, it was necessary, first, to fix the text of the prayers ; secondly, to establish a correct pronunciation and recitation ; and, lastly, to preserve the tradition of their origin. It was only after the lapse of time, and when by degrees their literal sense had become foreign to the phase into which the language had passed and this was of course much later the case with the priests, who were familiar with them, than with the people at large that it became necessary to take precautions for securing and establishing the sense also. To attain all these objects, those most conversant with the subject were obliged to give instruction to the ignorant, and circles were thus formed around them of travelling scholars, who made pilgrimages from one teacher to another according as they were attracted by the fame of special learning. These researches were naturally not confined to questions of language, but embraced the whole range of Brahmanical theology, extending in like manner to questions of worship, dogma, and speculation, all of which, indeed, were closely interwoven with each other. We must, at any rate, assume among the Brahmans of this period a very stirring intellectual life, in which even the women took an active part, and which accounts still further for the superiority maintained arid exercised by the Brahmans over the rest of the people. Nor did the mili- tary caste hold aloof from these inquiries, especially alter they had succeeded in securing a time of repose from 22 VEDIC LITERATURE. external warfare. We have here a faithful copy of the scholastic period of the Middle Ages; sovereigns whose courts form the centres of intellectual life ; Brahmans who with lively emulation carry on their inquiries into the highest questions the human mind can propound ; women who with enthusiastic ardour plunge into the mysteries of speculation, impressing and astonishing men by the depth and loftiness of their opinions, and who while in a state which, judging from description, seems to have been a kind of somnambulism solve the questions proposed to them on sacred subjects. As to the quality of their solu- tions, and the value of all these inquiries generally, that is another matter. But neither have the scholastic sub- tleties any absolute worth in themselves ; it is only the striving and the effort which ennobles the character of any such period. The advance made by linguistic research during this epoch was very considerable. It was then that the text of the prayers was fixed, that the redaction of the various Samhitas took place. By degrees, very extensive pre- cautions were taken for this purpose. For their study (Pat ha), as well as for the different methods of preserving them whether by writing or by memory, for either is possible 13 such special injunctions are given, that it seems 13 All the technical terms, how- by the rest of the Brahmans. On ever, which occur for study of the the other hand, Goldstiicker, Boht- Veda and the like, uniformly refer lingk, Whitney, and Roth (Der to speaking and reciting only, and Atharvaveda in Kashmir, p. 10), are thereby point to exclusively oral of the opposite opinion, holding, in tradition. The writing down of the particular, that the authors of the Vedic texts seems indeed not to Pnttisakhyas must have had written have t;iken place until a com para- texts before them. Benfey also tively late period. See I. St. , v. 18, formerly shared this view, but re- ff. (1861). Miiller, Anc. S. Lit., p. cently (Einleitung in die Gramma- 507, ff. (1859) : Westergaard, Udcr tik dcr vrd. Sprache, p. 31), lie baa den altcstai Zcitraum der indischcn expressed the belief that the Vedic Gcschichte (1860, German transla- texts were only committed to writ- tioii 1862, p. 42, ff.); and Hang, ing at a late date, long subse- Ucber das Wesen des vcdischen Ac- quent to their ' diaskeuasis.' Bur- cents (1873, p. 16, ff.), have declared nell also, 1. c., p. I O, is of opinion themselves in favour of this theory, that, amongst other things, the very Hang thinks that these Brahmans scarcity of the material for writing who were converted to Buddhism in ancient times " almost precludes were the first who consigned the the existence of MSS. of books or Veda to writing for polemical pur- long documents." ^poses and that they were followed THE SUTRAS. 23 all but impossible that any alteration in the text, except in the form of interpolation, can have taken place since. These directions, as well as those relating to the pronun- ciation and recitation of the words, are laid down in the Pratisakhya-Siitras, writings with which we have but recently been made acquainted.* Such a Pratisakhya- Siitra uniformly attaches itself to the Samhita of a single Veda only, but it embraces all the schools belonging to it ; it gives the general regulations as to the nature of the sounds employed, the euphonic rules observed, the accent and its modifications, the modulation of the voice, &c. Further, all the individual cases in which peculiar phonetic or other changes are observed are specially pointed out u and we are in this way supplied with an excellent critical means of arriving at the form of the text of each Samhita at the time when its Prati^akhya was composed. If we find in any part of the Samhita phonetic peculiarities which we are unable to trace in its Pratis*akhya, we may rest assured that at that period this part did not yet belong to the Samhita. The directions as to the recital of the Veda, i.e., of its Samhita, f in the schools each indivi- dual word being repeated in a variety of connections pre- sent a very lively picture of the care with which these studies were pursued. For the knowledge of metre also, rich materials have been handed down to us in the Sutras. The singers of the hymns themselves must naturally have been cognisant of the metrical laws observed in them. But we also find the technical names of some metres now and then men- tioned in the later songs of the Rik. In the Brahmanas the oddest tricks are played with them, and their harmony is in some mystical fashion brought into connection with the harmony of the world, in fact stated to be its funda- * By Roth in his essays, Zitr separately in their original form, Littcratur und Geschichte des IVeda, unaffected by samdhi, i.e., the influ- p. 53, ff. (translated in Journ. As. ence of the words which immedi- JSoc. Bengal, January 1848, p. 6, ff.). ately precede and follow. Whatever 14 This indeed is the real purpose else, over and above this, is found of the Prdtisitkhy.is, namely, to in the Prdtis'a'khyas is merely acces- show how the continuous SarnhitfC sory matter. See Whitney in Jour- text is to be reconstructed out of nal Am. Or.Soc., iv. 259 (1853). the Pada text, in which the indivi- + Strictly speaking, only these dual words of the text are given (the Sarphitds) are Veda. 24. VED 1C LITERATURE. mental cause. The simple minds of these thinkers were too much charmed by their rhythm not to be led into these and similar symbolisings. The further development of metre afterwards led to special inquiries into its laws. Such investigations have been preserved to us, both in Sutras 15 treating directly of metre, e.g., the Nidana-Siitra, and in the Anukramanis, a peculiar class of works, which, adhering to the order of each Sarnhita, assign a poet, a metre, and a deity to each song or prayer. They may, therefore, perhaps belong to a later period than most of the Sutras, to a time when the text of each Samhita was already extant in its final form, and distributed as we there find it into larger and smaller sections for the better regulation of its study. One of the smallest sections formed the pupil's task on each occasion. The preserva- tion of the tradition concerning the authors and the origin of the prayers is too intimately connected herewith to be dissociated from the linguistic Sutras, although the class of works to which it gave rise is of an entirely different character. The most ancient of such traditions are to be found, as above stated, in the Brahmana? themselves. These latter also contain legends regarding the origin and the author of this or that particular form of worship ; and on such occasions the Brahinana frequently appeals to Gathas, or stanzas, preserved by oral transmission among the people. It is evidently in these legends that we must look for the origin of the more extensive Itihasas and Puranas, works which but enlarged the range of their sub- ject, but which in every other respect proceeded after the same fashion, as is shown by several of the earlier frag- ments preserved, e.g., in the Mahd-Bharata. The most ancient work of the kind hitherto known is the Brihad- devata by Saunaka, in 6lokas, which, however, strictly fol- lows the order of the Rik- Samhita, and proves by its very title that it has only an accidental connection with this class of works. Its object properly is to specify the deity for each verse of the Rik-Samhita. But in so doing, it supports its views with so many legends, that we are fully justified in classing it here. It, however, like the other Anukramanis, belongs to a much later period than most 18 See Part i. of my paper ou Indian Prosody, I, St., viii. I, ff. (1863). NIGHANTUNIRUKTI. 25 of the Sutras, since it presupposes Yaska, the author of the Nirukti, of whom I have to speak presently ; it is, in fact, essentially based upon his work. [See Adalb. Kuhn in /. St., i. 1 01- 1 20.] It was remarked above, that the investigations into the literal sense of the prayers only began when this sense had gradually become somewhat obscure, and that, as this could not be the case among the priests, who were fami- liar with it, so soon as amongst the rest of the people, the language of the latter may at that time have undergone considerable modifications. The first step taken to ren- der the prayers intelligible was to make a collection of synonyms, which, by virtue of their very arrangement, ex- plained themselves, and of specially obsolete words, of which separate interpretations were then given orally. These collected words were called, from their being " ranked/'' " strung together," Nigranthu, corrupted into Nighantu* and those occupied with them Naighantukas. One work of this kind has been actually preserved to us. 16 It is in five books, of which the three first contain synonyms ; the fourth, a list of specially difficult Vedic words ; and the fifth, a classification of the various divine personages who figure in the Veda. We also possess one of the ancient expositions of this work, a commentary on it, called Nirukti, " interpretation," of which Yaska is said to be the author. It consists of twelve books, to which two others having no proper connection with them were afterwards added. It is reckoned by the Indians among the so-called V r ^ Vedangas, together with Siksha, Chhandas, and Jyotisha three very late treatises on phonetics, metre, and astro- nomical calculations and also with Kalpa and Vya- karana, i.e., ceremonial and grammar, two general cate- gories of literary works. The four first names likewise originally signified the class in general, 17 and it was only later that they were applied to the four individual works * See lloth, Introduction to the 17 Sikshd still continues to be the Nirukti, p. xii. name of a species. A considerable 16 To this place belong, further, the number of treatises so entitled have Nighan^u to the Atharva-S., men- recently been found, and more are tioned by Haug (ef. /. St., ix. 175, constantly being brought to light. 176,) and the Nigama-Parisishta of Cf. Kielhorn, /. St., xiv. 160. the \Yhite Yajus. 26 VEDIC LITER A TURE. now specially designated by those titles. It is in Yaska's work, the Nirukti, that we find the first general notions of grammar. Starting from the phonetic rules, the observ- ance of which the Pratisakhya-Sutras had already estab- lished with so much minuteness but only for each of the Veda-Samhitas advance was no doubt gradually made, in the first place, to a general view of the subject of phone- tics, and thence to the remaining portions of the domain of language. Inflection, derivation, and composition were recognised and distinguished, and manifold reflections were made upon the modifications thereby occasioned in the meaning of the root. Yaska mentions a considerable number of grammatical teachers who preceded him, some by name individually, others generally under the name of Nairuktas, Vaiyakaranas, from which we may gather that a very brisk activity prevailed in this branch of study. To judge from a passage in the Kauslritaki-Brahmana, linguistic research must have been carried on with pecu- liar enthusiasm in the North of India ; and accordingly, it is the northern, or rather the north-western district of India that gave birth to the grammarian who is to be looked upon as the father of Sanskrit grammar, PaninL Now, if Yaska himself must be considered as belonging only to the last stages of the Vedic period, Panini from Yaska to whom is a great leap must have lived at the very close of it, or even at the beginning of the next period. Advance from the simple designation of gram- matical words by means of terms corresponding to them in sense, which we find in Yaska, to the algebraic symbols of Panini, implies a great amount of study in the interval. P>esides, Panini himself presupposes some such symbols as already known ; lie cannot therefore be regarded as having invented, but only as having consistently carried out a method which is certainly in a most eminent degree suited to its purpose. Lastly, Philosophical Speculation also had its peculiar development contemporaneously with, and subsequently to, the Brahmanas. It is in this field and in that of grammar that the Indian mind attained the highest pitch of its marvellous fertility in subtle distinctions, however abstruse or naive, on the other hand, the method may occasionally be. PHILOSOPHY. 27 . Several hymns of a speculative purpovt in the last book of the Rik-Samhita testify to a great depth and concen- tration of reflection upon the fundamental cause of things, necessarily implying a long period of philosophical research in a preceding age. This is home out by the old renown of Indian wisdom, by the reports of the companions of Alexander as to the Indian gynmosophists, &c. It was inevitable that at an early stage, and as soon as speculation had acquired some vigour, different opinions and starting-points should assert themselves, more espe- cially regaining the origin of creation ; for this, the most mysterious and difficult problem of all, was at the same time the favourite one. Accordingly, in each of the Brah- manas, one at least, or it may be more, accounts on the subject may be met with ; while in the more extensive works of this class we find a great number of different conjectures with regard to cosmogony. One of the prin- cipal points of difference naturally was whether indiscrete matter or spirit v r as to be assumed as the First Cause. The latter theory became gradually the orthodox one, and is therefore the one most frequently, and indeed almost exclusively, represented in the Brahmanas. From among the adherents of the former view, which came by degrees to be regarded as heterodox, there arose, as thought de- veloped, enemies still more dangerous to orthodoxy, who, although they confined themselves in the first place solely to the province of theory, before long threw themselves into practical questions also, and eventually became the founders of the form of belief known to us as Buddhism. The word buddha, " awakened, enlightened," was originally a name of honour given to all sages, including the ortho- dox. This is shown by the use both of the root budh in the Brahmanas, and of the word buddha itself in even the most recent of the Vedantic writings. The technical application of the word is as much the secondary one as it is in the case also of another word of the kind, sramana, which was in later times appropriated by the Buddhists as peculiarly their own. Here not merely the correspond- ing use of the root sram, but also the word sramana itself, as a title of honour, may be pointed out in several passages in the Brahmanas. Though Megasthenes, in a passage quoted by Strabo, draws a distinct line between two sects 28 VEDIC LITERATURE. of philosophers, the Bpa^a^e? and the 2ap/j,dvat, yet we should hardly be justified in identifying the latter with the Buddhist mendicants, at least, not exclusively ; for he expressly mentions the v\6/3iot, i.e., the Brahmacharins and Vanaprasthas, the first and third of the stages into which a Brahman's life is distributed as forming part of the 2apfj,dvai. The distinction between the two sects pro- bably consisted in this, that the B pa^aves were the " phil- osophers" by birth, alsq those who lived as householders (Grihasthas) ; the Sapfidvat, on the contrary, those who gave themselves up to special mortifications, and who might belong also to other castes. The Ilpdfivat,, men- tioned by Strabo in another passage (see Lassen, /. AK. i. 836), whom, following the accounts of Alexander's time, he describes as accomplished polemical dialecticians, in contradistinction to the Bpa^u-ai/e?, whom he represents as chiefly devoted to physiology and astronomy, appear either to be identical with the ^ap^dvat, a supposition favoured by the fact that precisely the same things are asserted of both or else, with Lassen, they may be re- garded as Pramanas, i.e., founding their belief on pramdna, logical proof, instead of revelation. As, however, the word is not known in the writings of that period, we should in this case hardly be justified in accepting Strabo's report as true of Alexander's time, but only of a later age. Philosophical systems are not to be spoken of in connec- tion with this period ; only isolated views and speculations are to be met with in those portions of the Brahmanas here concerned, viz., the so-called Upanishads (upanishod, a session, a lecture). Although there prevails in these a very marked tendency to systematise and subdivide, the investigations still move within a very narrow and limited range. Considerable progress towards systematising / and expansion is visible in the Upanishads found in the Aran- yakas,* i.e., writings supplementary to the Brahmanas, and specially designed for the v\6@ioi ; and still greater pro- gress in those Upanishads which stand by themselves, i.e., * The name Aranyaka occurs first passages in contradistinction to in the vdrttika to Pan. iv. 2. 129 [see ' Veda'), iii. no, 309 ; and in the 011 this, I. St., v. 49], then in Manu, Atharvopanishads (see /. St., ii. 179). iv. 123 ; Yiijuavalkya, i. 145 (ia both ASTRONOMY MEDICINE. 29 those which, although perhaps originally annexed to a Brahmana or an Arariyaka of one of the three older Vedas, have come down to us at the same time or, it may be, have come down to us only in an Atharvan recension. Finally, those Upanishads which are directly attached to the Atharva-Veda are complete vehicles of developed philosophical systems ; they are to some extent sectarian in their contents, in which respect they reach down to the time of the Puranas. That, however, the fundamental works now extant of the philosophical .systems, viz., their Sutras, were composed much later than has hitherto been supposed, is conclusively proved by the following consider- ations. In the first place, the names of their authors are either not mentioned at all in the most modern Brahmanas and Aranyakas, or, if they are, it is under a different form and in other relations in such a way, however, that their later acceptation is already foreshadowed and exhibited in the germ. Secondly, the names of the sages mentioned in the more ancient of them are only in part identical with those mentioned in the latest liturgical Sutras. And, thirdly, in all of them the Veda is expressly presupposed as a whole, and direct reference is also made to those Upanishads which we are warranted in recognising as the latest real Upanishads ; nay, even to such as are only found attached to the Atharvan. The style, too, the enigmatical conciseness, the mass of technical terms although these are not yet endowed with an algebraic force imply a long previous period of special study to account for such pre- cision and perfection. The philosophical Sutras, as well as the grammatical Sutra, should therefore be con- sidered as dating from the beginning of the next period, within which both are recognised as of predominant authority. In closing this survey of Vedic literature, I have lastly to call attention to two, other, branches of science, which, though they do not appear to have attained in this period to the possession of a literature at least, not one of which direct relics and records have reached us must yet have enjoyed considerable cultivation I mean Astronomy and Medicine. Both received their first impulse from the exigencies of religious Worship. Astronomical observa- tions though at first, of course, these were only of the 30 VEDIC LITERATURE. rudest description were necessarily required for the regu- lation of the solemn sacrifices ; in the first place, of those offered in the morning and evening, then of those at the new and full moon, and finally of those at the commence- ment of each of the three seasons. Anatomical observa- tions, again, were certain to be brought about by the dis- section of the victim at the sacrifice, and the dedication of its different parts to different deities. The Indo-Germanic mind, too, being so peculiarly susceptible to the influences of nature, and nature in India more than anywhere else inviting observation, particular attention could not fail to be early devoted to it. Thus we find in the later portions of the Vajasaneyi-Samhita and in the Chhandogyopani- shad express mention made of " observers of the stars " and "the science of astronomy;" and, in particular, the knowledge of the twenty-seven (twenty-eight) lunar man- sions was early diffused. They are enumerated singly in the Taittiriya-Samhita, and the order in which they there occur is one that must necessarily* have been established somewhere between 1472 and 536 B.C. Strabo, in the above-mentioned passage, expressly assigns acrrpovo^ia as a favourite occupation of the Bpaxjj,dves. Nevertheless, they had not yet made great progress at this period ; their observations were chiefly confined to the course of the moon, to the solstice, to a few fixed stars, and more par- ticularly to astrology. As regards Medicine, we find, especially in the Sam- hita of the Atharvan, a number of songs addressed to illnesses and healing herbs, from which, however, there is not much to be gathered. Animal anatomy was evidently thoroughly understood, as each separate part had its own distinctive name. Alexander's companions, too, extol the Indian physicians, especially for their treatment of snake-bite. * See I. St., ii. 240, note. [The seems to be that contained in the correct numbers are rather 2780- Jyotisha, we obtain the years 1820- 1 820 B.C., see /.., x. 234-236(1866); 860, ibid. p. 236, ff. See further and for the l/tarayi series, which the reuurka in uote 2 above.] RIGVEDA-SAMHITA. ji 'From this preliminary survey of Vedic literature we now pass to the details. Adhering strictly to the Indian classification, we shall consider each of the four Vedas by itself, and deal with the writings belonging to them in their proper order, in connection with each Veda sepa- rately. And first of the Rigveda. The Rigveda-Samhitd pre- sents a twofold subdivision the one purely external, having regard merely to the compass of the work, and evidently the more recent ; the other more ancient, and based on internal grounds. The former distribution is that into eight aslitakas (eighths), nearly equal in length, each of which is again subdivided into as many adhyayas (lectures), and each of these again into about 33 (2006 in all) vargas (sections), usually consisting of five verses. 18 The latter is that into ten mandalas (circles), 85 anuvakas (chapters), loifstiktas (hymns), and 10,580 richas (verses) ; it rests on the variety of authors to whom the hymns are ascribed. Thus the first and tenth mandalas contain songs by Rishis of different families ; the second mandala, on the contrary (asht. ii. 71113), contains songs belong- ing to Gritsamada; the third (asht. ii. 114-119, iii. 1-56) belongs to Visvamitra; the fourth (asht, iii. 57-114) to Vamadeva; the fifth (asht. iii. 115-122, iv. 1-79) to Atri: the sixth (asht. iv. 80-140, v. 1-14) to Bharadvaja; the seventh (asht. v. 15-118) toVasishtna; the eighth (asht. v. 119-129, vi. 1-81) to Kanva; and the ninth (asht. vi. 82-124, vn - I ~7 I ) to Angiras. 19 By the names of these Rishis we must understand not merely the individuals, but also their families. The hymns in each separate mandala are arranged in the order of the deities addressed. 19 " Those addressed to Agni occupy the first place, next come those 18 For particulars see /. St., iii. gtiktas) ; the ninth 7 an. 1 14*.; and 255 ; Miiller, Anc. S. Lit., p. the tenth 12 are. 191 s. 220. 19b Delbruek, in his review of Sie- ltf The first mandala contains 24 benziy Liedcr dcs Rif/vcda (cf. note anuvdkas and 191 siiktas; the second 32) in the Jenaer Liter at urzeitung 4 an. 43 s.; the third 5 an. 62 s.; the (1875, p. 867), points out that in fourth 5 an. 58 s.; the fifth 6 an. books 2-7 the hymns to Agni and 87 a.; the sixth 6 an. 75 .; the Indra are arranged in a descending seventh 6 an. 104 s.; the eighth 10 gradation as regards tbo number of an. 92 . (besides n vdlakhilya- verses. J2 VEDIC LITERATURE. to Indra, and then those to other gods. This, at least, is the order in the first eight mandalas. The ninth is ad- dressed solely to Soma, and stands in the closest connec- tion with the Sama-Samhita, one-third of which is bor- rowed from it ; whereas the tenth mandala stands in a very special relation to the Atharva-Samhita. The earliest mention of this order of the mandalas occurs in the Aitareya-Aranyaka. and in the two Grihya-Sutras of Asvalayana and Saiikhayana. The Pratiiakhyas and Yaska recognise no other division, and therefore give to the Rik-Samhita the name of dasatayyas, i.e., the songs " in ten divisions," a name also occurring in the Sama- Sutras. The Anukramani of Katyayana, on the contrary, follows the division into ashtakas and adhydyas. The name sukla, as denoting hymn, appears for the first time in the second part of the Brahmana of the White Yajus ; the Rig-Brahmanas do not seem to be acquainted with it, 20 but we find it in the Aitareya-Aranyaka, &c. The extant re- cension of the Rik-Samhita is that of the Sakalas, and belongs specially, it would seem, to that x branch of this school which bears the name of the Sai^iriyas. Of another recension, that of the Vashkalas, we have but occasional notices, but the difference between the two does not seem to have been considerable. One main distinc- tion, at all events, is that its eighth mandala contains eight additional hymns, making 100 in all, and that, con- sequently, its sixth ashtaka consists of 132 hymns. 21 Th name of the Sakalas is evidently related to Sakalya, a sage often mentioned in the Brahinanas and Sutras, who is 20 This is a mistake. They formed part of the eight!) mandala. know the word not only in the When I wrote the above I was pro- above, but also in a technical sense, b.ibly thinking of the Vdlakhilyas, viz., as a designation of one of the whose number is given by Sayana, six parts of the astra (' canon '), in his commentary on the Ait. Br., more especially of the main sub- as eight (cf. Roth, Zur Litt. und stance of it ; when thus applied, Gcsch. des Weda, p. 35 ; Haug on siikta appears in a collective mean- Ait. Br., 6. 24, p. 416), whereas the ing, comprising several suktas. Cf. editions of Jliiller and Aufrecht Sankh. Brahm., xiv. I. have eleven. But as to whether 21 I arn at present unable to corro- these eight or eleven Vstlakhilyas borate this statement in detail. I belong specially to the Vstshkalas, I can only show, from S.iunaka's cannot at present produce any direct Anuvakiitiukramani, that the recen- evidence. On other differences of eion of the Vashkalas had eight the Vdhkala school, &c., see Adalb. hymns more than that of the Saka- Kulin, in /. St., i. 108, If. las, but not that these eight hymns RIGVEDA-SAMHITA. 33 stated by Yaska 22 to be the author of the Padapatha* of the Rik-Samhita.f According to^ the accounts in the Brahmana of the "White Yajus (the Satapatha-Brahmana), a Sakalya, surnamed Vidagdha (the cunning ?), lived con- temporaneously with Yajnavalkya as a teacher at the court of Janaka, King of Videha, and that as the declared adversary and rival of Yajnavalkya. He was vanquished and cursed by the latter, his head dropped off, and his bones were stolen by robbers. Varkali also (a local form of Vashkali) is the name of one of the teachers mentioned in the second part of the Satapatha-Brahmana. 23 The Sakalas appear in tradition as intimately connected with the Sunakas, and to Saunaka in particular a number of writings are attributed,^ which he is said to have com- posed with a view to secure the preservation of the text (rigvedaguptaye), as, for instance, an Anukramani of the Rishis, of the metres, of the deities, of the anuvdkas, of the hymns, an arrangement (? Vidhana) of the verses and their constituent parts, 24 the above-mentioned Brihaddevata, 22 Or rather Durga, in his comm. on Nir. iv. 4 ; see Roth, p. 39, in- troduction, p. Ixviii. * This is the designation of that peculiar method of reciting the Veda in which each word of the text stands by itself, unmodified by the euphonic changes it has to undergo when connected with the preceding and f ol 1 owing words. [See above, p. 23.] t His name seems to point to the north-west (?). The scholiast on Piinini [iv. 2. 117], at least, proba- bly following the Mahdbhdshya, cites Sakala in connection with the Bdhi- kas ; see aloo Burnouf, Introduction a VHist. du Buddh., p. 620, ff. The passage in the sutra of Panini, iv. 3. 128, has no local reference [on the data from the Mahdbhdshya bearing on this point, see /. St., xiii. 366, 372, 409, 428, 445]. On the other hand, we find Sakyas also in the Kosala country in Kapilavastn, of whom, however, as of the Sdkii- yanins in the Yajus, we do not ex- actly know what to make (see be- low). [The earliest mention of the word Sakala, in immediate reference to the Rik, occurs in a memorial verse, yajnagdthd, quoted in the Ait. Brdhm., iii. 43 (see I. St., ix. 277). For the name SaisMriya I can only cite the pravara section added at the close of the AsvaMyana- Srauta-Sutra, in which the Saisiris are mentioned several times, partly by themselves, partly^ beside and in association with the Sungas.] 23 This form of name, which might be traced to vrikata, occurs also in the Sdnkhdyana Arnnyaka, viii. 2 : " asitisahasram Vdrkalino Irihatir ahar abhisampddayanti;" though the parallel passage in the Aitar. Arany., iii. 8, otherwise similarly worded, reads instead of " Vdrkalino, " " vd (i.e., vai) Arkalino!" + By Shadgumsishya, in the in- troduction to his commentary on the Rig-Anukramani of Kdtyayana. 24 Rather two Vidhdna texts (see below), the one of which has for its object the application of particular fic/ias, the other probably that of particular pddas, to superstitious purposes, after the manner of the Sdmavidhdna-Brdhmana. 34 VEDIC LITERATURE. the PratiSakhya of the Rik, a Smarta-Sutra,* and also a Kalpa-Sutra referring specially to the Aitareyaka, which, however, he destroyed after one had been composed by his pupil, Aivalayana. It is not perhaps, on the face of it, impossible that^ all these writings might be the work of one individual Saunaka ; still they probably, nay, in part certainly, belong only to the school which bears his name. But, in addition to this, we find that the second mandala of the Samhita itself is attributed to him ; and that, on the other hand, he is identified with the Saunaka at whose sacrificial feast Sauti, the son of Vai^ampayana, is said to have repeated the Maha-Bharata, recited by the latter on an earlier occasion to Janamejaya (the second), together with the Harivan^a. The former of these assertions must, of course, only be understood in the sense that the family of the Sunakas both belonged to the old Rishi families of the Rik, and continued still later to hold one of the foremost places in the learned world of the Brahmans. Against the second statement, on the contrary, no direct objection can be urged ; and it is at least not impossible that the teacher of A^valayana and the sacrificer in the Naimishaf forest are identical. In the Brahmana of the White Yajus we have, further, two distinct Saunakas men- tioned ; the one, Indrota, as sacrificial priest of the prince who, in the Maha-Bharata, appears as the first Janame- jaya (Parikshita, so also in M.-Bh. xii. 5595, ff.), the other, Svaidayana, as Auclichya, dwelling in the north. As author of the Krama-patha of the Rik-Samhita a Panchala Babhravya 25 is mentioned. Thus we see that^to the Kuru-Panchalas and the Kosala-Videhas (to whom Sa- kalya belongs) appertains the chief merit of having fixed and arranged the text of the Rik, as well as that of the Yajus ; * On the Grihya of Sauoaka, see quoted as an authority in the text Stenzler, 7. St., i. 243. of the Rik-Prdtisdkhya itself, viz., t The sacrifice conducted by this ii. 12, 44, and that beside the Saunaka in the Naimisha forest Prdchyas (people of the east), the would, in any case, hare to be dis- above conclusions still hold good, tinguished from the great sacrificial See Regnier on Rik^Pr, ii. ( 12, p. festival of the Naimishiyas, so often 113. Compare also Stinkb. Sr., xii. mentioned in the Brjthmanas. 13. 6 (panchdlapadarrittih), and 24 In the Rik-Prtlt. , xi. 33, merely 8amhitopanishad-Brdlimana,' 2 Babhravya ; only in Uata's scholium (sarvatra Prdchyn Pdnchdllshu muk- is he designated as a Pancbala. .As, turn, sarvatra 'muktam). however, the Panclidlas are twica RIGVEDA-SAMHITA. 35 and this was probably accomplished, in the case of both Vedas, during the most flourishing period of these tribes. For the origin of the songs themselves we must go back, as I have alre idy repeatedly stated, to a far earlier period. This is most clearly shown by the mythological and geo- graphical data contained in them. The former, the mythological relations, represented in the older hymns of the Rik, in part carry us back to the primitive Indo-Germanic time. They contain relics of the childlike and naive conceptions then prevailing, such as may also be traced among the Teutons- and Greeks. So, for instance, the idea of the change of the departed spirit into air, which is conducted by the winged wind, as by a faithful dog, to its place of destination,, as is shown by the identity of Sarameya and 'Kp/Aeias* of Sabala and Kepfiepos.'f Further, the idea of the celestial sea, Varuna, Ovpavos, encompassing the world; of the Father -Heaven, Dyaushpitar, Zeu?, Diespiter ; of the Mother - Earth, Arjfj,ijrrip; of the waters of the sky as shining nymphs; of the sun's rays as cows at pasture ; of the dark cloud-god as the robber who carries off these maidens and cows ; and of the mighty god who wields the lightning and thunder- bolt, and who chastises and strikes down the ravisher; and other such notions.^ Only the faintest outlines of this comparative mythology are as yet discernible ; it will unquestionably, however, by degrees- claim and obtain, in relation to classical mythology, a position exactly analo- gous to that which has already, in fact, been secured by comparative Indo-Germanic grammar in relation to classi- cal grammar. The ground on which that mythology has hitherto stood trembles beneath it, and the new light about to be shed upon it we owe to the hymns of the Rig- veda, which enable us to glance, as it were, into the work- shop whence it originally proceeded. * See Kuhn, in Haupt's Deutsche Sea Z. D. M. ., v. 112. [Since Zeitschrift, vi. 125, ff. I wrote the above, comparative my- f /. St., ii. 297, ff. [and, still ear- thology has been enriched with much lier, Max Miill^r ; see his Chips valuable matter, but much also that from a German Workshop, ii. 182]. is crude and fanciful has been ad- J See Kuhn, 1. c., and repeatedly vanced. Deserving of special men- in the Zeitschrift fur vcryleichcndc tion, besides various papers by Ada! b. Sprachforschuny, edited by him Kuhn in his Zeitschrift, are two jointly with Aufrecht (vol. i., 1851). papers by the same author, entitled, 36 VEDIC LITERATURE. Again, secondl}^ the hymns of the Rik contain sufficient evidence of their antiquity in the invaluable information which they furnish regarding the origin and gradual de- velopment of two cycles of epic legend, the Persian and the Indian. In both of these the simple allegories of natural phenomena were afterwards arrayed in an historic garb. In the songs of the Rik we find a description, embellished with poetical colours, of the celestial contest between light and darkness, which are depicted either quite simply and naturally, or else in symbolical guise as divine beings. In the Persian Veda, the Avesta, on the other hand, " the contest * descends from heaven to earth, from the province of natural phenomena into the moral sphere. The champion is a son, born to his father, and given as a saviour to earth, as a reward for the pious exercise of the Soma worship. The dragon slain by him is a creation of the Power of Evil, armed with demoniacal might, for the destruction of purity in the world. Lastly, the Persian epic enters upon the ground of history. The battle is fought in the Aryan land ; the serpent, Aji Dahaka in Zend, Ahi [Dasaka] in the Veda, is trans- formed into Zohak the tyrant on the throne of Iran ; and the blessings achieved for the oppressed people by the warlike Feredun Traitana in the Veda, Thrae'taono in Zend are freedom and contentment in life on the pater- nal soil." Persian legend traversed these phases in the course of perhaps 2000 years, passing from the domain of nature into that of the epic, and thence into the field of history. A succession of phases, corresponding to those of Feredun, may be traced also in the case of Jemshid (Yama, Yima) ; a similar series in the case of Kaikavus (Kavya Usanas, Kava Us) ; and probably also in the case of Kai Khosrii (Susravas, Husravaiih). Indian legend in its development is the counterpart of the Persian myth. Even in the lime of the Yajurveda the natural significance l)ie Herabkunft dcs Feuers imd des culeetCacus(i86^} ; Cox, Mythology Gottertranks (1859), and Ucber Enl- of the Aryan Nations (1870, 2 vols.); wicklunyxstufen der Mythenbildung A. de Gubernatis, Zoological Mytho- (1874); further, Max Miiller's Jnijy (iSj2, 2 vols.); and Mitoloyia 'Comparative Mythology,' in the Vedica (1874).] Oxford Assays (1856), reprinted in * See Ruth, in Z. D. M. G., ii. the Chips, vol. ii. ; M. Breul, Her- 216, ff. RIGVEDA-SAMHITA. 37 of the myth had become entirely obliterated. Indra is there but the quarrelsome and jealous god, who subdues the unwieldy giant by low cunning ; and in the Indian epic the myth either still retains the same form, or else Indra is represented by a human hero, Arjuna, an incarna- tion of himself, who makes short work of the giant, and the kings who pass for the incarnations of the latter. The principal figures of the Maha-Bharata and Bamayana fall away like the kings of Eirdusi, and there remain for his- tory only those general events in the story of the people to which the ancient myths about the gods have been applied. The personages fade into the background, and in this representation are only recognisable as poetic crea- tions. Thirdly, the songs of the Rik unfold to us particulars as to the time, place, and conditions of their origin and growth. In the more ancient of them the Indian people appear to us settled on the banks of the Indus, divided into a number of small tribes, in a state of mutual hos- tility, leading a patriarchal life as husbandmen and nomads ; living separately or in small communities, and represented by their kings, in the eyes of each other by the wars they wage, and in presence of the gods by the com- mon sacrifices they perform. Each father of a family acts as priest in his own house, himself kindling the sacred fire, performing the domestic ceremonies, and offering up praise and prayer to the gods. Only for the great com- mon sacrifices a sort of tribe-festivals, celebrated by the king are special priests appointed, who distinguish them- selves ~by their comprehensive knowledge of the requisite rites and by their learning, and amongst whom a sort of rivalry is gradually developed, according as one tribe or another is considered to have more or less prospered by its sacrifices. Especially prominent here is the enmity between the families of Vasishtha and Visvamitra, which runs through all Vedic antiquity, continues to play an important part in the epic, and is kept up even to the latest times ; so that, for example, a commentator of the Veda who claims to be descended from Vasishtha leaves passages unexpounded in which the latter is stated to have had a curse imprecated upon him. This implacable hatred owes its origin to the trifling circumstance of Vasishtha 38 VEDIC LITERATURE. having once been appointed chief sacrificial priest instead of ViSvamitra by one of the petty kings of these early times. The influence of these royal priests does not, how- ever, at this early period, extend beyond the sacrifice ; there are no castes as yet ; the people is still one united whole, and bears but one name, that of visas, settlers. The prince, who was probably elected, is called Vispati, a title still preserved in Lithuanian. The free position held by women at this time is remarkable. We find songs of the most exquisite kind attributed to poetesses and queens, among whom the daughter of Atri appears in the foremost rank. As regards love, its tender, ideal element is not very conspicuous ; it rather bears throughout the stamp of an undisguised natural sensuality. Marriage is, however,, held sacred; husband and wife are both rulers of the house (dampat'C), and approach the gods in united prayer. The religious sense expresses itself in the recognition of man's dependence on natural phenomena, and the beings supposed to rule over them ; but it is at the same time claimed that these latter are, in their turn, dependent upon human aid, and thus a sort of equilibrium is estab- lished. The religious notion of sin is consequently want- ing altogether, and submissive gratitude to the gods is as yet quite foreign 26 to the Indian. 'Give me, and I Mill render to thee,' he says, 27 claiming therewith a right on his part to divine help, which is an exchange, no grace. In this free strength, this vigorous self-consciousness, a very different, and a far more manly and noble, picture of the Indian is presented to us than that to which we are accustomed from later times. 1 have already endeavoured above to show how this state of things became gradually altered, how the fresh energy was broken, and by degrees disappeared, through the dispersion over Hindustan, and the enervating influence of the new climate. But what it was that led to the emigration of the people in such masses from the Indus across the Sarasvati towards the Ganges, * 'Quite foreign' is rather too (1851). There are different phases strong tin expression. See Roth's to lie ilistinguished. paper, Die hochsten G'otter der art- - 7 Vdj. S., iii. 50; or, " Kill him, schen Volker, in Z. D. M. G., vi. 72 then will I sacrifice to thee," Taut. 8., vi. 4. 5. 6. RIGVEDA-SAMHITA. 39 what was its principal cause, is still uncertain. Was it the pressure brought about by the arrival of new settlers ? Was it excess of population ? Or was it only the longing i'or the beautiful tracts of Hindustan ? Or perhaps all these causes combined ? According to a legend preserved in the Brahmana of the White Yajus, the priests were in a great measure the cause of this movement, by urging it upon the kings, even against their will [/. St., i. 178]. The connection with the ancestral home on the Indus remained, of course, at first a very close one ; later on, however, when the new Brahmanical organisation was completely consolidated in Hindustan, a strong element of bitterness was infused into it, since the Brahmans looked upon their old kinsmen who had remained true to the cus- toms of their forefathers as apostates and unbelievers. But while the origin of the songs of the Rik dates from this primitive time, the redaction of the Rik-Samhita only took place, as we observed, at a period when the Brah- manical hierarchy was fully developed, and when the Kosala-Videhas and Kuru-Panchalas.* who are to be re- garded as having been specially instrumental in effect- ing it, were in their prime. It is also certain that not a few of the songs were composed either at the time of the emigration into Hindustan, or at the time of the compilation itself. Such songs are to be found in the last book especially, a comparatively large portion of which, as I have already remarked, recurs in the Atharvaveda-Sam- hita. It is for the critic to determine approximately in the case of each individual song, having regard to its con- * Manda^a x. 98 is a dialogue scribed in this epic had been fought between Devdni and Samtanu, the out Ions: before the final arrange- two ' Kauravyau' as Ya"ska calls ment of tlie Rik-SamhiUl ! It is, them. In the Mahd- Bharata Sam- however, questionable whether the tanu is the name of the father of Samtanu of the Mahd-Bhtlrata is Bhishma and Vichitravirya, by identical with the Samtanu men- whose two wives, Ambika" and Am- tioned in the Rik ; or, even if we Icilika*, Vyitsa became the father of take this for granted, whether he Dhritara'shtra and Pdndu. This may not merely have been associated Samtanu is, therefore, the grand- with the epic legend in majorem rei father of these latter, or the great- gloriam. Dovapi, at least, who, grandfather of the Kauravas and according to Ydska, is his brother, Pandavas, the belligerents in the has in the Rik a different father Maha'-BhaVata. We should thus from the one given in the epic. See have to suppose that the feud de- /. St., i. 203. 40 VEDIC LITERATURE. tents, its ideas, its language, and the traditions connected with it, to what period it ought possibly to be ascribed. But as yet this task is only set ; its solution has not yet even begun. 28 The deities to whom the songs are for the most part addressed are the following : First, Agni, the god of fire. The songs dedicated to him are the most numerous of all a fact sufficiently indicative of the character and import of these sacrificial hymns. He is the messenger from men to the gods, the mediator between them, who with his far- shining flame summons the gods to the sacrifice, however distant they may be. He is for the rest adored essentially as earthly sacrificial fire, and not as an elemental force. The latter is rather pre-eminently the attribute of the god to whom, next to Agni, the greatest number of songs is dedicated, viz., Indra. Indra is the mighty lord of the thunderbolt, with which he rends asunder the dark clouds, so that the heavenly rays and waters may descend to bless and fertilise the earth. A great number of the hymns, and amongst them some of the most beautiful, are devoted to the battle that is fought because the malicious demon will not give up his booty ; to the description of the thunderstorm generally, which, with its flashing light- nings, its rolling thunders, and its furious blasts, made a tremendous impression upon the simple mind of the people. The break of day, too, is greeted ; the dawns are praised as bright, beautiful maidens ; and deep reverence is paid to the flaming orb of the mighty sun, as he steps forth vanquishing the darkness of night, and dissipating it to all the quarters of the heavens. The brilliant sun-god is besought for light and warmth, that seeds and flocks may thrive in gladsome prosperity. Besides the three principal gods, Agni, Indra, and Siirya, we meet with a great number of other divine personages, prominent amongst whom are the Maruts, or winds, the faithful comrades of Indra in his battle ; and Eudra, the howling, terrible god, who rules the furious tempest. It is not, however, my present task to discuss the whole of the Yedic Olympus ; I had only to sketch generally 28 See now Pertsch, Upalckha, p. trnlh'alt, 1875, p. 522) ; 7. St., ix. 57 (1^54; compare Litcrarisckts Ltn- 299, xui. 279, 280; 1. Str., i. 19. RIGVEDA-SAMHITA. 41 the Groundwork and the outlines of this ancient edifice. 29 Besides the powers of nature, we find, as development pro- gresses, personifications also of spiritual conceptions, of ethical import; but the adoration of these, as compared with the former, is of later origin. I have already discussed the precautions taken to secure the text of the Kik-Samhita, i.e., the question of its authen- ticity, and I have likewise alluded to the aids to its ex- planation furnished by the remaining Vedic literature. These latter reduce themselves chiefly to the Nighantus, and the Nirukta of Yaska. 30 Both works, in their turn, found their commentators in course of time. For the Nighantus, we have the commentary of Devarajayajvan, who belongs to about the fifteenth or sixteenth century. In the introduction he enlarges upon the history of their study, from which they appear to have found only one other complete commentator since Yaska, viz., Skanda- svamin. For Yaska's Nirukta a commentary has been handed down to us dating from about the thirteenth cen- tury, that of Durga. Both works, moreover, the Nighan- tus as well as the Nirukta, exist in two different recen- sions. These do not materially differ from one another, and chiefly in respect of arrangement only ; but the very fact of their existence leads us to suppose that these works were originally transmitted orally rather than in writing. A commentary, properly so called, on the Rik-Samhita, has come down to us, but it dates only from the fourteenth century, that of Sayanacharya.* " From the long series of 29 Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, again is quoted by Pdnini; see vol. v. (1870), is the best source of 1. St., iii. 475. A direct reference information for Vedic mythology. to Ya"ska is made in the Rik-Pntt. 30 This name appears both in the and in the Brihaddevata"; see also Vansas in the last hook of the Satap. /. St., viii. 96, 245, 246. Br., ,and in the Kiindiinukrama of * The circumstance that com- the Atreyi school, where he is called mentaries on almost all branches of Paingi, and described as the pupil the Vedas,andonvariousotherimpor- of Vaisampdyana, and teacher of taut and extensive works as well, Tittiri. From Pdn., ii. 4. 63, it are ascribed to Sdyana and his follows that Panini was cognisant of brother Aludhava, is to be explained the name Yaska, for he there teaches by the practice prevailing in India the plural Yaskds for the patronymic by which works composed by order Yaska. Compare on this the pravara of some distinguished person bear section in the AsvaMyana-^rauta- his name as the author. So in the Sutra. The Yaska Gairikshitdh are present day the Pandits work for the mentioned in the Kttyhaka, which person who pays them, and leave 42 VEDIC LITERATURE. centuries* between Yaska and Sayana but scanty remains of an exegetic literature connected with the Rik-Samhita are left to us, or, at any rate, have as yet been discovered. Samkara and the Vedantic school turned their attention chieHy to the TJpanishads. Nevertheless, a gloss upon a portion at least of the Rik-Samhita was drawn up by Anandatirtha, a pupil of Samkara, of which there is an exposition by Jayatirtha, comprising the second and third adhy&yas of the first ashtalca, in the Library of the India House in London." Sayana himself, in addition to Durga's commentary on the Nirukti, only quotes Bhatta Bhaskara Misra and Bharatasvamin as expositors of the Vedas.' 31 The former wrote a commentary upon the Taitt. Yajus, not the Rik-Samhita, in which he refers to Kas'akritsna, Ekachurni, and Yaska as his predecessors in the work. For Bharatasvamin we have no further data than that his name is also cited by Devaraja (on the Nighantus), who further mentions Bhatta Bhaskara Mis'ra, Madhavadeva, Bhavasvamin, Guhadeva, Srinivasa, and Uvatta. The latter, otherwise called "CTata, wrote a commentary on the the fruit of their labour to him as his property. Madhava, and prob- ably also Saynna, were ministers at the court of King Bukka at Vijaya- nagara, and took advantage of their position to give a fresh impulse to the study of the Veda. The writings attributed to them point, by the very difference of their contents and style, to a variety of authorship. [Accord- ing to A. 0. Burnell, in the preface to his edition of the VanSa-Brdh- mana, p. viii., ff. (1873), the two names denote one person only. Sayana, lie savs, is "the Bhoga- naiha, or mortal body, of Madhava, the soul identified with Vishnu." Burnell is further of opinion that the twenty-nine writings current under the name of Mddhava all pro- ceed from Miidbava himself, unas- sisted to any large extent by others, and that they were composed by him during a period of about thirty of the fifty-five years between 1331- 1386 A.D., which he spent as abbot of the monastery at Sriiigeri, under the name Vidya'ranyasva'min. See my remarks to the contrary in Lite.- rarisches Centralblatt (1873), P- 1421. Burnell prefers the form Vidydna- gara to Vijayanagara. Cowell, in his note on Colebr., Misc. Ess., i. 235, has Vidya and Vijaya side by side.] * See Roth, Zur Lift., p. 22. 81 To these have to be added Skandasvdmin (see p. 41) and Ka- pardin (see below) ; and as anterior to Stfynna we must probably regard the works of Atrn:inanda, Rdvana, and Kausika (or is the latter iden- tical with Blntta Kausika Bhdskara Misra ? cf. Burnell, Catalogue of Vedic MSS., p. 12}, and the G6- dhilrtharatnama'lji; Burnell, Vamabr., p. xxvi., ff. ; Miiller, in the preface to his large edition of the Rik- Samhita', vol. vi. p. xxvii., ff. Some extracts from Rdvana's commentary have been published by Fit/- Edward Hall in Journal At. Soc. Beny., 1862, pp. 129-134. RIGVEDA-SAMHITA. * 43 Sarnhita of the White Yajus, not the Rik-Samhita, as well as commentaries on the two Pratisakhyas of the Rik and the White Yajus. As regards European researches, the Rik-Samhita, as well as the other Vedas, first became known to us through Colebrooke's excellent paper " On the Vedas," in the As. Res. vol. viii. (Gale. 1 805). To Rosen we are indebted for the first text, as given partly in his Rigvedce Specimen (London, 1830), partly in the edition of the first ashtaka, with Latin translation, which only appeared after the early death of the lamented author (ibid. 1838). Since then, some other smaller portions of the text of the Rik-Samhita have here and there been communicated to us in text or translation, especially in Roth's already often quoted and excellent Abhandlungen zur Litteratur und Geschickte dcs Weda (Stuttgart, 1846). The entire Samhita, together with the commentary of Sayana, is now being published, edited by Dr. M. Mtiller of Oxford, at the expense of the East India Company ; the first ashtaka appeared in 1849. At the same time an edition of the text, with extracts from the com- mentary, is in course of publication in India. From Dr. M. Miiller, too, we may expect detailed prolegomena to his edition, which are to treat in particular of the position held by the songs of the Rik in the history of civilisation. A French translation by Langlois comprises the entire Samhita (1848-1851); it is, of course, in many respects highly useful, although in using it great caution is neces- sary. An English translation by Wilson is also begun, of which the first ashtaka only has as yet appeared. 32 32 Miiller's edition of the text, Indica, Nos. 1-4 (Calc. 1849), on ^y together with the commentary of reaches to the end of the second Sflyana, a complete index of words, adhydya. A fragment of the text, and list of pratikas, is now com- edited by Stevenson so long ago as plete in six vols., 1849-1875. He 1833, extends l>ut a little farther has also published separately the (i. 1-35). Of Wilson's translation, text of the first mandala, in sam- five volumes have appeared; the hitd- and pada-pdtha (Leipzig, 1856- last, in 1866, under the editorship 69), as also the whole 10 mandalas, of Cowell, brings it np to mand. likewise in double form (London, viii. 20. Benfey published in his 1873). The first, complete edition Orient und Occident (1860-68) a of the text was published, in Koman critical translation of mand. i. i- transliteration, by Aufrecht, in vols. 118. Twelve hymns to the Maruts vi. arid vii. of the hidische Studien are translated and furnished with a (1861-63). Koer's edition of text detailed commentary in vol. i. of Max and commentary, in the Bibliotheca Muller'a Rigveda JSam/iitd, trans- 44 VED1C LITERA TURK. We now turn to the Brdlimanas of the Rik. Of these, we have two, the Aitareya-Brdhmana and the Sdnkhdyana- (or Kaushitaki-} Brdhmana. They are closely connected with one another,* treat essentially of the same matter, not unfrequently, however, taking opposite views of the same question. It is in the distribution of their matter that they chiefly differ. In the Saiikhdyana- Brah- man a we have a perfectly arranged work, embracing on a definite plan the entire sacrificial procedure; but this does not seem to be the case in an equal degree in the Aitareya-Brdhmana. The latter, moreover, appears to treat exclusively of the Soma sacrifice ; whereas in the former it merely occupies the principal place. In the Sdiikhdyaiia-Brdhmana we meet with nothing at all cor- responding to the last ten adhydyas of the Aitareya-Brdh- mana, a gap which is only filled up by the Safikha- yana-Siitra ; and for this reason, as well as from internal evidence, it may perhaps be assumed that the adhydyas in question are but a later addition to the Aitareya-Brdh- mana. In the extant text, the Aitareya-Brdhmana con- tains 40 adhydyas (divided into eight palichilcds, or pen- latcd and explained (London, 1869). Rig- itnd Atharvavcda ilber Geogra- But the scholar who has done most )>/eveu vols., scken und rcliyiosen Anschauungen 1853-75), edited by Bohtlingk and des Veda (Prag, 1875); Alfred Hil- Inm. Here we may also mention the lebrandt, Ueber dieGottin Aditi(Bre&- fol lowing works: Grassmann, War- lau, 1876); H. Zimmer, Parjanya tvbucfi zum Rlgvcda (1873, ff'.) ; FiSrgyn Vdfa Wodan in Zeitschrift Del bru.uk, Das aitindiscke Verbum fur Deutsckes Alterthum. New Series, (1874) ; Ben fey, Einleituny in die vii. 164, fF. Lastly, we have to draw Grammatik dcr vf-dischcn S/irache attention specially to Muir's Original (1874), and JHc Quant itdlsrcrsckie- Sanskrit Texts (5 vols., second edit. , dcnltcitcn in den Samhitd- und Pad <- London, 1868, ff.), in which the Tcxtcn dcr Ve'. in the Rik-Siimhiti on the different xxii. (1868) ; Siebenziy Liedcr des stages and phases of Indian life at Ri'/vcda, ubersctzt run Karl (Jeldner that early period is clearly and com- nnd Adolf Kaegi, mit lieitrdf/cn ron prehensively grouped: translations 1!. Roth (Tubingen, 1875) reviewed of numerous Vedic passages and by Abel Bergaigno in the Revue pieces are given. Critifjite, Dec. II and 18, 1875 ; * See on this 7. St., ii. 289, ff All' red Ludwig, Die Nachric/tten des [and ix. 377]. BRAHMAN AS OF THE RIK. 45 tads), while the Sankhayana-Brahmana contains 30 ; and it is perhaps allowable to refer to them the rule in Panini v. i. 62, which states how the name of a Brahmana is to be formed if it contain 30 or 40 adhyayas, a view which would afford external warrant also of the fact of their existence in this form in Panini's time, at all events. Geographical or similar data, from which a conclusion might be drawn as to the time of their composition, are of very rare occurrence. Most of these, together with really historical statements, are to be found in the last books of the Aitareya-Brahmana (see /. St., i. 199, ff.), from which it at any rate specially follows that their scene is the country of the Kuru-Panchalas and Vas"a-Usinaras (see viii. 14). In the Safikhayana-Brahmana mention is made of a great sacrifice in the Naimisha forest ; but this can hardly be identified with the one at which, according to the accounts of the Maha-Bharata, the second recitation of this epic took place. Another passage implies a very special prominence amongst the other gods of the deity who is afterwards known to us exclusively by the name of Siva. He here receives, among other titles, those of Isana and Mahadeva, and we might perhaps venture to conclude from this that he was already the object of a very special worship. We are at any rate justified in inferring, unless the passage is an interpolation, that the Safikha- yana-Brahmana ranks chronologically with the last books of the Samhita of the White Yajus, and with those por- tions of its Brahmana and of the Atharva-Samhita in which this nomenclature is likewise found. Lastly, a third passage of the Sankhayana-Brahmana implies, as already hinted, a special cultivation of the field of lan- guage in the northern parts of India. People resorted thither in order to become acquainted with the language, and on their return enjoyed a special authority on ques- tions connected with it. [/. St., ii. 309.] Both Brahmanas presuppose literary compositions of some extent as having preceded them. Thus mention is made of the dkhydnavidas, i.e., "those versed in tradition;" and gdthds, abhiyajna-gdthds, a sort of memorial verses (kdrikds), are also frequently referred to and quoted. The names Rigveda, Samaveda, and Yajurveda, as well as trayi vidyd, a term used to express them collectively, repeatedly 45 VEDIC LITER A JURE. occur. In the Saiikhayana-Brahrnari.'T, however, special regard is had to the Paingya and Kaushitaka, whose views are very frequently quoted side by side, that of the Kau- shitaka being always recognised as final. The question now arises what we are to understand by these expres- sions, whether works of the Brahmana order already ex- tant in a written form, or still handed down orally only or merely the inherited tradition of individual doctrines. Mention of the Kaushitaka and the Paingya occurs in the Aitareya-Brahmana only in a single passage and that perhaps an interpolated one in the latter part of the work. This at all events proves, what already seemed pro- bable from its more methodical arrangement, that the Safikhayana-Brahmana is to be considered a later produc- tion than the Aitareya-Brahmana, since it appears to be a recast of two sets of views of similar tenor already extant under distinct names, while the Aitareya-Brahmana pre- sents itself as a more independent effort. The name Paingya belongs to one of the sages mentioned in the Brahmana of the White Yajus and elsewhere, from whose family Yaska Paiilgi* was descended, and probably also Pingala, the author of a treatise on metre. The Painyi Kalpali is expressly included by the commentator of Panini, probably following the Mahabhashya. among the ancient Kalpa-Sutras, in contradistinction to the Asmara- tliali Kalpali, with which M - e shall presently become acquainted as an authority of the As'valayana-Sutra. The Paiiigins are, besides, frequently mentioned in early writings, and a Paingi-Brahmana must still have been in existence even in Sayana's time, for he repeatedly refers to it. The case stands similarly as regards the name Kaushftaka, which, is, moreover, used directly, in the ma- jority of passages where it is quoted for the Sankhayana- Brahmana itself a fact easy of explanation, as in the latter the view represented by the Kaushitaka is invariably upheld as the authoritative one, and we have in this Brahmana but a remoulding by Sankhayana of the stock of dogma peculiarly the property of the Kaushitakins. Further, in its commentary, which, it may be remarked, * The quotations from BnUimanas Paingi Kalpah in the Mahiibhilshya, in Yaska, therefore, belong in part see /. St., xiii, 455-J perhaps to the Paiflgya (.') [On the BRAHMANAS OF THE RIK. 47 interprets the work under the sole title of the " Kaushi- taki-Brahmana," passages are frequently quoted from a Maha-Kaushitaki-Brahmana, so that we have to infer the existence of a still larger work of similar contents, pro- bably a later handling of the same subject (?). This com- mentary further connects the Kaushitaki-Brahmana with the school of the Kauthumas a school which otherwise belongs only to the Samaveda : this, however, is a relation which has not as yet been cleared up. The name Saii- khayana-Brahmana interchanges occasionally with the form Sankhyayana-Brahmana, but the former would seem to deserve the preference ; its earliest occurrence is pro- bably in the Pratis'akhya-Sutra of the Black Yajus. The great number of myths and legends contained in both these Brahmanas of the Rik invests them with a peculiar interest. These are not indeed introduced for their own sake, but merely with a view to explain the origin of some hymn ; but this, of course, does not detract from their value. One of them, the legend of SunahsSepa, which is found in the second part of the Aitareya- Brahmana, is translated by Roth in the Indische Studien, i. 458-464, and discussed in detail, ibid., ii. 112-123. According to him, it follows a more ancient metrical ver- sion. We must indeed assume generally, with regard to many of these legends, that they had already gained a rounded, independent shape in tradition before they were incorporated in f o the Brahmana, and of this we have fre- quent evidence in the distinctly archaic character of their language, compared with that of the rest of the text. Now these legends possess great value for us from two points of view : first, because they contain, to some extent at least, directly or indirectly, historical data, often stated in a plain and artless manner, but at other times disguised and only perceptible to the eye of criticism ; and, secondly, because they present connecting links with the legends of later times, the origin of which would otherwise have remained almost entirely obscure. On the Aitareya- Brahmana we have a commentary by Sayana, and on the Kaushitaki-Brahmana one by Vina- yaka, a son of Madhava. 33 33 The Aitareya-Bnihmana has by Martin Haug, 2 vols., Bombay, been edited, text with translation, 1863, see /. St., ix. 177-380(1865). 48 VED1C LITERATURE. To each of these Brahmanas is also annexed an Aran- yaka, or ' forest-portion/ that is, the portion to be studied in the forest by the sages known to us through Mega- sthenes as vXofiioi, and also by their disciples. This forest-life is evidently only a later stage of development in Brahmanical contemplation, and it is to it that we must chiefly ascribe the depth of speculation, the complete absorption in mystic devotion by which the Hindus are so eminently distinguished. Accordingly, the writings directly designated as Aranyakas bear this character im- pressed upon them in" a very marked degree ; they consist in great part of Upanishads only, in which, generally speaking, a bold and vigorous faculty of thought cannot fail to be recognised, however much of the bizarre they may at the same time contain. The Aitareya- Aranyaka zy consists of five books, each of which again is called Aranyaka. The second and third books* form a separate Upanishad ; and a still further sub- division here takes place, inasmuch as the four last sections of the second book, which are particularly consonant with the doctrines of the Vedanta system, pass KO.T' e'fo^i/ as the Aitareyopanishad. 3 * Of these two books Mahidasa Aitareya is the reputed author; he is supposed to be the son of Visala and Itara, and from the latter his name Aitareya is derived. This name is indeed several times quoted in the course of the work itself as a final authority, a cir- cumstance which conclusively proves the correctness of trac- ing to him the views therein propounded. For we must divest ourselves of the notion that a teacher of this period ever put his ideas into writing ; oral delivery was his only method of imparting them to his pupils ; the knowledge of them was transmitted by tradition, until it became fixed in The legend of Sunahsepa (vii. 13- come to hand (Nov. 30, 1875), see 1 8), had been discussed by Roth; see Bibliotheca Indica, New Series, No. also M. Miiller, Hist, of A.S.L., p. 325; the text reaches as far as i. 573, ff. Another section of it (viii. 4. i. 5-20), treating of roval inausrura- * See I. St., i. 388, ff. lions, had previously been edited by 34 This Aitareyopanishad, amongst Schonborn (Berlin, 1862). others, has been edited (with Sam- 33 b The first fasciculus of an edi- kara's commentary) and translated tion, toirether with Sayana's com- by Roer, Bill. Ind., vii. 143, ff. menrary, of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, (Calc. 1850), xv. 28, ff. (1853). liy< Rajendra Leila Mitra, has just BRAHMANAS OF THE RIK. 49 some definite form or other, always however retaining his name. It is in this way that we have to account for the fact of our finding the authors of works that have been handed down to us, mentioned in these works themselves. For the rest, the doctrines of Aitareyamust have found especial favour, and his pupils have been especially numerous ; for we find his name attached to the Brahmana as well as the Aran- yaka. With respect to the former, however, no reasons can for the present be assigned, while for the fourth book of the Aranyaka we have the direct information that it belongs to As"valayana,* the pupil of Saunaka; nay, this S.mnaka himself appears to have passed for the author of the fifth book, according to Colebrooke's state- ments on the subject, Misc. Ess., i. 47, n. The name of Aitareya is not traceable anywhere in the Brahmanas; he is first mentioned in the Chhandogyopanishad. The earliest allusion to the school of the Aitareyins is in the Sama-Sutras. To judge from the repeated mention of them in the third book, the family of the Mandukas, or Mandukeyas, must also have been particularly active in the development of the views there represented. Indeed, we find them specified later as one of the five schools of the Rigveda; yet nothing bearing their name has been preserved except an extremely abstruse Upanishad, and the Manduki-Siksha, a grammatical treatise. The former, however, apparently only belongs to the Atharvan, and exhibits completely the standpoint of a rigid system. The latter might possibly be traced back to the Mandukeya who is named here as well as in the Rik-Pratis'akhya. The contents of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, as we now have it, 35 supply no direct c.lue to the time of its composi- * I find an Asvala'yana-Bra'hm.a'y.a tlie high importance of those f ami - also quoted, but am unable to give liar with them. Among the names any particulars regarding it. [In mentioned in the course of the work, a MS. of the Ait. Ar., India Office Agnivesydyana is of significance on Library, 986, the entire work is account of its formation. The in- described at the end as Asvaldyanok- teresting passages on the three tarn Aranyakam.} jxithas of the Veda, nirbhvja = gam- 35 See' /. St., 1.387-392. lam ^tdpdtha, pratrmna = padapdtha, now in possession ot the complete *ndub/iayamantarena = kramapd(ha, text, hut have nothing material to are discussed by M. Miiller on Rik- add to the above remarks. Great 1 rilfc -' ' 2-4(see also ibid., Nachtrwje, stress is laid upon keeping the par- P* **/ ticular doctrines secret, and upon 50 VEDIC LITERATURE. tion, other than the one already noticed, namely, that in the second chapter of the second book the extant arrange- ment of the Rik-Samhita is given. Again, the number of teachers individually mentioned is very great, particu- larly in the third book among them are two Sakalyas, a Krishna Harita, a Panchalachanda and this may be con- sidered as an additional proof of its more recent origin, a conclusion already implied by the spirit and form of the opinions enunciated. 33 The Kaushitakaranyaka, in its present form, consists of three books ; but it is uncertain whether it is complete. 37 It was only recently that I lighted upon the two first books.* These deal rather with ritual than with specula- tion. The third book is the so-called Kamhitaky-Upani- shad,^ a work of the highest interest and importance. Its first adhydya gives us an extremely important account of the ideas held with regard to the path to, and arrival in, the world of the blessed, the significance of which in relation to similar ideas of other races is not yet quite apparent, but it promises to prove very rich in information. The second adhydya gives us in the ceremonies which it describes, amongst othur things, a very pleasing picture of the warmth and tenderness of family ties at that period. The third adhydya is of inestimable value in connection with the history and development of the epic myth, inas- much as it represents Indra battling with the same powers of nature that Arjuna in the epic subdues as evil demons. Lastly, the fourth adhydya contains the second recension of a legend which also appears, under a somewhat different 56 The circumstance here empha- 9 gives the rivalry of the senses sised maybe used to support the (like Satnp. Br, 14. 9. 2). very opposite view; indeed I have * See Catalogue of the Berlin so represented it in the similar case Skr. MSS., p. 19, n. 82. of the l-idtyayana-Sutra (see below). f See /. St., i. 392-420. It would This latter view now appears to me be very desirable to know on what to have more in its favour. Poley's assertion is founded, " that 37 A manuscript sent to Berlin the Kaushitaki-Brdhmana consists by Biihler (MS, Or. foL 630) of the of nine adhydyas, the first, seventh, ' Sdnkhdyana-Aranyaka ' (as it is eighth, and ninth of which form the there called) presents it in 15 adky- Kaushitaki-Bra'hmana-Upanishad." dyas;, the first two correspond to I have not succeeded in finding any Ait. Ar. i., v. ; adliy. 3-6 are made statement to this effect elsewhere, up of the Kaush. tip.,; adky. 7, 8 [See now Cowell's Preface, p. vii., correspond to Ait. Ar. iii.; adky. to his edition of the Kaush. Up. in tlie Bill. Ind.] BRAHMANAS OF THE RIK. 51 form, in the Aranyaka of the White Yajus, the legend, namely, of the instruction of a Brahman, who is very wise in his own esteem, by a warrior called Ajatatfatru, king of Kasi. This Upanishad is also peculiarly rich in geogra- phical data, throwing light upon its origin. Thus the name of Chitra Gangyayani, the wise king in the first adhydya who instructs Arum, clearly points to the Ganga. According to ii. 10, the northern and southern mountains, i.e., Himavant and Vindhya, enclose in the eyes of the author the whole of the known world, and the list of the neighbouring tribes in iv. i perfectly accords with this. That, moreover, this Upanishad is exactly contemporaneous with the Vrihad- Aranyaka of, the White Yajus is proved by the position of the names Aruni, $vetaketu, Ajata^atru, Gargya Balaki, and by the identity of the legends about the latter. [See I. St., i. 392-420.] f We have an interpretation of both Aranyakas, that, is to say, of the second and third books of the Aitareya-Aran- yaka, and of the third book of the Kaushitaki- Aranyaka in the commentary of Samkaracharya, a teacher who lived about the eighth century A.D., 38 and who w r as of the highest importance for the Vedanta school. For not only did he interpret all the Yedic texts, that is, all the Upanishads, upon which that school is founded, he also commented on the Vedanta-Siitra itself, besides composing a number of smaller works with a view to elucidate and establish the Vedanta doctrine. His explanations, it is true, are often forced, from the fact of their having to accommodate themselves to the Yedanta system; still they are of high importance for us. Pupils of his, Anan- dajnana, Anandagiri, Anandatirtha, and others, in their turn composed glosses on his commentaries. Of most of these commentaries and glosses we are now in possession, as they have been recently edited, together with their Upanishads, by Dr. Eoer, Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in the Bibliotlieca Indica, a periodical appearing under the auspices of that Society, and devoted exclusively 5)8 Sarnkara's date has not, uiifor- called a Saiva, or follower of Siva, tunately, been more accurately ne- In bis works, however, he appears termined as yet. He passes at the as a worshipper of Va"sudeva, whom eiime time for a zealous adversary he puts forward as the real incarna- f the Buddhists, and is therefore tiou or representative of braltman. 52 VEDIC LITERA TURE. to the publication of texts. Unfortunately the Kaushf- taki-Upanishad is not yet among the number, neither is the Maitrayany-Upanishad, of which we have to speak in the sequel. It is, however, to be hoped that we shall yet receive both. 39 And may yet a third, the Vashkala- Upanishad, be recovered and added to the list of these Upanishads of the Rik ! It is at present only known to us through Anquetil Duperron's Oupnckhat, ii. 366-371 ; the original must therefore have been extant at the time of the Persian translation (rendered into Latin by Anque- til) of the principal Upanishads (1656). The Vashkala- Sruti is repeatedly mentioned by Sayana. We have seen above that a particular recension of the Rik-Samhita, which has likewise been lost, is attributed to the Vash- kalas. This Upanishad is therefore the one sorry relic left to us of an extensive cycle of literature. It rests upon a legend repeatedly mentioned in the Brahmanas, which in substance, and one might almost say in name also, corresponds to the Greek legend of Gany-Medes. Medhatithi, the son of Kanva, is carried up to heaven by liidra, who has assumed the form of a ram, and during their flight he inquires of Indra who he is. Indra, in reply, smilingly declares himself to be the All-god, identi- fying himself with the universe. As to the cause of the abduction, he goes on to say that, delighted with Medha- tithi's penance, he desired to conduct him into the right path leading to truth ; he must therefore have no further misgiving. With regard to the date of this Upanishad, nothing more definite can of course at present be said than that its general tenor points to a tolerably high antiquity. 40 We now descend to the last stage in the literature of the Rigveda, viz.^ to its Sutras. First, of the Srauta-Sutras, or text-books of the, sacri- ficial rite. Of these we possess two, the Sutra of Asvala- yana in 12 adhydyas, and that of Saiikhayana in 18 39 Both have now been published Maitri-TJp. with that of Rdmatirtha and translated by Cowell in the (1863-69). Bibliotheca Indica. The Kaush.-Up. 4U See now my special paper on the (C'alc. 1861) is accompanied with subject in I. St., ix. 38-42 ; the ori- the comm. of Sainkaninanda, the ginul text has not yet been met with, SUTRAS OF THE RIK. 53 adh'ijuyas. The former connects itself with the Aitareya- Brahuiana, the latter with the Sankhayana-Brahmana, and from these two works frequent literal quotations are re- spectively borrowed. From this circumstance alone, as well as from the general handling of the subject, we might infer that these Sutras are of comparatively recent origin ; and direct testimony is not wanting to establish the fact. Thus the name Asvalayana is probably to be traced back to Asvala, whom we find mentioned in the Aranyaka of the White Yajus as the Hotar of Jauaka, king of Videha (see /. St., i. 441). Again, the formation of the word by the affix ayana* probably leads us to the time of estab- lished schools (ayana) ? However this may be, names formed in this way occur but seldom in the Brahmanas themselves, and only in their latest portions ; in general, therefore, they always betoken a late period. We find corroboration of this in the data supplied by the contents of the AsValayana-Siitra. Among the teachers there quoted is an Asmarathya, whose kalpa (doctrine) is con- sidered by the scholiast on Panini, iv. 3. 105, probably following the Mahabhashya., 41 as belonging to the new kalpas implied in this rule, in contradistinction to the old kalpas. If, then, the authorities quoted by Asvalayana were regarded as recent, Asvalayana himself must of course have been still more modern; and therefore we conclude, assuming this statement to originate from the Mahabhashya, 41 that Asvalayana was nearly contemporane- ous with Panini. Another teacher quoted by ASvalayana, Taulvali, is expressly mentioned by Panini (ii. 4. 61) as belonging to the prdnchas, or " dwellers in the east." At the end there is a specially interesting enumeration of the various Brahmana-families, and their distribution among the family stems of Bhrigu, Afigiras, Atri, VisVamitra, Kasyapa, Vasishtha, and Agastya. The sacrifices on the Sarasvati, of which I shall treat in the sequel, are here only briefly touched upon, and this with some differences in the * As in the case of Agnivesyd- kdyana (?), Ldmakdyana, VdrsliTjf- yana, AlumbdynnA, Aiti&tyana, Art yani, Sdkatdyana, Ji-idnkhdyana, ^d- (lumbarayana, Kdndamdyana, Kd- ^ydyana, Sdndilydyana, Sdlamkdyana, tyayaiia, Klidddyana, Drdhydyana, Saitydyana, Saulvdyana, &c. Pidkslidynn-i, Bddardyana, Miindukd- 41 The name is not known in the yaiia, lidudyana, Ldtydyaua, Ldbu- Mahdbhdshya, see /. St., xiii. 455. 54 VEDIC LITERATURE. names, which may well be considered as later corruptions. We have also already seen that Asvalayana is the author of the fourth book of ^the Aitareya-Aranyaka, as also that he was the pupil of Saunaka, who is stated to have de- stroyed his own Sutra in favour of his pupil's work. The Sutra of Sankhayana wears in general a somewhat more ancient aspect, particularly in the fifteenth and six- teenth books, where it assumes the appearance of a Brah- mana. The seventeenth and eighteenth books are a later addition, and are also ranked independently, and sepa- rately commented upon. They correspond to the first two books of the Kaushitaki-Aranyaka. From my but superficial acquaintance with them, I am not at present in a position to give more detailed informa- tion as to the contents and mutual relation of these two Sutras. 42 My conjecture would be that their differences may rest upon local grounds also, and that the Sutra of Asvalayana, as well as the Aitareya-Brahmana, may, be- long to the eastern part of Hindustan ; the Sutra of Sali- khayana, on the contrary, like his Brahmana, rather to the western.* The order of the ceremonial is pretty much the same in both, though the great sacrifices of the kings, &c., v\z.,vdjapcya (sacrifice for the prospering of the means of subsistence), rdjasuya (consecration of the king), asva- medka (horse sacrifice), purushamedha (human sacrifice), sarvamcdha (universal sacrifice), are handled by Sankha- yana with far more minuteness. For Asvalayana I find mention made of a commentary by Nurayana, 43 the son of Krishnajit, a grandson of Siipati. A namesake of his, but son of Pasupatisarman, 42 The Asvalityana-Siitra has since 43 Tins is a confusion. Theabove- been printed, Bill. Ind. (Calc. 1864- named Niintyana wrote a common- 74), accompanied with the coiimi. tury upon the Saukliilyaiia-Gfihya ; of N.iniyana Giirjrya, edited by liaina- but the one who commented the Xaniynna and Anandachundra. A Asvalayana-Srauta-Stitra calls him- special comparison of it, with tbe self in the introduction a son of Saiikhayana-Siitra is still wanting. Karnsinha, just as Ndniyann, the Buhler, Catalogue of AISS. from commentator of the Uttara-Nai- Crtijardt, i. 154 (1871), cites a com- shadhiya, does, who, according to mentary by Devatnita on the Asv. tradition (Roer, Pref., p. viii., 1855), Sr. S., likewise a partial one l>y lived some five hundred years ago. Vidyaranya. Are these two to he regarded as one 'Perhaps to the Naimisha fo- and the snmepersou? fciee /. Sir., rest (?}. See below, p. 59. 2, 298 (1869). SUTRAS OF THE RIK. 55 composed a, paddhati ('outlines') to Saiikhayana, after the example of one Brahmadatta. When lie lived is uncer- tain, but we may with some probability assign him to the sixteenth century. According to his own statements he was a native of Malayade^a. Further, for the Sutra of S.iiikhdyaua we have the commentary of Varadattasuta Anarttiya. Three of its adhydyas were lost, and have been supplied by Dasas'arman Munjasuriu, viz., the ninth, tenth, and eleventh. 44 On the last two adhydyas, xvii., xviii., there is a commentary by Govinda. That these commentaries were preceded by others, which, however, have since t been lost, is obvious, and is besides expressly stated by Anarttiya. Of the Grihya-Stitras of the Rigveda we likewise only possess two, those of Asvalayana (in four adhydyas) and of Suiikhayana (in six adhydyas). That of Sauuaka is indeed repeatedly mentioned, but it does not seem to be any longer in existence. However widely they may differ as to details, the con- tents of the two works are essentially identical, especially as regards the order and distribution of the matter. They treat mainly, as I have already stated (p. 17), of the ceremonies to be performed in the various stages of con- jugal and family life, before and after a birth, at marriage, at the time of and after a death. Besides these, however, manners and customs of the most diverse character are depicted, and " in particular, the sayings and formulas to be uttered on different occasions bear the impress of a very high antiquity, and frequently carry us back into the time when Brahmanism had not yet been developed" (see Stenzler in /. St., ii. 159). It is principally popular and superstitious notions that are found in them ; thus, we are pointed to star-worship, to astrology, portents, and witch- craft, and more especially to the adoration and propitia- tion of the evil powers in nature, the averting of their malign influence, &c. It is especially in the pitritarpana, or oblation to the Manes, that we find a decisive proof of 44 Sections 3-5 of the fourth book Streiter (1861) ; the variants pre- hav* been published by Donner in seuted therein to the parallel pas- liis Pindapitriyajna (Berlin, 1870), sage in the Ait. Bnthm. had already and the section relating to the le- been given by M. Miiller, A. '. L., gend of Suuahsepa (xv. 17-27) by p. 573, tf, $5 VEDIC LITERATURE. the modern composition of these works, as the forefathers are there enumerated individually by name a custom which, although in itself it may be very ancient (as we find a perfect analogy to it in the Yeshts and Nerengs of the Parsis), yet in this particular application belongs to a very recent period, as is apparent from the names them- selves. For not only are the Rishis of the Rik-Samhita cited in their extant order, but all those names are like- wise mentioned which we encounter as particularly signi- ficant in the formation of the different schools of the Rik, as well as in connection with its Brahmanas and Sutras ; for example, Vashkala, Sakalya, Mandukeya, Aitareya, Paiiigya, Kaushitaka, Saunaka, AsValayana, and ankha- yana themselves, &c. Joined to these, we find other names with which we are not yet otherwise acquainted, as also the names of three female sages, one of whom, Gargf Vachaknavi, meets us repeatedly in the Vrihad- Aranyaka of the White Yajus, as residing at the court of Janaka. The second 45 is unknown ; but the name of the third, Sulabha Maitreyi, is both connected with this very Janaka in the legends of the Alaha-Bharata,* and also points us to the Saulabhdni Brdhmandni, quoted by the scholiast on Panini, iv. 3. 105, probably on the authority of the Mahabhashya, 46 as an instance of the 'modern' Brahmanas implied by this rule. Immediately after the Rishis of the Rik-Samhita, we find mention of other names and works which have not yet been met with in any other part of Vedic literature. In the Saiikhayana-Grihya we have these: Sumantu-Jaimini- Vaisampdyana-Paila-s'&tra- Ihdskya [-Gdryya-Uabhru] . . .; and in the AsValayana- Grihya these : Sumantu-Jaimini-Vaisampdyana-Paila- sutra-Widrata-mahdbhdrata-dliarmdclidrydhtf The latter 45 Her name is Vsidavd Pra*ti- They are tliere cited a second time theyi; a teacher called PratWii is also, to Pa"n., iv. 2. 68, and are ex- mentioned in the Vausa-Briilunani plained Ky Kaiya^a as Sulabhena of the Siimaveda. prnktAni. * [Cf. S.imkara's statements as to 47 The word b/tdshya is to be in- this in Ved. Sdtrabh, to iii. 3. 32, serted above between siitra and bhd- V- 915, ed. lUma Na"niy;ma.] J5uil- rata; though wanting in the MS. dha's uncle is called by' the Hud- used by me at the time when I dhists Sulabha ; see Scliiefner, Le- wro'e, it ig found in all the other ben d f * Sdkyamuni, p. 6. MS.S, * a^s on tliia /. .&., xiii. 429. SUTRAS OF THE RIK. 57 passage is evidently the more modern, and although we must not suppose that the Maha-Bharata in its present form is here referred to, still, in the expression " Vaisam- pdyano mahdblidratdchdryaJi," apparently indicated by this passage, there must at all events be implied a work of some compass, treating of the same legend, and there- fore forming the basis of our extant text. The passage seems also to indicate that the same material had already been handled a second time by Jaimini, whose work, however, can have borne but a distant resemblance to the Jaimini-Bharata of the present day. We shall find in the sequel frequent confirmation of the fact that the origin of the epic and the systematic development of Vedic litera- ture in its different schools belong to the same period. Of a Sutra by Sumantu, and a Dharma by Paila, we have no knowledge whatever. It is only in more modern times, in the Puranas and in the legal literature proper, that I find a work attributed to Sumantu, namely, a Smriti- Sastra; while to Paila (whose name appears from Pan. iv. i . 1 1 8) is ascribed the revelation of the Rigveda a circumstance which at least justifies the inference that he played a special part in the definitive completion of its school development. It is, however, possible to give a wholly different interpretation of the passage from Asva- layanu ; and in my opinion it would be preferable to do so. We may divest the four proper names of any special rela- tion to the names of the four works, and regard the two groups as independent, 48 as we must evidently asstime them to be in the Sankhayaiia-Grihya.* If this be done, then what most readily suggests itself in connection with the passage is the manner in which the Puranas apportion 48 This interpretation becomes tinction to one another, just as in imperative after the rectification of the Prdtisdkhya of the Black Yajua the text (see the previous note), (ii. 12) we tind chhandasanA bkdslid, according to which no longer four, and in Ydska anvadhydya and but five names of works are in ques- bhdxhd. We must, therefore, under- tion. stand by it ' works in bhds/ui,' * What is meant in the latter though the meaning of the word [and cf. note 47 in the As>. Grill. ' 8 ' iere more developed than in the too] by the word bhdshya, appears works just mentioned, and ap- froin the Pra'tisdkhya of the White proaches the sense in which Pa"nini Yajus, where (i.i. 19, 20) vedeshu a.i\d uses it. I shall return to the sub- Ihdtshye-ihu are found in contradis- j ect further on. 58 VED1C LITERATURE. the revelation of the several Vedas; inasmuch as they assign the Atharvaveda to Sumantu, the Samaveda to Jaimini, the Yajurveda to VaiiSampayana, and the Rigveda to Paila. But in either case we must assume with Roth, who first pointed out the passage in Alvalayana (op. c., p. 27), that this passage, as well as the one in Suiikhayana, has been touched up by later interpolation ; 49 otherwise the dates of these two Grihya-Sutras would be brought down too far ! For although, from the whole tenor of both passages, that in the Asvalayana-Grihya, as well as that in the &inkhayana-Grihya which for the rest present other material discrepancies of detail it is sufficiently clear that they presuppose the literature of the Rigveda as entirely closed, still the general attitude of both works sho\vs their comparatively ancient origin. The question whether any connection exists between the Smriti-Sastra of Sankha and the Grihya-Sutra of Siiikhayana, remains still unanswered. For both Grihya-Sutras there are commentaries by the same Narayana who commented the Srauta-Siitra of AsVa- layana. 50 They probably belong to the fifteenth century.* There are, besides, as in the case of the Srauta-Siitras, __ K 49 We find tlie Suniantii-Jaimini- comm. of the Sankh. Grihya, ; son of Vaisampdyana - 1'ailddyd dchdrydh Krislinnjit, and grandson of Sripati. quoted a second time in the Slfikh. (Tliis third Ndr. lived A.D. 1538; see G., in its last section (vi. 6), which Catalogue of the Berlin MssS., p. is probably of later origin ; and here, 354, r sub No. 1282.) The text of without any doubt, the reference is the AsVal. Grihya has been edited to the same distribution of the four by Stenzler, with a translation (In- Vedas among the above-named per- discke JIausrcr/e/n, 1864-65) ; the Bonages which occurs iu the Vishnu- text, with >.'arayana's comtn., by Puran i, iii. 4. 8, 9. Both times the Rdman.irayana and Anandachandra, representative of the Atharvan in Bibl. Ind. (1866-69). The see- comes first, that of the Rik last, tions relating to marriage ceremo- wlik'h in a Rik text serves as a clear nies have been edited by Haas, /. proof that we have here to do with Ft., v. 283, ff. ; those relating to later appendages. A similar prece- funeral riies, by Miiller, Z. D. M. dence is given to the Atharvaveda in Cr'.,'ix. the Muhabhashya ; cf. /. St., xiii. * Two glosses on Samkara's com- 431. mentaryon the Pra.snopanishad and 50 This is a mistake, see note the Mnndikopanishad bear the same 43; all three Niirayanas must be name, so that possibly the author of kept distinct. The commentator of them ig identical with the above- the Asval. Sr. S. calls himself a named NaYayana. Ace. to what has Giirgya, and son of Narasinha ; tlie just been remarked in note 50, this comm. of the Asval. Grihya, a Xai- must appear ct, priori very doubtful, dhruva, and son of Divakara ; the aince a considerable number of other SUTRAS OF THE RIK. 59 many small treatises in connection with the Grihya- Siitras, some of them being summaries, in which the larger works are reduced to system. Among them is a Paddhati to the Sankhayana-Grihya by Ramachandra, who lived in the Naimisha forest in the middle of the fifteenth century; and I am inclined to think that this Naimisha forest was the birthplace of the Sutra itself. It is perhaps for this reason that the tradition connected with it was so well preserved in that district. The extant PrMisdkhya-Sutra of the Rik-Samhita is ascribed to Saunaka, who has been repeatedly mentioned already, and who was the teacher of Asvalayana. This extensive work is a metrical composition, divided into three kdndas, of six patalas each, and containing 103 kandikds in all. The first information regarding it was given by Eoth, op. c., p. 53, ff. According to tradition, it is of more ancient origin than the Sutras of Asvalayana just mentioned, which only purport to be written by the pupil of this Saunaka ; but whether it really was composed by the latter, or whether it is not much more probably merely the work of his school, must for the present remain undecided. The names quoted in it are in part identical with those met with in Yciska's Nirukti and in the Sutra of Panini. The contents of the work itself are, however, as yet but little known &1 in their details. Of special in- terest are those passages which treat of the correct and incorrect pronunciation of words in general. There is an excellent commentary on it by tlata, which professes in the introduction to be a remodelling of an earlier com- mentary by Vishnuputra. The Upalckha is to be con- authors bear the same name. But he is probably identical with the in this particular case we are able author of the dipikd on the small to bring forward definite reasons Atharvopanishads published in the against this identification. The Bibl. Jnd. in 1872, who (ibid., p. glossarist of the Prasnop. was called 393) is called Khatta Ndrdyana, and Adrdyanendra according to 1. tit. , son of Bhatta Ratnakara.] 1.470; according to the note, ibid., 51 We are now in possession of i. 439, Ndn'yann Sarasvati ; accord- two editions of this most important ing to Aut'recht, Catalogue of the work, text and translation, with Oxford MSS., p. 366 (1859-64), elucidatory notes, by Ad. Kegnier rather Rdyanmdrataratvat/l (!). The (Paris, 1857-58), and M. Miiller glossarist of the Mundakop., on the (Leipzig, 1856-69) ; see /. Sir., ii. other hand, was, according to /. St., 94, it'., 127, ff., 159, ff'. ; Lit. Ccn- i. 470, called Xdi-dyanabha (fa; and tralblatt, 1870, p. 530. 60 VEDIC LITER A TURE. sidered as an epitome of the Pratis"akhya- Sutra, and to some extent as a supplement to it [specially to chapters x. xi.]. It is a short treatise, numbered among the Parisishtas (supplements) ; and it has in its turn been repeatedly commented upon. 52 A few other treatises have still to be noticed here, which, although they bear the high-sounding name of Veddngas, or ' members of the Veda/ are yet, as above stated (p. 25), only to be looked upon as later supplements to the litera- ture of the Rigveda : the Sikshd, the Chhandas, and the Jyotisha. All three exist in a double recension according as they profess to belong to the Rigveda or to the Yajur- veda. The Chhandas is essentially alike in both recen- sions, and we have to recognise in it the Sutra on prosody ascribed to Pingala. 53 It is, moreover, like both the other treatises, of very recent origin. We have a proof of this, for instance, in the fact that, in the manner peculiar to the Indians, it expresses numbers by words, 54 and feet by letters, and that it treats of the highly elaborated metres, which are only found in modern poetry. 55 The part deal- ing with Vedic metres may perhaps be more ancient. The teachers quoted in it bear in part comparatively ancient 82 Edited by W. Pertsch (Berlin, e3 Edited and commented by my- 1854) ; this tract treats of the krama- self in /. St., viii. (1863); the" text, jiiitha, an extended form of the pa- together witli the commentary of dapdtha, which at the same time Haldyudha, edited by VisVansttha- gives the text in the samhitd form, &istrin in J3M. Indica (1871-74). namely, each word twice, first joined 54 See Albinini's account in Woep- with the preceding, and then with cke's Memoire sur la propagation the following word (thus : ab, be, cd, des chiffres indicns, p. IO2, if. (1863). de . . .). There are also other still Burnell, Elcm. of S. 1, Palaogr., more complicated modes of reciting p. 58. the Veda, as to which cf. Thibautin S5 On the other hand, there are his edition of the Jatipatala (1870), metres taught in this work which p. 3^) ff- 'l'' ie n(;x t step, called but rarely occur in modern litera- jatd, exhibits the text in the follow- ture, and which must be looked insr manner : ab ba ab, be cb be, and upon as obsolete and out of fashion. MSS. of this kind have actually Therefore, in spite of what has been been preserved, e.g., in the case of said above, we must carry back the the Vajas. Sarnh. The following date of its composition to a period step, called ghana, is said to be still about simultaneous with the close in use; cf. lihand irkar, Indian An- of the Vedic Sutra literature, or the ti'/iiary, iii. 133 ; Hang, Utber das commencement of the astronomical Wesen des vedischen Accents, p. 58 ; and algebraical literatures; see/. St., it runs : a& ba abc cba abr, be cb be viii. 173, 178. bed deb bed. VEDANGASANUKRAMANIS OF THE RIK. 61 names. These are : Kraushtuki, Tandin, Yaska, Saitava, Rata, and Mandavya. The recensions most at variance with each other are those of the Siksha and Jyotisha respectively. The former work is in both recensions directly traced to Panini, the latter to Lagadha, or Lagata, an otherwise unknown name in Indian literature.* Besides the Paniniya Siksha, there is another bearing the name of the Mandiikas, which therefore may more directly follow the Rik, and which is at any rate a more important work than the former. As a proof of the antiquity of the name 'Siksha' for phonetic investigations, we may adduce the circumstance that in the Taitt. Arany., vii. i, \ye find a section beginning thus : " we will explain the Siksha ; " whereupon it gives the titles of the topics of the oral exposition which we may suppose to have been connected therewith (1. St., ii. 211), and which, to judge by these titles, must have embraced letters, accents, quantity, arti- culation, and the rules of euphony, that is to say, the same subjects discussed in the two existing Sikshas. 56 Of the writings called Anukramani, in which the metre, the deity, and the author of each song are given in their proper order, several have come down to us for^the Rik-Samhita, including an Anuvdkdnukramani by Sau- naka, and a Sarvdnukramani by Katyayana. 57 For both of these we have an excellent commentary by Shadguru- * Reinaud in his Memoire tur M The Pnniniyd Sikshd has been I'Inde, pp. 331, 332, adduces from printed with a translation in /. St., Albiruni a Lata, who passed for the iv. 345-371 (1858); on the numerous author of the old Surya-Siddhdnta ; other treatises bearing the same might he not be identical with this name, see Kdjendra Lala Mitra, Lagadha, Lagata? According to Notices of Sanskrit MSS., i. 71, ff. Colebr., L'ss., ii. 409, Brahmagupta (1870), Burnell, Catalogue of Vcdic quotes a Lddlidcharya ; this name ill SS., pp. 8, 42 (1870), my essay on also could be traced to Lagadha. the Pratijna.su.tra (1872), pp. 70-74; [By Suryadeva, a scholiast of Arya- specially on the Mdnduki Siksha', pp. bhata, the author of the Jyotisha is 106-112; Haug, Ueber dus Wescn cited under the name of Lagadu- des vedischcn Accents,^ p. 53, ff. chdrya ; see Kern, Preface to the (1873), on the Ndrada-Sikshd, ibid., Aryabhatiya, p. ix., 1874. An edi- 57, it'., and lastly Kielhorn, /. St., tiou of the text of the Jyotisha, to- xiv. 160. gether with extracts from Somd- 87 In substance published by kara's commentary and explanatory Miiller in the sixth volume of his notes, was published by me in 1862 large edition of the Rik, pp. 621- under the title : Ueber den Vedaka- 671. lender, Namcns Jyotitham.] 62 VEDIC LITERATURE. Sishya, whose time is unknown, 53 as also his real name. The names of the six teachers from whom he took this surname are enumerated by himself; they are Vinayaka, TriSulanka, Govinda, Surya, Vyasa, and Sivayogin, and he connects their names with those of the corresponding deities. Another work belonging to this place, the Bri- haddevata, has been already mentioned (p. 24), as attri- buted to Saunaka, and as being of great importance, con- taining as it does a rich store of mythical fables and legends. From Kuhn's communications on the subject (/. St., i. 101-120), it appears that this work is of tolerably late origin, as it chiefly follows Yaska's Nirukta, and pro- bably therefore only belongs to Saunaka in the sense of having proceeded from his school. It mentions a few more teachers, in addition to those quoted by Yaska, as Bhaguri and Asvalayana ; and it also presupposes, by fre- quently quoting them, the existence of the Aitareyaka, Bhallavi-Brahmana, and Nidana-Sutra. As the author strictly adheres to the order of the hymns observed in the Samhita, it results that in the recension of the text used by him there were a few deviations from that of the Sakalas which has been handed down to us. In fact, he here and there makes direct reference to the text of the Vashkalas, to which, consequently, he must also have had access. Lastly, we have to mention the writings called JRigvidhdna, &c., which, although some of them bear the name of Saunaka, probably belong only to the time of the Puranas. They treat of the mystic and magic efficacy of the recitation of the hymns of the Rik, or even of single verses of it, and the like. There are, likewise, a number of other similar Parisishtas (supplements) / under various names ; for instance, a Bahvricha-Paris'ishta, Sankhayana-P., Asvalayana-Grihya-1'., &c. 58 His work was composed towards about 1187 A.D. cf. I. St,, viii. l6o, the close of the twelfth century, n. (1863). SAM A VEDA-SAMHITA. 63 I now turn to the Sdmavcda* The Samhitd of the Samaveda is an anthology taken from the Rik-Samhita, comprising those of its verses which were intended to be chanted at the ceremonies of the Soma sacrifice. Its arrangement would seem to be guided by the order of the Rik-Samhita ; but here, as in the case of the two Samhitas of the Yajus, we must not think to find any continuous connection. Properly speak- ing, each verse is to be considered as standing by itself: it only receives its real sense when taken in connection with the particular ceremony to which it belongs. So stands the case at least in the first part of the Sama-Samhita. This is divided into six prapdthaJcas, each of which f con- sists of ten dasats or decades, of ten verses each, a division which existed as early a? the time of the second part of the Satapatha-Brahmana, and within which the separate verses are distributed according to the deities to whom they are addressed. The first twelve decades contain in- vocations of Agni, the last eleven invocations of Soma, while the thirty-six intermediate ones are for the most part addressed to Indra. The second part of the Sama- Samhita, on the contrary, which is divided into nine pra- pdthakas, each of which again is subdivided into two or occasionally three sections, invariably presents several, usually three, verses closely connected with one another, and forming an independent group, the first of them having generally appeared already in the first part. The prin- ciple of distribution here is as yet obscure. 59 In the Sam- hita these verses are still exhibited in their n'c/t-form, although with the sdman-a,ccents ; but in addition to this we have four gdnas, or song-books, in which they appear in their tdman-foTHL For, in singing they were consider- * See 1. St., i. 28-66. use of which my example has t Except the last, which contains niisled Miiller also, History of only nine decades. A. S. L., p. 473, n., is wrong, see 59 The first part of the Sainhitit is Monatsberickte derBcrl. Acad.,iS68, referred to under the names drc/ti&a, p. 238. According to Durga, the c/ihandas, clihandasikd, the second author of the pudapdtha of the as uttardrchika or uttard ; the de- Sdma-Sainhita was a Gdrgya ; see signation of the latter as staubhika Roth, Comin., p. 39 (respecting this (see /. St., i. 29, 30, 66), into the family, see /. St., xiii. 411). 64 ~ VEDIC LITERATURE. ably altered by the prolongation and repetition of the syllables, by the insertion of additional syllables, serving as a rest for the chanting, and so forth ; and only thus were they transformed into sdmans. Two of these song- books, the Grdmageya-gdna (erroneously called Vcya- gdna), in seventeen prapdthakas, and the Aranya-gdna. in six prapdthakas, follow the order of the richas contained in the first part of the Samhita; the former being intended for chanting in the grdmas, or inhabited places, the latter for chanting in the forest. Their order is fixed in a com- paratively very ancient Anukramanf, which even bears the name of Brahmana, viz., Rishi-Brdhmatw. The other twoffdnas, the UJia-gdna, in twenty- three prapdthakas, and the fjhya-gdna, in six prapdthakas, follow the order of the richas contained in the second part of the Samhita. Their mutual relation here still requires closer investigation. Each such sdman evolved out of a rich has a special tech- nical name, which probably in most cases originated from the first inventor of the form in question, is often, how- ever, borrowed from other considerations, and is usually placed in the manuscripts before the text itself. As each rich can be chanted in a great variety of ways, in each of which it bears a particular name, the number of sdmans, strictly speaking, is quite unlimited, and is of course far greater than that of the ricJias contained in the Samhita. Of these latter there are 1 549,* of which all but seventy- eight have been traced in the Rik-Samhita. Most of them are taken from its eighth and ninth mandalas. I have already remarked (p. 9) upon the antiquity of the readings of the Sama- Samhita as compared with those of the Rik-Samhita. It follows from this almost with * Benfey [Einleituny, p. xix.] much as 249 of those occurring in erroneously states the number as the first part .are repeated in the 1472, which I copied from him, T. second, three of them twice, while St., i. 29, 30. The above number is nine of the richas which occur in borrowed from a paper by Whitney, the second part only, appear twice, which will probably find a place in [See on this Whitney's detailed table the IndischeStudien. The total nurn- at the end of his Tabettarische Dar- ber of the richas contained in the sfel/uny der gcyenscitigcn Vet-halt- Sama-Siimhitii is 1810 (585 in the nisse dcr Samhiuis des Rik, Sdman, first, 1225 in the second part), froin Weisscn Yajus, und Atharvan, 7. .*><., which, however, 261 are to be de- ii. 321, ff., 363 (1853)]. ducted as mere repetitious, inus- SAM A VEDA-SAMHITA. 65 certainty that the richas constituting the former were bor- rowed from the songs of the latter at a remote period, before their formation into a Rik-Samhita had as yet taken place ; so that in the interval they suffered a good deal of wearing down in the mouth of the people, which was avoided in the cass of the richas applied as sdmans, and so protected by being used in worship. The fact has also already been stated that no verses have been received into the Sama-Samhita from those songs of the Rik-Samhita which must be considered as the most modern. Thus we find no sdmans borrowed from the Purusha-Sukta, in the ordinary recensions at least, for the school of the Naigeyas has, in fact, incorporated the first five verses of it into the seventh prapdthaka of the first part a section which is peculiar to this school. The Sama-Samhita, being a purely derivative production, gives us no clue towards the deter- mination of its date. It has come down to us in two recensions, on the whole differing but little from each other, one of which belongs to the school of the Banayani- yas, the other to that of the Kauthunias. Of this latter the school of the Negas, or Naigeyas, alluded to above, is a subdivision, of which two Anukramanis at least, one ot the deities and one of the Rishis of the several verses, have been preserved to us. 60 Not one of these three names has as yet been traced in Vedic literature; it is only in the Sutras of the Samaveda itself that the first and second at least are mentioned, but even here the name of the Negas does not appear. The text of the Eanayani- yas was edited and translated, with strict reference to Sayana's commentary, by the missionary Stevenson in 1842; since 1848 we have been in possession of another edition, furnished with a complete glossary and much 60 The seventh pmpdthaka, which specially refers to the Aranyaka- is peculiar to it, has since been dis- Sarrihita, see Burnell, Catalogue of covered. It bears the title Aran- ^edt'c MSS. (1870), p. 39. Of the yaka-Samhita', and has been edited Aranyaka-gilna as well as of the by Siegfried Goldschmidt in Mo- Gramageya-gana we find,?&!'rf.,p. 49, natsberichte der Berl. Acad. 1868, pp. a text in the Jaimini-S\ikhil also. 228-248. The editor points out that According to Itajendra Ldla Mitra the Aranya-giina is based upon the (Preface to Translation of Chhdnd. Archika of the Naigeya text (/. c., p. Up., p. 4), ' the Kauthuma (-&lkha) 238), and that MSS. have probably is current in Guzerat, the Jaitm- been preserved of its uttardrchika niya in Karndtaka, and the llandya- also (p. 241). A London MS. of niya in Maharashtra.' l>haratasv;iui in's Saimvedavivanma E 66 VEDIC LITERATURE. additional material, together with translation, which we owe to Professor Benfey, of Gottingen. 61 Although, from its very nature, the Samhita of the Samaveda is poor in data throwing light upon the time of its origin, yet its remaining literature contains an abun- dance of these ; and first of all, the Brdhmanas. The first and most important of these is the Tdndi/a Brdlnnana, also called Panchavinsa, from its containing twenty-five books. Its contents, it is true, are in the main of a very dry and unprofitable character; for in mystic trifling it often exceeds all bounds, as indeed it was the adherents of the Samaveda generally who carried matters furthest in this direction. Nevertheless, from its great extent, this work contains a mass of highly interest- ing legends, as well as of information generally. It refers solely to tli e celebration of the Soma sacrifices, and to the chanting of the sdmans accompanying it, which are quoted by their technical names. These sacrifices were celebrated in a great variety of ways ; there is one special classifica- tion of them according as they extended over one day or several, or finally over more than twelve days. 62 The latter, called sattras, or sessions, could only be performed by Brahmaris, and that in considerable numbers, and might last 100 days, or even several years. In consequence of the great variety of ceremonies thus involved, each bears its own name, which is borrowed either from the object of its celebration, or the sage who was the first to celebrate it, or from other considerations. How far the order of the Samhita is here observed has not yet been investigated, 61 Recently a new edition, like- is said to be still in existence in wise very meritorious, of the first Malabar ; see Host, /. St., ix. two books, the dr/ncyam and the ain- 176. dram parva, of the drchika (up to i. 62 To each Soma sacrifice belong 5. 2. 3. 10), has been published by several (four at least) preparatory Satyavrata Samasramin, in the Bib- days ; these are not here taken into liotheca Indica (1871-74), aecom- account. The above division refers panied by the corresponding por- only to those days when Soma juice tions (jtrapdthakns i-\z] of the is expressed, that is, to the sutyd Geyagdna, and the complete com- days. Soma sacrifices having only rnentary of Sityana, and other illns- one such day are called ekdlta ; those irative matter. The division of the with from two to twelve, ahina. Siimans into parvans is first men- Sattras lasting a whole year, or even lioned by Pdraskarn, ii. 10 (adhyd- longer, are called ayana. For the l/ddin praltruydd, riskimukhdni bah- suiyd festival there are seven fundu- vrfafidndm, parrdni chhandoydndm). mental forms, called sumstliu; I. St., A Rdvanabhiishjji on the Samaveda x. 352-355. BRAHMANAS OF THE SAMAN. 67 but in any case it would be a mistake to suppose that for all the different sacrifices enumerated in the Brahmana corresponding prayers exist in the Samhita. On the con- trary, the latter probably only exhibits the verses to be chanted generally at all the Soma sacrifices; and the Brahmana must be regarded as the supplement in which the modifications for the separate sacrifices are given, and also for those which arose later. While, as \ve saw above (p. 14), a combination of verses of the Rik for the pur- pose of recitation bears the name iastra, a similar selec- tion of different sdmans united into a whole is usually called uktha (Jvach, to speak), stoma (V stu, to praise), or prishtlia ( *J prachh, to ask) ; and these in their turn, like the sastras, receive different appellations. 63 Of special significance for the time of the composition of the Tandya Brahmana are, on the one hand, the veiy minute descriptions of the sacrifices on the Sarasvati and Drishadvati ; and, on the other, the Vratyastomas, or sacrifices by which Indians of Aryan origin, but not living according to the Brahmanical system, obtained admission to the Brahman community. The accounts of these latter sacrifices are preceded by a description of the dress and mode of life of those who are to offer them. " They drive- in open chariots of war, carry bows and lances, wear tur- bans, robes bordered with red and having fluttering ends,, shoes, and sheepskins folded double; their leaders are distinguished by brown robes and silver neck-ornaments ; they pursue neither agriculture nor commerce ; their laws- are in a constant state of confusion; they speak the same language as those who have received .Brahmanical conse- cration, but nevertheless call what is easily spoken hard to pronounce." This last statement probably refers to M The term directly opposed to The simple recitation of the fastras dastra is, rather, stvtra. Prishtha, by the Hotar and his companions specially designates several sto/ras always comes after the chanting belonging to the mid-day sacrifice, recitation of ihe same verses by the and forming, as it is expressed, its Udgdtar and his assistants (grahrfya "buck;" uktha is originally em- grihltaya stuvaie 'tha fansati, Sat. ployed as a synonym of sastra, and viii. i. 3. 3). The differences of the only at a later period in the mean- seven samst/tds, or fundamental types ing of sdman (I. St., xiii. 447); of the ijoma sacrifice, rest mainly stoma, lastly, is the name for the six, upon the varying number of the seven, or more ground-forms of the sastras and stoiras belonging to their gtotras, after which these latter are i,utyd days. See /. St., x. 353, ff., il fur the purposes of churning, ix. 229. 68 VEDIC LITER A TURE. prakritic, dialectic differences, to the assimilation of groups of consonants, and similar changes peculiar to the Prakrit vernaculars. The great sacrifice of the Naimishiya-Rishis is also mentioned, and the river Sudaman. Although we have to conclude from these statements that communica- tion with the west, particularly with the non-Brah manic Aryans there, was still very active, and that therefore the locality of the composition must be laid more towards the west, 64 still data are not wanting which point us to the east. Thus, there is mention of Para Atnara, king of the Kosalas ; of Trasadasyu Purukutsa, who is also named in the Rik-Samhita ; further of Namin Sapya, king of the Videhas (the Nimi of the epic) ; of Kurukshetra, Yamuna, &c. The absence, however, of any allusion in the Tandya- Brahmana either to the Kuru-Panchalas or to the names of their princes, as well as of any mention of Janaka, is best accounted for by supposing a difference of locality. Another possible, though less likely, explanation of the fact would be to assume that this work was contemporary with, or even anterior to, the flourishing epoch of the kingdom of the Kuru-Paiichalas. The other names quoted therein seem also to belong to an earlier age than those of the other Brahmanas, and to be associated, rather, with the Rishi period. It is, moreover, a very significant fact that scarcely any differences of opinion are stated to exist amongst the various teachers. It is only against the Kausliitakis that the field is taken with some acrimony ; they are denoted as vrdtyas (apostates) and as yajndvakirna (unfit to sacrifice). Lastly, the name attached to this Brahmana,* viz., Tandya, is mentioned in the Brahmana of the White Yajus as that of a teacher; so that, com- bining all this, we may at least safely infer its priority to the latter work. 65 61 The fact that the name of Chi- the other Sutras invariably quoting ti aratha (ctena vai Chitraratham Kd- it by ' iti sruteh.' peyd aydjayan . . . tasmdch Ciiui- 65 The Tdndya-Bnihmana lias been traratldndme.kahlcsliatrapatir j&yate edited, together with Sayana's com- 'nulamba iva dvitiyah, xx. 12, 5) mentary, in the Bibl. Ind. (1869-74), occurs in the fjana, Jtdjadnnta' to by Anandachandra Vedttntavagisa. lYm., ii. 2. 31, joined with the name At the time of the Bh&thika-Sutra IVm lik;i iii a compound (Cldtraratli.a- (see Kielhorn, /. &t., x. 421) it must Bdhlikam), is perhaps also to be still have been accentuated, and ( that taken in this connection. in the same manner as the Sata- * The first use of this designation, patha ; in KnmdVilabhattrt's time, it is true, only occurs in L;ity;iyuna, on the contrary (the last half of the BRAHMANAS OF THE SAMAN. 69 The ShadvinSa-Brdhmana by its very name proclaims itself a supplement to the PanchaviiiSa-Brabmana. It forms, as it were, its twenty-sixth Look, although itself consisting of several books. Sayana, when giving a sum- mary of its contents at the commencement of his here excellent commentary, says that it both treats of such ceremonies as are not contained in the Panchavins'a-Brah- mana, and also gives points of divergence from the latter. It is chiefly expiatory sacrifices and ceremonies of impre- cation that we find in it, as also short, comprehensive general rules. The fifth book (or sixth adhydya) has quite a peculiar character of its own, and is also found as a separate Brahmana under the name of Adbhuta-Brdh- mana ; in the latter form, however, with some additions at the end. It enumerates untoward occurrences of daily life, omens and portents, along with the rites to be per- formed to avert their evil consequences. These afford us a deep insight into the condition of civilisation of the period, which, as might have been expected, exhibits a very advanced phase. The ceremonies first given are those to be observed on the occurrence of vexatious events generally ; then come those for cases of sickness among men and cattle, of damaged crops, losses of precious things, &c. ; those to be .performed in the event of earthquakes, of phenomena in the air and in the heavens, &c., of mar- vellous appearances on altars and on the images of the gods, of electric phenomena and the like, and of mis- carriages. 60 This sort of superstition is elsewhere only treated of in the Grihya-Sutras, or in the Parisishtas (sup- plements) ; and this imparts to the last adhydya of the Shadvin^a-Brahmana as the remaining contents do to the work generally the appearance of belonging to a very modern period. And, in accordance with this, we find mention here made of Uddalaka Aruni, and other teachers, whose names are altogether unknown to the Panchavins'a- Brahmana. A sloka is cited in the course of seventh century, according to Bur- M The Adbhuta-Brdhmana has nell), it was already being handed been published by myself, text with down without accents, as in the pre- translation, and explanatory notes, sent day. See Muller, A. S. L., p. in Zv:ei vedische Texte iiiicr Omina 348; Burnell, Sdmavidhdna-Bnili- und 1'nrtenta (1859). tuiina, Preface, p. vi. 70 VEDIC LITER A TURE. the \vork, in which the four yuyas are still designated by their more ancient names, and are connected with the four lunar phases, to which they evidently owe their origin, although all recollection of the fact had in later times died out. 67 This loka itself we are perhaps justified in assigning to an earlier time than that of Megasthenes, who informs us of a fabulous division of the mundane ages analogous to that given in the epic. But it does not by any means follow that the Shadvins'a-Brahmana, in which the sloka is quoted, itself dates earlier than the time of Megasthenes. The third Brahmana of the Samaveda bears the special title of Chhdndogya-Brdhmana, although Chhandogya is the common name for all Saman theologians. We, how- ever, also find it quoted, by Samkara, in his commentary on the Brahma- Sutra, as " Tdndindm sruti" that is to say, under the same name that is given to the Panchavin^a- Brahmana. The two first adhydyas of this Brahmana are still missing, and the last eight only are preserved, which also bear the special title of Clihdndogyopanishad. This Brahmana is particularly distinguished by its rich store of legends regarding the gradual development of Brah- manical theology, and stands on much the same level as the Vrihad-Aranyaka of the White Yajus with respect to opinions, as well as date, place, and the individuals men- tioned. The absence in the Vrihad-Aranyaka, as in the Brahmana of the White Yajus generally, of any reference to the Nairnisiya-Rishis, might lead us to argue the pri- ority of the Chluindogyopanishad to the Vrihad-Aranyaka. Still, the mention in the Chkandogyopanishad of these, as well as of the Mahavrishas and the Gandharas the latter, it is true, are set down as distant ought perhaps only to be taken as proof of, a somewhat more western origin ; whereas the Vrihad-Aranyaka belongs, as we shall here- after see, to quite the eastern part of Hindustan. The numerous animal fables, on the contrary, and the mention of Mahidasa Aitareya, would sooner incline me to suppose that the, Chluindogyopanishad is more modern than the Vrihad-Aranyaka. With regard to another allusion, in 97 Differently llotk in his essay Die Lehre von den vier WdtaLcrn (Tubingen, 1860). BRAHMANAS OF THE SAM AN. 71 itself of the greatest significance, it is more hazardous to venture a conjecture : I mean the mention of Krishna Devakiputra, who is instructed by Ghora Angirasa. The latter, and besides him (though not in connection with him) Krishna Angirasa, are also mentioned in the Kau- shitaki-Brahmana; and supposing this Krishna Angirasa to be identical with Krishna Devakiputra, the allusion to him might perhaps rather be considered as a sign of priority to the Vrihad-Aranyaka. Still, assuming this identifica- tion to be correct, due weight must be given to the fact that the name has been altered here : instead of Angirasa, he is called Devakiputra, a form of name for which we find no analogy in any other Vedic writing ^xcepting the Vansas (genealogical tables) of the Vrihad-Aranyaka, and which therefore belongs, at all events, to a tolerably late period.* The significance of this allusion for the under- standing of the position of Krishna at a later period is obvious. Here he is yet but a scholar, eager in the pur- suit of knowledge, belonging perhaps to the military caste. He certdinly must have distinguished himself in some way or other, however little we know of it, otherwise his elevation to the rank of deity, brought about by external circumstances, would be inexplicable. 63 The fact of the Chhandogyopanishad and the Vrihad- Aranyaka having in common the names Pravahana Jai- vali, Ushas^i Chakrayana, Sandilya, Satyakama Jabala, Uddalaka Aruni, Svetaketu, and Asvapati, makes it clear that they were as nearly as possible contemporary works ; and this appears also from the generally complete identity of the seventh book of the former with the corresponding passages of the Vrihad-Aranyaka. What, however, is of most significance, as tending to establish a late date for * Compare also Pan., iv. I. 159, mythical relations to Indra, &c., are and the names Sambuputra, IWrnl- at the root of it; see I. St., xiii. yauiputra, in the Sama-Sut.ras ; as 349, ff. The whole question, how- also Katyiiyaniputi-a, Maitrayani- ever, is altogether vague. Krishna- fiutra, Viitsiputra, &c., among the worship proper, i.e., the sectarian Buddhists. [On these metronymic worship of Krishna as the one God, names in putra see /. atha-Bnlu,man.a and Ta.it- * Nut Sainkara, it is true, in this thiva-Aianyaka. BRAHAfANAS OF THE SAMAN. 73 enactments regarding it in Manu's code. Guilt or inno- cence is determined by an ordeal, the carrying of a red- liot axe ; this also is analogous to the decrees in Maim. We find yet another connecting link with the state of culture in Manu's time in a passage occurring also in the Vrihad-Aranyaka, viz., the doctrine of the transmigration of souls. We here meet with this doctrine for the first time, and that in a tolerably complete form ; in itself, however, it must certainly be regarded as much more ancient. The circumstance that the myth of the creation in the fifth book is on the whole identical with that found at the beginning of Manu, is perhaps to be explained by regarding the latter as simply a direct imitation of the former. The tenth book, the subject of which is the soul, its seat in the body and its condition on leaving it, i.e., its migration to the realm of Brahman, contains much that is of interest in this respect in connection with the above- mentioned parallel passage of the Ivaushitaky-Upanishad, from which it differs in some particulars. Here also for the first time in the field of Vedic literature occurs the name Balm, which we may reckon among the proofs of the comparatively recent date of the Chhandogyopanishad. Of expressions for philosophical doctrines we find only UpanisJwd, Adcsa, Guhya Adcsa (the keeping secret of doc- trine is repeatedly and urgently inculcated), Updkkydna (explanation). The teacher is called dchdrya [as he is also in the Sat. Br.]; for " inhabited place," ardka is used; single slokas and gdthds are very often quoted. The Chhandogyopanishad has been edited by^Dr. Roer in the Bibliothcca Jndica, vol. iii., along with Samkara's commentary and a gloss on it. 70 i>. "VVindischmann had previously given us several passages of it in the original, and several in translation; see also /. St., i. 254-273. The Kenopanishad has come down to us as the rem- nant of a fourth Bralmuina of the Samaveda, supposed to be its ninth book.* In the colophons and in the quota- tions found in the commentaries, it also bears the other- 70 In this series (1854-62) a trans- first eight books, Samkara furnishes Jation also has been published \>y us with information in the uegm- liajendra Lala Mitra. iiing of his commentary. * Regarding the contents of the 74 VEDIC LITER A TURE. wise unknown name of the TalavaJcdras* It is divided into two parts : the first, composed in Slokas, treats of the being of the supreme Brahman, appealing in the fourth verse to the tradition of the " earlier sages who have taught us this" as its authority. The second part con- tains a legend in support of the supremacy of Brahman, and here we find Uma Haimavati, later the spouse of Siva, acting as mediatrix between Brahman and the other gods, probably because she is imagined to be identical with Sarasvati, or Vach, the goddess of speech, of the creative word.f These are the extant Brahmanas of the Samaveda. Sayana, indeed, in his commentary on the Samavidhana enumerates eight (see Miiller, Rik i. Pref. p. xxvii): the Praudha- or Malid-Brdhmana (i.e., the Panchavinsa), the S/iadvinsa, the Sdmavidhi, the Arslieya, the Devatddhydya, the Upanishad, the Samhitopanishad, and the Vana. The claims, however, of four of these works to the name of Brahmana, have no solid foundation. The Arsheya is, as already stated, merely an Anukramani, and the Devata- dhyaya can hardly be said to be anything else ; the Vaiisa elsewhere always constitutes a part of the Brahmanas themselves : the two latter works, moreover, can scarcely be supposed to be still in existence, which, as far as the Yaiisa is concerned, is certainly very much to be regretted. The Samavidhana also, which probably treats, like the portion of the Latyayana- Sutra bearing the same name, of the conversion of the richas into sdmans, can hardly pass for a Brahmana. 71 As to the S.imliitupamshad, it appears * Might not this name be trace- mi Anukramnni, but only contains able to the same root Idtl, land, from some information as to the deities which Tdndya is derived ? of the different sdmans, to which a t On the literature, &e., of the few other short fragments are added. Kenopanishad, see /. W., ii. 181, ff. Finally, the Sitinavidhitna- Brdh- [\Ve have to add Roer's edition with Diana does not treat of the conver- .Samkara's commentary, in lllblio- sion of richas into sdmans; on tlie thci'a ludica, vol. viii., and his trans- contrary, it i.s a work similar to the lation, ibid., vol. xv.] Rigvidhitna, and relates to the em- 71 The above statements require ]>loyinent of the sdmans for all sort? to be corrected and supplemented of superstitious purposes. Both in several particulars. The Vai'isa- texts have likewise been edited by Brahmana was first edited by myself Bnrnell, with Sayana's commentaries in /. St., iv. 371, ff., afterwards by (1873). By Kumtlrda, too, the mini- Burnell with JSiiyana's commentary ber of the Br.lhmnnas of the Sitma- (1873). The Devatudhyiiya is riot veila is given as eight (Miiller, SUTRAS OF THE SAM AN. 75 to me doubtful whether Sayana meant by it the Iveno- panishad ; for though the samhitd (universality) of the Supreme Being certainly is discussed in the latter, the sub- ject is not handled under this name, as would seem to be demanded by the analogy of the title of the Samhitopa- nishad of the Aitareya-Aranyaka as well as of the Taittiriya- Aranyaka. My conjecture would be that he is far more likely to have intended a work 72 of the same title, of which there is a MS. in the British Museum (see /. St., i. 42) ; and if so, all mention of the Kenopanishad has been omitted by him ; possibly for the reason that it appears at the same time in an Atharvan-recension (differing but little, it is true), and may have been regarded by him as belonging to the Atharvan ? There is a far greater number of S-titras to the Sama- yeda than to any of the other Vedas. We have here three Srauta-Sutras ; a Sutra which forms a running commen- tary upon the Paiichavins'a-Brahmana ; five Sutras on Metros and on the conversion of richas into sdmans ; and a Grihya-Sutra. To these must further be added other similar works of which the titles only are known to us, as well as a great mass of different Pari^ishtas. Of the Srauta-Sutras, or Sutras treating of the sacrifi- cial ritual, the first is that of Masaka, which is cited in the other Sama-Sutras, and even by the teachers men- tioned in these, sometimes as Arslieya-Kalpa, sometimes as Kalpa, and once also by Latyayana directly under the name of Masaka. 73 In the colophons it bears the name of Kalpa- Sutra. This Sutra is but a tabular enumeration of the prayers belonging to the several ceremonies of the Soma sacrifice ; and tiiese are quoted partly by their tech- nical Saiuan names, partly by their opening words. The A. S. L., p. 348) ; in his time all of since this text appears there, as well them were already without accents, as elsewhere, in connection with the One fact deserves to be specially Vansa - Bralimana, &c. It is not noticed here, namely, that several much larger than the Devatddhydya, of the teachers mentioned in the but has not yet been published ; see Vansa - Brahmana, by their very /. St., iv. 375. names, point us directly to the north- 73 Latyayana designates Masaka as west of India, e.g., Kamboja An- Gdrgya. Is this name connected pamanyava, Madragdra Saungayani, with the Mdli u t See I. St., ii. 287. SUTRAS OF THE SAMAN. 79 bandhu Magadhadesiya." This latter expression is only explicable if we assume that Buddhism, with its anti- Brahmanical tendencies, was at the time flourishing in Magadha; and the absence of any such allusion in the Pafichavins'a-Brahmana is significant as to the time which elapsed between this work and the Sutra of Latyayana.* The first seven prapdthakas of the Latyayana-Sutra comprise the rules common to all Soma sacrifices; the eighth and part of the ninth book treat, on the contrary, of the separate ekdhas ; the remainder of the ninth book, of the ahinas ; arid the tenth, of the sattras. We have an excellent commentary on it by Agnisvamin, 76 who be- longs probably to the same period as the other commen- tators whose names terminate in svdmin, as Bhavasvamiu, Bharatasvamin, Dhurtasvamin, Harisvamin, Khadirasva- min, Meghasvamin, Skandasvamin, Kshirasvamin, &c. ; their time, however, is as yet undetermined. 77 The third Sama-Sutra, that of Drdliydyana, differs but slightly from the Latyayana-Sutra. It belongs to the school of the Eanayaniyas. We meet with the name of these latter in the lianayaniputra of Latyayana; his family is descended from Vasislitha, for which reason this Sutra is also directly called Yds isht ha- Sutra. For the name Drahyayana nothing analogous can be adduced. 78 The difference between this Sutra and that of Latyayana * In the Rik-Snmliitd, where the bitants regarding it as a means of Kikatas the ancient name of the recovering their old positkm though people of Magadha and their king under a new form. Praniagamda are mentioned as hos- 76 We now possess in the Bibl. tile, we have probably to think of Jndica (1870-72) an edition of the the aborigines / of the country, and Ldtydyana-Sutra, with Agnisvdmin's not of hostile Aryas (?). Itfeeems not commentary, by Anandachandra impossible that the native iuhabi- Vedsintavdgisa. tints, being particularly vigorous, 77 We find quite a cluster of Brah- retained more influence in Magadha man names in -svdmin in an inscrip- than elsewhere, even after the coun- tion dated S. Sr., ii. 8. II, and Schol. jmyasas. en T. S., i. 8. i. i. SUTRAS OF THE SAM AN. 83 the I'ravachana, i.e. (according to the commentary), Brah- niana, of the Kalabavins and that of the Satyayanins, [ found, on a cursory inspection, mention also of the Kau- thumas. This is the first time that their name appears in a work connected with Vedic literature. Some portions of the work, particularly in the last books, are composed in Slokas, and we have, doubtless, to regard it as a com- pilation of pieces belonging to different periods. 83 In close connection with it stands the Sdma-Tantra, composed in the same manner, and equally unintelligible without a commentary. It treats, in thirteen prap&thakas, of accent and the accentuation of the separate verses. A commen- tary on it is indeed extant, but at present only in a frag- mentary form. At its close the work is denoted as the vydkaraim, grammar, of the Saman theologians. 84 Several other Siitras also treat of the conversion of ricttas into sdtnans, &c. One of these, the J'anchavidhi- Sutra (Pdnckavidhya, Panchavidheya), is only known to me from quotations, according to which, as well as from its name, it treats of the five different vidhis (modes) by which this process is effected. Upon a second, the Prati- hdra-Sutra, which is ascribed to Katyayana, a commentary called Dasatayi was composed by Varadaraja, the above- mencioned commentator of Masaka. It treats of the aforesaid five vidhis, with particular regard to the one called pratihdra. The Tanddlakshana - Sutra is only known to me by name, as also the Upayrantha- Sutra* both of which, with the two other works just named, are, according to the catalogue, found in the Fort-William 83 In Deklian MSS. the work is tram,' by which he explains the called P/tw^a-Sutra, and is ascribed vord ukthdrtha, which, according to to Vararuchi, not to Gobhila ; see the MaMbhdshya, is at the fouuda- ISurnell, Catalogue, pp. 45, 46. On tion of aukthiku, whose formation is tliis and other points of difference, taught by Panini himself (iv. 2. 60); see my paper, Uebcr das Saptatata- see /. St., xiii. 447. According to knm dcs lldla (1870), pp. 258, 259. this it certainly seems very doubtful I now possess a copy of the text and whether the Siiiaalakshana men- commentary, but have nothing of tioned by Kaiyafa is to be identified consequence to add to the above re- with the extant work bearing the murks. same name. 8 ' 1 See also Burnell, Catalogue, * Shadgurussishya, in the intro- ]>p. 40, 41. Ibid , p. 44, we find a duction to his commentary on the 'Svaraparibhiislia, or Samalakshann,' Amikramani of the Ilik, dt-pcribes unecified. Kaiyata also mentions a Kittyayana as ' upayranthasya ku- pratisdklnjam ids- raku.' 84 VED1C LITERATURE. collection of MSS. By the anonymous transcriber of the Berlin MS. of the MaSaka-Sutra, who is of course a very weak authority, ten Srauta-Siitras for the Samaveda are enumerated at the close of the MS., viz., besides Latyayana, Anupada, Nidana, Kalpa, Tandalaksliana, Panchavidheya, and the Upagranthas, also the Kalp&nupada, Anustotra, and the Kshudras. What is to be understood by the three last names must for the present remain undecided. 85 The Grihya-Sutra of the Samaveda belongs to Gobhila, the same to whom we also found a Srauta-Sutra and the Pushpa-Sutra ascribed. 86 His name has a very unvedic ring, and nothing in any way coresponding to it appears in the rest of Vedic literature. 87 In what relation this work, drawn up in four prapdthaJcas, stands to the Grihya- Siitras of the remaining Yedas has not yet been investi- gated. 88 A supplement (parisishfa) to it is the Karma- pradipa of Katyayana. In its introductory words it ex- pressly acknowledges itself to be such a supplement to Gobhila ; but it has also been regarded both as a second Grihya-Sutra and as a Smriti-Sastra. According to the statement of A^drka, the commentator of this Karma- pradipa, the Grihya-Sutra of Gobhila is authoritative for both the schools of the Samaveda, the Kauthuinas as well as the Iianayam'yas.* Is the Kliddira-Grihya, which is now and then mentioned, also to be classed with the Samaveda ? 89 85 On the Paiichavidhi-Sdtra and drakanta Tarkitlamkdra, has been the Kalpauupada, each in two pra- commenced in the J3ibl. Indica 2>i'ttltakas, and the Kshaudra, in (1871); the fourth fasciculus (1873) three prapdthakas, see Muller, A. $, reaches to ii. 8. 12. See the sections L., p. 210; Aufrecht, Cataloytis, p. relating to nuptial ceremonies in 377 b . Tho Upngrantha-Sutra treats Haas's paper, 7. St., v. 283, ff. of expiations, prtiyadc/tittas, see ll;i- * Among the authors of the jendra L. M., JVoticcs of Sanskrit Smriti-Sastras a Kntiinmi is also MSS., ii. 182. mentioned. 86 To him is also ascribed a Nai- 89 Certainly. In Burnell's Cata- peya-Sutra, "a description of the loyue, p. 56, the Drdhyttyana-Grihya- Metres of the Samaveda," see Colin iSutra (in ionr patalas) is attributed lirowiiing. Catalogue of Sanskrit to Kluldira. llndraskandasvdmin MSS. cxistiiiff in 0"de (1873), P- 4- composed a vritti on this work 87 A list of teachers belonging to also (see p. 80) ; and Vamana is the Golihila school is contained in named as the author of 'kdrikds to the Van4a-Brahtnana. the Grihya-Siitras of Khadira,' Bur- ts8 Au edition of the Golihila- nell, p. 57. To the Grihya-Siitras Grihya-Siitra, with a very diffuse of the S.imaveda probably belong commentary by the editor, Chan- also Gautama's Pitfimcdlta- S&tra YAJURVEDA. 85 As representative of the last stage of the literature of the Samaveda, we may specify, on the one hand, the various Paddhatis (outlines) and commentaries, &c., which connect themselves with the Sutras, and serve as an ex- planation and further development of them ; and, on the other, that peculiar class of short treatises bearing the name of Parisishtas, which are of a somewhat more inde- pendent character than the former, and are to be looked upon more as supplements to the Sutras. * Among these, the already mentioned Arsha and Daivata enumerations of the Risiiis and deities of the Samhita in the Naigeya- Sakha deserve prominent notice. Both of these treatises refer throughout to a comparatively ancient tradition ; for example, to the Nairuktas, headed by Yaska and Saka- puni, to the Naighantukas, to Saunaka (i.e., probably to his Anukramani of the Rik), to their ^own Brahmana, to Aitareya and t he Aitareyins, to the Satapathikas, to the Pravachana Kathaka, and to As*valayana. The Ddlbhya- Parisishta ought probably also to be mentioned here; it bears the name of an individual who appears several times in the Chhandogyopanishad, but particularly often in the I'unlnas, as one of the sages who conduct the dialogue. The Yajurvcda, to which we now turn, is distinguished above the other Vedas by the great number of different schools which belong to it. This is at once a consequence and a proof of the fact that it became pre-eminently the subject of study, inasmuch as it contains the formulas for the entire sacrificial ceremonial, and indeed forms its (cf. Burnell, p. 57 ; the commeuta- inry on the Grihya-Sutra of the tor AnantayH j van identifies the an- White Yujus, several times ascribes thor with Akshapddfl, the author of their authorship to a Kdtyiiyaiui the Ny.iya Stitra), and the Gautama- (India Office Library, No. 440, fol. Dharma-Siitra; see the section treat- 52% 56*, 58% &c.) ; or do these quo- ing of the legal literature. tations only refer to the ubovo- * ltdmakrishna, iu his cominen- uamed Karniapradi 1 >a? 86 VEDIC LITERA TURF. proper foundation; whilst the Rigveda prominently, and the Samaveda exclusively, devote themselves to a part of it only, viz., to the Soma sacrifice. The Yajurveda divides itself, in the first place, into two parts, the Black and the White Yajus. These, upon the whole, indeed, have their matter in common ; but they differ fundamentally from each other as regards its arrangement. In the Samhita of the Black Yajus the sacrificial formulas are for the most part immediately followed by their dogmatic explanation, &c., and by an account of the ceremonial belonging to them ; the portion bearing the name of Brahmana differing only in point of time from this Samhita, to which it must be viewed as a supplement. In the White Yajus, on the contrary, the sacrificial formulas, and their explanation and ritual, are entirely separated from one another, the first being assigned to the Samhita, and their explanation and ritual to the Brahmana, as is also the case in the Rig- veda and the Samaveda. A further difference apparently consists in the fact that in the Black Yajus very great attention is paid to the Hotar and his duties, which in the White Yajus is of rare occurrence. By the nature of the case in such matters, what is undigested is to be regarded as the commencement, as the earlier stage, and what exhibits method as the later stage ; and this view will be found to be correct in the present instance. As each Yajus pos- sesses an entirely independent literature, we must deal with eacli separately. First, of the Black Yajus. The data thus far known to us concerning it open up such extensive literary perspec- tives, but withal in such a meagre way, that investigation lias, up to the present time, been less able to attain to approximately satisfactory results* than in any other field. In the first place, the name "Black Yajus" belongs only to a later period, and probably arose in contradistinction to that of the White Yajus. AVhile the theologians of the Rik are called Bahvrichas, and those of the Saman Chhan- dogas, the old name for the theologians of the Yajus is Adhvaryus ; and, indeed, these three names are already so * See J. St., 5. 68, ff. [All the been published ; aee the ensuing texts, with the exception of the notes.] Sutras relating to ritual, have now THE BLACK YAJUS. 87 employed in the Samhita of the Black Yajus and the Brahinana of the White Yajus. In the latter work the designation Adhvaryus is applied to its own adherents, and the Charakadhvaryus are denoted and censured as their adversaries an enmity which is also apparent in a passage of the Samhita of the White Yajus, where the Charakacharya, as one of the persons to be dedicated at the Purushamedha, is devoted to Dushkrita, or "111 deed." This is all the more strange, as the term charaJca is other- wise always used in a good sense, for " travelling scholar ; " as is also the root char, " to wander about for instruction." The explanation probably consists simply in the fact that the name Charakas is also, on the other hand, applied to one of the principal schools of the Black Yajus, whence we have to assume that there was a direct enmity between these and the adherents of the White Yajus who arose in opposition to them a hostility similarly manifested in other cases of the kind. A second name for the Black Yajus is " Taittiiiya," of which no earlier appearance can be traced than that in its own Prati^akhya-Siitra, and in the Sama-Sutras. Panini * connects this name with a Rishi called Tittiri, and so does the Anukramani to the JLtreya school, which we shall have frequent occasion to mention in the sequel. Later legends, on the contrary, refer it to the transformation of the pupils of Vais"ampa- yana into partridges (tittiri), in order to pick up the yajus- verses disgorged by one of their companions who was wroth with his teacher. However absurd this legend may be, a certain amount of sense yet lurks beneath its sur- face. The Black Yajus is, in fact, a motley, undigested jumble of different pieces ; and I am myself more inclined to derive the name Taittiriya from the variegated par- tridge (tittiri) than from the Rishi Tittiri ; just as another name of one of the principal schools of the Black Yajus, that of the Khandikiyas, probably owes its formation to * The rule referred to (iv. 3. IO2) however, is several times mentioned is, according to the statement of in the Bbdshya, see /. St., xiii. 442, the Calcutta scholiast, not explained which is also acquainted with ' Tit- in Patamjali's Bhdshya ; possibly, tirind proktdh slokdh,' not belonging therefore, it may not be Pdnini's at to the Chhandas, see /. St., v. 41 ; all, but may be later than Patam- Goldstiicker, Panini, p. 243.] jali. [The name Taittiiiya itself, 88 VEDIC LITER A TURE. this very fact of the Black Yajus being made up of khandas, fragments, although Panini,* as in the case of Taittiriya, traces it to a Rishi of the name of Khandika, and although \ve do really meet \vith a Khandika (Aud- bhari) in the Brahmana of the White Yajus (xi. 8. 4. i). Of the many schools which are allotted to the Black Yajus, all probably did not extend to Samhita and Brah- mana ; some probably embraced the Sutras only.f Thus far, at least, only three different recensions of the Samhita are directly known to us, two of them in the text itself, the third merely from an Anukramani of the text. The two first are the Taittiriya- Samhita, Kar egoxyv so called, which is ascribed to the school of Apastamba, a subdivision of the Khandikiyas ; and the Kathaka, which belongs to the school of the Charakas, and that particular subdivision of it which bears the name of Charayam'yas.J The Sam- hita, &c., of the Atreya school, a subdivision of the Au- khiyas, is only known to us by its Anukramani ; it agrees in essentials with that of Apastamba. This is not the case with the Kathaka, which stands on a more indepen- dent footing, arid occupies a kind of intermediate position between the Black and the White Yajus, agreeing fre- quently with the latter as to the readings, and with the former in the arrangement of the matter. The Kathaka, together with the Hdridramka a lost work, which, how- ever, likewise certainly belonged to the Black Yajus, viz., to the school of the Haridraviyas, a subdivision of the Maitrayaniyas is the only work of the Brahmana order mentioned by name in Yaska's Nirukta. Panini, too, makes direct reference to it in a rule, and it is further alluded to in the Amrpada-Siitra and Brihaddevata. The name of the Kathas does not appear in other Vedic writings, nor does that of ApastambaJ * Tbe rule is the same as that for |hala-Kathas ; the epithet of these Tittiri. The remark in the previous last is found in Pdnini (viii. 3. 91), note, therefore, applies here also. and Megasthenes mentions the f As is likewise the case with the KayU/3t'- In the Fort-William Catalogue Besides the text, we have also a Kapishthala-Saiphitd is mentioned a Rishyanukramani for it. [.-ee I, t., xiii. 375, 439. At the In later writings several Kathas time of tlie MahSbliasliya the posi- are distinguished, the Katlias, the tion of the Kathas must have been Piich^a-Ka^has, and the Kapish- one of great consideration, since SAMHITAS OF THE BLACK YAJUS. 89 The Samhita of the Apastamba school consists of seven books (called ashtakas /) ; these again are divided into 44 prasnas,6^i anuvdkas, and 2198 kandikds,ih.Q latter being separated from one another on the principle of an equal number of syllables to each. 90 Nothing definite can be ascer- tained as to the extent of the Atreya recension ; it is like- wise divided into kdndas, prasnas, and anuvdkas, the first words of which coincide, mostly with those of the corre- sponding sections of the Apastamba school. The Kathaka is quite differently divided, and consists of five parts, of which the three first are in their turn divided into forty sthdnakas, and a multitude of small sections (also pro- bably separated according to the number of words); while the fourth merely specifies the richas to be sung by the Hotar, and the fifth contains the formulas belonging to the horse- sacrifice. In the colophons to the three first parts, the Charaka-Sakha is called Ithimikd, Madhyamikd, and Orimikd, respectively: the first and last of these three appellations are still unexplained. 91 The Brahrnana por- tion in these works is extremely meagre as regards the ritual, and gives but an imperfect picture of it ; it is, how- ever, peculiarly rich in legends of a mythological cha- racter. The sacrificial formulas themselves are on the whole the same as those contained in the Samhita of the White Yajus; but the order is different, although the they and their texi^ the Kdthaka constitutes the norm ; fifty words, . are repeatedly mentioned ; see as a rule, form a kandikd;see I. St., I. St., xiii. 437, ff. The founder of xi. 13, xii. 90, xiii. 97-99. Instead their school, Katha, appears in the of astttaka, we find also the more Mahabhashya as Vais'ampa'yana's correct name kdnda, and instead of pupil, and the Kathas themselves prasna, which is peculiar to the appear in close connection with the Taitt.iriya texts, the generally em- Kalapas and Kauthumas, both ployed term, prapdthaka; see I. St., schools of the Sdman. In the Rdrna"- xi. 13, 124. The Taitt. Brdhm. and yana, too, the Katha-Kdliipas are the Taitt. Ar., are also subdivided mentioned as being much esteemed into kandikds, and these 9 gain into in Ayodhyd, (ii. 32. 18, Schlegel). very small sections; but the priuci- Haradatta's statement, " Bakvfichd- pie of these divisions has not yet nciir.apya.8ti Kathaidkhd'' (K\\attoj\'s been clearly ascertained. Siddh. Kauni. ed. Tara'ua'tha (1865), 91 Ithimikii is to be derived from vol. ii. p. 524, on ran., vii. 4. 38), Jietthima, (from liettho, i.e., adhasfdl), probably rests upon some misunder- and Orimikd from urarima (from etanding ; see 7. St , xiii. 438.] vpari) see my paper, Ueber dieBha- w It is not the number of sylla- yai'ati dir Jaina, i. 404, n. bles, but the number of words, that 90 VEDIC LITERATURE. order of the ceremonial to which they belong is pretty much the same. There are also many discrepancies with regard to the words; we may instance, in particular, the expansion of the semi-vowels v and y after a consonant into uv and iij, which is peculiar to the Apastamba school. 92 As to data, geographical or historical, &c. (here, of course, I can only speak of the Apastamba school and the Kathaka), in consequence of the identity of matter these are essentially the same as those which meet us in the Samhita of the White Yajus. ( In the latter, however, they are more numerous, formulas being also found here for ceremonies which are not known in the former the purushamedha, for instance.) Now these data to which we must add some other scattered allusions* in the por- tions bearing the character of a Brahmana carry us back, as we shall see, to the flourishing epoch of the kingdom of the Kuru-Panchalas, 93 in which district we must there- fore recognise the place of origin of both works. Whether this also holds good of their final redaction is another question, the answer to which, as far as the Apastamba- Samhita is concerned, naturally depends upon the amount of influence in its arrangement to be ascribed to Apa- stamba, whose name it bears. The Kathaku, according to what has been stated above, appears to have existed as an entirely finished work even in Yaska's time, since he quotes it ; the Anukramani of the Atreya school, on the contrary, makes Yaska I'aingi 94 (as the pupil of Vais*am- payana) the teacher of Tittiri, the latter again the in- '- For further particulars, see [This remains correct, though the /, Ft., xiii. 104-106. position of the case itself is some- * Amongst them, for example, what different ; see the notes above, the enumeration of the whole of the p. 2 and p. 30. In connection "with lunar asterisms in the Apastamba- the enumeration of the Nakshatras, S-.imhitit, where they appear in an compare especially my essay, Die order deviating from that of the vedischen Nachric/iten von den Na- later series, which, as I have pointed ish'ttra, ii. 299, ff.] out above (p. 30), must necessarily 93 Of peculiar interestis the men- liave been fixed between 1472 and tion of Dhritantshtra Vaichitravirya, 536 B.C. But all that follows from as also of the contests between the this, in regard to the passage in Panclialas and the Kuntis in the question, is that it is not earlier Kathaka; see 7. St., iii. 469-472. than 1472 B.C., which is a matter of !ii Bhatta BMskara Misra, on the , course; it nowise follows that it contrary, gives Yitjnavalka instead may not be later than 53') B.C. So of Pairigi ; see Btiruell'a Catalogue, we obtain nothing definite here. p. 14. SAMH1TAS OF THE BLACK YAJUS. 91 structor of Ukha, and Ukha the preceptor of Atreya.* This at least clearly exhibits its author's view of the priority of Yaska to the schools and redactions of the Black Yajus bearing the names of Tittiii and Atreya. ; although the data necessary to prove the correctness of this view aie wanting. Thar, however, some sort of influ- ence in the arrangement of the Samhita of the Black Yajus is certainly to be attributed to Yaska, is evident further from the fact that Bhatta Bhaskara, Misra, in an extant fragment of his commentary on the Apastamba-Samhita.f quotes, side by side with the views of Kasakritsna and Ekachiirni regarding a division of the text, the opinion of Yaska also. Along with the Kathaka, the Mdnara and the Maitra are very frequently quoted in the commentaries on the Kati'ya-Sutra of the White Yajus. We do not, it is true, find these names in the Sutras or similar works ; but at all events they are meant for works resembling the Kathaka, as is shown by the quotations themselves, which are often of considerable length. Indeed, we also find, although only in later writings, the Maitrayaniyas, and, as a subdivision of these, the Manavas, mentioned as schools of the Black Yajus. Possibly these works may still be in existence in India.! * Atreya \vas the padakdra of his with Sayana's completecommentary, school; Kundina, on the contrary, was commenced by Roer (1854), con- the vrittikdra. The meaning of tinued by Cowell and Rdma NaVd- vritti is here obscure, as it is also in yana, and is now in the hands of Schol. to Pan., iv. 3. 108 (mddhuri Mahesachandra Ny.iyaratna (the last vrittilf) [see 1. St., xiii. 3-Sl]. part, No. 28, 1874, reaches to iv. t We have, besides, a commen- 3. 1 1) ; the complete text, in Roman tary by Sayana, though it is only transcript, has been published by fragmentary; another is ascribed to myself in 7. St., xi., xii. (1871-72). a Bdlakrishna. [In Burnell's Col- On the Kiithaka, see 1. St., iii. 451- lection of MSS., see his Catalogue, 479.] pp. 12-14, is found the greater por- According to the Fort-William tion of Bhatta Kanaka Ehaskaia Catalogue, the ' Maitrayani-Sa'khd ' MisVa's commentary, under the name is in existence there. [Other MSS. Jndnayajna ; the author is said to have since been found ; see Haug in have lived 400 years before Sayana ; I. St., ix. 175, and his essay Brahma he quotes amongst others Bhavasvd- vnd die Jlrahmanen, pp. 31-34 mil), and &eems to stand in special (1871), and Biihler's detailed survey connection with the Atreyi school, of the works composing this Sdklut A Paisdchablidshya on the Black in I. St., xiii. 103, 117-128. Accord- Yajus is alsc mentioned ; see 7. St., ing to this, the Maitr. Sainhitd con- ix. 176. An edition of the Tail- sists at present of five kdndas, two tiriyu-Samhitii in the Bill. Indica, of which, however, are hut later ad- 92 VEDIC LITER A TURE. Besides the Samhita so called, there is a Brahmana recognised by the school of Apastamba, and also by that of Atreya,* which, however, as I have already remarked, ditiers from the Samhita, not as to the nature of its con- tents, but only in point of time ; it is, in fact, to be regarded merely as a supplement to it. It either reproduces the formulas contained in the Samhita, and connects them with their proper ritual, or it develops further the litur- gical rules already given there ; or again, it adds to these entirely new rules, as, for instance, those concerning the purusliamedha, which is altogether wanting in the Sam- hita, and those referring to the sacrifices to the lunar asterisms. Only the third and last book, in twelve prapd- tliakas, together with Sayana's commentary, is at present known. 95 The three last prapdthakas, which contain four different sections, relating to the manner of preparing cer- tain peculiarly sacred sacrificial fires, are ascribed in the Anukramani of the Atreya school (and this is also con- firmed by Sayana in another place) to the sage Katha. Two other sections also belong to it, which, it seems,, are only found in the Atreya school, and not in that of Apa- stamba ; and also, lastly, the two first books of the Tait- tin'ya-Aranyaka, to be mentioned presently. Together these eight sections evidently form a supplement to the Ivathaka above discussed ; they do not, however, appear to exist as an independent work, but only in connection with the Brahmana and Aranyaka of the Apastamba- (and Atreya-) schools, from which, for the rest, they can be externally distinguished easily enough by the absence of the expansion of v and y into uv and iy. The legend quoted towards the end of the second of these sections (prap. xi. 8), us to the visit of Nachiketas, to the lower BRAHMAN AS OF THE BLACK YAJUS. 03 world, gave rise to an Upanishad of the Atharvau which bears the name of Kathakopanishad. Now, between thio supplement to the Kathaka and the Kathaka itself a con- siderable space of time must have elapsed, as follows from the allusions made in the last sections to Maha-Meru, Krauncha, Mainaga; to Vaisampayana, Vyasa Paras'arya, &c. ; as well as from the literature therein presupposed as existing, the ' Atharvaiigirasas,' Brahmanas, Itihasas, Pura- nas, Kalpas, Gathas, and Nara^ansis being enumerated as subjects of study (svddhydya). Further, the last but one of these sections / is ascribed to another author, viz., to the Arunas, or to Aruna, whom, the scholiast on Panini 90 speaks of as a pupil of Vaisampayana, a statement with which its mention of the latter as an authority tallies excellently ; this section is perhaps therefore only errone- ously assigned to the school of the Kathas. The Tait- tiriya-Aranydka, at the head of which that section stands (as already remarked), and which belongs both to the Apastamba and Atreya schools, must at all events be regarded as only a later supplement to their Brahmana, and belongs, like most of the Aranyakas, to the extreme end of the Vedic period. It consists of ten books, the first six of which are of a liturgical character : the first and third books relate to the manner of preparing certain sacred sacrificial fires ; the second to preparatives to the study of Scripture; and the fourth, fifth, and sixth to purificatory sacrifices and those to the Manes, correspond- ing to the last books of the Samhita of the White Yajus. The last four books of the Aranyaka, on the contrary, contain two Upanishads; viz., the seventh, eighth, and ninth books, the Taittiriyopanishad, tear egoxyv so called, and the tenth, the Ydjniki- or Ndrdyaniyd-Upanisliad. The former, or Taittiriyopanishad, is in three parts. The first is the Samhitopamthad, or Sikslidvalli* which begins with a short grammatical disquisition, 97 and then turns to IJG Kaiyata on P;in., iv. 2. 104 * Valli means 'a creeper;' it ia (Mahabluisliya, fol. 73*, ed. Benares) ; perhaps meant to describe these U pa- he calls him, however, Aruni in- nishads as ' creepers,' which have etead of Aruna, and Derives from nttached themselves to the Veda- him the school of the Anmins (cited Sakha. in theBhashya, ibid.); the Arimis are 87 See above, p. 6l; Miiller, A.S. L., cited in the Kathaka itself; see p. 113, ff. ; Haug, Ucbcr dot Wescn I. St., iii. 475. dcs vcditchen Accents, p. 54. 94 VEDIC LITERATURE. the question of the unity of the world-spirit. The second and third are the Anandavalli and BhriguvalU, which together also go by the name of Vdruni-Upaniskad, and treat of the bliss of entire absorption in meditation upon the Supreme Spirit, and its identity with the individual soul.* If in these we have already a thoroughly systematised form of speculation, we are carried even further in one portion of the Yajniki-Upanishad, where we have to do with a kind of sectarian worship of Narayana : the remain- ing part contains ritual supplements. Now, interesting as this whole Aranyaka is from its motley contents and evi- dent piecing together of collected fragments of all sorts, it is from another point of view also of special importance for us, from the fact that its tenth book is actually extant in a double recension, viz., in a text which, according to Say ana's statements, belongs to the Dravidas, and in an- other, bearing the name of the Andhras, both names of peoples in the south-west of India. Besides these two texts, Sayana also mentions a recension belonging to the Karnatakas, and another whose name he does not give. Lastly, this tenth bookt exists also as an Atharvopa- nishad, and here again with many variations ; so that there is here opened up to criticism an ample field for researches and conjectures. Such, certainly, have not been wanting in Indian literary history ; it is seldom, however, that the facts lie so ready to hand as we have them in this case, and this we owe to Sayana' s commentary, which is here really excellent. When we look about us for the other Brahmanas of the Black Yajus, we find, in the first place, among the schools * See a translation, &c., of the vii.-ix., see the previous note), in Tnitt. Upanishad in I. tit., ii. 207- Mil. Ind. (1864-72), by IMjendra 255. It has been edited, with S;irn- Lala Mitra ; the text is the DnivitU kura's commentary, by lloer in Jiibl. text commented upon by Sayana, in Indica, vol. vii. [; the text alone, as sixty-four anurdkfit, the various a portion of the Taitt. Ar., by llajeii- readings of the Andhra text (in dra L,ila Mitra also, see next note, eighty annrdkas) being also added. Uoer's translation appeared in vol. Jn Burnell's collection there is also xv. of the Bibliotheca Indica]. a commentary on the Taitt. Ar., by t See a partial translation of it in Bhntta Biutskara Misra, which, like /. l. ,ii. 78-100. [It is published that on the Sarnhita, is entitled in the. complete edition of the Jniinayajna ; see Biirnell'8 Cata- Taitt. Aranyaka, with Sayana's com- loyue, pp. 16, 17.] mentary thereon (excepting books BRAHMANAS OF THE BLACK YAJUS. 35 fcited in the Sama-Sutras two which must probably be considered as belonging to the Black Yajus, viz., the Bhdi- lavins and the Sdfydyanins. The Brahmana of the BMl- lavins is quoted by the scholiast on Panini, probably fol- lowing the Mahabhashya, 93 as one of the ' old ' Brahmanas : we find it mentioned in the Brihaddevata; SuresVaracharya also, and even Sayana himself, quote passages from the Bhallavi^ruti. A passage supposed to be borrowed from the Bhallavi-Upanishad is adduced by the sect of the Madhavas in support of the correctness of their (Dvaita) belief (As. Res., xvi. 104). That the Bhallavins belong to the Black Yajus is, however, still uncertain ; I only con- clude so at present from the fact that Bhallaveya is the name of a teacher specially attacked and censured in the Brahmana of the White Yajus. As to the d(ydyanins, whose Brahmana is also reckoned among the ' old ' ones by the scholiast on Panini," and is frequently quoted, espe- cially by Sayana, it is pretty certain that they belong to the Black Yajus, as it is so stated in the Charanavyiiha, a modern index of the different schools of the Vedas, and, moreover, a teacher named Satyayani is twice mentioned in the Brahmana of the White Yajus. The special regard paid to them in the Sama-Sutras, and which, to judge from the quotations, they themselves paid to the Saman, is probably to be explained by the peculiar connection (itself still obscure) which we find elsewhere also between the schools of the Black Yajus and those of the Saman. 100 Thus, the Kathas are mentioned along with the Saman schools s This is not so, for in the Bhd- tbority in this case either, for it does sliya to the particular sMra of Pdn. not mention the Sdtydyanins in it.i (iv. 3. 105), the Blidllavins are not comment on the st'iira in question mentioned. They are, however, (iv. 3. 105). But Kaiyata cites the mentioned elsewhere in the work, at Brdhmanas proclaimed by Sdtyd- iv. 2. 104 (here Kaiya^a derives them yaua, &c., as contemporaneous with from a teacher Bhallu : Bhallund the Ydjnaralkdni Brdhmandni and proktam adltiyatt) ; us a Bhdllavei/o Sanlablidni Kr., which ;ire mentioned Matsyo rdjaputrah is cited in the in the M ahdbhdshya (see, however, Anupada, vi. 5, their home may /. St., v. 67, 68) ; and the Mahdbha- liave been in the country of the shya itself citestheSdtydyaninsalong Matsyas ; see 7. St., xiii. 441, 442. with the Bhdllavins (On iv. 2. 104) ; At the time of the Bhdshika-Sutra they belonged, it would seem, to the their Brdhmana text was still accen- uorth ; see 7. St., xiii. 442. tuated, in the same way as the Sata- 10 See on this /. St., iii. 473, xiii patha ; see Kielhorn, /. St , x. 421. 439. afl The Mahdbhdshya is not his au- ^6 VEDIC LIT ERA TURE. of the Kalapas and Kauthumas; and along with the latter the Laukakshas also. As to the Sakayanins,* Sayakayani ns, Kalabavins, and Salankayanins, 101 with whom, as with the Satyayanins, we are only acquainted through quotations, it is altogether uncertain whether they belong to the Black Yajus or not;. The Chhagalins, whose name seems to be borne by a tolerably ancient Upanishad in Anquetil's Oupneklu.it, are stated in the Charanavvuha 102 to form a school of the Black Yajus (according to Panini, iv. 3. 109, they are called Chhagaleyins) : the same is there said of the Svetd&vataras. The latter gave their name to an Upanishad composed in a metrical form, and called at its close the work of a SvetasVatara : in which the Samkhya doctrine of the two primeval principles is mixed up with the Yoga doctrine of one Lord, a strange misuse being here made of wholly irrelevant passages of the Samhita, &c., of the Yajus; and upon this rests its sole claim to be connected witli the latter. Kapila, the originator of the Samkhya system, appears in it raised to divine dignity itself, and it evidently belongs to a very late period ; for though several passages from it are quoted in the Brahma- Sutra of Badarayana (from which its priority to the latter at least would appear to follow), they may just as well have been borrowed from the common source, the Yajus. It is, at all events, a good deal older than Samkara, since he regarded it as Sruti, and commented upon it. It has recently been published, together with this commentary,* by Dr. lioer, in the Bibliothcca Inclica, vol. vii. ; see also Ind. Stud., i. 420, ff. The Maitrdijana Upanishad at least bears a more ancient name, and might perhaps be connected * They are mentioned in the tion to this extent, that the Chara- tenth book of the Bnihrnana of the navyuha does not know the name White Yajus [see also Kathaka 22. Chhagalin at all (which is mentioned 7, 7. St., iii. 472] ; as is also Sityakii- by Panini alone), but speaks only of ya.ua. Chhageyas or Chhdgaleyas ; see /. 101 The Sdlankdyanas are ranked as St., iii. 258 ; Muller, A . S. L., p. 370. Bnlhmanas ainonsr the Vilhikas iti On Anquetil's ' Tschakli ' Upanishad the Calcutta scholium to Pan. v. 3. see now 7. St., ix. 42-46. 114 (bhdshycna vydkhytHam}. Vyd- * Distinguished by a great num. na's mother, Satyavati, is called ber of sometimes tolerably long Sulankilyanaja, and Pa"nini himself quotations from the Punlnas, &c. Sdlafiki ; see 7. St., xiii. 375, 395, [Roer's translation was published iu 428, 429. the B'M. hid., vol. xv.] iiw 'i'^ja statement needs correc- BRAHMANAS OF THE BLACK YAJUS. 97 with the above-mentioned Maitra (Brahmana). Its text, however, both in language and contents, shows that, corn- pared with the latter, it is of a very modern date. At pre- sent, unfortunately, I have at my command only the four first prapdlhakas, and these in a very incorrect form,* whereas in Anquetil's translation, the Upanishad consists of twenty chapters, yet even these are sufficient clearly to determine the character of the work. King Brihadra- tha, who, penetrated by the nothingness of earthly things, resigned the sovereignty into the hands of his son, and devoted himself to contemplation, is there instructed by Sakayanya (see gana 'Kunja^') upon the relation of the dtman (soul) to the world; Sakayanya communicates to him what Maitreya had said upon this subject, who in his turn had only repeated the instruction given to the Bala- khilyas by Prajapati himself. The doctrine in question is thus derived at third hand only, and we have to recognise in this tradition a consciousness of the late origin of this form of it. This late origin manifests itself externally also in the fact that corresponding passages from other sources are quoted with exceeding frequency in support of the doctrine, introduced by " athd 'nyatrd 'py uJctam," " etad apy uldani" " atre 'me lokd bhavanti," " atlia yatlie 'yam Kautsdyanastutih" The ideas themselves are quite upon a level with those of the fully developed Samkhya doc- trine,t and the language is completely marked off from the * I obtained them quite recently, to the commentary, on the one in transcript, through the kindness hand, the two last books are to be of Baron d'Eckstein, of Paris, to- considered as khilas, and on the gether with tlie tenth adhydya of a other, the whole Upanishad belongs metrical paraphrase, called Anabhu- to a purvakdnda, in four books, of liprakdsa, of this Upauishad, extend- ritual purport, by which most likely ing, in 150 slokas, over these four is meant the Maitrdyani-Samhita prapdthakns. The latter is copied discussed by Biihler (see 1. St., xiii. from E. I. H., 693, and is probably 119, ff.), in which the Upanishad is identical with the work of Vidyii- quoted as the second (!) kdnda ; see ranya often mentioned by Cole- I. c., p. 121. The transcript sent me brooke. [It is really so ; and this by Eckstein shows manifold devia- portion has since been published, tions from the other text ; its ori- together with the Upanishad in full, ginai has unfortunately not been by Cowell, in his edition of the discovered yet.] Maitr. Upanishad, in seven prapA- f Brahman, Rudra, and Vishnu thakas, with Rdmatirtha's comtnen- represent respectively the Sattva, tary and an English translation, in the Tamas, and the liajas eleuieuK. the Bill. Ind. (1862-70). According of Praj;ipati. G 98 VEDIC LITERATURE, prose of the Brahmanas, both by extremely long com- pounds, and by words entirely foreign to these, and only belonging to the epic period (such as sura, yakslia, uraga, IMUagana, &c.). The mention also of the grahas, planets, arid of the motion of the polar star (dhruvasya pracha- lanam), supposes a period considerably posterior to the Brahmana. 103 The zodiacal signs are even mentioned in Anquetil's translation; the text to which I have access does not unfortunately extend so far. 104 That among the princes enumerated in the introduction as having met their downfall, notwithstanding all their greatness, not one name occurs belonging to the narrower legend of the Maha-Bharata or Ivamayana, is no doubt simply owing to the circumstance that Brihadratha is regarded as the pre- decessor of the Pandus. For we have probably to identify him with the Brihadratha, king of Magadha, who accord- ing to the Maha-Bharata (ii. 756) gave up the sovereignty to his son Jarasamdha, afterwards slain by the Pandus, and retired to the wood of penance. I cannot forbear con- necting with the instruction here stated to have been given to a king of Magadha by a Sdkdyanya the fact that it was precisely in Magadha that Buddhism, the doctrine of Sdkyamuni, found a welcome. I would even go so far as directly to conjecture that we have here a Brahmanical legend about Sakyaimmi; whereas otherwise legends of this kind reach us only through the adherents of the Bud- dhist doctrine. Maitreya, it is well known, is, with the Buddhists, the name of the future Buddha, yet in their legends the name is also often directly connected with their Sakyamuni ; a Purna Maitrayaniputra, too, is given to the latter as a pupil. Indeed, as far as we can judge at 1 1;! According to Cowell (p. 244), journeys (vi. 14; Cowell, pp. 119, by r/ralia we have here to under- 266) ; see ou this I. St., ix. 363. (stand, once at least (i. 4), not thu u ' 4 The text has nothing of this planets but lidlayrahas (children's (vii. i, p. 198); but special mention diseases); " Dhruvasya praclialanam is here made of Saturn, iani (p. probably only refers to a pralaya ; 201), and where &ukra occurs (p. then even ' the never-ranging pole 200), we might perhaps think of star* is forced to move." In a, Venus. This last adliydya through- second passage, however (vi. 16, p. out clearly betrays its later origin ; 124), the grahas appear along with of special interest is the bitter pole- the moon and the rikshas. Very rnic against heretics and unbelievers peculiar, too, is the statement as to (p. 206). thu stellar limits of the sun's two SUTRAS OF THE BLACK YAJUS. 99 present, the doctrine' of this Upanishad stands in close connection with the opinions of the Buddhists, 105 although from its Brahmanical origin it is naturally altogether free from the dogma and mythology peculiar to Buddhism. We may here also notice, especially, the contempt for writing (grantlia) exhibited in one of the Mokas* quoted in corroboration. Neither the Chhagalins, nor the SvetasVataras, nor the Maitrayaniyas are mentioned in the Sutras of the other Vedas, or in similar works, as schools of the Black Yajus ; still, we must certainly ascribe to the last mentioned a very active share in its development, and the names Maitreya and Maitreyi at least are not uufrequently quoted in the Brahmanas. In the case of the Sutras, too, belonging to the Black Yajus, the large number of different schools is very striking. Although, as in the case of the Brahmanas, we only know the greater part of them through quotations, there is reason to expect, not only that the remarkably rich collection of the India House (with which I am only very superficially acquainted) will be found to contain many treasures in this department, but also that many of them will yet be recovered in India itself. The Berlin collection does not contain a single one. In the first place, as to the Srauta-Stitras, my only knowledge of the Katha- Sutra, f the Mamt- Sutra, the Maitra-Sutra, and the Laur/dkshi-Sutra is derived from the commentaries on the Katiya-Sutra of the White Yajus; the second, how- ever, 106 stands in the catalogue of the Fort-William col- 10j Buna's Harshacharitra informs whether the word grant/ia ought us of a Ma,itr;iy;miya Divdkara who really & priori and for the earlier embraced the Buddhist creed ; and period to be understood of written ]>hau Daji (Journal Bombay Branch texts (cf. /. St., xiii. 476), yet in It. A. S., x. 40) adds that even now this verse, at any rate, a different Maitr. Brahinans live near Bhadgaon interpretation is hardly possible; at the foot of the Vindhya, with see below.] whom other Brahmans do not eat ) Laugakslii and the ' Ldmakdya- in common ; * the reason may have nlndm Brdhmanam ' are said to be been the early Buddhist tendencies quoted therein, of many of them.' 10S On this, as well as on the con- * Which, by the way, recurs to- tents and the division of the work, gether with some others in precisely see my remarks iu /. St., v. 13-16, the same form in the Au.ritavin- in accordance with communications f two ' pwynyas,' of both the statements as to the extent of texts, relating to birth ceremonial, the Madhyade.sa which are found in have been edited by Speijer in his the Pratijn^-Piirisishta of the White book De Cercmonia a/nid Jiulos quce Yajus point ns for the latter more rncatur jtitakarma (Leyden, 1872). to the east ; see my essay Ueber das n - It is actually extant ; see Bull- Pratijnd-SAtra (1872), pp. 101,105. W, Cutnloyuc, i. 1 88 (So foil.), and lu See Johautgen, /. c. f p. 108, Kielhorn, 1. c., p. 10 (fragment). 109. 13 Johiintgen in his valuable tract * Their number is twenty; we 7'cbcr das Gcsctzbuch dcs Manu Roth, Zur Lift, und Gesch., pp. 6c, (1863), p. 109, tt'., has, from the geo- 66. graphical data in Manu, ii. 17, ff., t ?ee 7. St., i. 441 not. [xiii. 387, fixed the territory between the Dp- ff., 418], THE WHITE YAJUS. ioj also the contradistinction, found at the close of the work, of Chhandas and Bhdshd, i.e., of Vedic and ordinary lan- guage. 115 The work appears also to extend to a portion of the Aranyaka of the Black Yajus ; whether to the whole cannot yet be ascertained, and is scarcely probable. 116 In conclusion, I have to notice the two Anukramams already mentioned, the one belonging to the Atreya school, the other to the Charayaniya school of the Kathaka. The former n7 deals almost exclusively with the contents of the several sections, which it gives in their order. It consists of two parts. The first, which is in prose, is a mere no- menclature ; the second, in thirty-four slokas, is little more. It, however, gives a few particulars besides as to the trans- mission of the text. To it is annexed a commentary upon both parts, which names each section, together with its opening words and extent. The Anukramani of the Ka- thaka enters but little into the contents ; it limits itself, on the contrary, to giving the Rishis of the various sections as well as of the separate verses; and here, in the case of the pieces taken from the Rik, it not unfrequently exhi- bits considerable divergence from the statements given in the Anukramani of the latter, citing, in particular, a num- ber of entirely new names. According to the concluding statement, it is the work of Atri, who imparted it to Laugakshi. We now turn to the White Yajus. With regard, in the first place, to the name itself, it probably refers, as has been already remarked, to the fact that the sacrificial formulas are here separated from their 116 In the passage in question Ar. or Taitt. Brdhm. is made in the (xxiv. 5), ' chk'indob/ids/id ' means text itself ; on the contrary, it con- rather 'the Veda language ;' see fines itself exclusively to the Taitt. Whitney, p. 417. S. The commentary, however, in 116 We have now an excellent edi- some few instances goes beyond the tion of the work hy Whitney, Jour- T. S. ; see Whitney's special discus- nal Am. Or. Soc., ix. (1871), text, sion of the points here involved, pp. translation, and notes, together with 422-426; cf. also 7. St., iv. 76-79. a commentary called Tiibhdshya- 117 See /. St., iii. 373-401, xii. rntna, by an anonymous author (or 350-357, and the similar statements is his name Kdrttikeya?), a compila- ir>ni Bhntta Bhdskara MisVa in Bur- ^ion from three older commentaries nell's Catalogue, p. 14. The Atreyi by Atreya, Mdhiehrya, and Vara- text here appears in a special rehv- ruchi. Ko reierence to the Taitt. ttou to a sdrasvata pdtha. 101 VF.DIC LITERATURE. ritual basis and dogmatical explanation, and that we have here a systematic and orderly distribution of the matter so confusedly mixed up in the Black Yajus. This is the way in which the expression ukldni yajtinshi is explained by the commentator Dviveda Ganga, in the only passage where up till now it has been found in this sense, namely, in the last supplement added to the Vrihad-Aranyaka of the White Yajus. I say iu the only passage, for though it appears once under the form hikrayajunshi, in the Aranyaka of the Black Yajus (5. 10), it has hardly the same general meaning there, but probably refers, on the contrary, to the fourth and fifth books of that Aranyaka itself. For in the Anukramani of the Atreya school these books bear the name ukriyakdnda, because referring to expiatory cere- monies ; and this name tiukriya, ' expiating ' [probably rather 'illuminating'?] belongs also to the correspond- ing parts of the Samhita of the White Yajus, and even to the sdmans employed at these particular sacrifices. Another name of the White Yajus is derived from the surname Vajasaneya, which is given to Yajnavalkya, the teacher who is recognised as its author, in the supplement to the Vrihad-Aranyaka, just mentioned. Mahidhara, at the commencement of his commentary on the Samhita of the White Yajus, explains Vajasaneya as a patronymic, " the son of Vajasani." Whether this be correct, or whe- ther the word vdjasani is to be taken as an appellative, it at any rate signifies * " the giver of food," and refers to the chief object lying at the root of all sacrificial ceremonies, the obtaining of the necessary food from the gods whom the sacrifices are to propitiate. To this is also to be traced the name vdjin, " having food," by which the theologians of the White Yajus are occasionally distinguished. 118 Now, from Vajasaneya are derived two forms of words by which the Samhita and Bnihmana of the White Yajus are found * Tn Mahata, xii. 1507, the by 'food' (anna) is probably purely word is an epithet of Krishna, a scholastic one.] [Here also it is explained as above ; 118 According to another explana- for the Rik, however, according to tion, this is because the Sun as the St. Petersburg Dictionary, we Horse revealed to Ydjnavalkya the have to assign to it the meaning of aydtaydmasamjndni yajiinshi ; see 'procuring courage or strength, Vi&hmi-Purana, iii. 5. 28; 'swift, victorious, gaining booty or prize.' courageous, horse,' are the funda- The explanation of the word viija mental meanings of the word. THE WHITE YAJUS. ic$ cited, namely, Vdjasancyaka, first used in the Taittiriya- Siitra of Apastamba and the Kati'ya-Siitra of the White Yajus itself, and Vdjasaneyinas* i.e., those who study the two works in question, first used in the Anupada- Sutra of the Samaveda. In the White Yajus we find, what does not occur in the case of any other Veda, that Samhita and Brahmana have been handed down in their entirety in two distinct recen- sions ; and thus we obtain a measure for the mutual rela- tions of such schools generally. These two recensions agree almost entirely in their contents, as also in the dis- tribution of them ; in the latter respect, however, there are many, although slight, discrepancies. The chief difference consists partly in actual variants in the sacrificial formulas, as in the Brahmana, and partly in orthographic or orthoepic peculiarities. One of these recensions bears the name of the Kdnvas, the other that of the Mddhyamdinas, names which have not yet been found in the Sutras or similar writings. The only exception is the Pratis'akhya-Sutra of the White Yajus itself, where there is mention both of a Kanva and of r the Mddhyamdinas. In the supplement to the Vrihad-Aranyaka again, in the lists of teachers, a Kanviputra (vi. 5 i) and a Madhyamdinayana (iv. 6. 2) at least are mentioned, although only in the Kanva recension, not in the other ; the former being cited among the latest, the latter among the more recent members of the respec- tive lists. The question now arises whether the two recensions are to be regarded as contemporary, or if one is older than the other. It is possible to adopt the latter view, and to consider the Kanva school as the older one. For not only is Kanva the name of one of the ancient Rishi families of the Rigveda and with the Rigveda this recension agrees in the peculiar notation of the cerebral d by / but the remaining literature of the White Yajus appears to connect itself rather with the school of the Madhyamdinas. However this may be, 119 we cannot, at * Occurs in the gana 'Saunaka.' vaka, a yellow (pingala) Krfnva, and [The Vajasaneyaka is also quoted by a Kdnvyayana, and also their pupils, Latydyana.] nre mentioned ; see /. St., xiii. 417, 119 The Mddbyamdinas are not 444. The school of the Kanvds mentioned in Patamjnli's Mahfi- Kausravasds is mentioned in the Lhsishya, but the Kunvas, the Kdg- Kdtliuka, see on this 7. St., iii. 475, loS VEDIC LITERATURE. aiy rate, assume anything like a long interval between the two recensions ; they resemble each other too closely for this, and we should perhaps do better to regard their distinction as a geographical one, orthoepic divergencies generally being best explained by geographical reasons. As to the exact date to be ascribed to these recensions, it may be, as has already been stated in our general survey (p. i o), that we have here historical ground to go upon a thing which so seldom happens in this field. Arrian, quoting from Megasthenes, mentions a people called MaSiavSivol, "through whose country flows the river An- dhomati," and I have ventured to suggest that we should understand by these the Madhyamdinas, 120 after whom one of these schools is named, and that therefore this school was either then already in existence, or else grew up at that time or soon afterwards.* The matter cannot indeed be looked upon as certain, for this reason, that mddhyam- dina, ' southern/ might apply in general to any southern people or any southern school ; and, as a matter of fact, we find mention of mddliyamdina-Kauthumds, ' southern Kauthumas.' f In the main, however, this date suits so perfectly that the conjecture is at least not to be rejected offhand. Prom this, of course, the question of the time of origin of the White Yajus must be strictly separated; it can only be solved from the evidence contained in the andin tlie Apastamba-Dharma-Sutra quotes in the case of the Yajurveda also, reference is sometimes made to the beginning of the Viijas. S., and a teacher Kanva or Kanva. Kanva not that of the Taitt. S. (or Kdth.).] and Kdnva appear r further in the + [Vinayaka designates his Kau- pravarn section of AsValayana, and shitaki-Brdhniana-Bhashya as Ma- in Panini himself (iv. 2. in), &c. ilhyamdina - Kauthumdnugam ; but ;o The country of the MaSiavStvol does he not here mean the two is situate precisely in the middle of schools so called (Mddhy. and that ' Madhyadesa' the limits of Kauth.) ? They appear, in like man- which are given in the Pratijna-Pa- ner, side by side in an inscription risishta ; see my paper L'cber das published by Hall, Journal Am. Or. Prntijnd-Sutra, pp. 101-105. Soc., vi. 539.] In the Kd^ik^ (to * Whether, in that case, we may Pan. vii. i. 94) a grammarian, Ma- assume that all the works now coin- dhyamdini, is mentioned as a pupil prised in the Madhyamdina school of Vyaghrapa'd ( Vydghrapaddm vari- had already a place in this redaction th(kah) ; see Bb'htlingk. Panini, In- is a distinct question. [An interest- trod., p. 1. On this it is to be re- ing remark of Muller's, Hist. A. S. marked, that in the Brdhmana two L. t p. 453, points out that the Go- Vaiydghrapadyas and one Vaiydgh- patha-Brdhmana, in citing the first rapadiputra are mentioned, words of the different Vedas (i. 29), SAMHITA OF THE WHITE YAJUS, 107 work itself. Here our special task consists in separating the different portions of it, which in its present form are bound up in one whole. Fortunately we have still data enough here to enable us to determine the priority or pos- teriority of the several portions. In the first place, as regards the Samhita of the White Yajus, the Vdjasaneyi-Samhitd, it is extant in both recen- sions in 40 adhydyas. In the Madhyamdina recension these are divided into 303 anurdkas and 1975 kandikds. The first 25 adhydyas contain the formulas for the general sacrificial ceremonial; 121 first (i., ii.) for the new and full- moon sacrifice ; then (iii.) for the morning and evening fire sacrifice, as well as for the sacrifices to be offered every four months at the commencement of the three seasons ; next (iv.-viii.) for the Soma sacrifice in general, and (ix., x.) for two modifications of it; next (xi. xviii.) for the con- struction of altars for sacred fires ; next (xix. xxi.) for the sautrdmani, a ceremony originally appointed to expiate the evil effects of too free indulgence in the Soma drink ; and lastly (xxii.-xxv.) for the horse sacrifice. The last seven of these adhydyas may possibly be regarded as a later addition to the first eighteen. At any rate it is cer- tain that the last fifteen adhydyas which follow them are of later, and possibly of considerably later, origin. In the Anukramani of the White Yajus, which bears the name of Katyayana, as well as in a Parisishta 122 to it, and subse- quently also in Mahidhara's commentary on the Samhita, xxvi.-.xxxv. are expressly called a Khila, or supplement, and xxxvi.-xl., ukriya, a name above explained. This statement the commentary on the Code of Yajnavalkya (called Mitiikshara) modifies to this effect, that the Bukriya begins at xxx. 3, and that xxxvi. i forms the beginning of an Aranyaka.* The first four of these later added adhyd- yas (xxvi.-xxix.) contain sacrificial formulas which belong to the ceremonies treated of in the earlier adhydyas, and 121 A comprehensive but con- * That a portion of these, last densed exposition of it has been books is to be considered as an Aran- connnenced in my papers, Zur yaka seems to be beyond doubt ; Kcnntniss dcs vtdischcn Opferrituals, for xxxvii.-xxxix., in particular, in /. St., x. 321-396, xiii. 217-292. this is certain, as they are explained 122 See my pnper, L'cbcr das Pra- in the Aranyaka part of the Brdh- tijnd-Stitra (1872), pp. 102-105. mnna. io8 VEDIC LITERATURE. must be supplied thereto in the proper place. The ten following adhydyas (xxx.-xxxix.) contain the formulas for entirely new sacrificial ceremonies, viz., the puruslia-medJia (human sacrifice), 123 the sarva-medha (universal sacrifice), the pitri-medha (oblation to the Manes), and the pravargya (purificatory sacrifice). 124 The last adhydya, finally, has no sort of direct reference to the sacrificial ceremonial. It is also regarded as an Upanishad,* and is professedly designed to fix the proper mean between those exclusively engaged in sacrificial acts and those entirely neglecting them. It belongs, at all events, to a very advanced stage of specu- lation, as it assumes a Lord (is} of the universe. 1 ! Inde- pendently of the above-mentioned external testimony to the later origin of these fifteen adhydyas, their posteriority is sufficiently proved by the relation in which they stand both to the Black Yajus and to their own Brahmana, as well as by the data they themselves contain. In the Taittiriya- Samhita only those formulas appear which are found in the first eighteen adhydyas, together with a few of the man- tras belonging to the horse sacrifice ; the remainder of the latter, together with the mantras belonging to the S'lutrd- mani and the human sacrifice, are only treated of in the Taittiriya-Brahmana; and those for the universal and the purificatory sacrifices, as well, as those for oblations to the Manes, only in the Taittiiiya-Aranyaka. In like manner, the lirst eighteen adhydyas are cited in full, and explained word by word in the iirst nine books of the Brahmana of the White Yajus ; but only a few of the formulas for the sau- trdmuni, the horse sacrifice, human sacrifice, universal 353 See my essay, Utber Menschen- * Other parts, too, of the Vd- opfer bci den Indtrn der vedischen jas. S. have in later times been Zcit, in /. Str., i. 54, ff. looked upon as Upanishads ; for ex- r - 4 This translation of the word ample, the sixteenth book (Sata- pravaryya is not a literal one (for r/idriya], the thirty-first (PurusJia- this see the St. Petersburg Diet., siikta), thirty-second (Tadeva), and under root varj with prep, pro), the beginning of the thirty-fourth but is borrowed from the sense and book (Sivasamkalpa). purpose of the ceremony in ques- f According to Mahidhara'a cona- tion ; the letter is, according to mentary, its polemic is directed par- Haugon Ait. Brdhm., i. 18, p. 42, "a tially against the Bauddhas, that preparatory rite intended for provid- is, probably, against the doctrines ing the sacrificer with a heavenly which afterwards were called Siiiu- body, with which alone he is permit,- khya. ted to enter the residence of thegods." SAMHITA OF THE WHITE YAJVS. 109 sacrifice, and oblation to the Manes (xix. xxxv.) are cited in the twelfth and thirteenth books, and that for the most part only by their initial words, or even merely by the initial words of the anuvdkas, without any sort of explanation ; and it is only the three last adhydyas but one (xxxvii. xxxix.) which are again explained word by word, in the beginning of the fourteenth book. In the case of the mantras, but slightly referred to by their initial words, explanation seems to have been con- sidered unnecessary, probably because they were still generally understood ; we have, therefore, of course, no guarantee that the writer of the Brahmana had them before him in the form which they bear at present. As to those mantras, on the contrary, which are not men- tioned at all, the idea suggests itself that they may not yet have been incorporated into the Samhita text extant when the Brahmana was composed. They are, roughly speak- ing, of two kinds. First, there are strophes borrowed from the Rik, and to be recited by the Hotar, which therefore, strictly speaking, ought not to be contained in the Yajus at all, and of which it is possible that the Brah- inana may have taken no notice, for the reason that it has nothing to do with the special duties of the Hotar ; e.g., in the twentieth, thirty-third, and thirty-fourth adhydyas especially. Secondly, there are passages of a Brahmana type, which are not, however, intended, as in the Black Yajus, to serve as an explanation of mantras preceding them, but stand independently by themselves ; e.y., in par- ticular, several passages in the nineteenth adhydya, and the enumeration, in the form of a list, of the animals to be dedicated at the horse sacrifice, in the twenty-fourth adhydya. In the first eighteen adhydyas also, there occur a few sacrificial formulas which the Brahmana either fails to mention (and which, therefore, at the time when it was composed, did not form part of the Samhita), or else cites only by their initial words, or even merely by the initial words of the anuvdkas. But this only happens in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth adhydyas, though here with tolerable frequency, evidently because these adhydyas themselves bear more or less the character of a Brahmana. With regard, lastly, to the data contained in the last adhydyas, and testifying to their posteriority, these i io VEDIC LITERA TURE. are to be sought more especially in the thirtieth and thirty-ninth adhydyas, as compared with the sixteenth. It is, of course, only the Yajus portions proper which can here be adduced, and not the verses borrowed from the Rik- Samhita, which naturally prove nothing in this connection. At most they can only yield a sort of measure for the time of their incorporation into the Yajus, in so far as they may be taken from the latest portions of the Rile, in which case the existence of these at that period would necessarily be presupposed. The data referred to consist in two facts. First, whereas in the sixteenth book litidrn, as the god of the blazing fire, is endowed wjth a large number of the epithets subsequently applied to Siva, two very significant epithets are here wanting which are applied to him in the thirty- ninth book, viz., isdna and mahddeva, names probably indicating some kind of sectarian worship (see above, p. 45). Secondly, the number of the mixed castes given in the thirtieth is much higher than that given in the sixteenth book. Those mentioned in the former can hardly all have been in existence at the time of the latter, or we should surely have found others specified besides those that are actually mentioned. Of the forty books of the Samhita, the sixteenth and thirtieth are those which bear most distinctly the' stamp of the time to which they belong. The sixteenth book, on which, in its Taittiriya form, the honour was afterwards bestowed of being regarded as an Upanishad, and as the principal book of the Siva sects, treats of the propitiation of lludra; and (see I. St., ii. 22, 24-26) by its enumeration and distinction of the many different kinds of thieves, robbers, murderers, night-brawlers, and highwaymen, his suppdsed servants, reveals to us a time of insecurity and violence : its mention, too, of various mixed castes indi- cates that the Indian caste system and polity were already fully developed. Now as, in the nature of things, these were not established without vigorous opposition from those who were thrust down into the lower castes, and as this opposition must have manifested itself chiefly in feuds, open or secret, with their oppressors, I am inclined to suppose that this Rudra book dates from the time of these secret feuds on the part of the conquered aborigines, as well as of the Vratyas or unbrahmanised Aryans, after SAM HIT A OF THE WHITE YAJUS. in their open resistance had been more or less crushed. 125 At such a time, the worship of a god \vho passes as the pro- totype of terror and fury is quite intelligible. The thirtieth book, in enumerating the different classes of persons to be dedicated at the purusha-medha , gives the names of most of the Indian mixed castes, whence we may at any rate conclude that the complete consolidation of the Brah- manical polity had then been effected. Some of the names here given are of peculiar interest. So, for example, the mdyadha, who is dedicated in v. 5 " atikrushtdya." The question arises, What is to be understood by mdgadha ? If we take atikrushta in the s^nse of " great noise," the most obvious interpretation of mdgadka is to understand it, with Mahidhara, in its epic sense, as signifying a minstrel,* son of a Vaisya by a Kshatriya. This agrees excellently with the dedications immediately following (in v. 6), of the suta to the dance, and of the sailusha to song, though not so well, it must be admitted, with the dedica- tions immediately preceding, of the kliba (eunuch), the ayogu (gambler?), and the punschalu (harlot). The mdyadha again appears in their company in v. 22,f and they cannot be said to throw the best light upon his moral character, a circumstance which is certainly surprising, considering the position held by this caste in the epic; though, on the other hand, in India also, musicians, dancers, and singers (sailusJuis) have not at any time enjoyed the best reputation. But another interpretation of the word mdgadlta is possible.^ In the fifteenth, the 125 By the Buddhist author Ya- sides, an express condition is laid somitra, scholiast of the Abhidhar- down that the four must belong niakosa, the Satarudriya is stated neither to the Sudra nor to the to be a work by Vydsa against Brahmana caste. [By ayogfi may Buddhism, whence, however, we also be meant an unchaste woman ; have probably to conclude only see/. Str., i. 76] that it passed for, and, was used as, Sdyana, commenting on the a principal support for Siva worship, corresponding passage of the Taitt. especially in its detached form as a Brdhmana (iii. 4. i), explains the separate Upanishad ; see Burnouf's word atikrushtdya by atinindita- Introduction d, VHistoire du Budd't- devdya, "dedicated to the very isme, p. 568 ; /. St., ii. 22. Blameworthy as his deity " [in Rd- * How he comes by this name is, jendra Ldla "kitra's edition, p. 347] ; it is true, not clear. this 'very Blameworthy,' it ia true, t Here, however, the kitava is might also refer to the bad moral put instead of the ayogti, and be- 'ermtation of the minstrels. 1 1 2 VEDIC LITER A TURE. so-called Vratya book* of the Atharva-Samhita, the Vratya (i.e., the Indian living outside of the pale of Brahmanism) is brought into very special relation to the pun&hali and the mdgadha ; faith is called his harlot, the mitra (friend ?) his mdgadJia ; and similarly the dawii, the earth (?), the lightning his harlots, the mantra (formula), hasa (scorn ?), the thunder his mdgadhas. Owing to the obscurity of the Vratya book, the proper meaning of this passage is not altogether clear, and it is possible, therefore, that here also the dissolute minstrel might be intended. Still the con- nection set forth in the Sama-Sutras of Latyayana and' Drahyayana, as well as in the corresponding passage of the Katiya-Sutra between the Vratyas and the magadhadesiya Irahmdbandhu and the hatred with which the Magadhas are elsewhere (see Roth, p. 38) spoken of in the Atharva- Samhita, both lead us to interpret the mdgadha of the Vratya book as an heretical teacher. For the passages, also, which we are more immediately discussing, this inter- pretation vies with the one already given ; and it seems, in particular, to be favoured by the express direction in v. 22, that " the mdgadha, the harlot, the gambler, and the eunuch " must neither be Siidras nor Brahinans, an in- junction which would be entirely superfluous for the mdga- dha at least, supposing him to represent a mixed caste, but which is quite appropriate if the word signifies " a native of the country Magadha." If we adopt this latter inter- pretation, it follows that heretical (i.e., Buddhist) opinions must have existed in Magadha at the time of the com- position of this thirtieth adhydya. Meanwhile, however, the question which of these two interpretations is the better one remains, of course, unsolved. The mention of the nakshatradarsa, "star-gazer," in v. 10, and of the * Translated by Aufrecht, 1. St., Mdgadha explained by Siiyaivi as i. 130, ff. [Tlie St. Petersburg Diet., MayadliadcSotpanno brahmachdrl !>. v., considers 'the praise of the is contemptuously introduced by Vnttya in Ath. xv. as an idealising the SiitrakaYa (probably Baudha- of the devout vagrant or mendicant yana ?) to T. S., vii. 5. 9. 4, in asso- (parivrdjaka, &c.) ;' the fact of his elation with a punschali ; see /. St., being specially connected with the xii. 330. That there were good punschali and the mdyadha remains, Brahinans also in Magadha appears nevertheless, very strange, and even from the name Magadhardsl, which with this interpretation leads us to is given to Prdtibodhiputra, the Biirmise suggestions of Buddhism.] second son of Hrasva Mdndukeya, in 120 In the very sime way, the Sankh. Ar., vii. 14. SAME IT A OF THE WHITE 'YAJUS. 113 ganaka, "calculator," in v. 20, permits us, at all events, to conclude that astronomical, i.e., astrological, science was then actively pursued. It is to it that, according to Mahi- dhara at least, the "questions" repeatedly mentioned in v. 10 relate, although Sayana, perhaps more correctly, thinks that they refer to the usual disputations of the Brahmans. The existence, too, of the so-called Vedic quinquennial cycle is apparent from the fact that in v. 15 (only in xxvii. 45 besides) the five names of its years are enume- rated ; and this supposes no inconsiderable proficiency in astronomical observation. 127 A barren wife is dedicated in v. 1 5 to the Atharvans, by which term Sayana understands the imprecatory and magical formulas bearing the name Atharvan; to which, therefore, one of their intended effects, barrenness, is here dedicated. If this be the correct ex- planation, it necessarily follows that Atharvan - songs existed at the time of the thirtieth book. The names of the three dice in v. 18 (krita, tretd, and dvdpara) are explained by Sayana, commenting on the corresponding passage of the Taittiriya-Brahmana, as the names of the epic yufjas, which are identical with these a supposition which will not hold good here, though it may, perhaps, in the case of the Taittiriya-Brahmana.* The hostile reference to the Charakacharya in v. 18 has already been touched upon (p. 8;). 128 In the earlier books there are two passages in particular which give an indication of the period from which they date. The first of these exists only in the Kanva recen- sion, where it treats of the sacrifice at the consecration of the king. The text in the Madhyamdina recension (ix. 40, x. 1 8) runs as follows : " This is your king, ye So and So," where, instead of the name of the people, only the indefinite pronoun ami is used; whereas in the Kanva U7 Since samvatsara is here men- * Where, moreover, the fourth tioned twice, at the beginning and name, kali, is found, instead of the at the end, possibly we have here to dskanda given here [see 1. Str. t i. do with a sexennial cycle even (cf. 82]. T. Br., iii. 10. 4. i) ; see my paper, 128 Sayana on T. Br., iii. 4. 16, p. ]~>ie vedischen R achrichten von dtn 361, explains (!)theword by 'teacher Nakshatra, ii. 298 (1862). The of the art of dancing on the point earliest allusion to the quinquennial of a bamboo ; ' but the vansanartin yuga occurs in the Rik itself, iii. is introduced separately in v. 21 (T. 55.18(1.25.8). Br., iii. 4. 17). II 1 14 VEDIC LITER A TURK. recension we read (xi. 3. 3, 6. 3) : " This is your king, yo Kurus, ye Panchalas." * The second passage occurs in connection with the horse sacrifice (xxiii. 18). The ma- hishi, or principal wife of the king, performing this sacrifice, must, in order to obtain a son, pass the night by the side of the horse that has been immolated, placing its sisna on her upastha; with her fellow- wives, who are forced to accompany her, she pours forth her sorrow in this lament : " Amba, Ambika, Ambalika, no one takes me (by force to the horse) ; (but if I go not of myself), the (spiteful) horse will lie with (another, as) the (wicked) Subhadra who dwells in Kampila."f Kampila is a town in the country of the Panchalas. Subhadra, therefore, would seem to be the wife of the king of that district,! and the benefits of the asvamedha sacrifice are supposed to accrue to them, unless the mahislii consents voluntarily to give herself up to this revolting ceremony. If \ve are justified in regarding the maliishi as the consort of a king of the Kurus, and the names Ambika and Amba- lika actually appear in this connection in the Maha- Bharata, to wit, as the names of the mothers of Dhrita- rashtra and Pandu, we might then with probability infer that there existed a hostile, jealous feeling on the part of the Kurus towards the Panchalas, a feeling which was possibly at that time only smouldering, but which in the epic legend of the Maha-Bharata we find had burst out into the fiame of open warfare. However this may be, the allusion to Kampila at all events betrays that, the verse, or even the whole book (as well as the correspond- * Sdyana, on the corresponding subhudrikdtn kdmpllavdsinlm are passage of the Brdhmnna (v. 3. 3. wanting in it. Il), remarks that Baudhayana reads J As a matter of fact, we find in esha vo Bharatd rdjeti [thus T. S., the Maha-Blidrata a Subhadni as i, 8. IO. 2 ; T. Br., i. 7. 4. 2]. wife of Arjnna, the representative Apastarnba, on the contrary, lets us of the Panchdlas ; on account of a choose between Bharald, Kuravo, Subhadrd, (possibly on account of Panchdld, Kumpdn,chdld, or jand her abduction, related in the Mahii- rdjd, according to the people to Bhdrata?) a great war seems to whom the king belongs. [The have arisen, as appears from some Kdth., xv. 7, has cska te janate words quoted several times by the rdjd.] scholiast on Piinini. Has he the t The Brdhmana of the White authority of the Mahdbhdshya for Yajus quotes only the beginning of this ? [the Mahabhdshya has nothing this verse ; consequently the words about it]. SAM HIT A OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 115 ing passages of the Taitt. Brahmana), originated in tho region of the Panchalas ; and this inference holds good also lor the eleventh book of the Kanva recension. 129 We might further adduce in proof of it the use of the word arjuna in the Madhyamdina, and of phalguna in the Kanva recension, in a formula 130 relating to the sacrifice at the consecration of the king (x. 21) : " To obtain intre- pidity, to obtain food(, I, the offerer, ascend) thee(, chariot,) I, the inviolate Arjuna (Phalgun;i)," i.e., Indra, Indra-like. Por although we must take both these words in this latter sense, and not as proper names (see /. St., i. 190), yet, at any rate, some connection must be assumed between this use and the later one, where they appear as the appellation of the chief hero of the Pandus (or Pafi- chalas?); and this connection consists in the fact that the legend specially applied these names of Indra* to that hero of the Pandus (or Panchalas ?) who was pre- eminently regarded by it as an incarnation of Indra. Lastly, as regards the critical relation of the richas in- corporated into the Yajus, I have to observe, that in general the two recensions of the Kanvas and of the Madhyam- dinas always agree with each other in this particular, and that their differences refer, rather, to the Yajus -portions. One half of the Vajasaneyi-Samhita consists of richas, or verses; the other of yajuilshi, i.e., formulas in prose, a measured prose, too, which rises now and then to a true rhythmical swing. The greater number of these richas , 129 In T. S., vii. 4. 19. I, Krfth. 13 See V. S., x. 21 ; the parallel As'., iv. 8, there are two vocatives pncsages in T. S., i. 8, Is, T. Br., instead of the two accusatives ; be- i. 7. 9. i, Kdth., xv. 8, have no- sides, we have subhage for subfiad- thing of this. ram. The vocative kdmpilardsini * The Bnthmana, moreover, ex- is explained by Sayana, ' (J thou pressly designates arjuna as the that art veiled in a beautiful gar- ' secret name ' (yuliyamndma) of In- inent' (kdinpUasabdenasldyhyovastra- dra [ii. I. 2. II, v. 4. 3. 7]. How is rticsha uckyate; see 7. St., xii. 312). this to be understood ? The com- This explanation is hardly justifi- rnentary remarks on it : arjuna able, and Mahldhara's reference of iti lundrasya rahasyam ndma \ ata the word to the city of Kdmpila era Main tatputre Pandavamadh- must be retained, at least for the yame fratfitlih. [What is the wording of the text which we have reading of the Kitnva recension in in the V. S. In the Pratijiul- these passages ? Has it, as in the Parisishta, Kurnpilya is given as the Samhitif, so here also, not arjuna, eastern limit of Madhyadesa ; see but jihalyuna ?] my Pratijndsulra, pp. 101-105. n6 VEDIC LITERATURE. recur in the Rik-Samhita, and frequently with consider- able variations, the origin and explanation of which I have already discussed in the introduction (see above, pp. 9, 10). Readings more ancient than those of the Rik are not found in the Yajus, or at least only once in a while, which results mainly from the fact that Rik and Yajus agree for the most part with each other, as opposed to the Saman. We do, however, find that verses have undergone later altera- tions to adapt them to the sense of the ritual. And finally, we meet with a large number of readings which appear of equal authority with those of the Rik, especi- ally in the verses which recur in .those portions of the Rik-Samhita that are to be regarded as the most modern. The Vajasaneyi-Samhita, in both recensions, has been edited by myself (Berlin, 184952), with the commentary of Mahidhara, 131 written towards the end of the sixteenth century ; and in the course of next year a translation is intended to appear, which will give the ceremonial belong- ing to each verse, together with a full glossary.* Of the work of tTata, a predecessor of Mahidhara, only fragments have been preserved, and the commentary of Madhava, which related to the Kanva recension, 132 appears to bo entirely lost. Both were supplanted by Mahidhara's work, and consequently obliterated; an occurrence which has hap- pened in a similar way in almost all branches of Indian literature, and is greatly to be regretted. I now turn to the Brdhmana of the White Yajus, the Sa'apatka-Brdlimana, which, from its compass arid con- tents, undoubtedly occupies the most significant and im- portant position of all the Bralnnanas. First, as to its 131 p\ )r w bich, unfortunately, no tary (lately again by Roer in the sufficient manuscript materials were Bibliotheca Jndica, vol. viii.) [and at my disposal ; see Miiller, Preface vol. xv. A lithographed edition of to vol. vi. of his large edition of the the text of the Vajas. Sainhitd, with Ilik, p. xlvi. sqq., and my reply in a Hindi translation of Mahidhara's I '.iterarisckcs Centralblatt, 1875, pp. commentary, has been published ty 519, 520. Giriprassidavarman, Rdja of Besma, * [This promise has not been ful- 1870-74, in Besma]. filled, owing to the pressure of other 132 Upon what this special state- labours.] The fortieth adhydya, the ment is based I cannot at present Isopanishad, is in the Kanva recen- show; but that Mddhava commented sion commented by Sumkara ; it has the V. S. also is shown, for example, been translated and edited several by the quotation in Mahidhara to times together with this commen- xiii. 45. BRAHMAN A OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 117 extent, this is sufficiently denoted by its very name, which describes it as consisting of 100 patltas (paths), or sections. The earliest known occurrence of this name is in the ninth vdrttika to Pan. iv. 2. 60, and in the gana, to Pan. v. 3. 100, both authorities of very doubtful* anti- quity. The same remark applies to the Naigeya-daivata, where the name also appears (see Benfey's Sdmaveda, p. 277). With the single exception of a passage in the twelfth book of the Maha-Bharata, to which 1 shall revert in the sequel, I have only met with it, besides, in the commen- taries and in the colophons of the^ MSS. of the work itself. In the Madhyamdina school the Satapatlia-Brahrnana con- sists of fourteen kdndas, each of which bears a special title in the commentaries and in the colophons : these titles are usually borrowed from the contents ; ii. and vii. are, however, to me inexplicable^ The fourteen kdnda$ are together subdivided into 100 adhydyas (or 68 pra- pdthakas), 438 brdhmanas, and 7624 kandikds. 133 In tho Kanva recension the work consists of seventeen kdndas, the first, fifth, and fourteenth books being each divided into two parts ; the first book, moreover, has here changed places with the second, and forms, consequently, the second and third. The names of the books are the same, but the division into prapdthakas is altogether unknown : the adhy- dyas in the thirteen and a half books that have thus far been recovered * number 85, the brdhmanas 360, the kan- dikds 4965. The total for the whole work amounts, accord- ing to a list accompanying one of the manuscripts, to 104 adhydyas, 446 brdhmanas, 5866 kandikds. If from this the recension of the Kanva school seems considerably * The ffana is an dkritiyana, and Ekapddikd, that of the seventh Has- the sutra to which it belongs is, ac- tighuta. cording to the Calcutta edition, not Jj3 For statements disagreeing explained in the Malulbhdshya ; with this, which are found in the possibly therefore it does not belong MSS., see note on pp. 119, 120. to the original text of Panini. [The J Of the fourth book there exists vdrtlika in question is, in point of only the first half ; and the third, fact, explained in the Mahttbhashya thirteenth, and sixteenth books are (fol. 67 b ), and thus the existence of wanting altogether. [It is much to the name satapatha, as well as shath- be regretted that nothing has yet tipatha (see p. 119), is guaranteed, been done for the Kiinva recension, at least for the time when this work and that a complete copy has not was composed ; see /. St., xiii. 443-J yet been recovered.] f The name of the second book is iig ' VEDIC LITERATURE. shorter than that of the Madhyamdinas, it is so only in appearance; the disparity is probably rather to be ex- plained by the greater length of the kandikds in the for- mer. Omissions, it is true, not unfrequently occur. For the rest, I have no means of ascertaining with perfect accuracy the precise relation of the Brahmana of the Kanva school to that of the Madhyamdinas ; and what I have to say in the sequel will therefore relate solely to the latter, unless I expressly mention the former. As I have already remarked, when speaking of the Samhita, the first nine kdndas of the Brahmana refer to the first eighteen books of the Samhita ; they quote the separate verses in the same order* word for word, explain- ing them dogmatically, and establishing their connection with the ritiial. The tenth Jednda, which bears the name of Agni-rahasya (" the mystery of fire "), contains mystical legends and investigations as to the significance, &c., of the various ceremonies connected with the preparation of the sacred fires, without referring to any particular portions of the Samhita. This is the case likewise in the eleventh Jednda, called from its extent As/if ddJiydyi, which contains a. recapitulation of the entire ritual already discussed, with supplements thereto, especially legends bearing upon it, together with special particulars concerning the study of the sacred works and the provisions made for this pur- pose. The twelfth Jednda, called Madhyama, " the middle one," treats of prdyascluttas or propitiatory ceremonies lor untoward events, either previous to the sacrifice, dur- ing, or after it ; and it is only in its last portion, where the Sautramani is discussed, that it refers to certain of the formulas contained in the Samhita (xix. xxi.) and relating to this ceremony. The thirteenth Jednda, called ASvamedJut, treats at some length of the horse sacrifice ; and then with extreme brevity of the human sacrifice, the universal sac- rifice, and the sacrifice to the Manes; touching upon the relative portions of the Samhita (xxii.-xxxv.) but very .seldom, and even then very slightly. The fourteenth Jednda, called Aranyalea, treats in its first three adhydyas * Only in the introduction does of the new moon and full moon sac- a variation occur, as the Briihinan i rifices, which is evidently more cor- treats first of the morning and even- rect systematically, ing sacrifice.*, and not till afterwards BRAHMANA OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 119 of the purification of the fire, 134 and here it quotes almost in their entirety the three last books but one of the Sam- hita (xxxvii. xxxix.) ; the last six adhydyas are of a purely speculative and legendary character, and form by them- selves a distinct work, or Upanishad, under the name of Vrihad-Aranyaka. This general summary of the con- tents of the several kdndas of itself suggests the conjec- ture that the first nine constitute the most ancient part of the Brahmana, and that the last five, on the contrary, are of later origin, a conjecture which closer investiga- tion reduces to a certainty, both on external and internal evidence. With reference to the external evidence, in the first place, we find it distinctly stated in the passage of the Maha-Bharata above alluded to (xii. 11734) that the complete Satapatha comprises a Raliasya (the tenth kdnda), a Samgraha (the eleventh kdnda), and a PariSesha (the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth kdndas). f Further, in the vdrttika already quoted for the name Satapatha, we also meet with the word shashtipatha 135 as the name of a work ; and I have no hesitation in referring this name to the first nine kdndas, which collectively number sixty adhydyas. On the other hand, in support of the opinion that the last five kdndas are a later addition to the first nine, I have to adduce the term Madhyama ("the middle one "), the name of the twelfth kdnda, which can only be accounted for in this way, whether we refer it merely to the last three kdndas but one, or to all the five.* 134 The pravargya concerns, ra- third adliydya (viz., of the kdnda), ther, the lustration of the sacrificer so that xvi. and xvii. coincide. [A himself ; see above note 124, p. 108. highly remarkable statement is found 133 It is found in the Pratijnd- in the MSS. of the Mitdhyamdina Parisishta also, and along with it recension at v. 3. I. 14, to the effect the name antij)atlia (!) ; satapatha, that this point marks not only ktin- on the contrary, is apparently want- dasyd 'rd/iam, with 236 kandikds, ing there ; see my essay on the Pra- but also, according to a marginal tijnii- Sutra, pp. 104, 105. gloss, satapathasyd 'rdham, with * In the latter case a difficulty is 3129 kandikds ; see p. 497 of my caused by the Kdnva recension, which edition. As a matter of fact, the subdivides the last kdnda into two preceding kandikdt do amount to parts (xvi., xvii.) ; this division, this latter number ; but if wo fix it however, seems not to have been as the norm for the second half, generally received, since in the MSS. we are only brought down to xii. 7. of Snmkara's commentary, at least, 3. 18, that is, not even to the close the Upanishad (xvii.) is reckoned of the twelfth book ! The point throughout as beginning with the which marks the exact half for tha 120 VEDIC LITERATURE. Now these last five kdndas appear to stand in the same order in which they actually and successively originated ; so that each succeeding one is to be regarded as less ancient than the one that precedes it. This conjecture is based on internal evidence drawn from the data therein contained, evidence which at the same time decides the question of their being posterior to the first nine kdndas, In the first place, the tenth kdnda still connects itself pretty closely with the preceding books, especially in its great veneration for Sandilya, the principal authority upon the building of altars for the sacred fires. The following are the data which seem to me to favour the view that it belongs to a different period from the first nine books. In i. 5. i, if., all the sacrifices already discussed in the pre- ceding books are enumerated in their proper order, and identified with the several ceremonies of the Agni-chayana, or preparation of the sacred fireplace. Of the names of teachers here mentioned, several end in -dyana, a ter- mination of which we find only one example in the seventh, eighth, and ninth kdndas respectively : thus we meet here with a Rauhinayana, Sayakayana, Vamaka- kshayana (also in vii.), Rajastambayana, Sandilyayana (also in ix.), Satyayani (also in viii.), and the Sikayanins. The Vansa appended at the close (i.e., the list of the teachers of this book) differs from the general Van^a of the entire Brahmana (at the close of the fourteenth book) in not referring the work to Yajnavalkya, but to Sandilya, and also to Tura Kavasheya (whose ancestor Kavasha we find on the banks of the Sarasvati in the Aitareya-Brahmana). The only tribes mentioned are the Salvas and Kekayas (especially their king, A^vapati Kaikeya), two western tribes not elsewhere alluded to in the Brahmanas. The present extent of the work (3812 k.) marking of the accents is earlier in is at vi. 7. I. 19, where also the date than the division of the text MSS. repeat the above statement into kandikds. As, however, we (P- 555)- ^ deserves special men- find exactly the same state of things lion that the notation of the accents with regard to the final and initial operates beyond the limits of the words of the individual bnihmanas individual kandikds, the accent at (see Jcnacr Litcraturzcitung, 1875, p. the end of a kandikd being modified 314), we should also have to refer by the accent of the first word of the bnihmana division to a later the next kandikd. From this we date, aud this is hardly possible], might perhaps conclude that the BRAHMAN A OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 12 1 legends here as well as in the four succeeding Mndas are mostly of an historical character, and are besides chiefly connected with individual teachers who cannot have lived at a time very distant from that of the legends themselves. In the earlier Mndas, on the contrary, the legends are mostly of a mythological character, or, if historical, refer principally to occurrences belonging to remote antiquity ; so that here a distinct difference is evident. The trayi vidyd (the three Vedas) is repeatedly discussed in a very special manner, and the number of the rickets is stated to be 12,000, that of the yo/ws- verses 8000, and that of the sdmans 4000. Here also for the first time appear the names Adhvaryus, Bahvrichas, and Chhandogas side by side ; * here, too, we have the first occurrence of the words iipanishud (as t>dra of the Veda), upanishaddm ddesdh, mimdnsd (mentioned once before, it is true, in the first kdnda), adhidevatam, adhiyajnam, adhydtmam ; 13 and lastly, here for the first time we have the form of address Ihavdn (instead of the earlier bhagavdri). Now and then also a sloJca is quoted in confirmation, a thing which occurs extremely seldom in the preceding books. Further, many of the technical names of the sdmans and sastras are men- tioned (this, however, has occurred before, and also in the tenth book of the Samhita) ; and generally, frequent refer- ence is made to the connection subsisting with the riclias and sdmans, which harmonises with the peculiarly mys- tical and systematising character of the whole kdnda. That the eleventh kdnda is a supplement to the first nine is sufficiently evident from its contents. The first two adhydyas treat of the sacrifices at the new and full moon; the four following, of the morning and evening sacri- ficial fires, of the sacrifices at the three seasons of the year, of the inauguration of the pupil by the teacher (dclidrya), of the proper study of the sacred doctrines, &c. ; and the last two, of the sacrifices of animals. The Riyvcda, Yajurveda, and Sdmaveda, the Atharvdngirasas, the anusdsanas, the vidyds, the vdkovdkya, the itiha&apurdna, the ndrdsansis, and the gdthds are named as subjects of study. We have * Along with the ydtuvidas (those 136 Mimdnsd, adlridaivataqi, and skilful ^a witchcraft), sarparidas adhydtmam occur several times iu (serpent - charmers), devajanavidas, the earlier books. &c. 122 VEDIC LITERATURE. already met with this enumeration (see p. 93) in the second chapter of the Taitt. Aranyaka, although in a con- siderably later form,* and we find a similar one in the fourteenth kdnda. In all these passages, the commen- taries^ probably with perfect justice, interpret these ex- pressions in this way, viz., that first the Samhitas are speci- fied, and then the different parts of the Brahmanas ; so that by the latter set of terms we should have to understand, not distinct species of works, but only the several portions respectively so designated which were blended together in the Brahmanas, and out of which the various branches of literature were in course of time gradually developed. The terms anu$dsana (" ritual precept " according to Sayana, but in Vrihad-Ar., ii. 5. 19, iv. 3. 25, Kathopan., 6. 15, " spiritual doctrine "), vidyd, " spiritual doctrine," and (jdthd, " strophe of a song " (along with sloJca), are in fact so used in a few passages (gdthd indeed pretty frequently) in these last five books, and in the Brahmanas or Upa- nishads of the Rik and Saman. Similarly vdkovdkya in the sense of "disputation" occurs in the seventh kdnda, and itilidsa at least once in the eleventh Jcdnda itself (i. 6. 9). It is only the expressions purdna and ndrdsansis that do not thus occur ; in their stead in the sense of narrative, legend we find, rather, the terms dkliydna, vydkhydna, anvdkhydna, updkhydna. Vydkhydna, together with anu- vydkhydna and upavydkhydna, also occurs in the sense of " explanation." In these expressions, accordingly, w r e have evidence that at the time of this eleventh kdnda certain Samhitas and Brahmanas of the various Vedas, and even the Atharva-Samhita itself, were in existence. But, fur- ther, as bearing upon this point, in addition to the 'single verses from the songs of the Rik, which are here, as in the earlier books, frequently cited (by " tad etad rishind 'bhy- anuktam"), we have in the eleventh kdnda one very special quotation, extending over an entire hymn, and introduced by the words " tad etad uktapratyuktam panchadasarcham L'ahvrichdh prdhuli" It is an interesting fact for the critic that in our text of the Rik the hymn in question * From it has evidently originated t Here Sttyana forms an excep- fi passage in Y.ijnavalkya's Code (i. tion, as he at least states the other 45), which does not harmonise at all explanation also, with the rest of that work. BRAHMANA OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 123 (maiid. x. 95) numbers not fifteen but eighteen richas. Single slokas are also frequently quoted as confirmation. From one of these it appears that the care taken of horses in the palace of Janamejaya had at that time passed into a proverb : this is also the first mention of this king. Budra here for the first time receives the name of Maha- cleva* (v. 3. 5). In iii. 3. I, ff, special rules are for the first time given concerning the begging (bhikshd) of the brahma- chdrins, &c., which custom is besides alluded to in the thirtieth book of the Samhita [v. 18]. But.wnat throws special light upon the date of tlie eleventh kdnda is the fre- quent mention here made, and for the first time, of Janaka, king (samrdf) of Videha, as the patron of, Yajnavalkya. The latter, the Kaurupanchala Uddalaka Aruni and his son Svetaketu, are (as in the Vrihad-Aranyaka) the chief figures in the legends. The twelfth kdnda alludes to the destruction of the kingdom of the Srinjayas, whom we find in the second kdnda at the height of their prosperity, and associated with the Kurus. This connection may still be traced here, for it seems as if the Kauravya Valhika Pratipiya wished to take their part against Chakra, their enemy, who was a native of the country south of the Beva, and priest of King Dushtaritu of Dasapurushamrajya, but that his efforts failed. The names Vtirkali (i.e., Vashkali) and Naka Maudgalya probably also point to a later period of time ; the latter does not occur elsewhere except in the Vrihad- Aranyaka and the Taittiriyopanishad. The Rigveda, the Yajurvecia, and the Samaveda are mentioned, and we find testimony to the existence of the Vedic literature generally in the statement that a ceremony once taught by Indra to Vasishtha and formerly only known to the Vasishthas whence in former times only a Vasishtha could act as brahman (high priest) at its performance might now be studied by any one who liked, and consequently that any one might officiate as brahman thereat. 137 In iii. 4. i occurs the first mention of purusha Ndrdyana. The name of Proti Kau^dmbeya Kausurubindi probably presupposes the existence of the Panchala city KauSambi. * In the sixth l-dnda he is still 137 See on this J. St., i. 34, 35. called mahdn derah. 1 24 VEDIC LITER A TURK. The thirteenth Icdnda repeatedly mentions puruslia Nd- rdyana. Here also Kuvera Vais>avana, king of the Raksh- asas, is named for the first time. So, too, we find here the first allusion to the suktas of the Rik, the anuvdkas * of the Yajus, the dasats of the Saman, and the parvans of the Atharvanas and Aiigirasas, which division, however, does not appear in the extant text of the Atharvan. A division into parvans is also mentioned in connection with the Sarpavidya and the Devajanavidya, so that by these names at all events distinct works must be understood. Of Itihasa and Parana nothing but the name is given ; they are not spoken of as divided into parvans, a clear proof that even at that time they were merely understood as isolated stories and legends, and not as works of any extent. 133 While in the first nine books the statement that a subject has been fully treated of already is expressed by tasyokto bandhuh [or, so 'sdv eva bandhuh, and the like], the same is expressed here by tasyoktam brdhmanam. The use in v. I. 18 of the words ekavachana and lahuvachana, exactly corresponds to their later grammatical significa- tion. This kdnda is, however, very specially distinguished by the number of gdthds, strophes of historical purport, which it quotes at the close of the account of the horse sacrifice, and in which are given the names of kings who celebrated it in earlier times. Only one of these gdthdi appears in the Rik-Samhita (maiid. iv. 42. 8) ; the greater number of them recur in the last book of the Aitareya- Lrahmana, and in the Maha-Bharata, xii. 910, ff., in both places with many variations.t The question here arises whether we have to regard these gdt/ids as fragments of more lengthy hymns, or if they must be looked upon merely as separate memorial verses. The fact that in con- nection with some of these names (if we take into account * This term, however, occurs in terms iu the Sdukh. 6r., xvi, 2; AM the preceding kdndas also, e.g., in val. Sr.,x. 7. ix. I. I. 15. t I 1 ' 10 passages in the Mahd-Bhd- ia8 This is favoured also by the rata evidently connect themselves fact that they are here attributed to with the Satapat.ha-Brdhmana, to fishermen and fowlers ; with which which, as well as to its author Ydj- inay be compared the tale of the navalkya, and his patron Janaka, fishermaiden as mother of Vydsa, in special regard is had in this book of the Mahst-Bluirata. The whole state- the Maha- Bhdrata. [See also Sdfikh., lueut recura iu almost identical xvi. 8. 25-29. 32.] BRAHMAN A OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 125 the Aitareya-Brahmana also) two, three, four, five, und even six verses are quoted, and always in the same metre, in slokas, certainly favours the former view. Only one ex- ception occurs where the first and fourth verses are Slokas, but the second trishtubh, the third not being quoted at - all ; it is, however, according to the commentary, understood by implication, so that this instance tells, perhaps, with a very special force in favour of the view in question. The ana- logy of the gdthds or slokas of non-historic purport quoted elsewhere cannot be brought forward in support either of the one view or of the other, for the very same uncertainty exists respecting them. Moreover, these verses repeatedly contain very old Vedic forms.* Again, their expressions of eulogy are for the most part very hyperbolical, and they might therefore perhaps be looked upon as the utterance of a still fresh feeling of gratitude ; so that we should have to consider their origin as in part contemporary with the princes they extol: otherwise this circumstance does not readily admit of explanation.f A passage in the thirteenth kdnda itself directly favours this view (see /. St., i. 187). Among the kings here named the following deserve special mention: Bharata, son of Duhshanta and the Apsaras Sakuntala, and descendant of Sudvumua SatanikaJ Sat- rajita, king of the Bharatas, and enemy of Dhritarashtra, king of the Kasis Purukutsa Aikshvaka Para Atnara Hairanyanabha Kausalya but above all, Janamejaya Parikshita, with the Parikshitiyas (his three brothers), Bhi- masena, Ugrasena, and Srutasena, who by means of the horse sacrifice were absolved from " all guilt, all brahma- hatyti." The time when these last four lived cannot be con- sidered as very distant from that of tlie t kdnda itself, since their sacrificial priest Indrota Daivapa Saunaka (whom the Maha- Bharata, xii. 5595, also specifies as such) is once mentioned in it apparently as coming forward in opposi- * And names too: thus, tlie king Still this is both in itself a very of the Panehdlas is called Kraivya, forced explanation, and besides many the explanation given by the Bnih- of these verses are of purely histori- mi\na being that the Panehdlas were cal purport, and contain no allusion ' formerly' called Krivis. to the presents given to the priests. f Unless these verses were merely J See Vaj. S., 34. 52 (not in tho invented by priests in order to sti- Rik). mulate kings to copy and emulate See Rik, mand. iv. 42. 8. Hie liberality of their ancestors. 1 26 VEDIC LITER A TURE. tion to Bhallaveya ; while his own opinion, differing from that of the latter, is in turn rejected by Yajnavalkya. On account of the interest of the subject I introduce here an- other passage from the fourteenth book, from which we may gather the same result. We there find a rival of Yajnavalkya testing him with a question, the solution of whicli the former had previously obtained from a Gan- dharva, who held in his possession the daughter of Kapya Patamchala of the country of the Madras ; the question, namely, " Whither have the Parikshitas gone ?" the solu- tion of which therefore appears to have been looked upon as extremely difficult. Yajnavalkya answers : " Thither where (all) asmmedha sacrificers go." Consequently the Parikshitas must at that time have been altogether extinct. Yet their life and end must have been still fresh in the memory of the people, and a subject of general curiosity.* It almost seems as though their " guilt, their brahmahatyd," had been too great for people to be- lieve that it could have been atoned for by sacrifices were they ever so holy ; or that by such means the Parikshitas could have become partakers of the reward fixed for other less culpable evil-doers. It appears further as if the Brah- mans had taken special pains to rehabilitate their memory, and in this undoubtedly they were completely successful. Or was it, on the contrary, that the majesty and power of the Parikshitas was so great and dazzling, and their end so surprising, that it was difficult to believe they had really passed away ? I prefer, however, the former explanation. The fourteenth Jcdnda, at the beginning of its first part (that relating to ritual), contains a legend of a contention among the gods, in which Vishnu came off victorious, whence it became customary to say, " Vishnu is the srcshtha (luckiest ?) of the gods." This is the first time that we find Vishnu brought into such prominence; indeed, he otherwise only appears in the legend of the three strides, and as the representative of the sacrifice itself, a position which is, in fact, ascribed to * The country of the Madras lies wife of Pundu and mother of the in the north-west, and is therefore two youngest Pdndavas, Nakula and remote from the country of the Sahadeva, was a native of this re- Kururi. According to the Maba"- gion, and Pariksh.it also had a Md- however, Mildri, second dravati to wife. BRAHMAN A OF THE WHITE YAJLS. 127 him here also. Indra, as here related, afterwards strikes off his head in jealousy. 139 The second part of this kdnda, the VriJiad-Aranyaka, which consists of five prapdthakas, or six adhydyas, is again divided into three Jcdndas, the Madhukdnda, adhy. i. ii. (prap. i. i-ii. 5) ; the Ydjnaml- kiya-kdnda, adliy. iii. iv. (prap. ii. 6-iv. 3) ; and the KTiila- kdnda, adhy. v. vi. (prap. iv. 4~v. 5). Of these three divi- sions, each succeeding one appears to be later than that which precedes it, and each closes with a Yans'a or statement of the line of teachers, carried back to Brahman, the primeval source. The third brdhmana of the Madhu-kanda is an explanation of three sloJcas prefixed to it, a form of which we have no previous example. The fifth (adhy. ii. i) contains, as has already been stated (p. 51), another recension of the legend related in the fourth adhydya of the Kaushitaky-Upanishad, of Ajatasatru, the king of Kasi, who was jealous of Janaka's fame as a patron of learning. The eighth (adliy. ii. 4) contains another re- cension of the closing legend in the Yajnavalkiya-kanda, of Yajnavalkya's two wives, Maitreyi and Katyayani, this being the first mention we have of these names. Here, as also in the eleventh kanda, we find an enumera- tion of the subjects of Vedic study, namely, Rigvcda, Yajurveda, Sdmavcda, the Atliarvdngirasas, itihdsa, pu- rdna, vidyds, ujyanishads, SloJcas, stitras, anuvydkhydnas, vydkhydnas* The same enumeration recurs in the Yajna- valki'ya-kanda (adhy. vi. 10). Samkara and Dvivedaganga, the commentators of the Vrihad-Aranyaka, both, like Sayana (on the eleventh kdnda), take the expressions itihdsa, &c., to mean sections in the Brahmanas. . They are, in fact, as I have already pointed out (p. 122), used in 139 This is wrong. The gods seud the Pahch. Br. of Muklia alone (cf. forth ants to gnaw the bowstring of also T. S., iii. 2. 4. I). In the Vishnu, who stands leaning on his Satapatha, Makha is only mentioned V>ended bow ; the string, snapping among the gods who assembled, and springing upwards, severs his though, to be sure, lie appears im- head from his body. The same mediately before Vishnu, legend recurs not only in the par- * The last five expressions tnke allel passage of the Taitt. Ar. (v. here the place of anusdsana, vdko- i), but also in the Panch. Br., vii. 5. vdkya, ndrdsansis, and gdthds in 6 ; but whilst in the Sat. Br. it, is the eleventh book. The latter ar related of Vishnu, the Taitt. Ar. clearly the more ancient. tells it of Makha Vaishnava, and 1^8 VEDIC LITERATURE. this sense in the Brahmanas themselves. It is only in regard to stitra* that I am unable to prove a similar use (though Dvivedaganga pretty frequently calls certain sentences by the name of s&tra, e.g., i. 2, 18, 22, 3. I, &c.); and this term raises a doubt whether the opinion of the commentators ought to hold good with reference to these passages also, and their time. The ninth (which is the last) brdhmana is evidently the one from which the Madlm-karida received its name. It treats of the intimate relation existing between the four elements (earth, water, fire, air), the sun, the quarters of the heavens, the moon, lightning, thunder, dMa (ether), &c., on the one hand, and all beings on the other; this relation being set forth by representing the one as the madhu (honey) of the other. This doctrine is traced to Dadhyanch Atbarvana, as is also, in fact, done in the Rik-Samhita itself (i. 116. 12, 1 17. 22). In the beginning of the fourth Jcdnda of the Satap. Brahmana also (iv. i. 5. 18) we find the madhu ndma brdhmanam mentioned expressly in this connection ; Sayana, too, quotes Sdfydyana (- V&jasaneyau] in support of it. A very early date is thus guaranteed for the name at least, and probably also for the contents of this chapter; though its form, of course, cannot make any pretension to high antiquity. The concluding Vans'a hire, as elsewhere, varies very much in the two schools ; that is, as regards the last twenty members or so back to Yaska and Asurayana ; but from these upwards to the mythical fountain-heads the two schools generally agree. Asura- yana himself (consequently, also Yaska, who is recorded as his contemporary) is here placed two stages after Asuri ; at the end of the Khila-kanda he is even designated as his pupil; Asuri, again, being set down as the pupil of Y.djnavalkya. The list closes, therefore, with about the twenty-fifth member from the latter. It must conse- quently have been continued long after the Madhu-kanda had been finally put into shape, since both the analogy of the Vana contained in the last brdhmana but one of the Khila-kanda and the very nature of the case forbid the * The word siitra is found several supreme Brahman itself, which, like times here, but in the sense of a band, embraces and holds together 4 thread, band,' only, to denote the everything. BRAHMANA OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 129 conclusion that its redaction could have taken place so late as the twenty-fifth generation from Yajnavalkya. The commentators never enter into any explanation of these Vans'as; doubtless, therefore, they too regarded them as supplements. The names themselves are naturally highly interesting, and, as far at least as the later stages are con- cerned, are probably strictly authentic. The aim of the Ydjnavalkiya-lcdnda is the glorification of Yajnavalkya, and it recounts how, at the court of his patron Janaka, king of Videha, he silenced all the Brahmans * of the Kurupanchalas, &c., and gained his patron's full confidence (like the corresponding legends in the twelfth book of the Maha-Bharata). The legend narrated in the eleventh Jcdnda (vi. 3. i. ff.) may perhaps have been the model; at least the Yajnavalkiya here begins in exactly the same manner, and gives also, almost in the same words, the account of the discomfiture and punishment of Vidagdha Sakalya, which alone is given in the eleventh Jcdnda. It closes with a legend already given in the Madhu-kanda, but with some deviations. The expressions pdnditya, muni, and mauna, occurring in this Jcdnda, are worthy of special notice as being new 140 (iii. 2. I, iv. 2. 25); further, ekaJiansa, ra- mana, tdpasa (iv. i. 12, 22), pravrdjin (iv. 2. 25, where Wiikslidcharya is recommended), and pratibuddha (iv. 2. 17 ; the verb pratibudh occurs in this sense i. 2. 21), and lastly, the names chdnddla and paulkasa (iv. i. 22). I am now of opinion t that it is to this Yajnavalkiya-kanda that the vdrttiJca to Panini iv. 3. 105 refers when it speaks of the Ydjnaralkdni brdJimandni as not purdna-proJcta, but tulyakdla, " contemporaneous," i.e., with Panini. The wording of the vdrttika does not necessarily imply that * Among them Asvala, the king's hitii, viz., viii. 17. 14, and x. 136. Hotar, Vidagdha 6akalya, who lost 2-5." First German edition, Errata, his life for his impertinence, Kahola Paulkasa is found also in V. S. 30. Kaushitakeya, and Gdrgi Vsicha- 17. knavi, who all four (the latter, at f Formerly I was of different least, according to the Grihya- Sutra) opinion ; see /. St., i. 57. Many of may be looked upon as representa- the views there expressed especi- tives of the Rik, towards which ally pp. 161-232 have here either therefore a kind of jealousy is here been further developed or modified unmistakably exhibited. after careful consideration of the 140 " The word muni occurs in various passages, as may be perceived the Inter portions of the Ilik-Sam- by comparison. I . 1 30 VEDIC LITER A TURE. these Brahmanas originated from Yajnavalkya himself; consequently they might bear his name simply because treating of him. I prefer the latter view, for it appears to me very hazardous to regard the entire Satapatha-Brah- mana, or even its last books only, as directly bearing the name of Yajnavalkya, however fully it may embody his system, or to set it down as contemporaneous with, or but little anterior to, Panini. In regard to the Yajnaval- kiya-kanda, however, I have not the slightest hesitation in doing the latter. 1 * 1 Finally, the Khila-Mnda, or last kdnda of the Vrihad-Aranyaka, is uniformly described by the commentators as such a Tchila, or supplement ; and as a matter of fact it is clearly enough distinguished from the o,ther kdndas. Its first adhydya the fifth of the Vrihad- Aranyaka is made up of a number of small fragments, which contain for the most part mystical plays upon words, of the most clumsy description. The second adhydya con- tains 'two brdhmanas, parts of which, as I have already remarked (p. 71), recur in precisely the same form in the Chhandogyopanishad vii. i, 3. Of the third brdJimana, which contains ritual injunctions, we also find another recension, ibid. vii. 2. It concludes with a Vana, not, however, in the form of a list, but of a detailed account. According to it^the first author of the doctrine here taught was Uddalaka Aruni, who imparted it to Yajnavalkya, here for the first time called Vajasaneya ; * his pupil was Madh- uka Paiugya, from whom the doctrine was transmitted to Chuda Bhagavitti, then to Janaki Ayahsthuna, and lastly to Satyakarna Jabala. The name of the latter (a teacher often alluded to in the Chhandogyopanishad) is in fact borne in later works by a school of the White Yajus, so 141 On this subject compare Gold- nini. Although he here counts stacker's detailed discussion in his Ydjnavalkya among the purdnas, Panini, p. 132-140, and my special 'ancients,' and this interpretation rejoinder, /. St., v. 65-74, xiii. 443, is required by the wording of the 444, /. <>., ii. 214. According to vdrttika, yet the KiMika", on the these expositions, the author of the contrary, expressly declares him to vdrttikas must, on the one hand, have be "not chirakdla." considered the Ydjnavalkdni ttrdh- * In the Ydjtiavalkiyakdnda Ud- mandni as originally promulgated ddlaka Aruni is, like the other Brah- (prokta) by Ydjnavalkya ; but, on mans, silenced by Ydjnavalkya, no the other hand, he must also have mention being made of his being looked, upon the recension then ex- the preceptor of the latter. Unt as contemporaneous with Pa"- BRAHMANA OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 131 that we might perhaps ascribe to him the final adjustment of this doctrine in its existing form. The fourth and last brdhmana, of this adhydya is, like the third, surprising, from the nature of its contents, which, consisting as they do of the rites to be observed before, arid at the time of, coitus, as well as after the birth of a son, more properly pertain to a Grihya-Sutra. It too closes with a VansX* this time of quite unusual length, and distinguished, as far as the more recent members are concerned, by this peculi- arity, that their names are formed by the addition of putra to the mother's name (see above p. 71), and that both parts of the names are accentuated. Asuri is here called the pupil of Yajnavalkya, and the latter the pupil of Uddalaka, Then, having passed through ten more stages and arrived at Aditya. the sun-god, as the original author, we find the following words as the close of the whole Brahmana : dditydni 'mdni sulddni yafanshi Vdjasaneyena YdjnavaUq/end "kliydyante, ' these "White Yajus-texts ori- ginating t from Aditya are transmitted by Vajasaneya Yajnavalkya.' According to Snmkara and Dvivedagaiiga, this Vaiisa does not refer to the Khila-kanda, but to the entire Pravaehana, the entire Veda (i.e., the White Yajus). This view is at all events favoured by the fact that the Vaiisa at the close of the tenth book (the only one which appears in the whole of the Satapatha-Brahmana, besides those of the Madhu-kanda, Yajnavalkiya-kanda, and Khila- kanda) J evidently refers to this Van^a, and presupposes its existence when at its commencement it says : samdnam d Sdmjiviputrdt, ' up to Samjiviputra the teachers are the same.' For, ascending from this Samjiviputra, there are still in this VaiiSa three steps up to Yajnavalkya, while in the tenth book, as before remarked, the doctrine is not traced up to the latter at all, but from Samjiviputra through five steps to Sandilya, and through two more to Tura Kavasheya. This latter circumstance suggests to * la the Kdnva recension the Vans'a here too at the close after Vansaa invariably form separate the words : Ydjnavalkyend "khyd- cliapters. yante. ) Or : ' these White Yajus-texts Who is quoted in the Aitar. are named by Vdjasaneya Ydjnaval- Brsthmana as contemporaneous with kya as originating from Aditya' (?). Janamejaya (as his sacrificial priest); J The Kdnva recension adds this see /. St., i. 203, note. I 3 2 VEDIC LITER A TURE. us, moreover, the possibility of yet another division of the Satapatha-Brahmana with reference to the origin of the dif- ferent kdndas. For in the first five and the last four kdndas the name of Yajnavalkya meets us exclusively, and very fre- quently, as that of the teacher whose opinion is appealed to as the decisive authority, whose system consequently is in any case there set forth.* Further, if we except the Yajna- vaikiya-kanda and the gdthds in the thirteenth Mnda, races settled in eastern or central Hindustan are the only ones mentioned in^ these Mndas, viz., the Kurupanchalas, Ko- salavidehas, Sviknas, and Srinjayas. Once only the Pra- chyas (eastern tribes) are opposed to the Vahikas (western tribes) ; again there is once mention madeof thelldichyas (in- habitants of the north) ; and lastly, the (southern) Nishadhas are once alluded to in the name of their king, Nala Naisha- dha (or, as he is here called, Naishidha). From this the remaining kdndas the sixth to the tenth differ palpably enough. They recognise Sandilya as the final authority f instead of Yajnavalkya, whom they do not even name ; neither do they mention any but north-western races, viz., the Gandluiras with their king Nagnajit, the Salvas, and the Kekayas.J May not the above-mentioned Vana apply not only to the tenth book, but to these five Jcdndas? Since the latter treat specially of the fire-ritual, of the erection of the sacred fire-altars, their possible north- * The fact that this is so clear later times. Besides, his patron Ja- inay easily account for the circutn- naka is mentioned at least in the stance that the Punlnas have here Kaushitaky - Upanishad. [In two for once a statement in conformity sections of the Kaushitaki-, or, with fact, as they cite Yajnavalkya Siiukhiiyana-Arnnyaka, which, how- as the author of the White Yajus. ever, are clearly of very late origin, We may here mention that the name Yajnavalkya himself is actually of Yajnavalkya occurs nowhere else cited (9. 7 and 13. l) ; but these in Vedic literature, which might be passages are themselves direct quo- explained partly by the difference of tations from Satap. Br. xiv. lu the locality, partly by his having edited Gopatha-Br., which shows so many the White Yajus after the text of special points of relationship to the the other Vedas had been fixed ; Satapatha, Ydjnavalkya is never though the latter reason seems in- mentioned.] sufficient, since other teachers of f So do the Sttma-Sutras ; S.in- ' the White Yajus are mentioned fre- dilya is mentioned besides in the quently in later Vedic literature, as, Chhdndogyop. only. for instance, Arimi, Svetaketu, Satya- + The legend concerning these re- kama J.ibala, &c., who are either curs in the Chhdndogyop. his contemporaries, or belong to even BRAHMAN A OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 153 western origin might be explained by the fact that the doctrine upon this subject had, though differing from that of the Persa- Aryans, been kept particularly pure in the north-west owing to the proximity of this latter people.* However this may be, whether the north-western origin of the doctrine of these five kdndas be well founded or other- wise, 142 they at any rate belong, in their present form, to the snme period as (the tenth possibly to a somewhat later period than) the first five kdndas. f On this point the mention of Aruria Aupaves'i, Arum, Svetaketu Aruneya, and of Indradyumna (in the tenth book), as well as the frequent reprehension of the Charakadhvaryus, is decisive. That the various parts of the Brahmana were blended to- gether by one arranging hand 143 is evident in particular from the repeated occurrence of phrases intimating that a subject has already been treated of in an earlier part, or is to be found presented more in detail in a later part. A closer investigation of the various instances where this occurs has not as yet been within my power. The number of deviations in regard to ritual or readings cited in the Brahmana is very great. To these regard is had here and there even in the Samhita itself, two differ- ent mantras being quoted side by side as equally good. Most frequently the citation of such variations in the Brahmana is introduced by the words ity eke, or tad dhuTi ; yet pretty often the names of individual teachers are also mentioned, who must here, in part at least, be looked upon as representing the schools which bear their names. Thus in addition to those already named we have: Ashadha Sdvayasa, Barku ^Varshna, Aupoditeya, Panchi, Takshan, Jivala Chailaki, Asuri, Madhuki, Kahoda Kaushitaki, Var- shnya Satyayajna, Satyayajni, Tandya, Budila AsVatarasVi, * Ought we to bring the Sdkd- 14t The strong censure passed up- yanins into direct connection with on the residents on the seven western the latter? But then what would rivers in ix. 3. I. 24 must be ascribed become of the connection between to this 'arranging hand ;' see 1. St., Sakayanya (in the Maitray;mi-Upa- xiii. 267. That the White Yajus nishad) and the Sitkyas? (!). was arranged iu eastern Hindustdn, 14 - See on this my detailed dis- seems to be proved by the statements cussion in I. St., xiii. 265-269, where in the Pratijnd-Parisishta respecting I call special attention to various the extent of the Madhyades'a ; see differences in point of language be- my essay on the Pratijnd- Sutra, pp. tweeu books i.-v. and vi.-ix. 101, 105. 1 34 VEDIC LITER A TURE. Rama Aupatasvini, Kaukusta, Mahitthi, Mudimbha* Au- danya, Saumapau Manutantavyau, Satyakama Jabala, Sai- lali, &c. Besides the Charakadhvaryus, Bhallaveya in par- ticular is regularly censured, from which I conclude, as already stated (p. 95), that the Bhallavi-Brahmana should be reckoned among those of the Black Yajus. By the "eke," where these are found fault with, we should pro- bably also understand (e.g., once for certain in the lirst kdnda) the adherents of the Black Yajus. Once, however (in the eighth kdnda}, a reading of the Kanva school is quoted by " eke " and disputed. How the matter stands in the Brahmana of the latter as to this passage, whether it finds fault with the reading of the Madhyamdina school, I arn not able to say. A collection of passages of this kind would naturally be of peculiar interest. The legends interspersed in such numbers throughout the Brahmana have a special significance. In some of them the language is extremely antiquated, and it is pro- bable therefore that before their incorporation into it they possessed an independent form. The following deserve special mention from their being treated in detail, viz., the legends of the Deluge and the rescue of Manu; of the emigration of Videgha Mathava Irom the Sarasvati to the Sadanira in the country of the Kosala-Videhas ; of the restoration to youth of Chyavana by the AsVins at the request of his wife Sukanya, the daughter of Saryata Ma- nava ; of the contest between Kadrii and Suparni ; of the love and separation of Puriiravas and Urvasi, and others. Many of them reappear as episodes in the epic, in a metrical garb, and often very much altered. It is obvious that we have here a much more intimate con- nection with the epic than exists in the other Brah- manas. The names Valhika, Janamejaya, and Nagnajit have the most direct reference to the legend of the Maha- Bharkta; as also the names already discussed above in connection with the Samhita, Amba, Ambika, Ambalika, Subhadra, and the use there made of the words arjuna and plialyuna. In any case, we must look for the explanation * Compare the Mutibhas in the M;iii account of improper sacrifice, to specting Janamejaya PaYikshita is the effect that : imam era prati s- found in the Gopatha-Br., ii. 5. muramKurarahKwukshetrdchchyo- U5 See my detailed discussion of sliyanta iti, Saiikh., xv. 16. 12 (and this in /. St., ii. 402-404. K" it came to pass). For the glorifica- * Curtius and Pliny wrote in the tion of the Kauravya king Parikshit first, Arrian and Ptolemy ill the the four verses, &llikh, Sr., xii. 1 7. second century A.D. BRAHMANA OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 13? isted. But this conclusion, although perhaps in itself pro- bable, is at least not certain ;* and even it' it were, it would not prove that the Pandavas were at that time already associated with the legend of the Kurus. And if we have really to assign the arrangement of the Madhyamdina re- cension (see p. 106) to about the time of Megasthenes, it may reasonably be inferred, from the lack of all men- tion of the Pandavas in it, that their association with the Kurus had nut then been established; although, strictly speaking, this conclusion has weight not so much for the period when the arrangement of the work actually took place, as for the time to which the pieces arranged belong. As with the epic legends, so also do we h'nd in the Satapatha- Brahmana several points of contact with the legends of the Buddhists, on the one hand, and with the later tradition concerning the origin of the Samkhya doc- O O * / */ trine, on the other. First, as regards the latter. Asuri, the name of one of its chief authorities, is at the same time the name of a teacher frequently mentioned in the Sitapatha- Brahmana. Again, though only in the Yajnavalkiya-kanda, we have mention of a Kapya Patamchala of the country of the Madras as particularly distinguished by his exertions in the cause of Brahmanical theology ; and in his name we cannot but see a reference to Kapila and Patamjali, the traditional founders of the Samkhya and Yoga systems. As regards the Buddhist legends, the Sakyas of Kapilayastu (whose name may possibly be connected with the Saka- yanins of the tenth kdnda, and the Sdkayanya of the Maitrayana-Upanishad) called themselves Gautamas, a family name which is particularly often represented among the teachers and in the lists of teachers of the Brahmana. It is, moreover, the country of the Kosalas and Videhas that is to be looked, upon as the cradle of Buddhism. Sveta- ketu (son of Arum), one of the teachers most frequently mentioned in the Satapatha-Brahmana, is with^ the Bud- dhists the name of one of the earlier births of Sakyamuni "The incest of Hercules with and Arjuna occur together in Pda, Ila.v5a.ia must certainly be traced iv. 3. 98, cannot be considered as a to the incest of Prajdpati and his proof of their being connected with daughter, so often touched ou iu each other ; see /. St., xiii. 349, ff.] the Brdhmiinas. [That Vdsudeva 133 VEDIC LITERATURE. (see Ind. Stud., ii. 76, note). That the mdyadka of the JSamhita may perhaps also be adduced in this connection is a point that lias already been discussed (pp. in, 112). The words arhant (iii. ,4. I. 3, ff.), framana (Vrih. Ar., iv. I. 22, as well as Taitt. Ar., ii. 7, beside tdpasa), mahdbrdhmana * (Vrih. Ar., ii. I. 19. 22), and pratibuddha, although by no means used in their Buddhistic technical sense, yet indi- cate how this gradually arose. The name Chelaka also iu the Brahmana may possibly have some connection with the peculiarly Buddhistic sense attached to the word chela. Ajata^atru and Brahmadatta,t on the contrary, are probably but namesakes of the two persons designated by the Bud- dhists under these names as contemporaries of Buddha (?). The same probably also applies to the Vatsiputriyas of the Buddhists and the Vatsiputras of the Vrih. Arany. (v. 5. 31), although this form of name, being uncommon, perhaps implies a somewhat closer connection. It is, however, the family of the Katyayanas, Katyayaniputras, which we find represented with special frequency among the Buddhists as well as in the Brahmana (although only in its very latest portions). We find the first mention]; of this name in the person of one of the wives of Yajnavalkya, who is called Katyayani, both in the Madhu-kanda and the Ynjnavalkiya-kanda ; it also appears frequently in the lists of teachers, and almost the whole of the Sutras belong- * Beside mnhdrujn, which is found Keel. St.,v.6i, 63,64. A Ksityii- even earlier, i. 5. 3- 21, ii. 5- 4- 9- yaniputra Jat&karnya is quoted in + With the surname Chaikitdneya tbeSttfikh. Ar., viii. 10. Patamjaliin Vrih. Ar. Mddhy., i. I. 26. In the MahabhrUhya mentions several Maha-BhaYata, xii. 5136, 8603, a K.ityas (I. St., xiii. 399, 407), and Pdilchdlyo rc'ijd named Brahmadatta indeed the vdrttikakdra directly be- is mentioned, who reigned in K.im- longs to this family. In no other pilya. Cliaikitiineya is to be distin- Vedic texts have I found either the guished from Chaikitdyana in the Kntas or the Kiltyas, Kdtydyanas, Clihitndogyopaii., iii. 8. [On a euri- excepting in the^srawnv^section ap- ons coincidence of a legend in the Bended .at the end of the Asvaldyana- A'rihad-Ar. with a Buddhist legend, Srauta-Stitra, xii. 13-15, in which see 7. St., iii. 156, 157-1 the Katas and the patronymic, * Tn the tenth book of the Taitt. Kittya, are mentioned several times. Ar., Kiltyiiyana (instead of ni) is a The Kuru-Katas are cited in the name of Durg.-l ; on this use see /. r/rma ' Garya,' and the family of the St., ii. 192 [xiii. 422]. In the Gana- Katas seems therefore to have been pdtha to Pitnini, Katyayana is want- (specially connected with the Kurus ; ing. [But Kfitydyani is to be gath- see /. St., i. 227, 228.] cred from Panini himself, iv. I. 18 ; SUTRAS OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 139 ing to the White Yajus Lear this name as that of their author. f The Satnpatha-Bnihmana has been commented in the Madhyamdina recension by Harisvamin and Sayana; but their commentaries are so far extant only in a fragmentary form. 140 The Vrihad-Aranyaka has been explained by Dviyeda Gaiiga (of Gujarat) ; and in the Kanva recension by Samkara, to whose commentary a number of other works by his pupils, &c., attach themselves. As yet only the first kdnda, with extracts from the commentaries, has been published, edited by myself. In the course of the next three years, however, the work will be printed in its entirety. 147 The Vrihad-Aranyaka in the Kanva recension has been edited by Poley, and recently by Koer, together with Samkara's commentary and a gloss thereon. 148 I now turn to the Stitras of the White Yajus. The first of these, the Srauta-Stitra of Kdfydyana, consists of twenty-six adhydyas, which on the whole strictly observe the order of the Brahmana. The first eighteen correspond to its first nine kdndas ; the Sautramani is treated of in the nineteenth, the horse sacrifice in the twentieth adhy- dya ; the twenty-first contains the human, universal, and Manes sacrifices. The next three adhydyas refer, as before stated (p. 80), to the ceremonial of the Samaveda, to its several ckdhas, ahinas, and sattras ; yet they rather specify these in the form of lists than present, as the other adhy- dyas do, a clear picture of the whole sacrificial proceedings. The twenty-fifth adhydya treats of the prdyaschittas, or expiatory ceremonies, corresponding to the first part of the twelfth kdnda ; and lastly, the twenty-sixth adhydya con- tains the pravargya sacrifice, corresponding to the first part of the fourteenth kdnda. Only a few teachers are cited by name, and among these are two belonging to authors of Sutras of the Black Yajus, viz., Laugakshi and Bharadvaja; besides whom, only Jatukarnya, Vatsya, Badari, Kdita- 146 And in very bad manuscripts. 148 Roer's translation (1856) in- 147 Thelastfasciculuswaspublished eludes the commentary of the first in 1855. A translation of the first adhydya; he also gives several ex- book, and also of some legends spe- tracts from it in the subsequent cially mentioned above, is printed in chapters. vol. i. of my Indischc Strcifcn (1868). 1 40 VEDIC LIT ERA TURE. kritsni, and Karshnajini are named. We meet with the three last of these elsewhere only 149 in the Yedanta-Sutra of Badarayana, Badari excepted, who appears also in the Mimansa- Sutra of Jaimini. Vatsya is a name which oc- casionally occurs in the Van^as of the Satapatha-Brah- mana ; 15 and the same applies to Jatiikarnya, who appears in the Yans'a of the Madhu- and ^Yajnavalkiya-kandas in the Kanva recension as a pupil of Asurayana and of Yaska. (In the Madhyamdina recension, another teacher inter- venes between the last-named and Jatiikarnya, viz., Bha- radvaja.) He is also mentioned in the Aitareya-Aranyaka, and repeatedly in the Pratilakhya-Sutra of the White Yaj us. Besides these, " eke" are frequently quoted, whereby refer- ence is made to other Sakhas. One passage gives expression to a certain hostility towards the descendants of^the daugh- ter of Atri (the Haleyas, Valeyas, Kaudreyas, Saubhreyas, Ycdmarathyas, Gopavanas) ; while the descendants of Atri himself are held in especial honour. A similar hostility is exhibited in other passages towards the descendants of Kanva, Kas"yapa, and Kautsa; yet these three words, ac- cording to the commentaries, may also be taken as appel- latives, kanva as " deaf," kasyapa as " having black teeth" (sj/dvadanta), and kautsa as " doing blamable things." The first adhy&ya is of peculiar interest, as it gives the paribhdshds, or general rules for the sacrificial ceremonial. Otherwise this work, being entirely based upon the Brah- mana, and therefore in no way an independent production, contains but few data throwing light upon its probable age. Amongst such we may reckon in particular* the circumstance that the word vijaya, " conquest," sc. of the 149 Kitsakritsni appears as a gram- pointing to later times; it belongs marian also; he is possibly even to the same class as agnl = 3, bhA = earlier than Piinini ; see 7. St., xiii. I, &c. [This is wrong; a little be- 398, 413. On a Vedic commentator fore, in xx. 5. 16, mention is made KitsMkritsnn, see above, pp. 42, 91. of 101 manis, and in xx. 7. I we have 15U In addition to this there is simply a reference back to this. We quoted in ix. 5. I. 62 the opinion of might rather cite gdyatrisampannd. a teacher bearing this name ; r a &c., xx. II. 21, ff., in the sense of Viltsa is mentioned in the Aitar. Ar. 24. &c., but there is this material dif- and Sdflkh. Ar. furence from the later use, that it is * The use of mani, xx. 7- r > to \wtgdyatri alone which means 24, but denote 101, may also be instanced as ydyatrisampanna .] SUTRAS OF THE WHITE YAJUS. 141 points of the compass,* is once used in the sense of " the points of the compass " themselves (xx. 4. 26), which evi- dently presupposes the custom of the dig-vijayas probably also poetical descriptions of them (?). The adhydyas relat- ing to the Saman ceremonial (xxii.-xxiv.) are the richest in this kind of data. They treat, for instance, like the Sama-Sutras, of the sacrifices on the Sarasvati, and also of the Vratya-sacrifices, at which we find the Mdfjadhadesiya Irahmabandhu (xxii. 4. 22) occupying the same position as in Latyayana. The Katyayana-Siitra has had many commentators, as Yasoga, 161 Pitribhuti, Karka (quoted by Sayana, and there- fore prior to him 152 ), Bhartriyajna, Sri-Ananta, Devayaj- nika (or Yajnikadeva), and Mahadeva* The works of the three last,f and that of Karka are, however, the only ones that seem to have been preserved. The text, with extracts from these commentaries, will form the third part of my edition of the White Yajus. 153 To this Sutra a multitude * See Lassen, /. AK., i. 542. [According to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, the word in the above passage should only mean ' gain, the thing conquered, booty ; ' but a re- ference to locality is made certain by the parallel passage, I-dty., ix. 10. 17: vijitasya ra madhye yajet (yo yasya deso vijitah sydt, so, tasya m. y.} ; forthedigvijayas, it is true, we do not gain anything by this pas- sage.] 151 This name must be read Ya.so- gopi ; see my edition, Introd., p. vii. 152 A Dltumrdyanasagotra Karkd- dhydpaka occurs in an inscription published by Dowson in Journal R. A. 8., i. 283 (1865), of Sridattaku- salin (Prasantardffa), dated sam. 380 (but of what era?). f [They are, however, incom- plete, in part exceedingly so.] The earliest MS. hitherto known of the rydkhyd of Yajnikadeva is dated samvat 1639. I have given the names of these commentators in the order in which they are cited by one another ; no doubt there were other commentators also preceding Yasoga [Yas"ogopi]. In the Fort William Catalogue, under No. 742, a com- mentary by Mahidhara is mentioned, but I question provisionally the cor- rectness of this statement. [The correct order is : Karka, Pitribhuti, Yasogopi, Bhartriyajna. They are so cited by Ananta, who himself seems to have lived in the first half of the sixteenth century, provided he be really identical with the Sri- Niadanantjlkhyachdturma'syayjtjin, whom' Ndrayana, the author of the Mtihuilaniiirtanda, mentions as his father; see my Catalogue of the Berlin MSS., No. 879. Deva on i. IO. 13 quotes a NaYayanabhjtshya ; might not Ananta's son be its au- thor ?] 153 This pnrt was published 1856- 59 ; Deva's Paddhati to books i.-v. is there given in full, also his com- mentary on book i. ; the extracts from the scholia to books ii.-xi. are likewise taken from Deva's com- mentary: those to books ii.-v. there exhibit, as to style, some differences from the original wording, resulting from abbreviations ; the extracts for books xii.-xxvi. come from the scholium of Karka and from an ano* 142 VEDIC LITERATURE. of Paddhatis (outlines), extracts, and similar works * attach themselves, and also a large number of Pari&shtas (supple- ments), which are all attributed to Katyayana, and have found many commentators. Of these, we must specially draw attention to the Nigama-Pari&shta, a kind of syno- nymic glossary to the White Yajus ; and to the Pravard- dhydyaf an enumeration of the different families of the Brahmans, with a view to the proper selection of the sacri- ficial priests, as well as for the regulation of the inter- marriages forbidden or permissible among them. The Charana-vyuha, an account of the schools belonging to the several Vedas, is of little value. Its statements may for the most part be correct, but it is extremely incomplete, and from beginning to end is evidently quite a modern compilation. 154 The Sutra of Vaijavdpa, to which I occasionally find allusion in the commentaries on the Katiya-Sutra, I am inclined to class among the Sutras of the White Yajus, as I do not meet with' this name anywhere else except in the Vargas of the Satap. Br. Here we have both a Vaijavapa and a Vaijavapayana, both appearing among the most recent members of the lists (in the Kanva recension I find only the latter, and he is here separated by five steps only from Yaska). A Grihya-Sutra of this name is also cited. The Kdtiya Grihya-Sutra^ 5 in three Jcdndas, is attri- buted to Paraskara, from whom a school of the White nyinons epitome (samkskiptasdra) of ff.), contain by far richer material. Deva, the MS. of which dates from If all these schools actually existed samvat 1609. None of these com- but there is certainly a great deal militaries is complete. of mere error and embellishment in * By Gadddhara, Harihararnisra, these statements then, in truth, Kenudikshita, GangaVlhara, &c. lamentably little has been left to us ! t Printed, but unfortunately from 15S See Stenzler's account of its a very bad codex, in my Catalogue contents in Z. D. M. G., vii. (1853). of the Berlin MSS., pp. 54-62. [See and his essay ou the arghdddna I. St., x. 88, ff.] (Filr., i. S^Breslau, 1855). The sec- 154 Edited in /. St., iii. 247-283 tions on marriage ceremonial have (1854); see also Miiller, A, S. L., been published by Haas, /. St., v. p. 368, ff., and Rcijendra Lstla Mitra 283, ff., whilst the sections on the in the preface to his translation of jdtakarman have been edited by the Chhdndogyopanishad, p. 3. The Speijer (1872), together with critical enumerations of the Vedic schools variants (pp. 17-23) to the MS. of in the Vishnn-Purdna, iii. 4, and the whole text which was used by especially in the Vdyu-Purdna, chap. Stenzler. Ix. (see Aufrecnt's Cataloyus, p. 54, SUTRAS OF THE WHITE YAJUS. i.jj Yajus also (according to the Charanavyuha) derived its name. The word Paraskara is used as a samfnd, or proper name but, according to the gana, to denote a district in. tliC: Sutra of Panini ; but I am unable to trace it in Vedic literature. To this Grihya-Sutra there are still ex- tant a Paddhati by Vasudeva, a commentary by Jayarama, and above all a most excellent commentary by Rama- krishna under the title of Samskdra-ganapati, which ranks above all similar works from its abundant quotations and its very detailed and exhaustive handling of the various subjects. In the introduction, which deals with the Veda in general and the Yajurveda in particular, Eamakrishna declares that the Kanva school is the best of those belong- ing to the Yajus. Under the name of Paraskara there exists also a Smriti-Sastra, which is in all probability based upon this Grihya-Sutra. Among the remaining Smriti-Sastras, too, there are a considerable number whose names are connected with those of teachers of the White Yajus; for instance, Yajnavalkya, whose posteriority to Manu quite corresponds to the posteriority of the White Yajus to the Black Yajus and no doubt also to that of the Katiya-Sutra to the Manava-Siitra ; further, Katya- yana (whose work, however, as we saw,^ connects itself with the Sumaveda), Kanva, Gautama, Sandilya, Jabali, and Para^ara. The last two names appear among the schools of the White Yajus specified in the Cliaranavyuha, and we also find members of their families named in the Vaii^as of the Satapatha-Brahmana, where the family of the Parasaras is particularly often represented.* The Prdtisdlchya-Sutra of the White Yajus, as well as its Anukramani, names at its close Katyayana as its author. In the body of the work there is mention, first, of three grammarians, whom we also find cited in the PratiSakhya of the Rik, in Yaska, and in Panini, viz;., Sakatayana, Sakalya, and Gargya ; next, of Kasyapa, likewise men- tioned by Panini; and, lastly, of Dalbhya, Jatukarnya, Saunaka (the author of the Rik-Prati^akhya ?), Aupasivi, * [See /. St., i. 156.] Pilnini, iv. cants. [The Pdrd&arino bkikshavah 3. no (a rule which possibly does are mentioned in the Mahdbhhya not belong to him), attributes to a also, and besides a Kalpa by Puni- PaYasarya a Bhikshu-Stitra, i.e., a sura; see /. St., xiii. 340, 445.] compendium for religious uiendi- 144 VEDIC LITERATURE. Ktinva, and the Madhyamdinas. The distinction in i. I. 1 8, 19 between veda and Widshya, i.e., works in Ikdskd, which corresponds to the use of the latter word in Panini, has already been mentioned (p. 57). The first of the eight adhydyas contains the samjnds and paribhdshds, i.e., technical terms * and general preliminary remarks. The second adhy. treats of the accent; the third, fourth, and fifth of samsktira, i.e., of loss, addition, alteration, and constancy of the letters with reference to the laws of euphony ; the sixth of the accent of the verb in the sen- tence, &c. ; the eighth contains a table of the vowels and consonants, lays down rules on the manner of reading 15 (svddhydya), and gives a division of words corresponding to tli at of Yaska. Here, too, several slokas are quoted re- ferring to the deities of the letters and words, so that I am almost inclined to consider this last adhydya (which is, moreover, strictly speaking, contained in the first) as a v'ater addition. f We have an excellent commentary on this work by TJvatn, who has been repeatedly mentioned, under the title of Mdtrimodaka. 157 The Anukramani of Katyayana contains, in the first place, in the first four adhydyas (down to iv. 9), an index of the authors, deities, and metres of the several sukldni yafunski "White Yajus-formulas" contained in the "Mddh- yamdiniye Vdjasaneyake Yajurvcddmndye sarve [?] salchile sasukriye," which the saint Yajnavalkya received from Vivasvant, the sun-god. For their viniyoya, or liturgical use, we are referred to the Kalpakara. As regards the names of authors here mentioned, there is much to be re- marked. The authors given for the richas usually agree with those assigned to the same verses in the Rig-anukra- mani ; there are, however, many exceptions to this. Very often the particular name appears (as is also the case in * Anion^ them tin, krit, tmliUiita, latiou, with critical introduction and and u]>adlid, terms quite agreeing explanatory notes, in I. St., iv. 65- with Pimini's terminology. 160, 177-331, Goldstiicker in his 158 Rather: 'reciting;' because J'tinini, pp. 186-207, started a spe- here too we must dismiss all idea cial controversy, in which inter alia of writing and reading. he attempts in particular to show . "t In that case the mention of the that the author of tbiswork is iden- Madhyamdmas would go for nothing, tical with the author of the rtlrttikas 167 In connection with my edition to Panini ; see my detailed rejoinder of this Prdtisitkhya, text and trans- in 7. St., v. 91-124. A THAR VA-SAMHITA. 145 the Rig-anukramani) to be borrowed from some word occurring in the verse. In the case where a passage is repeated elsewhere, as very often happens, it is frequently assigned to an author different from the one to whom it had previously been attributed. Many of the Rishis here mentioned do not occur among those of the Rik, and be- long to a later stage than these ; among them are several even of the teachers mentioned in the Satapatha-Brahmana. The closing part of the fourth adhydya* contains the dedication of the verses to be recited at particular cere- monies to their respective Rishis, deities, and metres, to- gether with other similar mystical distributions. Lastly, the fifth adhydya gives a short analysis of the metres which occur. In the excellent^ but unfortunately not alto- gether complete Paddhati of Srihala to this Anukramani we find the liturgical use of each individual verse also given in detail. The Yajus recension of the three works called Vedaiigas, viz., Siksha, Chhandas, and Jyotisha, has already been dis- cussed (p. 60). f We come now to the Atharvaveda. The Samhitd of the Atharvaveda contains in twenty Mndas 158 and thirty-eight prapdthakas nearly 760 hymns and about 6000 verses. Besides the division into prapd- fhakas, another into anuvdkas is given, of which there are * Published together with the into twenty books is attested for the fifth adhydya, and the beginning of period of the author of the vdrttikas, the work, in my edition of the Yaja- and also by the Gopatha-Bra'hmana saneyi - Sarphitd, introduction, pp. i. 8; see I. St., xiii. 433; whereas Iv.-lviii. both the Ath. S. itself (19. 22, 23) t For particulars I refer to my and the Ath. Par. 48. 4-6 still con- Catalogue of the Berlin MSS., pp. tain the direct intimation that it 96-100 [and to my editions, already formerly consisted of sixteen books mentioned, of these three tracts]. only ; see /. St., iv. 432-434. 158 This division of the Ath. S. 1 46 VEDIC LITER A TURE. some ninety. The division into parvans, mentioned in the thirteenth book of the Satapatha-Brahmana, does not ap- pear in the manuscripts ; neither do they state to what school the existing text belongs. As, however, in one of the PariSishtas to be mentioned hereafter (the seventh), the rich as belonging to the -ceremony there in question are quoted as Paippalddd mantrdh, it is at least certain that there was a Samhita belonging to the Paippalada school, and possibly this may be the Samhita now extant. 169 Its contents and principle of division are at present unknown 100 in their details. We only know generally that " it prin- cipally contains formulas intended to protect against the baneful influences of the divine powers,* against diseases and noxious animals ; cursings of enemies, invocations of healing herbs ; together with formulas for all manner of occurrences in every-day life, prayers for protection on journeys, luck in gaming, and the like" f all matters for which analogies enough are to be found in the hymns of the Rik-Samhita. But in the Rik the instances are both less numerous, and, as already remarked in the introduc- tion (p. 11), they are handled in an entirely different manner, although at the same time a not inconsiderable portion of these songs reappears directly in the Rik, par- ticularly in the tenth mandala* As to the ceremonial for which the hymns of the Atharvan were used, what corre.- 159 According to a tract recently riage, xv. of the glorification of published by Kotli, Dcr Atkarvareda Vnitya, xvi., xvii. of certain con- in Kashmir (1875), this ' s n t the jurations, xviii. of burial and the case ; the extant Samhit.' 57), and others. 1. St., xiii. 431-32.] It seems that even in later 164 This explanation of the name, times the claim of the Atharvan to though the traditional one, is yet rank as Vfda was disputed. Yaj- very likely erroneous ; by Bralmia- navalkya (i. 101) mentions the two veda (a name which is first men- eeparately, veddiharva ; though in tioned in the Sdiikh. Grihya, i. 16) another passage (i. 44) the " Athar- we have rather to understand 'the v.ing i rasas " occvir along with Rich, Veda of braltmdni,' of prayers, i.e., Siiman, and Yajus. In Mann's here in the narrower sense of ' in- Code we only once find the srutir cantations.' (St. Petersburg Diet.) 1 50 VEDIC LITER A TURE. a claim which has probably no other foundation than the circumstance, cleverly turned to account, that there was, in fact, no particular Veda for the Brahman, who was bound to know all three, as is expressly required in the Kaiishitaki-Brdhmana (see 1. St., ii. 305). Now the weaker these pretensions are, the more strongly are they put forward in the Atharvan- writings, which indeed display a very great animosity to the other Vedas. To- wards one another, too, they show a hostile enough spirit ; for instance, one of the Parisishtas considers a Bhargava, Paippalada, and Saunaka alone worthy to act as priest to the king,* while a Mauda or Jalada as puroliita would only bring misfortune. The Atharva-Samhita also, it seems, was commented upon by Say ana. Manuscripts of it are comparatively rare on the Continent. Most of them are distinguished by a peculiar mode of accentuation.f A piece of the Samhita of some length has been made known to us in text and translation by Aufrecht (I.St.,i. 121-140); besides this, only some fragments have been published. 105 The Brahmana-stage is but very feebly represented in the Atharvaveda, viz., by the Gopatka-Brdhmana, which, in the manuscript with which I am acquainted (E. I. H., 2 142), comprises a ptirva- and an uitara-poition, each con- taining five prapdthakas; the MS., however,- breaks ofl with the beginning of a sixth (i.e., the eleventh) prapd- h Yajnavalkya (i. 312) also re- Ka-hmlr (1875'). In the Gopatha- quires that Mich an one be well Bnthmana (i. 29), and in Patarpjali's versed atharrdngirase. Mah&bhdshya (see /. St., xiii. 433 ; t Dots ;ire here used instead of although, according to Burnell, ln- lines, and the svarita stands mostly trod, to Vnn.4;i-Brahinann, p. xxii., beside, not above, the aksliara. the South Indian MSS. omit the 163 The whole text has been quotation from the Atharvaveda), edited long since (1855*56) by Roth the beginning of the Sumhitii is given and Whitney. The first two books otherwise than in onr text, as it have been translated by me in /. commences with i. 6, instead of i. I. St., iv. 393-430, and xiii. 129-216, It is similarly given by Bh;ind,irkar, and the nuptial formulas contained Indian Antiquary, in. 132 ; and two in the fourteenth book, together 1V1SS. in Hang's possession actually with a great variety of love charms begin the text in this manner ; see and similar formulas from the re- Hang's Braliman und die Brahma- maining books, ibid., v. 204-266. vr-n, p. 45. Burnell (Introd. to For the criticism of the text see Van^a-Br., p. xxi.) doubts whether Iloth's tracts, L'ebcraghosha), almost * As such, it has been commented literally, against the system of caste on by Samkara under the tMedgama- in general, in the tract of the same idstra. For particulars see /. St., ii. title which is given by Gildemeister, 100-109. [Roer has published the Bibl. S., Praef. p. vi. not. ; see also i6z VEDIC LITERATURE. stating the only correct one to be the perception of the oneness oijiva (the individual soul) and parameSvara (the All-Soul), and lastly, distinctly rejecting all sects, it ex- pounds the two highly important words tat (the Absolute) and tvam (the Objective). The Tripuri treats of the rela- tion of Atman to the world, and stands as fourth prakarana iti a series of seven little Vedanta writings attributed to Samkara. 178 The Sarvopaniskatsdropanishad (3 1 ), in prose, may be considered as a kind of catechism of these doctrines; its purpose is to answer several queries prefixed to it as an introduction. 179 The same is the case with the Nirddam- l)opanishad (32), 180 which, however, exhibits essentially the Yoga standpoint. The Atmopanishad (33), in prose, contains an inquiry by Angiras into the three factors (purushas), the body, the soul, and the All-Soul.* The Prdndgnihotropanishad (34), in prose, points out the rela- tion of the parts and functions of the body to those of the sacrifice, whence by implication it follows that the latter is unnecessary. At its conclusion it promises to him who reads this Upanishad the same reward as he receives who expires in Varanasi, viz., deliverance from transmigra- tion. 181 The ArshiJcopanishad (?35) contains a dialogue on the nature of Atman between Vi^vamitra, Jamadagni, Bharadvaja, Gautama, and Vasishtha, the last of whom, appealing to the opinion of "K'hak" (? another MS. in Anquetil has " Kapl " = Kapila ?), obtains the assent of the others. 182 Burnouf, Introd. a I' Hist, du Buddh. !8 See Riijendra Ldla Mitra, ii. 95. Ind., p. 215. [Text and translation Taylor, Cataloyue of Oriental A1SS. see now in my essay Die Vajrasuchl of t/ie College Fort St. George, ii. 2 ; Tejovindu, ii. Bralimavindu as asktdd.asi Sauna- 62-64; Dhydnavindu, ii. 1-5; Yo- kagranthavistare ; Dhydnavindu as yasikhd [so we ought to read] and vinid (vinsiJ) ; Tejovindu as ekaviii- Yoyatattva, ii. 47-50, [Amritandda, am; Yoga6ik/idn.&granthamndohe(l) is. 23-28; C/iiilikd, ix. IO-2I. All dvdtrinfatitami (probably meant for these Upanishads are now published dvdriiis !) ; Yogatattva as trayovinsd iu the B'Miothcca Indica with Nata- (")] 1 66 VEDIC LIT ERA TV RE. more and more into the foreground. A special charac- teristic of this class are the unmeasured promises usually held out at the close of the work to him who reads and studies it, as also the quotation and veneration of sacred formulas containing the name of the particular deity. First, as regards the Upanishads of the Vishnu-sects, the oldest form under which Vishnu is worshipped in Ndrdyana. We find^ this name for the first time in the second part of the Satapatha-Brahmana, where, however, it is not in any way connected with Vishnu; it rather stands, as at the commencement of Manu and the Vishnu- Purana, in the sense of Brahman (mascul.). This is also the case in the Narayaniyopanishad of the Taittiriya- Aranyaka, and in its Atharvan-recension as Brihannara- yanopanishad, although in the latter he is at least called Ilari, and in one passage brought into direct relation to Viisudeva and Vishnu. It is in the Mahd-Upanishad (62), a prose tract, which* in its first part contains the emanation of the universe from Narayana, and in its second a paraphrase of the principal passage of the Nara- yaniyopanishad, that Narayana first distinctly appears as the representative of Vishnu, since Sulapani (Siva) and Brahman proceed from him, and Vishnu is not mentioned at all. In the Ndrdyanopanishad (64, in prose), 187 on the contrary, Vishnu also emanates from him, exactly as in the Narayana section t of the twelfth book of the Maha-Bha- rata (a book which in other respects also is of special sig- nificance in relation to the Samkhya- and Yoga-doctrines). The sacred formula here taught is : om namo Ndrdyandya. There exists of this Upanishad another, probably a later, recension which forms part of the Atharvasiras to be men- tioned hereafter, and in which Devakiputra Madlmsudana is mentioned as particularly brahmanya, pious, as is also the case in the Atmaprdbodlia-Upanishad (65), which like- * Translated in 7. St., ii. 5-8 [see 187 See also Edjendra L. M. i. 12, also Taylor, ii. 468, Rajendra L. M. 91 (cotiitn. by Sarjikardnanda). i. 25]; besides it there must have -f At the time of the (last?) ar- existed another Mahd-Upan. (63), rangement of the present text of the \vhicliiscitedbytheadherentsofthe Mah.i - Bhdrata, Ndnlyana worship Mddhava sect as a warrant for their must have been particularly flourish- belief in a personal soul of the uni- ing. verse, (vstinct from the soul of man. UPANISHADS OF THE ATH ARYAN. 167 vise celebrates Nardyana as the Supreme Lord; 188 see /. St., ii. 8, 9. He (Narayana) is named, besides, in the same quality in the Garbhopanishad (in a passage re- curring in the Nirukti, xiv.) and in the &akalyopanishad. The second form under which we find Vishnu wor- shipped is Nrisinha: The earliest mention of him hitherto known appears in the Taitt. Ar., x. I. 8 (in the Xardyam- yop.), under the name of Narasinha, and with the epithets vajranakha and tikshnadansht^a. The only Upanishad in which he is worshipped is the Nrisinhatdpan'iyopanishad (in prose). It is relatively of considerable extent, and is also counted as six separate Upanishads (66-71), as it consists of two parts,* the first of which is in turn subdi- vided into five distinct Upanishads. The first part treats of the Anushtubh-formula f sacred. tt) Nrisinha, the man- trardja ndrasinha dnusktubha, with which the most won- drous tricks are played ; wherein we have to recognise the first beginnings of the later Malamantras with their Tan- tra-ceremonial. A great portion of the Mandukyopanishad is incorporated into it, and the existence also of the Athar- vas'ikha is presupposed, as it is directly quoted. The contents of the second part are of a more speculative character; but in respect of mystical trifling it does not yield to the first part. In both, the triad Brahman, Vishnu, and Siva is repeatedly mentioned. As regards language, the expression buddha for the supreme Atman, which occurs (along with nitya, suddka, satya, mukta, &c.) in the second part, is of peculiar interest ; and the expres- sion is still retained in Gaudapada and Samkara; originally it belongs evidently to the Samkhya school (see above, pp. 27, 129). This Upanishad has been interpreted by Gaudapada and Samkara; and in addition to much that is quite modern, it presents a great deal that is ancient. It pro- bably dates from about the fourth century A.D., as at that 188 See also Rtjendra L. M., iii. num jvalantam sarvatomukham \ 36 ; Taylor, ii. 328. nrisinham bhlshanam bhadram * The above-mentioned lists of mrityumrityum namdmy aham, \\ " [ Upanishads in the Chambers collec- worship the terrible, powerful, tion admit a Madhyatdpini also [see mighty Vishnu, the flaming, theom- my Catalogue, p. 95]. nipresent; Nrisinha, the (Irani, tbe f It runs vyram viram mahdviah' holy one, the death of death." 1 68 VEDIC LITERATURE, time the Nrisinha worship flourished on the western coast of India, while otherwise we find no traces of it. 189 The Rdmatdpaniyopanishad (72, 73), in which Rama is worshipped as the Supreme God, shows a great resemblance to the Nrisinhatapam'yop., especially in its second part. This second part, which is in prose, is, properly speaking, nothing but a collection of pieces from the Tarakopanishad, Mandukyopanishad, Jabalopanishad, and Nrisinhopani- shad, naturally with the necessary alterations. Yajna- valkya here appears as the proclaimer of the divine glory of Kama. A London MS. adds at the close, a long passage which is unknown to the commentator Anandavana (a native of the town Kundina). The crowning touch of the sectarian element in this Upanishad ;is found in the cir- cumstance that Kama is implored by Siva (Samkara) him- self to spare those a second birth who die in Manikarnika or in the Gaiiga generally, the two principal seats of the Siva worship. The first part, in ninety-five lokas, contains at the beginning a short sketch of Kama's life, which bears a great similarity to that at the beginning of the Adhyat- maramayana (in the Brahmanda-Purana). The Mantraraja is next taught by the help of a mystical alphabet, speci- ally invented for the purpose.* This Upanishad evidently belongs to the school of Kamanuja, possibly to Kamanuja himself, consequently its earliest date would be the eleventh century A.D. 190 Under the names Vishnu, Purushottama, and Vasudeva, Vishnu is mentioned as the supreme Atman in several 189 See text and translation of this shad (1864); text and Ndray.'a Upanishad in I. St., ix. 53-173 ; and comm. in Bill. Ind. also (1873) ; in specially on the chronological ques- the introductions the two sectionsare tion, pp. 62, 63. la the Bibl. In- called panchatrinsattama and shat- dica also, this Upanishad has been trinsa respectively. The time of published by lldmamaya Tarkaratna composition is probably even later (1870-71), with Samkara' s common- than above supposed. In the first tary (it is, however, doubtful whe- pi-ice, according to Xrisinha's state- tlier the commentary on the second merits in his Smfityarthasdra (see part belongs to Saiukara), together Anfrecht, Catalogus, pp. 285 b , 286"), with tbe small (Ndrasinha) shatchalc- liamdnuja flourished as late as the ropanishad and Ndrayana's comm. twelfth century (take 1049 = A.D. mi it. 1127). But further, the Ramatiipani * The Nitrasinha- and a Va*ra"ha- displaysstillcloserrelationstoRdmd- Mautra are also mentioned. nanda, who is supposed to have lived " See text and translation in my towards the end of the fourteenth essay Die lidmu- Tdpanlija- Vp^nl- century ; see my essay, p. 382. UPANISHADS OF THE ATHARVAN. 169 Upanishads ; * Krishna Devakiputra appears likewise in some of them (the Atmaprabodha and Narayana), not, however, as supreme Atman, but merely, as in the Chhan- dogyop., as a particularly pious sage. It is in the Go- pdlatdpaniyopanislwd (74/75) that we first find him ele- vated to divine dignity. Of this Upanishad, the second part at least, in prose, is known to me.f It treats first of the gopis of Mathura and Vrnja, then it passes to the identification of Mathura with Brahmapura, &c. ; and it belongs without doubt to a very modern period, as it ex- hibits hardly any points of contact with other Upanishads in regard to contents and language. 191 The Gopichandano- panishad (76) also probably belongs to this place : 192 I know it only by name. At the head of the Upanishads belonging to the Siva- sects stands, according to the use that has been made of it, the atarudriya. I have already remarked, however, that this^is nothing but an abuse. In its germs the wor- ship of Siva may be traced even in the later portions of the Yajus.J He appears very prominently as Mahadeva in a portion of the Narayamyopanishad, and here he is already associated with his spouse. The SvetasVataropani- shad also pays homage to him. Among the Atharvo- pariishads the most ancient in this regard is the Kaivalyo- panisliad (77), a mixture of prose and lokas, in which Wiagavdn makddevah himself instructs As"valayana con- cerning his own majesty ; in a similar way he acts as his own herald in the Atharvasiras (78), in prose. The latter * And also, in particular under as shatchatrdrinsati cha ptirnd did the name V.isudeva, in the writings 'tharvapaippale. See an analysis of ascribed to Sarnkara. the second section in Taylor, ii. 472. ( The lists in the Chambers collec- 18:! So also according to Eajen- ti on specify a Gopdlatdpinl.Madhya- dral., i. 20 (comm. by Ndr.), 60; it tdpini, Uttaratdpini, and Brihadut- is specially " a treatise on the merits taratdpiid / of putting on sectarial marks on the 15)1 The text of this Upanishad, forehead 'with an ochrous earth, with Visvesvara's commentary, is called gopichandaiia." printed in the Bill. Indica (1870), J As in the Atharva-Samhitd and edited by Iliirachandra Vidvdbhu- in the Sdnkhdyana-Bruhmana (see Bliana and "Visvandthasastrin. Oc- pp. 45, no). casionally extracts are added from Like Krishna in the Bhagavad- the commentaries by Ndrtlyana and gitd. The Kaivalyopanishad it Jivagosvdmin. According to I'njen- translated /. St., ii. 9-14 ; on Atliar- dral., i. 18, its first section is de- vaiiras see ibid., i. pp. 382-385. scribed in Karayana's introduction [Text of, and two commentaries on, VEDIC LITERATURE. Upanishad has been expounded by Samkara. Under the same title, " head of Atharvan," a name that is also borne by Brahman himself, although in a different relation, there exists a second Upanishad, itself a conglomeration of five different Upanishads referring to the five principal deities, Ganapati (79), Narayana, lludra, Siirya (80), and Devi (Si).* Its Narayana-portion is a later recension of the Narayanopanishad (64, see aboye, p. 166), and the Itudra-portion follows the first chapter of the Atharvas'iras proper. All five have been translated by Vans Kennedy. In the Malia-Bharata (i. 2882), and the Code of Vishnu, where the Atharvasiras is mentioned along with the Blw- rundani sdmdni,a,nd in Vishnu also, where it appears beside the Satarudriya (as the principal means of expiation), the reference probably is to the Upanishad explained by Sam- kara (?). The Eudrop. and Alharvaniya-Rudrop. are known to me only through the Catalogue of the India Office Library. Possibly they are identical with those already named ; I therefore exclude them from my list. The Mrityulangli- anopanisliad (82) t is quite modern, and with it is wor- tbe Kaivalyonanishad printed in Bibl. Jncl., 1874; the first commen- tary is that, of Naraynrri ; the second is described by the editor as that of Samkara, in the colophon as that of Samkanlnanda ; it follows, however, from llaj"ndra Lala Mit.ra's Cata- logue, i. 32, that it is different from tue commentary written by the lat- ter ; and according to the same authority, ii. 247, it is identical rather with that of Vidyaranya. In Xaray.m I's introduction this Upa- nishad is described (exactly like the .Tahiti op. !) as ekachatvdrinsfittaml. Tiie Siras- or Atharvasiraa~Upa.ni- shad is likewise printed in Bibl. Ind. (1872), with Nttrayana's comm., which describes it as rudrddliydyah gaptakhnndah. See also Rajendral., i. 32 (comm. by Samkardnanda), 48.] * Sco I. St.,\\. 53, and Vans Ken- nedy, Researches into the Nature and Affinity of Hindu and Ancient Mytho- l"!/y> P- 44 2 - &c. [Taylor, ii. 469- 471. By Iktjendral., i. 61, a Gu.no,- patyaptirvatdpantyopanishad is men- tioned ; by Biihler, Cat. of MSS. from, Guj., i. 70. a Ganapatiptirvatd- pini and a Gancsatdpini ; and by V^\Q\\\f>rn. Sanskrit MSS. intheSouth- ern Division of tfie Bombay Pres. (1869), p. 14, a Ganapatiptirvatd' pan iyopa n ishad. ] f So \ve have probably to under- stand Anquetil's Amrat Lnnkoul, since he has also another form, Mrat Lankoun ; instead of, id est ' lialitus mortis,' we outrht to read ' salitus mortis.' [See now /. St., ix. 21-23 according to this it is doubtful whe- ther the name ought not to be writ- ten Mrityuldngula(T). An Upanishad named Mfityulanghana is mentioned by Buliler, Cat. of MSS. from Guj., \. 1 20 ; a Mrityuldiiglila, however, appears as 8ad Upanishad in the Catalogue of Pandit Kddhdkrishna'a library. Finally, Burnell, in pub- lishing the text in the Indian Anti- quary, ii. 266, gives the form Afrit- yuldnyala.] UFA NISHA DS OF THE A THAR VA N. 171 tliily associated the Kdldgnirudropanishad (83), 193 in prose, of which there are no less than three different recensions, one of which belongs to the NandikesVara-Upapurana. The Tripuropanishad (84) also appears from its name otherwise it is unknown to me to belong to this divi- sion ; 194 it has been interpreted by Bhatta Bhaskara Mis'ra. The Skandopanishad (85), in fifteen slokas, is also Siva-itic 195 (likewise the Amritanddopanishad). The ado- ration of Siva's spouse, his Sakti, the origin of which may be traced back to the Kenopanishad and the Narayaniyo- panishad, is the subject of the Sundaritdpaniyopanishad (known to me by name only), in five parts (86-90), as well as of the Devi-Upanishad (79), which has already been mentioned. f The Kaulopanishad (91), in prose, also be- longs to a Sakta sectary.'"' Lastly, a few Upanishads (92-95) have to be mentioned, which are known to me only by their names, names which do not enable us to draw any conclusion as to their con- tents, viz., the Pindopanishad, Nilaruhopanishad (Cole- brooke has J^ilarudra), Paingalopanishad, and Darsano- vanishad. 1 6 The Garudopanishad (96), of which I know two totally different texts, celebrates the serpent-destroyer Garuda,t and is not without some antiquarian interest. 193 It treats specially of the tri- saptavinsatipurani, the latter as sho- pundravidhi see Taylor, i. 461 ; dai: it is addressed to Rudra (see liajendr., i. 59; Burnell, p. 6l. also Eajendral., i. 51), and consists ia4 See on it Taylor, ii. 470 ; Bur- only of verses, which closely follow iiell, p. 62. those contained in Vaj. S. xvi. On 195 < Identifies Siva with Vishnu, the Paingalop. and Darsanop., see and teaches the doctrines of the Taylor, ii. 468-471. Advaita school." Taylor, ii. 467 ; t As is done in the Ndr&yaniyo- Burnell, p. 65. panislutd also, and more especially * In the Tejovindu (61) also, in the Suparnddhydya, which is con- Irahman is described as dnava, sdm- sidered to belong to the Rik [edited Ihfira, fdkta. by Elimar Grube, 1875 ; see also 7. 195 The Pindop. and the Nilarud- St., xiv. I, If'. Tne Garudopanishad fop, this is its proper name are is now printed in Bill. Jnd. (1874), now printed in BibL Jnd. (1873), with Ndrdyana's commentary; in with Kardyana's comm. ; the former, the introduction it is described us which treats of the pindas to the chatuschatvdrinsattaml.] pretas, is described by Ndrdyaga as SECOND PERIOD. SANSKRIT LITERATURE. SECOND PERIOD. SANSKRIT LITERATURE. HAVING thus followed the first period of Indian literature, in its several divisions, down to its close, we now turn to its second period, the so-called Sanskrit literature. Here, however, as our time is limited, we cannot enter so much into detail as we have hitherto done, and we must there- fore content ourselves with a general survey. In the case of the Vedic literature, details were especially essential, both because no full account of it had yet been given, and because the various works still lie, for the most part, shut up in the manuscripts ; whereas the Sanskrit literature has already been repeatedly handled, partially at least, and the principal works belonging to it are generally accessible. Our first task, naturally, is to fix the distinction between the second period and the first. This is, in part, one of age, in part, one of subject-matter. The former distinction is marked by the language and by direct data ; the latter by the nature of the subject-matter itself, as well as by the method of treating it. As regards the language, in the first place, in so far as it grounds a distinction in point of age between the two periods of Indian literature, its special characteristics in the second period, although apparently slight, are yet, in reality, so significant that it appropriately furnishes the name for the period ; whereas the earlier one receives its designation from the works composing it. Among the various dialects of the different Indo-Aryan tribes, a greater unity had in the course of time been established after their immigration into India, as the natural result of their intermingling in their new homes, and of 176 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. their combination into larger communities. The gram- matical * study, moreover, which by degrees became neces- sary for the interpretation of the ancient texts, and which grew up in connection therewith, had had the effect of substantially fixing the usage ; so that a generally re- cognised language, known as the bhdshd, had arisen, that, namely, in which the Brahmanas and Sutras are com- posed.f Now the greater the advance made by the study of grammar, the more stringent and precise its precepts and rules became, and all the more difficult it was for those who did not occupy themselves specially therewith to keep in constant accord with grammatical accuracy. The more the language of the grammatically educated gained on the one hand in purity, and in being purged of everything not strictly regular, the more foreign did it become on the other hand to the usage of the majority of the people, who were without grammatical training. In this way a refined language gradually disconnected itself from the vernacular, as more and more the exclusive pro- perty of the higher classes of the people ; J the estrange- * Respecting the vise of the verb vydkri in a grammatical signification, Siiyana in his introduction to the Rik (p. 35. 22 ed. Miiller) adduces a legend from a Brahmana, which represents Indra as the olde.sr, gram- marian. (See Lnssen, I. AK., ii. 475.) [The legend is taken from the TS. vi. 4. 7. 3. All that is there stated, indeed, is that vdch was vi/dkritdby Indra; manifestly, how- ever, the later myths which do actu- ally set up Indra as the oldest gram- marian connect themselves with this passage.] t BhdsJdka-svara in Kiltyayana, Srauta-Sutra, i. 8. 17, is expressly interpreted as brukmann-svara ; see \'dj. Samh. Specimen, ii. 196. 197. [/. St., x. 428-429, 437.] Yaska repeatedly opposes bkds/idydtn and anvadhydyam (i.e., 'in the Veda reading,' ' in the text of the hymns ') to each other ; similarly, the Pniti- &tkhya - Sutras employ the words bkdshd and bkdshya as opposed to chkandas and veda, i.e., samhitd (see above, pp. 57, 103. 144). The way in which the word bltdsfiya is used in the Grihya- Sutra of ^.inkhdyana, namely, in contradistinction toSiitra, shows that its meaning had already l>y this time become essentially mo- dified, and become restricted, pre- cisely as it is in Panini, to the extra- Vedic, r so to say, profane literature. (The Asvahtyana-Grihya gives in- stead of bhdski/a, in the correspond- ing passage, bkdrata - mahdbhdrala- dkarma.) [This is incorrect ; rather, in the passage in question, these words follow the word Uidshya ; see the note on this point at p. 56.] In the same way, in the Nir. xiii. 9, mantra, kalpa, brdhmana, and the vydvahdriki (se. bkds'id) are opposed to each other (and also Rik, Yajus, Sdman, and the vydvahdrikl). i Ought the passage cited in Nir. xiii. 9 from a Brdhmana [cf. Kath. xiv. 5], to the effect that the Brah- man s spoke both tongues, that of the gods as well as that of men, to be taken in this connection ? or has this reference merely to a conception resembling the Homeric one ? SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 177 ment between the two growing more and more marked, as the popular dialect in its turn underwent further develop- ment. This took place mainly under the influence of those aboriginal inhabitants who had been received into the Brahmanic community ; who, it is true, little by little exchanged their own language for that of their conquerors, but not without importing into the latter a large number of new words and of phonetic changes, and, in particular, very materially modifying the pronunciation. This last was all the more necessary, as the numerous accumulations of consonants in the Aryan bhdskd presented exceeding difficulties to the natives; and it was all the easier, as there had evidently prevailed within the language itself from an early period a tendency to clear away these trouble- some encumbrances of speech, a tendency to which, in- deed, the study of grammar imposed a limit, so far as the educated portion of the Aryans was concerned, but which certainly maintained itself, and by the very nature of the case continued to spread amongst the people at large. This tendency was naturally furthered by the native inhabi- tants, particularly as they acquired the language not from those who were conversant with grammar, but from inter- course and association with the general body of the people. In this way there gradually arose new vernaculars, proceed- ing directly from the common bhdshd* and distinguished from it mainly by the assimilation of consonants, and by * And therefore specially so called ceeding in common from.' The term down even to modern tiine.s ; where- directly opposed to it is nut sam- as the grammatically refined bhdshd skrita, but vaikrita ; see, e.g., Ath. afterwards lost this title, and sub- P;iris.49. l,"varndnptin>amvydkhyd- stituted for it the name Samskrita- aydmah prdkritd ye cha vaikritdh."] bhdsJtd, 'the cultivated speech.' The earliest instances as yet known The name Prdkrita-bhdstid, which of the name Samskrit as a designa- was at the same time applied to the tion of the language occur in the popular dialects, is derived from the Mrichhakati (p. 44. 2, ed. Stenzler), word prakriti, 'nature,' 'origin,' and in Vardha-Mihira's Brihat-Sam- and probably describes these as the hitd, 85. 3- The following passages ' natural,' ' original ' continuations also of the Rdmdynna are doubtlesi of the ancient bhdshd: or does prd- to be understood in this sense, viz., Jcrita here signify 'having & prakriti v. 18. 19, 29. 17, 34 (82. 3), vi. 104, or origin,' i.e., 'derived'? [Out of 2. Pdnini is familiar with the word the signification 'original,' 'lying at Samskrita, but does not use it in the root of (prakriti-bhiita), 'un- this sense; though .the Pdniniy.i- modified,' arose that of 'normal,' Sikshd does so employ it (v. 3), in then that of ' ordinary,' ' communis,' contradistinction to prtikrita. ' vulyaris,' and lastly, that of ' pro- M SANSKRIT LITERATURE. the curtailment or loss of terminations. Not unfrequently, however, they present older forms of these than are found in the written language, partly because the latter has rigo- rously eliminated all forms in any way irregular or obso- lete, but partly also, no doubt, from the circumstance that grammar was cultivated principally in the north or north- west of India, and consequently adapted itself specially to the usage there prevailing. And in some respects (e.g., in the instr. plur. of words in a ?) 197 this usage may have attained a more developed phase than appears to have been the case in India Proper,* since the language was not there hampered in its independent growth by any external influence; whereas the Aryans who had passed into India maintained their speech upon the same internal level on which it stood at the time of the immigration,^ how- 197 This example is not quite per- tinent, as the instr. plur. in -dis is of very ancient date, being reflected not only in Zend, but also in Sla- vonic and Lithuanian ; see Bopp, Veryl. Gram., i. I56 3 (i59 3 ). * The difference in usage between the Eastern and Western forms of speech is once touched upon in the Hrdhmana of the White Yajus, where it is said that the Vahikas style Agni Bhava, while the Prdch- yas, on the contrary, call him Sana. Yaska (ii. 2) opposes the Kambojas (the Persa- Aryans?) to the Ary as (the Indo- Aryans?), statingthat the latter, for instance, possess derivatives only of the root su, whereas the Kam- bojas possess it also as a verb. (Grammarians of the Kambojas are hardly to be thought of here, as I'otli, Zur Lit., p. 67, supposes.) Yaska further opposes the Prachyas and the Udichyas, and the same is done by Panini. According to the Hrahinana, the Udichyas were most conversant with grammar [see 7. Sf., i. 153, ii. 309, 310, xiii. 363, ff. Utirnell's identification of the Kam- bojas here, and in the other earlk-r passages where thev are mentioned, with Cambodia in Farther India, see his Elements of South. Indian Pa/ceo- 'jraphy, pp. 31, 32, 94, is clearly a mistake. For the time of the Pali Abhidha'nappadipika' (v. Childers, Pali Diet.) this identification may perhaps be correct ; but the older Pali texts, and even the inscriptions of Piyadasi (e.g., most, distinctly the facsimile of the Khalsi inscription in Cunningham's Arck&ological Sur- vey, i. 247, pi. xli., line 7), intro- duce the Kambojas in connection with the Yavanas ; and this of itself determines that the two belonged geographically to the same region in the north-west of India; see I. Str., ii. 321. In addition to this we have the name Kabujiya = T\.a./jLt3i>(Tr)s, and therewith all the various references to this latter name, which point to a very wide ramification of it throughout, Ir4n ; see 7. S:r., ii. 493. To Farther India the name Kamboja evidently found its way only in later times, like the names Ayodhyd, Indra- prastha, IraVati, Champd ; though it certainly remains strange that this lot should have fallen precisely to it. Perhaps causes connected with Buddhism may have helped to bring this about. See on this point the Jenaer Litcraturzeitung, 1875. p. 418 ; Indian Antiquary, iv. 244.] t Much as the Germans did, who in the middle ages emigrated ta Trangvlvania. SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 179 ever considerable were the external modifications which, it underwent. The second period of Indian literature, then, commences with the epoch when the separation of the language of the educated classes of the written language from the popular dialects was an accomplished fact. It is in the former alone that the literature is presented to us. Xot till after the lapse of time did the vernaculars also in their turn produce literatures of their own, in the first instance under the influence of the Buddhist religion, which ad- dressed itself to the people as such, and whose scriptures and records, therefore, were originally, as for the most part they still are, composed in the popular idiom. The epoch in question cannot at present be precisely determined ; yet we may with reasonable certainty infer the existence of the written language also, at a time when we are in a position to point to the existence of popular dialects ; and with respect to these we possess historical evidence of a rare order, in those rock-inscriptions, of identical purport, which have been discovered at Girnar in the Gujarat peninsula, at Dhauli in Orissa, and at Kapur di Giri 198 in Kabul. J. Prinsep, who was the first to decipher them, and Lassen, refer them to the time of the Buddhist king Asoka, who reigned from B.C. 259; but, according to the most recent investigations on the subject by Wilson, in the "Journal of the Hoy al Asiatic Society," xii., 1850 (p. 95 of the separate impression) they were engraved " at some period subsequent to B.C. 205," * and are are still, there- fore, of uncertain date. However this question may be settled, it in any case results with tolerable certainty 198 This name ou^ht probably to * And tbat not much later ; asia be written Kapardigiri? See my vouched for by the names of the paper on the Satrurpjaya Mdhcitmya, Greek kings therein mentioned p. llS. In these inscriptions, more- Alexander, Antigonus, Magas, Pto- over, we have a text, similar in pur- lerny, Antiochus. These cannot, it port, presented to us in three distinct is true, be regarded as conternpora- dialects. See further on this subject neous with the inscriptions; but Burnout's admirable discussion of their notoriety in India can hardly these inscriptions in his Lotus de la have been of such lorg duration bonne Loi, p. 652, ff. (1852) ; /. St., that the inscriptions can have been iii. 467, ff. (1855) ; and Kern, De Ge- composed long after their time. See denkxtukken van Aioka den Buddhist Wilson, I. c. (1873, particularly p. 32 ff., 45 ff). i So SANSKRIT LITER A TURE. that these popular dialects were in existence in the third century B.C. But this is by no means to be set down as the limit for the commencement of their growth ; on the contrary, the form in which they are presented to us suffi- ciently shows that a very considerable period must have elapsed since their separation from the ancient bhdshd. This separation must therefore have taken place compara- tively early, and indeed we find allusions to these vernacu- lars here and there in the Brahma nas themselves.* The direct data, attesting the posteriority of the second period of Indian literature, consist in these facts : first, that its opening phases everywhere presuppose the Vedic period as entirely closed ; next, that its oldest portions are regularly based upon the Vedic literature ; and, lastly, that the relations of life have now all arrived at a stage of de- velopment of which, in the first period, we can only trace the germs and beginning. Thus, in particular, divine wor- ship is now centred on a triad of divinities, Brahman, Vishnu, and Siva; the two latter of whom, again, in course of time, have the supremacy severally allotted to them, under various forms, according to the different sects that grew up for this purpose. It is by no means implied that individual portions of the earlier period may not run on into the later ; on the contrary, I have frequently endea- voured in the preceding pages to show that such is the case. For the rest, the connection between the two periods is, on the whole, somewhat loose : it is closest as regards those branches of literature which had already attained a definite stage of progress in the first period, and which merely continued to develop further in the second, Grammar, namely, and Philosophy. In regard to thoso branches, on the contrary, which are a more independent 8 Tints in the second part of the mans are warned against such forms Aitarcya-Brdhiflanatha Sydpnrnas, a of speech; " tasmdd brdkmano na clan (?) of the western Salvas, are mlcchhet." I mny remark here in mentioned as " putdyai vdrlio vadi- passing that M. Muller, in his edi- tdrcih," 'speaking a filthy tongue-;' tion of the Rik, in Sayana's intro- and in the Pauchavinsa-BriihinnnM, duction, p. 36. 21, erroneously the Vnityas are found fault with writes hclayo as one word: it stands for their debased language. The for he'layo, theAsura corruption A suras are similar!}' censured in the of the battle-cry he 'rayo (arayo) : Satapatha-Brdhmana (iii. 2. i. 24), according to the 6atapatha-Bra'h- K'here, at the same time, the Brah- rnana, it even took the form he 'lavo. SANSKRIT LITER A TURE. i S r growth of the second period, the difficulty of connecting them with the earlier age is very great. We have here a distinct gap which it is altogether impossible to fill up. The reason of this lies simply in the fact, that owing to the difficulty of preserving literary works, the fortunate successor almost always wholly supplanted the predecessor it surpassed : the latter thus became superfluous, and was consequently put aside, no longer committed to memory, no longer copied. In all these branches therefore unless some other influence has supervened we are in possession only of those master- works in which each attained its cul- minating point, and which in later times served as the classical models upon which the modern literature was formed, itself more or less destitute of native productive energy. This fact has been already adduced as having proved equally fatal in the case of the more ancient JBrah- inana literature, &c. ; there, much to the same extent as here, it exercised its lamentable, though natural influence. In the Vedie literature also, that is to say, in its Sakhas, we iind the best analogy for another kindred point, namely, that some of the principal works of this period are extant in several generally two recensions. J>ut along with this a further circumstance has to be noted, which, in con- sequence of the great care expended upon the sacred lite- rature, has comparatively slight application to it, namely, that the mutual relation of the manuscripts is of itself such as to render any certain restoration of an original text for the most part hopeless. It is only in cases where ancient commentaries exist that the text is in some degree certain, for the time at least to which these commentaries belong. This is evidently owing to the fact that these works were originally preserved by oral tradition; their consignment to writing only took place later, and possibly in different localities at the same time, so that discrepancies of all sorts were inevitable. But besides these variations there are many alterations and additions which are obviously of a wholly arbitrary nature, partly made intentionally, and partly due to the mistakes of transcribers. In reference to this latter point, in particular, the fact must not be lost sight of that, in consequence of the destructive influ- ence of the climate, copies had to be renewed very fre- quently. As a rule, the more ancient Indian manuscripts i$2 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. are only from three to four hundred years old ; hardly any will be found to date more than five hundred years back. 1 * 1 Little or nothing, therefore, can here be effected by means of so-called diplomatic criticism. We cannot even depend upon a text as it appears in quotations, such quotations being generally made from memory, a practice which, of course, unavoidably entails mistakes and alterations. The distinction in point of subject-matter between the first and second periods consists mainly in the circum- stance that in the former the various subjects are only handled in their details, and almost solely in their relation to the sacrifice, whereas in the latter they are discussed in their general relations. In short, it is not so much a prac- tical, as rather a scientific, a poetical, and artistic want that is here satisfied. The difference in the form under which the two periods present themselves is in keeping with this. In the former, a simple and compact prose had gradually been developed, but in the latter this form is abandoned, and a rhythmic one adopted in its stead, which is employed exclusively, even for strictly scientific exposition. The only exception to this occurs in the grammatical and phi- losophical Sutras ; and these again are characterised by a form of expression so condensed and technical that it can- not fittingly be termed prose. Apart from this, we have only fragments of prose, occurring in stories which are now and then found cited in the great epic ; and further, in the fable literature and in the drama; but they are uniformly interwoven with rhythmical portions. It is only in the Buddhist legends that a prose style has been retained, the ' 1 ~ Regarding the age, manner MSS. in Eiihler's possession, the of preparation, material, and condi- Ava.syaka-S6.tra, dated Samrat 1189 tion of text of Indian MS*., see Raj. (A.D. 1132), is annexed to the above- Litla Mitra's excellent report, dated mentioned report : " it is the oldest 1 5th February 1875, o;i tue searches Sanskrit MS. that has come to no- instituted by him in native libraries tice," Raj. L. Mitra, Notices, iii. 68 down to the end of the previous (18/4). But a letter from Dr. Rost year, which is appended to No. IX. (igth October 1875) intimates that of his Notices of Sanskrit MSS. in one of the Sanskrit MSS. that Quite recently some Devandgarl have lately arrived in Cambridge MSS. of Jaiua texts, written on from Nepal, he has read the date broad palm-leaves, have been dis- 128 of the Nep;ll era, i.e., A.D. 1008. covered by Blihler, which date two Further confirmation of this, of centuries earlier than any previously course, still remains to be given, known. A facsimile of one of these EPIC POETRY. 183 language of which, however, is a very peculiar one, and is, moreover, restricted to a definite field. In fact, as the re- sult of this neglect, prose-writing was completely arrested in the course of its development, and declined altogether. Anything more clumsy than the prose of the later Indian romances, and of the Indian commentaries, can hardly be ; and the same may be said of the prose of the inscriptions. This point must not be left out of view, when we now proceed to speak of a classification of the Sanskrit litera- ture into works of Poetry, works of Science and Art, and works relating to Law, Custom, and Worship. All alike appear in a poetic form, and by ' Poetry ' accordingly in this classification we understand merely what is usually styled belles-lettres, though certainly with an important modification of this sense. For while, upon the one hand, the poetic form has been extended to all branches of the literature, upon the other, as a set-off to this, a good deal of practical prose has entered into the poetry itself, im- parting to it the character of poetry ' with a purpose/ Of the epic poetry this is especially true. It lias long been customary to place the Epic Poetry at the head of Sanskrit literature; and -to this custom we here conform, although its existing monuments cannot justly pretend to pass as more ancient than, for example, Panini's grammar, or the law-book which bears the name of Manu. We have to divide the epic poetry into two distinct groups : the Itihdsa-Purdnas and the Kdvyas. We have already more than once met with the name Itihasa- Purana in the later Brahmanas, namely, in the second part of the Satapatha-Brahmana, in the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, and in the Chhandogyopanishad. We have seen that the commentators uniformly understand these expressions to apply to the legendary passages in the Brahmanas them- selves, and not to separate works ; and also that, from a passage in the thirteenth book of the Satapatha-Brahmana, it results with tolerable certainty that distinct w r orks of this description cannot then have existed, inasmuch as the division into parvans, which is usual in the extant writings of this class, is there expressly attributed to other works, and is not employed in reference to these Itihasa-Puranas themselves. On the other hand, in the Sarpa-vidya (' ser- pent-knowledge ') and the Devajana-vidya (' genealogies of 1 84 SANSKRIT LITER A TURE. the gods ') to which, in the passage in question, the dis- tribution into parvans, that is to say, existence in a distinct form, is expressly assigned we have in all probability to recognise mythological accounts, which from their nature might very well be regarded as precursors of the epic. We have likewise already specified as forerunners of the epic poetry, those myths and legends which are found in- terspersed throughout the Brahmanas, here and there, too, in rhythmic form,* or which lived on elsewhere in the tradition regarding the origin of the songs of the Rile. Indeed, a few short prose legends of this sort have been actually preserved here and there in the epic itself. The Gathas also stanzas in the Brahmanas, extolling indivi- dual deeds of prowess have already been cited in the like connection : they were sung to the accompaniment of the lute, and were composed in honour either of the prince of the day or of the pious kings of old (see /. St., L 187). As regards the extant epic the Mahd-Bhdrata specially, we have already pointed out the mention in the Taittirfya- Aranyaka, of Vyasa Paras'arya 199 and VaisSampayana, 200 who are given in the poem itself as its original authors ; and we have also remarked (p. 143) that the family of the * As, for instance, the story of cial relation to the transmission of Hari.4chandra in the second part of the Yujur-Veda. By 1'anini, it is the Aitareya-Brdhmana. true (iv. 3. 104), he is simply cited 199 Vydsa Pdrdsarya is likewise generally as a Vedic teacher, but the mentioned in the vansa of the Sdrna- Mahdbhdshya, commenting on this vidhdua-Brdhraana, as the disciple of passage, describes him as the teacher Vishvaksena, and preceptor of Jai- of Katha and Kaldpin. In the Gal- mini ; see /. St., iv. 377. The Ma- cutta Scholium, again, we find fur- hdbhdshya. again, not only contains ther particulars (from what source? frequent allusions to the legend of cf.Tardndtha on Siddh.Kaum., 1.590), the Malui- Bliarata, and even metri- according to which (see /. St., xiii. cr-.l quotations that connect them- 440) nine Vedic schools, and among pelves with it, but it also contains them two belonging to the Sduia- the name of Suka Vaiydsaki ; and Veda, trace their origin to him. In from this it is clear that there was the Rig-Griliya he is evidently re- then already extant a poetical ver- garded (see above, pp. 157, 58), after sion of the Mahd-Bhdrata story ; see the manner of the Vislinu-Purdna, /. St., xiii. 357- Among the prior ns the special representative of the births of Buddha is one (No. 436 Yajur-Veda ; and so he appears in in Westergaard's Cataloyus, p. 40), the Anukr. of the Atreyi school, at bearing the name Kanha-Dipdyana, the head of its list of teachers, spe- i.e., Krishna-Dvaipdyana ! ciaily as tlie preceptor of Ydska - w Vaisampdyana appears else- P;iiugi. where frequently, but always in ape- THE MAHA-BHARATA. 185 Paras"aras is represented with especial frequency in the vansas of the White Yajus.* We also find repeated allu- sions in the Brahmanas to a Naimishiya sacrifice, and, on the authority of the Maha-Bharata itself, it was at such a sacrifice that the second recitation of the epic took place in presence of a Sauriaka. But, as has likewise been remarked above [pp. 34, 45], these two sacrifices must be kept distinct, and indeed there is no mention in the Brahmanas of a Sau- naka as participating in the former. Nay, several such sacri- fices may have taken place in the Naimisha forest [see p. 34] ; or it is possible even that the statement as to the recitation in question may have no more foundation than the desire to give a peculiar consecration to the work. For it is utterly absurd to suppose that Vyasa Paras"arya and Vai- sampayana teachers mentioned for the first time in the Taittiriya-Aranyaka could have been anterior to the sac- rifice referred to in the Brahmanas. The mention of the " Bharata " and of the " Maha-Bharata " itself in the Grihya-Sutras of Asvalayana [and Sankhayana] we have characterised [p. 58] as an interpolation or else an indica- tion that these Sutras are of very late date. In Panini the word "Maha- Bharata" does indeed occur; not, how- ever, as denoting the epic of this name, but as an appel- lative to designate any individual of special distinction among the Bharatas, like Maha-Jabala,-Hailihila (see /. St., ii. 73). Still, we do find names mentioned in Panini which belong specially to the story of the Maha-Bharata namely, Yudhishthira, Hastinapura, Vasudeva, Arjuna,-f- Andhaka- Vrishnayas, Drona (?) ; so that the legend must in any case have been current in his day, possibly even in a poetical shape ; however surprising it may be that the name Pandu I is never mentioned by him. The earliest direct * This renders Lassen's reference Mahd-Bhdrata and in the works rest- (T. AK.,\. 629) of the name PaYa- ing upon it. Yet the Buddhists Barya to the astronomer or chrono- mention a mountain tribe of Pandi- lojier Parasara, highly questionable, vas, as alike the foes of the Stfkyaa f A worshipper of Vasudeva, or (I.e., the Kosalas) and of the in- of, Arjuna, is styled ' Vasudevaka,' habitants of U'jayini; see Schief- 'Arjunaka.' Or is Arjuna here still ner, Leben des dkyamuni, pp. 4,40 a name of Indra ? [From the con- (in the latter passage they appear to text he is to be understood as a be connected with Taksha4il;i?), and, Kshatriya ; see on this, /. St., xiii. further, Lassen, /. AK., ii. 100, ff. ; 349, ff. ; Ind. Antiq. iv. 246.] Foucaux, Rgya Cher Rol Pa, pp, + This name only occurs in the 228, 229 (25, 26). 1 86 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. evidence of the existence of an epic, with the contents of the Maha-Bharata, comes to us from the rhetor Dion Chrysostom, who nourished in the second half of the first century A.D. ; and it appears fairly probable that the infor- mation in question was then quite new, and was derived from mariners who had penetrated as far as the extreme south of India, as I have pointed out in the Indischc Studien, ii. 161-165.* Since Megasthenes says nothing of this epic, it is not an improbable hypothesis that its origin is to be placed in the interval between his time and that of Clnysostom; for what ignorant-}- sailors took note of would hardly have escaped his observation ; more espe- cially if what he narrates of Herakles and his daughter Pandaia has reference really to Krishna and his sister, the wife of Arjuna, if, that is to say, the Pandu legend was already actually current in his time. With respect to this latter legend, which forms the subject of the Maha-Bharata, we have already remarked, that although there occur, in the Yajus especially, various names and particulars having an intimate connection with it, yet on the other hand these are presented to us in essentially different relations. Thus the Kuru-Panchalas in particular, whose internecine feud is deemed by Lassen to be the leading and central feature of the Maha-Bharata, appear in the Yajus on the most friendly and peaceful footing: Arjuna again, the chief hero of ,the Pandus, is still, in the Vajasaneyi-Sam- aita and the Satapatha-Brahmana, a name of Indra : J and lastly, Janamejaya Parikshita, who in the Maha-Bharata *s the great-grandson of Arjuna, appears, in the last part of the Satapatha-Brahmana, to be still fresh in the me- .nory of the people, with the rise and downfall of himself and his house. I have also already expressed the con- jecture that it is perhaps in the deeds and downfall of this Janamejaya that we have to look for the original plot * It is not, however, necessary to ( J In the thirteenth book of the suppose, as I did, I. c., that they Satapatha - Brdhrnana, Indra also brought this intelligence from the bears the name Dharma, which in south of India itself : they might the Malui-Bhdrata is especially as- have picked it up at some other part sociated with Yudhishthira him- of their voyage. self, though only in the forma f That they were so appears from dkarma-rdja, dharma-putra, &c. their statement as to the Great Bear, I.e. THE MAHA-BHARATA. 187 of the story of the Maha-Bharata ; * and, on the other hand, that, as in the epics of other nations, and notably in the Persian Epos, so too in the Maha-Bharata, the myths relating to the gods became linked with the popu- lar legend. But so completely have the two been inter- woven that the unravelling of the respective elements must ever remain an impossibility. One thing, however, is clearly discernible in the Maha-Bharata, that it has as its basis a war waged on the soil of Hindustan between Aryan tribes, and therefore belonging probably to a time when their settlement in India, and the subjugation and brahmanisation of the native inhabitants, had already been accomplished. But what it was that gave rise to the con- flict whether disputes as to territory, or it may be reli- gious dissensions cannot now be determined. Of the Maha-Bharata in its extant form, only about one-fourth (some 20,000 slokas or so) relates to this conflict and the myths that have been associated witli it; 201 while the elements composing the remaining three-fourths do not belong to it at all, and have only the loosest possible con- nection therewith, as well as with each other. These later additions are of two kinds. Some are of an epic character, and are due to the endeavour to unite here, as in a single focus, all the ancient legends it was possible to muster, and amongst them, as a matter of fact, are not a few that are tolerably antique even in respect of form. Others are of purely didactic import, and have been inserted with the view of imparting to the military caste, for which the work was mainly intended, all possible instruction as to its duties, arid especially as to the reverence due to the priesthood. Even at the portion which is recognisable as the original basis that relating to the war many genera- tions must have laboured before the text attained to an approximately settled shape. It is noteworthy that it is precisely in this part that repeated allusion is made to the Yavanas, Sakas, Pahlavas, 201 * and other peoples ; and that * Which of cmirse stands in glar- to the work (i. 8l) the express inti- ing contradiction to the statement mation is still preserved that it that the Mahit-Bhilrata was recited previously consisted of SSoo slokas in his presence. only. - 101 And even of this, two-thirds S01a In connection with the word will have to be sifted out as not Pahlara, Th. Noldeke, in a com- oriciual. since in the introduction iiiuuication. dated 3d November 1 83 SANSKRIT LITERA TURK. these, moreover, appear as taking an actual part in the conflict a circumstance which necessarily presupposes that at the time when these passages were written, colli- sions with the Greeks, &c., had already happened. 202 But as to the period when the final redaction of the entire work in its present shape took place, no approach even to a direct conjecture is in the meantime possible; 203 but at any rate, it must have been some centuries after the com- mencement of our era.* An interesting discovery has 1875, mentions a point which, if confirmed, will prove of the highest importance for determining the date of composition of the Mahd-Bharata and of the RdinaVana (see my Essay on it, pp. 22, 25), as well as of Manu (see x. 44). According to this, there exists considerable doubt whether the word Pahlav, which is the basis of Paldava, and which Olshausen (v. sup., p. 4, note) regards as having arisen out of the name of the Par- thavas, Parthians, can have origi- nated earlier than the first century A.D. This weakening of th to h is not found, in the case of the word Mithra, for example, before the commencement of our era (in the MIIPO on the coins of the Indo- Scythians, Lassen, /. AK., ii. 837, and in Meherdates in Tacitus). As the name of a people, the word Pahlav became early foreign to the Persians, learned reminiscences ex- cepted : in the Pahlavi texts them- selves, for instance, it does not occur. The period when it passed over to the Indians, therefore, would have to be fixed for about the 2d 4th century A.D. ; and we should have to understand by it, not directly the Persians, who are called Para- fiikas, rather, but specially the Arsa- cidan Parthians. 403 Of especial interest in this con- nection is the statement in ii. 578, 579, where the Yavana prince Blia- iradatta (Apollodotus (?), according to von Gutschmid's conjecture ; reg. after B.C. 160) appears as sove- reign of Maru (Marwar) and Naraka, on ruling. Varuna like, the west, and as the old friend of Yudhi- shthira's father ; see /. St., v. 152. In the name of the Yavana prince Kaserumant, we appear to have a reflex of the title of the Roman Caesars ; see Ind. Skiz., pp. 88, 91 ; cf. L. Peer on the Kexari-ndma- simftrdmah of the Avaddna-Sataka in the Stances de I'Acad. des Inscr. (1871), up. 47, 56, 60. 2o3 \Vi tu regard to the existence, so early as the time of the Mahdbhd- shya, of a poetical version of the Mahd-BhaYata legend, see /. St., xiii. 356 ff. "Still this does not in the smallest degree prove the existence of the work in a form at all resembling the shape in which we now have it ; and as the final result, we do not advance materially beyond the passage in Dion Chry- sostotn (7. St., ii. 161 ff.), relating to the * Indian Homer.' For the statements of the Greek writer themselves evidently date from an earlier time ; and although not necessarily derived, as Lassen sup- poses,from Megasthenes himself,yet they at any rate take us back to a period pretty nearly coincident with that of the Bhdshya." * We have a most significant illustration of the gradual growth of the Malui-BhaVata in an episode commented upon by Samkara, which by the time of Nilakantha (i.e., in the course of 6 or 7 centuries) had become expanded by a whole chapter of 47 ttokas ; see my Catul. of the Sanskrit MSS. in the Berlin Lib. t P. 1 08. THE MAHA-BHARATA. recently been made in the island of Bali, near Java, of the Kavi translation of several parvans of the Maha-Bharata. which in extent appear to vary considerably from their Indian form. 204 A special comparison of the two would not be without importance for the criticism of the Maha- Bharata. For the rest, in consequence of the utter medley it presents of passages of widely different dates, the Work, in general, is only to be used with extreme caution. It has been published at Calcutta, 205 together with the Hari- vansa, a poem which passes as a supplement to it.* Respecting the Jaimini-Bhdrata, which is ascribed, not to Vyasa and Vaisampayana, but to Jaimini, we have as yet no very precise information : the one book of it with which I am acquainted is wholly different from the cor- responding book of the ordinary Maha-Bharata.-f- 204 See the observations, following R. Friederick's account, in /. St., ii. 136 * 205 1834-39 in four vols.; recently also at Bombay (1863) with the commentary of Kilakantha. Hip- polyte Fauche's incomplete French translation (1863-72, ten vols.) can only pass for a translation in a very qualified sense ; see as to this 7. Str., ii. 410 ff. Individual portions of the \\ork have been frequently handled : e.g., Pavie has translated nine pieces (Paris, 1844) andFoucaux eleven (Paris, 1862). Bopp, it is well known, early made the finest episodes accessible, beginning with the Nala (London, 1819), whereby lie at the same time laid the founda- tion of Sanskrit philology in Europe. For the criticism of the Maha- Bhdrata, the ground was broken and important results achieved by Lassen in his Indische Altcrthums- kunde (vol. i. 1847). For the con- tents of the work, see Monier Wil- liams's Indian Epic Poetry (1863), and Indian Wisdom (1875). * In Albiruni's time, the nth century, it passed as a leading autho- rity; see Journ. Asiat. , Aug. 1844, p. 130. [Subandhu, author of the Vdsavadattd, had it before him, in the 7th century ; see 7. Sir., i. 380. A French translation by A. Langlow appeared in 1834.] t See my Cotal. of the Sanskrit MSS. in theerl. Lib., pp. in-ii8 : according to Wilson (Mack. Coll., ii. I), this book would appear to be the only one in existence ; see also Weigla in Z. D. M. G., ii. 278. [This book, the Asvamedliikam jarra, was printed at Bombay in 1863; ac- cording to its concluding statements as they appear in this tdition, Jaimini's work eml raced the entire epos; but up to the present, apart from this 1 3th book, nothing further is known of it ; see as to this my p;iper in the Monatsbericlite derJBerl. Acad., 1869, p. IO ff. A Kandrese transition of this book is assigned to the beginning of the I3th century (ibid., pp. 13, 35) ; quite recently, however, by Kittel, in his Preface to Nagavarma's Prosody, pp. vi. Ixxi., it has been relegated to the middle of the i8th (!) century. The peculiar colouring of the Krishna sect, which pervades the whole book, is noteworthy ; Christian legendary matter and other Western influences are unmistakably present; Monatsb., 1. c., p. 37 ff. A good part of the con- tents has been communicated by IQO SA NSKRfT LtTERA TURE. Side by side with the Itihasa we find the Purdna men- tioned in the Brahmanas, as the designation of those cosmogonic inquiries which occur there so frequently, and which relate to the ' agra' or 'beginning' of things. When in course of time distinct works bearing this name arose, the signification of the term was extended ; and these works came to comprehend also the history of the created world, and of the families of its gods and heroes, as well as the doctrine of its various dissolutions and renovations in accordance with the theory of the mundane periods (yugas). As a rule, five such topics are given as forming their subject (see Lassen, /. AK., i. 479), whence the epi- thet Pancha-lalcsliana, which is cited in Amara's lexicon as a synonym of Purana. These works have perished, and those that have come down to us in their stead under the name of Puranas are the productions of a later time, and belong all of them to the last thousand years or so. They are written (cf. Lassen, /. c.) in^the interests of, and for the purpose of recommending, the Siva and Vishnu sects ; and not one of them corresponds exactly, a few correspond slightly, and others do not correspond at all, with the de- scription of the ancient Puranas preserved to us in the Scholiasts of Amara, and also here and there in the works themselves. " For the old narratives, which are in part abridged, in part omitted altogether, have been substituted theological and philosophical doctrines, ritual and ascetic precepts, and especially legends recommending a particular divinity or certain shrines" (Lassen, /. AK., i. 481). Yet they have unquestionably preserved much of the matter of these older works ; and accordingly it is not uncommon to meet with lengthy passages, similarly worded, in several of them at the same time. Generally speaking, as regards the traditions of primitive times, they closely follow the Mahd-Bharata as their authority; but they likewise ad- vert, though uniformly in a prophetic tone, to the historic Tal boys Wheeler in his History of the title Bdla-hdrata, in 44 ar- India, vol. i. (1867), where, too, gas of 6550 anushtubh verses, there is a general sketch of the and which appeared in the Benarea contents of the Malid- BhaVata it- Pandit (1869 ff.), edited by Vechana self ; see /. Sir., ii. 392. It remains lldmasdstrin. This work belongs further to mention the re-cast of probably to the nth century, sea the Mahd-Bhdrata by the Jaina Z. D. M. G., xxvii. 170. Amarachandra, which is extant under PURANAS RAMA YANA. 191 lines of kings. Here, however, they come into the most violent conflict, not only with each other, but with chro- nology in general, so that their historical value in this respect is extremely small. Their number is considerable, amounting to eighteen, and is doubled if we reckon the so-called Upapurdnas, in which the epic character has been thrust still more into the background, while the ritual element has come quite to the front. Up to this time only one single Purana, the Bhagavata-Purana, has been pub- lished the greater part of it at least edited [and trans- lated] by Burnouf : but of the others we have excellent notices in Wilson's translation of the Vishnu- Purana. 246 As the second group of Epic Poetry we designated the Kdvyas, which are ascribed to certain definite poets (kavis) ; whereas the Itihasas and Puranas are attributed to a my- thical personage, Vyasa, who is simply Aiavicevii (Redac- tion) personified.* At the head of these poems stands the Rdmdyana of Valmiki, whose name we found cited among the teachers of the Taittiriya-Prati^akhya.-}- In respect of language, this work is closely related to the war-portion of the Maha-Bharata, although in individual cases, where the poet displays his full elegance, it bears plainly enough on its surface, in rhyme and metre, the traces of a later date. In 208 As also in the separate analy- appearing in the same series (begun sesof various Puranas, now collected 1870; caps. 1-214 thus far). An in vol. i. of Wilson's Essays on San- impression of the Kalki- Purana, ap- stcrit Literature (ed. Host, 1864). peared at Calcutta in 1873; and Above all, we have hereto mention, lithographed editions of the Liiiga- further, the minute accounts given Purana (1858) and of portions of the of the Puranas by Anfrecht in his Padma, Skanda, Garuda, Brahma- Catal. Cod. Sansc. Bibl. Bodl., pp. vaivarta, and other Purdnas have ap- 7-87. The Vishnu- Purana has been peared at Bombay ; see /. Str., ii. recently published at Bombay, with 245 ff., 301 ff. the commentary of Ratnagarbha- * The words kavi, in the sense of bhatta (1867) ; Wilson's translation 'singer, poet,' and kdvya, in that of of it has been repnblishud, edited by ' song, poem,' are repeatedly used in Fitzedward Hall in five vols. (1864- the Veda, but without any technical 1870), with material additions and application ; see Vdjas. Samh. Spec., corrections. There are now also ii. 187 \trayi vai vidyd kdvyarn several editions of the BhdgaHatd.- chhandas, ^at., viii. 5. 2. 4]. Purdna ; amongst them, one with f Whether by this name we have the comm. of Sridharasva'min (Bom- to understand the same person is of bay, 1860). The Mdrkande,i/a-Pu- course not certain, but considering rdnn has been edited in the Bibl. the singularity of the name, it is at Indicaliy K. M. Banerjea (1855- least not improbable. 1802) ; and the Agni-Purdna is now 192 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. regard to contents, on the contrary, the difference between it and this portion of the Maha-Bharata is an important one. In the latter human interest everywhere preponder- ates, and a number of well-defined personages are intro- duced, to whom the possibility of historical existence cannot be denied, and who were only at a later stage asso- ciated with the myths about the gods. But in the Rama- yana we find ourselves from the very outset in the region of allegory ; and we only move upon historical ground in so far as the allegory is applied to an historical fact, namely, to the spread of Aryan civilisation towards the south, more especially to Ceylon. The characters are not real historic figures, but merely personifications of certain occurrences and situations. Sita, in the first place, whose abduction by a giant demon, and subsequent recovery by her husband Rama, constitute the plot of the entire poem, is but the field-furrow, to which we find divine honours paid in the songs of the Rik, and still more in the Grihya ritual. She accordingly represents Aryan husbandry, which has to be protected by Rama whom I regard as originally identical with Balarama "halabhrit," "the plough-bearer," though the two were afterwards separated against the attacks of the predatory aborigines. These latter appear as demons and giants ; whereas those natives who were well disposed towards the Aryan civilisation are represented as monkeys, a comparison which was doubt- less not exactly intended to be flattering, and which rests on the striking ugliness of the Indian aborigines as com- pared with the Aryan race. Now this allegorical form of t he Ramayana certainly indicates, a priori, that this poem is later than the war-part of the Maha-Bharata; and we might fairly assume, further, that the historical events upon which the two works are respectively based stand to each other in a similar relation. For the colonisation of Southern India could hardly begin until the settlement of Hindustan by the Aryans had been completed, and the feuds that arose there had been fought out. It is not, however, altogether necessary to suppose the latter ; and the warfare at least which forms the basis of the Maha-Bharata might have been waged concurrently with expeditions of other Aryan tribes to the south. Whether it was really the Ko- salas, as whose chief Rama appears in the Ramayana, who THE RAM AY AN A. 193 effected the colonisation of the south,* as stated in the poem ; or whether the poet merely was a Ko^ala, who claimed this honour for his people and royal house, is a point upon which it is not yet possible to form a judg- ment. He actually represents Sita as the daughter of Janaka, king of the Videhas, a tribe contiguous to the KosSalas, and renowned for his piety. The scanty know- ledge of South India displayed in the Bamayana has been urged as proving its antiquity ; since in the Maha-Bharata this region appears as far more advanced in civilisa- tion, and as enjoying ample direct communication with the rest of India. But in this circumstance I can only see evidence of one of two things : either that the poet did not possess the best geographical knowledge ; whereas many generations have worked at the Maha-Bharata, and made it their aim to magnify the importance of the conflict by grouping round it as many elements as possible : or else and this is the point I would particularly empha- sise that the poet rightly apprehended and performed the task he had set himself, and so did not mix up later con- ditions, although familiar to him, with the earlier state of things. The whole plan of the Ramayana favours the assumption that we have here to do with the work, the poetical creation, of one man. Considering the extent of the work, which now numbers some 24,000 slokas, this is saying a great deal ; and before epic poetry could have attained to such a degree of perfection, it must already have passed through many phases of development.-]- Still, * It was by them also byBhagira- compass. The term Chanardta still tha, namely that, according to the remains unintelligible to me ; see Rdmayana, the mouths of the Gan- /. St., i. 153. (For the rest, as ges were discovered. Properly, they stated by the Calcutta scholiast, were the Eastern rather than the this rule, vi. 2. 103, is not interpreted Southern foreposts of the Aryans. in the Bhdshya of Patamjali ; it f- Of these phases we have pro- may possibly therefore not be Pd- bably traces in the granthah Sisu- nini's at all, but posterior to the time Icrandlyah [to this Goldstiicker in of Patamjali.) The word grantha his Pdnini, p. 28, takes exception, may have reference either to the doubtless correctly ; see /. St., v. outward fastening (like the German 27], Yamasabhiyah, Indrajanatnyah, Heft, Band] or to the inner compo- mentioned by Pdnini, iv. 3. 88 ; and sition : which of the two we have in the Akhydnas and Chdnardtas, to sitppose remains still undecided, which, according to Pdnini, vi. 2. 103, but I am inclined to pronounce for are to be variously designated ac- the former. [See above pp. 15, 99, cording to the different points of the 165.] N 1 94 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. it is by no means implied that the poem was of these dimensions from the first : here, too, many parts are cer- tainly later additions ; for example, all those portions in which Kama is represented as an incarnation of Vishnu, all the episodes in the first book, the whole of the seventh book, &c. The poem was originally handed down orally, and was not fixed in writing until afterwards, precisely like the Maha-Bharata. But here we encounter the further peculiar circumstance which has not yet been shown to apply, in the same way at all events, to the latter work namely, that the text has come down to us in several distinct recensions, which, while they agree for the most part as to contents, yet either follow a different arrange- ment, or else vary throughout, and often materially, in the expression. This is hardly to be explained save on the theory that this fixing of the text in writing took place independently in different localities. We possess a com- plete edition of the text by G. Gorresio, containing the so-called Bengali recension, and also two earlier editions which break off with the second book, the one published at Serampore by Carey and Marshman, the other at Bonn by A. W. von Schlegel. The manuscripts of the Berlin library contain, it would seem, a fourth recension.* * See my Catalogue of these MSS., in its earliest shape in Buddhist p. 119. [Two complete editions of legends, underwent in the hands of the text, with llama's Commentary, Vdhniki, rest upon an acquaintance have since appeared in India, the with the conceptions of the Trojan one at Calcutta in 1859-60, the cycle of legend ; and I have like- other at Bombay in 1859; respecting wise endeavoured to determine more the latter, see my notice in /. Str. , accurately the position of the work ii. 235-245. Gorresio's edition was in literary history. The conclusion completed by the appearance in 1867 there arrived at is, that the date of the text, and in 1870 of the trans- of its composition is to be placed lation, of the Uttara-lcdnda. Hip- towards the commencement of the polyte Fauche's French translation Christian era, and at all events in follows Gorresio's text, whereas an epoch when the operation of Griffith's metrical English version Greek influence upon India had (Benares, 1870-74, in 5 vols. ) fol- already set in. This elicited a re- lows the Bombay edition. In my joinder from Kashinath Trimbak Ees;iy, Ucbcr das Rdmiiyanam, 1870 Telang (1873), entitled, Was the (an English translation of which* ap- Pdmdyana, copied from Homer; as peared in the Indian Antiquary for to which see Ind. Ant., ii. 209, /. 1872, also separately at Bombay in St., xiii. 336, 480. The same writer 1873), I have attempted to show afterwards, in the Ind. Ant., iii. that the modifications which the 124, 267, pointed out a half Hloka story of Kama, as known to us which occurs in the Yud.dha-lcdnda, THE ARTIFICIAL EPIC. 195 Between the Ramayana and the remaining Kavyas there exists a gap similar to that between the Maha-Bharata and the extant Puranas. Towards filling up this blank we might perhaps employ the titles of the Kavyas found in the Kavi language in the island of Bali, 207 most of which certainly come from Sanskrit originals. In any case, the emigration of Hindus to Java, whence they subsequently passed over to Bali, must have taken place at a time when the Kavya literature was particularly nourishing ; other- wise we could not well explain the peculiar use they have made of the terms Jcavi and kdvya. Of the surviving Kavyas, the most independent in character, and on that account ranking next to the Bamayana passably pure, too, in respect of form are two works * bearing the name of Kalidasa, namely, the Eagliu-vau$a and the Kumdra- sambliava (both extant in Kavi also). The other Kavyas, on the contrary, uniformly follow, as regards their subject, the Maha-Bharata or the Ptarnayana; and they are also plainly enough distinguished from the two just mentioned by their language and form of exposition. This latter abandons more and more the epic domain and passes into the erotic, lyrical, or didactic-descriptive field ; while the language is more and more overlaid with turgid bombast, and also twice in Patamjali's Mabd- ' They have been edited by bhdshya. But the verse contains a Stenzler, text with translation [and mere general reflection (eti jivantam repeatedly in India since, with or dnando naram varsJiafatdd api), and without the commentary of Malli- need not therefore have been de- ruttba. To the seven books of the rived from the Rdnidyana. In it- Kumara-sarnbhava, which were the self, consequently, it proves nothing only ones previously known, ten as to the priority of the poem to others have recently been added ; Patarnjali, and this all the less, as it on the critical questions connected is expressly cited by Vttlmiki himself with these, see, e.g., Z. D. M. G., merely as a quotation. On this and xxvii. 174-182 (1873). From the some other kindred points see my astrological data contained in both letter in the Ind. Ant., iv. 247 ff. works, H. Jacobi has shown, in the (1875).] Monatsber. der Birl. Acad., 1873, P 207 See Friederich, I. c., I. St., ii. 556, that the date of their com- 1396". The numerous traces which position cannot be placed earlier are contained in Patamjali's Maha"- than about the middle of the 4th bhdshya of epic or narrative poems century A. D. The Raghu-vansa was then actually extant, and which ap- most probably composed in honour pear in that work as direct quota- of a Bhoja prince ; see my Essay on tions therefrom, take us back to a the P.dm. Trip.* Up., p. 279, /. Str., far earlier time ; see 7. St., xiii. i. 312]. 463 ff. SANSKRIT LITERATURE. until at length, in its latest phases, this artificial epic re- solves itself into a wretched jingle of words. A pretended elegance of form, and the performance of difficult tricks and feats of expression, constitute the main aim of the poet ; while the subject has become a purely subordinate consideration, and merely serves as the material which enables him to display his expertness in manipulating tho language. 208 Next to the epic, as the second phase in the develop- ment of Sanskrit poetry, cornes the Drama, The name for it is A"dtaka, and the player is styled Nata, literally ' dancer.' Etymology thus points us to the fact that the drama has developed out of dancing, which was probably accompanied, at first, with music and song only, but in course of time also with pantomimic representations, pro- cessions, and dialogue. We find dancing repeatedly men- tioned in the songs of the Rik (e.g., in i. 10. i, 92. 4, &c.), but with special frequency in the Atharva-Samhita and the Yajus,* though everywhere still under the root-form 208 Six of these artificial epics are specially entitled Mahdkdvyas. These are, in addition to the Jtaghu- vansa and Kumara - sambhava : (1) the Bhatti-lcdvi/a, in 22 saryas, composed in Valabhi under king Sri-l)harasena (xxii. 35), in the 6th or 7th cent, therefore ; it deals with the story of Rdtna, and is written with a special reference to grammar : (2) the Mdyha-kdvya or Sisapdla- badha of Mdgha, the son of Dattaka, in 22 sargas (Suprabhadeva, grand- father of the poet, is described as the minister of a king Sri-Dhartna- nahha), and (3) the Kirdtdrjrtniya of Bhiiravi,in 18 sargas, both prior to Hahiyudha (end of the loth cent.), see 7. St., viii. 193, 105, 196 : (4) the Naishad/dya of Sri- Harsha, in 22 sargas, of the 1 2th cent, (see Biihler in the Journal Jlombay Br. JR. A. S., x. 35). The RdijJtavapdndai'lya, of Kaviraja, in any case later than the loth cent, (see /. Sir., i. 371), enjoys a his^h esteem ; it handles, in the self-same words, at once the ftory of the llitmayana and that of the Maha'-Bha'rata, and, like the Nal<* daya, in 4 sargas, which is even ascribed to K^liddsa (edited so long ago as 1830 by Ferd. Benary), is one of the most characteristically artificial pieces of this class of poetry. All these works have been frequently published in India, and to them are to be added many other similar productions. The Prdkrit poem Setu-bandha or Rd- vann-badha, which relates to the story of Kama, and is reputed to be by Kalidasa, also merits special mention here. Of this Paul Gold- schmidt has already published two chapters (Gottingen, 1873) '> andSieg- fried Goldschmidt is engaged on an edition of the entire text. * Withvariouskindsof musical ac- companiment, according to the Vaj. Samh. xxx., where we meet with quite a number of musicians and dancers, as well as with the name Sailiisha itself, which, at a later time, at all events, belongs specially to actors; see 7. Sir., i. 76, 83. According to the scholium on Kitty., xxii. 4. 3, by those " vrdtyayanasya THE DRAMA. 197 nrit. The prakritized form nat occurs for the first time in Panini, who, besides, informs us of the existence of dis- tinct Nata-sutras,* or manuals for the use of natas, one of which was attributed to Silalin, and another to Kri^asVa, their adherents being styled Sailalinas and Kris"asvinas respectively. The former of these names finds an ana- logue, at least, in the patronymic Sailali, which occurs in the thirteenth kdnda of the Satapatha-Brahmana ; and it may also, perhaps, be connected with the words Saihisha and Ku6ilava, both of which denote ' actor ' (?).-(- The latter name, on the contrary, is a very surprising one in this connection, being otherwise only known to us as the name of one of the old heroes who belong in common to the Hindus and the Parsis.J Beyond this allusion we have no vestige of either of these works. Panini further cites the word ndtyam in the sense of ' natdndm dharma dmndyo vd.' In both cases, we have probably to under- stand by the term the art of dancing, and not dramatic art. It has been uniformly held hitherto that the Indian drama arose, after the manner of our modern drama in the Middle Ages, out of religious solemnities and spectacles (so-called 'mysteries'), and also that dancing originally subserved religious purposes. But in support of this latter assumption, I have not met with one single instance in the Srauta- or Grihya-Sutras with which I am acquainted (though of the latter, I confess, 1 have only a very super- ye sampddayeynh," as tbe text has corrupt, loose morals of those so it, we have to understand specially designated ; ; and the same must teachers of dancing, music, and apply to Sildla, if this be a cog- singing. " In the man who dances nate word. The derivation from and sings, women take delight," Kus'a and Lava, the two sons of Sat., iii. 2. 4. 6. Raina, at the beginning of the * The two rules in question, iv. Rdmayana, has manifestly been in- 3. IIO, III, according to the Cal- vented in order to escape the odium cutta scholiast, are not explained in of the name ' ku-&lava,' the Bhashya of Patamjali ; possibly, J Ought we here to understand therefore, they may not be Panini's the name literally, as, perhaps, a at all, but posterior _to the time of kind of mocking epithet to express Patamjali. [The Sailalino natdh poverty, with at the same time, are mentioned in theBhdshya to iv. possibly, a direct ironical reference 2. 66; in the Anupada-sutra, the to the renowned Krisa^va of old ?? ai/dlinah are cited as a ritual iv. 3. 129 : this rule, also, is not school ; see /. St., xiii. 429.] explained in the Bhdshya; perhaps + These terms are probably de- therefore it is not Piinini's, but rived from sila, and refer to the later than Patamjali. 198 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. ficial knowledge). 209 The religions significance of dancing is thus, for the older period at least, still questionable ; and since it is from dancing that the drama has evidently sprung, the original connection of the latter with religious solemnities and spectacles becomes doubtful also. Besides, there is the fact that it is precisely the most ancient dramas that draw their subjects from civil life ; while the most modern, on the contrary, almost exclusively serve religious purposes. Thus the contrary, rather, would seem to be the case, namely, that the employment of dancing * and of the drama at religious solemnities was only the growth of a later age. 210 This does not imply, however, that dancing was excluded from those great- sacrificial festivals which were now and then celebrated by princes ; but only that it did not itself constitute part of the sacred rite or reli- gious ceremony, and could only, and did only, find a place in the intervals. The name applied to the stage-manager in the dramas themselves, ' Siitra-dhara,' is referred, and no 209 Even now I am acquainted with but little from these sources bearing on this point. Amongst other things, at the pitrimedha we find dancing, music, and song, which represent ; the three forms of silpa or art (Siifikh. Br. 29. 5), prescribed for the whole day, Kitty., 21. 3. ii. But a Sndtaka might not participate in any such performance, either actively or passively, Pdr. ii. 7. On the day preceding the departure of a bride, four or eight married women (un- widowed) performed a dance in her house, Sdnkh. Gri. i. II. It is known in the Megha-duta, v. 3=5, 36. aio Through the unexpected light shed by the Mahdbhdshya of Patam- jali on the then flourishing condi- tion of theatrical representation, this question has recently taken a form very favourable to the view of which Lassen is the principal ex- ponent, and which regards the drama as having originated in re- ligious spectacles resembling our mysteries. The particulars there given regarding the performance of a Kansavadha and Valibandha by so- called aubhikas (comp. perhaps the saubhikas in HdraVali, 15 1> though these are explained as indrajdlikas, 'jugglers,' of. sob/ia, sobhanagaraka, I. St., iii. 153) lead us directly to this conclusion ; see 7. St., xiii. 354, 487 ff. " But between the dramatic representations known in the Bha"- shya, which bear more or less the character of religious festival-plays, and the earliest real dramas that have actually come down to us, we must of course suppose a very con- siderable interval of time, during which the drama gradually rose to the degree of perfection exhibited in these extant pieces ; and here I am still disposed to assign a certain influence to the witnessing of Greek plays. The Indian drama, after having acquitted itself brilliantly in the most varied fields notably too as a drama of civil life finally re- verted in its closing phases to essen- tially the same class of subjects with which it had started to representa- tions from the story of the gods." Ibid., pp. 491, 492. THE DRAMA. 199 doubt rightly, to the original sense of ' (measuring) line- holder,' 'carpenter;'* since it appears to have been one of the duties of the architect at these sacrificial celebrations, over arid above the erection of the buildings for the recep- tion of those taking part in the sacrifice, likewise to con- duct the various arrangements that were to serve for their amusement. (See Lassen, /. AK., ii. 503.) Whether the natas and nartaJcas mentioned on such occasions are to be understood as dancers or actors, is at least doubtful; but in the absence of any distinct indication that the latter are intended, I hold in the meantime to the etymological sig- nification of the word ; and it is only where the two appear together (e.g., in Bamay. i. 12. 7 Gorr.) that nata has cer- tainly to be taken in the sense of ' actor.' Buddhist legend seems, indeed, in one instance in the story of the life of Maudgalyayana and Upatishya, two disciples of Buddha to refer to the representation of dramas in the presence of these individuals.-}- But here a question at once arises as to the age of the work in which this reference occurs ; this is the main point to be settled before we can base any conclusion upon it. Lassen, it is true, says that " in the oldest Buddhistic writings the witnessing of plays is spoken of as something usual ; " but the sole authority he adduces is the passage from the Dulva indicated in the note. The Dulva, however, that is, the Vinaya-Pitaka, cannot, as is well known, be classed amongst the " oldest Buddhistic writings ; " it contains pieces of widely different dates, in part, too, of extremely questionable antiquity. In the Lalita-Vistara, apropos of the testing of Buddha in the * And therefore has probably their mutual addresses after the nothing to do with the Nata-sutras shows are over." By 'spectacle' mentioned above ? For another ap- must we here necessarily understand plication of the word by the Bud- ' dramatic spectacle, drama ' ? ? dhists, see Lassen, /. AK., ii. 81. [Precisely the same thing applies to Of a marionette theatre, at all the word vistika, which properly events, we must not think, though only signifies 'merrymaking' in the the Javanese puppet-shows might Suttas of the Southern Buddhists, tempt us to do so. where the witnessing of such ex- j- Csoma Korosi, who gives an hibitions (vMka-dassana) is men- account of this in As. Reg. xx. 50, tioned among the reproaches direct- uses these phrases : " They meet on ed by Bhagavant against the worldly the occasion of a festival at Raja- ways of the Brahmans ; see Bur- griha : . . . their behaviour during nouf, Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 465 ; the several exhibitions of tpcciaclet 1. St., iii. 152-154.] 23 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. various arts and sciences (Foucaux, p. 1 50), ndtya must, undoubtedly, be taken in the sense of ' mimetic art ' and so Foucaux translates it; but this does not suppose the existence of distinct dramas. The date, moreover, of this particular work is by no means to be regarded as settled ; and, in any case, for the time of Buddha himself, this examination-legend carries no weight whatever. With respect, now, to the surviving dramas, it has hitherto been usual to follow what is supposed to be the tradition, and to assign the most ancient of them, the Mrichhakati and Kalidasa's pieces, to the first century B.C.; while the pieces next following those of Bhavabhiiti belong to a time so late as the eighth century A.D. Be- tween Kalidasa and Bhavabhiiti there would thus be a gap of some eight or nine centuries a period from which, according to this view, not one single work of this class has come down to us. Now this is in itself in the highest degree improbable ; and were it so, then surely at the very least there ought to be discernible in the dramas of the younger epoch a very different spirit, a very different man- ner of treatment, from that exhibited in their predecessors of an age eight or nine hundred years earlier.* But this is by no means the case ; and thus we are compelled at once to reject this pretended tradition, and to refer those soi-disant older pieces to pretty much the same period as those of Bhavabhiiti. Moreover, when we come to examine the matter more closely, we find that, so far as Kalidasa is concerned, Indian tradition does not really furnish any ground whatever for the view hitherto accepted : we only find that the tradition has been radically misused. The tradition is to the effect that Kalidasa lived at the court of Vikranuiditya, and it is contained in a memorial verse which says that Dhanvantari, Kshapanaka, Amarasinha, Saiiku, Vetalabhatta, Ghatakarpara, Kalidasa, Varahami- hira, and Vararuchi f were the 'nine gems' of Vikrama's * I have here copied Holtzmann's krama-charitra (Journ. Asiat. Mai, words, referring to Amara, in his 1844, p. 356). [This recension excellent little treatise, Ucber den ascribed to Vararuchi of the SiA- i/ricchischen Urspruny dcs indiscJun hasana-dvdtrinsikd is actually ex- Thierkreiscs, Karlsruhe, 1841, p. 26. tant ; see Aufrecht, Cat. of Sansk. f This is obviously the Vriracha M SS. Libr. Trin. Coll. Camb., p. II, who is mentioned by the Hindustani and Westerc;anrd, Catal. Codd. Or. chronicler as the author of the Vi- Bibl. llc 39. directly assigns an in- in a particular inscription, and what Kcription dated Samv. 5 to the year date consequently the inscription S.c; 52 : Dowson, too, has recently bears.] 204 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. the other two. 211 And this view is further favoured by the circumstance, that in the introduction to this play Dhavaka, Saumilla, and Kaviputra are named as the poet's predecessors ; Dhavaka being the name ,of a poet who nourished contemporaneously with king Sri-Harsha of Kashmir, that is, according to Wilson, towards the beginning of the twelfth century A.D. 212 There may, it is 211 In the introduction to my translation of this drama, the Md- lavikdgnimitra, I have specially ex- amined not only the question of its genuineness, but also that of the date of Kaliddsa. The result ar- rived at is, in the first place, that this drama also really belongs to him. and in this view Shaukar Pandit, in his edition of the play (Bombay, 1869), concurs. As to the second point, internal evidence, partly derived from the language, partly connected with the phase of civilisation presented to us, leads me to assign the composition of Kttliddsa's three dramas to a period from the second to the fourth cen- tury of our era, the period of the Gupta princes, Chandragupta, &c., "whose reigns correspond best to the legendary tradition of the glory of Vikrama, and may perhaps b^ gathered up in it in one single focus." Lassen has expressed himself to essentially the same effect (/. AK., ii. 457, 1158-1160) ; see also /. St., ii. 148, 415-417. Kern, however, with special reference to t.he tradi- tion which regards Kdlidasa and Vardha-Mihira as contemporaries, has, in his preface to Vardha's Brihat-Samhita", p. 2O, declared himself in favour of referring the ' nine gems ' to the first half of the sixth century A.U. Lastly, on the ground of the astrological data in the KumaVa-sambhava and llaghu- vana, Jacobi comes to the con- clusion (Monatsber. dcr Btrl. A cad., 1873, p. 556) that the author of these two poems cannot have lived before about A.D. 350 ; but here, of course, the preliminary question remains whether he is to be identi- fied with the dramatist. Shankar Pandit, in Triibner's Am. and Or. Lit. Rec., 1875, special No., p. 35, assumes this, and fixes Kalidasa'.s date as at all events prior to the middle of the eighth century. For a definite chronological detail which is perhaps furnished by the Megha- duta, see note 219 below. By the Southern Buddhists Kdliddsa is placed in the sixth century ; Knighton, Hist, of Ceylon, 105 j Z. D. M. an( l for his own. Miiller, A. S. L., p. 331, dispute 214 In a prophetic chapter of the the conclusions drawn from the Skanda-Purdna, for instance, he is occurrence of the word ndnaka, but placed in the year Kali 3290 (i.e., I cannot be persuaded of the cogency A.D. 180), but at the same time only of their objections.] twenty years before the Naudas 206 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. made of their heroes in the Mrichhakati, already have been favourite reading at the time when it was composed ; while, on the other hand, from the absence of allusion to the chief figures of the present Puranas, we may perhaps infer with Wilson that these works were not yet in existence. This latter inference, however, is in so far doubtful as the legends dealt with in these younger Puranas were probably, to a large extent, already contained in the older works of the same name.* The two remain- ing dramas of Bhavabhuti, and the whole herd of the later dramatic literature, relate to the heroic tradition of the Iidmayana and Maha-Bharata, or else to the history of Krishna ; and the later the pieces are, the more do they resemble the so-called 'mysteries' of the Middle Ages. The comedies, which, together with a few other pieces, move in the sphere of civil life, form of course an excep- tion to this. A peculiar class of dramas are the philo- sophical ones, in which abstractions and systems appear as the dramatis personcc. One very special peculiarity of the Hindu drama is that women, and persons of inferior rank, station, or caste, are introduced as speaking, not in Sanskrit, but in the popular dialects. This feature is of great importance 216 for the criticism of the individual pieces ; the conclusions resulting from it have already been ad- verted to in the course of the discussion. * Besides, the slaying of Sumbha certainly to a later stage. Ought and Nisumbba by Devi, which forms the Sudraka who is mentioned in the subject of the Devi-Mdhdtmya, this work, p. 118, ed. Wilson, to be v.-x., in the Mdrk;ind.-Purdna, is identified, perhaps, with the reputed referred to in the Mrichhakati, p. author of the Mrichhakati? 1 05. 22 (ed. Stenzler). Whether, t'6/cZ. 215 For example, from the rela- 104.18, Karataka is to be referred tion in which the Prdkrit of the to the jackal of this name in the several existing recensions of the Paiichatantra is uncertain. At Sakuntald stands to the rules of page 126.9 Stenzler reads yallakka, the Prdkrit grammarian Vararuchi, but Wilson (Hindu Theatre, i. 134) Pischel has drawn special arguments reads mallctka, and considers it not in support of the view advocated by impossible that by it we have to him in conjunction with Stenzler, understand the Arabic mdlik! In that of these recensions the Bengdli regard to the state of manners de- one is the most ancient; see Kuhn'a picted, the Mrichhakati is closely Bcitruge zur vergl. Sprachforsch., related to the Dasa - kumdra, al- viii. 129 ff. (1874), and my observa- though the latter work, written in tions on the subject in /. St., xiv. the eleventh century [rather in the 35 ff. eixth, Bee below, p. 213], belongs POSSIBLE GREEK INFLUENCE ON DRAMA. 207 From the foregoing exposition it appears that the drama meets us in an already finished form, and with its best pro- ductions. In almost all the prologues, too, the several works are represented as new, in contradistinction to the pieces of former poets ; but of these pieces, that is, of the early beginnings of dramatic poetry, not the smallest rem- nant has been preserved. 216 Consequently the conjecture that it may possibly have been the representation of Greek dramas at the courts of the Grecian kings in Bactria, in the Panjab, and in Gujarat (for so far did Greek supremacy for a time extend), which awakened the Hindu faculty of imitation, and so gave birth to the Indian drama, does not in the meantime admit of direct verification. But its his- torical possibility, at any rate, is undeniable, 217 especially as the older dramas nearly all belong to the west of India. No internal connection, however, with the Greek drama exists. 218 The fact, again, that no dramas are found either 216 See Cowell iu I. St., v. 475 ; and as to the Kansa-vadha aud "Vali- bandba, the note on p. 198 above. 217 Cf. the Introduction to my translation of the Mdlavikd, p. xlvii., and the remarks on Yavanikd in Z. D. M. G., xiv. 269 ; also 1, St., xiii. 492. - 18 The leading work on the In- dian dramas is still Wilson's Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hin- dus, 1835% l8yi 3 . The number of dramas that have been published in India is already very considerable, and is constantly being increased. Foremost amongst themstill remain: the Mrichhakatikd of Sudraka, the three dramas of Kdliddsa (tfakuntald, Urvasi, &nd Mdlavikd), Bhavabhuti's three (Mdlati-mddhava, Mahd-vira- charitra, and Uttara-rdma-charitra); the Ratn&vali of King Sri-Harsha- deva, composed, according to Wil- son's view, in the twelfth century, and that not by the king himself, but by the poet Dhdvaka, who lived at his court, but according to Hall, by the poet Bana in the beginning of the seventh century ; see Hall, In- troduction to the Vdsavadattd, p. 15 ff. (cf. note 212 above), /. Str., i. 356), Lit. Cent. EL, 1872, p. 614; the Ndgdnanda, a Buddhistic sen- sational piece ascribed to the same royal author, but considered by Cowell to belong to Dhdvaka (see, however, my notice of Boyd's trans- lation in Lit. C. ., 1872, p. 615); the Veni-samhdra of Bhatta-ndrd- yana, a piece pervaded by the colour- ing of the Krishna sect, written, according to Grill, who edited it in 1871, in the sixth, and in any case earlier than the tenth century (see Lit. C. ., 1872, p. 612) ; the Viddha-sdlabha&jikd of Kdja-Sekha- ra, probably prior to the tenth century (see /. Str., i. 313) ; the Mudrd-rdksliasa of Visdkhadatta, a piece of political intrigue, of about the twelfth century ; and lastly, the Prdbodha-chandrodaya, of Krishna- misra, which dates, according to Goldstiicker, from the end of the same century. Two of Kdliddsa's dramas, the Sakuntald and Urvasi, are each extant in several recensions, evidently in consequence of their having enjoyed a very special popu- larity. Since the appearance of Pischel's pamphlet, I)e Kdliddsae Sakuntali Recensionibus (Breslau, 208 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. in the literature of the Hindus, who emigrated to the island of Java about the year 500 A.D. (and thence subse- quently to Bali), or among the Tibetan translations, is per- haps to be explained, in the former case, by the circumstance that the emigration took place from the east coast of India,* where dramatic literature may not as yet have been spe- cially cultivated (?). But in the case of the Tibetans the fact is more surprising, as the Meghaduta of Kalidasa and other similar works are found among their translations. The Lyrical branch of Sanskrit poetry divides itself, according to its subject, into the Keligious and the Erotic Lyric. With respect to the former, we have already seen, when treating of the Atharva-Samhita, that the hymns of this collection are no. longer the expression of direct reli- gious emotion, but are rather to be looked upon as the utterance of superstitious terror and uneasy apprehension, and that in part they bear the direct character of magic spells and incantations. This same character is found faithfully preserved in the later religious lyrics, throughout the Epic, the Puranas, and the Upanishads, wherever prayers of the sort occur ; and it has finally, within the last few centuries, found its classical expression in the Tantra literature. It is in particular by the heaping up of titles under which the several deities are invoked that their favour is thought to be won; and the 'thousand- name-prayers ' form quite a special class by themselves. To this category belong also the prayers in amulet-form, to which a prodigious virtue is ascribed, and which enjoy the very highest repute even in the. present day. Besides these, we also meet with prayers, to Siva } especially, which 1870), in which he contends, with this Kavi literature, moreover, we great confidence, for the greater au- have actually extant, in the Smara- thenticity of the so-called Bengdli dahana, a subsequent version of the recension, the questions connected KutnaYa-sambhava, and in the Su- herewith have entered upon a new mana-santaka (?) a similar version stage. See a full discussion of this of the Raghu-vanJa, i.e., works which, topic in /. St., xiv. 161 ff. To in their originals at least, bear the Pischel we are also indebted for our name of Kiliddsa ; see/. St., iv. 133. knowledge of the Dekhan recension 141.] Do the well-known Javanese of the Urvasi : it appeared in the puppet-shows owe their origin to the Monatsber. der Berl. Acad., 1875, pp. Indian drama ? 609-670. t Whose worship appears, in the * Yet the later emigrants might main, to have exercised the most fav. have taken some with them! [lu ourable influence upon his follow era, LYRICAL POETRY. 209 for religious fervour and childlike trust will bear compari- son with the best hymns of the Christian Church, though, it must be admitted, their number is very small. The Erotic Lyric commences, for us, with certain of the poems attributed to Kalidasa. One of these, the Megha- duta, belongs^ at all events to a period 219 when the temple worship of Siva Mahakala at Ujjayini was in its prime, as was still the case at the time of the first Muhammadan conquerors. Together with other matter of a like sort, it has been admitted, and under Kalidasa's name, into the Tibetan Tandjur,* from which, however, no chronological deduction can be drawn, as the date of the final completion of this compilation is unknown. The subject of the Megha- duta is a message which an exile sends by a cloud to his distant love, together with the description of the route the cloud-rnessenger is to take a form of exposition which has been imitated in a considerable number of similar poems. A peculiar class is composed of the sentences of Bhartrihari, whereas it is the worship of Krishna that has chiefly countenanced and furthered the moral degradation of the Hindus. 219 A very definite chronological detail would be furnished by v. 14, provided Mallindtha'sassertiou is war- ranted, to the effect that this verse is to be taken in a double sense, i.e., as referring at the same time to Diiindga, a violent opponent of Kd- lidasa. For in that case we should in all probability have to understand by Dinnaga the well-known Bud- dhist disputant of this name, who lived somewhere about the sixth cen- tury ; see my discussion of this point in Z. D. M. G., xxii. 726 ff. * Considering the scarcity of the Asiatic Researches, I here give Csoma Koi o'si's account of the Tan- djur, contained in vol. xx., 1836, in some detail. " The Bstau-Htryur is a compilation in Tibetan of all sorts of literary works " (in all some 3900), "written mostly by ancient Indian Pandits and some learned Tibetans in the first centuries after the intro- duction of Buddhism into Tibet, commencing with the seventh cen- tury of our era. The whole makes 225 volumes. It is divided into the Rgyud and the Mdo (Tantra and Sutra classes, in Sanskrit). The Rgyud, mostly on tantrika rituals and ceremonies, makes 87 volumes. The Mdo, on science and literature, occupies 136 volumes. One separate volume contains (58) hymns or praises on several deities or saints, and one volume is the index for the whole. The Rgyud contains 2640 treatises of different sizes : they treat in general of the rituals and cere- monies of the mystical doctrine of the Buddhists, inten-persed with many instructions, hymns, prayers, and incantations. The Mdo treats iu general of science and literature in the following order : theology, philosophy" (these two alone make 94 volumes), "logic or dialectic, philology or grammar, rhetoric, poesy, prosody, synonymies, astro- nomy, astrology, medicine and ethics, some hints to the mechanical arts and histories." See further, in par- ticular, Anton Schiefner's paper, Ueber die logischen und grammati- schen Werlce im Tandjur, in the Bul- letin of the St. Petersburg Academy (read 3d September 1847). 210 SANSKRIT LITERA TURE. Amaru, &c., which merely portray isolated situations, with- out any connection as a whole. A favourite topic is the story of the loves of Krishna and the shepherdesses, the playmates of his youth. It has already been remarked that the later Kavyas are to be ranked with the erotic poems rather than with the epic. In general, this love-poetry is of the most unbridled and extravagantly sensual description; yet examples of deep and truly romantic tenderness of feel- ing are not wanting. It is remarkable that, in regard to some of these poems, we encounter the same phenomenon as in the case of the Song of Solomon : a mystical interpre- tation is put upon them, and in one instance at least, the Gita-Govinda of Jayacleva, 219a such a mystical reference appears really to have been intended by the poet, however incompatible this may at first sight seem with the particu- larly wanton exuberance of fancy which is here displaved. Of the Ethico-Didactic Poetry the so-called Niti-Sds- tras but little has survived in a complete form (some pieces also in the Tibetan Tandjur), no doubt because the great epic, the Maha-Bharata, in consequence of the char- acter of universality which was gradually stamped upon it, is itself to be regarded as such a Niti-Sastra. Still, relics enough of the aphoristic ethical poetry have been preserved to enable us to judge that it was a very favourite form, and achieved very excellent results. 220 Closely allied 218a Ace. to Biihler (letter Sep. Muir'.s Religious and Moral Senti- 1875), Jayadeva, who does not ap- mcnts from Sanskrit Writers (1875). ]>ear in the Saras v.-kantiuibh., flon- Kegarding an anthology which, both ri.-ihed under king Lakshmanasena of in extent and antiquity, surpasses Gauda, of whom there is extant an that of Sitriigadhara, viz., the Sad' inscription of the year Ill6, and ukti - hirndmrita of Sridharadasa, whose era, still current in Mithild, compiled Sake 1127 (A.D. 1205), and begins, ace. to Ind. Ant. iv. 300, in comprising quotations from 446 A.D. 1170. poets, see the latest number of Raj. " See rjohtlingk's critical edition Ldla Mitra's Notices, iii. 134-149. of these aphorisms, Indischc Spriichc, The statement at the close of the 3 vols., 1863-65 (with 5419 vv.), 2d work respecting the era of king edition, 1870-73 (with 7613 vv.), Lakshmanasena, in whose service the and Aufrecht's analysis, in the Z. poet's father was, is both in itself I). M. G., xxvii. i ff. (1873), of the obscure, and does not well harmonise &irnr/ad/tara-Padd/iati, of the four- with our other information on the teenth century, an anthology of point. On account of the numerous about 6000 vv. culled from 264 dif- examples it quotes we may also here ferent authors and works. Compare mention the Sarasvati-kanlhdbJiara- al.so Job.. Klatt, DC Trccmtis Clidna- na, a treatise on poetics attributed 1-tjfic Sentcntiis (1873), and Dr. John to king Bhoia-deva, and therefore < BEAST-FABLE? 211 to it is the literature of the ' Beast-Fable,' which has a very special interest for us, as it forms a substantial link of connection with the West. We have already pointed out that the oldest animal-fables known to us at pre- sent occur in the Chhandogyopanishad. Nor are these at all limited there to the representation of the gods as assuming the forms of animals, and in this shape associat- ing with men, of which we have even earlier illustrations,* but animals are themselves introduced as the speakers and actors. In Panini's time, complete cycles of fables may possibly have already existed, but this is by no means certain as yet.t The oldest fables, out of India, are those of Babrius, for some of which at least the Indian original may be pointed out. 221 But the most ancient book belonging probably to the eleventh century ; see on it Aufrecht, Cata- log us, pp. 208, 209. To this class also belongs, though its contents are almost entirely erotic, the Prdkrit anthology of H&la, consisting pro- perly of only 700 verses (whence its name Sapta-sataka), which, how- ever, by successive recensions have grown to 1 100-1200. It was the pro- totype of the Sapta-sati of Govardha- na, a work of about the twelfth cen- tury, which in its turn seems to have served as the model for the Satta- sni of the Hindi poet Bihdri Lai ; see my Essay on the Sapta-s^itaka of Hala (1870), pp. 9, 12, and Z. D. M. (f., xxviii. 345 ff. (1874), and also Garrez in the Journ. Asiat., August 1872, p. 197 if. * For instance, the story of Maim and the fish, Indra's metamorphosis into the birds markata and Tcapinja- la, his appearance in the form of a ram, &c. In the Rik the sun is fre- quently compared to a vulture or falcon hovering in the air. + The words cited in support of this are not Ptmini's own, but his scholiast's (see p. 225). [But, at all events, they occur directly in the Mahdbhashya ; see /. St., xiii. 486.] m In my paper, Uebei' den Zu- lammenliang indischer Faleln niit griechischen (I. St., iii. 327 ff.), as the result of special investigations bearing upon A. Wagoner's Essay on the subject (1853), I arrived at exactly the opposite conclusion ; for in nearly every instance where a Greek fable was compared with the corresponding Indian one, the marks of originality appeared to me to be- long to the former. In all proba- bility the Buddhists were here the special medium of communication, since it is upon their popular form of literary exposition that the Indian fable and fairy-tale literature is spe- cially based. Otto Keller, it is true, in his tract, Utber die Geschichte der griech. Fabd (1862), maintains, in opposition to my view, the Indian origin of the fables common to India and Greece, and suggests an ancient Assyrian channel of communication. His main argument for their Indian origin is derived from the circum- stance that the relation existing in Greek fable between the fox and the lion has no real bnsis in the na- ture of the two animals, whereas the jackal does, as a matter of fact, stand to the lion in the rela- tion portrayed in Indian fable. But are jackals, then, only found in Inr dia, and not also in countries inha- bited by Semitic peoples ? And is not the Greek animal-fable precisely 212 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. of fables extant is the Pancha-tantm. The original text of this work has, it is true, undergone great alteration and expansion, and cannot now be restored with certainty ; but its existence in the sixth century A.D. is an ascertained fact, as it was then, by command of the celebrated Sas- sanian king Nushirvan (reg. 531579), translated into Pahlavf. From this translation, as is well known, sub- sequent versions into almost all the languages of Asia Minor and Europe have been derived. 222 The recension of the extant text seems to have taken place in the Dekhan ; 223 while the epitome of it known as the Hito- padesa was probably drawn up at Palibothra, on the Ganges. The form of the Hindu collections of fables is a peculiar one, and is therefore everywhere easily recog- nisable, the leading incident which is narrated invariably forming a framework within which stories of the most diverse description are set.* Allied to the fables are the a Semitic growth ? That the Indians should turn the fox of the Greek fable back again into the jackal necessarily followed from the very nature of the case. The actual state of things, namely, that the jackal prowls about after the lion, had in- deed early attracted their attention ; see, e.g., Rik, x. 28. 4 ; but there is no evidence at all that in the older period the knowledge was turned to the use to which it is put in the fable, the only characteristics mentioned of the jackal being its howling, its devouring of carrion, and its enmity to the dog. (In Satap., xii. 5. 2. 5, the jackal is, it is true, associated with the word vidagdha, and this is certainly noteworthy ; but here the term simply signifies 'burnt' or ' putrid.') Keller's views as to the high antiquity of the Indian authors he cites are unfounded. 222 See on this Benfey's transla- tion (1859) of the Pahcha-tantra, which follows Kosegarten's edition of the text (1848). Here there is a full exposition of the whole subject of the later diffusion of the mate- rials of Indian fable throughout the West. Kielhorn and Biihler have published a new edition of the text in the Bombay Sanskrit Series (1868 ff.). 223 From Benfey's researches, it appears that, in this recension, the original text, which presumably rested on a Buddhistic basis, under- went very important changes, so that, curiously enough, a German translation made in the last quarter of the fifteenth century from a Latin rendering, which in its turn was based upon a Hebrew version, represents the ancient text more faithfully than its existing Sanskrit form does. Of this, for the rest, two or more other recensions are extant ; see /. Str., ii. 1 66. For the I4th chap, of the Kalila wa Dimna, no Indian original had been known to exist ; but quite recently a Tibetan translation of this original has been discovered by Anton Schiefner ; see his Bharatae Responsa, St. Peters- burg, 1875. On a newly discovered ancient Syriac translation of the groundwork of the Pancha-tantra, made, it is supposed, either from the Pahlavi or from the Sanskrit itself, see Benfey in the Augsburger Ally. Zeit. for July 12, 1871. * Precisely the same thing takes place in the Mahd-Bhdrata also. FAIRY TALES, ETC. HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY. 213 Fairy Tales and Eomances, 224 in which the luxuriant fancy of the Hindus has in the most wonderful degree put forth all its peculiar grace and charm. These too share with the fables the characteristic form of setting just re- ferred to, and thereby, as well as by numerous points of detail, they are sufficiently marked out as the original source of most of the Arabian, Persian, and Western fairy tales and stories ; although, in the meantime, very few of the corresponding Indian texts themselves can be pointed out. As regards the last branch of Indian poetry, namely, Geography and History, it is characteristic enough that the latter can only fittingly be considered as a branch of poetry ; and that not merely on account of its form for the poetic form belongs to science also but on account of its subject- matter as well, and the method in which this is handled. We might perhaps have introduced it as a division of the epic poetry ; but it is preferable to keep the two distinct, since the works of the class now in question studiously avoid all matter of a purely mythical description. We have already remarked that the old Puranas contained historical portions, which, in the existing Puranas, are con- fined to the mere nomenclature of dynasties and kings ; and that here they clash violently, not only with one another, but with chronology generally. We meet with the same discrepancies in all works of the class we are now considering, and especially in its leading representa- tive, Kalhana's Rdja-taramgini, or history of Kashmir, which belongs to the twelfth century A.D. Here, it is 224 Here, before all, is to be Kashmir, pub. in 7. St. , xiv. 4028".) mentioned Somadeva's Kathd-sant- he lived under king Ananta (1028- sdyara, of the twelfth century, edited 1080), and wrote 1020-1040). The by Herm. Brockhaus (1839-66). Of Dasa-kumdra-charita of Dandin, be- the Vrihat-katlid of Guniidhya, be- longing to about the sixth century, longing to about the sixth century was edited by Wilson in 1846, and by a work which is supposed to have Buhlerin 1873: Subandhu's Vdtava- been written in the PaUdchi bhdshd, dattd (seventh century ?) was edited aiid which is the basis of the work by Hall, with an excellent critical in- of Somadeva, a recast by Kshe- troduction, in 1859 (Bihl. Ind.) : mamkara has recently been dis- Edna's Kddambari, of about the covered by Burnell arid Biihler, see same date, appeared at Calcutta in Ind. Antiq., i. 302 ff. (Kshemam- 1850. For an account of these last kara is also called Kshemendra; three works see my 7. Sir., i. 308- arcording to Biihler (letter from 386. 214 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. true, we have to do with something more than mere bald data ; but then, as a set-off to this, we have also to do with a poet, one who is more poet than historian, and who, for the rest, appeals to a host of predecessors. It is only where the authors of these works treat of contemporary subjects that their statements possess a decided value; though, of course, precisely with respect to these, their judg- ment is in the highest degree biassed. But exceptions like- wise appear to exist, and in particular, in some princely houses, family records, kept by the domestic priests, appear to have been preserved, which, in the main,* seem to be passably trustworthy. 225 As for Geography, we repeatedly * Only the family pedigree must not enter into the question, for these genealogical tables go back almost regularly to the heroic families of the epic. 225 Certain statements in the astro- logical treatise Gdrgl Samhitd, cap. Yuga Parana, in which the relations of the YavanP.s with India are touched upon (see Kern, Pref. to Brihat-Samhitd, p. 33 ff.), appear to have a real historical significance. Bana's Jfarsha charita, too, seems to be a work embodying some good information ; see Hall, Pref. to the Vasava-datta, p. 12 ff. (1859). And the same remark applies to the Vikramdilka-charita by Bilhana of Kashmir, in 18 S'tryas, composed about A.D. 1085, just edited with a very valuable introduction by i!iihler. This work supplies most important and authentic informa- tion, not only regarding the poet's native country, and the chief cities of India visited by him in the course of prolonged travels, but also as to the history of the Ciuxlukya dynasty, whose then representative, Tribhu- vana-malla, the work is intended to exalt. In Biiuler's opinion, we may hope for some further accession to our historical knowledge from the still existing libraries of the Jainas. and, I might add, from their special literature also, which is peculiarly rich in legendary works (chnritrn I . The Satrumjaya-mdhatmya, of Dha- nesvara, in 14 sargas, composed in Valabhi, under king Sildditya, at the end of the sixth century, yields, it is true, but scant historical ma- terial, and consists for the most part merely of popular tales and legends ; see my paper on it (1858), p. 12 tf. (Biihler, 1. c., p. 18, places this work as late as the thirteenth century ; similarly, Lassen, 7. AK., iv. 761, but see my Essay on the Bhagavati, i. 369.) Still, a great variety of information has been preserved by the Jamas, - which deserves attention ; for example, respecting the ancient kings Vikrauadrka and Salivahana, though, to be sure, they, too, have become almost wholly mythical figures. The Vira-charitra of Atlanta, lately analysed by H. Jacobi in 7. f Sarvavarman, with Durgasinha's Commentary, is being edited by Eggeling in the Bill. Indica (ia LEXICOGRAPHY. 227 a tolerable number of grammatical writings, and these for the most part works that have been lost in India itself. 240 As regards Lexicography the second branch of the science of language we have already pointed out its first beginnings in the Nighantus, collections of synonyms, &c., for the elucidation of the Vedic texts. But these were of a practical character, and wholly confined to the Veda: the need of collections towards a dictionary of Sanskrit, being, on the contrary, more a scientific one, was naturally only awakened at a much later time. Here, too, the earliest attempts in this direction have perished, and the work of Ainara-sinha, the oldest of the kind that has come down to us, appeals expressly in the introduction to other Tantras, from which it was itself compiled. Its com- mentators also expressly mention by name as such Tantras the Trikanda, the Utpalini, and the works of Kabhasa, Ivatyayana, Vyadi,* and Vararuchi, the two latter as authorities fcr the crender of words. 1874 it Lad reached to iv. 4. 50). The system of this grammar is of peculiar interest on this account, that a special connection appears to exist between it and the 1'ali gram- mar of Kachchdyana, particularly in regard to the terminology employed. According to Buhler's letter from Kashmir (pnb. in /. St., xiv. 402 ff.), the Kdtantra is the special grammar of the Kasmiras, and was there frequently commented upon in the I2th-l6th centuries. Of older grammatical texts, he has further discovered the Parib/tds/ids of Vyddi and Chandra, as also the Vurna- ^utras and Sliad-bhashd-chandrikd of the latter; likewise an Avyaya- rritti and Dhdtu-taramyini by Kshira (Jayapida's preceptor), and a very beautiful bhtirja-'M.S. of the Kasikd. In one of these MSS. this L-ist-named work is ascribed to Vdmana and Jaydditya (Jaydpida?), whereby the earlier view as to its date again gains credit. Fora list of "Sanscrit-Grammars," &c., see Colebrooke's Misc. Las., ii. 38 ff., ed. Cowell. It remains still to mention here Cowell 's edition of the Prdkfittt-jraldia of Vararuchi (1854, 1868) ; further, an edition recently (1873) published at Bom- bay of Hemachandra's (according to Bhdu Ddji, A.D. 1088-1172, see Journ. Bombay Br. R. A. S., ix. 224) Prdkrit Grammar, which forms tho eighth book of his great treatise on Sanskrit grammar, the Sabddnu- sdsana ; and lastly, Pischel's valu- able dissertation De Grammaticis Pracriticis (1874), which supple- ments the accounts in Lassen's In- sfitut. Linguce Pracriticce (Bonn, 1837) with very important material. 24U See Schiefner's paper on the logical and grammatical writings in tlie Tandjur, p. 25, from tlieHulletin dc la Classe hist. pJtil. de VAcad. Imp. des Sc. dc St. Pctersboury, iv., Nos. 18, 19 (1847), from which it appeai-s that the Chandra- Vydlca- rana-Sutra, the Kaldpa-Stitra, and the Sarasrati-Vydkarana-Siitra, in particubir, are represented there. * A Vyadi is cited iu the Rik- Prdtisdkhya [and in Goldstiicker's Pdnini he plays a very special part. The Samgraha, several times men- tioned iu the Bliashya, and there assigned to Ddks/idyana, is by Nd- gesa who describes it as a work in 228 SANSKRIT LITER A TURE. The question now is to determine the age of Amara- sinha a question which, in the first instance, exactly coincides with the one already discussed as to the date of Kalidasa, for, like the latter, Amara is specified by tradi- tion among the 'nine gems' of the court of Vikrama that Vikrama whom Indian tradition identifies with king Bhoja (A.D. 1050), but to whom European criticism has assigned the date B.C. 56, because an era bearing this name commences with that year. The utter groundlessness of this last assumption has been already exposed in the case. of Kalidasa, though we do not here, any more than tli ere, enter the lists in defence of the Indian tradition. This tradition is distinctly contradicted, in particular, by a temple-inscription discovered at Buddhagaya, which is dated 1005 of the era of Vikramaditya (i.e., A.D. 949), and in which Amara -deva is mentioned as one of the 'nine jewels' of Vikrama's court, and as builder of the temple in question. This inscription had been turned to special account by European criticism in sup- port of its View ; but Holtzmann's researches (pp. cit., pp. 26-32) have made it not improbable that it was put there in the same age in which Amara-sinha's dictionary was written, seeing that both give expression to precisely the same form of belief, a combination, namely, of Bud- dhism witli Vishnuism a form of faith which cannot possibly have continued very long in vogue, resting as it does on a union of directly opposite systems. At all events, inscription and dictionary cannot lie so much as 1000 years apart, that is a sheer impossibility. Unfor- tunately this inscription is not known to us in the original, and has only survived in the English translation made by Ch. Wilkins in 1785 (a time when he can hardly have been very proficient in Sanskrit !) : the text itself is lost, 100,000 6lokas attributed to a generations" prior to the latter. Vyddi, meaning in all likelihood the And on this he grounds a specific same Vyddi who is elsewhere men- "historical argument" for the de- tioned in the Bhdshya. Now upon termination of Pdnini's date ; for if the strength of this, Goldstiicker Vyddi, Panini's descendant collat- sets up a direct relation of kin- erally, is cited in the Rik-Pr., then ship hetweet) Pdnini, who is desig- of course this work must be later nated Ddkshiputra in the Bhdshya, than Pdnini ; see against all this 1. and this (Vyddi) Ddkshdyana ; only St., v. 41, 127-133, xiii. 401], the former must be "at lease two DATE OF AMARASINHA. 229 with the stone on which it was incised. That the dic- tionary belongs, in any case, to a period considerably later than the first century B.C. the date commonly assigned to it is sufficiently indicated by data furnished by the work itself. For, in the first place, it enumerates the signs of the zodiac, which were unquestionably borrowed, by the Hindus from the Greeks ; and, according to Le- tronne's investigations, the completion of the zodiac did not take place among the Greeks themselves before the first century A.D. ; so that, of course, it cannot have become known to the Hindus till one or several centuries later. Again, in the Amara-kosha, the lunar mansions are enu- merated in their new order, the fixing of which was due to the fresh life infused into Indian astronomy under Greek iniluence, the exact date being uncertain, but hardly earlier than A.D. 400. Lastly, the word dindra occurs here,* which, as pointed out by Prinsep, is simply the Latin denarius (see Lassen, /. AK., ii. 261, 348). The UFO of the term tantra in the sense of ' text-book ' may perhaps also be cited in this connection, as it belongs only to a definite period, which is probably the fifth or sixth cen- tury, the Hindus who emigrated to Java having taken the word with them in this sense. 241 All this, of course, yields us no direct date. If it be correct, as stated by Keinaud (Mdm. sur I'Inde, p. 114), that there existed a Chinese translation of the work, "redigee au vi e siecle," this would give us something tolerably definite to go by. But Stan. Julien does not, it would seem, in the passage cited by Reinaud as his authority, express himseJf in quite such definite terms ; as he merely speaks of the " traduction chinoise de 1'Amarakocha, qui parait avoir ete publiee . . . ":-f- nor are the positive grounds he adduces in sup- port of this view directly before us, so that we might test * It also occurs in the Pancha- 5, cited by Colebrooke, Misc. Ess., tantra, in a legend of Buddhistic i. 3I4 1 (339 2 ) ; Gildemeister in origin. I may here also remark in Z. D. M. G. , xxviii. 697. passing, that the word dramma, i.e., t The meaning of paraftre, liow- 8pa.xfj.ri, is employed in the twelfth ever, is doubtful ; it can signify century by Blulskara, as well as in in- either 'seem' or 'be clear' (ac- Bcriptions [cf. Z. D. M. G., vi. 420]. cording to all evidence), in tlie 241 Of special interest also is tlie latter sense like the Latin apparere, Arabico-Persian word pilu for ele- and the English 'appear,' being in. phant ; cf. Kumdrila on Jaini., i. 3. dt-ed derived from apparcscav. 230 SANSKRIT LITERA TURE. them. Of the Tibetan translation of the work in the Tandjur no particulars are known. How great the difficulty is of arriving at any sort of decision in this matter is shown by the example of one of the most celebrated of living Indianists, H. H. Wilson. For while, in the pre- face to the first edition of his Sanskrit Dictionary (1819), he rather inclined to the view that Amara-sinha flourished in the fifth century A.D., an4 while again, in the second edition of the work (1832), under the word ' Vararuchi,' he expressly transfers the 'nine gems' to the court of Bhoja (A.D. 1050), in the preface (p. vi.) to his transla- tion of the Vishrm-Purana (1840), on the contrary, he makes Amara-sinha live " in the century prior to Chris- tianity ! " But, independently of all that has hitherto been advanced, the mere circumstance that the other dictionaries we possess, besides the Amara-kosha, all belong to the eleventh, twelfth, and following centuries, constrains us to come to a conclusion similar to that which was forced upon us in regard to the drama namely, that as the Amara-kosha is in no way specifically distinguished in character from these other productions, so it cannot be separated from them by a very wide inter- val of time. (Holtzmann, p. 26.) 242 Besides the dictionaries, we have also to mention a class of lexical works quite peculiar to the Hindus namely, the lists of roots styled Dhdtu-pdrdyanas or Dhdtu- pdllias : * though these belong rather to the province of grammar. They are written partly in prose and partly in slokas. The latter is the form adopted in all the dic- tionaries, and it supplies, of course, a strong guarantee of the integrity of the text, the interlacing of the different verses rendering interpolation well-nigh impossible.f 242 Since the above was written, and by Aufrecht (London, 1861) of nothing new has appeared on this Halayudha's Abhidhdna-ratna-mdld, question. To the editions of the belonging to about the end of the Amara-kosha then already pub- eleventh century. A Piili redaction lighed, t hose, namely, of Colebrooke of the Arnara-kosha by Moggallilna (1808) and of Loiseleur Deslong- belongs to the close of the twelfth champs (Paris, 1839, 1845), various century ; see /. Str., ii. 330. new ones have since been added in * For the literature of these, see India. Of other vocabularies we AVestergaard's preface to his ex- may mention the editions, by Boht- cellent Radices Linyuce Sanscrita lingk and Rien (1847) of Henia- (lionn, 1841). Chandra's Abhidluina- chinbimani, f See Holtzmann, op. cit., p. 17. METRIC, POETICS, RHETORIC. 237 Lastly, as a third phase of the science of language, we have to consider Metric, Poetics, and Rhetoric. With the "beginnings of Prosody we have already become acquainted in connection with the Veda (see p. 23). The treatise ascribed to Pingala even appears as an appendage to the Veda itself, however little claim it has to such a position, specifying as it does the most highly elaborated metres, such as were only used in later times (see p. 60). The tradition which identifies Piugala witli Patamjali, the author of the Mahabhiishya and the Yoga-Sastra, must answer for itself ; for us there exists no cogent reason for accepting it. 243 The other existing treatises on metre are likewise all modern : they superseded the more ancient works ; and the same is the case, in an equal degree, with the writings on poetics and rhetoric. Of the Alamkdra- Sdstra of Bharata, which is often cited as the leading authority on these subjects, only the few quoted passages would seem to have survived, although, according to one commentary,* the work was itself but an extract from the Agni-Purana. A. W. von Schlegel in his Eeflexions sur I Etude des Langues Asiat., p. 1 1 1, speaks of a manuscript, preserved in Paris, of the Sdhitya-darpana, another leading work on this subject, as dated sake 949, i.e., A.D. 1027 ; and this, if correct, would naturally be of the highest import- ance for the age of the works therein quoted. But a priori I am firmly persuaded that this statement rests on a mis- take or misunderstanding; 244 for the oldest manuscripts with which I have had any opportunity of becoming ac- quainted are, as already mentioned (p. 182}, not so much 243 Cf. on this 7. St., viii. 158 ff. the banks of the Brahmaputra ; see * See my Catal. o/theSansk. MSS. Jagan-mohana-sarman in the pre- in the Bcrl. Lib., p. 227. [Respect- face to his edition of the drama ing the Ndtya- Sdstra of Bharata Chanda-Kausika, p. 2. It has al- fuller information was first supplied ready been edited several times in by Hall in his edition of the Daia- India, amongst others by Roer in rtipa (1865), at the close of which the ibl. Indica (1851, vol. x.). he has given the text of four chap- Ballantyne's translation, ibid., is un- ters of the work (18-20, 34); see fortunately not yet entirely printed, also W. Heymann's account of it in and reaches only to Rule 575 ; for the Gottinger Gel. Anzcigen, 1874, p. the close of the work, however, from 86 ff.] Rule 631, we have a translation by 244 The Stthitya-darpana was only Pramami D;tsa Mitra, which appeared composed towards the middle of the in the Pandit, i> T os. 4-28. fifteenth century in E. Bengal, on 232 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. as 500 years old, and it will be difficult to find any cf a yet greater age. For the rest, in the field of rhetoric and poetics, the Hindu mind, so fertile in nice distinctions, has had free scope, and has put forth all its power, not seldom in an extremely subtle and ingenious fashion. 245 We now come to the consideration of Philosophy, as the second branch of the scientific Sanskrit literature. I rank it here after the science of language, not because I regard it as of later origin, but because the existing text-books of the philosophical systems seem to me to be posterior to the text-book of grammar, the Sutra of Panini, since they appear, to some extent, to presuppose the exist- ence of Upanishads, writings which, in their extant form, manifestly belong to a very late period, comparatively speaking. The beginnings of philosophical speculation go back, as we have already more than once seen (see espe- cially pp. 26, 27), to a very remote age. Even in the Samhita of the Rik, although only in its later portions, we find hymns that bespeak a high degree of reflection. Here, too, as with all other peoples, it was especially the question as to the origin of the world that more imme- 245 Dandin's Kdvyudarsa, of the example, adopted the Vaidarbha-riti; sixth century, and Dhanamjaya's see Buhler, Vikramdiika-char., i. 9. Da,?a-rtf,pa,ot the middle of the tenth Vdmana's Kdvydlnmkdra-vritti haa century, have been published in the lately been edited byCappeller(Jena, Jiibl. Indica, the former edited by 1875), and belongs, he thinks, to the Premachandra TarkavaVisa (1863), twSlfth century. Mammata's^dtrc/o- the latter by Hall (1865). From prakdfa, several times published in these we learn, amongst oilier things, India, belongs, in Biihler's opinion, the very important fact that in to the same date, since Mammata, Dandiu's day two definite, provin- according to Hall (Introd. to Vdsava., cially distinguished, varieties of p. 55), was the maternal uncle of style (rlti) were already recognised, the author of the Naishadhiya ; see namely, the Gauda style and the Biihler in Journ. Bomb. Br. It. A. S., Vaidarbha style, to which in course x. 37, my /. Kir., i. 356, and my Essay of time four others, the P see that the Asmarathah Kalpah is in- 7. St., xiii. 415. tanced by Piinini's scholiast as an PHILOSOPHY: BRAHMA-M1MANSA. 243 has attempted directly to fix the age of the Brahma-Sutra. For Badarayana bears also the additional title of Vyasa, whence, too, the Brahma-Sutra is expressly styled Vyasa- Sutra. Now, in the Samkara-vijaya a biography of the celebrated Vedanta commentator $amkara, reputed to bo by one of his disciples we find it stated (see Windisch- inann, p. 85 ; Colebrooke, i. 104) that Vyasa was the name of the father of Suka, one of whose disciples was Gauda- pada, the teacher of Govindanatha, who again was the preceptor 4 of Samkara; 258 so that the date of this Vyasa might be conjecturally set down as from two to three centuries prior to Samkara, that is, between 400 and 500 A.D. But the point must remain for the present undeter- mined,* since it is open to question whether this Vyasa ought really to be identified with Vyasa Badarayana, though this appears to me at least very probable. 259 - 6S See now in Aufrecht's Cata- loyus, p. 255 b , the passage in ques- tion from Mddhava's (!) Samkara- vijaya, v. 5 (rather v. 105, according to the ed. of the work published at Bombay in 1864 with Dhanapati- suri's commentary), and ibid., p. 227 b , the same statements from another work. The Samkara-vijaya of Anandagiri, on the contrary, Aufrecht, p. 247 ff. (now also in the liibl. Jnd., edited by Jayandrdyann, 1864-1868), contains notliing ot' this. t * Samkara, on Brahma-Sutra, iii. 3. 32, mentions that Apdntaratamas lived as Krishna-Dvaipdyana at the time of the transition from the Kali to the Dvdpnra yuga ; and from the fact of his not at the same time ex- pressly stating that this was Vya-a Bddaidynna, author of the Brahma- Sutra, Windischmann concludes, and justly, that in oainkara's eyes the two personages were distinct. In the Mabd-Bhdrata, on the con- trary, xii. 12158 ff., Suka is expressly given as the son of Krishna Dvai- pdynna (Vydsa Pdrdsarya). }!ut the episode in question is certainly one of the very latest insertions, as is clear from the allusion to the Chi- nas and Hunas, the Chinese and Huns. 259 In the meantime, the name Badardyana is only known to occur, besides, in the closing van$a of tha Sama-Vidhdna-Br. ; see /. S>., iv. 377 ; and here the bearer of it ap- peal's as the disciple of Pdrdsary;ly;v- na, four steps later than Vyasa Pdrd- sarya, and three later than Jaimini, but, on the other hand, as the teacher (!) of Tdndin and Sdtydyanin. Besides being mentioned in Jaimini, he is also cited in the Sdndilya-Stitra. In Vardha-Mihira and Bhattotpala an astronomer of this name is re- ferred to ; and he, in his turn, ac- cording to Aufrecht (Cataloyus, p. 329"-), alludes, in a passage quoted from him by Utpala, to the 'Yavana- vriddhds,' and, according to Kern, Pief. to Brih. Sarnh., p. 51, "ex- hibits many Greek words." The text of the Brahma-Stitra, with Sainkara's commentary, has now been published in the Bibl. Ind., edited by lioer and (from part 3) 1-idma Ndrdyana Vidydratna (1854- 1863} : of the translation of both by K. M. Banerjea, as of that in Ballan- tyne's Aphorisms, only one part hasi appeared (1870). 244 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. In respect of their reduction to systematic shape, the logical Sutras of Kanada and Gotama appear to rank last. But this by no means indicates that these logical inquiries are themselves of later origin on the contrary, the other Sutras almost uniformly begin with such but merely that the formal development of logic into two philo- sophical schools took place comparatively late. Neither of the schools restricts itself to logic alone; each em- braces, rather, a complete philosophical system, built up, however, upon a purely dialectical method. But as yet little has been done to elucidate the points of difference between the two in this regard. 260 The origin of the world is in botli derived from atoms, which combine by the will of an arranging Power. 261 Whether the name of the Tlpd/j-vai, who are described by Strabo as contentious dialecticians, is to be traced to the word pramdna, 'proof/ as Lassen supposes, is doubtful. The word tarka, ' doubt,' again, in the Kathakopanishad, ought rather, from the context, to be referred to the Samkhya doctrines, and should not be taken in the sense, which at a later period is its usual one, of ' logic.' In Manu too (see Lassen, /. AK., i. 835), according to the traditional interpretation, tarkin still denotes ' one versed in the Mimansa logic.' 262 Yet Manu is also acquainted with logic as a distinct - 60 In tliis respect, Roer in parti- edited, in the Bill. Tnd., the Nydya- culiir has done excellent service : in darsana of Gotama with the com the copious notes to his translation mentary of Vitr.sydyaiia (Pakshila- of the Vaiseshika - Sutra he has sv;miii). The earlier edition (1828) throughout special regard to this was accompanied with the corn- very point (in Z. D. M. G.. vols. mentary of Yisvansitha. The first xxi. xxii. 1867, 1868). Before four books have been translated by him, Miiller, with some of Ballan- Ballantyne in his Aphorisms. tyne's writings as a basis, had al- 261 WH find the atomic theory es- ready taken the fame line (in vols. pecially developed among the Jainas, vi. and vii. of the same Journal, and that in a materialistic form, 1852, 1853). The text of the yet so, that the atomic matter and Vais'eshika- Sutras, with the com- the vital principle are conceived mentary, called UpaskaYa, of Sam- to be in eternal intimate connec- kara-misra, appeared in liibl. 2nd. in tion ; see my Essay on the Bhaga- 1860, 1861, edited, with a gloss of vati of the Jainas, ii. 168, 176, 190, liis own, by Jaya NaVayana Tarka- 236. We have a mythological ap- panchfinana. In the Pandit (Nos. plication of it in the ai-sumption of 32-69) there is a complete transla- a praja"pati Marichi ; see I. St., ix. 9. tion of both text and commentary 262 In PaYask., ii. 6 ("vidhir by A. E. Cough. Jaya NaYdyana vidhcyas tarkas cha vrdah"), tarka Las also since then (1864-65) is equivalent to artkavdda, mlmdnsd. PHILOSOPHY: NYAYAVAISESH1KA. 245 science, as well as with the three leading methods of proof which it teaches, though not under the names that were afterwards usual. According to the most recent investiga- tions on the subject,* " the terms naiydyika and Jcevala- naiydyika (Pan., ii. i. 49) would point to the Nyaya system as antecedent to Panini:" these words, however, do not occur in the text of Panini at all (which has merely the word kevala /), but only in his scholiast.f Kanada's system bears the name Vaiseshika- Sutra, because its ad- herents assert that visesha, ' particularity,' is predicable of atoms ; the system of Gotarna, on the other hand, is styled Nydya-Sutra, KCLT G^O-^YJV. Which of the two is the older is still uncertain. The circumstance that the doctrines of the Vaiseshikas are frequently the subject of refutation in the Vedanta-Siitra, whereas Gotama's teaching is no- where noticed, either in the text or in the commentaries upon it, as stated by Golebrooke (i. 352), tells a priori in favour of the higher antiquity of the former; 263 but whether the author of the Vedanta had these ' doc- trines of Kanada ' before him in their systematised form, as has recently been assumed J is a point still requiring investigation. 264 For the rest, these two systems are at * By Max. Miiller, 1. c., p. 9. as we know at present, is first men- t This is one of the cases of tioned by Mddhava. Their patro- \vhich I have already spoken (p. nymics, Kstsyapa and Gautama (this 225). form is preferable to Gotama) date, - 6i In the Sstmkb.ya-Su.tra they it is true, from a very early time, are even expressly mentioned by but, beyond this, theytell us nothing, name (see p. 237) ; also in the sacred Of interest, certainly, although texts of the Jainas (v. note 249). without decisive weight, is the iden- The circumstance that the Gotama- tification occurring in a late com- Sutra dues not, like the other five mentator (Anantayajvan) on the philosophical text-books, begin with Pitrimedha-Sutra of Gautama, be- the customary Sdtra-formula, 'at/id longing to the Sdma- Veda of thia 'tah,' may perhaps also be regarded latter Gautama with Akshap.ida ; as a sign of later composition. see Burnell's Catalogue, p. 57. M. Miiller, I. c., p. 9 : " Whereas From Cowell's preface to his edition Kandda's doctrines are there fre- of the Kusumdnjali (1864) it ap- quently discussed." pears that the commentary of Pa- 264 In neither of the Sutras are there kshila-svjimin, whom he directly references to older teachers whose identifies with Viltsydyana, was coin- names might supply some chro- posed prior to Diiiiiitga, that is to nological guidance. As regards the say (see note 219 above), somewhere names of their authors themselves, about the beginning of the sixth Kanddaor Kanablmj (Ivanabhaksha) century. Uddyotakara, who is men- is mentioned by" Varaha-Mihira and tioned by Subandhu in the seventh bamkara, while Akshapsida, so far century, wrote against Difiudga, aud 246 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. present, and have been for a long time past, those most in favour in India ; and it would also appear that among the philosophical writings contained in the Tibetan Tandjur, logical works are the most numerously represented. Besides these six systems, all of which \von for them- selves a general currency, and which on the whole are regarded as orthodox however slight is the title of the Samkhya theory, for instance, to be so esteemed we have frequent mention of certain heterodox views, as those of the Charvakas, Laukayatikas, 265 Barhaspatyas. Of this last-mentioned school there must also have existed a com- plete system, the Barhaspatya-Sutra ; but of all this nothing has survived save occasional quotations, intro- duced with a view to their refutation, in the commentaries of the orthodox systems. "We now come to the third branch of the scientific lite- rature, Astronomy, with its auxiliary sciences.* We have already seen (pp. 112, 113) that astronomy was cultivated to a considerable extent even in Vedic times; and we found it expressly specified by Strabo (see pp. 29, 30) as a favourite pursuit of the Brahmans. It was at the same time remarked, however, that this astronomy was still in a very elementary stage, the observations of the heavens being still wholly confined to a few fixed stars, more espe- cially to the twenty-seven or twenty-eight lunar asterisms, and to the various phases of the moon itself. 268 The cir- cumstance that the Vedic year is a solar year of 360 days, so did Vachaspati -misra in the A Bhdguri appears among the tenth, and Udayana, the author of teachers cited in the Brihad-devatd. the Kusumdnjali, in the twelfth The Lokayatas are also repudiated century ; see also Cowell's note to "by the Buddhists, Northern as well Colebrooke's Misc. Ess., i. 282. Gail- as Southern ; v. Burnouf, Lotus de gesa's Nydya-chintdinani, the most la bonne Loi, pp. 409, 470. The important work of the later Nydya Jainas, too, rank their system only literature, is also placed in the with loii/a- (laukika) knowledge; twelfth century ; see Z. D. M. G., see above, note 249. On the ChaV- xxvii. 168. Auliikya, given by yiikas, see the introduction of the Mftdhava as a name for the tenets Sarva-darsana-samgraha. of Kanstila, rests on a play upon * See /. St., ii. 236-287. the word kdndda, ' crow enter ' 266 The cosmical or astronomical ulnlca. data met with in the Brdhmanas are 265 In the Mahdbhdshya there is all of an extremely childish and naive mention of a " vnrnikd Jtfuiyuri description; see /. St., ix. 35^^- lokd/jctlasya ; " see I. St., xiii. 343. ASTRONOMY: THE LUNAR ASTERISMS. 247 and not a lunar year, does indeed presuppose a tolerably accurate observation and computation of the sun's course ; but, agreeably to what has just been stated, we can hardly imagine that this computation proceeded upon the pheno- mena of the nocturnal heavens, and we must rather assume it to have been based upon the phenomena of the length or shortness of the day, &c. To the elaboration of a quin- quennial cycle with an intercalary month a pretty early date must be assigned, since the latter is mentioned in the Eik-Samhita. The idea of the four mundane ages, on the contrary although its origin, from observation of the moon's phases, may possibly be of extreme antiquity 267 can only have attained to its complete development to- wards the close of the Vedic period : Megasthenes, as we know, found the Yuga system flourishing in full perfection. That the Hindu division of the moon's path into twenty- seven (or twenty -eight) lunar mansions is of Chinese origin, as asserted by Biot (Journal des Savants, 1 840, 1 84 5 ; see Lassen, /. AK., i. 742 ff.), can hardly be admitted. 268 Notwithstanding the accounts of Chinese writers, the contrary might equally well be the case, and the system might possibly have been introduced into China through the medium of Buddhism, especially as Buddhist writings adhere to the ancient order of the asterisms commencing with Krittikd precisely as we find it among the Chinese. 269 267 Roth disputes tliis origin in his Courtee Observations siir qvelques Y.S-S&Y, Die Lehrevon denvierWeltal- Points de V llistoire de I' Astronomic tern (1860, Tubingen). (1863) ; and, Listly, Whitney in the 2li8 On the questions dealt with second vol. of his Oriental and Lin- in what follows, a special discussion guistic Studies (1874). To the views was raised between J. B. Biot, my- expressed above I still essentially self, and Whitney, in wliich A. Se- adhere ; Whitney, too, inclines to- dillot, Steinschneider, E. Burgess, wards them. In favour of Chaldaea and Max Miiller also took part. Cf. having been the mother- country the Journal da Savants for 1859, and of the system, one circumstance, Biot's posthumous Etudes sur I' As- amongst others, tells with especial tronomie Indieitwe et Chinoise (1862); force, viz., that from China, India,and my to papers, Die Vedischen Nach- Babylon we have precisely the same ridden von den Nakshntra (1860, accounts of the length of the longest 1862), as also 7. Str.. ii. 172, 173 ; day ; whilst the statements, e.g. f in /. St., ix. 424 ff. (1865), x. 213 ff. the Bundehesch, on this head, exhi- (1866) ; Whitney in Joum. Am. Or. bit a total divergence : see Windisch- Soc., vols. vi. and viii. (1860, 1864, uiann (ZoroastriscJie Studien, p. 105). 1865); Burgess, ibid.; Steiuschnei- 269 This assertion of Biot's has not der in Z. I). M. G., xviii. (1863) ; been confirmed; the Chinese list Miiller in Pref. to vol. iv. of his edi- commences with Chitrd (i.e., the tion cf the Ilik (1862); S&lillot, autumnal equinox), orUttardshidhaa 24? SANSKRIT LITER A TURE. To me, however, the most probable view is that these lunar mansions are of Chaldaean origin, and that from the Chal- daeans they passed to the Hindus as well as to the Chinese. For the /rtSlD of the Book of Kings, and the nil-ID of the Book of Job, 270 which the Biblical commentators errone- ously refer to the zodiac, are just the Arabic JjU*, ' man- sions ; ' and here even Biot will hardly suppose a Chinese origin. The Indians may either have brought the know- ledge of these lunar mansions with them into India, or else have obtained it at a later time through the commercial relations of the Phoenicians with the Panjab. At all events, they were known to the Indians from a very early period, and as communication with China is altogether inconceiv- able at a time when the Hindus were perhaps not even acquainted with the mouths of the Ganges, Chinese influ- ence is here quite out of the question. The names of some of these asterisms occur even in the Rik-Samhita (and that under peculiar forms) ; for example, the Aghds, i.e., Maghds, and the Ar/unj/au, i.e., Phalgunyau a name also applied to them iu the $atapatha-Brahmana in the nuptial hymn, mandala x. 85. 13 ; further, Tishya in mandala v. 54. 13, which, however, is referred by Sayana to the sun (see also x. 64. 8). The earliest complete enumeration of them, with their respective regents, is found in the Taittiriya-Sam- (the winter solstice), both of which nomy in Chaldaea, Wassiljew com- rather correspond to an arrangement pares with Zoroaster, but in which in which Revati passes as the sign of I am inclined rather to look for the vernal equinox ; seemyfirst Kssay the Kraushtuki whose acquaint- on the Nakshatras, p. 300. Cf. here ance we make in the Atharva-Paris'. also the account of the twenty-eight (see Lit. C. Bl., 1869, p. 1497) lunar asterisms, contained in a letter who arranged the constellations in from Wassiljew to Schiefner (see the the order quoted in the Dictionary latter's German translation of the in question, that is, beginning with Preface to Wassiljew's Russian ren- Krittikd. Afterwards there came dering of Ttlrandtha's history of Bud- another Rishi, Kdla (Time!), who dhism, pp. 30-32, 1869), and cornmu- set up a new theory in regard to the nicated, according to the commentary motion of the constellations, and so on the Buddhistic Lexicon Mahit- in course of time Chitni came to be vyutpatti, from the book Sannip.ita named as the first asterism. To all (Chinese Ta-tsi-king). According appearance, this actually proves the to this account, it was the astrono- late, and Buddhistic, origin of the mer Kharoshtha (ass's-lip) a name Chinese Kio-list ; see Nakshatras, i. which, as well as that of Xarustr, 306. who, as Armenian authorities state, 27 On this point see specially /. originated the soienoe of astro- St. , z. 217. ASTRONOMY: THE PLANETS. 24$ liila; a second, which exhibits considerable variation in the names, betokening a later date, occurs in the Atharva- Samhita and the Taittiriya-Brahmana ; the majority of the names are also given in Panini. This latter list contains for the most part the names employed by the later astro- nomers ; and it is precisely these later ones that are enu- merated in the so-called Jyotisha or Vedic Calendar (along with the zodiacal signs too!). To this latter treatise an importance has hitherto been attributed to which its con- tents do not entitle it. Should my conjecture be confirmed that the Lagadha, Lagata, whose system it embodies, is identical with the Lat who is mentioned by Albiriini as the author of the ancient Siirya-Siddhanta [see, however, p. 258 n.], then it would fall in the fourth or fifth century of our era ; and even this might almost seem too high an antiquity for this somewhat insignificant tract, which has only had a certain significance attached to it on account of its being ranked with the Veda.* A decided advance in astronomical science was made through the discovery of the planets. The earliest men- tion of these occurs, perhaps, in the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, though this is still uncertain ; 271 beyond this, they are not noticed in any other work of the Vedic period. 272 Manu's * This is why it adheres to the old on the Jyotisha, p. IO, I. St., ix. 363, order of the lunar asterisms, as is 442, x. 239, 240. The two Rik pas- done even at the present day in writ- sages which are thought by A If. ings that bear upon the Veda. [Ac- Ludwijr, in his recently published cording to the special examination of Nachrichten des Rig- und At/iarva- the various points here involved, in Veda iiber Geographic, &c., des alien the introduction to my Essay on the Jndiens, to contain an allusion to the Jyotisha (1862), a somewhat earlier planets (i. 105. IO, x. 55. 3), can term is possible ; assuming, of course, hardly have t any such reference, as I there do, that those verses which Neither the Satyayanaka, cited by betoken Greek influence do not Sayana to i. 105. IO, nor Sayana really belong to the text as it origi- hiinself,hasanythoughtoftheplanets nally stood. The author appears li^re (see /. St., ix. 363 n.). For the occasionally also under the name ' divichard grahdh' of Ath. S., 19. 9. Lagaddchdrya ; see above, p. 6l, 7, the Ath. Parisishtas offer other not*'.] parallels, showing that here too the 271 The passages referred to are, in planets are not to be thought of, fact, to be understood in a totally especially as immediately afterwards, different sense ; see/. St., ix. 363, x. in v. 10, the ' grahdi ckdndramasdh 271. . . dditydh . . rdhund' are enume- 272 The Maitrayani-Up. forms the rated, where, distinctly, the allusion single exception, but that only in its is only to eclipses. This particular last two books, described as khila ; section of the Ath. S. (19. 7) is, see above, notes 103, 104. On the moreover, quite a late production ; subject itself, see further my Essay see /. St., iv. 433 n. 2 so SANSKRIT LITER A TURE. law-book is unacquainted with them ; Yajnavalkya's Code, however and this is significant as to the difference in age of these two works inculcates their worship ; in the dramas of Kalidasa. in the Mrichhakati and the Maha- Bharata, as well as the Ramayana, they are repeatedly referred to.* Their names are peculiar, and of purely Indian origin ; three of them are thereby designated as sons' respectively of the Sun (Saturn), of the Earth (Mars), and of the Moon (Mercury) ; and the remaining two as representatives of the two oldest families of Rishis, Aii- giras (Jupiter) and Bhrigu (Venus). The last two names are probably connected with the fact that it was the adhe- rents of the Atharva-Veda which was likewise specially associated with the Rishis Aiigiras and Bhrigu who at this time took the lead in the cultivation of astronomy and astrology.f Besides these names others are also common ; Mars, for example, is termed ' the Red ;' Venus, ' the White' or 'Beaming;' Saturn, 'the Slow-travelling;' this last being the only one of the names that testifies to any real astronomical observation. To these seven planets (sun and moon being included) the Indians added two others, Rahu and Ketu, the ' head ' and ' tail ' respectively of the monster who is conceived to be the cause of the solar and lunar eclipses. The name of the former, Rahu, first occurs in the Chhandogyopanishad, 273 though here it can hardly be taken in the sense of ' planet ; ' the latter, on the contrary, is first mentioned in Yajnavalkya. But this num- ber nine is not the original number, if indeed it be to the planets that the passage of the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, above instanced, refers as only seven (sapta surydh} are there mentioned. The term for planet, gratia, ' the seizer,' is evidently of astrological origin ; indeed, astrology was the focus in which astronomical inquiries generally converged, and from which they drew light and animation after the practical exigencies of worship had been once for all satis- fied. Whether the Hindus discovered the planets inde- * In Pdn., iv. 2. 26, tulcra might nify 'an astrologer;' see Das"a- be referred to the planet Sukra, but kuniiira, ed. Wilson, p. 162. II. it is preferable to take it in the sense 273 Cf. also Ildhula as the name of of Soma-juice. Buddha's son, who, however, also f Whence Bhdrgava came to sig- appears as Lsighula ; see /. St. t iii. 130, M9- ASTRONOMY: GREEK INFLUENCE. 251 pendently, or whether the knowledge came to them from without, cannot as yet be determined ; but the systematic peculiarity of the nomenclature points in the meantime to the former view. 274 It was, however, Greek influence that first infused a real life into Indian astronomy. This occupies a much more important position in relation to it than has hitherto been supposed; and the fact that this is so, eo ipso implies that Greek influence affected other branches of the litera- ture as well, even though we may be unable at present directly to trace it elsewhere. 275 Here it is necessary to insert a few particulars as to the relations of the Greeks with the Indians. The invasion of the Pan jab by Alexander was followed by the establishment of the Greek monarchies of Bactria, whose sway, in the period of their prime, extended, al- though only for a brief season, over the Panjab as far as Gujarat. 276 Concurrently therewith, the first Seleu- cidse, as well as the Ptolemies, frequently maintained direct relations, by means of ambassadors, with the court of Pataliputra ; * and thus it comes that in the inscriptions 274 Still it Lias to be remarked that to whom the name \vas afterwards in the Atharva-Parisishtas, which, transferred ; see I. St., xiii. 306, with the Jyotisha, represent the 307 ; also note 2O2 above. oldest remains of Indian astrology, * Thus Megasthenes was sent by the sphere of influence of the planets Seleucus to Chandragupta (d. B.C. appears in special connection with 291); Deimachus, again, by An- their Greek names ; see /. St., viii. tiochus, and Dionysius, and most 413, x. 319. probably Basilis also, by Ptolemy II. 275 Cf. my paper, IndiscJie Beitr&ge to ' Afjurpoxdri]*, Amitraghdta, son zur Geschichte der Ausspraclie des of Chandragupta. [Antiochus con- GriechiscJienmtheMonatsbcrickleder eluded an alliance with 2uif>aya- Berl. Acad., 1871, p. 613, translated ffrjvas, Subhagasena (?). Seleucns in Ind. Antiq., ii. 143 ff., 1873. even gave Chandragupta his daugh- 276 According to Goldstiicker, the ter to wife; Lassen, /. AK., ii. statement in the Mahdbhashya as to 208 ; Talboys Wheeler, History of a then recent siege of Sdketa (Oude) India (1874), p. 177. In the retinue by a Yavana prince has reference to of this Greek princess there of Menander ; while the accounts in course came to Piitaliputra Greek the Yuga-Purana of the GaVgi Sam- damsels as her waiting-maids, and hitd even speak of an expedition of these must have found particular the Yavanas as far as Piitaliputra. favour in the eyes of the Indians, But then the question arises, whether especially of their princes. For not by the Yavanas it is really the only are irapOtvoi evetSeij irpbs iroX- Greeks who are meant (see /. Sir., \a.Ktav mentioned as an article of ii. 348), or possibly merely their traffic for India, but in Indian in- Indo-Scythian or other successors, scriptions also we find Yavana girls 25 2 SANSKRIT LITERA TURE. of Piyadasi we find mention of the names of Antigonus, Magas, Antiochus, Ptolemy, perhaps even of Alexander himself (cf. p. 179), ostensibly as vassals of the king, which is of course mere empty boasting. As the result of these embassies, the commercial intercourse between Alexandria and the west coast of India became particu- larly brisk ; and the city of Ujjayini, 'Ofyvtj, rose in con- sequence to a high pitch of prosperity. Philostratus, in his life of Apollonius of Tyana a work written in the second century A.D., and based mainly on the accounts of Damis, a disciple of Apollonius, who accompanied the latter in his travels through India about the year 50 A.D. mentions the high esteem in which Greek literature was held by the Brahmans, and that it was studied by almost all persons of the higher ranks. (Reinaud, Mem. sur I'lnde, pp. 85, 87.) This is not very high authority, it is true [cf. Lassen, /. AK., iii. 358 ff.j ; the statement may be an exaggeration, but still it accords with the data which we have now to adduce, and which can only be explained upon the supposition of a very lively intellectual inter- change. For the Indian astronomers regularly speak of the Yavanas as their teachers : but whether this also ap- plies to Pardsara, who is reputed to be the oldest Indian astronomer, is still uncertain. To judge from the quota- tions, he computes by the lunar mansions, and would seem, accordingly, to stand upon an independent footing. But of Garga,* who passes for the next oldest astronomer, specified as tribute ; while in Indian * The name of Pardsara, as wejl literature, and especially in Kali- as that of Garga, belongs only to ditsa, we are informed that Indian the last stage of Vedic literature, to princes were waited upon by Ya- the Aranyakaa and the Sutras : in vauis ; Lassen, I. AK., ii. 551. 957, the earlier works neither of the two 1159, and my Preface to the Mala- names is mentioned. The family vika, p. xlvii. The metier of these of the Parasaraa is represented with damsels being devoted to Eros, it particular frequency in the later is not a very far-fetched conjecture members of the vansas of the Sata- that it may have been owing to patha-Bnihinana : a Garga and a their influence that the Hindu god Parasara are alsn named in the of Love, like the Greek Eros, bears Anukramani as Rishis of several ii dolphin (ma&ara) on his banner, hymns of the Rik, and another and, like him, is the son of the Pardsara appears in Pdnini as author goddess of Beauty ; see Z. D. M. G., of the Bhikshu-Siitra; see pp. 143, xiv. 269. (For makara = dolphin, 185. [The Gargas must have played see Jotim. Bomb. Br. R. A. S., v. a very important part at the time of 33, 34; /. Str., ii. 169); and cf. the Maha"bh,ishya, in the eyes of the further /. St., is.. 380.] author at all events; for on almost ASTRONOMY: GREEK INFLUENCE. 253 an oft-quoted verse has come down to us, in which he extols the Yavanas on account of their astronomical knowledge. The epic tradition, again, gives as the earliest astronomer the A sura Maya, and asserts that to him the sun-god himself imparted the knowledge of the stars. I have already elsewhere (/. St., ii. 243) expressed the con- jecture that this 'Asura Maya' is identical with the ' Ptolemaios' of the Greeks ; since this latter name, as we see from the inscriptions of Piyadasi, became in Indian ' Turamaya,' out of which the name 'Asura Maya' might very easily grow ; and since, by the later tradition (that of the Jnana-bhaskara, for instance) this Maya is dis- tinctly assigned to Eomaka-pura* in the West. Lastly, of the five Siddhantas named as the earliest astronomi- cal systems, one the Romaka-Siddhanta is denoted, by its very name, as of Greek origin ; while a second the Paulisa-Siddhanta is expressly stated by Albirunif to have been composed by Paulus al Yunani, and is accord- ingly, perhaps, to be regarded as a translation of the of Paulus Alexandrinus. 277 The astronomers every occasion when it is a question of a patronymic or other similar affix, their name is introduced among those given as examples ; see /. St., xiii. 410 ff. In the Atharva-Parisishtas, also, we find Garga, GaYgya, Yriddha-Garga cited: these latter Gargas are manifestly very closely related to the above- mentioned Garga the astronomer. See further Kern, Pref. to Varalia- Mihira's Brih. Sumh., p. 31 ff. ; /. Str., ii. 347.] * See my CatdL. of the Sansk. MSS. in the fieri. Lib., p. 288. In reference to the name Romaka, I may make an observation in passing. Whereas, in Mahd - Bharata xii. 10308, the Raumyas are said to have been created from the roma- kupas ('hair-pores') of Virabhadra, at the destruction of Daksha's sac- rifice, at the time of Rdmayana i. 55. 3, their name must have been still unknown, since other tribes are there represented, on a like occasion, as springing from the roma-kiipas. Had the author been .acquainted with the name, he would scarcely have failed to make a similar use of it to that found in the Mah:i-Bharata. [Cf. my Essay on the liainayana, p. 23 ff.] t Albiruni resided a considerable time in India, in the following of Mahmud of Ghasna, and acquired there a very accurate knowledge of Sanskrit and of Indian literature, of which he has left us a very valuable account, written A.D. 1031. Ex- tracts from this highly important work were communicated byReinaud in the Journ. Asiat. for 1844, and in his Mem. sur I'Inde in 1849 [also by Woepcke, ibid., 1863] : the text, promised so -long ago as 1843, and iiiost eagerly looked for ever since, has, unfortunately, not as yet ap- peared. [Ed. Sachau, of Vienna, is at present engaged in editing it; and, from his energy, we may now at length expect that this grievous want will be speedily supplied.] 877 Such a direct connection of the Pulisa - Siddhanta with the Eiffaywyi?) is attended with difficulty, 254 SANSKRIT LITER A TURE. and astronomical works just instanced Garga, Maya, the llomaka-Siddhanta, and the Paulisa-Siddhanta are, it is true, known to us only through isolated quotations ; and it might still be open to doubt, perhaps, whether in their case the presence of Greek influence can really be established; although the assertion, for instance, that Pulisa, in opposition to Aryabhata, 278 began the day at midnight, is of itself pretty conclusive as to his Western origin. But all doubt disappears when we look at the great mass of Greek words employed in his writings by Varaha-Mihira, to whom Indian astronomers assigned, in Albiruni's day, as they still do in our own,* the date 504 A.D. employed, too, in a way which clearly indicates that they had long been in current use. Nay, one of his works the Hora-Sastra even bears a Greek title (from wprj} and in it he not only gives the entire list of the Greek names of the zodiacal signs and planets,t but he also directly employs several of the Litter namely, Ara, Asplmjit, and Kona side by side with the Indian names, and just as frequently as he does these. The signs of the from the fact that the quotations work (Ganita-pdda, v. i). This from Pulisa do not accord with it, was pointed out by Bhau Ddji in being rather of an astronomical than J. R. A. S., i. 392 (1864). an astrological description. That * See Colebrooke, 11.461 (415 ed. the Wuraywy-fi, however, was itself Cowell). known to theHindus, in some form or ( These are the following : Kriyi other, finds support in the circum- /cpt<5s, Tdvuri ravpos, Jituma oioupos, stance that it alone contains nearly K ultra KoXovpos (?), Leya \twv, Pd- the whole of the technical terms thonairapdevo's, Juka fvy6i>, Kaurpya adopted by Indian astronomy from ffKopirios. Tankshika TO^OTTJS, Akokera the Greek ; see Kern's Preface to aiyoKepus, Hridroga vSpoxoos, Ittha his edition of Vanilia - Mihira's ixOvs ', further, JJeli "HXtos, IIim.no, Erihat-Samh., p. 49. Considerable 'E/a/tt??*, Ara "Ap^s, Kona Kpbvos, interest attaches to the argument J i/au Zei/y, Asphujit ' A^pooirrj. put forward by H. Jacobi in his These names were made known so tract, De Astrolorjice Indices fiord Ling ago as 1827 by C. M. Whish, Appellate Oriyinibus (Bonn, 1872), in the first part of the Transactions to the effect that the system of the of the Literary Society of Madras, twelve mansions occurs first in Fir- and have since been frequently pub- micus Mater n us (A.D. 336-354), and Hshed ; see in particular Lassen, iu that consequently the Indian Uord- Zeitsch. f. d. Kunde dcs Morg. t iv. texts, in which these are of such 306, 318 (1842) ; lately again in my fundamental significance, can only Catal. of the Sansk. MSS. in the have been composed at a still later Berl. Lib., p. 238. Iford and ken- date. dra had long previously been iden- 278 This, and not Aryabhntta, is tified by Pere Pons with ftpy and the proper spelling of his name, as titvrpov ; see Lcttres Edif., 26. 236, is shown by the metre in his own 237, Paris, 1743. ASTRONOMY; GREEK TECHNICAL TERMS, ETC. 255 zodiac, on the contrary, he usually designates by their Sanskrit names, which are translated from the Greek. He has in constant use, too, the following technical terms, all of which are found employed in the same sense in the Eiaaywyr) of Paulus Alexandrinus, viz.,* drikdna =. Sefcavos, liptd = \e7TTrj, anaphd dvaij, sunaphd = ij, durudhard Sopvfopia, kemadruma (for krema- duma) = ^p^/iaricr/io?, 279 vesi 0aopd, trikona rpfywvos, -hibuka = inrcrycutv, jdmitra Bidfj,eTpov, dyutam = SVTOV, meshurana = fjLeaovpdvrjfjLa. Although most of these names denote astrological re- lations, still, on the other hand, in the division of the heavens into zodiacal signs, decani, and degrees, they com- prise all that the Hindus lacked, and that was necessary to enable them to cultivate astronomy in a scientific spirit. And accordingly we find that they turned these Greek aids to good account ; rectifying, in the first place, the order of their lunar asterisms, which was no longer in ac- cordance with reality, so that the two which came last in the old order occupy the two first places in the new ; and even, it would seem, in some points independently ad- vancing astronomical science further than the Greeks themselves did. Their fame spread in turn to the West ; and the Andubarius (or, probably, Ardubarius), whom the Chronicon Paschale t places in primeval times as the earliest Indian astronomer, is doubtless none other than Aryabhata, the rival of PuliSa, who is likewise extolled by the Arabs under the name Arjabahr. For, during the eighth and ninth centuries, the Arabs were in astronomy the disciples of the Hindus, from whom they borrowed the lunar mansions in their new order, and whose Sid- dhantas (Sindhends) they frequently worked up and translated, in part under the supervision of Indian astro- nomers themselves, whom the Khalifs of Bagdad, &c., invited to their courts. The same thing took place also * See 7. St., ii. 254. nally dates from the time of Con- 279 Rather = KevoSpofWs, accord- stantius (330) ; it underwent, how- ing to Jacobi, I. c. To this list be- aver, a fresh recension under Hera- longs, further, the word hanja clius (610-641), and the name bpl'fw ; Kern, /. c., p. 29. Andubarins may have beeii intro- t The Chronicon Paschale notni- duced then. 256 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. in regard to Algebra and Arithmetic in particular, in both of which, it appears, the Hindus attained, quite indepen- dently, 280 to a high degree of proficiency. 281 It is to them also that we owe the ingenious invention of the numerical symbols,* which in like manner passed from them to the 380 But cf. Colebrooke in his famous paper On the Alg<-bra of the Hindus (1817) in Misc. Ass., ii. 446, 401 ed. Cowell. Woepcke, indeed (Mem. sur la propagation des Chiffres Indiens, Paris, 1863, pp. 75-91), is of opinion that the account in the Lalita - Vistara of the problem solved by Buddha on the occasion of his marriage-examination, rela- tive to the number of atoms in the length of a yojana, is the basis of the ' Arenarius ' of Archimedes (B c. 287-212). But the age of the Lalita - Vistara is by no means so well ascertained that the reverse might not equally well be the case; see 1. St., viii. 325, 326 ; Reinaud, Mem. sur I'Indc., p. 303. 281 ^hf, oldest known trace of these occurs, curiously, in Pingala's Treatise on Prosody, in the last chap- ter of which (presumably a later addi- tion), the permutations of longs and shorts possible in a metre with a fixed number of syllables are set forth in an enigmatical form ; see /. St., viii. 425 ff., 324-326. On geometry the Sulva-Sutras, apper- taining to the Srauta ritual, furnish highly remarkable information ; see Thibaut's Address to the Aryan Section of the London International Congress of Orientalists, in the special number of Trubner's Ameri- can and Orien'al Literary Record, 1874, pp. 27, 28, according to which these Sutras even contain attempts at squaring the circle. * The Indian figures from 1-9 are abbreviated forms of the initial letters of the numerals themselves [cf. the similar notation of the musical tones] : the zero, too, has arisen out of the first letter of the word suiiya, ' empty ' [it occurs even in Piiigala, I. c. It is the decimal place- value of th-se figures which gives them their special significance. Woepcke, in his above-quoted Mem. sur la jiropng. des Chiffri-s Indieni (Journ. Asiat., 1863), is of opinion that even prior to ttieir adoption by the Arabs they had been obtained from India by the Neo-Py thagoreans of Alexandria, and that the so- called Gobar figures are traceable to them. But against this it has to be remarked that the figures in ques- tion are only one of the latest stages of Indian numerical notation, and that a great many other notations preceded them. According to Ed- ward Thomas, in the Journ. Asiat. for the same year (1863), the earliest instances of the use of these figvuvs belong to the middle of the seventh century ; whereas the employment of the older numerical symbols is demonstrable from the -fourth cen- tury downwards. See also /. St., viii. 165, 256. The character of the Valabhi Plates seems to be that \vh >se letters most closely approach the forms of the figures. Burnell has quite recently, in his Elem. S. Ind. Pal., p. 46 ff., questioned alto- gether the connection of the figures with the first letters of the nume- rals ; and he supposes them, or rather the older ' Cave Numerals,' from which he directly derives them, to have been introduced from Alexandria, " together with Greek Astrology." In this I cannot in the meantime agree with him ; see my remarks in the Jenaer Lit. Z., 1875, No. 24, p. 419. Amongst other things, I there call special attention to the circumstance that Hermann Hankel, in his excellent work (pos- thumous, unfortunately), Zur Ge- schichte dcr Mathematik (1874), p. 329 ff. , declares Woepcke's opinion ASTRONOMY: ARYABHATA. 257 Arabs, and from these again to European scholars. 282 By these latter, who were the disciples of the Arabs, frequent allusion is made to the Indians, and uniformly in terms of high esteem ; and one Sanskrit word even uchcha, signi- fying the apex of a planet's orbit has passed, though in a form somewhat difficult to recognise (aux, genit. augis), into the Latin translations of Arabian astronomers 283 (see Eeinaud, p. 325). As regards the age and order of sequence of the vari- ous Indian astronomers, of whom works or fragments of works still survive, we do not even here escape from the uncertainty which everywhere throughout Indian literature attends questions of the kind. At their head stands the Aryabhata already mentioned, of whose writings we possess at present only a few sorry scraps, though possibly fuller fragments may yet in course of time be recovered. 284 He appears to have been a contemporary of Puli^a; and, in any case, he was indebted to Greek influence, since he reckons by the zodiacal signs. According to Albiruni, he tc the effect that the Neo-Pytha- goreans were acquainted with the new figures having place-value, and with the zero, to be erroneous, and the. entire passage in Boethius on which this opinion is grounded to be an interpolation of the tenth or eleventh century]. 282 See also Woepcke, Sur V Intro- duction de V Arithmitique Indienne en Occident (Rome, 1859). 283 As also, according to Reinaud's ingenious conjecture (p. 373 ff. ), the name of Ujjayiui itself through a misreading, namely, of the Arabic j '.\ as Arin, Arim, whereby the ' meridian of Ujjayini ' became the 'coupole d'Arin.' 284 The researches of Whitney in Jour. Am. Or. Soc., vi. 560 ff. (1860), and of Bhdu Ddji in /. . A. S., i. 392 ff. (1865), have brought us full light upon this point. From these it appears that of Aryabhata there are still extant the Da&agiti-Sutra and the Arydshtafata, both of which have been already edited by Kern (1874) under the title Aryabkatiya, together with the commentary of Paramddisvara ; cf. A. Earth in the Revue Critique, 1875, pp. 241-253. According to his own account therein given, Aryabhata was born A.D. 476, lived in Eastern India at Kusuma- pura (Palibothra), and composed this work at the early age of twenty-three. In ithe teaches, amongst other things, a quite peculiar numerical notation by means of letters. The larger work extant under the title Arya $id- dhdnta in eighteen adhydyas is evi- dently a subsequent production ; see Hall in Journ. Am. Or. Soc., vi. 556 (1860), and Aufrecht, Calalogus, pp. 325, 326 : Beutley thinks it was not composed until A.D. 1322, and Bhdu Ddji, I. c., pp. 393, 394, be- lieves Bentley "was here for once correct." Wilson, Mack. Cott., i. 119, and Lassen, /. AK., ii. 1136, speak also of a commentary by Arya- bhata on the Surya-Siddhdnta : this is doubtless to be ascribed to Laghu- Aryabhata (Bhdu Ddji, p. 405). Sea also Kern, Pref. to Brih. Sarah., p. 59 ff- 2 ;8 SANSKRIT LITER A TURE, was a native of Kusumapura, i.e., Pataliputra, and belonged consequently to the east of India. Together with him, the authors of the following five Siddhantas are looked upon as ancient astronomers namely, the unknown* author of the Brahma- Siddhdnta or Paitdmaha-Siddhdnta ; next, the author of the Saura- Siddhdnta, who is called Lat by Albiruni, and may possibly be identical with the Lagata, Lagadha mentioned as author of the Yedaiiga treatise* Jyotisha, as well as with Ladha, a writer occasion- ally quoted by Brahmagupta ;t further, Pulis'a, author of the Paulisa- Siddhdnta ; and lastly, Srishena and Vishnu- chandra, to whom the Romaka-Siddhdnta and the Vasishtha- Siddhdnta works said to be based upon Aryabhata's system 285 are respectively attributed. Of these five Sid- dhantas, not one seems to have survived. There exist works, it is true, bearing the names Brahma-Siddhanta, Vasishtha-Siddhanta, Siirya-Siddhanta and Romaka-Sid- dhanta ; but that these are not the ancient works so en- titled appears from the fact that the quotations from the latter, preserved to us by the scholiasts, are not contained in them. 286 In point of fact, three distinct Vasishtha-Sid- dhantas, and, similarly, three distinct Brahma-Siddhantas, * Albiruni names Brahmagupta th e present only the Surya-Siddhiinta as the author of this Brahma-Sid- has been published, with Railgand- rlhdnta; but this is erroneous. Per- tha's commentary, in the Bibl. Ind. haps Reinaud has misunderstood the (18:54-59), ed. by Fitzedward Hall passage (p. 332). and Bapu Deva Sdstrin ; also a trans- + Lddha may very well have arisen lation by the latter, ibid. (1860, out of Lagadha; [the form Ldta, 1861). Simultaneously there ap- however, see Kern, Pref. to Brih. peared in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc., S;imh., p. 53, points rather to AapiK-rj]. vol. vi., a translation, nominally by -^ 3 As also upon Ldta, Vasishtha, Eb. Burgess, with an excellent and and Vijayanandin, according to very thorough commentary by W. Bhdu Daji, I. c., p. 408. In the D. Whitney, who has recently (see latter's opinion the Romaka-Sid- Oriental and Linguistic Studies, ii. dhanta is to be assigned to ake 427 360) assumed " the entire responsi- (A. D. 505), and was "composed iu bility for that publication in all its accordance with the work <>f some parts. 1 ' In his view, p. 326, the Ri )tiian or Greek author." Bhattot- Sdrya-Siddhdnta is "one of the pala likewise mentions, amongst most ancient and original of the others, a Yavanesvara Sphujidhvaja works which present the modern (or Asph), a name in which Bhau astronomical science of the Hindus ;" Daji looks for a Speusippus, but but how far the existing text "is Kern (Pref. to Brih. Samh., p. 48) identical in substance and extent for an Aphrodisius. with that of the original Stirya-Sid- 28(5 See on this point Kern, Pref. dhtlnta" is for the present doubtful, to Brih. Samh., pp. 43-50. Up to Cf. Kern, I. c., pp. 44-46. ASTRONOMY: VARAHA-MIHIRA. 259 are cited. One of these last, which expressly purports to be a recast* of an earlier work, has for its author Brahma- gupta, whose date, according to Albiruni, is the year A.D. 664, which corresponds pretty closely with the date assigned to him by the modern astronomers of Ujjayini, A.D. 62S. 287 To him also belongs, according to Albinini,t a work named Aliargana, corrupted by the Arabs into ArJcand. This Arkand, the Sindhends (i.e., the five Siddhantas), and the system of Arjabahr (Aryathata) were the works which, as already remarked, were principally studied and in part translated by the Arabs in the eighth and ninth centuries. On the other hand, the Arabs do not mention Varaha- Mihira, although lie was prior to Brahmagupta, as the latter repeatedly alludes to him, and although he gathered up the teaching of these five Siddhantas in a work which is hence styled by the commentators Panchasiddhdntikd, but which he himself calls by the name Karana. This work seems to have perished, 288 and only the astrological works of Varaha-Mihira have come down to us namely, the Samhitd J and the ITord-Sdstra. The latter, however, is * Albiruni gives a notice of the Bxihler's letter of 1st April 1875. contents of this recast : it and the See now Biihler's special report on Paulisa-Siddhanta were the only two the PanchasiddLiiiitikii in Ind.Antiq., of these Siddha'ntas he was able to iv. 316. procure. J In a double edition, as Brihat- 287 This latter date is based on Samhitd and as Samdsa-Samhitd. Of his own words in the BrdhmaSphuta- the former Albiruni gives us some Siddhdnta, 24. 7, 8, which, as there extracts ; see also my Catal. of the stated, he composed 550 years after Sanslc. MSS. in the Bcrl. Lib., pp. the Saka-nripdla (fidnta?\ at the 238-254. [For an excellent edition age of thirty. He here calls him- of the Bribat-Sarnhitd (Bibl. Jnd., self the^son of Jishnu, and he lived 1864-65), we are indebted to Kern, mider Sri- Vydghramukha of the who is also publishing a translation Sri-Chiipa dynasty ; Blulu Ddji, I. c., of it (chaps, i.-lxxxiv. thus far) in the p. 410. Prithudakasvaiuin, his Journ. Ji. A. S., iv.-vi. (1870-74). scholiast, describes him, curiously, There also exists an excellent com- as Bhilla-M;ilavakicbaYya ; see Z. mentary on it by Bhattotpala, drawn D. M. G., xxv. 659 ; I. St., xiii. 316. up Sake 888 (A.D. 966), and distin- Chaps. xii. (ganita, arithmetic) and guished by its exceedingly copious xxviii. (kuttaka, algebra) of his quotations of parallel passages from work have, it is well known, been Var^ha-Mihira's predecessors. In translated by Colebrooke (1817). the Brihaj-Jdtaka, 26. 5>. the latter f Reinaud, Mem . sur I'Jnde, p. calls himself the son of Adityaddsa, 322. and an Avantika or native of Avauti, 288 "Yesterday I heard of a ee- i.e., Ujjayini.] condMS. of the Panchasiddhiintikii." 2f5o SANSKRIT LITERATURE. incomplete, only one-third of it being extant.* He men- tions a great number of predecessors, whose names are in part only known to us through him ; for instance, Maya and the Yavanas (frequently), Para^ara, Manittha, 289 Sak- tipurva, Vishnugupta,'}' Devasvamin, Siddhasena, Vajra, Jiva^arman, Satya, 290 &c. Of Aryabhata no direct mention is made, possibly for the reason that he did nothing for astrology : in the Karana he would naturally be men- tioned. 291 While Aryabhata still computes by the era of Yudhishthira, Varaha-Mihira employs the aka-kdla, Saka-bhtipa-kdla, or Sakendra-kdla, the era of the Saka king, which is referred by his scholiast to Vikrama's era. 292 Brahmagupta, on the contrary, reckons by the aka-nri- pdnta which, according to him, took place in the year 3 1 79 of the Kali age that is to say, by the era of aliva- hana. The tradition as to the date of Varaha-Mihira has already been given : as the statements of the astronomers of to-day correspond with those current in Albininf s time, we may reasonably take them as trustworthy, and accord- * Namely, the Jdtaka portion (that relating to nativities) alone ; and this in a double arrangement, as Laghu-Jdtaka and as Brihaj- Jdtaka : the former was translated by Albirtini into Arabic. [The text of the first two chaps, was published by me, with translation, in 1. St., ii. 277 : the remainder was edited by Jiicobi in his degree dissertation (1872). It was also published at Bombay in 1867 with Bhattotpala's commentary ; similarly, the Brihaj- Jataka at Benares and Bombay ; Kern's Pref., p. 26. The text of the first three chaps, of the Ydtrd appeared, with translation, in I. St., x. 161 ff. The third part of the Hora-Sdstra, the Vivdha-patala, is still inedited.] 289 This name I conjecture to re- present Manetho, author of the Apotelesmata, and in this Kern agrees with me (Pref. to Brih. Samh., P- 5 2 )- t This is also a name of Chdna- kya ; Dasakum. 183.5, ed. Wilson. [For a complete list and examination of the names of teachers quoted in the Brihat-Samhita', among whom are Bddarayana and Kanabhuj, see Kern's Preface, p. 29 ff.] 290 Kern, Preface, p. 51, remarks that, according to Utpala, he was also called Bhadatta ; but Aufrecht in his Catalogus, p. 329', has Bha- danta. In the Jyotirvid-dbharana, Satya stands at the head of the sages at Vikrama's court ; see Z. D. M. 0., xxii. 722, xxiv. 400. 291 And as a matter of fact we find in Bhattotpala a quotation from thia work in which he is mentioned ; see Kern, /. R. A. S., xx. 383 (1863); Bliilu Ditji, I. c., 406. In another such quotation Vaniha-Mihira refers to the year 427 of the Saka-kftla, and also to the Romaka-Siddhdnta and Paulisa ; Bhdu Ddji, p. 407. 292 This statement of Colebrooke's, ii. 475 (428 ed. Cowell), cf. also Lassen, /. A K., ii. 50, is unfounded. According to Kern, Preface, p. 6 ff., both in Vardha-Mihira and Ut- pala, only the so-called era of 5-ialiva"' hana is meant. ASTRONOMY: BHASKARA. 261 ing to these he flourished in A.D. 5 (PP- 33S 337) there lurks not a Bhstskara at all, but perhaps a Pushkara. It is certainly strange, however, that he should be styled <_^_j^ <( j and author of a Ka- rana-sdra. Can it be that we have here to do with an interpolation in Albiruni ? ASTRONOMY; LATER PERIOD. 263 (e.g., b-kuj = bhtirja, ~balb-liadr balabhadra), and for the most part faithfully preserves the length of the vowels, neither of these is here done in the case of Bashkar, where, moreover, the s is changed into sli. Bhaskara is the last star of Indian astronomy and arithmetic. After his day no further progress was made, and the astronomical science of the Hindus became once more wholly centred in astrology, out of which it had originally sprung. In this last period, under the influence of their Moslem rulers, the Hindus, in their turn, became the disciples of the Arabs, whose masters they had formerly been.* The same Alkindi who, in the ninth century, had written largely upon Indian astronomy and arithmetic (see Colebrooke, ii. 513; Reinaud, p. 23) now in turn became an authority in the eyes of the Hindus, who studied and translated his writings and those of his suc- cessors. This results indisputably from the numerous Arabic technical expressions which now appear side by side with the Greek terms dating from the earlier period. These latter, it is true, still retain their old position, and it is only for new ideas that new words are intro- duced, particularly in connection with the doctrine of the constellations, which had been developed by the Arabs to a high degree of perfection. Much about the same time, though in some cases perhaps rather earlier, these Arabic works were also translated into another language, namely, into Latin, for the benefit of the European astrologers of the Middle Ages ; and thus it comes that in their writings a number of the very same Arabic technical terms may be pointed out which occur in Indian works. Such termini technici of Indian astrology at this period are the follow- ing :t mukdriiid Uu d conjunction, mukdvild opposition, taravi ^/ ^ quartile aspect, tasdi * Thence is even taken the name translations, as no Arabic texts on for astrology itself in this period, astrology have been printed, and the namely, tdjika, tdjika-idstra, which lexicons ar very meagre in this is to be traced to the Persian L f ;\J respect. [Cf. now Otto Loth's men- . , *-*J torious paper, Al-Kmdi a/s Astrolog Arabic. j n ^he Atoryenlandische Forschungen, f See /. St., 11. 263 ff. Most of ,3^ 263-309, published iu these Arabic terms I know in the h onour o f Fleischer's jubilee.] meantime only from mediaeval Latin 264 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. * sextile aspect, taMi t^uJJu \ trine aspect; further, hadda j^ f radio, mufallaha kdU^, ikkavdla J^Sl jpcr- io, induvdra, ,Ujl deterioratio, ittkisdla and mutha&la ^ * and J.*2JU conjunctio, {sarapha and miOsartpha c 1 , ( ijjtf] and ^J^^ disjunctio, nakta (for nakla) j^ trans- latio, yamayd j^->. congregatio, manati, Ju) prohibitio, kamw&la J-o receptio, gairilcamvula J^Jj i inreceptio, sahama ^.., sors, inthihd and munthahd \j\ and i * ^ ** terminus, and several others that cannot yet be cer- tainly identified. The doctrine of Omens and Portents was, with the Indians, intimately linked with astrology from the earliest times. Its origin may likewise be traced back to the ancient Vedic, nay, probably to some extent even to the primitive Indo- Germanic period. It is found embodied, in particular, in the literature of the Atharva-Veda, as also in the Grihya-Sutras of the other Vedas. 298 A pro- minent place is also accorded to it in the Samhitas of Varaha-Mihira, Narada, &c. ; and it has, besides, produced an independent literature of its own. The same fate has been shared in all respects by another branch of supersti- tion the arts, namely, of magic and conjuration. As the religious development of the Hindus progressed, these found a more and more fruitful soil, so that they now, in fact, reign almost supreme. On these subjects, too, general treatises exist, as well as tracts on single topics belonging to them. Many of their notions have long been naturalised in the West, through the medium of the Indian fables and fairy tales which were so popular in the Middle Ages those, for instance, of the purse (of Fortunatus), the league-boots, the magic mirror, the magic ointment, the invisible cap, &C. 299 98 Cf. my paper, Zwei Vedische cap, for instance, are probably to bo Tcxte iiber Omina vnd Portenta traced to old mythological supersti- (1859), containing the Adbhuta- tious notions of the primitive Indo- Brdhmana and adhy, xiii. of the Germanic time. In the Sanaa- Kaiiisika-Siitra. Vidhdna-Brdhmana(cf. Burnell.Pref., i! * 8 Some of these, the invisible p. xxv.), we have the purse of Fortu- MEDICAL SCIENCE: CHARAKA, SUSRUTA, ETC. 265 We have now to notice Medicine, as the fourth branch of the scientific literature. The beginnings of the healing art in Vedic times have been already glanced at (pp. 29, 30). Here, again, it is the Atharva-Veda that occupies a special position in rela- tion to it, and in whose literature its oldest fragments are found fragments, however, of a rather sorry description, and limited mostly to spells and incantations. 300 The Indians themselves consider medicine as an Upaveda, whence they expressly entitle it Ayur- Veda, by which term they do not understand any special work, as has been supposed. They derive it, as they do the Veda itself, immediately from the gods: as the oldest of human writers upon it they mention, first, Atreya, then Agnives"a, then Charaka, 301 then Dhanvantari, and, lastly, his disciple natus, p. 94; see Lit. C. Bl., 1874, pp. 423, 424. Magic, further, stands in a special relation to the sectarian Tantra texts, as well as to the Yoga doctrine. A work of some extent on this subject bears the name of Ndgcirjuna, a name of high renown among the Buddhists ; see my Catal. of the Berl. Sansk. MSS., p. 270. 300 See Virgil Grohmann's paper, Medicinisches aus demAtharva- Veda mit besonderem Bfzug auf den Tak- man in /. St., ix. 381 ff. (1865). Sarpa-vidyd t (serpent-science) is mentioned in Satap. Br. xiii., as a separate Veda, with sections enti- tled parvan ; may it not have treated of medical matters also ? At all events, in the AsVal. Sr., Visha- vidyd (science of poisons) is directly coupled with it. As to the con- tents of the Vayo - vidyd (bird- science), mentioned in the same passage of the Sat. Br., it is difficult to form a conjecture. These Vidyd- texts are referred to elsewhere also in the Sat. Br. (in xi. xiv.), and appear there, like the Va'idyaka in the Mahd,bhj(shya, as ranking beside the Veda. A Vdrttika to Piin. iv. 2. 60, teaches a special affix to de- note the study of texts, the names of which end in -vidyd or -lakshana ; and we might almost suppose that Panini himself was acquainted with texts of this description. From what Patamjali states, besides birds and serpents, cattle and horses also formed the subject of such works. All the special data of this sort in the Mahdbhashya point to practical observations from the life ; and out of these, in course of time, a litera- ture of natural history could have been developed; see 7. St., xiii. 459-461. The lakshana sections in the Atharva-Parisishtas are either of a ceremonial or astrological-me- teorological purport ; while, on the other hand, the astrological Samhitt of Vardha-Mihira, for instance, con- tains much that may have been directly derived from the old vidydi and lalcshanas. 301 In the Charaka-Samhitd itself Bharadvaja (Punarvasu) Kapishthala heads the list as the disciple of Indra. Of his six disciples Agnivesa, Bhe- la, Jatukarna, Parasara, Hsirita, Kshdrapani Agnivesa first com- posed his tantra, then the others theirs severally,, which they there- upon recited to Atreya. To him the narration of the text is expressly referred ; for after the opening words of each adhydya (' athdto . . . vyd- khydsydmah') there uniformly fol- lows the phrase, " iti ha smdha bha~ 266 SANSKRIT LITERA TURE. Sus'ruta. THe first three names belong specially to the two divisions of the Yajus, but only to the period of the Sutras and the school-development of this Veda. 302 The medical works bearing these titles can in no case there- fore be of older date than this. How much later they ought to be placed is a point for the determination of which we have at present only the limit of the eighth century A.D., at the close of which, according to Ibn Beithar and Albininf (Reinaud, p. 316), the work of Charaka, and, according to Ibn Abi Us'aibiah, the work of Sus'ruta also, were translated into Arabic. That Indian medicine had in Panini's time already attained a certain degree of culti- vation appears from the names of various diseases specified by him (iii. 3. 108, v. 2. 129, &c.), though nothing definite results from this. In the gana ' Kartakaujapa ' (to Panini, vi. 2. 37) we find the ' SausSrutaparthavas ' instanced among the last members ; but it is uncertain what we have to understand by this expression. The ganas, more- over, prove nothing in regard to Panini's time ; and besides, it is quite possible that this particular Sutra may not be Panini's at all, but posterior to Patamjali, in whose Maha- bhashya, according to the statement of the Calcutta scho- liast, it is not interpreted. 303 Dhanvantari is named in Manu's law-book and in the epic, but as the mythical physician of the gods, not as a human personage. 304 In the Panchatantra two physicians, sYilihotra and Vatsya- gavdn Atreyah. " Quite as uniformly, vii.), Krisa, Samkrityayana, however, it is stated in a closing yana, Krishn&treya. verse at the end of each adkydya 3U3 ' Sausruta ' occurs in the Bha"- that the work is a tantra composed shya ; is, however, expressly derived by Agniv-esa and rearranged (prati- from snsrut, not from Susruta. samskrUa) by Charaka. Consequently neither this name nor ^ 2 The same thing applies sub- the Kutapa-Sausruta mentioned in stantially to the names mentioned another passage has anything to do in Charaka (see last note) Bliarad- with the Susruta of medical writers ; vaja, Agnivesa (Hut.ls'aves'a !), Ja- see I. St., xiii. 462, 407. For the tukarna, Par&sara, Hiirita. And time of the author of the Vdrttikas amongst the names of the sages who we have the fact of the three hum- there appear as the associates of ours, vdta, pitta, tteshman, being Bliaradvaja, we find, besides those already ranked together, 1. c., p. 462. nf the old Rishis, special mention, S04 As such he appears in the verse amongst others, of Asvalayana, B;t- so often mentioned already, which dardj ann, Kdtydyana, Baijavdpi, &c. specifies him as one of the 'nine As medical authorities are further gems' at Vikrama's court, together cited, amongst others (see the St. with Kstlidsisa and Vardha-Mihira ; Petersburg Diet. Supplement, vol. see Jyotirvid-dbharana, I. c. MEDICAL SCIENCE .- AGE OF EXTANT WORKS. 267 yana,* whose names are still cited even in our own day, are repeatedly mentioned : 305 but although this work was translated into Pahlavi in the sixth century, it does not at all follow that everything now contained in it formed part of it then, unless we actually find it in this transla- tion (that is, in the versions derived from it).t I am not aware of any other references to medical teachers or works; I may only add, that the chapter of the Amarakosha (ii. 6) on the human body and its diseases certainly presupposes an advanced cultivation of medical science. An approximate determination of the dates of the. ex- isting works 305 * will only be possible when these have been subjected to a critical examination both in respect of their contents and language.! But we may even now dis- * This form of name points us to the time of the production of the Sutras, , to Vdtsya. [It is found in Taitb. Ar., i. 7. 2, as patronymic of it Paiichaparna.] 305 Salihotra's specialty is here veterinary medicine (his name itself signifies 'horse'); that of Va'tsya'- yana the ars amandi. Of the for- mer's work there are in London two different recensions ; see Dietz, Analectn Medica, p. 153 (No. 63) and p. 156 (No. 70). According to Sir H. JI. Elliot's BiU. Index to the Hist, of Muh. Jnd., p. 263, a work of the kind by this author was translated into Arabic in A.D. 1361. The Kama-Sutra, also, of Vdtsya'yana, which by Madhusudana Sarasvati in the Prastha"na - bheda is expressly classed with Ayur-Veda, is still ex- tant. This work, which, judging from the account of its contents given by Aufrecht in his Catalogus, p. 215 ff., is of an extremely interesting character, appeals, in majorem glori- am,to most imposing ancientauthori- ties namely, Auddjllaki, Svetaketu, Bitbhravya Pilhcliiila, Gonardiya (i.e., Patarnjali, author of the Maluibha"- shya ?'), Gonikdputra, &c. It is also cited by Subandhu, and Samkara himself is said to have written a commentary on it ; see Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 256*. + This was rightly insisted upon by Bentloy in opposition to Cole- brooke, who had adduced, as an argument to prove the age of Va- rdha-Mihira, the circumstance that he is mentioned in the Panchatantra (this is the same passage which is also referred to in the Vikramar Charitra ; see Roth, Journ. Asiat., Oct. 1845, p. 304.) [Kern, it is true, in his Pref. to the Brih. Samhitd, pp. 19,20, pronounces very decidedly against this objection of Bentley's, but wrongly,, as it seems to me; for, according to Benfey's researches, the present text of the Panchatantra is a very late production ; cf. pp. 221, 240, above.] 30Ba According to Tumour, Malid* vansa, p. 254, note, the medical work there named in the text, by the Singhalese king Buddhada"sa (A.D. 339), entitled Sjirattha-Samgaha, is still in existence (in Sanskrit too) in Ceylon, and is used by the native medical practitioners ; see on this Davids in the Transactions of the Phitol. Society, 1875, pp. 76, 78. { The Tibetan Tandjur, according to the accounts given of it, contains a considerable number of medical writings, a circumstance not with- out importance for their chronology, Thus, Csoma Korosi in the Journ. As. Soc. Beng., January 1825, gives .268 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. miss, as belonging to the realm of dreams, the naive views that have quite recently been advanced as to the age, for example, of the work bearing Su^ruta's name.* In language and style, it and the works resembling it with which I am acquainted manifestly exhibit a certain affinity to the writings of Varaha-Mihira. 306 "If then" here I make use of Stenzler'sf words "internal grounds should render it probable that the system of medicine expounded in Suiruta has borrowed largely from the Greeks, there would be nothing at all surprising in such a circumstance so far as chronology is affected by it." 307 But in the mean- time, no such internal grounds whatever appear to exist : on the contrary, there is much that seems to tell against the idea of any such Greek influence. In the first place, the Yavanas are never referred to as authorities; and amongst the individuals enumerated in the introduction as contemporaries of Su6ruta,j there is not one whose name has a foreign sound. Again, the cultivation of medicine the contents of a Tibetan work on medicine, which is put into the mouth of Sdkyamuni, and, to all appearance, is a translation of Su- sVuta or some similar work. * To wit, by Vullers and Hessler ; by the former in an essay on Indian medicine in the periodical Janus, edited by Henschel ; by the latter in the preface to his so-called transla- tion of Susruta [1844-50]. 308 The Charaka - Samhitd has rather higher pretensions to anti- quity ; its prose here and there re- minds us of the style of the Srauta- Sutras. f From his examination of Vul- lers's view in the following number of Janus, ii. 453. I may remark here that Wilson's words, also quoted by Wise in the Preface to his System of Hindu Medicine (Calc. 1845), p. xvii., have been utterly misunder- stood by Vullers. Wilson fixes " as the most modern limit of our con- jecture " the ninth or tenth century, i.e., A.D., but Vullers takes it to lie B.C. ! ! [Cf. now Wilson's Works, iii. 273, ed. Rost.] 3u7 This is evidently Roth's opinion also (see Z. D. M. G., xxvi. 441, 1872). Here, after expressing a wish that Indian medicine might be thoroughly dealt with by competent scholars, he adds the remark, that "only a comparison of the prin- ciples of Indian with those of Greek medicine can enable us to judge of the origin, age, and value of the former ; " and then further on (p. 448), apropos of Charaka's injunc- tions as to the duties of the physi- cian to his patient, he cites some remarkably coincident expressions from the oath of the Asklepiads. J Hessler, indeed, does not per- ceive that they are proper names, but translates the words straight off. With the single exception per- haps of Paushkalilvata, a name which at least seems to point to the North-West, to IIewce\au>m. [We are further pointed to the North- West of India (cf. the Kez/ti/S/fftfoXoi) by the name of Bharadvaja Kapi- slitliala in the Charaka-Samhiti, which, moreover, assigns to the neigh- bourhood of the Himavant (pdrtvc Ifimavatah subhe) that gathering of sages, out of which came the MEDICAL TEXTS: NUMBER AND VALUE. 269 is by Susruta himself, as well as by other writers, expressly assigned to the city of Ka6i (Benares) in the period, to be sure, of the mythical king Divodasa Dhanvantari,* an incarnation of Dhanvantari, the physician of the gods. And lastly, the weights and measures to be used by the physician are expressly enjoined to be either those em- ployed in Magadha or those current in Kalinga ; whence we may fairly presume that it was in these eastern provinces, which never came into close contact with the Greeks, that medicine received its special cultivation. Moreover, considerable critical doubts arise as to the authenticity of the existing texts, since in the case of some of them we find several recensions cited. Thus Atri, whose work appears to have altogether perished, is also cited as laghv-Atri, brihad-Atii ; Atreya, similarly, as brihad-AtTeya, vriddha - Atreya, ma dhyama - Atreya, kanishtha-Atreja; Sus'ruta, also as vriddha-SuiTnta, ; Vagbhata, also as vriddha- Vagbhata ; Harita, also as vriddha-TLarita. ; Bhoja, also as vriddha-Rhoja a state of things to which we have an exact parallel in the case of the astronomical Siddhantas (see pp. 258, 259, and Colebrooke ii. 391, 392), and also of the legal literature. The number of medical works and authors is extraordinarily large. The former are either systems embracing the whole domain of the science, or highly special investigations of single topics, or, lastly, vast com- pilations prepared in modern times under the patronage of kings and princes. The sum of knowledge embodied in their contents appears really to be most respectable. Many of the statements on dietetics and on the origin and diag- nosis of diseases bespeak a very keen observation. In surgery, too, the Indians seem to have attained a special instruction of Bharadvaja by Indra. expressly termed Vdhika-bhishaj. Again, Agnivesa is himself, ibid., i. We have already met with his name 13 comm., described as Chdndrabha'- (p. 153 above) amongst the teachers gin, and so, probably (cf. gana ' ba- of the Atharva-Pari.4ishtas.] hvddi' to Pdnini, iv. I. 45) associ- * Susruta is himself said, in the ated with the Chandrabha'ga', one of introduction, to have been a disciple the great rivers of the Panjdb. And of his. This assertion may, how- lastly, there is also mentioned, ibid., ever, rest simply on a confusion of i. 12, iv. 6, an ancient physician, this Dhanvantari with the Dhan- Kdnkciyana, probably the Kankah or vantari who is given as one of the Katka of the Arabs (see Reinaud, ' nine gems ' of Vikrama's court. M6m. sur I'Inde, p. 314 ff.), who is 270 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. proficiency, 308 and in this department European surgeons might perhaps even at the present day still learn some- thing from them, as indeed they have already borrowed from them the operation of rhinoplasty. The information, again, regarding the medicinal properties of minerals (especi- ally precious stones and metals), of plants, and animal sub- stances, and the chemical analysis and decomposition of these, covers certainly much that is valuable. Indeed, the branch of Materia Medica generally appears to be handled with great predilection, and this makes up to us in some measure at least for the absence of investigations in the field of natural science. 309 On the diseases, &c., of horses and elephants also there exist very special monographs. For the rest, during the last few centuries medical science has suffered great detriment from the increasing prevalence of the notion, in itself a very ancient one, that diseases are but the result of transgressions and sins committed, and from the consequent very general substitution of fastings, alms, arid gifts to the Brahmans, for real remedies. An excellent general sketch of Indian medical science is given in Dr. Wise's work, Commentary on the Hindu System of Medicine, which appeared at Calcutta in i845. 310 The influence, which has been already glanced at, of Hindu medicine upon the Arabs in the first centuries of the Hijra was one of the very highest significance ; and the Khalifs of Bagdad caused a considerable number of works upon the subject to be translated.* Now, as Ara- 308 See now as to this Wilson, the editor, it makes but slow pro- Works, iii. 380 ff., ed. Rost. gress. (Part 2, 1871, breaks off at 309 Cf. the remarks in note 300 on adhy. 5.) It furnished the occasion the vidyds and the vaidyaka. for Roth's already mentioned mono_- 310 New ed. 1860 (London). Cf. graph on Charaka, in which he corn- also two, unfortunately short, papers municates a few sections of the by Wilson On the Medical and Sur- work, iii. 8 (' How to become a doc- (jical Science of the Hindus, in vol. i. tor') and i. 29 ('The Bungler') in of his Essays on Sanskrit Literature, translation. From the Bhela-Sam- collected by Dr. Rost (1864, Works, hita" (see note 301 above), Burnell, vol. iii.). Up to the present only in his Elem. of S. Ind. Pal., p. 94, Susruta has been published, by quotes a verse in a way (namely, as Madhusiidana Gupta (Calc. 1835-36, 31.4) which clearly indicates that new ed. 1868) and by Jivdnanda he had access to an entire work of Vidj-dsagara (1873). An edition of this name. Charaka has been begun by Ganird- * See Gildemeister, Script. Arab. <1hara Kaviraja (Calc. 1868-69), de rebus Indicia, pp. 94-97. [Flxigel, but unfortunately, being weighted following the Fihrist al-ultim in Z. with a very prolix commentary by D. M. G., xi. 148 ff., 325 ff. (1857).] ART OF WAR MUSIC. 271 tian medicine constituted the chief authority and guiding principle of European physicians down to the seventeenth century, it directly follows just as in the case of astro- nomy that the Indians must have been held in high esteem by these latter ; and indeed Charaka is repeatedly mentioned in the Latin translations of Avicenna (Ibn Sina), Ehazes (Al Kasi), and Serapion (Ibn Serabi).* Besides Ayur-veda, medicine, the Hindus specify three other so-called Upavedas Dhanur-veda, Gdndharva-vcda, and Artha-sdstra, i.e., the Art of War, Music, and the For- mative Arts or Technical Arts generally ; and, like Ayur- veda, these terms designate the respective branches of literature at large, not particular works. As teacher of the art of war, VisVamitra is mentioned, and the contents of his work are fully indicated ; 311 the name Bharadvaja also occurs. 312 But of this branch of literature hardly any direct monuments seem to have been preserved.t Still, the Mti-Sastras and the Epic comprise many sections bearing quite specially upon the science of war ; 313 and the Agni-Purana, in particular, is distinguished by its very copious treatment of the subject. 314 Music was from the very earliest times a favourite pur- suit of the Hindus, as we may gather from the numerous allusions to musical instruments in the Vedic literature ; but its reduction to a methodical system is, of course, of later date. Possibly the Nata-Sutras mentioned in Panini (see above, p. 197) may have contained something of the * See Eoyle On the Antiquity of Rdjendra Ldla Mitra in the Bill. Hindu Medicine, 1838. Ind. (1849-61), with extracts, which, 311 By Madhusddana Sarasvati in however, only reach as far as the the Prasthdna-bheda, 1. St., i. IO, ninth chap., from the commentary 21. entitled ' Upddhydya - nirapekshd ;' 313 Where Bharadvdja can appear in style and matter it reminds us of in such a position, I am not at pre- the Brihat-Sainhitd of Vardha-Mi- seut aware ; perhaps we ought to hira. A work of like title and sub- read Bhdradvaja, i.e., Drona ? ject was taken to Java by the Hin- f With the exception of some dtis who emigrated thither, see /. works on the rearing of horses and St., iii. 145 ; but whether this emi- elephants, which may perhaps be gration actually took place so early classed here, although they more as the fourth century, as Rdj. L. properly belong to medicine. M. supposes, is still very question- si 3 The Kdmandakiya Niti-6dstra able. in nineteen chaps., to which this espe- 3U See Wilson ' On the A rt oj cially applies, has been published by War' (Works, iv. 290 ff.). 272 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. kind, since music was specially associated with dancing. The earliest mention of the names of the seven notes of the musical scale occurs, so far as we know at present, in the so-called Vedangas in the Chhandas 315 and the Siksha ; 3ia and they are further mentioned in one of the Atharvo- panishads (the Garbha), which is, at least, not altogether modern. As author of the Gandharva-veda,* i.e., of a treatise on music, Bharata is named, and, besides him, also Isvara, Pavana, Kalinatha, 317 Narada ; 318 but of these the only existing remains appear to be the fragments cited in 315 See on this /. St., viii. 259-272. The designation of the seven notes by the initial letters of their names is also found here, in one recension of the text at least, ibid., p. 256. According to Von Bohlen, Das alte Indien, ii. 195 (1830), and Benfey, Indien, p. 299 (in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopcudie, vol. xvii., 1840), this notation passed from the Hindus to the Persians, and from these again to the Arabs, and was introduced into European music by Quido d' Arezzo at the beginning of the ele- venth century. Corresponding to the Indian sa ri ga ma pa dha ni we have in Persian, along with the de- signation of the notes by the first seven letters of the alphabet (A G), the scale da re mi fa sa la be ; see Hichardson and Johnson's Pers. Diet. s. v. Durr i mufassal. Does the word gamma, ' gamut,' Fr. gamme, which has been in use since the time of Guido d'Arezzo to express the musical scale, itself come from the equivalent Sanskrit term grama (Prdkr. gdma), and so exhibit a direct trace of the Indian origin of the seven notes? See Ludvvig Geiger's precisely opposite conjecture in his Ursprungder Spracke, i. 458 (1868). The usual explanation of the word is, of course, that it is derived from the r (gamma) which designates the first of the twenty - one notes of Guide's scale, and which was " known and in common, if not uni- versal, use for more than a cen- tury before his time ; " see Ambros, Geschichte der Musik, ii. 151 (1864). " There being already a G and a g in the upper octaves, it was necessary to employ the equivalent Greek lotter for the corresponding lowest note." The necessity for this ia not, how- ever, so very apparent ; but, rather, in the selection of this term, and again in its direct employment in the sense of ' musical scale ' a remini- scence of the Indian word may ori- ginally have had some influence, though Guido himself need not have been cognisant of it. 316 A IIC J ^13 no m erely in the Sikshd attributed to Pdniui, but in the whole of the tracts belonging to this category ; see my Essay on the Pratijnd- Sutra, pp. 107-109; Haug, Accent, p. 59. * This title is derived from the Gandharvas or celestial musicians. 317 This name is also written Kalli- ndtha (Kapila in Lassen, I. AK., iv. 832, is probably a mistake), by Sir W. Jones, On the Musical Modes of the Hindus in As. Res., iii. 329, and by Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 2IO*. Biihler, however, Catal. of MSS. from Guj., iv. 274, has the spelling given in the text. But, at any rate, instead of Pavana, we must read ' Hanumant, son of Pavana.' For Bharata, see above, p. 231. 318 See the data from the N- rada-siksha" in Haug, Ueberdes Wescn des Ved. Accents, p. 58. The 'gan- dharva Narada* is probably origi- nally only Cloud personified ; see /. St., i. 204, 483, ix. 2. PAINTING AND SCULPTURE. 273 the scholia of the dramatic literature. Some of these writings were translated into Persian, and, perhaps even earlier, into Arabic. There are also various modern works on music. The whole subject, however, has been but little investigated. 319 As regards the third Upaveda, Artha-$dstra, the Hindus, as is well known, have achieved great distinction in the technical arts, but less in the so-called formative arts. The literature of the subject is but very scantily repre- sented, and is for the most part modern. Painting, in the first place, appears in a very rudiment- ary stage. Portrait-painting, for which perspective is not required, seems to have succeeded best, as it is frequently alluded to in the dramas. 319 * In Sculpture, on the con- trary, no mean skill is discernible. 320 Among the reliefs carved upon stone are many of great beauty, especially those depicting scenes from Buddha's life, Buddha being uniformly represented in purely human shape, free from mythological disfigurement. There exist various books of 319 Besides Sir W. Jones, I. c., see also Patterson in vol. ix. of the As. Jtes., Lassen, 7. AK., iv. 832, and more particularly the special notices in Aufrecht's Catalogus, pp. 199-202. Sarngadeva, author of the Sangi- taratnsikara, cites as authorities Abhinavagupta, Kirtidhara, Kohala, Somesvara ; he there treats not only of music, especially singing, but also of dancing, gesticulation, &c. 3i9a Q n modern painting, see my Essay, Ucber Krishna's Gebiirtsfest, p. 341 ff. It is noteworthy that the accounts of ' the manner of origin of the production of likenesses* at the close of TaYandtha's hist. of Buddhism (Schiefner, p. 278 ff. ) expressly point to the time of Asoka and Niigarjuna as the most flourishing epoch of the Ya- ksha and Ndga artists. In an ad- dress recently delivered to the St. Petersburg Academy (see the Bul- letin of 25th Nov. 1875), Schiefner communicated from the Kdgyur some ' Anecdotes of Indian Artists,' in which, among other things, special reference is made to the Yavanas as excellent painters and craftsmen. On pictorial representations of the fight between Kansa and Krishna, see the data in the Mahdbhdshya, /. St., xiii. 354, 489 ; and on likenesses of the gods for sale in Panini's time, Goldstiicker's Pdnini, p. 228 ff. ; /. St., v. 148, xiii. 331. 320 Through the recent researches of Fergusson, Cunningham, and Leit- ner the question has been raised whether Greek influence was not here also an important factor. Highly remarkable in this regard are, for example, the parallels between an ini.ige of the sun-god in his car on a column at Buddhagayd and a well- known figure of Phoebus Apollo, ns shown in Plate xxvii. of Cunning- ham's Arckceological Survey of India, vol. iii. 97 (1873). The same type is also exhibited on a coin of the Bactrian king Plato, lately described by \V. S. W. Vaux in the Numitm, Chronicle, xv. 1-5 (1875). I 274 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. instructions and treatises on the subject : 321 according to the accounts given of them, they deal for the most part with single topics, the construction of images of the gods, for example ; but along with these are others on geometry and design in general. A far higher degree of development was attained by Architecture, of which some most admirable monuments still remain : it received its chief cultivation at the hands of the Buddhists, as these required monasteries, topes (sttipas), and temples for their cult. It is not, indeed, improbable that our Western steeples owe their origin to an imita- tion of the Buddhist topes. But, on the other hand, in the most ancient Hindu edifices the presence of Greek influ- ence 321a is unmistakable. 322 (See Benfey, Indien, pp. 300- 305.) Architecture, accordingly, was often systematically 321 E.g., also in Vaniha-Mihira's Brihat - Sarp.hita', one chapter of which, on the construction of statues of the gods, is communicated from Albiruni by Reinaud in his Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 419 ff. See also /. St., xiii. 344-346. 32Ia In the fifth vol., which has just appeared, of his Archaeological Purvey of India, p, 185 ff., Cunning- ham distinguishes an Indo-Persian style, the prevalence of which he assigns to the period of the Persian supremacy over the valley of the Indus(5oo-33o), and three Indo-Gre- cian styles, of which the Ionic pre- vailed in Takshila, the Corinthian in GandhaYa, and the Doric in Kash- mir. Rajendra LtilaMitra, it is true, in vol. i. of his splendid work, The Antiquities of Orissa (1875), holds out patriotically against the idea of any Greek influence whatever on the development of Indian architecture, &c. (At p. 25, by the way, my con- jecture as to the connection between the Asura Maya, Turamaya, and Ptolemaios, see above, p. 253, /. St., ii. 234, is stated in a sadly distorted form.) Looking at his plates, how- ever, we have a distinct suggestion of Greek art, for example, in the two fountain-nymphs in Plate xvi., No. 46 ; while the Bayadere in Plate xviii., No. 59, from the temple of BhuvanesVara, middle of seventh century (p. 31), seems to be resting her right hand on a dolphin, beside which a Cupid (?) is crouching, and might therefore very well be an imi- tation of some representation of Venus. (Cf. Rdj. L: if., p. 59.) 322 This does not mean that the Indians were not acquainted with stone-building prior to the time of Alexander an opinion which is confuted by Cunningham, I. c., iii. 98. The painful minuteness, indeed, with which the erection of brick- altars is described in the Vedic sac- rificial ritual (cf . the J-iulva-Sutras) might lead us to suppose that such structures were still at that time rare. But, on the one hand, this would take us back to a much earlier time than we are here speaking of ; and, on the other, this scrupulous minuteness of description may simply be due to the circumstance that a specifically sacred structure is here in question, in connection with which, therefore, every single detail was of direct consequence. ARCHITECTURE TECHNICAL ARTS. 275 treated of, 323 and we find a considerable number of such works cited, some of which, as is customary in India, pur- port to proceed from the gods themselves, as from Vi^vakar- man, 324 Sanatkumara, &c. In the Samhita of Varaha-Mihira, too, there is a tolerably long chapter devoted to architec- ture, though mainly in an astrological connection. The skill of the Indians in the production of delicate woven fabrics, in the mixing of colours, the working of metals and precious stones, the preparation of essences, 325 and in all manner of technical arts, has from early times enjoyed a world-wide celebrity : and for these subjects also we have the names of various treatises and monographs. Mention is likewise made of writings on cookery and every kind of requirement of domestic life, as dress, ornaments, the table; on games of every description, dice,* for ex- 323 See Lassen, /. AK., iv. 877. Rdm RaVs Essay on the Architecture of the Hindus (1834) is specially based on the Mdnasdra in fifty-eight adhydyas, presumably composed in S. India (p. 9). Ma"yamata (Maya's system, on which see Raj. L. M., Notices, ii. 306), Kdsyapa, Vaikha'- nasa, and the SakalddhikaYa ascribed to Agastya, were only secondarily consulted. The portion of the Agni- Pura'na published in the Bibl. 2nd. treats, int. al., of the building of houses, temples, &c. The Ratha- Siitraand the Vdstu-Vidya are given by Saiikha (Schol. on Kdty., i. I. 1 1) as the special rules for the ratha- kdra. The word Sutra-dhdra, 'mea- suring-line holder,' ' builder,' signi- fies at the same time ' stage-man- ager ; ' and here perhaps we have to think of the temporary erections that were required for the actors, spectators, &c., during the perform- ance of dramas at the more import- ant festivals. In this latter accept- ation, indeed, the word might also possibly refer to the Nata-$w/., 1874, p. 423.] 278 SANSKRIT LITERA TURE. to observe (pp. 58, 84, 102, 143), is the explanation of the circumstance that most of the names current as authors of Grihya-Sutras are at the same time given as authors of Dharma-Sastras.* The distinction, as a commentator f re- marks, is simply this, that the Grihya-Sutras confine themselves to the points^ of difference of the various schools, whereas the Dharma-Sastras embody the precepts and obligations common to all. 827 * In the case of Manu, too, there would seem to have existed a Mdnava Grihya-Sutra as its basis (?), and the reference to the great an- cestor Manu would thus appear to be only a subsequent one (?). [This surmise of mine, expressed with diffidence here, above at pp. 19, IO2, and in /. St., i. 69, has since been generally accepted, and will, it is hoped, find full confirmation in the text of the Ma"n. Grihyas., which has meanwhile actually come to light. 1 have already pointed out one in- stance of agreement in language with the Yajus texts, in the word abhini- mrukta; see /. Str., ii. 209, 210.] t As'drka on the Karma-pradipa of Kd'yilyana. 327 la his Hist, of Anc. Sansk. Lit. (1859), Max Miiller gave some jiccount of the Dharma-Sutra of Apastamba, which is extant under the title Sa'maya'cha'rika- Sutra. He also characterised three of the Dhar- ma-Sdstras printed at Calcutta (the Gautama, Vishnu, and Vasishtha) as being bliarma-Sutras of a similar kind ; expressing himself generally to the effect (p. 134) that all the metrical Dharma-Siistras we possess are but "more modern texts of earlier Sutra-works or Kula-dbarmas belonging originally to certain Vedic Charanas." (The only authority cited by him is Stenzler in I. St., i. 232, who, however, in his turn, re- fers to my own earlier account, ibid. PP- 57. 69, 143). Johiintgen, in his tract, Ueber das Gcsctzbuch dis Manu (1863), adopted precisely the same view (see, e.g., p. 1 13). Biihler, finally, in the Introduction to the Digest of Hindu Law, edited by him, jointly with R. West (vol. i., 1867), furnished us for the first time with more specific information as to these Dhunm-Sutras, which connect themselves with, and in part directly belong to, the Vedic .Sutra stage. In the appendix to this work he likewise communicated various sections on the law of in- heritance from the four Dharma- Stitras above mentioned, and that of Baudhdyana. He also published separately,, in 1868, the entire Stitra of Apastamba, with extracts from Haradatta's commentary and an index of words (1871). This Sutra, in point of fact, forms (see above, notes 108 and 109) two pratnas of the Ap. Srauta-Sutra ; and a similar remark applies to the Siitra of Baudhdyana. According to Btihler's exposition, to the five Sutras just named have to be added the small texts of this class, consist- ing of prose and verse intermingled, which are ascribed to Usanas, Ka- s"yapa, and Budha; and, perhaps, also the Smritis of Hdrita and Sankha. All the other existing Smritis, on the contrary, bear a more modern character, and are either (i) metri- cal redactions of ancient Dharma- Sutras, or fragments of sucli redac- tions (to these belong our Manu and Yajnavalkya, as well as the Smritis of Ndrada, Par,isara, Brihaspati, Samvarta), or (2) secondary redac- tions of metrical Dharma-Sastras, or (3) metrical versionsof theGpbya- Siuras, or lastly, (4) forgeries of the Hindu sects. The material in vol. i. of Biihler and West's work has been DHARMA-SASTRAS: CODE OF MANU. 279 As regards the existing text of Manu, it cannot, ap- parently, have been extant in its present shape even at the period to which the later portions of the Maha- Bharata belong. For although Manu is often cited in the epic in literal accordance with the text as we now have it, on the other hand, passages of Manu are just as often quoted there which, while they appear in our text, yet do so with considerable variations. Again, passages are there ascribed to Manu which are nowhere found in our collec- tion, and even passages composed in a totally different metre. And, lastly, passages also occur frequently in the Maha-Bharata which are not attributed to Manu at all, but which may nevertheless be read verbatim in our text.* Though we may doubtless here assign a large share of the blame to the writers making the quotations (we know from the commentaries how often mistakes have crept in through the habit of citing from memory), still, the fact that our text attained its present shape only after having been, perhaps repeatedly, recast, is patent from the numerous inconsistencies, additions, and repetitions it contains. In support of this conclusion, we have, further, not only the fabulous tradition to the effect that the text of Manu con- sisted originally of 100,000 ilokas, and was abridged, first to 12,000, and eventually to 4000 lokas\ a tradition which at least clearly displays a reminiscence of various remodellings of the text but also the decisive fact that in the legal commentaries, in addition to Manu, a Vriddha- Manu and a .#n7ta?i-Manu are directly quoted^ and must therefore have been still extant at the time of these com- mentaries. But although we cannot determine, even ap- proximately, the date when our text of Manu received its present shape, 328 there is little doubt that its contents, utilised critically, in its legal bear- t Our present text contains only ing, by Aurel Mayr, in his work, Das 2684 Slokas. indiscJie Erbrecht (Vienna, 1873) ; See Stenzler, 1. c., p. 235. see on it Lit. C. 1., 1874, p. 3 - 8 Jolmntgen (pp. 86, 95) assumes 340 fl'. ag the latest limit for its composition * See Holtzmann, Ueber den the year B.C. 350, and as the earliest gricclischen Ursprung des indischen limit the fifth century. But this Thierkrcises, p. 14. [As to Manu's ' rests in great part upon his further position in Vardha-Mihira, see Kern, assumption (p. 77) that the Brdh- Pref. to Brih. Samh., pp. 42, 43, manas, Upanishads, &c., known and on a Pali edition of Manu, to us are all of later date an Kost in I. St., 5. 315 ff.] assumption which is rendered in zSo SANSKRIT LITERATURE. compared with those of the other Dharrna-Sastras, are, on the whole, the most ancient, and that, consequently, it has been rightly placed by general tradition * at the head of this class of literature. The number of these other Dharma-Sastras is considerable, amounting to fifty-six, and is raised to a much higher figure namely, eighty if we reckon the several redactions of the individual works that have so far come to our knowledge, and which are designated by the epithets laghu, madhyama, briJiat, vriddha. 3 ^ When once the various texts are before us, their relative age will admit of being determined without great difficulty. It will be possible,t in particular, to characterise them according to the preponderance, or the entire absence, of one or other of the three constituent elements which make up the substance of Indian law, that is to say, according as they chiefly treat of domestic and civil duties, of the administration of justice, or of the regu- lations as to purification and penance. In Manu these three constituents are pretty much mixed up, but upon the whole they are discussed with equal fulness. The code of Yajnavalkya is divided into three books, accord- ing to the three topics, each book being of about the same extent. The other works of the class vary. With regard to the code of Yajnavalkya, just men- tioned the only one of these works which, with Manu, is as yet generally accessible its posteriority to Manu fol- lows plainly enough, not only from this methodical distri- bution of its contents, but also from the circumstance J that the highest degree doubtful by the these, however, we have still to add, remarks he himself makes, in agree- for example, from his Catalogue of merit with Muller and myself, upon MSS. from Gujardt, vol. iii., tho the probable orisr'm of the work Smritis of Kokila, Gobhila, Suryd- from a Grihya-Sutra of the Mdnava rima, laghu- and vrifMAa-Pardsara, school of the Black Yajus, as well lay/at- Brihaspati, lagku Saunaka ; as upon the various redactions it while to the collective titles pur- has undergone, and the relation of posely omitted by him from his the work itself and the various list Chaturvinsati, Shattrinsat (ex- schools of the Yajus to Buddhism tracts from 24 and 36 Smritis), and (pp. 112, 113); see /. Str., ii. 278, Saptarshi we have probably to add, 279. from the same source, the Shndas'iti * Which those Hindus who emi- and Shannavati ? Tiie Anma-Smriti grated to Java also took with them, is also specified in the Catal. Sana. 329 Biihler, 1. c., p. 13 ff., enu- MSS.,N.W. Prov., 1874, p. 122. merates 78 Smritis and 36 different + See Stenzler, 1. c., p. 236. redactions of individual Smritis, * See Stenzler in the Pref. to his iu all, a total of 114 such texts. To edition of Yajnavalkya, pp. ix.-xi. DHARMA-SASTRAS : CODE OF VAJNA V ALKY A. 281 it teaches the worship of Ganes'a and the planets, the execu- tion, upon metal plates, of deeds relating to grants of land, and the organisation of monasteries all subjects which do not occur in Manu ; while polemical references to the Buddhists, which in Manu are at least doubtful, 330 are here unmistakable. 331 In the subjects, too, which are common to both, we note in Yajnavalkya an advance towards greater precision and stringency; and in individual in- stances, where the two present a substantial divergence, Yajnavalkya' s standpoint is distinctly the later one. The earliest limit we can fix for this work is somewhere about the second century A.D., seeing that the word ndnaka occurs in it to denote ' coin,' and this term, according to Wilson's conjecture, is taken from the coins of Kanerki, who reigned until A.D. 40.* Its latest limit, on the other hand, may be fixed about the sixth or seventh century, as, according to Wilson, passages from it are found in in- scriptions of the tenth century in various parts of India, and the work itself must therefore date considerably earlier. Its second book reappears literally in the Agni- Purana; whether adopted into the latter, or borrowed from it, cannot as yet be determined. Of this work also two recensions are distinguished, the one as brihad- Yajnavalkya, the other as #rwMAa-Yajnavalkya (see also Colebrooke, i. 103). As to its relation to the remaining 330 jf by the pravrajitds in viii. De Astrologice Indices Ory/inibus, p. 363, Buddhist brahmachdrinis be 14, the statement in Ydjnavalkyn, really meant, as asserted by Kuiluka, i. 80, that coitus must take place then this particular precept which ' susthe indau,' rests upon an ac- puts the violation of their persons quaintance with the Greek astro- on the same footing with violence logical doctrine of the ' twelve done to "other public women," and houses' (and, in fact, this is the punishes the offence with a small sense in which the Mitdkshara' under- fine only is to be taken not merely, stands the passage) ; so that, in his as Talboys Wheeler takes it (Hist, of opinion, Yajnavalkya cannot be India, ii. 583), as a bitter sarcasm, placed earlier than the fourth cen- but also as evidence that the work tury of our era. This interpreta- was composed at a time when the tiou, however, is not absolutely Buddhist nuns had already really forced upon us, as sustha might deteriorated ; cf. the remarks in a equally well refer to one of the similar instance in regard to Panini, lunar phases or mansions which /. St., v. 141. from an early period were re- 331 Cf. Johantgen, pp. 112, 113. garded as auspicious for procreation * See above, p. 205: the same ap- and birth; see Lit, C. BL, 1873. plies also to the Vriddha-Gautama p. 787.] LiW-book. [According to Jacobi, 282 SANSKRIT LITERA TURE. codes, Stenzler, from the preface to whose edition the foregoing information is taken, is of opinion that it is an- tecedent to all of them, 332 and that, therefore, it marks the next stage after Manu.* But in addition to the Dharma-^astras, which form the basis and chief part of the literature dealing with Law, Custom, and Worship, we have also to rank the great bulk of the epic poetry the Maha-Bharata, as well as the Ramayana as belonging to this. branch of literature, since in these works, as I remarked when discussing them, the didactic element far outweighs the epic. The Maha-Bharata chiefly embraces instruction as to the duties of kings and of the military class, instruction which is given elsewhere also, namely, in the Niti-Sastras and (apparently) in the Dhanur- Veda ; but besides this, manifold other topics of the Hindu law are there discussed and expounded. The Puranas, on the contrary, chiefly contain regulations as to the worship of the gods by means of prayers, vows, fastings, votive offerings, gifts, pious foundations, pilgrimages, festivals, conformably to the shape which this worship successively assumed ; and in this they are extensively supported by the Upapuranas and the Tantras. "Within the last few centuries there has further grown up a modern system of jurisprudence, or scientific legal literature, which compares and weighs, one against another, the different views of the authors of the Dharma-Sastras. In particular, extensive compilations have been prepared, in great measure by the authority and under the auspices of various kings and princes, with a view to meet the prac- 33-2 ;\[ul] er has, it is true, claimed Biihler's opinion (p. xxvii.), Manu (see above, note 327) for the Dhanna- and Ysljnavalkya, although only Sdstras of Vishnu, Gautama, and "versifications of older Sutras, "may Vasishtha the character of Dharma- yet very well be of higher antiquity Sutras; and Biihler (pp. xxi.-xxv.) "than some of the Sutra works expressly adds to the list the similar which have come down to our texts attributed to Usanas, Ka&yapa, times." and Budha, and also, though with * This, to be sure, is at variance a reservation, those of Hdrita and with i. 4^5, where twenty different Sankha (Vasi.shtha belongs pro- Dharma -Sdstra authors are enu- bably to the Drdhya'yana school of merated (amongst them Ydjnaval- t.lie Sitma-Veda, see pp. 79, 85 kya himself) : these two verses are the Veda with which Gautama perhaps a later addition (?). ia likewise associated). Still, iu LATER LEGAL LITERATURE. 283 tical want of a sufficient legal code. 333 The English them- selves, also, have had a digest of this sort compiled, from which, as is well known, the commencement of Sanskrit studies dates. These compilations were mostly drawn up in the Dekhan, which from the eleventh century was the refuge and centre of literary activity generally. In Hin- dustan it had been substantially arrested by the inroads and ravages of the Muhammadans ; * and it is only within the last three centuries that it has again returned thither, especially to Kaf (Benares) and Bengal. Some of the Mogul emperors, notably the great Akbar and his two suc- cessors, Jehangir and Shah Jehanf who together reigned 1556-1656 were great patrons of Hindu literature. This brings us to the close of our general survey of Sanskrit literature ; but we have still to speak of a very peculiar branch of it, whose existence only became known some twenty or thirty years ago, namely, the Buddhistic Sanskrit works. To this end, it is necessary, in the first place, to premise some account of the origin of Buddhism itself. 334 333 See Colebrooke's account of verse from another Dharma-&tstra : these in his two prefaces to the '' Vindhyasya dakshine bhdge yatra Digest of Hindu Law (1798) and the Goddvari sthitd \ tatra vedds cha ya- Two Treatises on the Hindu Law of jnds cha bhavishyanti kalau yuge."\\ Inheritance (1810), now in Cowell's "In the Kali age the Vedas and edition of the Misc. Ess., i. 461 ff. : sacrifices will have their home to also Biihler's Introduction, 1. c., p. the south of the Vindhya, in the iii. ff. region where flows the Godilvari." * This finds expression, e.g., in Similar expressions occur in the the following tiokaof Vystsa : "Sam- Law-book of Atri and in the Jagan- prdpte tu kalau kale Vindf/yddrer rnohana. uttare sthitdh \ brdhmand yajnara- f As well as the latter's son, Ddra hitd jyotih- tdstra-pardnmukhdh.''\\ Shakoh. "In the Kali age, the Brahmans 334 Cf. C. F. Koppen's excellent dwelling north of the Vindhya are work. Die Religion dee Buddha deprived of tbe sacrifice and averse (1857, 1859, 2 vols.). from Jyotih-sdstra :" and in this 284 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. Of the original signification of the word luddha, ' awak- ened ' (sc. from error), ' enlightened,' as a complimentary title given to sages in general,* I have already more than once spoken (pp. 27, 167). I have also already remarked that the Buddhist doctrine was originally of purely philo- sophical tenor, identical with the system afterwards de- nominated the Samkhya, and that it only gradually grew up into a religion in consequence of one of its representa- tives having turned with it to the people.f Buddhist tradition has itself preserved in individual traits a remini- scence of this origin of Buddha's doctrine, and of its poste- riority to and dependence upon the Samkhya philosophy. 335 Thus it describes Buddha as born at Kapila-vastu, ' the abode of Kapila/ and uniformly assigns to Kapila, the reputed founder of the Samkhya system, a far earlier date. Again, it gives Maya-devi as the mother of Buddha, and here we have an unmistakable reference to the Maya of the Samkhya. 335a Further, it makes r Buddha, in his prior birth among the gods, bear the name Svetaketu 336 a name which, in the Satapatha-Brahmana, is borne by one of the contemporaries of Kapya Patamchala, with whom Kapila ought probably to be connected. And, lastly, it distinctly ranks Panchasikha, one of the main propagators of Kapila's doctrine, as a demigod or Gandharva. Of the names be- longing to the teachers mentioned in Buddhist legend as contemporaries of Buddha, several also occur in Vedic * The name bJiayavant, which is there might perhaps actually be here also applied to Buddha in particular, an early complimentary allusion to is likewise a general title of honour, Buddha ! A "Parihshir (I)bhikshur still preserved among the Brahinans Atreyah " is named shortly after, to designate Rishis of every kind, 335a M.iysi, however, belongs not and is bestowed very specially on to the Samkhy;i, but specially to Vishnu or Krishna ; while in the the Vedanta doctrine, contracted form, bkavant, it actually 336 Can the legend in the Mabii- supplies the place of the pronoun of BhaYata, xii. 2056, have any connec- the second person [/. St., ii. 231, tion herewith to the effect that xiii. 351, 352]. Svetaketu was disowned by his fa- t See 7. '<., i. 435, 436, and above, ther Uddiilaka because of his being pp. " mitliya viprdn upacharan " ? The :i:)5 In the list of ancient gnges at name Svetaketu further occurs the beginning of the Charaku-Sam- among the prior births of Buddha, hitd, wefind mention, amongst others, Xo. 370 in Westergaard's Cataloyus, of a " Gautamali Samkhyah " an p. 40; but amongst these 539 expression which the modern editor jdtakas pretty nearly everything ap- interprets, " Bauddhavisesha-Gau- pears to be mentioned ! tuma-vyrlvrittaye ! " But iu truth ORIGIN OF BUDDHISM. 285 literature, but only in its third or Sutra stage, e.g., Katyu- yana, Katyayaniputra, Kaundinya, Agnives"ya, Maitraya- niputra, Vatsfputra,* Paushkarasadi ; but no names of teachers belonging to the Brahmana period are found in these legends. 337 This is all the more significant, as Bud- dhism originated in the same region and district to which we have to allot the Satapatha-Brahmana, for instance the country, namely, of the Kosalas and Videhas, among the Sakyas and Lichhavis. The Sakyas are the family of which Buddha himself came : according to the legend,t they had immigrated from the west, from Potala, a city on the Indus. Whether this tradition be well founded or not, I am, at all events, disposed to connect them with the Sakayanins who are referred to in the tenth book of the Satapatha-Brahmana, and also with the Sakayanyas of the Maitrayana-Upanishad, which latter work propounds pre- cisely the Buddhistic doctrine of the vanity of the world, &c. (see above, pp. 97, I37). 338 Among the Kosala- Videhas this doctrine, and in connection with it the practice of subsistence upon alms as Pravrajaka or Bhikshu, had been thoroughly disseminated by Yajnavalkya and their king Janaka ; and a fruitful soil had thereby been prepared for Buddhism (see pp. 137, 147, 237). The doctrines promul- gated by Yajnavalkya in the Yrihad-Aranyaka are in fact completely Buddhistic, as also are those of the later Athar- vopanishads belonging to the Yoga system. Nay, it would even seem as if Buddhist legend itself assigned Bud- * To these names in -putra, which Ariana Antiq., p. 212 : "The truth are peculiar to Buddhist legend and of the legend may be questioned, the vansa of the Satapatha-Brjih- but it not improbably intimates mann, belongs also, in the former, some connection with the Sakas or the name Sariputra, Sa"rika"putra. Indo-Scythians, who were masters 337 Unless Buddha's preceptor of Pattalene subsequent to the Greek Ardda may have something to do princes of Bactria." The legend with the Ardlhi Saujdta of the Ait. may possibly have been invented in Br.,vii. 22(?). The special conclusion the time of Kanerki, one of these to be based upon these name-syn- Saka kings, with a view to flatter chronisms is that the advent of Bud- him for the zeal he displayed on dha is to be set down as contempor- behalf of Buddhism, aneous with the latest offsets of the 338 So, too, Johantgen, Ueber das Brdhmana literature, i.e., with the Oesetzbuch des Manu, p. 112, refers A*ranyakas and older Sutras ; /. St., the traces of Buddhistic notions iii. I58ff. exhibited in that work specially t<> t See Csoma Korosi, Journ. As. the school of the Mauavas, from Soc. Bemj., Aug. 1833 ; Wilson, which it sprang. 286 B UDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITER A TURE. dha to a period exactly coincident with that of Janaka, and consequently of Yajnavalkya also ; for it specifies a king AjataSatru as a contemporary of Buddha, and a prince of this name appears in the Vrihad-Aranyaka and the Kaushitaki-Upauishad as the contemporary and rival of Janaka. 339 The other particulars given in Buddhist legend as to the princes of that epoch have, it is true, nothing ana- logous to them in the works just mentioned ; the Ajatas"atru of the Buddhists, moreover, is styled prince of Magadha, whereas he of the Vrihad-Aranyaka and the Kaushitaki- Upanishad appears as the sovereign of the Kas*is. (The name Ajatas"atru occurs elsewhere also, e.g., as a title of Yudhishthira.) Still, there is the further circumstance that, in the fifth kdnda of the Satapatha-Brahmana, Bhad- rasena, the son of Ajatasatru, is cursed by Aruni, the contemporary of Janaka and Yajnavalkya (see /. St., i. 213); and, as the Buddhists likewise cite a Bhadrasena at least, as the sixth successor of Ajatasatru we might almost be tempted to suppose that the curse in question may have been called forth by the heterodox anti- brahmanical opinions of this Bhadrasena. Nothing more precise can at present be made out ; and it is possible that the two Ajatalatrus and the two Bhadrasenas may simply be namesakes, and nothing more as may be the case also with the Brahmadatta of the Vrihad-Aranyaka and the two kings of the same name of Buddhist legend. It is, at any rate, significant enough that in these legends the name of the Kuru-Panchalas no longer occurs, either as a com- pound or separately ; 34 whilst the Pandavas are placed in Buddha's time, and appear as a wild mountain tribe, living by marauding and plunder.* Buddha's teaching was mainly fosteivd in the district of Magadha, which, as an extreme border province, was perhaps never completely 339 Highly noteworthy also is the mentioned by the Southern Bud- peculiar agreement between Bud- dhists; see/. f.,iii. 160, 161. dhist legends and those of the * The allusion to the five P&ndus Vrihad-Aranyaka in regard to the in the introduction of the Lalita- six teachers whom Ajdtas'atru and Vistara (Foucaux, p. 26) is probably, Janaka had before they were in- with the whole passage in which Btructed by Buddha and Ydjiiavalkya it occurs, an interpolation, being respectively; see /. St., iii. 156, totally irreconcilable with the other 1 57. references to the Pdndavas contained 340 The Kurus are repeatedly in the work. TRADITION AS TO BUDDHA'S AGE. 287 bralimanised ; so that the native inhabitants always re- tained a kind of influence, and now gladly seized the opportunity to rid themselves of the brahmanical hier- archy and the system of caste. The hostile allusions to these Magadhas in the Atharva-Samhita (see p. 147 and in the thirtieth book of the Vajasaneyi-Samhita ? pp. in, 112) might indeed possibly refer to their anti-brahmanical tendencies in times antecedent to Buddhism : the similar allusions in the Sama- Sutras, on the contrary (see p. 79), 341 are only to be explained as referring to the actual flourish- ing of Buddhism in Magadha.* With reference to the tradition as to Buddha's age, the various Buddhist eras which commence with the date of his death exhibit the widest divergence from each other. Amongst the Northern Buddhists fourteen different ac- counts are found, ranging from B.C. 2422 to B.C. 546; the eras of the Southern Buddhists, on the contrary, mostly agree with each other, and all of them start from B.C. 544 or 543. This latter chronology has been recently adopted as the correct one, on the ground that it accords best with historical conditions, although even it displays a dis- crepancy of sixty-six years as regards the historically authenticated date of Chandragupta. But the Northern Buddhists, the Tibetans as well as the Chinese inde- pendently altogether of their era, which may be of later origin than this particular tradition t agree in placing the reign of king Kanishka, Kanerki, under whom the third (or fourth) Buddhist council was held, 400 years after Buddha's death ; and on the evidence of coins, this Kanishka reigned down to A.D. 40 (see Lassen, I. AK., ii. 412, 413), which would bring down the date of Buddha's death to about the year B.C. 370. Similarly, the Tibetans place Nagarjuna who, according to the Kaja-taramgini, was contemporaneous with Kanishka 400 years after the death of Buddha ; whereas the Southern Buddhists make him live 500 years after that event. Nothing like 341 And on another occasion, in to the Buddhistic names of the the Baudhdyaua- Stitra also; see mountains about Rdjagriha, the note 126. capital of Magadha, found in Maha". * For other points of contact in BhaVata, ii. 799. the later Vedic literature, see pp. f Which is met with so early as 129, 138 [98, 99, 151]. Lassen has the seventh century A.D., in Hiuan dnuvn attention, ill /. AK., ii. 79, Thsang. 288 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. positive certainty, therefore, is for the present attain- able. 342 A priori, however, it seems probable that the council which was held in the reign of king Kanerki, and from which the existing shape of the sacred scriptures of the Northern Buddhists nominally dates, really took place 400, and not so much as 570, years after Buddha's death. It seems probable also that the Northern Buddhists, -who alone possess these Scriptures complete, preserved more authentic information regarding the circumstances of the time of their redaction and consequently also regarding the date of Nagarjuna than did the Southern Buddhists, to whom this redaction is unknown, and whose scriptures exist only in a more ancient form which is alleged to have been brought to Ceylon so early as B.C. 245, and to have been there committed to writing about the year B.C. 80 (Lassen, /. AK., ii. 435). Of these various eras, the only one the actual employment of which at an early period can at present be proved is the Ceylonese, which, like the other Southern eras, begins in B.C. 544. Here the period indicated is the close of the fourth century A.D. ; since the Dipavansa, a history of Ceylon in Pali verse, which was written at that date, appears to make use of this era, whereby naturally it becomes invested with a certain authority. If, now, we strip the accounts of Buddha's personality of all supernatural accretion, we find that he was a king's son, who, penetrated by the nothingness of earthly things, forsook his kindred in order thenceforth to live on alms, and devote himself in the first place to contemplation, and thereafter to the instruction of his fellow-men. His doctrine was,* that " men's lots in this life are conditioned and regulated by the actions of a previous existence, that no evil deed remains without punishment, and no good deed without reward. From this fate, which dominates the in- dividual within the circle of transmigration, he can only 342 Nor have the subsequent dis- any definite result; cf. my/. Str., (Missions of this topic by Max Mtiller ii. 216 ; Lit. C. J31., 1874, p. 719. (1859), Hist. A. S. L., p. 264 ff., by * Though it is nowhere set forth Westerpaard (1860), Ueber Buddha's in so succinct a form: it results, how- Todesjahr (Breslau, 1862), and by ever, as the sura and substance of Kern, Over deJaartdling dcr Zuidt-l. the various legends. Jhiddhistcn (1874), so far yielded BUDDHA 'S DOCTRINE. 289 escape * by directing his will towards the one thought of liberation from this circle, by remaining true to this aim, and striving with steadfast zeal after meritorious action only; whereby finally, having cast aside all passions, which are regarded as the strongest fetters in this prison- house of existence, he attains the desired goal of complete emancipation from re-birth." This teaching contains, in itself, absolutely nothing new ; on the contrary, it is en- tirely identical with the corresponding Brahmanical doc- trine ; only the fashion in which Buddha proclaimed and disseminated it was something altogether novel and un- wonted. For while the Brahmans taught solely in their hermitages, and received pupils of their own caste only, he wandered about the country with his disciples, preach- ing his doctrine to the whole people,f and although still recognising the existing caste-system, and explaining its origin, as the Brahmans themselves did, by the dogma of. rewards and punishments for prior actions receiving as adherents men of every caste without distinction. To these he assigned rank in the community according to their age and understanding, thus abolishing within the community itself the social distinctions that birth en- tailed, and opening up to all men the prospect of eman- cipation from the trammels of their birth. This of itself sufficiently explains the enormous success that attended his doctrine : the oppressed all turned to him as their redeemer.^ If by this alone he struck at the root of the Brahmanical hierarchy, he did so not less by declar- * See Schmidt, Dsanglun der minority. My idea is that the strict Weise und der Thor, Pref., p. morality required by Buddhism of xxxiii. ff. its adherents became in the long run t See Lassen, I. A K., ii. 440, irksome to the people ; the original 441 ; Burnouf, Introd. d, VHistoire cult, too, was probably too simple. du Buddhisme Indien, pp. 152- The Brahmans knew how to turn 212. both circumstances to the best ad- Under these circumstance?, it vantage. Krishna- worship, as they is indeed surprising that it should organised it, offered far more satis- have been possible to dislodge Bud- faction to the sensual tastes of the dhism from India. The great num- people ; while the various cults of bers and influence of the Brahman the ^aktis, or female deities, most caste do not alone completely ac- likely all date from a time shortly count for the fact ; for, in proper- preceding the expulsion of the Bud- tion to the whole people, the Brah- dhists from India, tuans were after all only a very small 290 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. ing sacrificial worship the performance of which was the exclusive privilege of the Brahmans to be utterly unavailing and worthless, and a virtuous disposition and virtuous conduct, on the contrary, to be the only real means of attaining final deliverance. He did so, further, by the fact that, wholly penetrated by the truth of his opinions, he claimed to be in possession of the highest enlightenment, and so by implication rejected the validity of the Veda as the supreme source of knowledge. These two doctrines also were in no way new ; till then, how- ever, they had been the possession of a few anchorites ; never before had they been freely and publicly proclaimed to all. Immediately after Buddha's death there was held, ac- cording to the tradition, a council of his disciples in Magadha, at which the Buddhist sacred scriptures were compiled. These consist of three divisions (Pitakas), the first of which the Sutras* comprises utterances and discourses of Buddha himself, conversations with his hearers ; while the Vinaya embraces rules of discipline, and the Abhidharma, dogmatic and philosophical discussions. A hundred years later, according to the tradition of the Southern, but a hundred and ten according to that of the Northern Buddhists, a second council took place at Patali- putra for the purpose of doing away with errors of dis- cipline which had crept in. With regard to the third council, the accounts of the Northern and Southern Bud- dhists are at issue. (Lassen, /. AK., ii. 232.) According to the former, it was held in the seventeenth year of the reign of Asuka, a year which we have to identify with B.C. 246 which, however, is utterly at variance with the equally traditional assertion that it took place 218 years after Buddha's death, i.e., in B.C. 326. At this council the precepts of the law were restored to their ancient purity, and it was at the same time resolved to send forth mission- aries to propagate the doctrines of Buddha, The Northern Buddhists, on the contrary, place the third council 400 years after Buddha's death, in the reign of Kanishka, one * This name alone might suggest the Si'itra, not in the Brdhmana, tli;it Buddha himself flourished in period. REDACTION OF THE BUDDHISTIC SCRIPTURES. 291 of the Turushka (Saka) kings of Kashmir, who, as we have seen, is established, on numismatic evidence, to have reigned until A.D. 40. The sacred scriptures of the Northern Bud- dhists, which are alleged to have been fixed at this council, are still extant, not merely in the Sanskrit originals them- selves, which have recently been recovered in Nepal,* but also in a complete Tibetan translation, bearing the name Kdgyur, and consisting of one hundred volumes ; t as well as, partially at least, in Chinese, Mongolian, Kalmuck, and other translations. The scriptures of the Southern Bud- dhists, on the contrary, are not extant in Sanskrit at all. With reference to them, it is alleged that one year after their arrangement at the third council, that of Aoka (i.e., in the year B.C. 245), they were brought by Mahendra, the apostle of Ceylon, to that island, and by him translated * By the British Resident there, B. H. Hodgson, who presented MSS. of them to the Asiatic Societies of Calcutta, London, and Paris. The Paris collection was further enriched in 1837 with copies which the Soctite Asiatique caused to be made through Hodgson's agency. This led Bur- nouf to write his great work, Intro- duction d VHistoire du Huddhisme Indien, Paris, 1844 [followed in the end of 1852 hy his not less important production, the translation of the Lotus de la Bonne Loi ; see /. St., iii. 135 ff., 1864. The British Museum and the University Library in Cam- bridge are now also in possession of similar MSS. A catalogue, com- piled by Cowell and Eggeling, of the Hodgson collection of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS. in the possession of the Royal Asiatic Society has just appeared.] f Regarding the compass and con- tents of this Tibetan translation, our first (and hitherto almost our sole) information was supplied by a Hun- garian traveller, Csoma Korosi, the Anquetil du Perron of this century, a man of rare vigour and energy, who resided for a very long time in Tibet, and who by his Tibetan grammar and dictionary has conquered this language for European science. Two pretty extensive works from the Kdgyur have already been edited and translated : the Dsanglun in St. Petersburg by Schmidt, and the llgya C'her Rol Pa (Lalita-Vistara) in Paris by Foucaux. [Since then L. Feer, especially, has rendered valuable service in this field by his Tcxtes tires du, Kandjour (1864-71, 1 1 parts) ; also Schiefner, e.g., by his editions of the Vimala-pramottara- ratnamdld (1858) the Sanskrit text of which was subsequently edited by Foucaux (cf. also J.Str., i. 210 ff.) and of the Bharatce Responsa (1875). Schiefner has further just issued a translation from the Kdgyur of a group of Buddhist tales, under the title, Mahdlcdtydyana und Konig Tsckanda Pradjota. The ninth of these stories contains (see p. vii. 26 ff.) what is now probably the oldest version of the so-called 'Philoso- pher's Ride,' which here, as in the Piifichatantra (iv. 6), is related of the king himself; whereas in an Arabian tale of the ninth century, communicated in the appendix (p. 66) and in our own mediaeval version, it is told of the king's wise coun- sellor. BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. into the native Singhalese. 343 Not until some 165 years later (i.e., in B.C. 80) were they consigned to writing in that language, having been propagated in the interval by oral transmission only. 344 After a further period of 500 years (namely, between A.D. 410 and 432) they were at length rendered into the sacred Pali tongue (cf. Lassen, /. AK., ii. 43 5 X in which they are now extant, and from which in turn translations into several of the languages of Farther India were subsequently made.* As to the relation of these scriptures of the Southern Buddhists to those of their Northern co-religionists, little is at present known beyond the fact that both present in common the general division into three parts (Sutra, Vinaya, Abhidharma). In extent they can hardly compare with the latter, 345 nor even, according to the foregoing exposition,t in authen- ticity. 346 Unfortunately but little information has as yet 343 It was not the Pali text itself, but only the oral commentary (attha- kathd) belonging to it, which was translated into Singhalese. (See the following notes.) So at least it is stated in the tradition in the Mahd- vansa. For the rest, it is extremely doubtful how much of the present Tipitaka may have actually been in existence then. For if we compare the statements contained in tle Khabra missive addressed by king Piyadasi to the synod of Magadha, which was then engaged in the ac- commodation of schisms that had sprung up relative to the sacred texts (dhamma-paHyfiydni) as they then stood, a mighty difference be- comes apparent ! See Burnonf, Lotus, p. 724 ff. ; 7. St., iii. 172 ff. 344 See Mah;ivan*a, chap, xxxiii. p. 207 ; Tumour, Preface, p. xxix. ; Muir, Orif/. Sansk. Texts, ii. 69, 70 (57 2 ) ; /. St., v. 26. * That is to say, translated back again (?); for this sacred language must be the same that Mahendra brought with him ? [Not the texts them- selves, only their interpretation (at- thakathd) was now rendered back ngain into Pali, namely, by Buddha- ghosha, who came from Magadha, and resided a number of years in Ceylon.] 346 The extent of the Pali Tipi$aka is also very considerable ; see the accounts in Hardy's Eastern Mona- chism, pp. 167-170. On the ear- liest mention of the name Tipitaka in a Sanskrit inscription of Buddha- ghosha at Kanheri (in the Journ. Bombay Er. R. A. 5., v. 14), see /. St., v. 26. t If indeed the case be as here represented ! I can in the mean- while only report. [Unfortunately, I had trusted to Lassen's account, in the passage cited in the text, instead of referring to Tumour him- self (pp. xxix. xxx.) ; the true state of the case (see the preceding notes) I have set forth in 7. St., iii. 254.] S4C rp ne question which of the two redactions, that of the Northern or that of the Southern Buddhists, is the more original has been warmly debated by Tumour and Hodgson. (The latter's articles on the subject are now collected in a convenient form in his Essays on Languages, Lit. and Rel. of Nepal and TV)ct, 1874.) Burnouf, also, has discussed the question in his Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 862 ff., and has decided, in principle no doubt rijrhtly, that both possess an equal title. Compare here 7. St., iii. 176 ff., where certain SCRIPTURES OF SOUTHERN BUDDHISTS. 293 been imparted regarding their contents, &c.* Southern Buddhism, however, supplies us with copious and pos- sibly trustworthy accounts of the first centuries of its existence, as well as of the growth of the Buddhist faith generally, a Pali historical literature having grown up in Ceylon at a comparatively early period, 340 * one of the most important works of which the Mahavansa of Mahanama, composed towards A.D. 480 has already been published, both in the original text and in an English version. doubts are urged by me against some of his assumptions, as also specially with regard to Buddhaghosha's highly significant part in the shap- ing of the IMli Tipitaka. Kern has recently, in his Essay Over de Jaar- telling der zuidelijke J3uddhisten,gone far beyond those objections of mine ; but, as it seems to me, he goes fur- ther than the case requires ; see Lit. C. Bl., 1874, p. 719. At any rate, even fully acknowledging the part belonging to Buddhagliosha, it ap- pears to me now that the claim of the Pdli Tipitaka to superior origi- nality is, after all, far stronger th;in that of the Sanskrit texts of the Northern Buddhists, from which, as from the sacred writings of the Jai- nas, it is distinguished, greatly to its advantage, by its comparative sim- plicity and brevity. Cf. also S. Beal's very pertinent observations in the Ind. Antiq., iv. 90. * The most authentic information as yet is to be found in the Intro- duction to G. Tumour's edition of the MahaVansa (1835, Ceylon) and in the scattered essays of this scholar; also, though only in very general outline, in Westergaard's Catalogue of the Copenhagen Indian MSS. (1846, Havniae), which comprise a tolerable number of these Pali works, purchased by the celebrated llask in Ceylon. Clough's writings, too, contain much that bears upon this subject : also Spiegel's Anecdola Palica. Exceedingly copious infor- mation regarding Southern Bud- dhism is contained in a work that has just reached me, by R. Spence Hardy, Eastern Monachism, an Ac- count of the Origin, Laws,rincipally from the ninth. fill here, just as in the case of the 347 The data contained in the 1'ali Tiptyaka (.see note 343). LANGUAGE OF BUDDHISTIC SCRIPTURES. 295 lo.st sight of in estimating the authenticity of the existing Buddhist scriptures is the circumstance that the sources from which they were drawn were in a different language. True, we cannot make out with absolute certainty in what language Buddha taught and preached ; but as it was to the people he addressed himself, it is in the highest degree probable that he spoke in the vernacular idiom. Again, it was in Magadha * that the first council of his disciples assembled, and it was doubtless conducted in the dialect of this country, which indeed passes as the sacred language of Buddhism. The same remark applies to the second council, as well as to the one which, according to the Southern Buddhists, is the third, both of which were like- wise held in Magadha. f Mahendra, who converted Cey- lon in the year following this third council, took with him to that island the Magadhi language, afterwards called Pali : J this, too, is the dialect in which the inscriptions of this period, which at least bespeak Buddhistic influence, are composed. 348 At the last council, on the contrary, which falls some 300 years later, and at which the existing scriptures of the Northern Buddhists are alleged to have * In the old capital (Rajagriha). down to us officially under the name f- In the new capital (Pataliputra). of Msigadhi, and which presents J That Piili could have been de- special features of resemblance to veloped in Ceylon from an imported that dialect, rather, which is em- S.mskrit is altogether inconceivable, ployed in the insciiptions of Girnar. 348 'ji ue edicts of Piyadasi present The question has therefore been raised themselves to us in three distinct whether Pdli is really entitled to the dialects. One of these, that of name Magadhi, which in the Pdli Dhauli, exhibits a number of the literature is applied to it, or whether peculiarities which distinctively be- it may not have received this title long to the Ardhama'gadhi of the merely from motives of ecclesiastical Jainas, and the dialect designated policy, having reference to the sig- Magadhi by the Prdkrit grammar!- uificance of the land of Magadha in ans. It is in it that the Bhabra mis- the history of Buddhism. Wester- sive addressed to the third council gaardevensurmises( Uebcrdenaltesten is composed a circumstance which Zeitraum der indischen Geschichte, p. conclusively proves that it was then 87 n., 1862) that Pali is identical the official language of Buddhism, with the dialect of Ujjayini, the and, in point of fact, Magadhi (since mother-tongue of Maheudra, who Dhauli belongs geographically to was born there ; and Ernst Kuhn this district) ; see 7. /Stf.,iii. 180. and (Beitr&ge zur Pdli-Grammatik, p. 7, my Essay on the Bhagavati of the 1875) adopts this opinion. But Jainas, i. 396. But then, on the Pischel (Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1875, p. other hand, this dialect displays a 316) and Childers (Pali Diet., Pre- particularly marked divergence from face, p. vii) pronounce against it. Pali, the language which has come B UDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITER A TURE : been compiled, the language employed for this purpose was not Magadhf, but Sanskrit, although not the purest. The reason of this lies simply in the locality. For this concluding council was not held in Magadha, nor even in Hindustan at all, whose rulers were not then favourably disposed towards Buddhism, but in Kashmir, a district which partly no doubt in consequence of its being peopled exclusively by Aryan tribes,* but partly also (see pp. 26, 45, 178) because, like the North- West of India generally, it has to be regarded as a chief seat of the cultivation of Indian grammar had preserved its language purer than those Aryans had been able to do who had emigrated to India, and there mingled with the native inhabitants. Those priests,f therefore, who here undertook the compila- tion and recording in writing of the sacred scriptures were, if not accomplished grammarians, yet in all probability sufficiently conversant with grammar to be able to write passable Sanskrit.^ Agreeably to what has just been set forth, 349 it is in the highest degree risky to regard, as has hitherto been done, * The Greeks aud Scythians were both too scanty in numbers, and too short a time in close contact with the natives, to exercise any influence in the way of modifying the lan- guage. f And it was evidently priests, educated men therefore, who formed the third council. In the first two, laymen may have taken part, but the Buddhistic hierarchy had had time to develop sufficiently in the interval. J Burnouf thinks differently, Hist, du Buddh., pp. 105, 106, as also Lassen, /. AK. , ii. 9, 491-493 [hut pee 7. St., iii. 139, 179 ft'.]. 349 Beside the two branches of Buddhistic literature discussed in the foregoing pages the Pali texts of the Southern and the Sanskrit texts of the Northern Buddhists there stands a third group, occupy- ing, from its original constitution, .1 kind of intermediate place between the other two namely, the Ardha- magadhi texts of the Jainas. The sect of the Jainas is in all probability to be regarded us one of the schis- matic sects that branched off from Buddhism in the first centuries of its existence. The legendary nar- ratives of the personal activity of its founder, Mahdvira, not only re- fer it exclusively to the same dis- trict which Buddhism also recognises as its holy land, but they, moreover, display so close an affinity to the accounts of Buddha's ministry that we cannot but recognise in the two groups of narratives merely varying forms of common reminiscences. Another indication that the Jaina sect arose in this way out of Bud- dhism although by some it has even been regarded as of pre-Buddhistic origin is afforded by the circum- stance, amongst others, that its sacred texts are styled, not Sutras, but ATiyas, and consequently, in contra- distinction to the oldest Buddhist texts, which date from the Vedic Sutra period, belong rather to the Anqa stage, that is to say, to the period when the Afigas or VedaTigas, works posterior to the Vedic Sutras, DOUBTFUL AUTHORITY FOR BUDDHA'S AGE. 297 the data yielded by a Buddhistic literature fashioned in this way as valid for the epoch of Buddha himself, which is removed from the last council by an interval of four, or, if we accept the Southern chronology, of nearly six, centuries. Oral traditions, committed to writing in a different language, after such a series of years, and more- over only extant in a mass of writings that lie several centuries apart, and of which the oldest portions have still to be critically sifted out, can only be used with extreme caution ; and a pri ori the data they furnish serve, not so much to characterise the epoch about which they tell, as rather the epoch, in particular, in which they received their present shape. But however doubtful, according to were produced. But there is a further circumstance which is quite conclusive as to this point namely, that the language in which these texts are composed, and which, ac- cording to the scholiasts, is Ardha- raagadhi, exhibits a more de- veloped and considerahly later phase than the language of the Pali texts, to which, in its turn, the Ptili scholia expressly apply the designation Magadhi. (At the same time, there are also dia- lectic differences between the two.) See my paper on the Bbagavati of the Jainas, pp. 441, 373, 396 ff. , 416. To the eleven principal Angas have to be added a large number of other writings, styled Updiiga, Mula-Stltra, Kalpa- Sutra, &c. An enumeration of the entire set, showing a total of fifty works, consisting of about 600,000 slokas, may be seen in Rajendra Ldla Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., iii. 67 ff., 1874. Of these texts our knowledge of the Jainas is otherwise derived from Brahmanic sources only all that has hitherto been published is a fragment of the fifth Afiga or Bhagavati-Sutra, dating perhaps from the first cen- turies of our era, edited by myself (1866-67). In / St., x. 254 ff. (1867), I have also given an account of the Siirya-prajnapti, or seventh Updfiga - Sutra, a commentary on which is said to have been composed by Bhadrabaliusviimin, author of the Kalpa-Stitra, a work seemingly written in the seventh century. Lastly, there is a translation by Stevenson (1848) of this Kalpa- Sutra itself, which stands thirtieth in the list of the sacred texts. Cf. also S. J. Warren, Over tie godsdunst- ige en wijsgeeriye Begrippen der Jainas, 1875. Thanks to G. Biihler's friendly exertions, the Royal Library in Berlin has lately acquired posses- sion of nearly all these fifty sacred texts, with or without commen- taries, and in good old MSS., so that we may hope soon to be better informed regarding them. But the Jainas have also a great sig- nificance in connection with Sanskrit literature, more especially for gram- mar and lexicography, as well as on account of the historical and legend- ary matter which they have preserved (see above, p. 214, and cf. my paper on the Satrumjaya Ma'hdtmya, 1858). One of their most honoured names is thnt of Hemachandra, who flourished in the time of the Gur- jara prince KumaYapdla (1088-1172). Under the title Yoga-Sastra he com- posed a compendium of the Jaiua doctrines in twelve praMsas, the first four of which, treating of their ethics, have recently been edited and translated by Ernst "Windisch (Z. D. M. G., xxviii., 185 ff , 1874). 298 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. this view, are the validity and authority of these writings in reference to the subjects which they have hitherto been taken to illustrate, they are nevertheless important, on the other hand, for the history of the inner development of Buddhism itself ; though even here, of course, their trust- worthiness is altogether relative. For the many marvel- lous stories they recount both of Buddha himself and of his disciples and other adherents, as well as the extravagant mythology gradually developed in them, produce upon the whole the impression of a wild and formless chaos of fan- tastic inventions. Our chief object must now, of course, be to establish a relative chronology and order of sequence amongst these various writings a task which Burnouf, whose researches are our sole authority on the subject,* also set himself, and which he has executed with great judgment and tolerable conclusiveness. And, first, of the Sutras, or accounts of Buddha himself. Burnouf divides these into two classes : the simple Stitras, and the so-called Mahd- vaipulya- or Mahdydna- Sutras, which he declares to be the more modern of the two in point of language, form, and doctrine. As far as the latter point is concerned, he is no doubt right. For, in the first place, in the Maha- vaipulya-Sutras Buddha appears almost exclusively sur- rounded by gods and Boclhisattvas (beings peculiar to the Buddhistic mythology) ; whereas in the simple Sutras it is human beings who mostly form his following, witli whom gods are only now and then associated. And, in the second place, the simple Sutras do not exhibit any trace of those doctrines which are not common Buddhistic property, but belong to the Northern Buddhists only, as, for example, the worship of Amitabha, Manjus'ri, Avaloki- tesvara, Adibuddha,f and the Dhyanibuddhas ; and further, do not contain any trace of mystic spells and magic formulas, all of which are found, and in abundance, in the * I cannot refrain from express- ttire death is an irreparable loss to ing here, in a few words at least, learning, as well as to all who knew my sincere and profound sorrow him, and, which is the same thing, that now, as these sheets, which I revered and loved him. would so gladly have submitted to f The word is found in a totally his judgment, are passing through different sense in those portions of the press, Eugene Burnonf has been the Mdndukyopaiiishad which are taken from among us. His prema- due to G.uid ipdda. SUTRA-P1TAKA. 299 Mahavaipuly a- Sutras only. But whether the circumstance that the language of the lengthy poetical pieces, which are inserted with special frequency in these last, appears in a much more degenerated form to wit, a medley of Sanskrit, Prakrit, and Pali than is the case with the prose portions, is to be taken as a proof of the posteriority of the Mahavaipuly a- Sutras, does not seem to be quite so certain as yet. Do these poetical portions, then, really agree so completely, in form and substance, with the prose text in respect to the several points just instanced, that they may be regarded as merely an amplification or recapitulation of it ? Or are they not rather distinguished from it precisely in these points, so that we might regard them as fragments of older traditions handed down in verse, exactly like the analogous pieces which occur so often in the Brahmanas ? * In the latter case we should have to regard them as proof, rather, that the Buddhist legends, &c., were not originally composed in Sanskrit, but in vernacular dialects. From the account of the * We must be content witli simply putting- the question, as we are still unfortunately without the Sanskrit text of even a single one of these Sutras ; the sole exception being an insignificant fragment from the Laiita-vistara, one of the Mabdvai- pulya-Sutras, communicated by Fou- caux at the end of his edition of the Tibetan translation of this work. [The entire text of the Laiita- vistara, in twenty-seven chapters, has since appeared in the Bibl. Ind., edited by Kajendra Lala Mitra (1853 ff.); the translation breaks off at chapter iii. Foucaux pub- lished the fourth chapter of the Sad-dharma-pundarlka in 1852, and Leon Feer an Avad&na, named Pratihdrya, in 1867. Lastly, the Jtdranda-vyuha, a terribly inflated Mahaydua-Siitra, in honour of Ava- lokitesvara, has been edited by SatyavrataSaniiisrami (Calc., 1873). A translation of the Laiita-vistara, begun by S. Lefmann in 1874, embraces, so far, the first five chapters, and is accompanied with very copious notes. The conjecture expressed above as to the poetical portions had previously been ad- vanced although when I wrote I was not aware of the fact in the Journ, As. Soc. Heng., 1851, p. 283, see I. St., iii. 140. It was subse- quently worked out in greater detail by Kajendra L. Mitra, in a special essay on the dialect of these Ga'tha's, likewise in Journ. As. Soc. Beng. (1854, No. 6). Here the date of their composition is even carried back to the period immediately suc- ceeding Buddha's death, see Muir, Oriff. S. Texts, ii. 2 115 ff. Kern, Over de Jaartelling, p. 108 ff., does not see in these Gdtha'sany peculiar dialect, but merely later versions of stanzas originally composed in pure Prakrit. Lastly, Edward Miiller, in his tract, Der Dialekt der Gdthd des Laiita-vistara (Weimar, 1874) per- ceives in them the work of poets who were not quite at home in Sanskrit, and who extended to it the laxness of their own verna- cular. 300 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. Chinese traveller, Fa Hian, who made a pilgrimage from China to India and back in A.D. 399-414, it would ap- pear that the Mahavaipuly a- Sutras were then already pretty widely diffused, since he mentions several of the doctrines peculiar to them as extensively studied. 350 Of the simple Sutras, it is at least possible, in the ab- sence of evidence, that such as are concerned solely with Buddha's personality may be more ancient than those relating also to persons who lived some hundreds of years later; but beyond this we cannot at present determine anything. Their contents are of a somewhat multifarious description, and for the several divisions we also find spe- cial technical designations.* They contain either simple legends, styled Ityukta and Vydkarana (corresponding to 350 rp[ le acc ounts of Fa Hian are far surpassed in moment by those of Hiuan Thsang, who travelled over India in the years 629-645 A.D. Of special importance also are the Chinese translations of Buddhistic works, \vhirh afe nearly all based \i pon the texts of the Northern Buddhists, and some of which pro- fess to be very ancient. Of four such translations of the Lalita- vistara, the first is said to have been made at a date so early as A.D. 70-76, the second in A.D. 308, and the third in 652 ; see on this I. St., iii. 140, viii. 326. Similarly, the Sad-dhartna-pundarika is said to have been thrice translated ; first in A.D. 280, next in A.D. 397-402, and again in A.D. 601-605. Beal, in t\ie Indian Aiitiq.,\v.C)O, 9 1, mentions not only a translation of the Brah- niajdla- Sutra of the year A.D. 420, but also a whole set of fifty Sutras (amongst them, e.g., the Sdmajdtaka) "translated at different dates, from A.D. 70 to 600, and by various scholars, all of them from Sanskrit or Pilli," all, therefore, from the Indian original, whereas the trans- lations of later times were mostly derived through the medium of the Tibetan. For the criticism of the respective texts, fuller particulars of these, iu part so ancient, transla- tions, would of course be of great importance. Of one of these works, a version of the A bhinishkramana- Sutra, a complete translation haa recently been published by Beal, under the title, The Jtomantic Le- yend of Sdkya Buddha, 1875. The special points of relation here found to Christian legends are very striking. The question which party was the borrower Beal properly leaves un- determined, yet in all likelihood we have here simply a- similar case to that of the appropriation of Christian legends by the worshippers of Krish- na. Highly important for the his- tory of Northern Buddhism is W. Wassiljew's work, drawn from Tibeto-Chinese sources, Der Bud- c/hismvs, 1860, as also TaVandtha's History of Buddhism in India, a work composed so late as 1 608, but resting upon older, and in part Sanskrit, authorities : rendered into Russian by Wassiljew, Tibetan text, with German version, by Schiefner, 1869; cf. also Lassen, /. AK., ii. 6, note. * According to Spiegel, in his re- view, of which I have frequently availed myself here, of Burnouf's work, in the Jahrb. fur wiss, Kritik, 1845, p. 547, most of these names are also found among the Southern Buddhists. SUTRA-PITAKA. 301 the Itihasa-Puranas in the Brahmanas) ; or legends in the form of parables, styled Avaddna, in which we find many elements of the later animal- fables; 351 or further, tales of presages and wonders, Adbhuta-dharma ; or again, single stanzas or songs of several stanzas (Geya and G-dthd} serv- ing to corroborate previous statements ; or lastly, special instruction in, and discussion of, definite topics, denomi- nated Upadesa and Niddna. All these reappear in a similar wav, onlv in a much more antique guise and under */ ' / T. O / different names,* in the Brahmanas and Aranyakas, as well as in the prose legends interspersed here and there throughout the Maha-Bharata, which in style also (though not in language) offer the greatest resemblance to these Buddhistic Sutras. Quite peculiar to these latter,f how- ever, are the passages called Jdtakas, which treat of the prior births of Buddha and the Bodhisattvas. Now those data in the Sutras which have hitherto been taken as valid for Buddha's time, but which we can only consider as valid, primarily, for the time when the Sutras were composed, are chiefly of a kind bearing upon the his- tory of the Indian religion. For just as Buddha recog- nised the existence of caste, so, too, he naturally recognised the then existing Hindu Pantheon.! But it must not by any means be imagined that in Buddha's time this Pan- theon had attained to that phase of development which we here find in the Sutras, assuming that we follow the 351 jr conversely, Contes et Apologues Indiens, 1859). into which they have themselves The high importance of these, as been transformed] to suit the object well as of the Buddhistic Jataka and in view. other stories generally, in the lite- + Lassen's assertion (7. AK., ii. rature of the fable and fairy-tale, is 453) that " Buddha recognised no shown in full relief by Benfey in the gods" refers only to the circum- introduction to his translation of the stance that they too are regarded by Panchatantra. him as subjected to the eternal sue- * Only Gdthd and Upadesa (Adesa cession of existence ; their existence at least) occur also in the Brah- itself he in no way denied, for in the rnanas. doctrines put into h'S mouth there t Although connecting links are is constant reference to them. [He found here and there in the Mauri- abolished their significance, how- Bhdrata also, especiallyin the twelfth ever, as he did that of caste.] book. Indeed, many of the Buddhist 302 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. Southern chronology and place Buddha in the sixth cen- tury B.C., that is, doubtless, in the period of the Brahmanas, works in which a totally different Pantheon prevails. But if, on the other hand, he did not teach until the fourth century B.C., as must be the case if the assertion of the Tibetans and Chinese be correct, to the effect that the third council took place under Kanishka (who lived A.D. 40), four hundred years after Buddha's death and this view is favoured by the circumstance that of the names of teachers who are mentioned as contemporaries of Buddha, such as reappear in the Brahmanical writings all belong to the literature of the Vedic Sutras, not to that of the Brahmanas there would at least be a greater possibility, a priori, that the Pantheon found in the Buddhistic Sutras, together with similar data, might have some validity for the time of Buddha, which on this supposition would be much nearer to them. The details of the subject are briefly these. The Yakshas, Garudas, Kinnaras, 352 so often mentioned in these Sutras, are still quite unknown in the Brahmanas : the name Danava, too, occurs but sel- dom (once as an epithet of Vritra, a second time as an epi- thet of Sushna), and never in the plural to designate the Asuras generally ; 353 nor are the gods ever styled Suras there. 354 The names of the Nagas and .Mahoragas are never mentioned,* although serpent-worship itself (sarpa-vidyd} is repeatedly referred to ; f the Kumbhan- 352 \Vhere the Kinnaras and their mention of the term in Nir., iii. 8, wives appear as 'heavenly choris- is patently an interpolation, as it is tors,' as, e.g., in the Meghaduta, Ra- quite foreign to the Vedic texts, glmvansa, and Mahd-Bharata, I COD- * "In the sense of elephant the j-cture the word to be a popular word nuga occurs once in the Vrihad- etymological adaptation from the Arany.aka. Mitdhy., i. I. 24'' (Er- Greek Kivvpd, although the latter is rata, first German ed.). [Also in the properly only used of mournful, Ait. Br., viii. 22; whereas in the plaintive tones : kimnara itself is Sat. Br., xi. 2. 7. 12, maluindga is formed after the model of kim- better interpreted, with Sdyana, as punish a. 'serpent.' The antiquity of this 393 This is a mistake : the Danus, latter meaning is favoured by ety- Danavas, appear even in the Rik ; rnology. cf. Kngl. snake ; see Kuhn's nay, the former in the Avesta as Zcitsrhrift, ix. 233, 234.] well; see A f >dn Yesht,J$; Far-card. f In the Atharva- Samhitii, in F., 37i 38 (here as earthly foes?) particular, many prayers are ad- 364 Sura is a bastard formation dressed to the Harpas ; in the ^at. from asura, resting on a misunder- lir. they are once identified with the e'anding of the word, which was lolcas : can the term have originally wrongly analysed into a-sura. The denoted ' the stars' and o'.her spirits SUTRA-PITAKA. 303 das,* too, are absent. This lack of allusion in the Brahmanas to any of these genii might be explained by supposing them to have been principally the divinities of the inferior classes of the people, to which classes Buddha specially addressed himself, and to whose conceptions and range of ideas he was therefore obliged to have particular regard. In this there may be a great deal of truth, but the remaining cycle of deities, also, which appears in the Buddhistic Sutras, is completely that belonging to the epic poetry. In the Brahmanas, on the contrary, the name of Kuvera, for in- stance, is only mentioned once t (and that in the Brahmana of the White Yajus) ; 355 S*iva and Samkara only occur along with other appellative epithets of Pudra, and are never employed alone as proper names to denote him ; the name of Narayana, again, is of extremely rare occurrence, whilst Sakra, 356 Vasava, 357 Hari, Upendra, Janardana, Bitiimaha, are totally unknown. We thus perceive that the Buddhistic Sutras, in all of which these names are prevalent, repre- sent ^precisely the same stage as the Epic literature.! The of the air? [Serpent-worship has unquestionably mythological, sym- bolical relations ; but, on the other hand, it has also a thoroughly real- istic background.] The Maitrayani- Tlpanishad does, indeed, mention the Suras, Yakshas, and Uragas ; but iliis Upanishad belongs (see p. 98) altogether to the later period. It is allied to these Buddhistic Sutras in contents, and probably also in age. * A kind of dwarfs with ' testicles as large as jars' (?). In the later Brahmanical writings they are styled Kushmdndas, Ktishmdndas ('gourd'?); see also Mahidhara on Vuj. Siimh., xx. 14. [Cf. the Kumbka-mushkas in Ath., viii. 6. 15, xi. 9. 17, and perhaps also the sisna- devas in Rik, vii. 21. 5, x. 99. 3; Uothon Nir.,p. 47.], f The Taittiriya-Anmyaka, which contains several of these names, can- not exactly be ranked with the Bnih- m:ma literature. ^ 5 Also in the parallel passages in the Rik Sutras, and once besides in the Ath. S. (viii. 10. 28). 850 As an appellative epithet of Indra, Sakra occurs in the Rik even, but it is there employed of other gods as well. 357 As an epithet of Indra (but not as a name for him) Vtisava oc- curs once in Ath. S., vi. 82. i. In the Nirukti also, xii. 41, it appears in direct connection with him, but at the same time also with Agni ; indeed, it is with Agni and not with Indra that the Vasus are chiefly associated in theBrdhmanas ; see /. St., v. 240, 241. J The Mdra so frequently mention- ed would almost appear to be a purely Buddhistic invention ; in Brahma- nical writings I have nowhere met with him. [MinayefTs conjecture, in the introduction to his Grammaire Pdlic, trad, par Stan. Guyard, p. viii., that the name Miira is directly re- lated to Mairya, an epithet of Ahri- man in the Avesta, and in such a way that both "remontcnt d une cpoqve antirieurc a la separation des Jranicnsct des IJindous," is rendered extremely doubtful by the mere circumstance that nothing of tho sort occurs anywhere in the Vcdc 304 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. non-mention of Krishna 358 proves nothing to the contrary, the worship of Krishna .as a divinity being of altogether uncertain date : 359 besides, it is still a question whether we have not really to understand him by the Asura Krishna who is repeatedly referred to in these Sutras (see p. 148). Although to notice other points besides the Pantheon the lunar asterisms in the Sutras begin with Krittikd, that is to say, still retain their old order, we cannot adduce this as proof that a comparatively high antiquity ought to be assigned to these writings, for the new order of the asterisms probably only dates from the fourth or fifth century A.D. ; all that results from this is, that the particular passages are earlier than this last-mentioned date. As an indication, on the contrary, of a date not specially ancient, we must certainly regard the mention of the planets, as also the occurrence of the word dindra (from denarius), which Burnouf (p. 424, n.) has twice met with in the older Sutras (see Lassen, /. AK., ii. 348). As regards the second division of the Buddhist scrip- tures, the Vinaya-Pitaka, or precepts concerning discipline and worship, these are almost entirely wanting in the Paris collection, doubtless because they are looked upon as peculiarly holy, and are therefore kept as secret as pos- sible by the priests, being indeed specially intended for (Gopatha-Br., i. 28, see note 166, is that of Krishna" (7. St., iii. 161), is only an apparent exception, due unfortunately not before us in the probably to Buddhistic influence), original text : might not the passage If, therefore, a direct connection simply mean, " Your hair is yet really exists between Mara and Aiira black?" The fact of Krishna Mainyu, it can only have come about appearing in the Abhidha'nappadi- in historic times; and for this there pikit as a name of Vishnu proves, of is nowhere any analogy. course, just as little for the ancient 348 Whether the Southern Bud- texts as the patronymics Kanhi, dhists are acquainted with Krishna Kunhdyana in the sehol. on Kachck, is not yet clear. Buddha's prior v. 2. 4 (Senart, pp. 185, 186), which birth as Knnha has, according to the have necessarily to be referred to the text published in Fausboll's edition, epicor divine personality of Krishna, p. 194, nothing to do with Krishna ; 358 On the significance of the data the Jiltaka as Mahilkanha (No. 461 contained in the Mahabhashya on in Westergaard's Catal., p. 41), can this point, see /. St., xiii. 349 : for hardly have any reference to him the earliest occurrence of Krishna in either ; but, what of the Jdtaka as an inscription, see Bayley in Journ. Kesava? (No. 341 in Westenraard's As. Soc. Beng., 1854, p. 51 ff., with Catal., p. 40). The expression in which cf. /. Str., ii. 8l, and my Hardy, East. Mon., p. 41, " You Essay Ueber Krishna's tieburtsfest, are yet a youth, your hair is like p. 318. VINA YA-PITAKA. 305 the clergy. Like the Buddhist mythology, the Buddhist hierarchy was a thing of gradual growth. Buddha, as we have seen, received all without distinction as disciples, and when ere long, in consequence of the great numbers, and of the practice of living constantly together, except in the winter season, some kind of distribution of rank was re- quired, it was upon the principle of age * or merit f that this took place. As the Buddhist faith spread more and more, it became necessary to distinguish between those who devoted themselves entirely to the priestly calling, the bhikshus^ monks, and Wiikshunis, nuns, on the one * The aged were called sthavira, a word not unfrequeritly added to a proper name in the Brahmanical Sutras to distinguish a particular person from younger namesakes : points of connection herewith are to be found in the Brdhmanas also. [Regarding the winter season, see Childers, Pdli Diet., s. v. vasso.] f The venerable were styled arh- ant (&pxv), also a title bestowed upon teachers in the Brdhmanas. When Pilnini speaks of Bhikshu- Sutras, and gives as their authors Pd- rdsarya :md Karmanda, teaching (iv. 3. no, in) that their respective ad- herents are to be styled Pdrds'arinas and Karmandinas, and (iv. 2. 80) that the Sutra of the former is called Pdrdsariya, the allusion must be to Brahmanical mendicants, since these names are not mentioned in Bud- dhistic writings. By Wilson, too, in the second edition of his Dictionary, karmandin is given as ' beggar, reli- gious mendicant, member of the fourth order.' [According to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, from Amara, ii. 7. 41, and Hemachandra, 809.] But the circumstance must not be overlooked that, according to the Calcutta scholiasts, neither of these two rules of Pdnini is explained in the Mahdbhdshya, and that possibly, therefore, they may not be Pdnini's at all, but posterior to the time of Pa- tamjali. [The ' Pdrds"arino bhiksha- vah,' at least, are really mentioned in the Bhilshya to iv. 2. 66 ; see /. St., xiii. 340.] That mendicant monks must, as a matter of fact, have been particularly numerous in Pdnini's time is apparent from the many rules he gives for the forma- tion of words in this connection, e.g., bhikshdchara, iii. 2. 17; bhikshdkn, iii. 2. 155 ; bhikfhu, iii. 2. 168 ; bhaiksha Irom bhikshd in the sense of bhiks/tdndm sam&has, 'i v. 2 . 38. Com - pare, in particular, also ii. i. 70, where the formation of the nnine for femala mendicants (h-amand, and, in the gana, pravrdjitd) is treated of, which can only refer to Buddhistic female mendicants. [This last rule, which gives the epithet 'virgin ' as a special (not as an indispensable) quality of the faamand, taken in connec- tion with iv. i. 127, can hardly be said to throw a very favourable light on the 'virginity' of the class generally; cf. Manu, viii. 363,11010 330 above. The words san-dnnina, v. 2. 9, and kaukkutika, iv. 4. 6, likewise exhibit a very distinct Bud- dhistic colouring ; on this see 7. St., v. 140 ff. On Buddhistic mendi- cants at the time of the Bhdshya, see the data collected in 7. St., xiii. 340 ff.] The entire institution ot the fourth order rests essentially on the Sdmkhya doctrine, and its ex- tension was certainly due to a large extent to Buddhism. The red or red- dish-yellow garment (kashdyavasana) and the tonsure (maundya) are the principal badges of the Buddhist bhikshus ; see above, pp. 78, 237. On a commentary, extant in India, on a Bhikshu-Sutra, see /. St., i. 470. U 306 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. hand, and the Buddhist laity on the other, updsakas and updsikds* Within the priesthood itself, again, nume- rous shades of distinction in course of time grew up, until at length the existing hierarchy arose, a hierarchy which differs very essentially from the Brahmanical one, inasmuch as admission to the priestly order is still, as in Buddha's time, allowed to members of the lowest castes on the same conditions as to any one else. Among the laity the Indian castes still continue to exist wherever they existed in the past ; it is only the Brahman caste, or priesthood by birth, that has been abolished, and in its place a clergy by choice of vocation substituted. The Buddhist cult, too, which now is second to none in the world for solemnity, dignity, pomp, and specialities, was originally exceedingly simple, consisting mainly in the adoration of the image of Buddha and of his relics. Of the latter point we are first informed by Clemens Alex- andrinus. Afterwards the same honour was paid to the relics of his most eminent disciples also, and likewise to princes who had deserved specially well of Buddhism. The story of the ashes of Menander, related by Plutarch (see Wilson, Ariana, p. 283), is doubtless to be understood in this sense.f Now this relic-worship, the building of steeples traceable, perhaps, to the topes (stupas) which * Or specially buddhopdsaka, bud- bha, who is uniformly placed in the dhopdsikd, as we find it several times western country Sukhavati, may be in the Mrichhakati. identical with Amyntas, whose name f For I regard Menander, who on appears as Amita on his coins ; in his coins is called Minanda, as iden- the name Basili, too (in Schmidt's tical with Milinda, king of Sdsrala Dsanglun, p. 331), he discovers the (Sdkala), respecting whom see Tur- word /SacriXefo. [But Schiefner calls nour in the Journ. As. Soc. Beng., my attention to the circumstance, v. 530 fif. ; Buruoiif, I. c., p. 621 ; that as far back as 1852, in his and Catal. MSS. Or. Bill, llaun., Erffdnzungen und Berichtiywigen zu p. 50. (From an article by Spiegel in Schmidt's Ausgabe des Dsanglun, p. the Kider Allyemeine Monatsschrift, 56, to p. 256, 1. 3 of the Tibetan July 1852, p. 561, which has just text, lie withdrew the identification reached me while correcting these of Basili with /SocriXftfs : his connec- hheets, I sec that Benfey has already tion, too, of Amita with Amyntas, identified Menander with Milinda which had been questioned by Kop- [see the Berlin Jahrbucher fur wis- pen, ii. 28, note 4, he now regards sensch. Krilik, 1842. p. 87 b ].) Schief- as doubtful.] The legend of the ner in his notice, Ueber Indra's Western origin of the S&kyas I have Donnerkeil, p. 4 of the separate im- already characterised (p. 285) as per- pression, 1848, has expressed the haps invented as a compliment to conjecture that the Buddha Amitd- Kanishka. ABHIDHARMA-P1TAKA. 307 owe their origin to this relic-worship the system of mona- chism, the use of bells and rosaries,* and many other details, offer such numerous features of resemblance to Christian ritual, that the question whether Christianity may not perhaps have been here the borrowing party is by no means to be summarily negatived, particularly as it is known that Buddhist missionaries penetrated at an early period, possibly even in the two centuries preceding our era, into Western countries as far as Asia Minor. This is still, however, an entirely open question, and requires investigation. 360 The third division of the Buddhist sacred scriptures, the Abhidharma-Pitaka, contains philosophical, and especially metaphysical, discussions. It is hardly to be imagined that Buddha himself was not clearly cognisant of the philosophical basis of his teaching, and that he simply adopted this latter from his predecessors, so that the courage and energy pertaining to its public promulgation t constituted his sole merit. But it seems just as certain that he was not concerned to propagate a philosophical system, and that his aim was purely a practical one, to * Afterwards adopted by the fectcd the growth of Buddhist ritual Brdhmans also. [The very name and worship, as they did that of the rosary has possibly arisen from aeon- Buddhist legends, by any means to fusion of the two Indian words japa- be dismissed out of hand. Indeed, mala and japdmdld ; see my paper, quite apart from the oft-ventilated Ueber Krishna s Geburtsfest, pp. 340, question as to the significance of 341; Koppen, Die Religion des Bud- such influences in the further de- dka, ii. 319; and also my letter in velopment of Krishna-worship, there the Indian Antiq.. iv. 250.] are legends connected with the Siva 360 See Ind. Skiz., p. 64 (1857), cult also, as to which it is not at all and the data from the Abbe' Hue's a far-fetched hypothesis that they Travels in Tibet in Koppen, i. 561, have reference to scattered Christian ii. 116. According to tlie interest- missionaries; see /. St., i. 421, ii. ing discovery made by Laboulaye 398; Z. D. M. G., xxvii. 166 (v. (see Miiller, Chips, iv. 185) and F. 263). That Western influence has Liebrecht with regard to Barlaam played a part in Tibet, finds support and Josaphat, one of the saints of in aletterof Schiefner's,accordingto the Catholic Church stands at length which, in a work of Dsaja Pandita, revealed as Bodhisattva himself a Galen is mentioned as the physician discovery to which Reinaud's ingeni- of the Persians, and is said to have ous identification of Yuasaf, Yudasf, been consulted by the first Tibetan with Budsatf (Mem. stir I'lndc, p. 91) king, along with a celebrated Indian might alone have led ; cee Z. D. M. and a celebrated Chinese physician. G., xxiv. 480. But neither is the + In this courage the circumstance contrary supposition, namely, that that he belonged by birth to the Christian influences may have af- military caste finds expression. 3o8 BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. awaken virtuous actions and dispositions. This is in accord with the circumstance, that, whereas the Buddhists allege of the Siitra-Pitaka and the Vinaya-Pitaka that they were delivered by Buddha himself, in the case of the Abhidharma-Pitaka, on the contrary, they start with the admission that it is the production of his disciples. Ac- cording to Burnouf, the doctrines of the Abhidharma are in reality only a further development or continuation of the views here and there propounded in the Sutras ; in- deed, the writings in question often merely add single words to the thoughts expressed in the Sutras : " but in any case there exists an interval of several centuries be- tween the two, and that difference which distinguishes a doctrine still in its earliest beginnings from a philosophy which has arrived at its furthest development." * In the Brah ma -Sutra of Budarayana doctrines are repeatedly combated which, on amkara's testimony, belong to two distinct schools of Buddhist philosophy, and consequently both of these, and perhaps also the other two schools which are ranked with them, belong to a period preceding the composition of this Brahma-Sutra. The doctrines themselves cannot be recognised with perfect distinctness, and their affinity, although undeniable, to the doctrines of the Samkhya system is still enveloped in some obscurity. 3151 On this point, however, so much is clear, that, although Buddha himself may actually have been in full harmony with the doctrines of Kapila, as they then existed,f yet his adherents developed these in their own fashion; in the * Whether now, after these words of individual existence was certainly of Burnouf's, loc. cit., p. 522, Las- the goal to which Buddha aspired ; nen's view (/. AK., ii. 458) is ten- hardly, however, the resolving of this fcble to the effect that "although, existence into nothing, but only its in the collection bearing the name return to the same state of avidyd, or of Abhidharma, there are writings of unconsciousness which belonged to various dates, yet they must all be primeval matter before it attained assigned to the period preceding the to development at all," Lit. C. third council" (this third council in Bt., 1857, p. 770 (/. Str., ii. 132). B.C. 275 being here expressly dis- Childers thinks differently, Pdli tinguished from the fourth under Diet., *. v. nin-dna. Kanishka) appears to me in the + Were he really to be identified very highest degree doubtful. with theSdkdyanyaoftheMaitrayaijS aul Cf, for this 7. St., iii. 132; Upanishad (see p. 97), we should havo Max Duneker, Geschichte dcr Arier, in this work tolerably direct evidenca p. 234 ff. (1867) ; Koppen, i. 2l4ff. to the above effect. "" The extinction, the ' blowing out ' ABHIDHARMA-PITAKA. 309 came way as the followers of Kapila also pursued their own path, and so eventually that system arose which is now extant under the name Samkhya, and which differs essentially from the Buddhist philosophy.* To the four schools into which, as we have just seen, this philosophy was split up at a comparatively early period, four others were afterwards added or perhaps these superseded the former but neither have the doctrines of these later schools been as yet set forth with anything like sufficient certainty. 362 The question, too, whether Buddhistic con- ceptions may not perhaps have exercised a direct influence on the development of Gnostic doctrines,t particularly those of Basilides, Valentinian, and Bardesanes, as well as of Manes, must for the present be regarded as wholly un- determined ; 363 it is most intimately bound up with the question as to the amount of influence to be ascribed to Indian philosophy generally in the shaping of these doc- trines. The main channel of communication in the case of the latter was through Alexandria; the Buddhist mis- sionaries, on the contrary, probably mostly came from the Panjab through Persia. Besides the three Pitakas, the Sanskrit manuscripts that have been procured from Nepal contain other works also, consisting, in part, of a large number of commen- taries on and elucidations of the Pitakas, in part, of a * Whether vv. 9-11 of the Iso- special work on Tibetan and Chinese panishad are to lie taken, with the Buddhism. See on this point Lit. commentator, as specially referring C. EL, 1875, p. 550. 10 the Buddhists, as I assume in t See F. Neve, L'Antiquiti Cftri- I. St., i. 298, 299, appears to me tienne en Orient, p. 90, Louvain, doubtful now: the polemic nny 18^2. simply be directed asrainst the Sdm- 3 Cf. now Lassen, 7. AK., iii. khya tenets in general. 387-416 ; my Ind. Slciz., p. 64 ; 362 Our information regarding Kenan, Hist, des Lang. Sem., 2(1 ed., them is derived exclusively from 1858, pp. 274, 275. That their in- Hodgton'a Essays (now collected, see fluence upon the growth of the doc- note 345). Their names, Svdbha'- trines of Manes in particular was a vika, Aisvarika, Kdrmika, Ydtnika, most important one is shown, for are so far unsupported by any other example, by this circumstance alone, literary evidence. Only for the that the formula of abjuration for names Sautra'ntika, Vaibhashika, those who renounced these doctrines Mitdhyamika, Yogdchdra, is such expressly specifies Bo5Sa and the testimony found. Tdrandtha, for SKUS-ICH/OJ (seemingly a separation of example, is acquainted with these 'Buddha Sdkyamuni ' into two) latter only, and they are also the Lassen, iii. 415. Cf. also Beal, J. only ones known to Wassiljew in his R. A. S., ii. 424 (1866). ito BUDDHISTIC SANSKRIT LITERATURE. most peculiar class of writings, the so-called Tantras, which are looked upon as especially sacred, and which stand pre- cisely upon a level with the Brahmanical works of the same name. Their contents are made up of invocations of various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, as also of their Saktis, or female energies, with a motley admixture of Sivaitic deities; to which are added longer or shorter prayers addressed to these beings, and directions how to draw the mystic diagrams and magic circles that secure their favour and protection. 36 * 364 Cf. Emil Schlagintweit'a Bud- poetry; as to which Ree Klatt in dhism in Tibet (1863, with a folio the preface to his edition of tho atlas of twenty plates). Recently sentences of Ckdnakya, taken there- there have also come from Nepdl from (1873). Snnskrit MSS. containing works of SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. P. 9, 3 6 ff. (and 64, 29 ff.)- Burnell, in his preface to the Arsheya-Br. (Mangalore, 1876), p. xvi. if., and Aufrecht, Hymnen des Rigveda (Bonn, 1877), Pref. pp. xvi., xvii., dispute the superior antiquity of the readings of the Sama- Samhita, as compared with those of the Rik-Samhita. P. 25, note 17 , and p. 67, note K . On the Sikshas see Kielhorn's paper in the Ind. Antiq., v. 141 ff., 193 ff., and my comments thereon, ibid., p. 253. P. 32, note 21 . On the Vashkalas somewhat more light has now been cast. In the first place, from a comparison of the kdrikd quoted in my Catal. of the Berlin Sansk. MSS., p. 314, ' fedkaldndm samdni va ity richd 'ntyd "hutir bhavet \ Bdshkaldndm tu tachhamyor ity richd 'ntyd- liutir bhavet,' it results that the citation in the forty-eighth Atharva-pari^ishta (see /. St., iv. 431) of the samyuvdka as the concluding verse of the Rik-Samhita has reference, to the Vashkala-recension of the latter. Next, it becomes evident that this recension stood in a special relation to the Sankhayana texts, since in the Saiikh. Grih., 4. 5. 9, the same verse is cited as the concluding one of the Sam- hita, and this expressly as the view of Kaushitaki. In addition to this we have the fact that the pratika of the whole section to which this verse belongs, and which forms the last khila samfndna in the vulgate recension of the Rik-Samhita, is found cited in the Sankhay.-Srauta- Siitra, 3. 6. 4, but is wanting in the parallel passage, A3val., 2, n. And, lastly, we shall probably also have to allot to the Vashkalas the eleven hymns ten Afoindm and one Aindrdvarunam stiktam which, as Eud. Meyer has re- cently pointed out (Rigvidhana, Praef., p. xxiv.), are cited 3H SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. in the Brihaddevata, 3. 24, between Rik-Samh., i. 73 and 74. For, according to Meyer, their pratikas prove to \>e identical with those given by the scholiast on $ankh. Sr., 9. 20. 14, for the ' trisatam suparnam' there mentioned in die text, which again is specified under this name in the Safikh. Br. itself (18. 4) as part of the Asvina-s*astra. Probably; too, the other portions of text, which, as stated by Meyer (I. c., p. xxv. ff.), appear in the Brihaddevata as well as in the Rigvidhana, as belonging to the Rik- Samhita, whereas they are found neither in the vulgate the Sakala-Samhita itself, nor in its khila portions, will have to be assigned to the Vashkalas. In point of fact, the samjndna khila also, to which (see above) the con- cluding verse of the Vashkala-Samhita belongs, is men- tioned in both texts (Meyer, p. xxii.). An exact comparison of the Rik-verses cited in the Sankhayana texts will pro- bably throw full light upon this point. In Blihler's letter from Kashmir (published in /. St., xiv. 402 ff.) the in- teresting information was given that he had there dis- covered an excellent ?;M,r/a-MS., some five to six hundred years old, of the Rik-Samhita in the S*akala recension. This MS. is accentuated, whereas the Kashmir Vedio MSS. are not wont to be so, but the accent is denoted in a totally different manner from that customary in India, the uddtta alone being marked by a perpendicular line, pre- cisely as, according to Haug, is usual in one of the two schools of the Maitrayani Samhita, and as we ourselves do; cf. my remarks in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1875, p. 315. On this MS. see now the detailed report of Biihler's journey in the Journal Bomb. Br. 11. A.S., 1877, extra No., pp. 35,36. Pp. 35, 36, note . See also Myriantheus, Die Asvins (Munich, 1876), and James Darmesteter, Ormazd et Ahri- man (Paris, 1877). P. 41, note 29 . See Alfred Hillebrandt, Varuna und Mitra, cin Beitrag zur Excgese des Veda (Breslau, 1877). P. 43, note 32 . Max Miiller's issue of the text alone of the Rik has now appeared in a second edition (London, 1877). Samhitd-pdtha and pada-pdtha are here printed on opposite pages. Respecting the latter it has to be remarked that, as in Miiller's previous editions, so again in this one the so-called galitas are in no way marked, the text which a particular passage shows the first time SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. 315 it occurs being uniformly simply repeated, without any reference to what is done in the MSS. themselves in these cases. This is all the more surprising as, after I had pointed out this defect, in my review of the last volume of his large edition in the Lit. Cent. Matt, i/th April 1875, Miiller himself, in an article which appeared in the same periodical a year and a half later (i6th December 1876) fully recognised the critical importance of the galitas. Aufrecht's edition has also been reprinted (Bonn, 1877): the preface (comp. desideratum at note 28) contains a variety of critical remarks. Complete translations of the Rik-Samhita, by Alfred Ludwig (Prag, 1876) and Hermann Grassmann (Leipzig, 1876-77) have appeared. Very meri- torious, also, is the edition of the Rik-Samhita which is appearing in monthly numbers at Bombay, under the title ' Vedarthayatna,' with English and Mahrathi translation, as well as with Mahrathi commentary : the latest No. brings it down to i. 100. The name of the excellent editor, Shankar Pandit, is an open secret. Lastly, there remains to be mentioned M. Hang's Vedische Rathselfragen und Rdthselspruche (Rik, i. 164, 1876). P. 48, note 33b . Rajendra 7 Lala Mitra's edition, in the Bill. Indica, of the Aitareya-Aranyaka with Say ana's com- mentary, has now been completed. A MS. acquired by Blihler in Kashmir shows a number of variations ; see his Report of Journey, 1. c., p. 34. P. 50, 6 (cf. p. 285). Panchalachanda appears in a Pali Sutta among the mahdsendpatis of the Yakkhas ; for the conclusions to be drawn from this see Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 7th April 1877, p % 22i. P. 56, 8. The Sankh. Grih. (4. 10. 3) inserts between VisVamitra and Vamadeva, the two representatives of the third arid fourth mandalas, the name of Jamadagni, to whom in the Anukramani to the Sakala-Samhita only the last three verses of the third mandala (iii. 62, 16-18) are in this place ascribed, but in addition to these, also five entire hymns and four separate verses in the last three mandalas. Have we here also to do with a divergence of the Vashkala school? (In Sankh. Grih., 4. 5. 8, however, there is no trace of this variation from the vulgate; rather, the verse iii. 62. 18 appears there as the concluding verse of the third mandala) 316 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. P. 58, note 50 . The Saiikh. Grihya has been published, with translation and notes, by Herm. Oldenberg; see /. St., xv. i 166. There exists also another recension of it, which is designated as Kaushitaka-Grihya, but which, according to Oldenberg, is rather to be understood as Sambavya-Grihya. Its text is ' nowise identical ' with the Saiikh. Grih., ' but it has borrowed from the latter by far the greatest part both of its matter and form.' The last two books of the $ankh. Grih. are not used in it, and a great deal is lacking besides. P. 6 1, note *. On the Jyotisha a very meritorious work has just appeared by G. Thibaut. P. 62, 6, 26 ff. On the Brihaddevata and Rigvidhana see K. Meyer's edition of the latter work (Berlin, 1877). P. 65, 28. The forty-eighth Atharva-parislshta, see /. St., iv. 432, gives indeed the same beginning, but a different concluding verse to the Sama-Samhita, namely, the last verse but one of the first part of the vulgate ; accordingly, it did not reckon the second part as belonging to the Sam- hita at all, while for the first part also it presents the discrepancy stated. P. 65, note 60 . The Aranya-Samhita, with Say ana's commentary, has been edited by Satyavrata Samasramin, and that in a double form, namely, separately (Calcutta, 1873), and also in the second part of his large edition of the Sama-Samhitu, p. 244 ff. P. 66, note 61 . This edition of the Sama-Samhita, in the Bill. Indica, has now reached, in its fifth volume, as far as 2. 8. 2. 5. Pp- 73' 74- The Talavakara- or Jaiminiya-Brahmana, to which the Kenopan. belongs, has been recovered by Burnell (letter of iQth April). Also a Samaveda-Pra- ti^akhya. Pp. 74, 75, notes 71 , 72 . The Arsheya-Brahmana and Samhitopanishad-Brahmana have also been edited by Bur- noil (Mangalore, 1876, 1877); the former with a lengthy introduction containing an inquiry into the Ganas, the secondary origin of the Samhita from these, the chanting of the sdmans, &c. On this compare A. Earth's detailed notice in the Revue Critique, 2ist July 1877, pp. 17-27. The A\rsheya-Brahmana has, further, just been issued a second time by Burnell, namely, in the text of the Jai- SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. 317 miniya school, which he had meanwhile recovered (Man- galore, 1878). Pp. 99-101. According to the catalogue (1876) of M. Haug's collection of MSS., there are now in the Eoyal Library at Municli, with which this collection was incor- porated in the spring of 1877, not only two MSS. of the Maitrayani Samhita, but also several more or less com- plete, but, unfortunately, in great part modern, copies of Apastamba, Manava, Bharadvaja, Baudhayana, Vaikha- nasa, Hiranyakesin. The description ^(in notes 108, 109) of the Dharma-Sutras as part of the Srauta- Sutras is not quite correct ; rather both are portions, possessing an equal title, of a collective Sutra-whole, to which in each case there also belonged a Grihya- and a Sulva-Sutra, and which we might perhaps designate by the name of Kalpa-Siitra. [The North-Western origin of the Katha school (cf. Kddaia, I. St., xiii. 439) is also, in a certain measure, attested by the fact that, according to Biihler's letter from Kashmir (dated September 1875, published in /. St., xiv. 402 ff.) on the results of his search for MSS. in that pro- vince, this school is still in the present day the prevailing one in Kashmir. The Brahmans there call themselves, it is true, chaturvedi, but they follow the rules of the Ka- thaka-Grihya-Sutra of Laugakshi. Besides portions of all the Vedas, the Bhattas learn by heart the Paddhati of Devapala, the commentary and prayoya to the Kathaka- Grihya. ' Of these Grihyas I have acquired several MSS., among them an old one on Ihtirja. ,To the Kathaka-Sutra are attached a Pravaradbyaya, an Arsha, the Charayaniya Siksha, and several other Parisishtas.' Additional note in second German edition] According to Buhler, Z. D. M. G., xxii. 327, the Dharma-Sutra of the Kathaka school is iden- tical with the Vishnu-Smriti. On this, and on the Ka- thaka school in Kashmir generally, see now Buhler, Eeport of Journey, /. c., pp. 20, 36, 37. P. 103, note 11(5 . The Taitt. Pratisakhya has also been edited in the Bill. Indica by Ptdjendra Lala Mitra (1872). Pp. 117,118. The forty-eighth Atharva-Paris'ishta spe- cifies a recension of the Vaj. Samh., which begins with i.i, but which ends with 23. 32 ! See /. St., iv. 432. P. 114. for the formula Ambe ambike 'mbdlike, which differs in all three Yajus texts, Panini (vi. 7. 118) 3 i8 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. has a fourtli reading ; on this and the other points of con- nection between Panini and the vocabulary of the Yaju3 texts, see /. St., iv. 432. P. 138, 23. According to Mahavansa, p. 9. 12, 15, the name of Buddha's wife was Bhadda- or Subhadda-Kach- chana ! P. 139, note 147 . Satap., 3. i, 1-2. 2, is translated in Bruno Lindner's dissertation, Ueber die Dikslid- (Leipzig, 1878); other portions inDelbriiclt'sAltind. Wortfolge (iSfS). P. 142, note 155 . The Paraskara has been edited by Stenzler (1876). P. 150, note 165 . In the forty-eighth Atharva-Pari- sishta, the commencement of the Atharva-Samhita is given just as in the published recension, but it ends there with Book xvi. ; see /. St., iv. 432. P. 151, note ie6 . With the doshapali compare the pdp~ man dsura in the Nrisinhop. ; see /. St., ix. 149, 150. P. 153 ff. Of. Paul Eegnaud, Materiaux pour servir d I'Histoire de la Philosopliie de I'lnde, 1 876, and my review of this work in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit. of 9th February 1 878. P. 182, note 198 . The dates of the Nepalese MSS. appa- rently reach back as far as A.D. 883 ! See Dan. Wright, History of Nepal, 1877, Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1877, p. 412. Pp. 187, 1 88, note 201a . On Olshausen's explanation of the word Pahlav the bo sis of the Indian Pahlava from Parthava, ' Parthians,' see now also Th. Noldeke in Z. D. M. 6r., xxxi. 557 ff. P. 189, note 204 . According to Kern, Over de oud- Javaansche Vertaling van't Mahdbhdrata (Amsterdam, 1 877), p. 7 ff., the Kavi translation of the Adi-parvan, from which lie there communicates the text of the Paushyacharita, dates from the beginning of the eleventh century. P. 1 89, note 205 . For the criticism of the Maha-Bharata, Holtzmann's researches (Indische Sagen, Preface, Stuttgart, 1854) are also of great importance. P. 191, note 20G . The Index to Hall's edition of Wilson's translation of the Vishnu-Parana (vol. v. part ii.) appeared in 1877. The edition of the Agni-Punina in the Bibl. Ind. has now reached adhy. 294. P. 195, I5 . The identity of the author of the Raghu- vnrisa and Kamara-sambhava with the dramatist Kalidasa is contended for by Shankar Pandit in the Transactions SUPPLEMENTAR V NO TES. 3 1 9 o f ' the London Congress of Orientalists (London, 1876), p. 227 ff. P. 196, note 20S . Bharavi and Kalidasa are mentioned together in an inscription of Pulakesi II., 'in the Saka year 507 (A.D. 585-6) ;' at that date, therefore, they must have been already famous. See Bhau Daji in Journ. Bomb. Br. E. A. S., ix. 315, and J. F. Fleet in Ind. Antiq., v. 68. On the Kashmir poets Chandraka and Mentha, of about the fifth (?) century, Ratnakara of the ninth, Kshe- mendra and Bilhana of the eleventh, Somadeva, Maiikha, Kalhana, &c., of the twelfth century, see Biihler, Report of Journey, /. c., p. 42 ff. P. 199, note f. For the text of these Suttas see now Grimblot, Sept suttas Palis (Paris, 1 876), p. 89 ; ' nachcliam gitain vdditam pekkham akkhdnam . . iti vd iti evarupd visukadassand ' (exhibitions, p. 65, spectacles, pp. 179, 215). From this it appears that the word here properly in question is not so much the general term visuka as rather, specially, pekkka (prekshya), ' exhibition,' ' spec- tacle/ translated by 'theatricals,' pp. 65, 179, 'representa- tions dramatiques,' p. 215; comp. prekslianaka as the name of a species of drama in Bharata (Hall, Das"ariipa, p. 6), and drisya in the Sahitya-darpana as the name of dramatic poetry in general. Pp. 200, 12, 205, 20. According to Hall, Vasavad., In- trod., p. 27, Bhavabhuti would have to be placed earlier than Subandhu, and if so, of course, a fortiori, earlier than Bana : the latter, however, does not allude to him in the classic passage in the introduction to the Harsha-charita, where he enumerates his predecessors (Hall, ibid., pp. 13, 14). See also Ind. Streifen, i. 355. P. 201, note ||. According to Lassen, /. AK., iii. 855, 1163, Bhoja died in 1053. An inscription of his in the Ind. Antiq., 1877, p. 54, is dated in the year 1022. P. 203, note. According to Biihler, Ind. Antiq., v. 1 12 (April, 1 876), a grant of King Jayabhata is ' older than the year 445 A.D., and dated in the Vikrama era.' P. 204, note 211 . In Z. D. M. G., xxx. 302, Jacob! cites from the Urvai a (chronometrical) datum betokening Greek influence. P. 207, note 21S . Of new publications, &c., of Indian dramas have to be mentioned : Bhandarkar's edition of the 320 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. Malati-madhava (Bombay, 1876), Cappeller's edition of the Eatnavali (1877, in the second edition of Bohtlingk's Sanskrit-Chrestomatkie), the Bengali recension of the Sa- kuntala, edited by Pischel (see Cappeller in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1877, p. 1 2 1), the two latter dramas translated by Ludw. Fritze ; lastly, Eegnaud's translation of the Mrichhakatika (Paris, 1876). On^ the question as to the various recensions of Kalidasa's Sakuntala discussed in /. St., xiv. 161 ff. see also Biihler's Eeport of Journey, 1. c., p. Ixxxv. ff., where the first act of the Kashmir recen- sion of this drama is printed. P. 210, note 22 . To this place also belongs Srivara's Subhashitavali of the fifteenth century, containing quota- tions from more than 350 poets; see Biihler, Eeport of Journey, 1. c., p. 61 ff. ; further, the Subhashita-ratnakara by Krishna Shastri Bhatavadekar (Bombay, 1872). Here, too, have to be mentioned the four papers Zur Kritik und Erldarung verschiedener indischer Werlce, published by 0. Bohtlingk in vols. vii. and viii. of the Melanges Asiatigues of the St. Petersburg Academy (1875-76). P. 212, note 222 . Comp. Benfey's Introduction to Bick- ell's edition and translation of the ' Kalilag und Damnag' (Leipzig, 1876). It now appears doubtful whether the ancient Pahlavi version really rested upon one individual work as its basis, or whether it is not rather to be re- garded as an epitome of several independent texts ; see iny notice of the above work in Lit. C. Bl., 1876, No. 31, Biihler, Eeport of Journey, p. 47 ; Prym in the Jenaer Lit. Zcit., 1878, Art. 1 1 8. P. 213, note 224 . Eead 'recast by Kshemendra.' It is only to Kshemendra that the statements from Biihler's letter, given in the next sentence, refer. Biihler now places him in the second and third quarter of the eleventh century, Eeport of Journey, /. c., p. 45 ff. P. 213. On the Eaja-taramgini see now Biihler, Eeport of Journey, pp. 52-60, Ixvi.-lxxxii. (where an amended translation of I. 1-107 ^ s given ) ; and on the Nila-mata, of about the sixth or seventh century, ibid., p. 38 ff., Iv. ff. P. 214, note 225 . 'The Harsha-charita appeared at Cal- cutta in 1 876, edited by Jivananda. On the Sinhasana- dvatrinsika see now my paper in /. St., xv. 185 ff. P. 215, note - 1 . In the interpretation of Indian inscrip- SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. 321 tions, Biihler and Fleet also, in particular, have of late done very active service (especially in Ind. Antiq., vols. v., vi.). P. 221, note 233 . Goldstiicker's ' facsimile' (comp. note 196 , p. 100) edition of the Manavakalp. is not ' photo-litho- graphed/ but lithographed from a tracing. P. 226, note 238 . Kielhorn has come forward with great vigour in defence of the Mahabhashya, first, in a lengthy article in the Ind. Antiq., v. 241 (August 1876), next in his Essay, Kdtydyana and Patamjali (Bombay, December 1876), which deals specially with the analysis of the work into its component parts ; and, lastly, in his edition of the work itself, which exhibits the text critically sifted, in direct reference thereto (the first number, Bombay, 1878, gives the navdhnikam). Cf., further, two articles by Bhan- darkar, On the Relation of Kdtydyana to Pdnini and of Patamjali to Kdtydyana in Ind. Antiq., v. 345 ff. (December 1876), and on G-oldstucker's Theory about Pdnini 's Technical Terms (reprint of an earlier review of G.'s Pdnini), ibid., vi. 107 ff. To this place also belongs an article on the Mahabhashya, which was sent off by me to Bombay on gt\\ October 1876, but which only appeared in the Ind. Antiq., vi. 301 if., in October 1877. P. 226, note s 39 . On the antiquity of the Ka^ika see now Biihler's Report of Journey, p. 72. The issue of the work in the Pandit is perhaps by this time completed. It is to be hoped that it will appear in a separate edition. Biihler's information regarding Vyadi, the Mahabhashya, Katantra, &c., is given in detail in his Eeport of Journey. On Burnell's essay, On tJie Aindra School of Sanskrit Grammarians (1875), which contains rich materials, see my critique in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit., March 1876, p. 202 ff. Of Hemachandra's Prakrit-Grammar Pischel has given us a new edition (Halle, 1877, text and good index of words). P. 229, note f. This note, according to Barth, Revue Critique, 3d June 1 876, is to be cancelled, as paraitre can only have the sense of ' seem ' (scheinen). P. 231, note m . On Ksheniendra's Loka-prakasa see Biihler, Report of Journey, p. 75. P. 231, 29. See note above to p. 182. P. 231, note 244 . The translation of the Sanity a-darpan a in the Bill. Indica ig now finished. For the rich informa- x 322 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. tion supplied by Biihler regarding the Alamkara literature in Kashmir, see his Report of Journey, p. 64 ff. Accord- ing to this, the Alamkara-s'astra of Bhatta Udbhata dates from the time of Jayapida (779-8 1 3), whose sabhdpati the author was. Vamana, too, in Biihler's opinion, belongs to the same period. Anandavardhana and Ratnakara belong to the ninth century, Mukula to the tenth, Abhinavagupta to the beginning, Rudrata to the end, of the eleventh, while Ruyyaka flourished at the commencement, and Jayaratha at the close, of the twelfth century ; Mammata is to be placed still later. P. 235, note 247 . Of the Sarva-dar^ana-samgraha there is now a translation, by Co well and Gough, in the Pandit, 1875 ft P. 237, note 25 . The Samkhya-tattva-pradipa has been translated by Govmdadevas"astrin in the Pandit, Nos. 98 ff. P. 237, note K \ Abhinavagupta was still living in A.D. 1015 ; Btihler, Report of Journey, p. 80. The Saiva- sastra in Kashmir, ibid., pp. 7782, is divided into two groups, of which the one connects itself with the Spanda- sastra of Yasugupta (854), the other with the Praty- abhijna-s'astra of Somananda (ab. 900) and Utpala (ab. 930). It is of the latter which appears to rest upon Samkara that Abhinavagupta is the leading representative. P. 241, note 256 . The last number of this edition of aba- rasvamin brings it down to 10. 2. 73 ; the edition of the Jaimim'ya-nyaya-mala-vistara has just been completed by Cowell. The Jaimini-sutra is being published in the Bombay monthly periodical, ' Shaddarsaua-chintanika,' begun in January 1877 text and commentary with a double translation, in linglish and Mahrathi. P. 243, note 259 . Vachaspatimi^ra's Bhamati, a gloss on Samkara's commentary on the Vedanta-sutra, is in course of publication in the Bibl. Ind. edited by Bala^astrin, commenced in 1876. In the Pandit for 1876, p. 113, in the Preface to his edition of Srinivasadasa's Yatindramata- dipika, Ramamisrasastrin cites a passage from Ramanuja's Brahmasutra-bhashya, in which the latter mentions the i/iayamrf-Bodhayana as his predecessor therein, and as separated from him by several generations otpurvdeJubryas. As such purvdclidryas Ramamisra gives the names of Dramida, Guhadeva, and Brahmanandi, at the same time SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. 323 designating them by the epithets maharshi and suprdchi- natama. By Srinivasadasa himself (p. 115) the teachers are mentioned in the following order : Vyasa, Bodhayana, Guhadeva, Bharuchi, Brahmanandi, Dravidacharya, Sri- Parankusanatha, Yamunamuni, Yatisvara. Here is also to be mentioned the edition in the Pandit, by Vechana- rama^astrin, of two commentaries on the Vedanta-siitra, viz., the Saiva-bhashya of Srikantha Sivacharya (see Z. D. M. G., xxvii. 1 66), and the Vedanta-kaustubha-prabha of Kesava Kasrnirabhatta. Further, in the second edition of his Sanskrit-Chrestomathie (1877) Bohtlingk has given a new translation of the Vedanta-sara ; and the Vidvan- manoranjini of Piamatirtha, a commentary thereon, has been published, text with translation, in the Pandit by Gough and Govindadeva^astrin. In the same journal has also appeared the Advaita-makaranda of Lakshmidhara. P. 245, note 264 . A translation, by Kes'avas'astrin, of the Nyaya-darsana and of Vatsyayana's commentary thereon, has begun to appear in the Pandit (new series, vol. ii.). The fourth book of Ganger's Nyaya-chintamani, with the commentary of Ruchidatta, has also been edited, ibid. (Nos. 66-93) ky Balasastrin. P. 247, note 268 . Of importance are the names, com- municated to me from Albirum by Ed. Sachau, of the mendzil in Soghd and Khvarizm, the list of which begins with thurayyd, i.e., with krittikd, and that under the name parvi; by this is evidently meant parviz, i.e., the name which stands third in the Bundehesh, whence it neces- sarily follows that the list of names in the latter is the modern one, commencing with dsvini ; see Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1877 (7th April), p. 221. Some of the names here cited by Albiruni are distinctly Indian, as frshtbdth, i.e., pro- shthapdda, the ancient form of name, consequently, (not bhadrapadd). Here, too, presumably, as in the case of China, the Buddhists were the channel of communication. Pp. 250, 251, note 274 . The proposition laid down by H. Jacobi in Z. D. M. G., xxx. 306, that no Indian writings, which enumerate the planets in the order Sun, Moon, Mars, &c. can have been composed earlier than the third century A.D., has application to Yajnavalkya, as well as to the Atharva-parisishtas, which in point of fact already observe this order; see /. St., x. 317. 324 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. P. 253, note *. The absence of mention of the Komakas in the Ramayana may perhaps also rest upon geographical grounds, namely, on the probable origin of the poem in the east of India, in the land of the Kos*alas, whereas the 'war-part' of the Maha-Bharata was in all likelihood composed in Central, if not in Western India. P. 256, note 281 . Cf. Thibaut's paper On the 3ulva- sutras' in the Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1875 (minutely dis- cussed by Mor. Cantor in the hist. lit. div. of the Zeitsch. fur Math, und Physik, vol. xxii.), and his edition of the Sulva-sutra of Baudhayana with the commentary of Dva- rakanathayajvan (text with translation) in the Pandit, May, 1875-77. P. 256, note *. The explanation of the Indian figures from the initial letters of the numerals has recently been rudely shaken, see Biihler in Ind. Ant., vi. 48, through the deciphering, namely, of the ancient ' Nagarf numerals ' by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, ibid., p. 42 ff. These, it appears, turn out to be other letters, yet the derivation of the later figures from them- can hardly be called in ques- tion. What principle underlies these ancient numerals is, for the rest, still obscure : the zero has not yet a place among them; there are letter-symbols for 4-10 (1-3 being merely represented by strokes) for the tens up to 90, and for the hundreds up to 1000. Comp. pp. 222, note 233 , and 257, note 284 . P. 260, note *. The remainder of the Yatra has now been edited by Kern in /. St., xiv. and xv. P. 266 ff. In complete opposition to the former dreams about the high antiquity of Indian medicine, Haas has recently, in Z. D. M. G., xxx. 617 ff. and xxxi. 647 ff, characterised even the most ancient of the Indian medical texts as quite modern productions, to be traced to Arabian sources. In the accounts given by the Arabs themselves of the high repute in which Indian medicine stood with them, and of the translation of works of the kind, which are specified by name, from Sanskrit into Arabic, he recog- nises hardly any value. As regards the latter point, how- ever, there exists absolutely no ground for throwing doubt upon statements of so definite a character made by the old Arab chroniclers; while, with respect to the former point, the language of Susruta, Charaka, &c., is distinctly SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. 325 opposed to the assignment to them of so late a date. At the same time, every real proof of the presence of Greek (or even Arabian) conceptions in the works in question, will have to be thankfully received. But the early existence of medical knowledge in India would in no way be prejudiced thereby, as its beginnings are well attested by evidence from the Vedic period, especially from the Atharvaveda. P. 270, note 31 . Charaka, as Biihler informs me, has now also been printed at Bombay, edited, by Dr. Anna Mureshvar Kunte, Grant Medical College. P. 271, note 313 . The Kavi translation of the Kaman- daki-niti probably belongs, at the earliest, to about the same date as the translation of the Maha-Bharata ; see remark above to note 204 . Progress has been made with the printing of Nirapeksha's commentary in the Bibl. Jndica. P. 273, note 319 . On modern Indian music, see now the numerous writings of Sourindro Mohun Tagore, Calcutta, 1875 ff., of. Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1877, p. 487. It is possible that the investigation of the gdnas of the Sama-veda, in case these are still in actual use and could be observed, might yield some practical result for the ancient lauldlca music also. P. 274, note 821a . For such representations of Venus, supported on the tail of a dolphin, or with a dolphin and Cupid behind her, see J. J. Bernouilli, Aphrodite (Leipzig, 1873), pp. 245, 370, 405. See also numerous representa- tions of the kind in the Musee de Sculpture par le Gomte F. de Clarac (Paris, 1836-37), vol. iv., pi. 593, 607, 610, 612, 615, 620, 622, 626-628, 634. P. 278, note 327 . Biihler has also published a transla- tion of Apastamba : it is now being reprinted in the series of ' Sacred Books of the East ' which is appearing under Max Miiller's direction. Gautama has been edited by Stenzler (London, 1876), and is also comprised in Jiva- nanda's large collection { Dharmashastrasamgraha ' (Cal- cutta, 1876), which, all inaccuracies notwithstanding, is yet a very meritorious publication, on account of the abundance of material it contains. It embraces 27 large and small Smriti-texts, namely, 3 Atris, 2 Vishnus, 2 Haritas, Yajnavalkya, 2 Usanas', Augiras, Yama, Apa- 326 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. stamba, Samvarta, Katyayana, Brihaspati, 2 Para^aras, 2 Vyasas, Sankha, Likhita, Daksha, 2 Gautamas, and 2 Vasishthas. Narada's Smriti has been translated by Jolly (London, 1 876) ; see also his papers, Ueber die recht- liche Stellung der Frauen bei den Indern (Munich, 1 876), and Ueber das indische Schuldrecht (Munich, 1 877). P. 280, note 329 . The Arun a- Smriti, Biihler informs me, is quite a late production, probably a section of a Purana. P. 28 1 . As Yaj navalkya enumerates the planets in their Greek order (i. 295) the earliest date we can assign to this work is the third century A.D. (see remark above to p. 251, note 274 , following Jacobi). P. 284, 5. See remark on Panchalachanda above, note to p. 50. P. 288. E. Senart, in his ingenious work, La Le'gendt du Bouddha (Paris, 1875), traces the various legends that are narrated of Buddha (and in part, identically, of Krishna also) to ancient solar myths which were only subsequently applied to Buddha ; comp. my detailed notice and partial rejoinder in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1 876 (29th April), p. 282 ff. P. 291, note }. Schiefner's 'Indische Erzahlungen,' from the Kagyur, in vols. vii. and viii. of the Melanges Asiatiques of the St. Petersburg Academy, embrace alreacty forty-seven such legends. P. 292, note M5 . Whether the Buddhaghosha of this in- scription is, as Stevenson assumes (p. 13), to be identified with the well-known B. must still appear very doubtful, as the princes mentioned in the rest of these inscriptions belong to a far older period ; see Bhandarkar in the Transactions of the London Congress of Orientalists (1876), p. 306 ff. P. 293, note *. Sept suttas Pdlis, tire's du Dighanikdya, from the papers of Paul Grimblot, were published by his widow in 1876 (Paris), text with translation. The second part of Fausboll's edition of the Jataka appeared in 1877. The Mahaparinibbana-sutta was edited in 1874 by Childers in the Journal E. A. S., vols. vii. and viii. : a separate impression of it has just appeared. The same journal also contains an edition of the Patimokkha by Dickson. An edition of the whole Vinaya-pitaka by Herm. Oldenberg is in the press. P. 297, note st& f A collected edition of the sacred Angas SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. 327 of the Jainas was published last year (1877) at Calcutta by Dhanapatisinhaji : the text is accompanied with the commentary of Abhayadeva and a SMs/id-explanation by Bhagvan Vijaya. P. 300, note S5 . On this compare also S. Beal, Tlie Buddhist Tripitaka as it is known in China and Japan (Devonport, 1876). P. 303, note J. On possible points of connection between the Avesta and Buddhism see Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1877, p. 221. P. 305, note |. In Gautama the word ~bhikshu appears expressly as the name of the third of the four dsramas ; in place of it Manu has yati. BERLIN, z^th May 1878, SANSKRIT INDEX. Akshapdda, 8. 245. akshara, 'syllable,' 15. 16. pbilos., 161. Agastya, 53. 275 (archit.). Agni, 31. 40. 63. 159. 178. 303. chayana, 120. (274). Purdna, 191. 231. 271. 275. 281. 3i8. rahasya, 1 1 8. 1 20. Agnivesii, 265. 266. 269 (tned.). AgnUvdmin, 79. ayra, 190. aghds, 248. Anfja, 25. 216 (s. Veddiiga). 296. 297- 3 2 6, S 2 ? (Jain.). Angas, 147. Angir, 158. Aflgiras, 31. 53. 153. 158. 160. 162. 164. 250. 325 (Smriti). (Jupiter) 250. Angirasas, 124. 148 ff. Ajdta^atru, 51. 127. 138. 286 (his six teachers). comm., 82. atikrushta, III. atthakathd, 292. Atri, 31. 38. 53. 102. 103. 140 Ved. 102. 283. 325 (jur.). 269 med. daughter of, 38. 140. brihad , 269 (med.). laghu", 269 (med.). Atharvan, 151 (as prajdpati). 153 (bfihatpati and bkaravarakhanda, 101. 240. pravarddhydya, 142. 317 (Kdth.). pravargya, 108. 119. 139. Pravdhana, 71. pravrdjaka, 285. pravrdjitd, 281. 305. pravrdjin, 129. Pra&intara'ga, 141. prasna, 89. 100. IOI. IO2. Prasnopanishad, 58. 1588". Prasthdnabheda, 267. 271. 275. prdkrita, 177. prakdsa, 227. Prdchyas, 34. 132. 178. Prdcbya-Kathas, 88. Pdnchdlishu, 34. Prdndynihotropanishad, 154. 162. PraVipiya, 123. Prdtibodhiputra, 112. Prdtisdkhya - Siitras, 23. 26. 59 (Rigv.). S^(Sdmav.). 102 (Taitt.). 143 (Voja*.). 151 (^dtha,_43. 49. "topanis/tad, 34 (Brdhmana). 74. 75 (Sdmav.). 93. 155 (Taiit.). 316 (Sdmav. ). Sakalddhikdra, 275 (arch.). samkhydtar, 235. Samyitarattidkura, 273. tamgraha, 119 (S'atapatha - Brdh- mana). 227 (grarnrn.). samjndna, 313. 314. Sat(hitanta, 236. 8rtra, 66. 76. 79. 80. 139. gattrd i/ana, 101. Satya, 260 astr. Satyakiima, 71. 130. 132. 134. Satyavdba, 158. Satydshddha, 100. IOI. IO2. Sadanira", 134. Saduktikarndmrita, 210. Saddliarmapundarika, 299. 300. Sanatkuma'ra, 72. 164; 275 (ar- chit.). SanandandcbaYya, 237. samdhi, 23. samnipdta, 248 (Buddh.). Samnydsopanishad, 164. Saptarshi (Smriti), 280. Saptatataka, Saptasati, 83. 211. 232. sapto stirydh, 250 (249). fiamdnam d, 131. Samdsa-Samhitd, 259. simpraddya,, 152. samrdj, 123. Sarasvati, 74 (Vdch). vydkarana, 227. Sarasvati, 4. 38. 44 (Indus). 53. 67. 80. IO2. 1 2O. 134. 141. kanthdbharana, 210. 232. sarga, 190. 196. 214. tarjana, 233. sarpa, 302. sarpavidas, 121. Sarpavidyd, 124. 183. 265. 302. Sarvadarsanusamgraha, 235. 241. 322. garvamedha, 54. Sarvdnukramani, 6l. sarvdnnina, 305. SarvopanishatsdropanisJtad, 1 62. Salvas, 1 20. 132. 1 80. sahama, 264 (Arabic). Sagala, 306. Sdketa, 224. 251. Sdmkritydyana, 266 (med.). Sdmkiiya, 96. 97. 108. 158. 160. 165-167.235-239.242. 244. 246. 284. ff. 306. 308. 309. tattva-pradipa, 322. prarachana, 237. pravachana- Sutra, 237. 239. Ij/tikshu, 78. yo^ra, 1 60. 1 66. 238. 239. sdm, 237. .S'tUra, 237. 239. 245. Siiipkhyah (Gautama^), 284. Sdrpkbydyana, 47. Sdipjiviputra, 131. Sdti, 75. Sdtyayajna, jni, 133. Sdtidjita, 125. Sdpya, 68. Sdmajdtaka, 300 (Buddb.). Sdmatantra, 83. sdman, 8. 9. 64. 66. 121. number of the sdman s, 121. Sdmaydchdrika-Siilra, 19. 278. Sdmalakshana, 83. Sdmavidhi, "vid/idna, 72. 74. 277. Sdmaveda, 45. 63 ff. 121. 316. 325 (Gdnas of). Prdtiidkhya, 316. Sdma-Samhitd, 9. IO. 32. 63 ff. 313 (readings). 316. Sdmastam, 275. Siiyakdyana, 96. I2O. Sdyakdyanins, 96. Sayana, 32. 41. 42. 43. 46. 47. 48. 52. 65. 66. 68. 69. 72. 74. 91. 92. 94. 101. 139. 150. Sdratthasamgaha, 267 (med.). Sirauieya, 35. f-'drasvata, 226 (gramm.). Sdrasvata pdtha, 103. Siivayasa, 133. Sdhityadarpana, 231. 321. Sinftdsanadvdtrinsikd, 200-202. 214. 320. Siddbasena, 260 (astr.). Siddhdnta, 253. 255. 258 ff. 269 (astr.). kaumudi, 89. 226. biromani, 261. 262. Sitd, 135/192. 193. Snkanyd, 134. Sukbavati, 306. tiultanipdta, 293. sutyd, 66. 67. Sudiiiiian, 68. Sudyumna, 125. 352 SANSKRIT INDEX. nunaphd, 255 (Greek). Sundaritdpaniyopanishad, 171. suparna, 314. Suparnddhydya, iji. Suparnf, 134. Suprabhadeva, 196. Subandhu, 189. 213.245. 267. 319. Subhagasena, 251. Subhadrd, 114. 115. 134. Subhdshitaratndkara, 320. Sub/idghitdvalt, 320. Sumanasantaka (?), 208. Suinantu, 56. 57. 58. 149. sura, 98. 302. 303. Surdshtra, 76. Sulabha, 56. Sulabhd, 56. Susravas, 36. susrut, 266. SusYuta, 266 ff. 324. vriddha, 269. stikta, 31. 32. 124. 149. siita, in. Sutras, 8. 15 (etyvno].;chhandovat); 2 9- S^. 57- 216. 285. 290. 127. 128 (passages in the Brdh- manas). 290. 292. 296. 298 ff. (Buddh.). 128. 161 (. = Brahman). siitrad/idra, 198. 275. Surya, 62 (coinra.). Surya, 40 (god). prajnapti, 297 (Jain.). fiiddhdnta, 6l. 249. 257. 258. opanishad, 154. 170. (sapta) surydh, 250 (249). S&rydruna (Smriti), 280. Srinjayas, 123. 132. Setiibandha, 196. Saitava, 61. Saindhavas, vaVanas, 147. sobha, "nagaraka, 198. Soma, 6. 63 (god). (sacrifice), 66. 107. Somadeva, 213. 319. Somdnanda, 322. Some^vara, 273 (mus.). Saujdta, 285. Sauti, 34. Sautrjintika, 309. sautrdmanl, 107. 108. IlS. 139. taubhikas, 198 ; s. taubhikas. Saumdpau, 134. Saumilla, 204. 205. Saurasiddhdnta, 258. taulabhdni BrdhmanAni, 56. 95. SaiiMravasa, 105. Sau^rutapi^-thavds, 266. Skanda, 72. Purdna, 191. 205. Skandasv.iinin, 41. 42. 79* Skandopanishad, 171. \/skabh,. itabh, 233. sttipa, 274. 307. stotra, 67. stoma. 67. 8 1. staubhika, 63. st/iavira, 77. 102. 305. sthdnaka, 89. Spanda&dstra, 322. Sphujidhvaja (?), 258. Sphuta-Siddhdnta, 259. Smaradahana, 208. OXri, 255. Andubarius, 255- Animal fables, 70. an ff., 301. Antigonua, 179. 252. Autiochus, 179. 252. Aphrodisius (?), 258. ' ApodiTi), 254. Aw6K\L/ji.a, 255. Apollodotus, 1 88. Apolloniua of Tyana, 252. Apotelesmata, 289. Arabs : Arabian astronomy, 255- 257. 263. 264. Arabic astronomical terms, 263- 264. commercial intercourse of the Indians with Arabia, 220. Arabian figures, 256. Arabs : medicine, 266. 270, 271. music, 273. philosophy, 239. Archimedes, 256. Arenarius, 256. "A/Jijy, 254. Arim, Arin, coupole d', 257- Aristoteles, 234. Arithmetic, 256. 259. Arjabahr, 255. 259. Arkand, 259. Arrian, 4. 106. 136. Arsacidan Parthians, 1 88. Ars amandi, 267. Asklepiads, oath of the, 268. ' AffTpovofila. of the Indians, 30. Atoms, 244. Aux, augis, 257. Avesta, 6. 36. 148 (Indian names of its parts), 302. and Buddhism, 327. Avicenna, 271. Babrius, 211. Babylon, 2. 247. Bactria, 207 ; s. Valhika. Bagdad, 255. 270. Bali, island of, 189. 195. 208. Bardesanes, 309. Barlaam, 307. Bashkar, 262. 263. BctcriXetfs, Basili, 306. Basilides, 309. 354 INDEX OF MATTERS. Basilis, 251. Beast-fable, 21 1 ff. 301. Bells, 307. Bengali recensions, 194. 206. 208. Bhabra missive, 292. 294, 295. BihanLa"!, 211. Blessed, world of the, 50. (73). B665a, 309. Boethius, 257. ~Rpa.Xfj.ave3, 28. 30. Buddhism, Buddhists, 3. 4. 20. 22. 27. 78. 79. 99. in. 138. 151. 165. 205. 229. 236. 247. 276. 277. 280. 283 ff. Buddhist nuns, 281. Bundehesh, 247. 323. Caesar, 188. Castes, 10. 18. 78. 79. no. III. 161. 178. 287. 289. 290. 301. 306. Ceylon, 192. 288. 291. 293. 295. medicine in, 267. Chaldseans, astronomy, 248 (Xa- rustr). Chaos, 233. Chess, 275. Chinese lunar asterisms, 247. 248 (Kio-list). statements on the date of Ka- nishka, 287. translations, 229 (Amara). 291. 300. 301 (Buddh.). . travellers, s. Fa Hian, Hiuan Thsang. XpT^arnTyaiy (! /cey65po/u.oj), 255. Christian influences, 71. 189. 238. 300. 307. ritual, influence of Buddhist ri- tual and worship on (and vice versa), 307. sects, Indian influence on, 239. 39- Chrouicon Paschale, 255. Clemens Alexandrinus, 306. Coin, 205 (ndnaka), 229 (dina"ra). Coins, Indian, 215. 2l8. 219. Commentaries, text secured by means of, 181. Comparative mythology, 35, 36. Constantius, 255. Creation, 233, 234. Creed-formulas, 166. Curtius, 136. Cycles, quinquennial and sexennial, 113. 247. Damis, 252. Dancing, 196 ff. DaVa Shakoh, 283. Day, beginning of the, at midnight, 254. Decimal place-value of the figures, 256. Deeds of gift, v. Grants. Degrees of the heavens, 255- Deimachus, 251. Ae*cai>6s, 255- Dekhan, 4. 6. 192. 283. Dekhan recension (of the Urva&), 208. Arjfj.-fjTi]p, 35. Demiurges, 233. Denarius, 229. 304, Dhauli, 179. 295. Diagrams, mystic, 310. Dialects, 6. 175 ff. 295. 296. 299. Aidfjierpov, 25$- Al5v/J.os, 254. Diespiter, 35. Dion Chrysostom, 186. 188. Dionysius, 251. Ai6i>vopia, 255. Apa.xfJ.-n, 229. Dravidian words, 3. Dsanglun, 289. 291. 306. Dulva, 199. Darr i mufassal, 272. Avrbv, 255. Egypt, commercial relations be- tween India and, 3. Ela-aywy/i, 253-255. Elements, the five, 334. Embryo, 160. 'ETTCwo^opd, 255- Eras. Indian, 2O2. 203. 2IO. 260. Fa Hian, 218. 300. Farther India, geographical names in, 178. Fere'dun, 36. Festival-plays, religious, 197. 198. Figures, 256. 324. expressed by words, 60. 140. Firdusi, 37. Firmicus Maternus, 254. INDEX OF MATTERS. 335 Fortunatus, purse of, 264-265. Fox, in Fable, 211, 212. Gamma, gamme, 272 (mus.). Ganges, 4. 38. mouths of the, 193. 248. Galen, 307. Geometry, 256. Ginunga gap, 233. Girnar, 179. 295. Gnosticism, 239. 309. Gobar figures, 256. Gods, images, statues of, 273. 274. language of the, 176. triad of : Agni, Indra, and Su- rya, 40. 63 (A., I., and Soma) ; Brahman, Rudra, and Vishnu, 97. 161. 167 (Siva), l8o(3iva), 277. Grants, 203. 215. 281. Greek female slaves, 203. 251, 252. monarchies of Bactria, 1 88. 207. 215. 221. 251. 285. words, 254, 255. Greeks : Greek Architecture, 274 (three styles in India). Astronomy, 153. 243. 249. 251 ff. Commerce with India, 252. Drama, 207. Fables, 211. God of Love, 252. 274 (?). Influence upon India generally, 251 ff. Medicine, 268. 324. 325. Philosophy, 220. 221. 234. Sculpture, 273. Writing, 221. Guido d'Arezzo, 272. Gujarat, 139. 179. 207. 251. Gymnosophists, 27. "HXtos, 254. 'Rpa.K\rjs, 6. 136. 1 86. 234. Heraclius, 255. Heretics, 98. 'Ep^s, 254. Homer, Indian, 186. 188. Homeric cycle of legend, 194. "Qprj, 254. 'Oplfrv, 255. Hindustan, 4. 6. ro. 18. 38. 39. 70. 187. 192. 283. 296. Hiuan Thsang, 217 ff., 287. 300. Humours, the three, 266. HusVavanh, 36. 'T8pox6os, 254. 'TX6/3to:, 28. 48. v, 255. Ibn Abi Usaibiah, 266. Ibn Baithar, 266. 'IxOvs, 254. Immigration of the Aryas into Hin- dusta"n, 38. 39. Indo-Scythians, 220. 285. Indus, 10. 37. 38. 218. 285. Inheritance, law of, 278, 279. Initial letters of names employed to denote numbers, 256 ; to mark the seven musical notes, 272. Inscriptions, 183. 215. 228. Intercalary month, 247. 262 (three * in the year !). Invisible cap, 264. Jackal and lion in Fable, 211, 212. Java, island of, 189. 195. 208. 229. 171. 280. Jehkn, 283. Jeha"ngir, 283, Jemshid, 36. Josaphat, 307. Kabul, 3. 179. Kafu (kapi), 3. Kdgyur, 291. 294. 326. Kc0aia, 317. Kaikavus, 36. Kai Khosru, 36. Kalilag and Damnag, 320. Kalila wa Dimna, 212. Kalmuck translations, 291. Kajt/ftcrfloXot, 88. 268. Kambojas, 178. Kanfitcrris, 178. KanaYese translation, 189. Kanerki, s. Kanishka. Kanheri, 292. Kankah, 269. Kapur di Giri, 179 ; s. Kapardigiri. Kashmir, 204. 213. 215. 220. 223. 227. 232. 291. 296. Kava Us*, 36. Kavi languages, origin of name, 195- translations, 318 (date of). 325. Keeping secret of doctrines, 49. Kei>6Spo/j.os, 255- Ktvrpov, 254. 255. K^TTOS, 3. Ktpfiepos, 35. Kivvpd, 302. Kio-list, 248. K6\oi/po5, 254. Koi^y, 3. Kpcds, 254. INDEX OF MATTERS. Kp6ioj, 254. ha.pi.Ki], 76. 258. Ldt, 249. 258. League-boots, 264. A^&w, 254. AmJ, 255. Lion and jackal (fox), 211, 212. Longest day, length of the, 247. Love, God of, 252. 274. Lunar mansions, 2. 30. 90. 92. 148. 229. 246-249. 252. 255. 281. 34- phases, 281. MaSiavSivol, IO. 106. Magas, 179. 252. Magic, art of, 264, 265. Magic mirror, 264. ointment, 264. Mahmud of Ghasna, 253. Mairya (and MaYa?), 303. MoXXoi, 222. Manes, 309. Manes, sacrifice to the, 55- 93- 100. 108. 1 1 8. Manetho, 260. Mansions, twelve, 254. 281 (aetr.). Manuscripts, late date of, 181. 182 (oldest). M dca-aya, 75. Mazzaloth, Mazzaroth, 248. Medicine in Ceylon, 267 ; in India, 3 2 4. 325- Megastheues, 4. 6. IO. 2O. 27. 48. 70. 88. 106. 136. 137. 186. 234. 251. Meherdates, 1 88. Menander, 224. 251. 306. Mendzil, 323 (in Soghd). Mendicancy, religious, 237. Meffovpdvrifj.a, 255. Metempsychosis, 234. Metrical form of literature, 182, 183. Missionaries, Buddhist, 290. 307. 309.. Christian, 307. Mvrj/J.ri, &irb fjLi>r/iJ.-r)S, 2O. Monachism, system of, 307. Monasteries, 274. 281. Mongolian translations, 291. Mundane ages (four), 247 ; P. Yuga. Music, modern Indian, 325. Musical scale, 272. Mysteries, 197. 198. Mythology, Comparative, 35. 36. Names, chronology from, 29. 53. 71. 120. 239. 284. 285 (s. also Afiga, Kavi, Tantra, Sutra). Nearchus, 15. Neo-Pythagoreans, 256, 257. Nepal, 291. 309, 310. Nepdlese MSS., date of, 318. Nerengs, 56. North of India, purity of language in the, 26. 45. 296. Notes, the seven musical, 160. 272. Numbers, denoting of, by the letters of the alphabet in their order, 222. Numerical notation by means of letters, 257. 324. Symbols, 256. Nushirvdn, 212. Omens, 69. 152. 264. Ophir, 3. Oral tradition, 12 ff , 22. 48. Ordeal, 73. Orissa, 179. 274. Otbi, 201. 0{/pav6s, 35. 'Ofyvtf, 252 (s. Arin). 'O^vdpaKat, 222. Pahlav, 1 88. Pahlavi, translation of Panchatantra into, 212. 267. Pali redaction of the Amarakosha, 230. of Manu's Code,' 279. HavSala, 136. 137. 186. Panjdb, 2. 3. 4. 88. 207. 248. 251. 309. Pantheism, 242. IlapOfros, 254. Parthians, 4. 1 88. 318. Parvi, parviz, 323. Pattalene, 285. Paulus Alexandrinus, 253. 255. al Yundni, 253. Peacocks, exportation of, to Bdveru, 2, 3- Periplus, 4. 6. Permutations, 256. Persa-Aryans, 6. 133. 148, 178. Persians, 3. 4. 1 88 5273 (tnus.). 274 (arch.). Persian Epos, 36. 37. 187. translation of the Upanishads, 155- - Veda, 36. 148. Personal deity, 165, 1 66. HevKfXa&rts, 268. 4>dc7ir, 255. INDEX OF MATTERS. 'Philosopher's Ride,' 291. Philostratus, 252. Phoebus Apollo, 273 (type of). Phoenicians, their commercial rela- tions with India, 2, 3. 248. Pholotoulo, 2 1 8. Phonini, 218. Planets, 98. 153. 249-251. 254, 255. 281. 304. Greek order of the, 3 1 9. 323. 326. Plato (Bactrian king), 273. Pliny, 136. Plutarch, 306. Polar star, 98. Popular dialects, 6. 175-180. IIpd/Avai, 28. 244. Prose-writing arrested in its deve- lopment, 183. Ptolemaios, 253. 274 (astr.). Ptolemy, 179. 251. 252 (two). 130 (geogr.). Quinquennial cycle, 113. 247. Quotations, text as given in, 182. 279. Relic-worship, 306. 307. Rgya Cher Rol Pa, 185. 291. Rhazes, 271. Rock-inscriptions, 179. Rosary, 307. 2av5/)6/cu7TTos, 217. 223. 2ap/j,dvai, 28. Scale, musical, 272. Schools, great number of Vedic, 142. Seleucus, 4. Semitic origin of Indian writing, '5- of the Beast-fable, 211, 212. Serapion, 271. Seven musical notes, 160. 272. Sindhend, 255. 259. Singhalese translations, 292. 2Ko/>7ros, 254. ^KvOiav6s, 309. Snake, 302. Solar year, 246, 247. Solomon's time, trade with India in, 3- 2(i}a.yaana"tha6&3trin, 60. Vullers, 268. Wagener, A., 211. Warren, 297. Wassiljew, 248. 300. 309. Weigle, 189. West, A. A., 215. West, R., 278. West, E. W., 215. Westergaard, 22. 184. 2OI. 203. 215. 223. 230. 284. 288. 293. 295- 304. Wheeler, T., 190. 251. 281. Whish, 254. Whitney, 2. 23. 64. 103. 150. 152. 247. 257, 258. Wilkins, 228. Wilkinson, 262. Williams, 189. Wilson, H. 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THE HISTORY OF ESARHADDON (Son of Sennacherib), KING OF ASSYRIA, B.C. 681-668. Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions upon Cylinders and Tablets in the British Museum Collection; together with a Grammatical Analysis of each "Word, Explanations of the Ideographs by Extracts from the Bi-Lingual Syllabaries, and List of Eponyms, &c. Br ERNEST A. BUDGE, B.A., M.R.A.S., Assyrian Exhibitioner, Christ's College, Cambridge. " Students of scriptural archseology will also appreciate the ' History of Esar- haddon.' " Times. "There is much to attract the scholar in this volume. It does not pretend to popularise studies which are yet in their infancy. Its primary object is to translate, but it does not assume to be more than tentative, and it offers both to the professed Assyriologist and to the ordinary non-Assyriological Semitic scholar the means of controlling its results." Academy. "Mr. Budge's book is, of course, mainly addressed to Assyrian scholars and students. 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Post 8vo, pp. xvi. 280, cloth, price 6s. EASTERN PROVERBS AND EMBLEMS ILLUSTRATING OLD TRUTHS. BY REV. J. LONG, Member of the Bengal Asiatic Society, F.R.G.S. " We regard the book as valuable, and wish for it a wide circulation and attentive reading. " Jtecord. " Altogether, it is quite a feast of good things." Globe. " It is full of interesting matter." Antiquary. Post 8vo, pp. viii. 270, cloth, price 73. 6d. INDIAN POETRY; Containing a New Edition of the "Indian Song of Songs," from the Sanscrit of the "Gita Govinda" of Jayadeva ; Two Books from "The Iliad of India" (Mahabharata), "Proverbial Wisdom" from the Shlokas of the Hitopadesa, and other Oriental Poems. BY EDWIN ARNOLD, C.S.I., Author of "The Light of Asia." " In this new volume of Messrs. Triibner's Oriental Series, Mr. Edwin Arnold does good service by illustrating, through the medium of his musical English melodies, the power of Indian poetry to stir European emotions. 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Overland Mad. " We certainly wish Mr. Arnold success in his attempt ' to popularise Indian classics,' that being, as his preface tells us, the goal towards which he bends hi* efforts." Allen's Indian Mail. Post 8vo, pp. xvi. 296, cloth, price xos. 6d. THE MIND OF MENCIUS ; Ou, POLITICAL ECONOMY FOUNDED UPON MORAL PHILOSOPHY. A SYSTEMATIC DIGEST OF THE DOCTRINES OF THE CHINESE PHILOSOPHER MENCIUS. Translated from the Original Text and Classified, with Comments and Explanations, By the REV. ERNST FABER, Rhenish Mission Society. Translated from the German, with Additional Notes, HytheREV. A. B. HUTCHINSON, C. M.S., Church Mission, Hong Kong. " Mr. Faber is already well known in the field of Chinese studies by Ids digest of the doctrines of Confucius. The value of this work will be perceived when it is remembered that at no time since relations commenced between China and the West has the former been so powerful we had almost said aggressive as now. 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Post 8vo, pp. viii. 152, cloth, price 6s. HINDU PHILOSOPHY. THE SANKHYA KARIKA OF IS'WARA KRISHNA. An Exposition of the System of Kapihi, with an Appendix on the Nyaya and Vais'eshika Systems. BY JOHN DAVIES, M.A. (Cantab.), M.R.A.S. The system of Kapila contains nearly nil that India has produced in the department of pure philosophy. "The uon Orientalist . . . finds in Mr. Davics a patient and learned guide who leads him into the intricacies of the philosophy of India, and supplies him with a clue, that he may not be lost in them. In the preface he states that the system of Kapila is the -earliest attempt on record to give an answer, from reason, alone, to the mysterious questions which arise in every thoughtful mind about the origin of the world, the nature and relations ot man and his future destiny,' and in his learned and able notes he exhibits ' the connection of the Sankhya system with the philo- sophy of Spinoza,' and ' the connection of the system of Kapila with that of Schopen- hauer and Von Hartitiann.'" Foreign Church Chronicle. " Mr. Davies's volume on Hindu Philosophy is an undoubted gain to all students of the development of thought. The system of Kapila, which is here given in a trans- lation from the Sankhya Kiirika. is the only contribution of India to pure philosophy. . . . Presents many points of deep interest to the student of comparative philo- sophy, and without Mr. Davies's lucid interpretation it would be difficult to appre- ciate these points in any adequate manner." Saturday Review. " We welcome Mr. Davies's book as a valuable addition to our philosophical library. 1 ' Kotes and Queries. TRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. Third Edition. Post 8vo, pp. x. 130, clotb, price 6s. A MANUAL OF HINDU PANTHEISM. VEDANTASARA, Translated, with copious Annotations, BY MAJOR G. A. JACOB, Bombay Staff Corps ; Inspector of Army Schools. The design of this little work is to provide for missionaries, and for others who. like them, have little leisure for original research, an accurate summary of the doctrines of the Vedanta. " The modest title of Major Jacob's work conveys but an inadequate idea of the vast amount of re-earuh embodied in his notes to the text of the Vedantasara. So copious, indeed, are these, and so much colluter.il matter do they bring to bear on the subject, that tiie diligent student will rise from their perusal with a fairly adequate view of Hindu philosophy generally. His work ... is one of the best ol its kind that we have seen." Calcutta Review. Post 8vo, pp. xii. 154, cloth, price 78. 6d. TSUNI I I GO AM : THE SUPREME BEING OF THE KHOI-KHOI. BY THEOPHILUS HAHN, Ph.D. Custodian of the Grey Collection, Cape Town ; Corresponding Member of the Geogr. Society, Dresden ; Corresponding Member of the Anthropological Society, Vienna, &c., &c. 'The first instalment of Dr. Hahn's labours will be of interest, not at the Cape only, but in every University of Europe. It is, in fact, a most valuable contribution to the comparative study of religion and mythology. Accounts of their religion and mythology were scattered about in various books ; these have been carefully col- lected by" Dr. Hahn and printed in liis second chapter, enriched and improved by what he has been able to collect himself." Prof. Max Miiller in the Nineteenth Century. " It is full of good things." St. James's Gazette. In Four Volumes. Post 8vo, Vol. I., pp. xii. 392, cloth, price I2s. 6d., Vol. II., pp. vi. 408, cloth, price ias. 6d., Vol. III., pp. viii. 414, cloth, price 123. 6d., Vol. IV., pp. viii. 340, cloth, price xos. 6d. A COMPREHENSIVE COMMENTARY TO THE QURAN, TO WHICH IS PREFIXED SALE'S PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE, WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES AND EMENDATIONS. Together with a Complete Index to the Text, Preliminary Discourse, and Notes. By Rev. E. M. WHERRY, M.A., Lodiana. " As Mr. Wherry's book is intended for missionaries in India, it is no doubt well that they should be prepared to meet, if they can. the ordinary arguments and inter- pretations, and for this purpose Mr. Wherry's additions will prove useful." Saturday Review. TRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. Second Edition. Post 8vo, pp. vi. 208, cloth, price 8s. 6d. THE BHAGAVAD-GITA. Translated, with Introduction and Notes. Br JOHN DAVIES, M.A. (Cantab.) 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Post 8vo, pp. xxiv. 268, cloth, price gs. THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE UPANISHADS AND ANCIENT INDIAN METAPHYSICS. As exhibited in a series of Articles contributed to the Calcutta Review. }Jy ARCHIBALD EDWARD GOUGH, M.A., Lincoln College, Oxford ; Principal of the Calcutta Madrasa. " For practical purposes this is perhaps the most important of the works that have thus far appeared in ' Triibner's Oriental Series.' . . . We cannot doubt that for all who may take it up the work must be one ot profound interest." Saturday Review. In Two Volumes. Vol. I., post 8vo, pp. xxiv. 230, cloth, price 73. 6d. A COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIAN AND MESOPOTAMIAN RELIGIONS. By Du. C. P. TIELE. Vol. I. HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIAN RELIGION. Translated from the Dutch with the Assistance of the Author. By JAMES BALLINGAL. TRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. Post 8vo, pp. xii. 302, cloth, price 8s. 6d. YUSUF AND ZULAIKHA. A POEM BY JAMI. Translated from the Persian into English Verse. BY RALPH T. H. GRIFFITH. ' " Mr. Griffith, who has done already good service as translator into verse from the Sanskrit, has done further good work in this translation from the Persian, and he has evidently shown not a little skill in his rendering the quaint and very oriental style of his author into our more prosaic, less figurative, language. . . . The work, besides its intrinsic merits, is of importance as being one of the most popular and famous poems of Persia, and that which is read in all the independent native schools of India where Persian is taught." Scotsman. Post 8vo, pp. viii. 266, cloth, price 93. LINGUISTIC ESSAYS. BY CARL ABEL. " An entirely novel method of dealing with philosophical questions and impart a real human interest to the otherwise dry technicalities of the science." Standard. " Ur. Abel is an opponent from whom it is pleasant to differ, for he writes with enthusiasm and temper, and his mastery over the English language fits him to be a champion of unpopular doctrines." Atherueum. Post 8vo, pp. ix. 281, cloth, price zos. 6d. THE SARV A - BARS AN A - SAMGRAHA ; OR, REVIEW OF THE DIFFERENT SYSTEMS OF HINDU PHILOSOPHY. BY MADHAVA ACHARYA. Translated by E. B. COWELL, M. A., Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Cambridge, and A. E. GOUGH, M.A., Professor of Philosophy in the Presidency College, Calcutta. This work is an interesting specimen of Hindu critical ability. The author successively passes in review the sixteen philosophical systems current in the fourteenth century in the South of India ; and he gives what appears to him to be their most important tenets. " The translation is trustworthy throughout. A protracted sojourn in India, where there is a living tradition, has familiarised the translators with Indian thought. ' 'A th enceum. Post 8vo, pp. Ixv. 368, cloth, price 143. TIBETAN TALES DERIVED FROM INDIAN SOURCES. Translated from the Tibetan of the KAH-GYUR. BY F. ANTON VON SCHIEFNER. Done into English from the German, with an Introduction, BY W. R. S. RALSTON, M.A. "Mr. Ralston, whose name is so familiar to all lovers of Russian folk-lore, has supplied some interesting Western analogies and parallels, drawn, for the most part, from Slavonic sources, to the Eastern folk-tales, culled from the Kahgyur, one of the divisions of the Tibetan sacred books." Academy. " The translation . . . could scarcely have fallen into better hands. An Introduc- tion . . . gives the leading facts in the lives of those scholars who have given their attention to gaining a knowledge of the Tibetan literature and language." Calcutta Seview. " Ought to interest all who care for the East, for amusing stories, or for comparative folk-lore." Poll Mall Gazette. TRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. Post 8vo, pp. xvi. 224, cloth, price 93. UDANAVARGA. A COLLECTION OF VERSES FROM THE BUDDHIST CANON. Compiled by DHARMATRATA. BEING THE NORTHERN BUDDHIST VERSION OF DHAMMAPADA. Translated from the Tibetan of Bkah-hgyur, with Notes, and Extracts from the Commentary of Pradjnavarman, By W. WOODVILLE ROCKHILL. " Mr. Rockh ill's present work is the first from which assistance will be gained for a more accurate understanding of the Pali text ; it is, in fact, as yet the only term of comparison available to us. The ' Udanavarga,' the Thibetan version, was originally discovered by the late M. Schiefner, who published the Tibetan text, and had intended adding a translation, an intention frustrated by his death, but which has been carried out by Mr. Rockhill. . . . Mr. Rockhill may be congratulated for having well accomplished a difficult task." Saturday Review. In Two Volumes, post 8vo, pp. xxiv. 566, cloth, accompanied by a Language Map, price i8s. A SKETCH OF THE MODERN LANGUAGES OF AFRICA. BY ROBERT NEEDHAM CUST, Barrister-at-Law, and late of Her Majesty's Indian Civil Service. " Any one at all interested in African languages cannot do better than get Mr. Gust's book. It is encyclopaedic in its scope, and the reader gets a start clear away in any particular language, and is left free to add to the initial sum of knowledge there collected." Ratal Mtrcury. "Mr. Gust has contrived to produce a work of value to linguistic students." Nature. Fifth Edition. Post 8vo, pp. xv.-25o, cloth, price 73. 6d. OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF RELIGION TO THE SPREAD OF THE UNIVERSAL RELIGIONS. BY C. P. TIELE, Doctor of Theology, Professor of the History of Religions in the University of Leyden. Translated from the Dutch by J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, M.A. " Few books of its size contain the result of so much wide thinking, able and labo- rious study, or enable the reader to gain a better bird's-eye view of the latest results of investigations into the religious history of nations. As Professor Tiele modestly says, ' In this little book are outlines pencil sketches. I might say nothing more.' But there are some men whose sketches from a thumb-nail are of far more worth than an enormous canvas covered with the crude painting of others, and it is easy to see that these pages, full of information, these sentences, cut and perhaps also dry, short and clear, condense the fruits of long and thorough research." Scotsman. TRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. Post 8vo, pp. xii. 312, with Maps and Plan, cloth, price 148. A HISTORY OF BURMA. Including Burma Proper, Pegu, Taungu, Tenasserim, and Arakan. From the Earliest Time to the End of the First War with British India. BY LIEUT. -GEN. SIR ARTHUR P. PHAYRE, G.C.M.G., K. C.S.I., andC.B., Membre Correspondant de la Societe Academique Indo-Chinoise de France. "Sir Arthur Phayre's contribution to Triibner's Oriental Series supplies a recog- nised want, and its appearance has been looked forward to for many years General Phayre deserves great credit for the patience and industry which has resulted in this Histoi-y of Burma." Saturday Review. Third Edition. Post 8vo, pp. 276, cloth, price ja. 6d. RELIGION IN CHINA. By JOSEPH EDKINS, D.D., PEKING. Containing a Brief Account of the Three Religions of the Chinese, with Observations on the Prospects of Christian Conversion amongst that People. " Dr. Edkins has been most careful in noting the varied and often complex phases of opinion, so as to give an account of considerable value of the subject." Scotsman. " As a missionary, it has been part of Dr. Edkius' duty to study the existing religions in China, and his long residence in the country has enabled him to acquire an intimate knowledge of them as they at present exist." Saturday Review. " Dr. Edkins' valuable work, of which this is a second and revised edition, has, from the time that it was published, been the standard authority upon the subject of which it treats." Nonconformist. " Dr. Edkins . . . may now be fairly regarded as among the first authorities on Chinese religion and language." British Quarterly Kevitw. Post 8vo, pp. X.-274, cloth, price 93. THE LIFE OF THE BUDDHA AND THE EARLY HISTORY OF HIS ORDER. Derived from Tibetan Works in the Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur. Followed by notices on the Early History of Tibet and Khoten. Translated by W. W. ROCKHILL, Second Secretary U.S. Legation in China. "The volume bears testimony to the diligence and fulness with which the author has consulted and tested the ancient documents bearing upon his remarkable sub- ject." Times. " Will be appreciated by those who devote themselves to those Buddhist studies which have of late years taken in these Western regions so remarkable a develop- ment. Its matter possesses a special interest as being derived from ancient Tibetan works, some portions of which, here analysed and translated, have not yet attracted the attention of scholars. The volume is rich in ancient stories bearing upon the world's renovation and the origin of castes, as recorded in these venerable autho- rities." Daily Nevis. Third Edition. Post 8vo, pp. viii.-464, cloth, price i6s. THE SANKHYA APHORISMS OF KAPILA, With Illustrative Extracts from the Commentaries. Translated by J. R. BALL ANT YNE, LL.D., late Principal of the Benares College. Edited by FITZEDWARD HALL. The work displays a vast expenditure of labour and scholarship, for which students of Hindoo philosophy have every reason to be grateful to Dr. Hall and the publishers." Calcutta Review. T RUBBER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. In Two Volumes, post 8vo, pp. cviii.-242, and viii.-37o, cloth, price 243. Dedicated by permission to H.R.H. the Prince of "Wales. BUDDHIST EECORDS OF THE WESTERN WORLD, Translated from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629). BY SAMUEL BEAL, B.A., (Trin. Coll., Camb.) ; R.N. (Retired Chaplain and N.I.) ; Professor of Chinese, University College, London ; Rector of "Wark, Northumberland, &c. An eminent Indian authority writes respecting this work : " Nothing more can be done in elucidating the History of India until Mr. Beal's trans- lation of the 'Si-yu-ki' appears." " It is a strange freak of historical preservation that the best account of the con- dition of India at that ancient period has come down to us in the books of travel written by the Chinese pilgrims, of whom Hwen Thsang is the best known." Times. Post 8vo, pp. xlviii.-398, cloth, price 123. THE ORDINANCES OF MANU. Translated from the Sanskrit, with an Introduction. By the late A. C. BURNELL, Ph.D., C.I.E. Completed and Edited by E. W. HOPKINS, Ph.D., of Columbia College, N.Y. " This work is full of interest ; while for the student of sociology and the science of religion it is full of importance. It is a great boon to get so notable a work in so accessible a form, admirably edited, and competently translated." Scotsman. ' ' Few men were more competent th;in Burnell to give us a really good translation of this well-known law book, first rendered into English by Sir William Jones. Burnell was not only an independent Sanskrit scholar, but an experienced lawyer, and he joined to these two important qualifications the rare faculty of being able to express his thoughts in clear and trenchant English. . . . We ought to feel very grateful to Dr. Hopkins for having given us all that could be published of the trans- lation left by Burnell.'' F. MAX MI'LLER in the Academy. Post 8vo, pp. xii.-234, cloth, price 93. THE LIFE AND WORKS OF ALEXANDER CSOMA DE KOROS, Between 1819 and 1842. "With a Short Notice of all his Published and Un- published/Works and Essays. From Original and for most part Unpub- lished Documents. By THEODORE DUKA, M.D., F.R.C.S. (Eng.), Surgeon-Major H.M.'s Bengal Medical Service, Retired, &c. "Not too soon have Messrs. Triibner added to their valuable Oriental Series a history of the life and works of one of the most gifted and devoted of Oriental students, Alexander Csoma de Koros. It is forty-three years since his death, and though an account of his career was demanded soon after his decease, it has only now appeared in the important memoir of his compatriot, Dr. Duka." Bookseller. 'IRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. In Two Volumes, post 8vo, pp. xii.-3i8 and vi.-3i2, cloth, price 2is. MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS RELATING TO INDO-CHINA. Reprinted from "Dalrymple's Oriental Repertory," "Asiatic Researches," and the "Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal." CONTENTS OF VOL. I. I. Some Accounts of Quedab. By Michael Topping. II. Report made to the Chief and Council of Balambangan, by Lieut. James Barton, of liis several Surveys. III. Substance of a Letter to the Court of Directors from Mr. John Jesse, date July 20, 1775, at Borneo Proper. IV. Formation of the Establishment of Poolo Peenang. V. The Gold of Limong. By John Macdonald. VI. On Three Natural Productions of Sumatra. By John Macdonald. VII. On the Traces of the Hindu Language and Literature extant amongst the Malays. By William Marsden. VIII. Some Account of the Elastic Gum Vine of Prince- Wales Island. By James Howison. IX. A Botanical Description of Urceola Elastica, or Caoutchouc Vine of Sumatra and Pulo-Piuang. By William Roxburgh, M.D. X. An Account of the Inhabitants of the Poggy, or Nassau Islands, lying off Sumatra. By John Crisp. XI. Remarks on the Species of Pepper which are found on Prince-Wales Island. By William Hunter, M.D. XII. On the Languages and Literature of the Indo-Chinese Nations. By J. Ley den, M.D. XIII. Some Account of an Orang-Outaug of remarkable height found on the Island of Sumatra. By Clarke Abel, M.D. XIV. Observations on the Geological Appearances and General Features of Por- tions of the Malayan Peninsula. By Captain James Low. XV. Short Sketch of the Geology of Pulo-Pinang and the Neighbouring Islands. By T. Ware. XVI. Climate of Singapore. XVII. Inscription on the Jetty at Singapore. XVIII. Extract of a Letter from Colonel J. Low. XIX. Inscription at Singapore. XX. An Account of Several Inscriptions found in Province Wellesley. By Lieut. - Col. James Low. XXI. Note on the Inscriptions from Singapore and Province Wellesley. By J. W. Laidlay. XXII. On an Inscription from Keddah. By Lieut.-Col. Low. XXIII. A Notice of the Alphabets of the Philippine Islands. XXIV. Succinct Review of the Observations of the Tides in the Indian Archipelago. XXV. Report on the Tin of the Province of Mergui. By Capt. G. B. Tremeuheere. XXVI. Report on the Manganese of Mergui Province. By Capt. G. B. Tremenheere. XXVII. Paragraphs to be added to Capt. G. B. Tremenheere's Report. XXVIII. Second Report on the Tin of Mergui. By Capt. G. B. Tremenheere. XXIX. Analysis of Iron Ores from Tavoy and Mergui, and of Limestone from Mergui. By Dr. A. Ure. XXX. Report of a Visit to the Pakchan River, and of some Tin Localities in the Southern Portion of the Tenasserim Provinces. By Capt. G. B. Tremenheere. XXXI. Report on a Route from the Mouth of the Pakchan to Krau, and thence across the Isthmus of Kruu to the Gulf of Siam. By Capt. Al. Fraser and Capt. J. G. Forlong. XXXII. Report, &c. , from Capt. G. B. Tremenheere on the Price of Mergui Tin Ore. XXXIII. Remarks on the Different Species of Orang-utan. By E. Blyth. XXXIV. Further Remarks. By E. Blyth. TRUBNER'S ORIENTAL SERIES. MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS RELATIN