*' /r t^^v^^ '^m^: 5a r/ iP^-^ ^'H '0 m m SELECT SPEECHES OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE GEORGE CANNING; '1 A PRELIMINARY BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH, AN APPENDIX, EXTRACTS FROM HIS WRITINGS AND SPEECHES. EDITED BY ROBERT WALSH. PHILADELPHIA: JAMES CRISSY, NO. 4 MINOR STREET. 1842. i:^\f\\:i^':< . i ■■■• : Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1835, by Key and Biddle, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania REQ. OF SSRS GIFT CONTENTS. -:oOc:- SPEECHES. Page Aiiierloa, V7ax Tfitli (1813) 219 Bullion Committee, on Report of (1811) 141 Catholic Roman, Removal of Disa- iDilities Bill (1821) 305 Copenhagen, Expedition to (1808) 47 Credit Bill, Vote of (1810) 117 Prance, on Peace with (1798) 13 Hastings, Marquis of^ and Army in India, Vote of Thanks to (1819)270 India, Array in, and Marquis of Hastings, Thanks to (1819) 270 Kings Message on Affairs of Por- ;:. tugal (1826) , 442,461 Lishon, Emloassy to (1817) 228 Nation, State of the (1819) 288 Parliamentary Reform (1822) 332 Portugal, Kings Message on af- fairs of (1826) 442,461 Sardinian Treaty (1794) 1 Scheldt, Expedition to (1810) 90 Slavery, Aholition of (1823) 400 Slave Population, Amelioration. ' of Condition (1824) 411 ^Slavery, State of (1826) ' 433 "Spain, Negotiations Relative to (1823) ^58 State of Nation (1819) 288 York Duke of. Conduct (1809) 73 ELECTION AND DINNER SPEECHES. East India Company Dinner to Mal- colm (1827) 539 !i M7fif;?i2^ ADVERTISEMENT. All the Speeches in this collection were revised by Mr. Canning. The London edition of his Speeches consists of six octavo volumes, the first of which contains a copious and authentic memoir of his life. It was originally the design of the American editor to furnish an entirely new biography, more minute and comprehensive, with critical notes on the oratory and political career of Mr. Canning. But he has found the proper execution of this plan impracticable, consistently with the limits of this publication, and the paramount object of including all the master-pieces of the orator, and the specimens which form the Appendix. He has added to the speeches adopted, some of Canning's early writings, and remarkable passages of the other principal speeches. The matter preferred is thought to be that which, from various considerations, is most eligible for the American meridian. Mr. Canning frequently took part in the debates on the Catholic question, and always with signal superiority of eloquence and liberality of sentiment. A sufficient specimen is given in this volume of his powers and feelings on that subject. A consummate lawyer might be proud of his argument on the Roman Catholic Peers' bill, which is indeed admirable through- 3 4 ADVERTISEMENT. out for dialectics and style ; but an extract from it has been deemed enough. He treated the questions of free trade, the corn laws, and currency, and others merely economical, with unsurpassed ability and effect; in all discussions of strict party and personal politics, he was without an equal. His election and dinner speeches, which are separated in our volume from his parliament- ary efforts, possess as much merit of every kind as any of his productions, and transcend altogether any similar effusions extant in print. The void which he left as an orator and debater has not been supplied. A principal object with the American editor and pub- lishers is to put within the reach of the youth of this coun- try, who must or may become public speakers, the best models of oratory which Great Britain has furnished within the last half century. The same models include so much of the political history of the period, and possess a literary excellence so rare, that they will be deemed an important acquisition by all Americans of general and refined studies. Canning's Speeches hold the first rank among them, and are therefore first given. Those of Wyndham, Huskisson, Mackintosh, Brougham, Peel, and others, alike distinguished, will be issued in the same form and upon the same plan, in case the present volume should win that diffusive favour and patronage to which it would seem to be entitled. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. George Canning was born in London, on the 11th of April, 1770. His family was ancient and respectable. It was origin- ally from Warwickshire in England, but his branch of it had been long settled in Ireland, where the manor of Garvagh, in Londonderry, had been granted by James I. to an ancestor. His father was a gentleman of considerable literary acquirements, and had been called to the bar after studying in the Middle Temple, but his marriage with a dowerless beauty so displeased his parents that he was cut off from the property of which he was the right- ful heir. A bare allowance of £ 150 a year was all that was given him, and this he was unable to increase sufficiently to render him- self comfortable. He was unsuccessful in his profession, his tastes and talents rather inclining him to poetry and polite literature than to the unattractive studies of the law. He abandoned it, and became a wine-merchant, but died in April 1771, a year precisely after the birth of his son, before he had effected his ex- trication from the difficulties in which he was involved. Mrs. Canning being thus left destitute, was obliged to exert her talents and accomplishments for the maintenance of herself and child, and went upon the stage. Her success was not brilliant, but it was adequate to give her an independent support. She married a second time, Mr. Hunn, an actor, and soon became again a widow. The early education of Mr. Canning was superintended by his guardian and uncle, Mr. Stratford Canning, an eminent London merchant, who died a short time before Mr. Canning went to the university. His scholastic and collegiate expenses, however, were defrayed from a small estate in Ireland, bequeathed to him by his grandfather, who, at the urgent request of his grandmother, was induced to make a settlement upon him, which, although insuffi- cient as a provision for life, was ample as a fund for education. His first academic instruction was received at Hyde Abbey^ whence he A2 5 VI BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. was sent to Eton, between twelve and thirteen years of age, and placed in the remove at once as an oppidan. There he soon became conspicuous for the elegance of his Latin and English poetry, as well as for the easy flow and propriety which distin- guished his prose compositions. His contemporaries at Eton de- scribe him as a boy possessed of great quickness in apprehending whatever he undertook to learn ; of a frank, generous, and con- ciliatory disposition ; and of a bold, manly, unflinching spirit: qualities admirably calculated to render him popular in a public school. Although he evinced a superiority of intelligence over his companions, there was nothing precocious in his ascendency, or fallacious and forced in his talent. He possessed great natural capabilities, and these he improved by the most sedulous and suc- cessful cultivation. He laboured hard, sensible that with faculties such as his, nothing would be denied to labour. His assiduity was rather increased and stimulated than diminished, by the con- sciousness of his power; and the success which crowned him was not more the triumph of genius than the patient result of perse- vering industry. The lead which he took when a boy, he main- tained throughout the intellectual emulations of youth, and through the sterner struggles of ambitious and unyielding manhood. At fifteen years of age, he was one of the most distinguished scholars at Eton, and joined with others of his school-fellows in producing a literary work of high classical repute, entitled the Microcosm, the publication of which commenced in 1786. Its appearance forms an epoch in the history of the school. It introduced an improved taste for classical composition, and kept alive the spirit of a generous rivalry, which led to the formation of permanent and worthy friendships. Mr. Canning was its avowed editor, as well as its ablest and most popular supporter. The essays which he contributed were signed "B,'' and evince a remarkable facility and happiness of expression, together with a vein of sprightly and well-tempered satire. In 1788, when in his eighteenth year, Mr. Canning left Eton, and was entered at Christ Church College, Oxford. The fame of his talents had preceded him to the University. There he fully sustained, and even enhanced, his high reputation. Continued habits of persevering industry imparted solidity to the elegance BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. VH of his atttainments. He won several prizes by compositions, the pure Latinity of which received high and merited commendation from the heads of the University. Here also he contracted some intimacies with eminent men, which endured as long as he lived, and were productive of the greatest advantage to him. Of these, perhaps the most important, so far as relates to his subsequent destiny as a public man, was the friendship which he formed with the late Earl of Liverpool, then Mr. Jenkinson. On obtaining a bachelor's degree, Mr. Canning entered himself a student of Lincoln's Inn, and took chambers there; but he studied the law rather with a view of understanding the principles of the Constitution, than of practising it as a profession. It was whilst he was a student that his acquaintance with Mr. Sheridan, who had previously noticed him as a promising school-boy, ripen- ed into intimacy. The assertion, however, that this distinguished personage was related to him, seems to be entirely a mistake. During the same period also, he greatly augmented the reputation as a speaker which he had acquired at Oxford, by frequenting several private debating societies. It was to the celebrity which he thus obtained, that he owed his introduction to Mr. Pitt. The minister having heard of his talents, communicated to him through a private channel, a desire to see him — a summons with which Mr. Canning readily complied. Mr. Pitt proceeded immediately on their meeting to declare to Mr. Canning the object of his request of an interview with him; which was, to state that he had ^eard of Mr. Canning's reputation as a scholar and a speaker, and that, if he concurred in the policy which Govern- ment was then pursuing, arrangements would be made to facili- tate his introduction into Parliament. After a full explanation between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Canning, of the feelings of each on all the important public questions of the moment, the result was, on Mr. Canning's part, the determination to connect himself politi- cally with Mr. Pitt; and on the part of Mr. Pitt, the offer of a seat in Parliament. He may have confided this to Mr. Sheridan, or possibly may have consulted him ; but even the assertion, so 7 frequently made, that Sheridan's advice mainly influenced him in this important step, is sustained by no competent authority. This-- acquiescence in the proposal of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Canning's friends Vm BIOGRAPHICAL. SKETCH. knew to be consistent with his previously avowed and conscien- tious conviction, as, when he had no motives of interest to sway him in adopting that conviction, and very strong ones to dissuade him from it, he had uncompromisingly expressed it in the Whig circle in which he principally moved, and by which, in the ordi- nary course of events, it was natural he should expect to be intro- duced into Parliament. It is alike important for the truth of history, and due in justice to the fame of Mr. Canning, to state, that his opinions respecting the French Revolution were formed, and his principles determin- ed, long before a prospect presented itself of his becoming ac- quainted with Mr. Pitt. It is true that his early associates were, for the most part, persons of Whig principles; his uncle, who superintended his education, was an avowed Whig; and his own writings and speeches at the University, breathe warm sentiments in favour of those liberal principles with which the name of that important political party in the state has been identified. The French Revolution, however, was a prodigious event in the his- tory of the world, and was not to be dealt with according to any settled principles, by which Whigs and Tories had hitherto been discriminated in this country. By the leaders of both parties, at its commencement, it was approved; for it is an historical truth, that favourable sentiments towards the French Revolution were at first expressed, not only by Mr. Fox (whose generous nature expanded into a love of freedom in every clime, and prompted him to hail, with enthusiastic ardour, the first efforts of a mighty people, rising in the just assertion of their invaded liberties,) but by Mr. Pitt, whom few persons will suspect of a too sanguine tempera- ment, or of any dangerous ebullition of feeling in favour of free- dom — he too hailed the French Revolution in its origin; and declared his conviction, " that the present convulsions in France must, sooner or later, terminate in general harmony and regular order. Whenever the situation of France should become restored, it would prove freedom rightly understood — freedom resulting from good order and good government; and, thus circumstanced, France would stand forward as one of the most brilliant power? in Europe; she would enjoy that just kind of liberty which he BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH* I3t venerated, and the invaluable existence of which it ^as his dutyj as an Englishman, particularly to cherish." In the general exultation which the French Revolution, at its first burst, awakened, even among the temperate advocates of well regulated freedom, throughout Europe, Mr. Canning, with a mind fresh from the contemplation of those heroic achievements in thq cause of freedom, which " raised up the Greek and Roman name with such a lustre," sanguinely participated. This admiration, however, was limited to the principle of the necessity of adjusting the inequalities of the political condition of France — of correcting its abuses — and of remodelling and invigorating the institutions which a long series of acts of misgovernment had enfeebled. Mr. Canning's opinions respecting the French Revolution, however, had undergone a change previous to his acquaintance with Mr. Pitt, and it was that change which led to his connexion with Mr. Pitt, and to his determination not to connect himself politically with the Whig party. This determination was strengthened by the course which Mr. Fox and others of the Whigs took about this time, and which produced the separation between Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey, on the one side, and Mr. Burke and Mr. Wind- ham, on the other; and perhaps the most intelligible and most correct explanation of Mr. Canning's determination not to con^ nect himself with the Whig party, but to attach himself to Mr. Pitt, is to state, that his decision was formed upon the same grounds which induced the Duke of Portland, Lord Spencer, Mr. Windham, Mr. Grenville, and those who acted with them, to separate from Mr. Fox, and take ofiice under Mr. Pitt, and at th© same period of time, thouglvindependently of them, and without any concert. " It is questionable," says Mr. Moore, in his Life of Sheridan, " whether, in thus resolving to join the ascendant side, Mr. Can- ning has not conferred a greater benefit on the country, than he ever would have been able to effect in the ranks of his original friends. That party, which has now so long been the sole depos- itary of the power of the state, had, in addition to the original narrowness of its principles, contracted all that proud obstinacy in antiquated error, which is the invariable characteristic of such monopolies ; and which, however consonant with its vocation, as h X BIOGRAPHICAL. SKETCH. the chosen instrument of the Crown, should have long since iu' validated it in the service of a free and enlightened people. Some infusion of the spirit of the times into this body had become ne- cessary even for its preservation, in the same manner as the in- halement of youthful breath has been recommended by some phy- sicians to the infirm and superannuated. This renovating inspira- tion the genius of Mr. Canning has supplied. His first political lessons were derived from sources too sacred to his young admi- ration to be forgotten. He has carried the spirit of these lessons with him into the councils which he joined, and, by the vigour of the graft, which already, indeed, shows itself in the fruits, bids fair to change altogether the nature of toryism." Thus Mr. Canning entered into public- life, the avowed pupil of Mr. Pitt. He was returned to Parliament, in 1793, for the borough of Newport in the Isle of Wight. During his first ses- sion, however, he preferred being a mere listener and learner, to making any efibrt to display his eloquence. It was not until the 31st of January, 1794, that he ventured to open his lips. The subsidy proposed to be granted to the King of Sardinia was the subject of his maiden speech, which sustained, without materially enhancing, the reputation that he had acquired. The Address on the King's Speech, at the opening of the Par- liament, in 1795, was seconded by Mr. Canning, the mover being Sir E. Knatchbull. His speech on this occasion, contains some specimens of eloquence. Mr. Pitt, it is said, spoke of it in the circle of his private friends, and of the admirable address with which it was delivered, as an indication of even greater abilities than fame had awarded to him. A short time previous to the dissolution of Parliament in the spring of 1796, Mr. Canning accepted the office of Under Secre- tary for Foreign Affairs to Lord Grenville. The next session he was returned for Wendover. During the session of 1796 and 1797, he chiefly confined his attention to the immediate and laborious duties of his office. On the 20th of November, 1797, the first number of the Anti- Jacobin Review, or Weekly Examiner, appeared. Of this work Mr. Gifibrd was the Editor, and Mr. Canning the most popular coatributor; Lord Seaford, Mr. G. Ellis, Mr. Frere, were also BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH XI understood to be powerful supporters of it. The object of the Review was to attack, by ridicule, the principles which were then so disastrously predominant in France, and which active efforts were making to introduce into England. To this the Anti-Jacobin served as a successful check. The pieces attributed to Mr. Canning w^ere characterized by a vein of light, sportive, and satirical humour. " The Knife Grinder," the more elaborate and serious satire of " New Morality," and " The Elegy on the Death of Jean Bon St. Andre," are among the most admired poetical contributions. The exclusive merit of them, however, does not belong to Mr. Canning; indeed it is almost impossible to distinguish the portions which appertain to each author, as most of the poems were joint compositions; and as Mr. Canning avow- ed none of them, none of them can properly be cited as his. Al- though he did not authorize the assertion of his claim to any par- ticular piece, he did not disavow his connexion with the work, nor did he show a disposition at any time to retract any of the sentiments contained in it. He adhered constantly to a declara- tion which he made in Parliament in 1807, " that he felt no shame for the character or principles of the Anti-Jacobin; nor any other sorrow for the share he had had in it, than that which the imper- fection of his pieces was calculated to inspire." From his entrance into Parliament, and even before it, Mr. Canning contributed his most assiduous and earnest endeavours to the glorious effort of redeeming humanity from the disgrace, and the British nation from the deep dishonour of the Slave Trade. He was one of the " fearless and faithful few," who resisted the powerful interests opposed to the abolition of this nefarious traffic, at a period when there was the greatest merit — because there was then the greatest difficulty — in resistance. At the outset of Mr. Canning's public life, the Slave Trade was openly and boldly up- held as a source of social strength — as a legitimate and necessary means of national wealth. The abolitionists were libelled as fan- atical enthusiasts; amid misrepresentations of motives, and cal- umnies of conduct, however, he fought the good fight, side by side of the benevolent Wilberforce, and lived to rejoice with him, and with the other good men engaged in the same cause, at the triumoh they had achieved in the cause of afflicted humanity. xn BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. The consummation of this great work of comprehensive benevo lence did not take place until 1824, when, under Mr. Canning's auspices, the Slave Trade Piracy Bill was passed, which made this horrible system of man-stealing a capital felony. Not con- tented with the abolition of the Slave Trade, Mr. Canning was engaged — and it was among the last of his legislative efforts — in devising safe, politic, and efficient measures for the gradual aboli- tion of slavery itself. To no cause was he more anxiously and usefully devoted. The union of Great Britain and Ireland was propounded to the English Parliament in 1799. In the discussions upon this most important subject, Mr. Canning took a prominent part His speeches manifest his conviction that great and substantial advan- tages would accrue to both Ireland and England from the measure, and show, also, as do those of Mr. Pitt, that Catholic Emancipa- tion was held out in terms too plain to be mistaken as an induce- ment to the Irish. Many long years elapsed before the promise thus made was performed, and imputations of the most discredit- able kind have been cast, in consequence, upon the two statesmen; but, although they may not have acted with sufficient energy af- terwards, there is no evidence that they were insincere in their conduct. Mr. Canning was a constant advocate of the claim, and its ultimate triumph was doubtless owing greatly to his exertions. The ground on which he supported it was that of expediency, and not of abstract right. In July, 1800, Mr. Canning was married to Miss Joan Scott, daughter and co-heiress of General Scott, the elder sister having married a short time previously the Marquis of Titchfield, now Duke of Portland. This alliance was highly advantageous to him. The society of the lady rendered him happy; her fortune made him independent, gave weight and authority to his talents, and facilitated his advancement to those high stations in the Govern- ment of the country, to which, by the exercise of those talents, he had vindicated his qualifications. Early in 1801, the disappointment of Mr. Pitt, in all his efforts to induce the King to confirm the expectation which had been held out to the Catholics of Ireland at the era of the union, led to the resignation of that minister and the dissolution of his BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XIII administration. Several poetic effusions, decrying the administra- tion of Mr. Addington, who succeeded Mr. Pitt as Premier, were erroneously attributed to Mr. Canning. With the exception of the song " The Pilot that Weather'd the Storm,'^ which he wrote for the first meeting of the Pitt Club — an association which he was mainly instrumental in forming — none of the poetical pieces on political subjects that appeared at this period, are ascribable to his pen. Until the dissolution of Parliament in 1802, Mr. Canning pur- sued a sort of neutral course. He abstained altogether from par- liamentary effort, with the exception of his motion concerning Trinidad. He could not reconcile it to his opinion, to support Mr. Addington, although Mr. Pitt gave him his aid, and wished his friends to do so likewise. But on the other hand, having obtained his seat through Mr. Pitt's influence, he did not think it right to oppose Mr. Addington in Parliament. After the disso- lution, however, when he acquired a seat by his own means, lie engaged in an active opposition. On the renewal of hostilities with France, he supported Mr. Pitt's policy of vigorously prose- cuting the war; but even in reference to this policy, he carefully distinguished between the measures and the men who recom- mended them to Parliament, and more than once pretty intelligi- bly suggested that, to give due efficacy to these measures, it was expedient that the execution of them should be entrusted to other hands. On the 12th of October, 1801, the ratifications of the prelimi- naries of peace which were the basis of the definitive treaty of Amiens, were exchanged in London between Lord Hawkesbury and M. Otto. In the discussions which took place in reference to those measures, Mr. Canning interfered no further than by a slight allusion to the preliminaries, in the exordium of a speech on the cultivation of the island of Trinidad, a subject to which he had devoted his early attention, with a view of promoting his favourite measure, the abolition of the Slave trade. In 1803, Mr. Canning supported a series of resolutions, moved by Mr. Patton, containing aggravated charges of misconduct against ministers. In his speech on this occasion, he declared, in no equivocal terms, that the ministers were unworthy the confi- B XIV BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. dence of the country, and incapable of administering its affairs. This speech is also remarkable, as being the only one pro-nounced by him in opposition to Mr. Pitt. It was calculated, however, rather to conciliate than to displease his friend, by the deference with which he differed from him, and the manner in which he pointed him out as the person best qualified at that crisis, to oc- cupy the place of Mr. Addington. The part which Mr. Canning took in the ensuing session of Parliament, on the motion for inquiring into the conduct of the Irish government, evinces the same deep interest that pervades all his speeches in questions connected with the misguided policy pursued towards that country. The conduct of France, in the early part of the year 1803, threatened the immediate end of hostilities. His apprehension was excited by the military and naval preparations carried on in the ports of Holland, which led to the adoption of additional pre- cautions on the part of England. The posture of European poli- tics at this period, is fully exhibited in Mr. Canning's speech on the negotiations with France. The opposition to the existing administration, and the public distrust in their measures, increased with the increasing difficulties of the country. On the 3d of May, 1804, Mr. Addington resigned. Consequent upon his resignation, an ineffectual negotiation was carried on to form an administration including the chiefs of the three political parties, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, and Lord Grenville. At length an administration was formed, in which Mr. Pitt resumed the premiership, and Mr. Canning was appointed Treasurer of the Navy. As such, he was obliged to vindicate his own conduct in some transactions refer- red to in the tenth report of the Navy Commissioners, during the impeachment of Lord Melville for misconduct whilst holding that office. Throughout, the inquiry proved that he was free from stain. The death of Mr. Pitt on the 23d of January, 1805, was soon followed by the dissolution of the administration of which he was the head. In the changes incident to the introduction of the Whig party into power, Mr. Canning was succeeded by Mr. Sheridan in the office of Treasurer of the Navy. After the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Canning acknowledged no leader, as he stated in his BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XV speech, in 1812, to his constituents at Liverpool, when he took occasion to express the veneration in which he held the memory of that statesman, and the emulous fidelity with which he was de- termined to imitate his conduct and abide by his principles. To the Whig administration, — of which Mr. Fox was the real head, although he had chosen the post of Secretary for Foreign Affairs, on account of the facilities with which, he presumed, it would present him in bringing the negotiations with France to to an amicable conclusion, Mr. Canning became the most active and leading opponent. He commenced a series of severe attacks upon their conduct and measures, in his opposition to the appoint ment of Lord Ellenborough, the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, to a seat in the Cabinet. Of the expediency and impro- priety of this appointment there can be no doubt; and indeed it was excused at the time at which it took place, on no better plea than the necessity of making the great talents of that nobleman available for the defence of the administration. Mr. Canning also gave a very earnest and effective opposition to Mr. Windham's celebrated Limited Service Bill. In April 1807, on the dissolution of the Whig ministry, in consequence of the difference between the King and the principal members of it upon the bill introduced into Parliament by the latter " For securing to all His Majesty's Subjects the privilege of serving in the Army and Navy," the Duke of Portland was entrusted with the formation of a new administration, and to Mr. Canning were given the seals of the Foreign Office. He thus^ for the first time, became a Cabinet Minister. In a speech deliv- ered soon afterwards upon Mr. Brand's motion relative to the changes of administration, he made a full explanation of the mo^- tives of his conduct, and of the circumstances under which he ac- cepted office at this period. The season in which the new ministry came into power, was one of unexampled difficulty. Just after the battles of Austrelitz and Jena, Buonaparte may be said to have arrived at the summit of his power. Sweden was then the only ally of England, Ben- mark professed neutrality; but the overgrown power of France, and the subserviency which Denmark might feel it her interest to pay to a power whose victorious arms she could not resist, rerv- XVI BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. dered her neutrality, if not insincere in its profession, at least doubtful as to its continuance. The apprehension of this, or rather the assurance which the English Government obtained, that Den- mark was included in & confederacy formed by Napoleon of all the naval powers of Europe against England, was the motive as- 'Signed for the expedition against Copenhagen, which was under- taken with Mr. Canning's sanction, and is supposed to have been projected by him. His speeches on this subject are mentioned in terms of the highest commendation by those who heard them, but they are reported less satisfactorily than his discourses on any other important question. On Mr. Canning also, as Secretary for Foreign Affairs, devolved the most active, important, and responsible portion of the duties connected with the glorious eruption of a spirit of national inde- pendence in Spain. For his services, at this all-important crisis in the mighty struggle, for the deliverance of the nations of Eu- rope from the dominion of France, Great Britain and Spain, all Europe, indeed, owe him a debt of lasting gratitude. To him belongs the merit of the policy that aimed and directed the blow which Lord Wellington so efficaciously struck, and the credit of having supplied by the vigour of his measures in the cabinet, the means which enabled that distinguished Captain to complete the series of achievements which have immortalized his name. To this portion of his career. Mr. Canning ever afterwards refer- red with sentiments of pride and exultation. In allusion to it on one occasion in Parliament, he declared, that " if there was any part of his political life in which he gloried, it was, that in the face of every difficulty, of every discouragement and prophecy of failure, his had been the hand which had committed England to an alliance with Spain, to an alliance with a country robbed of her Government, and writhing, for the time, under the fangs of the Conqueror.*' During the long course of diplomatic negotiation which the state of the relations of England with the Continent, in the years 1807 and 1808, imposed on that Government, Mr. Canning was the official organ by whose pen the communications were made. Hiis state papers furnish the most unequivocal proofs of the solid- ity, clearnesa, and high culture of his mind. His answer, espe- BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xvil cially, to the joint application of the Emperors Alexander and Na- poleon, at Erfurth/to England, to put an end to the horrors of war, was written with superior talent. His letters, also, to our minister, at the Court of St. James, Mr. Pinckney, and his despatches to Mr. Erskine, the English min- ister at Washington, in relation to the difficulties between the two countries which grew out of the afiair of the Chesapeake, and the restrictions upon neutral trade which England had enacted, are cited as master pieces of diplomatic correspondence. But, what ever the mere ability of the writer, the tone of them was too harsh The sarcasm and rebuke which he seemed to have studied, were fitted to excite an angry and resentful spirit in the American Government and people. In the inquiry into the conduct of the Duke of York, which engrossed the attention of Parliament and of the public, in the early part of the session of 1809, Mr. Canning concluded the de- bates by a speech of great length and ability, in defence of the Duke. The ingenuity and acuteness with which he commented on various parts of the evidence, indicated how successful he might have been, had he pursued the profession of the law. The descent upon the island of Walcheren, which soon after- wards engaged the attention of Parliament, and was the object of such severe animadversion, is understood to have been planned and projected by Lord Castlereagh; but as the matter was sub- mitted to the cabinet, and approved of by it, Mr. Canning shared in the responsibility of the measures connected with that unfortu- nate enterprise. He disclaimed, however, all participation in the responsibility of having approved of the retention of the island. The decision, indeed, respecting this point, was taken after Mr. Canning and Lord Castlereagh had resigned. The cause of the resignations of those ministers was a misun- derstanding between them which occasioned a duel on the 21st of September, 1809, in which, after two shots, Mr. Canning was slightly wounded in the thigh. He was confined to his house for a time, but was sufficiently recovered to attend the levee on the 11th of October, and resign the seals of the Foreign Office. At the same time Lord Castlereagh resigned those of the War De- partment. c B2 XVin BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. The Duke of Portland, the Premier, having resigned as well as Mr. Canning and Lord Castlereagh, a new Cabinet was formed, at the head of which was placed Mr. Percival, who united in him- self, as Mr. Pitt and Mr. Addington had done before him, the offices of First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Ex- chequer. To this administration Mr. Canning gave no active op- position, but he steadfastly adhered to the principles of which his political conduct had hitherto been regulated respecting the policy of England in vigorously prosecuting the mighty struggle in which she had been engaged with France. In the year after his resignation, public attention was principally occupied by the dis- cussion of the Regency Resolutions, occasioned by the alienation of the mind of the King; and in this he took a very earnest part. In the course of the ensuing session, 1811, Mr. Canning made his celebrated speech on the report of the Bullion Committee, one of the most powerful specimens on record of chaste and argumenta- tive eloquence. That portion of it which is intended to prove the depreciation of the Bank of England notes — a position broadly and pertinaciously denied at the time by men of the highest public stations — is practical, perspicuous, and unanswerable. The sub- ject of finance was one on which it was not customary with Mr. Canning to make any particular effort, as he had not devoted much attention to it; but determining to make himself master of it, he succeeded in a manner to justify a common remark amongst those of his friends who had the advantage of familiar access to him, that no man so promptly, and with so much efiect, directed the powers of his mind to any new subject foreign to his pursuits. The speech contains most of what has ever been urged in Parlia- ment by speakers who take the side of the Bullionists, stated in the best manner, and recommended by all the captivating attrac- tions of just sentiment, polished style, and copious and cogent illustration. The assassination of Mr. Percival in the Lobby of the House of '^iJommons, on the 11th of May, 1812, by a fanatic named Belling- ham, broke up the ministry of which he was the chief; and Lord Wellesley and Mr. Canning were commanded by the Prince Regent to form a cabinet. Their negotiation to do so, however, failed, as did also that of Lord Moira, who was next directed to BIOGRAPHICAL. SKKTCH. XIX make the attempt. The task was then entrusted to Lord Liver- pool, who made an offer to Mr. Canning, accompanied with an intimation that he was at liberty to retain and express his well- known sentiments on the Catholic Question; but he deemed him- self bound to refuse, because the Earl's government then professed to oppose, as a Government, the removal of the Roman Catholic disabilities. Highly creditable as was this conduct to his consis- tency, it is yet to be regretted that, by declining office in 1812, he lost one of the most glorious opportunities ever presented to a minister of England, the opportunity of presiding over the foreign relations of the country during the period wherein all those im- portant and momentous events occurred, which crowded into a few years the revolutions and changes of an age. In the discussion of the renewal of the East India Company's Charter, which took place in the year 1812, the conduct of Mr. Canning was highly gratifying to the merchants of Liverpool. His services to the public interests on this occasion, were chiefly rendered out of Parliament — in communications with the parties most interested in and conversant with the subject, and in a close attendance in the Select Committee, which went into an examina^ tion of evidence at great length. He approved of proffering such a renewed Charter to the company as would at once secure to them part of their exclusive privileges, and give them time and oppor- tunity to prepare themselves for the loss of the whole. At the close of the session of 1812, Parliament was dissolved, and at the general election which ensued, Mr. Canning was invited to become a candidate for the representation of Liverpool. The manner of the invitation, the success which crowned him in the first arduous contest, in which the pride of victory was enhanced by being obtained over so formidable an opponent as Mr. Brougham, and the connexion which he at this time formed with Liverpool, and which continued for many years to be a source of reciprocal pride and honour to the constituent body and their representative, Mr. Canning always regarded as among the most glorious events of his public life. Not the least gratifying circumstance in the transaction was the similitude between it and the manner in which Mr. Burke became the representa^tive of Bristol. The history of Mr. Canning's connexion with Liverpool, consists of a series of XX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. successive and increasing triumphs. He stood four times as a candidate, and was each time elected with an opposition that pro- gressively diminished at each contest. On the first occasion he had four antagonists, and his majority over the one nearest to him, Mr. Brougham, was 500. The second election took place after his appointment to the Presidentship of the Board of Controul, in 1816; he was returned after a struggle of three days, by the retirement of his opponent, Mr. Leyland, whose name, indeed, had been set up by the hostile party in spite of his declaration that he was not desirous to serve. At the third, in 1818, some curious electioneering manoeuvres were resorted to by his oppo- nents, but they were signally defeated; and at the fourth, in 1820, there was scarcely the shadow of opposition. On every occasion on which he visited Liverpool, the most flattering marks of atten- tion were lavished on him. Public dinners, aquatic excursions, and costly entertainments were given to welcome him. A club was instituted in honour of him called "The Canning Club.'^ This friendly intercouse between the parties, subsisted without inter- ruption from the commencement of their connexion in 1812, until its close in 1822. On his expected departure from England, to assume the Government of India, in the latter year, a valuable piece of plate was presented to him by his constituents; and a deputation from the associated commercial bodies of the port, waited on and presented him an address, expressive of the high sense they entertained of the services which he had rendered to them, during the period that he had been their representative in Parliament. After his death, the inhabitants of Liverpool further testified their admiration of him, by a liberal subscription for erecting a monument to his memory. In 1814, Mr. Canning was appointed Ambassador to the Court of Lisbon. The last speech which he made before repairing thither, was on " Foreign Treaties," It contains a proud retro- spect of the events of the great struggle which, by the entrance of the British army into the south of France, and that of the com- bined forces into the north, after the decisive battle of Leipsic, seemed about to be brought to the most triumphant conclusion, as well as an eloquent and exulting congratulation of the House and the country on the glorious results of the perseverance and spirit , BIOGRAPHICAL. SKETCH. XXI of the British people. The main cause of Mr. Canning's going to Lisbon was the dangerous illness of his eldest son, for the preservation of whose life a trial of the climate of that city was recommended by the physicians. To his acceptance of the em- bassy, however, objections were made on the ground, in the first place, of his consenting to receive a situation subordinate to Lord Castlereagh, and, in the second, because the salary and allowances were, it was asserted, far beyond the requisite expenses. It was even contended that the contingent event, the return of the Royal Family of Portugal from the Brazils, for which the embassy was provided, was in reality never contemplated, and that the whole transaction was " a job," instituted to provide a comfortable retreat for him, and conciliate his support of the existing Government. These charges were preferred in no qualified terms by Mr. Lamb- ton, in a speech introductory to a motion on the subject. To these Mr. Canning made an eloquent and indignant reply, in which he repelled the unworthy imputations thrown upon him, in a manner that brought conviction to every mind. He was also accused of prolonging his sojourn there beyond the period that there was any ascertained ground for his continuing it. This he answered in a speech to his constituents at Liverpool, in 1816, by stating the fact that he did not continue in a public capacity up to the period of his leaving Lisbon, but had, six months previously, resigned, on learning the Prince Regent's determination not to return imme- diately to his European dominions. Mr. Canning's return to England was in the early part of the year 1816. During his absense, the battle of Waterloo had put an end to the career of Napoleon. He stopped a few days at Bour- deaux on his way home, and received a splendid public entertain- ment from the merchants of that place. Shortly after his arrival in England, a vacancy occurred in the Presidency of the Board of Controul, by the death of the Earl of Buckinghamshire, to which, on the intimation of the Prince Regent, Mr. Canning succeeded. In the session of the Parliament of 1817, the Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill and the Seditious Meetings' Bill were passed, in consequence of the agitation and disafiection that pervaded the country, growing out of the distress which was the natural result XXII BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. of the long protracted war just concluded. The prominent part which Mr. Canning took in effecting the passage of those bills, rendered him very unpopular with the Opposition, who deemed such extraordinary measures stronger than the case demanded; and on several occasions attacks were made upon him in conse- quence, the severest of which was put forth in the shape of an anonymous pamphlet shortly after his speech on the Indemnity Bill in 1818. Some remarks also of Sir Francis Burdett in rela- tion to him, in a letter addressed to the Chairman of a Reform dinner, had nearly occasioned a duel; but the matter, fortunately, was satisfactorily adjusted. — The speech of Mr. Canning at the opening of the session of 1819, contains a powerful commentary on the proceedings and character of the violent meetings which were held throughout the country, particularly the one at Man- chester, which was dispersed by the yeomanry with the loss of several lives. During the session six bills, having for their object the repression of the prevalent disaffection, were earnestly sup- ported by Mr. Canning, and passed, though with great opposition. In January, 1820, George III. died ; and George IV. had scarcely ascended the throne, when a fresh subject of agitation was created by the arrival of Queen Caroline in England. Mr. Canning was indebted to her for many acts of civility and kind- ness, and he had been a party to the advice given to her by her friends in 1S14, which she had' followed, of residing abroad. When, therefore, it was resolved to institute an inquiry into her conduct, he resigned his place as President of the Board of Con- troul, deeming himself bound both by gratitude and the circum- stance of his having been her adviser on a somewhat similar inquiry in 1805, to abstain from bearing the share which his ministerial duty would have assigned him in promoting the pro- secution. His conduct on this occasion, according to universal consent, was marked by the most perfect correctness and delicacy of feeling. On his retirement, a letter was addressed to him by the Direct- ors of the East India Company, which furnished a flattering tri- bute to his talents and integrity; and at a meeting of the Court of Proprietors of the Company, a resolution was unanimously passed, concurring in the sentiments conveyed by the Directors to him, BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxm and emphatically expressive of their high admiration for his abili- ties, and their grateful sense of his services. Early in the Spring of this year, Mr. Canning sustained a severe domestic calamity in the loss of his eldest son, George Charles Canning, in the nineteenth year of his age. The following beauti- ful epitaph was written by the afflicted father, and inscribed upon an elegant monument in the burying ground of Kensington: " EPITAPH. "GEORGE CHARLES CANNING, " Eldest Son of "The Right Honourable GEORGE CANNING, and JOAN SCOTT, his Wife; "Born AprU 25, 1801.— Died March 31, 1820, "Though short thy span, God's unimpeach'd decrees, Which made that shorten'd span one long disease. Yet, merciful in chastening, gave thee scope For mild, redeeming virtues. Faith and Hope; Meek Resignation ; pious Charity ; And, since this world was not the world for thee. Far from thy path removed, with partial care. Strife, Glory, Gah), and Pleasure's flowery snare. Bade Earth's temptations pass thee harmless by. And fix'd on Heaven thine unaverted eye ! Oh ! mark'd from birth, and nurtured for the skies ! In youth, with more than learning's wisdom, wise ! As sainted martyrs, patient to endure ! Simple as unwean'd infancy, and pure? Pure from all stain, (save that of human clay. Which Christ's atoning blood has washed away!) By mortal sufferings now no more oppress'd. Mount, sinless Spirit, to thy destined rest ! While I — reversed our nature's kindlier doom — Pour forth a father's sorrow on thy tomb." During the two subsequent years (1821-22) Mr. Canning took little part in public affairs. He visited France and Italy with his family, but resided principally at Paris, where, free from the tumult of party, he moved in the chief circles of literary and polished society which that capital contains. At this time, he saw much of Chateaubriand, with whom he formed a friendship, XXIV BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. which some differences of a political nature afterwards interrupted. He left Paris in 1821, expressly for the purpose of attending Par- liament, in order to support the Bill for the Removal of Roman Catholic Disabilities. His speeches in the year 1822, on Lord John Russell's motion for Reform, and on his own measure for the relief of the Catholic Peers, are among the most finished spe- cimens of his eloquence. At the time of their delivery, he was on the eve of his departure for a foreign destination, and they were manifestly elaborate efforts, intended to be parting admoni- tions to his country on the two great questions of which they treat. In the early part of 1822, the Directors of the East India Com- pany had chosen Mr. Canning to fill the situation of Governor General of Fort William, in the Presidency of Bengal, the seat of the Supreme Government of British India. Previous to his intended departure, he paid a farewell visit to Liverpool, where public entertainments on a scale of the most munificent hospitality were given to him, besides a valuable piece of plate. Just, how- ever, as he was about to embark, the death of the Marquis of Londonderry created a vacancy in the office of Secretary of Foreign Affairs; and the public eye was immediately turned to- wards Mr. Canning as the person best qualified to fill it. The expression of public sentiment was responded to by the King; and, early in September, on the return of the latter from Scotland, where he had been on a visit at the time of Lord Londonderry's death, the Seals of the Foreign Office were presented to Mr. Canning. The war subsequently waged by France against Spain, for the purpose of re-establishing the throne of Ferdinand on the ruins of the Cortes, was meditated by her at this period, and urged by her representative, M. de Montmorency, in the Congress of Verona then just assenibled, upon the different Powers. England was the only one which objected to the proposed interference, the instructions communicated by Mr. Canning to the Duke of Wel- lington being, to declare '* that to any such interference, come what may. His Majesty will not be a party." The speeches which Mr. Canning made in the session of 1823, the first in laying before Parliament the diplomatic papers relative to the negotiation oa d C BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXV the state of affairs between France and Spain, and the second at the close of a debate on the same subject, are alike remarkable for the clearness with which he explains all the intricacies of a very complicated subject, and the ability with which he applies to in- dividual cases the great principles of national law, and the eternal ones of public justice. There has rarely been an occasion on which the anxiety of the English public for a full justification of a great measure, involving the national interests and honour, was so completely satisfied and allayed, as on the propriety of the policy pursued by Mr. Canning in reference to this subject. In this year, also, the recognition of Spanish American Inde- pendence by England, a movement which was planned and effect- ed by Mr. Canning, shed a lustre upon his name which the friends of freedom will never allow to be extinguished. A formal com- munication, however, of the circumstance, was not sent to the foreign ministers accredited at the Court of St. James, until 1825. In it he stated, "that in consequence of the repeated failures of the applications of His Majesty's Government to the Court of Spain, relative to the recognition of the independent States of Spanish America, His Majesty had come to a determination to appoint Charges des Affaires to the States of Colombia, Mexico, and Buenos Ayres; and to enter into treaties of commerce with those respective States on the basis of the recognition of their indepen- dence." It was in the course of the session of 1823, that Mr. Canning, in his answer to Mr. Brougham, evinced an irascible temperament, and betrayed the little control which he had in forbearing from the most vehement expression when exasperatedby a disreputable imputation being cast upon him. The circumstances out of which it arose were these: On one of the frequent discussions which' took place relative to the affairs of Spain, Lord Folkestone, in a speech of unqualified condemnation of Mr. Canning's policy on this ques- tion, accused the Foreign Secretary of " truckling to France." Mr. Canning replied to him in the debate of the same evening, and, after assuring the noble Lord that he would never truckle to him, pronounced upon the speech of Lord Folkestone, and the manner of its delivery, a sentence of the bitterest invective that perhaps ever escaped him in Parliament. " The Lacedaemonians," d C XXVI BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. said he, " were in the habit of deterring their children from the vice of intoxication, by occasionally exhibiting their slaves in a state of disgusting inebriety. But, Sir, there is a moral as well as a physical intoxication. Never before did I behold so perfect a personification of the character which I have somewhere seen described as ' exhibiting the contortions of the Sybil without her inspiration.' Such was the nature of the noble lord's speech." On a subsequent evening, 17th April, 1823, during a conversa- tion in the House of Commons, which preceded the discussion of the Catholic Question, Mr. Brougham pronounced a severe philip- pic against the Foreign Secretary, in which, after insinuating very intelligibly that Mr. Canning, on accepting office, had entered into a compromise with Lord Eldon to postpone and waive the con- sideration of the Catholic Question, he added, "And is it the Right Hon. Gentleman then w^ho talks of not truckling to my Noble Friend (Lord Folkestone) — he — who has himself exhibited the most incredible specimen of monstrous truckling, for the purpose of obtaining office, which the whole history of political tergiver- sation can furnish." At this moment, Mr. Canning, whose chang- ing features for the few preceding minutes were developing the deep agitation of his mind, rose, and said emphatically, " Sir, that is false." This abrupt and most unexpected interruption entranced the House for some moments in amazement. Mr. Brougham was restrained by his friends from leaving the House immediately. The Sergeant-at-Arms was summoned to attend — a motion was made and withdrawn, that Mr. Canning and Mr. Brougham should be taken into custody — explanation succeeded to explanation — but all that followed the interruption by the Right Honourable Secre- tary — the moment of intense interest — was but as " the pattering of rain after a thunder storm." The fury of the bolt was spent — and with its exhausted rage expired the awe and the interest awakened by the shock. The result was, that, after mutual and suitable explanations on both sides, Mr. Canning and Mr. Brough- am, with perfect propriety and honour to themselves, in the esti- mation of the House and of the country, agreed "to think no more about the matter." One excuse, and one only, may be suggested for the conduct of Mr. Canning on this occasion — namely, the spirit-stirring pro- BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH* xxvif vocation to intemperate retort which was conveyed in the lan- guage — and even less in the language than in the manner of Mr. Brougham. The sarcastic tone — the vehement gesture — the deep and disdainful denouncement expressed in the whole of his deliv- ery of this passage of his speech, cannot be contained within the limits of any description. During the sessions of 1823, 1824, 1825, and 1826, the consid- eration of the Abolition of Slavery came under frequent discussion in Parliament. On this question, Mr. Canning advocated a mid- dle and mediatorial course between contending parties — the advo- cates of the extreme principles of immediate abolition on the one side, and of perpetual slavery on the other. He pledged the House of Commons to resolutions for the gradual Amelioration of the Condition of the Slave Population iii the West Indies; and in sev- eral speeches, especially in a most eloquent one on the 16th of March, 1824, he developed hif own views and those of the Gov- ernment on this momentous measure. The embarrassed state into which the currency of England was put in 1825 by the failure of numerous and extravagant speculations in which avast capital had been embarked, engaged the attention of Parliament at its meeting. Mr. Canning with his wonted ability, pursued the course of its variation, exposed the nature of the em- barrassments, and propounded the expediency of the measure adopted by Parliament for relieving them. The session of 1826 passed over without any business of momentous interest to call forth the powers of Mr. Canning, with the exception of the ques- tion of the currency, and the discussion on the Silk trade. His speech in support of Mr. Huskisson's measure relative to that important branch of our manufactures, though short, was remark- ably effective. To the above exception should be added an im- portant speech of Mr. Canning on a motion of Mr. Brougham, pledging the House early in the ensuing session to take into its most serious consideration, such measures as might be calculated to carry into effect the recommendation of the Government and of the House of Commons to the Colonial Legislatures, to ameliorate the condition of the Slaves in the Colonies. At the close of the summer of this year, Mr. Canning paid a visit to his friend, Lord Grenville, at Paris. He was received in XXVIII BIOCNRAPHICAL SKETCH. that capital with all the demonstrations of respect due to his great talents, his lofty fame, and eminent station. The French minis- ters, the most distinguished members of the nobility and of the higher classes of society in Paris, invited him to sumptuous enter- tainments; even the court rules of etiquette, which forbade a sub- ject to dine in company with the royal tenant of the Thuilleries, were dispensed with in his favour, and Mr. Canning had the hon- our, to use the technical phrase, of dining with the King and Royal Family of France. The daily press of Paris noticed his movements, and the unassuming and frank affability of his address conciliated towards him marked respect wherever he went. In the Parliament of 1826 Mr. Canning made the speech on the afiairs of Portugal, which is deemed the master-piece of his eloquence. It was occasioned by the circumstance of the Portu- guese Ambassador in London, the Marquis de Palmella, making a formal application to the Engli^ Government for military as- sistance to repel from Portugal the elements of strife with which Spain was menacing that kingdom, in consequence of her hatred of the constitutional form which then subsisted. The English Government being pledged both by ancient and modern treaties to the defence of Portugal, a message from the King was presented to both Houses of Parliament, expressing his confidence that they would enable him to maintain good faith with his ancient ally. It was in moving the Address in reply to this message, that Mr. Canning made his celebrated speech, in which he clearly describ- ed the various obligations by treaty into which England had en- tered with Portugal, and enforced their observance. Its eloquence and power elicited a high eulogy from Mr. Brougham, in which he declared his reliance "on those sound, enlightened, liberal, and truly English principles; principles worthy of our best times, and of our most distinguished statesmen, which now govern the Councils of this Country in her foreign policy, and inspire the eloquence of the Right Honourable Secretary with a decree of fervour, energy, and effect, extraordinary and unprecedented in this House — unprecedented (I can give it no higher praise) even in the eloquence of the Right Honourable Gentleman." Troops were sent to Portugal, and the result of the measure fully vindi- cated its propriety and wisdom. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxix This was almost the last important measure which Mr. Canning originated during the time that he presided over the foreign policy of his country. But, besides the measures which he may be said to have accomplished by the influence of his personal authority, as falling within the sphere of his immediate duties, many impor- tant changes and improvements, during the period that he was leading minister in the House of Commons, were introduced into various branches of the commercial policy, as well as into the practice and structure of the judicial system of England. These measures, as far as regarded the commerce of the country, were recommended to Parliament by Mr. Huskisson, to whom Mr. Canning conceded "the undivided glory" of them, whilst he avow- ed his readiness to share the responsibility of sanctioning and approving them. The principle of all these measures was the change from the restrictive system of former times, to one of an enlarged, liberal, and comprehensive character. On the 17th of February, Lord Liverpool experienced an attack of apoplexy so severe as to preclude all hope that he would ever recover strength for the efficient discharge of his ministerial functions. The public eye in consequence was directed towards a successor to him in his high office; but as long as a possible hope of his recovery remained, the King's personal regard for him, as well as that of all his colleagues, induced a postponement of any new appointment. The utmost anxiety prevailed in the public mind in reference to the subject. Rumours and speculations of all kinds were rife; but amid the contending influences and claims of persons, the most prevalent and popular expression of feeling was decidedly in favour of Mr. Canning. His political experience, his talents, the dominant influence which he had exercised for some time in the Cabinet, all pointed him out as the person whose pretensions were the most potent. The public expectation was not disappointed. On the 12th of April, suspense was terminated by the motion of Mr. Wynn in the House of Commons, " that a new writ be issued for the Borough of Newport, (Isle of Wight,) in consequence of Mr. Canning having accepted the office of First Commissioner of the Treasury." The announcement was received with loud cheers by the House. When the King first laid his commands upon Mr. Canning to C2 XXX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. form an administration, he enjoined upon him the placing of some one in Lord Liverpool's situation, professing that statesman's opinions on the Catholic Question — a requisition with which he thought that a due regard to his own claims to the Premiership, and to the ascendency of those councils in matters of policy to which he was pledged, would not permit him to comply. He accordingly declined the royal invitation, and tendered his own resignation of office, to afford the King an opportunity of con- structing a Cabinet united in opposition to the Catholic Question. After several interviews, however, between the monarch and the minister, the condition which prevented the latter from under- taking the task of forming an administration was removed, and its construction was left to his own unfettered action. His difficulties, however, did not end here. Within twenty- four hours after his appointment to be First Lord of the Treasury, seven of his colleagues — the Duke of Wellington, Lord Eldon, Lord Bathurst, Lord Melville, Lord Bexley, Lord Westmoreland, and Mr. Peel — resigned their respective offices. The reason which they gave for this proceeding, was the policy which Mr. Canning would introduce into the administration in reference to the Catholic Question, of which they had always been the oppo- nents; but allegations were thrown out that motives of rivalry and ambition had also actuated their conduct, at least that of the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel, the two most prominent se- ceders. The members of the former Cabinet who remained with Mr. Canning, were Lord Harrowby, Mr. Huskisson, Mr. Robin- son, and Mr. Wynn. It was a fortunate circumstance for the new minister, that the embarrassment in which he was placed occurred on the eve of the Easter recess, so that the interval of a fortnight was afforded him, to supply the places that had been vacated, and to complete the necessary arrangements for the formation of an Executive Government. Of this period of customary suspension from public business, ample and advantageous use was made. Negotiations were opened with the leading members of the oppo- sition, between whom and Mr. Canning a daily approximation in principle in almost all measures relating to the commercial, in- ternal, and foreign policy of the country, rendered the formation of a league of friendship and co-operation a task of easy perform- BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxxi ance. At the meeting of Parliament most of the vacancies were filled up, though some of them, it was understood, were only- occupied provisionally. The explanations of Mr. Peel and Mr. Canning on the breaking up of the former ministry, and the diffi- culties w^hich had obstructed the formation of a new one, excited great attention throughout the House, and throughout the country; and both were generally deemed full, explicit, and satisfactory. Mr. Canning was now placed upon the loftiest eminence to which his ambition could aspire ; but never was there a more affecting and impressive verification of the old poet's melancholy ejaculation — * Oh curas hominumP — than his fate afforded. He had reached the pinnacle, but his strength was exhausted in climbing to it — and he reached it but to die. The only political act which signalized his administration, of which he was the chief promoter, was the treaty of London, signed on the 6th of July, combining England, France, and Russia, in a determination to protect the Christians of Greece from the merciless oppression of the Ottoman Porte — an act not unworthy to close the glorious drama of his career. He had also given notice of an intention to move for a Committee of Finance in the next session of Parlia- ment, to be formed on the most liberal and extensive basis, in- cluding members of all parties; and had introduced a Bill for amending the Corn Laws, which was defeated in the House of Lords. Before his appointment to the Premiership, Mr. Canning's constitution had been shattered by illness; his countenance was sicklied o'er with a pallid hue, and his form bent as if under premature old age. The duties and anxieties, therefore, incident to his station, were of themselves sufficient to increase in a serious degree the weakness of his frame; but to these were added the irritation occasioned by perhaps the most disgraceful opposition on record. A character of personal hostility and rancour was given to it, which was well calculated, in his debilitated state, to excite his natural sensitiveness to a dangerous pitch ; and the effect which it had upon him was greater than from its intrinsic force, either in intelligence or power of any description, it was entitled to produce. In vain he boldly and repeatedly challenged his adversaries to bring forward some specific proposition on which XXXII BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. the sense of Parliament might be unequivocally pronounced, as to the efficiency of his administration. Open conflict they declined, preferring to persevere in a species of Guerilla warfare — teazing attacks, sudden sallies, and quick retreats. Little of interesting information can be communicated with regard to the last moments of Mr. Canning, as his fatal illness, from its very commencement almost, was so acute and severe as to overpower the vigour of his understanding. On Wednesday, the 11th of July, Mr. Canning went to Wim- bleton to a Cabinet dinner, at the Lord Chancellor's, where, having made himself warm with exercise, he sat some time under a tree in the open air. The next day he complained of a slight feeling of rheumatism; but it was not till the following Saturday, that it became so serious as to make him keep his bed. He was confined there for nearly a week; but on Friday, the 20th, was sufficiently recovered to be enabled to go to the Duke of Devonshire's villa at Chiswick, which the duke had lent to him for change of air. From that time to the 1st of August, though he was well enough to come occasionally to his residence in London, and to ride out, yet he made little progress towards recovery. On the 30th of July, he paid his last visit to His Majesty, and on the 31st, he came, for the last time, to town, and transacted business for a few hours with several official gentlemen. On his return to Chiswick that even- ing, he dined in company with some friends, and retired early to bed, from which he was destined never again to rise. On the 2d and 3d he was in very cheerful spirits, and on the evening of the latter day he transacted business with Mr. Herries for three hours. It was about two hours after that gentleman had left him, that he was seized with excruciating pains in the side, which gave the first striking indications to those around him of his alarming condition. Two hours afterwards the medical gentlemen arrived, and he was bled largely. From that time till his death his sufier- ings were, with few intermissions, so acute, that he could hardly be said to be in the full possession of his faculties. He was, however, at times, tolerably, if not entirely collected; and at those times, as well as in his wanderings, he expressed concern at the inconvenience his illness might occasion to the business of Gov- ernment, and gave frequent indications that his King and country BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXXIII anxiously occupied his thoughts. On the Sunday before his death, he remembered the day, and expressed a wish that his daughter should read prayers to him — a duty which he himself, in his busiest moments, never omitted to perform to his whole household, whenever he was prevented from going to church: but a few minutes after he had expressed this wish, the pain, which had for a time subsided, returned with great violence, and with it return- ed likewise the wanderings of his mind. In the course of the evening of this day, on some religious observation being made by one of the attendants, he declared " his hope of salvation through the merits of his Redeemer, Jesus Christ." The two last days, his strength and his pains diminished in like proportion, and, having been senseless for some hours, he breathed his last, without a groan, a little before four o'clock, on the morning of the 8th of August. The family which Mr. Canning left, to deplore a loss in which their sorrows shared the sympathy of the nation, consisted of his widow,* to whom he had been united in most affectionate en- dearment for twenty-eight years; a daughter, married to the Mar- quis of Clanricarde in 1825; and two sons, one a commander in the navy, and the other a student at Eton. The funeral obsequies of Mr. Canning, which took place on the 16th of August, were assimilated to those of a private gentleman. The day was peculiarly unfavourable, yet the crowd of persons, anxious to demonstrate their respect for the departed Statesman, was immense. The streets leading from Downing Street, from the late residence of Mr. Canning, were thronged by a dense assemblage of persons, habited suitably to the melancholy occa- sion. At one o'clock, the funeral procession departed from Down- ing Street. The hearse, drawn by six horses, and preceded by a marshal, mutes, and pursuivants, were followed by nine mourning coaches, each drawn by four horses; the private carriages of the Cabinet ministers, and the friends of the deceased Premier, closed the cortege. Mr. Charles Canning, a youth of fourteen years of age, was the chief mourner. Their Royal Highnesses, the Dukes of Clarence and Sussex, attended to pay their last mark of mourn * Mrs. Canning has been recently raised to the peerage, by the title ot Viscounteas Canning. XXXIV BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. ful respect to the minister. The Cabinet ministers, who princi- pally occupied the mourning coaches, also attended as mourners — with the exception of his attached friend, Mr. Huskisson, who was absent at the time in a distant part of the Continent, and Lord Harrowby, who was in Devonshire, and sent an apology for his absence. The other mourners were, the Marquis of Clarincarde, Captain Hunn, Mr. Stapleton, (Mr. Canning's Private Secretary,) the Duke of Devonshire, the Marquis of Conyngham, Lord Sea- ford, Lord Morley, Lord Howard de Walden, Lord George Ben- tinck, Mr. Planta, Mr. Denison, Mr. Backhouse, Sir M. Tierney, Dr. Holland, and the other medical attendants of Mr. Canning. The funeral train was received at the entrance to the Abbey, by Dr. Ireland, the Dean of Westminster; a numerous body of polit- ical and private friends, who were provided with tickets, formed into two lines along the great aisle, through which the procession passed on its way to the north transept. As soon as the proces- sion reached the place of sepulture, the Foreign ambassadors, the Cabinet ministers, and other mourners, formed a circle round the coffin, whilst the Reverend Dean of Westminster read impressively the burial service. That Mr. Canning's professions of devotedness to the cause of benevolence were perfectly sincere, his whole life bore ample testimony. He was eminently distinguished by the charities of human nature, and was perpetually diffusing happiness around the circle in which he moved. No man could be more alive to appeals made to his compassion. By his humane interference, he saved the life of one of the Cato-Street conspirators. It is said that, being on a visit at his friend's house, Mr. Ellis, now Lord Seaford, at Seaford, in taking one of his early morning walks, he was caught in a very violent squall, when he was invited into the signal-house on Beachy Head, occupied by a lieutenant in the navy, where every civility was paid him as a stranger, then wholly un- known to the inmates. Mr. Canning, while taking his homely breakfast under this hospitable roof, amused himself with noticing the younger branches of the family, which were numerous. Mr. Canning said to the veteran, " Why do you not send the boy to sea?" How can I afford that?" replied the lieutenant; "I assure you, Sir, it is with difficulty I find the means of filling out their BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxxv jackets; would to God I could get him to sea!" "And then," said Mr. Canning, " of what profession are your daughters, how do they employ themselves ? — one, I see, is grown up." " Why, Sir, this eldest is astonishingly clever at her needle, and I should like to have her sent to some dress-maker." The stranger guest departed; but in a few days the boy was sent for, fitted out as a midshipman, and is now a lieutenant The girl was provided witli the situation suited to her talents, with a lady in Pall Mall, and is since respectably married. The whole expense was defrayed by their generous morning guest, and the tears of this veteran's fam- ily followed him to the grave. Mr. Canning was the consummate orator of his country and age. He had cultivated eloquence, as a liberal art, with the zeal of a student, and became one of its classic masters. Some may have exceeded him in particular qualities or powers; but he pos- sessed an asbemblage of endowments and acquirements which left all rivalry at a distance. He combined the free movement, spirit, and reality of British parliameiitary debate, with the elaborate perfection of ihe forum and the agora — and the accessary accom- plishments and graces of ancient and modern literature. He had studied, with a quick and congenial feeling, those severe and eternal models — the remains of ancient eloquence. His ele- gance of expression was fastidious, without weakening its force — his wit was not so elaborately, concentratedly brilliant, as Sheri- dan's — but it was more prompt, redundant, aud disposable — and, if it may be so said, more logical — whilst his ridicule, inimitably poignant, was ever governed by high breeding and his good taste. Mr. Canning's reading was extensive and various, and his fancy flitted over history, fiction, and external nature, with quickness and felicity — for illustration, citation, or metaphor. He had the tact to discern, and the dexterity to expose, what was weak or ridiculous on the adverse side — the art to push an opponent's simile, or analogy, ad absurdum — or to discover grandeur in what was meant for reproach (as in his retort that Porteus, with all the versatility of his shapes, was in every shape the god) — and, in fine, to lay bare, by rigorous syllogism, a fallacy in the envelope of a sophism, or loose phrase. — Who has ever reached him in those XXXVI BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. adroit movements, and happy inspirations, which stamp the talent of debate ? Mr. Canning not only meditated his speeches, but composed carefully (whether on paper or in his memory matters not) the passages of effect. His exquisite sense of the elegance of style — of the precise value of words — and of oratorical collation and cadence — will be felt and admired in the speeches revised by him — and discerned in those that remain in a state less perfect. His printed speeches, present the orator with more interest and fidelity, than any other published speeches, excepting Burke's, who wrote his for the press — fortunately for posterity and his own fame. Mr. Canning, however, will not be found always equal to himself; but as it is the condition of mediocrity not to exceed, and its privi- lege not to descend below itself — so inequality is the attribute of genius, from the father of poetry and eloquence down to this day. Person and delivery are considerable parts of the orator. Mr. Canning's height was of the heroic standard — his form united elegance and strength — his dress was modern, without pomp or foppery — his motions and pace firm and elastic — with a charac- teristic, individualising disregard of all studied grace. His coun- tenance was moulded in the happiest English style — comely, elegant, and simple — the profile gracefully, rather than strongly defined — the face expressive, and mantling, as he spoke, with the changes of sentiment and emotion — the eye large and full, and if not charged with the lightning's flash, yet beaming with intelli- gence — the voice strong, flexible, and slightly muffled, so as to impart a softer melody, without affecting its clearness. His port, as he spoke, was sometimes negligent — often admirable — evincing a proud consciousness of the superiority of his cause, or the power of his eloquence. His action, in one respect was objectionable — he wielded his arms alternately and vehemently, without variety or grace, and spoke occasionally with his arms crossed. The first of recent portrait-painters* has represented him in a frock coat, with his arms crossed, on the floor of Parliament. But though the likeness is perfect, the portrait wants historic attitude, aspect, and expression. The artist took the orator who could launch an epigram or a retort — when he might have gone so much higher ♦ Sir Thomas Lawrence. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. xxxvil Possibly, this negligent action of Mr. Canning was indulged in to avoid the theatricalism of manner with which Lord Chatham was reproached — and which betrayed, too palpably, art and pre- paration in Sheridan. It had the effect, too, of giving an air of unpremeditated inspiration to his most calculated strokes, and passages of most elaborate splendour. But his delivery, on the whole, was at all times effective, and, with the occasion, impas- sioned and electrical. With the sensibility of his temperament, and his order of mind, Mr. Canning must have possessed pathetic power. But the exer- cise of this is scarcely within the range of the eloquence of Par- liament His sensibility, joined with his delicate sense of per- sonal honour, rendered him impatient, sometimes, of petty out- rages in debate — and so gross in their injustice, as to recoil upon their authors — but let them be forgotten. Had Mr. Canning devoted himself to literature, that of his country must have been adorned by him. In prose, his ear'.y compositions, and some unavowed pieces in the maturity of his talent, are worthy of his fame; his state papers remain models in their kind. — His pieces in verse, indicate a resemblance to the genius of Pope. He would have excelled, like that illustrious poet, in polished diction, keen satire, and strong traits of ridicule and character. SELECT SPEECHES OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE GEORGE CANNING SPEECHES, TREATY WITH THE KING OF SAR- DINIA. JANUARY 3l8t, 1794. The first, or (as it is usually termed) the maiden speech of Mr. Canning, in the House of Commons, was delivered in the debate on the motion of Mr. Pitt, " that the copy of the treaty with the Kinff of Sardinia, be referred to the committee of supply." By this treaty, the King of Sardinia engaged to keep on foot, during the whole course of the present war with France, an army of fifty thousand men, to be employed for the defence of his dominions, as well as to act against the common enemy. On the part of His Britannic Majesty, it was stipulated that he should furnish to the King of Sardinia, during the whole course of the war, a subsidy of two hundred thousand pounds sterling per annum. The treaty further bound the King of England, not to conclude a peace with the common enemy, without comprehending in it the entire restitu- tion to His Sardinian Majesty, of all the parts of his dominions, which belonged to him at the commencement of the war. In return, the King of Sardinia was bound to continue firmly and inseparably attached to the common cause, and to the interests of the King of England in this war, until the conclusion ot peace between Great Britain and France. Mr. Fox opposed the motion. He conceived it to be very unwise to enter into such a treaty, by which we were to receive nothing, and give everything. The engagement was a hazardous one, and we had nothing stipulated in our favour, that might be considered as an equivalent By this treaty, the King of Sardinia was only bound to maintain fifty thousand men, for the defence of his own territories. That the King of Sardinia should keep up such a force, what did we engage to perform 1 Not only to pay a subsidy of two hundred thousand pounds a year, in aid of maintaining this force, but to restore to him all those territories which the French had wrested from him whilst we were sitting quietly by, boasting of our neutrality. This engagement might reduce U3 to purchase peace at great sacrifices on our part, in order to make good our engagements with the King of Sardinia, or to subject ourselves to the reproach of a breach of faith, by making peace without obtaining the restoration of his territories. He must peremptorily deny the doctrine, that the treaty being con • eluded by His Majesty, the proper representative of the country, in all trans- actions with foreign powers, the House could not refuse to ratify it, without subjecting themselves to the imputation of a breach of faith. If the House was considered as bound to make good every treaty, which by the advice of his ministers he might think proper to conclude, there was a complete -surrender of the public purse to the executive power. 1 B <; f ' «- « 'J ,r f) n Mh!}:y'':^l^t _S /* .'"Sardinian TREATY. Mr. Powys replied to Mr. Fox. He said it was natural for the right ho- nourable gentleman, and those who, like him, opposed the principle of the war, to oppose every measure that could contribute to its success. Mr. Ryder supported the motion. Mr. Grey did n6t consider the treaty, as one calculated to give energy to the war. No former treaty had been entered into, under circumstances nearly similar ; and, in his opinion, the epithet " unprecedented^''^ as well as the epi- thets, " absurd and iniquitous," might be justly applied to it At least, he must hear many more circumstances than had as yet been stated, before he could think that they might not. Mr. Canning rose, and spoke to the following effect: Sir, If I could agree with the honourable gentleman v iio has just sat down, in considering the question before the House as an insu- lated and independent question, standing on its own grounds, and to be argued solely on its own principles, I should have sat by contented, while gentlemen, more qualified for such a task, by their opportunities of official information, and by their ability every way greater than mine, had given their answer to the ob- jections urged against the treaty. I should have sat by, contented with what has already been said by a right honourable gentleman below me, (Mr. Ryder,) who has given to all the objections which have yet been urged, an am- ple, an able, and, to my mind, satisfactory answer. But I do much rather agree with the honourable gentleman who has spoken second in the debate, that the question now agitating, is not to be argued on the narrow principle of mercantile precision : that it is not simply an accurate tradesman-like inquiry into the goodness or badness of the bargain which we have made; an inquiry whether we have actually received a fair quid pro quo; whether or not we have not been somewhat extravagant in our payment, and suffered ourselves to be over-reached in the transaction; but that it is a great and important question, growing out of, and inseparable from, a great connected, and comprehensive system — the system of general union among the powers of Europe, which has for its ultimate object to prevent the aggrandizement of the French Re- public, and to check the principles by which that aggrandizement is sought to be effectuated: and as upon the whole of that system, and upon the treaty before the House, as part of that system, I cannot conceive how any gentleman should have found much diffi- culty in forming his opinion; so, I trust, that if I attempt to deliver that which I have formed, I shall stand excused from the charge of presumption. I know but two points, in which the propriety of this, or in- deed of any other treaty, can be attacked or need to be defended. 1 St, It might be argued, that no such treaty ought to have been SARDINIAN TREATY. $ made at all. 2ndly, Being acknowledged to have been proper to be made, it may be contended to be more disadvantageous than any other treaty that had ever been made between the same par- ties; and that in one of two ways, — either by showing that we had paid a greater price for the alliance, having only an equal necessity for it; or by showing that we paid an equal price for it, having a less necessity. The question is thus to be argued in two different points in view. It is to be first shown that some treaty with the King of Sardinia was proper; and if that inquiry should terminate in the affirmative, it will then be my business to con- tend, in the second place, that this treaty is equally advantageous, as well as beyond comparison more necessary, than any that has been heretofore concluded between the two states. The discus- sion of the first general question is easy, as there can be no doubt of the propriety of an alliance between two powers en- gaged in the same interest, provoked by the same enormities, and contending with the same enemy. Without longer dwelling upon this branch of the subject, I shall therefore proceed to the next topic of investigation. The honourable gentlemen who has preceded me, has endea- voured to show, that the precedents cited by the gentlemen on this side of the House, differed both in their nature and circumstances from the present treaty. This part of the subject has been al- ready so amply discussed, that I will add nothing to it; and, therefore, without staying to examine the validity of his remarks, I will produce an instance of an alliance with another continental power, which will be found to tally in almost every particular. I mean the subsidy-treaty with the late King of Prussia in 1 759. The objections brought by the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox) against the present treaty; the points wherein he states it to differ for the worse, from every other treaty, which we have ever form- ed with the same, or any other power, are these: — that the King of Sardinia, at the time of our giving him the subsidy, was ac- tually engaged in a war with France; and that there was no ne- cessity, therefore, for us to have subsidized him, to make him go to war; that the only condition that we expected from him in re- turn for our subsidy was, the defence of his own dominions; and that for this, in addition to the subsidy, we guaranteed to • lim, not the possession only of that part of his dominions of which he was still possessed, but the restitution of Savoy, the possession of which had acturlly been taken from him. With every one of tliese circumstances, do the circumstances of the subsidy-treaty with the King of Prussia, in 1758, exactly tally. The King of Prussia was then in a state of actual war with all the great conti- nental powers: he was actually out of possession of considerable part of his dominions, and nearly overwheljned by the immense « SARDINIAN TREATY. force employed against him. And did this country treat him as the right honourable gentleman would now wish us to treat the King of Sardinia ? No ! it was precisely on these principles, stated clearly and at large in the preamble of that treaty, because he was oppressed by powerful enemies, because he was out of possession of part of his dominions, and because he was so exhausted as to be incapable, by himself, of defending the remainder, that we were induced to aid him; an annual subsidy of £670,000 was cheerfully and unanimously voted him; was carried triumphantly through this House, with the loudest approbation of the country. And to him, too, as now to the King of Sardinia, we guaran- teed the restitution of those dominions, of which he had been de- prived. The difference, therefore, between these two cases, lay only in this: that the subsidy granted to the King of Prussia was ^6400,000 larger than that now granted to the King of Sardinia; and that the necessity for subsidizing the King of Sardinia now, is (in my mind, at least,) ten thousand times more urgent than that for granting the subsidy to the King of Prussia. For, on what prin- ciple could that vote be justified to the people, who were to pay it ? On the wish which the then servants of the crown entertained to preserve the balance of power in Europe. But how much stronger are the reasons which the ministry of this day might urge in defence of the present measure ! They might with confi- dence tell the nation, " We require this money, not to support a precarious or ideal balance of power, but to enable us to defend your government, your property, and your lives, against an ene- my who is waging a war for your utter extermination ! A nation already too powerful, has, by what some are pleased to call a po- litical regeneration, attained to a degree of strength which threat- ens the subversion of all the existing forms of social union. To avert this catastrophe, the accession of Sardinia is requisite; and she can give effectual aid in so doing." A noble lord (Wycomb), on the first night of the session, avowed, that he conceived the opinions and practices now preva- lent in France to be the beginning of a new system of political principles and conduct throughout Europe. If it be true, indeed, that old principles are giving way so fast, I confess that the notion of the balance of power, does not appear to me to have been so very clearly explained, or so generally understood, as that the people of England would cling by it after abandoning all their other prejudices and prepossessions; or that the poor peasantry, who have been represented this night as having their hard-earned pittance cruelly wrung from them, to furnish the subsidy for the King of Sardinia, would be better pleased to part with it for the support of the balance of power, than in aid of an ally, engaged in common with themselves for the safety, the laws, the religion. SARDINIAN TREATY. and the liberty of mankind. I cannot, therefore, conceive on what principle any gentle. r; an can argue the present treaty to be disadvantageous, in comparison with that of 1758-9, unless, in- deed, it be, that, as it seems to be, the opinion of gentlemen opposite, that the Earl of Yarmouth discharged his embassy to the court of Prussia, so much better for being unpaid, so they might possibly think that the King of Sardinia would fight better if we refused to pay him. The right honourable gentleman opposite,* (and here I beg to be understood, that when I presume to notice such arguments as I think exceptionable, when they come even from such authority, I do not do so with any intention of behaving to that right honour- able gentleman in any other manner than such as might evince what I really feel, the sincerest admiration for his talents, and respect and esteem for his person) — that right honourable gentle- man does indeed seem to entertain some such opinion; for he has argued almost as if he thought that the subhidy was a drawback upon the exertions of the King of Sardinia; that he had been well enough disposed at first, both by interest and inclination, to carry on the war with vigour; but that, iirposc upon him a subsidy, and all his vigour was instantly overwhelmed and extinguished. Nay, the right honourable gentleman went still farther, and proposed that the King of Sardinia, not only should have received nothing at our hands, but that because he happens to be the sovereign of a territory, whose revenues are insufficient to support an adequate military force, we who are wealthy ought to insist upon his sub- sidizing us; that he should not only fight on by himself, but pay us for looking at him. Till I can subscribe to this doctrine, I shall continue to think that, under the circumstances in which the King of Sardinia stands, it is essentially necessary that we should assist him; and that it is not proposed that our assistance should be afforded to him in a more ample manner than the necessity requires. With regard to the question which I have at first passed over, the objections to the treaty in toto, as if it ought never to have been made, all these objections would ultimately resolve them- selves into such as have been urged against the war in general. As I have not yet enjoyed any opportunity of declaring my sen- timents upon this subject, I will, if consistent with the rules of the House, offer a few remarks upon it before I sit down, con- ceiving it to be natural and necessary that I should declare my reasons for approving the commencement of a war which I am supporting in detail, and of which I applaud the continuance and vigorous prosecution. The war, then, Sir, I cannot consider m any other light, than * Mr. Fox. 6 SARDINIAN TREATY. as a war into which we have been forced by unprovoked aggres- sions on the part of France; nor can I see, as some gentlemen are disposed to do, that these aggressions are the less to be resisted and repelled, on account of the principles by which they are sought to be justified. Distinctions, indeed, have been taken by gentlemen on the other side of the House, between the progress of the arms of France and the progress of her principles. The progi'ess of her arms, it is admitted, it has been, and will always be, our right and our policy to oppose; but we need not, and we ought not, it seems, to go to war against her principles. I, for my part, cannot see such nice distinctions. Admitting that the ag- grandizement and aggression of France, must naturally be the objects of our jealousy and resistance, I cannot understand that they become less so, in proportion as they are accompanied and promoted by principles destructive of civil society. I can con- ceive no reason why the sword, which, if it had been attempted to be drawn by the ancient monarchy of France would have been represented as threatening our prosperity, our rights, our very ex- istence, may be wielded with tenfold force by the arm of republi- canism ; may be pointed even at our breasts, without endangering our safety or our honour. But not o'.ily is this a war against principles, but against the very best of principles, a war against freedom. This is loudly and confidently asserted, and is to be proved, we are told, from the circumstance of ministers having neglected to interfere con- cerning the partition of Poland. Had not ministers been actu- ated by a hatred of liberty on the one hand, and restrained by a love of despotism on the other, they could never have chosen to make war against France, rather than against the powers who had partitioned Poland. The authors of this assertion affect to disre- gard, or disdain to consider, the comparative distance of France or Poland, the relative importance of the two countries to us, the strength of the confederacy by which the latter was oppressed and every other circumstance which should guide the discretion or regulr.te the conduct of every sober politician. Well, I will put all these considerations out of the question: I will not urge the obvious absurdity of going in search of distant dangers, and overlooking that which knocked at our door; I will say nothing of the comparative disadvantages of going to war with Austria, Prussia, and Russia, without an ally, and going to war against France, with all those mighty powers to aid us; I will even forego the use of the argument to which I have before adverted, the different degrees of urgency and of popularity which there must always be between a war, such as that for Poland would have been, for the sake of the balance of power, and one like that in which we are engaged with France, for our own do SARDINIAN TREATY. 7 fence and preservation. I shall pass over all this; I will admit, for a moment, that there was equal necessity, equal call, for our exertions in both cases; and then I will put the argument simply and solely on this ground: if there be two powers, who have equally offended you, and from whom, by war or by negotiation, you must seek redress; if one of those powers, however in other respects odious and wicked in your eyes, cannot, however, be denied to have a settled, a responsible government, with which a negociation may be easily and prudently carried on — while, in the other, however otherwise amiable and admirable, it must be admitted, that there is no such thing, no safe or tangible means of negotiation — does it not seem a most unaccountable j>erverse- ness of judgment, which shall say, " Negotiate with that party with which negotiation is impracticable; go to war with that where negotiation would equally avail; negotiate with France; go to war with Austria, Russia, Prussia; take the bond of the beggar, and throw the solvent debtor into jail!" We have been told that this is a war, into which W£ have been hurried by clamour and prejudice; in short,4hat it is a war of pas- sion. If, by a war of passion, gentlemen mean, that it is one con- trary to humanity, justice, and sound policy, — that it is a war which owes its origin and support to the indulgence of some blameable propensity in our nature, gentlemen, in establishing this, have undertaken a harder task than they seem to be aware o(. They must arraign nature, and confute instinct; for they must prove that self-preservation is a passion, which it is criminal to indulge. But if, by a war of passion, gentlemen understand no more, than that in addition to all the legitimate and cogent causes of war; in ad- dition to the necessity of repelling unprovoked aggression, of suc- couring our distressed allies, of saving Europe, of preserving our- selves; that, in addition to all this, there are circumstances in this war, which eng;i:^e and interest the best feelings and sensibilities of our nature: in this sense we might be proud to own, that it is fairly to be called a war of passion; and if from that dignified char- acter it were to be degraded into a war of ambition and interest, it would cease to have in me a warm and zealous defender. An appeal is made to our prudence; and we are asked, with an air of triumph, what are we to get by this war ? Before I attempt to answer that question, I will take the liberty to ask, whether or not that question properly and particularly applies to a war, such as we contend this to be, a war of aggrandizement and specu- lation ? If, indeed, ministers had come dowm to this House, and said, " We have an opportunity of procuring great and advanta- geous acquisitions for the country; we may wrest from France some fertile province, or extort from her some valuable branch of her commerce, if you will but support us in a war;" — ^and if, upon 8 SARDINIAN TREATY. these grounds, the House had consented to support them; then I grant the whole matter at issue between the House and ministers, — ^the question which might be most fairly put, as conclusive upon the merits of the war, would be, — ^Well, what after all, are we likely to get by this war ? But, in the present case, it was widely different. We might be proud to say, that in this war, that is not the first question that we asked. I, for one, should be ashamed to defend a war, in which it was the only question that could be satisfactorily answered. Yet, Sir, let not gentlemen run away with the idea that we have gained nothing. Sir, that we have still a government; that the functions of this House have not been usurped by a corresponding society, or a Scotch Convention; that instead of sitting in debate here, whether or not we shall subsi- dize the King of Sardinia, we are not rather employed in devising how to raise a forced loan for some proconsular deputy, whom the banditti of Paris might have sent to receive our contributions; Sir, that we sit here at all — These are the fruits of the war. But when neither our reason nor our prudence can be set against the war, an attempt is made to alarm our apprehensions. The French are stated to be an invincible people: inflamed to a degree of madness with the holy enthusiasm of freedom, there is nothing that they will not undertake, there is nothing that they cannot accomplish. I am as ready as any man to allow, that the French are enthusiastically animated, be it how it may, to a state of absolute insanity. I desire no better proof of their being mad, than to see them hugging themselves in a system of slavery so gross and grinding as their present, and calling at the same time aloud upon all Europe to admire and envy their freedom. But before their plea of madness can be admitted as conclusive against our right to be at war with them, gentlemen would do well to re- collect that of madness there are several kinds. If theirs had been a harmless idiot lunacy, which had contented itself with playing its tricks, and practising its foolerie.s at home; with dress- ing up strumpets in oak leaves, and inventing nick names for the calendar, I should have been far from desiring to interrupt their innocent amusements; we might have looked on with hearty con- tempt, indeed, but with a contempt not wholly unmixed with commisseration. But if theirs be a madness of a different kind, a moody, mis- chievous insanity, — if, not contented with tearing and wounding themselves, they proceed to exert their unnatural strength for the annoyance of their neighbours, — if, not satisfied with weaving straws, and wearing fetters at home, they attempt to carry their systems and their slavery abroad, and to impose them on the na- tions of Europe; it becomes necessary then, that those nations should be roused to resistance. Such a disposition must, for the SARDINIAN TREATY. 9 safety and peace of the world, be repelled, and, if possible, era- dicated. When it is found that we are not to be daunted by the effects of their madness, we are called upon to compassionate its cause. It has arisen, as we are told, partly from the oppression of their an- cient government, and partly from their being inflamed and exas- perated by the present powerful confederacy formed against them. What, if I were to be attacked by an individual madman — is it my business to proceed to an investigation of the origin of his disease, before I guard against its consequences? And if I find, upon examination, that there was reasonable and just cause for his running mad, if a stander-by shall say to me, " that poor man lost his wits from love, or was driven out of them by the cruelty of relations — if you were to know by what a melancholy train of accidents that unhappy maniac was reduced to his present despe- rate condition, you would be above resisting him!" — Is this sort of reasoning to operate with me against the adoption of any meas- ures of self-defence ? I can hardly think so — nor can I agree that, with regard to the French nation, it would merit much more at- tention — no matter how they came to be what they are; if wild beasts I find them, as against wild beasts, I must defend myself. I do not envy gentlemen the task which they have imposed on themselves of poisoning the fair hopes of the country, and re- ducing the minds of the people, otherwise not inclined to a want of confidence in the successes of the war, to a state of depression and despair. I do not much envy their industry; neither, I con- fess, do I much fear their success. But when gentlemen have once undertaken that ungrateful task (for unpleasing I am sure it must be, and nothing but a strong and imperious sense of their duty could induce them to undertake it at all) — when they have once done so, I think they are bound to go through with it. And then, if all that they have said be true; if our situation be indeed as deplorable as they represent it — if we have failed in all our plans — and been baffled in every exertion — if such have been the nature and extent of our misfortunes, that we have neither satis- faction in what is past, nor resources for the present, nor hopes for the future — and if for all these reasons, it is become necessary, as they state, to sue for peace — let not gentlemen stop here — let them finish the picture — ^let them show us the extent of our calamities — and describe all the horrors of our situation. If for these reasons, peace must be asked, let them tell us, for these same reasons, what sort of a peace we are likely to obtain. It would not be a common peace, to be obtained by common con- cessions, or preserved with common security. On our part, as- suredly, we must insist on the disbanding of the great standing army, which is the instrument of the revolutionary government 3 10 SARDINIAN TREATY. of our enemy; and can it be thought that the potent Republic, which has, according to some gentlemen, baffled all our schemes, and withstood all our efforts, would submit to so degrading and humiliating a concession? Our only reliance then must be on the public faith and responsibility of the present rulers of France- men, whose characters are so familiar to this House, that I shall not think it worth while to delineate them — but will ask gentle- men, whether or not they recollect an argument, which some of them brought forward on a former night — that it was by the dis- traction of that unhappy country within, and the pressure of hos- tile force from without, that these monsters had been raised to power? If they avow that argument, I would farther ask, whether they must not acknowledge, that the power of these men would cease with the cessation of the cause that produced it — that those causes would cease with the war — and that the very act of making peace, therefore, on the responsibility of the present rulers of France, would, by destroying their power, destroy the only se- curity of its continuance? So much for our security, and on the other hand — what terms could we offer? In vain might we propose all the usual securities of pacification on our part — the recalling our troops — the dis- mantling our navy — the cession of the islands and provinces which we have taken — the abandonment of our allies, and the relin- quishment of this same Savoy, of which so much had been said: the answer of France wouid be, " No — that is not enough from you — it is idle mockery to talk of those things as pledges for your peaceable disposition towards us. It is not enough, that you relinquish all that you have gained, or indemnify us for all we have expended, that you expose your commerce to our rapine, and your coasts to our invasion. You have among you what must keep alive an internal disposition to enmity against us, and a power that will give effect to that disposition; you have your Constitution, surrender us that. It is against that, that we origi- nally declared war; — by the submission of that alone can the war be determined. We ask no more of you, our enemies, as a pledge of peace, than we have before demanded of our friends, the Bel- gians, as a memorial of amity. But, while your Constitution re- mains, whatever other show of friendship you may hold out to us, never can true reconcilement grow between sentiments and systems so opposite — while that continues to give vigour to your government, and generosity to your people, never can you sit tamely by, spectators of the fantastic pranks which we mean to play throughout Europe." But neither does it appear to me, that the call for peace is so pressing and immediate. I have heard it asserted, indeed, that the people were awakening from what was called their delusion, SARDINIAN TREATY. 11 and were oecome clamorous for the speedy conclusion of the war. I heard it asserted on a former night, that even among those gen- tlemen who support ministers in this House, there was not one who would stand up to say, that in his heart he was satisfied with the prosecution of the war. I, for my part, cannot boast of such various and extensive communications out of doors, as many gen- tlemen might have — nor have I long enough had the honour of a seat in this House, to be able to judge by any other criterion than its votes, of the touch and temper of its inclinations. But so far as my own limited communication and short experience ena- bles me to speak to this point, I can fairly say — I come from among the people, whom I have left, not disheartened and des- ponding, anxious, indeed, (as which of us is not?) for the happy and honourable termination of the war — but resolved to persevere with vigour, till a termination, such as they approve, not disgrace- ful, nor calamitous, shall be obtained. I come among the repre- sentatives of the people, whom I find as they ought to be, in unison with the sentiments of their constituents, to continue to prosecute with firmness a war begun through necessity; — sup- porting it with unremitted ardour, and sanctioning it with unex- ampled majorities. For all these reasons, because I conceive the war, of which this treaty is a natural and necessary part, to have begun in necessity, and to be continued in justice; because I cannot think that in its progress it has been so deplorably and disgracefully unsuccessful as some gentlemen are willing to represent it; because I do not see how our acquisitions in the West Indies can fairly be stated as a loss; because I do not see, how our conquests in the East can properly be characterized as disgraces and defeats; because I do not see, how the destruction of the maritime force of our only maritime rival, can reasonably be calculated as a fatal blow to our commercial and naval superiority; — but, because I do in my heart believe, the very reverse of all these propositions to be true: because, to conduct the war to a successful and glorious termination, I conceive that the system of alliances, which we have formed, should be scrupulously maintained; — that they should be maintained, not only with those powers, which were of themselves strong enough to perform apart adequate to the assistance which they might receive from us, but, if there should appear in any of the allied powers, a want of ability to perform such a part, — if there should appear to be weakness in their coun- cils, or slackness in their spirit, or inadequacy in their force; that they ought to derive from us the ability which they wanted, they ought to be counselled by our wisdom, and animated with our ardour, and recruited with our strength; because, among all the allied powers, I know none to whom it is more necessary that 12 SARDINIAN TREATY. such support should be liberally furnished, than to the King of Sardinia, I shall cheerfully give my vote for referring the treaty to a committee Mr. Stanley followed Mr. Canning in the debate. After having highly- eulogized the eloquence of the honourable gentleman who preceded him, (whose speech was listened to throughout with the deepest attention,) he ex- pressed his approval of the treaty, and should have done so, if the subsidy had been doubled. Peace was at present -impossible, and for his part, he thought the war had not been conducted with sufficient vigour. These were his senti- ments as a country gentleman. Mr. Fox replied ; after which the motion was agreed to. 13 ON MR. TIERNEY'S MOTION RESPECTING PEACE WITH THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. DECEMBER 11 ^798. Mr. TiERNEY felt himself impelled to make the present motion, from a com- parison of the situation of our affairs at this moment with that which it exhi- bited some time since. He brought it forward principally to enter his protest against the new spirit that had begun to rise up. The spirit he alluded to, was that which led to an extensive continental connexion. He regretted that the pacific disposition which was manifested in His Majesty's declaration, soon af- ter the conferences at Lisle, had been since abandoned. The first objection he anticipated to his motion^ was, that it broke in upon the undoubted power which the crown had of making war or peace ; but this was a point which would not be much insisted upon, when it was considered that the power of that House was unquestionable with respect to granting supplies. It might also be said, that this motion had a tendency to damp the spirit which was rising in Europe. He disclaimed a wish to discourage such a spirit, and had no idea that his motion, if assented to, would have such an operation. Indeed, he was led to think there was no symptom of any spirit rising from principle in any quarter. Look at Prussia ; that power had been at peace for three years with the French Republic, and its minister was treated there with all the respect which nations usually show towards those with whom they wished to continue a good understanding. If we looked at the Emperor, we could not say there was any dispute actually between him and the French : there was, indeed, a congress held at Radstadt, but that he believed was a trial to make the best of a mere squabble for the right and left bank of a river. If we looked to Russia, we could not see any thing interesting : he saw nothing from that quarter but professions; neither did he see any thing in the conduct of the Ot- toman Porte, which led him to think that the resentment shown in that quarter was a resentment arising from any principle on which we could rest for a per- manency. He did not mean to say that the enemy had not been guilty of the most scandalous injustice, but he did not see any thing like a systematic course of opposition to the projects of the enemy. The spirit of opposition in Turkey would cease when she got what she wanted for herself — she would have no share in the deliverance of Europe. It would be granted to him, he presumed, that unless the confederacy were general, it could not be attended with any ex- tensive advantages. Now, with respect to a confederacy, it existed in greatest force when the unfortunate monarch was under trial, and at the time of his death, and when France had not the advantage of a settled government; when her troops were undisciplined — when she had nothing to oppose to her difficul- ties, but the energy of her people. Compare the extended boundaries of France now, with her situation at the time of the former general confederacy. ,. That confederacy failed — its discomfiture was produced either by the skill of the French, or by the jealousy of the confederates; whichever of these two causes the House took, the conclusion was the same ; and in neither did he see any new ground for hope from a general confederacy. The French were not less skilful — their generals not less able, nor their armies less powerful : and as to the allies, he did not see any greater probability of their adhering to each other than formerly. Could we have more confidence in Austria or Prussia now than at a former period, afler we had the experience of being deserted by both ] €ouId any of the powers expect much from the co-operation of Russia 1 Be- c 14 ON MR. TIERNEy's MOTION sides, what was the real advantage to he derived to Great Britain from her combination with these powers 1 It may be said, however, that nations feel what their interests are now better than formerly. For his part he could not conceive that any thing could be done to inflame the resentment of the confed- erates, than what had been done already by the French Republic ] Could any thing be done to excite deeper hatred in monarchy against French principles, than the conduct held towards that monarch ? Could the nobility of a country have deeper anger against any thing, than against that conduct which abolish- ed their whole order at once? Would any thing make the prayers of the church more fervent against anarchy, than the overthrowing all church establishments 7 Could any thing more enrage lords of manors, and such persons, than the total extinction of feudal rights 1 Yet these were the men who united against France, and it was from an union of these again we looked for the deliverance of Eu- rope. He would be glad to see France driven within her ancient limits ; but let us not say we would bring about the deliverance of Europe — we could not accomplish it — and he, therefore, did not wish that we should make so extrava- gant an attempt. He would remind the House, that ministers put into His Ma- jesty's mouth, after the breaking up the conferences at Lisle, words tantamount to the spirit of his motion. The honourable gentleman here read a passage* from His Majesty's declara- tion, respecting the negotiation for peace with France. The passage was ex- pressive of His Majesty's disposition to conclude peace on moderate and equi- table principles. If this motion were to be negatived, it would be incumbent on those who opposed it, to show what had altered the course we ought to take. There were but two reasons that he knew of, which could be made applicable to this case — one was the aggression of the French in Switzerland — no man looked upon that event with more horror than he did; but the House should re- member it was the same in the case of Venice, before the declaration he al- luded to. The next reason was the victory of Admiral Nelson; it was unques- tionably great and glorious; but it should be recollected, the declaration was made after the brilliant victory of Lord Duncan. The last objection to this motion, he believed, was that it might operate as a notice to France, that we could not longer co-operate with our allies — he thought we certainly should, in the first instance, seek an honourable peace ; but if we were to co-operate, we should co-operate only as we hitherto had done, most effectually by our naval exertions. He protested against the sending of troops to the continent, and against sending to any of the powers any pecuniary assistance whatever, either under the title of loan, subsidy, or otherwise. He differed from those gentle- men who might think this an unfavourable moment to proclaim our pacific dis- positions. Our finances were in a state to excite tlie deepest anxiety. In six years we added one hundred and fifty millions to our debt, by which we had created the necessity of adding to our annual burdens eight millions — a sum equal to the whole of our expenditure when the present monarch ascended the throne. Let us consider also our situation at home — the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended ; besides, notwithstanding all the efforts to curb and repress re- bellion in Ireland, further exertions were necessary for that purpose. If we looked to our establishments in the East, we would see these very large and expensive. Then look at the West Indies : and here the first thing that pre- sented itself was the evacuation of St Domingo; within a few hours sail of our West India colonies, tliere was a force of no less than fifty thousand Blacks, disciplined and trained to arms. The enemy had, if not the first, certainly the most successful general in Europe. Under these circumstances, and consider- ing that we had been engaged in what was called the common cause, for no determinate object that he could see, it was time for us to have some separate care of ourselves. The honourable gentleman concluded with moving : — ♦ See vol. 33, Pari. Hist, page 1)08.— IIo looks with anxious expectation. RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 15 "That it is the duty of His Majesty's ministers to advise His Majesty, in the present crisis, against entering into engagements which may prevent or impede a negotiation for peace, whenever a disposition shall be shown, on the part of the French Republic, to treat on terms consistent with the security and interests of the British empire.' Mr. Canning: — If I might judge, Sir, of the impression made by the honourable gentleman's speech, from the manner in which it has been received, and particularly from the unusual degree of apathy and languor which has prevailed on that side of the House on which he sits, I should be led to believe, that the ardour man- ifested on this side of the House by my noble and honourable friends who rose at the same time with me, was, perhaps, more than the occasion required: — and I assure you. Sir, I should not have pressed myself upon your attention, if I had thought the oc- casion one which demanded abilities like theirs; — if I had not felt, that what arguments I have to state in opposition to the honoura- ble gentleman's motion, are so clear and plain in themselves, as to require little aid from any talents in the person who states them. The motion of the honourable gentleman cannot be de- . nied to be of an extraordinary nature; and he has certainly treated it in a very extraordinary manner. I conceive it to be consonant as well to the rules of the House, as the reason of the thing, that the House should not be urged to the adoption of a new and unusual measure, without its being, in the first place, es- tablished, that there exists some necessity for adopting it, or that some advantage may be gained by doing so. I did expect, there- fore, from the honourable gentleman, rather some solid reasons for the measure which he has proposed, than an anticipation of the objections which he thought might be urged against it. He has contented himself, however, with endeavouring to destroy the va- lidity of several arguments which he has heard out of doors, and which he expects to hear to-night against the motion he has made; but he has omitted, what seemed to me to be more peculiarly in- cumbent upon him, an explanation of the motives which induced him to make it. I admit that the honourable gentleman has been not unsuccessful in anticipating several of the most obvious and prominent objections against his motion; I cannot think that he has been equally fortunate in removing them. I shall certainly have occasion, in the course of what I have to say, to re-state many or most of those which he has anticipated, and not without the hope of establishing them to the conviction of the House. I shall follow him through these objections, as nearly as I can in the same order in which he has brought them forward. The first objection which he expects to hear, but upon which I am certainly not inclined to lay the greatest stress, is the point of constitutional form. It is by no means my intention to contend. 1§ ON MR. TIERNEY's MOTION that the nature of the honourable gentleman's motion, though ex- traordinary, is wholly unprecedented, — much less to deny the power and the right of the House of Commons, to offer its ad- vice to His Majesty, on any subject, either of negotiation, or of war. I know they have at several times interfered in both. It is, indeed, somewhat singular, that the honourable gentleman should not himself have cited any of the former instances of such an exercise of the right of parliament. Perhaps he has some re- collection, that a peculiar sort of fatality has, in almost every in- stance, seemed to attend interferences of this nature; that in almost every instance, from the Revolution to our own time, they have been either nugatory or mischievous. I will mention two only, out of the few that have occurred during this period: the first, — ^that which was nearest, in point of time, to the Revolution; the other, — that which is nearest to our own time; the first, an inter- ference tending to prolong the war; the other, intended to acceler- ate a peace. The first, the warlike measure, was the famous vote of the House of Lords in 1707, " That no peace could be safe or honourable which would leave Spain and the Spanish West Indies in the possession of the House of Bourbon." It is hardly necessary to remind gentlemen, that this vote, carried by the heat and violence of party, had no effect whatever; that no manner of regard was paid to it, in the peace which was after- wards negotiated. — And, whatever might be the faults of that peace, or however loud the cry against the ministers who made it, I do not think that any man, who looks fairly and impartially at that peace now, will say, that it was any very great crime in those ministers, that they did omit to carry this vote into execu- tion. The second example to which I refer, is, the resolution voted by the House of Commons, respecting the " Independence of America." Of a transaction so recent it is hardly possible to speak with the freedom of history. I speak, probably, in the presence of many who took part in favour of that resolution — • of some certainly, who opposed it Who were right, or who were wrong, I do not presume to determine. But in one thing, I be- lieve, those who opposed and those who promoted it will equally concur, — that the vote which carried that resolution was an ten fortunate vote; and that it had an influence fatal to the interest of this country, on the peace which concluded the American war This was a proposition which those who had to make that peace must, I am sure, contend to be true; and which those who con- demned that peace would find it difficult to deny. But whatever might be the force of precedents, they would not of themselves, — even if their bearing was as much in favour of motions of this kind, as unfortunately it has been against them, — they w(iuld not of themselves be sufficient to justify the honour- RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 17 able gentleman's motion. It would, I presume, be farther neces- sary for him to show (as was shown, or attempted to be shown, in all former instances,) that some necessity at present exists, which calls for such an interference of the House of Commons. I can conceive such a necessity to arise only from one of two cir- cumstances: either from the circumstance of some opening for peace now presenting itself, of which ministers do not show themselves enough disposed to take advantage; — or from minis- ters having at former periods evinced a disposition generally hos- tile to peace, which this motion is intended to censure or to control. That any such opening now exists, the honourable gentleman has not attempted to argue. I must, therefore, naturally have attri- buted his motion to a false impression remaining on his mind of the conduct of ministers in former negotiations: — I must have conceived, that he retained a confused and perplexed recollection of what had passed at Lisle, — that he remembered something in- distinctly of an embarrassment having been thrown in the way of the negotiation by a question about allies, — but utterly forgot that the allies who created this embarrassment were the allies of France and not of Great Britain; — and that, under this mistake, he was bringing forward the restriction in the wrong place, and applying to this country, a cure for the misconduct of the enemy. -But I am prevented from admitting even this foundation for his proceeding, by the approbation which the honourable gentleman has expressed of the manifesto published by this government, af- ter the breaking off of the negotiations at Lisle. The honourable gentleman distinctly and fairly acknowledges that manifesto to have exhibited undoubted proofs of the pacific dispositions of His Majesty's ministers. And here give me leave to observe rather a singular argument, which grows out of the honourable gentleman's peculiar conduct and situation. He tells you that he brings forward this motion as an " unconnected and unsupported individual," acting with no party or set of men whatever. By agreeing to the motion, there- fore, the advantage which we are to gain is his individual co-ope- ration. It is hardly to be supposed that he will be more con- vinced of the pacific disposition of ministers after this resolution shall have been adopted, than he was after the publication of the manifesto, which he has so warmly commended. What was the first step that he took by way of co-operation after that manifesto was published? He voted against the supply. — Convinced, that His Majesty had done all in his power to obtain peace; — that he had gone almost beyond what could have been expected of him, in forbearance and moderation; — that he had shown, even after the victory of Lord Duncan, the most decided disposition to make peace, upon fair and reasonable terms; — convinced, that the ab 4 c * 18 ON MR. TIERNEY's MOTION rupt conclusion of the negotiation at Lisle had been the act of the enemy exclusively: — that the continuance of the calamities of war was to be attributed to the arrogance, and wickedness, and pride, of the enemy alone; — that His Majesty had no choice; — that he must of necessity continue to carry on a war, which the mad ambition of that enemy would not allow him to terminate; — in this conviction, to enable His Majesty to carry on the war, the honourable gentleman, "unconnected and unsupported," indi- vidually voted against the supply. I do not mean to impeach the honourable gentleman's conduct in this instance. He had no doubt his reasons for it But I do mean to put it to the judg- ment of the House, whether, if it should be evident (as I trust it will be) that no solid and general advantage is to be derived to the country from our agreeing to the honourable gentleman's re- solution, — ^there is much temptation held out to us to do so, by the prospect of his future individual co-operation; whether it is worth while to adopt an unusual, unnecessary, and much more, a mischievous measure, to evince our desire for peace, — in order to secure the honourable gentleman's vote against the supply for carrying on the war. This, however, would certainly be a very inferior consideration, if there were any utility or advantage to be derived from the measure proposed. I have not heard the honourable gentleman state any advantage as likely to arise from it to the country. As he has affirmed nothing of this kind, 1 have nothing of the kind to deny. But there is one way of con- sidering what is advantageous to this country, to which I confess I am very partial; and the rather, perhaps, because it does not fall in with the new and fashionable philosophy of the day. I know it is a doctrine of that large and liberal system of ethics which has of late been introduced into the world, and which has superseded all the narrow prejudices of the ancient school, — that we are to consider not so much what is good for our country, as what is good for the human race; that we are all children of one large family; — and I know not what other fancies and philanthro- pies, which I must take shame to myself for not being able to comprehend. I, for my part, still conceive it to be the paramount duty of a British member of parliament, to consider what is good for Great Britain: and where no immediate advantage is pointed out as obviously arising from any new measure that is proposed for our adoption, — I hold it no bad test to examine in what way it bears upon the interests of France, and to conclude, however unphilosophically, or illiberally, that what is good for the enemy, cannot be very good for us. Now, Sir, I beg to have it understood, — and I assure the hon- ourable gentleman, that I am very far from meaning any thing personally disrespectful to him; — that I give him full credit for RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 19 feeling, as strongly as any man, every thing that he owes to his country, for being as ready as any man to devote his talents and exertions to her service. I appeal, therefore, not to his feelings, but to his judgment and ingenuity, — when I desire him to con- sider, whether he could possibly devise any measure (capable, at the present moment, of being patiently entertained by this House, or by the public,) which should have a more direct and manifest tendency to benefit France, than the motion which he has now brought forward? What could any man — any member of this House (if it were possible to suppose that there should be such a member in this House), most perversely devoted to the views of the enemy, and bent upon exalting France at the expense of Great Britain, — what more effectual measure could such a man take for such a purpose, than by a motion like the present? For what is it that the French Directory appear, by all their conduct, by all their publications, to dread and deprecate more than any other thing in the world? What is it that all their official and unofficial papers most labour to discredit? What — but the revival of a great and general confederacy in Europe, of which England should be the animating soul? Why should we co-operate with the French Directory? What interest can we have in common with them, that should induce us to take their work out of their hands, and complete it for them? What advantage can it be to us to daunt and dispirit Europe; and to relieve the Directory from the appre- hension of any powerful resistance, or the necessity of any ex- tensive preparation; to maintain their influence abroad, and their authority at home? I will put the question in another way. I will suppose that we were now in the last year of the monarchy of France, instead of the sixth or seventh year, or whatever it may be, of the French republic, one and indivisible. By the monarchy, I mean, of course, that cruel, wicked, profligate, abominable despotism, of v/hich we have heard so many, and, no doubt, so just complaints, — which oppressed France with I know not what unheard-of cruelties, — which insulted England, and desolated Europe, Ipy crimes and calamities such as can never be imputed to the French i>epublic. I will suppose that this monarchy had received so for- midable a blow as has been given to the Directory by the victory of the Nile; — that its fleets had been disgraced and defeated, in different expeditions against the British Empire — that its fairest provinces were in revolt; — that its subjects were universally dis- contented; — that its commerce was extinguished; — its revenue destroyed; — and its finances, by the confessions of its ablest financiers, in a state of utter and irrecoverable ruin and bank- ruptcy; — that against the monarchy, thus situated, a general spirit was rising in Europe: — I will suppose that under these circum ^0 ON MR. TIERNEY's MOTION stances, the ministers of this country had come down to this House, and suggested the propriety of such a measure of abjura- tion and self-denial as is now under consideration : and I will ask, — what would have been the clamour raised on the other side of the House? — how pointedly would the question have been put to ministers, " What are you doing? Why do you interfere to ar- rest the downfall of this detestable tyranny? Look on only — do nothing — and it will fall of itself. What business is it of yours to rescue from destruction a power, so inordinate in its ambition, and so hostile to the happiness of Europe !^^ Such would have been the language that we should have heard, if the monarchy of France had been the object of forbearance, and if ministers had been the persons to advise us to forbear. 1 will not press similar interrogations in such a way as to impute to any gentleman improper and unjustifiable partialities: — but I can- not help asking, whether the present gevernment of France be indeed one, which has deserved so well of this country, — which, to take the question more candidly, has deserved so w^ell of France, — which, in the still more large and liberal cant of the day, has deserved so well of humanity — as that we should feel ourselves called upon to take so extraordinary a step in its behalf? And I would farther ask, whether, — whatever be the present de- gree of weakness or stability in the government of France (upon which I give no opinion) — whether the effect of this motion must not be to prop its power, and to come to the aid of its un- popularity? whether, with this vote of security in one hand, the Directory might not boldly hold out the Gazette of Lord Nel- son's victory in the other, and call upon the people of France to balance what had been lost with what had been gained? But admitting, for the argument's sake, the object of the hon- ourable gentleman's motion to be advantageous to this country^ it would remain to be seen how far that object is clearly express- ed or understood, and how far the means which he suggests are calculated for attaining it The honourable gentleman takes credit to himself for not limiting or defining in any degree, the nature or terms of the peace which it is the duty of His Majesty's min- isters to conclude. If he had not mentioned this omission as a point on which he takes credit to himself, it is that which I should have been tempted to select for peculiar disapprobation. It seems to me at least a new and unusual course of policy, instead of de- fining the end, to contract the means of action. It would have seemed more natural and more fair, to say beforehand, " Such or fluch is the peace with which the country would be contented, and whi«h would be consistent with its security and interests; but the mode of arriving at that peace, is what must be left for His Majesty's ministers to devise:" — this surely would be fairer RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 21 than to say, in the language of the present motion, " I will not tell you what peace you ought to make; — but I will take from you one great instrument for making any peace at all." By this motion what advice do you give to ministers, or what control do you impose on them? Your advice is certainly not worth much, — when you only tell them how they shall not pro- ceed ; but say nothing of how they shall proceed, or whither they shall go. Your control cannot be very effectual, — since it is they, it seems, after all, who are to remain the judges of what is " con- sistent with the security and interests" of Great Britain. These interests and this security must necessarily be considered with re- lation to the different circumstances of the enemy and of Europe. What might be a secure peace for Great Britain with France re- duced in power, and Europe at liberty, — would no doubt be highly unsafe against France in her present state of force and ag- grandizement, with great part of Europe at her feet, and the re- sources of other nations at her disposal. It is equally clear, that it would be more difficult for us, single and unassisted, to extort from France such terms as would be consistent with our interests, than to obtain the same terms, if backed by a powerful confede- racy in Europe. The declaration conveyed to France by this motion, that we are determined, at all events, to treat singly, would naturally inflame her pride, and increase her demands. The declaration that we make no common cause with other na- tions, would necessarily place those nations at her mercy, or on her side. The effect of the motion must, therefore, be to dimin- ish alike the probable advantages of the peace to be obtained, and our power of obtaining it. It prescribes a more difficult end to be accomplished, with less efficacious means. At the same time, it does not tend to hasten the conclusion of even such a peace, as with such means might possibly be obtained; for it leaves minis- ters at liberty to conclude no peace, which they do not think "consistent with the security and interests" of the country: — and if they should choose to think, (which they very probably and very laudably might), that no peace would deserve this char- acter, which should not provide for the safety of Europe;— what assurance does this motion give you against a hopeless prolonga- tion of the war? Sir, the hon. gentleman's purpose, if I at all comprehend it, re- quired that he should have made the latter part of his motion as distinct as the beginning. If he had done so, — if he had fairly stated the idea which he has in his own mind, — I apprehend that, instead of the circumlocution of a peace " consistent with security and interests," &c., we should have heard of a separate peace. I confess, that this was what I was prepared to expect. I expect- ed it the rather, from comparing the general reasoning of the hon. 22 ON MR. TIERNEy's MOTION gentleman with respect to separate war, — with what is reported to have been said upon the same topic in another place by a noble statesman of great consideration and celebrity — a statesman, who to a life of political activity has had the advantage of adding an age of retirement and reflection. This great authority, (I under- stand) recommended, as the only sort of war that suited the cir- cumstances of this country, — a tight, snug, little, domestic war; in which our exertions should be confined at home; in which we should not stretch an arm beyond the circumference of our own dominions, but should sit down with our navy collected about us, and turn round upon our own axis, without reference to the rest of the world. The main advantage stated as likely to result from this system was, that our sailors tvould spend their wages at home: — the noble statesman ought to have added, to heighten the glowing picture, that they would spend them in exciseable com- modities. This system of separate war was evidently calculated to lead ultimately to separate peace: as, indeed, its illustrious pro- mulgator avowed. I imagined that the hon. gentleman, in adopt- ing the premises of the noble statesman, must be prepared like- wise to adopt his conclusion. I should certainly disapprove of both — because I cannot but apprehend that a war so very like peace, would lead to a peace that would be very like war — that a contest (if contest it might be called) in which we should be afraid to employ our forces, would lead to a pacification at which we should be afraid to disband them. And this opinion I venture to entertain, in opposition to such high authority; because I think I have on my side the eternal and immutable truth, — that the ob- jects of human desire are attainable only by human exertion; — that never yet did inaction beget repose, or a want of energy and spirit secure permanent and unmolested tranquillity. The system of separation, however, is defended upon another ground. It is conceded with great candour, that the conduct of France is very bad ; but it is at the same time contended, that the other powers of Europe are very bad, too ; and that the less we have to do with either of them, the better. I must take leave, Sir, in the first place, to observe upon the affectation which has grown up among those who argue against the war, of pairing off the enormities of France against the imputed crimes of regular governments. No sooner is any fresh act of atrocity, cruelty, perfidy, or injustice, on the part of the French Republic, brought forward in argument, than recourse is had to some stale trite topic of declamation, which has been used a hundred and a hundred times against Russia, Prussia, Austria, or the old government of France. During Robespierre's reign, the favourite pair for every one of his noyades, and fusillades, his crowded dungeons, and sweeping executions, — was the imprisonment of Lafayette! The RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 23 partition of Poland, too ! — (a measure which I have no thoughts of justifying,) against how many detestable, impious, and tyranni- cal outrages, invasions, confiscations, rapines, and massacres of the French government, has not the partition of Poland been cited as a parallel! It has really. Sir, been called into service so often, that it ought no longer to be considered as a pair. It is time to agree, that, at least, in any future enormities of France, she shall not have a set-ofi' in the partition of Poland. But, after all, to what does this argument at best amount ? The world is a bad world, and we are, therefore, to withdraw our- selves from it. Good: — if this were, indeed, practicable; if it re- mained for us to choose whether we would make a part of this world or no; " If Heav'n would make us such another world Of one entire and perfect chrj'solite," where all should be pure, and perfect, and without a flaw. But if we are, in spite of ourselves, compelled to belong to the world in which we are placed, I know not whether it be not more manly, more statesman-like, and more virtuous, too, to make the best of it; — to do what we can with the materials which we have; and to endeavour to work out our own happiness, even though we should not be able to separate and disconnect it from the happiness of our fellow creatures. I think this is a more rational conduct than the sort of national secession which the hon. gentleman's motion goes to recommend. I know of no justifiable reason for such a secession, — I can con- ceive no motive for it, consistent with true sense of right, and just dignity of character. I know not how we could reconcile it to ourselves (if it were practicable) to withdraw into gloomy sol- itude, and "grim repose:" while we have talents which God has given us for the benefit of our fellow creatures, and while we have a station which affords us an opportunity of employing those talents to that purpose. It is not under such circumstances that I can conceive it to be excusable, to indulge a whim, and fretful- ness, and peevishness of temper, from personal spleen and petty resentment, because every thing does not go exactly as we would have it. I can conceive no cause, except sullen discontent, and disappointed ambition, which could lead us to abjure communion with mankind. For discontent, as a nation, God be thanked, we have no ground ! Ours has been a generous ambition, and it has not been disappointed, so far as we are ourselves concerned; but it looks to larger and more elevated objects, — to the peace and prosperity of the world. If, indeed, a full gratification of ambi- tious views were a sufficient reason for retirement, we might fair- ly and proudly retire, and say, with truth and confidence, that we have acted our part If we had undertaken the war for territorial ^4 ON MR. TIERNEY's MOTION aggrandizement, — if we had been impelled to it by a thirst of naval glory, — we might, indeed, sit down contented with our conquests, when there is scarcely any thing left us to acquire; we might pause, satiated with victory, when we have no longer an enemy to subdue. But we did not undertake the war for these objects. Undertake it, indeed we did in no sense: it was forced upon us by the aggression and ambition of our enemy: we were compelled to engage in it for our safety and defence, — not in lo- cal, partial, and insulated points, but in those points in which oui safety is connected and bound up with the safety, honour, and in terests of Europe. " But what," say the gentlemen on the other side of the House, " is the distinct object for which we are engaged?" — Gentlemen put this question, as if an object were a corporeal substance; as if it was something tangible, something that could be taken in the hand and laid upon your table, and turned round and round be- fore them for accurate, ocular examination. In this sense I pro- fess myself perfectly unable to satisfy them. But do they mean something less precise than this, (though scarcely less so) — the statement of some one distinct term, the obtaining of which is to be settled beforehand as a sine qua non condition of peace? If they do mean this, are they really prepared to argue that sucR a statement, supposing it could be made, would be politic, would be prudent, — particularly with a view to the facilitating or accel- erating a pacification ? Do they not believe — is it not evident — that if it had any effect, it would have an effect exactly the con- trary? Do they think the resolution of 1707, for instance, to which I have already referred, had a tendency to promote, or to retard peace ? That resolution, indeed, we know was not adhered to. Was it then politic to have passed it? Or, would the gentle- men be contented with the statement of an object to which we did not mean to adhere ? Would they gain any thing by this ? Would this give facility to peace, or vigour to war ? Would it contribute to any possible purpose that could be in any way ben- eficial to the country ? That we have objects, great and momentous objects, in our view, there is no man that must not feel. I can have no difficulty in declaring, that the most complete and desirable termination of the contest would be the deliverance of Europe. I am told, in- deed, that there are persons who affect not to understand this phrase; who think there is something confused, something in- volved, something of studied ambiguity and concealment in it I cannot undertake to answer for other gentlemen's powers of com- prehension. The map of Europe is before them. I can only say, that I do not admire that man's intellects, and I do not envy that man's feelings, who can look over that map without gather- RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 25 ing some notion of what is meant by the deliverance of Europe, I do not envy that man's feelings, who can behold the sufferings of Switzerland, and who derives from that sight no idea of what is meant by the deliverance of Europe. I do not envy the feel- ings of that man, who can look without emotion at Italy, — plun- dered, insulted, trampled upon, exhausted, covered with ridicule, and horror, and devastation ; — who can look at all this, and be at a loss to guess what is meant by the deliverance of Europe ? As little do I envy the feelings of that man, who can view the people of the Netherlands driven into insurrection, and struggling for their freedom against the heavy hand of a merciless tyranny, without entertaining any suspicion of what may be tlie sense of the word deliverance. Does such a man contemplate Holland groaning under arbitrary oppressions and exactions ? Does he turn his eyes to Spain trembling at the nod of a foreign master ? And does the word deliverance still sound unintelligibly in his ear? Has he heard of the rescue and salvation of Naples, by the ap- pearance and the triumphs of the British fleet? Does he know that the monarchy of Naples maintains its existence at the sword's point? And is his understanding, and is his heart, still impenetra- ble to the sense and meaning of the deliverance of Europe ? Sir, that we shall succeed in effecting this general deliverance, I do not pretend to affirm. That in no possible case we should lay down our arms and conclude a peace before it is fully effect- ed, I do not mean to argue. But that this is the object which we ought to have in view, even if we look to our own safety only, — that of this we ought to accomplish as much as our means, our power, our exertions, our opportunities will allow, — I do most anxiously contend. If circumstances should unhappily arise to make the attainment of the object hopeless, it will be time enough when they do arise, to give up the hopes of attaining it: — but do not let us run before misfortune, do not let us presume disappoint- ment, and anticipate the necessity of disgrace! But it is contended and justly contended, that the deliverance of Europe cannot be effected by our exertions alone: and that, unless other powers are sincerely disposed to co-operate, we are setting out on a romantic and absurd and impracticable enter- prise, which we have neither any chance of accomplishing, nor any duty or call to undertake. I perfectly agree, that if other powers are not disposed to co-operate, we have no reasonable chance of succeeding to the extent of our wishes. But I cannot help asking, at the same time — If there be no such disposition on the part of other powers, where is the use, or what is the neces- sity for the hon. gentleman's motion ? Why need parliament in- terfere to prevent His Majesty's ministers from taking advantage of dispositions which do not exist, and from accepting co-opera- 5 D 26 ON MR. TIERNEY's MOTION tion which will not be offered ? But if, on the other hand, the powers of Europe, or any of them, are ready to do their part to- wards the common salvation, and want but our countenance and encouragement to begin; if the train is laid, — if the sparks of en- mity and resentment, which the aggressions of France have kin- dled in every nation throughout Europe, want but our breath to blow them into conflagration; is it the dictate of our duty, our in- terest, or our feelings, to save France from destruction, — and by a coarse and hasty proceeding, like that which is now recom- mended to us, to throw a wet blanket on the flames ? If, however, the co-operation of allies should be offered, we are called upon to receive them with suspicion and distrust; and to be assured, from the fate of former confederacies, from the manner in which we have been duped and deceived heretofore, that no fidelity to engagements, and no consistency of conduct, is to be expected from the continental powers. It seems to me that this is rather a hard, unfair, and hasty judgment. When it is contended, that because Austria and Prussia have been unfaithful to our alliance, and have made peace at different times in a man- ner equally inconsistent with their engagements and their inter- ests, — Russia and the Porte must, therefore, be considered as equally faithless, equally worthless allies, as powers on whom no reliance can be placed, and from whose exertions no advantage can be expected; — when the errors of the guilty are thus made to furnish a ground of presumption against the innocent; — I have too much respect for the hon. gentleman, to say, that he reasons falsely, or feebly; but I must say, that if I had ever happened to meet with such a train of reasoning, upon any other subject, in any other place, I should have had little hesitation in condemning it as illogical and inconclusive. Of the treatment, indeed, which the Ottoman Porte receives, I think we have some reason to com- plain. Gentlemen seem to think that when they have quoted the words of His Majesty's speech, '* the vigour and decision of the Ottoman Porte," they have entirely settled the question; that they have stated something obviously and palpably absurd and ri- diculous: — and the smile with which this quotation is received by those who surround them, must very much encourage them in that idea. They seem to think, that because the Grand Seignior wears a long beard and a long gown, and is altogether a figure such as we are not accustomed every day to contemplate, — to ex- pect vigour and decision, or good sense or sound policy from him, is an expectation in the highest degree wild and fantastical. I cannot, for my life, bring myself to understand where all this ridicule lies. I know not why the Grand Seignior should not take as correct a view of his interests, as any other power whose customs may be more conformable to our own. I am sure that RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 27 the Declaration (which we have all seen) of the motives which have guided the conduct of the Porte, is as able and masterly a composition, as correct in principles of justice, and as sound in principles of policy, as any state paper that ever was published by any cabinet of Europe. And if the dress and decorations of the Turk be all that strikes the hon. gentleman as ridiculous: — I know not why I should forbear to take the benefit that might re- sult to my arguments, from calling your attention to the antic mummeries and tri-coloured trumpery of the enlightened Execu- tive Directory of France. But I know, if I were to do so, Sir, I should be censured as illiberal, unphilosophical, and-*-(there is an- other word in fashion, which I had almost forgotten) — uncandid. Allow me, Sir, only to claim the same candour and liberality for the Turk. But your Turk is a Mahometan, it seems, and, therefore, an ally not fit for a Christian! — I do not know. Sir, but an alliance with a Mahometan may be as good as a peace with an Atheist; the sanction of its engagements may, perhaps, be as sacred, and its stipulations as likely to be fulfilled. But he is a sluggish Turk; slow to anger, and hard to be driven into action. If that be his character, what must be the provoca- tions which have roused him! But then comes the worst of all: — the Turks and Russians are naturally enemies; and yet here we find them most unnaturally al- lied together against a common enemy. In the first place. Sir, it is a little hard, that, when in favour of France, all notions of received and establshed policy, and of the balance of power in Europe, are to be utterly disregarded, and put out of the question — there is yet to be no combination against France, but upon principles strictly conformable to them. But, after all, what is there in this argument? What does it prove, — but that the aggressions of France have been so multiplied, so various, and so extraordinary, as to unite against her powers the most opposite in nature and in interest, as to make the necessity of resistance, and the duty of self-preservation supersede every narrower consideration, every motive of more particular and contracted policy. Did gentlemen suppose, then, that there is such a magic force in the hostility of France, that if she attacks, at the same time, two powers, naturally enemies to each other, the recollection of their previous hostility shall deprive each of them of the capacity of self-defence? Did any body ever see, or hear, or read of an in- stance of such rooted, and unconquerable, and unreasonable antip- athy? Can they conceive this in individual instances? If a man comes against me with a sword stained with the blood of my ene- mv, am I, therefore, to make no resistance to his attack ? For our old allies, however, it is taken for granted, that no 28 ON MR. TIERNEY's MOTION apology can be made. No good reason (it is contended) can be given, why they should not be more worthy of our confidence, more steady to our interests and their own, than they have proved themselves in the former confederacy. The honourable gentle- man has anticipated an argument which he is apprehensive may be drawn from the change of circumstances in Europe, and from the conviction which is grown up within this last year, respecting the real views and intentions of France. This argument the ho- nourable gentleman has anticipated, and declares he sees nothing in it The honourable gentleman is right in his anticipation. I certainly am disposed to use this argument; and I certainly am equally disposed to difier from the honourable gentleman as to its force and validity. I would ask the honourable gentleman, I would ask every man in the House, whether he does not know — personally and inti- mately know — many individuals in this country, the whole course and current of whose ideas, with respect to France, have of late been entirely changed ? Does he not believe that the invasion of Switzerland, for instance, that the profligate, swindling transaction with America, that the event of the negotiation at Lisle, worked a great change in the public mind in this country? Is not the ho- nourable gentleman acquainted with great and illustrious converts among what some penons have deemed the most able, the most enlightened, and most espectable characters of the age ? And by what rule, either of juA;:ice or of reason, does the honourable gen- tleman propose to limit the benefits of experience to his own countrymen alone ? Is it not possible that the statesmen of Aus- tria or of Prussia may have caught some light from what has passed upon the continent of Europe ? May not Baron Thugut or Count Haugwitz have declared (though not, perhaps, in a public tavern,) at Berlin or Vienna, that " France has thrown off the mask, if ever she wore it?" Would not they be to be believed if they had made such a declaration? Is there any thing that should make their profession incredible, and their conviction suspicious ? Or is it to the enlightened wisdom, to the penetrating and perspi- cacious sagacity, to the firm and inflexible virtue of our patriot statesmen alone, that we would confine the plea of credulity, and restrict the privilege of recantation ? I, Sir, do not see the justice of such a restriction and limita- tion: and I confess I should try the sincerity of such a recanta- tion by one test alone; by observing whether or not it were fol- lowed by any act that corresponded with its spirit and its meaning. It has been observed by ancient philosophers, that if virtue could be brought to perfection and consummation in any human mind, the possessor of it would still be an imperfect creature, inasmuch as the consciousness of his own excellence would weaken in him RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 29 one of the first and most amiable qualities of human nature — ^the indulgence for the frailties of his fellow creatures. It is, I sup- pose, from some such cause as this, that the gentlemen on the other side of the House show themselves so little indulgent to the failings and errors of our allies. Conscious that nothing of French artifice, or French wickedness, could deceive or impose upon them, they cannot forgive the folly and stupidity of those who have suffered themselves for a moment to be so deluded: nay, they are hardly content to ascribe the delusion to folly; but are forward to insinuate a suspicion of sympathy and fellow-feeling with France. We, Sir, who have not the same consciousness of infallibility in ourselves, are naturally averse from such suspicion, and more dis- posed to make good-natured allowances. And I protest, for one, that if the ministers whom I have mentioned. Baron Thugut, and Count Haugwitz, — nay, if even their masters, the Emperor of Germany, and the King of Prussia, had pledged themselves yet deeper to a mistaken opinion of France; — if the forms of the House had admitted of their being brought to your bar, and there, Sir, before God and the country, swearing upon their oaths and upon their honour, that they believed — nay, swearing that they always would continue to believe, — that the government of France was the gentlest, quietest, purest, noblest, faithfullest, best of go- vernments; — that it abhorred and detested, above all things, the idea of foreign interference with the government of other coun- tries; — that the character of the Directory had something in it of peculiar candour, ingenuity and openness; — ^that they (the wit- nesses) spoke to these facts from their own certain knowledge, — for that they had lived upon terms of the most confidential inter- course with the Directory, and their communications had been al- most entirely upon subjects of a political nature: — If, I say, Sir, such had been the testimony in favour of France, given with all the solemnity of an oath, by the great personages to whom I have referred; — I should yet be willing to allow some credit to their asservation, if they were now to come forward and tell us, that the circumstances of the conduct of France since the time when this testimony was given, that, above all, the declarations and con- fessions of France herself had completely changed their opinion; had detected the fraud which had been practised upon their judgment, and had convinced them of the profligacy, the atrocity, and the hypocrisy of the Directory. I say, Sir, I should be wil- ling to give full credit to this penitent retraction. I should be willing even to profit by their offers of future co-operation against France. Nor do I well see on what ground the honoura- ble gentlemen could reject such offers, unless they are prepared to argue (which if they are, on their own judgments be the re- 30 ON MR. TIERKEY's MOTION sponsibility, — I do not presume to give any opinion for or against such a proposition,) that " no man who has once been contami- nated by the communion of French principles, — who has been drawn, however innocently or mistakenly, into an approbation and encouragement of persons acting upon these principles, — can ever again be a sound man.'^ I, for my part, should in such a case incline to believe the recantation sincere, and to act upon it as such; — unless, indeed, at the moment of making it, the same person were to say to me, " I do not, however, so much disap- prove of French principles in themselves: I only doubt the pro- priety of their application." — Then, indeed, I admit, that I should distrust him again as much as ever. So much. Sir, as to the particular argument, that the past con- duct of our former allies ought to lead us to withhold all credit from their future professions. There is, however, another and a more general argument, comprehending alike these and the other powers of Europe; which, but that it has been stated by the hon- ourable gentleman, I should really have thought scarcely worth confutation. We, it seems — a wise, prudent, reflecting people — are much struck with all the outrages that France has committed upon the continent; but on the powers of the continent itself, no lasting impression has been made. Is this probable ? Is it possi- ble ? Is it in the nature of things, that the contemplation of the wrongs and miseries which others have endured, should have worked a deeper impression upon our minds, than the suffering of those miseries and wrongs has left on the minds of those upon whom they were actually inflicted? ^* Segnius irritant animos demissa per aures, Quam qu8B sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus." Yet the echo and report of the blows by which other countries have fallen, are supposed to have had more effect upon us, than the blows themselves produced upon the miserable victims who sunk beneath them. The pillage and bloody devastation of Italy strike us with hor- ror; — -but Italy, we are to believe, is contented with what has be- fallen her. The insults which are hurled by the French garrison from the walls of the citadel of Turin rouse resentment in our breasts; but have no effect on the feelings of the Piedmontese. TVe read with indignation of the flag of Bernadotte displayed in mockery and insult to the Emperor and his subjects; but it flaunted in the eyes of the people of Vienna without exciting any emotions of hatred or resentment. The invasion of a prov- ince of a friendly power, with whom they had no cause nor pre- text for hostility, has created in us a decided detestation for the unprincipled hypocrisy and ambition of the Directory; but the RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 31 Ottoman Porte sits down contented with the loss of Egypt; feels no injury, and desires neither reparation nor revenge. And then, Sir, the wrongs of Switzerland ! They, too, are cal- culated to excite an interest here; but the Swiss no doubt endure them with quiet resignation, and contented humility. If, after the taking of Soleure, the venerable magistrates of that place were first paraded round the town in barbarous triumph, and af- terwards, contrary to all the laws of war, of nations, and of na- ture, were inhumanly put to death; if, when the unoffending town of Sion capitulated to the French, the troops were let loose to revel in every species of licentiousness and cruelty; — if the women, after having been brutally violated, were thrown alive into the flames; if, more recently, when Stantz was carried, after a short but vigorous and honourable resistance, such as would have conciliated the esteem of any but a French conqueror, the whole town was burnt to the ground, and the ashes quenched with the blood of the inhabitants: — the bare recital of these hor- rors and atrocities awakens in British bosoms, I trust it does awaken, I trust it will long keep alive, an abhorrence of the na- tion and name of that people by whom such execrable cruelties have been practised, and such terrible calamities inflicted: but on the Swiss (we are to understand), these cruelties and calamities have left no lasting impression: the inhabitants of Soleure, who followed, with tears of anguish and indignation, their venerated magistrates to a death of terror and ignominy; the husbands and fathers and sons of those wretched victims who expired in tor- ture and in shame, beneath the brutality of a savage soldiery at Sion; the wretched survivors of those who perished in the ruins of their country at Stantz: they all felt but a transient pang: their tears by this time are dried; their rage is hushed; their re- sentment silenced: there is nothing in their feelings which can be stimulated into honourable and effectual action; there is no motive for their exertion^, upon which we can safely and perma- nently rely! Sir, I should be ashamed to waste your time by ar- guing such a question. • If, however, with such allies as there is a probability of obtain- ing, with such a chance for the fidelity and stability of those alli- ances, as the circumstances which I have mentioned appear to furnish, we are yet to be told that there is no safety in such a system ; it may be worth while to consider very shortly, whether a greater degree of security would belong to a separate treaty of peace with France concluded at the present moment, if at the present moment it were possible to conclude it. I certainly have no thoughts of troubling you at length upon this part of the sub- ject, because there is not one word in the honourable gentleman's speech which implies the belief (it would be strange indeed if h^^ 9» could believe) that any peace, on any terms, is at present within our power. But if the faith of other powers be doubtful, the perfidy of France is certain: need I enumerate the several instances of direct and profligate breach of faith which have distinguished, or rather which have marked in almost equal degree, every diplomatic act of the French Republic ? Need I recall to your memory how the preliminaries of Leoben (first granted to the Emperor to extricate Buonaparte from the difficulties of the situation into which his rashness had precipitated him) were withdrawn and cancelled by the French government, under the pretence that to claim the ex- ecution of them was to impose on the generosity of the Repub- lic? How in their room was substituted the treaty of Campt Formio ? And how the treaty of Campo Formio, after being vio lated in innumerable instances, has been almost distinctly abro- gated and renounced in the confederacies at Radstadt? Need J desire you to recollect the fraud and violence by which the French took possession of Venice, and the shameless injustice with which they the next day transferred that possession to thf- Emperor? Need I return again to Switzerland to remind you that the invasion of that devoted country was the work not of arms so much, as of treaty; that the way for pillage and devasta- tion was opened by the pretext of superintending and guarantee- ing a few parliamentary reforms ? Can we remember these things, and yet pretend to doubt if we shall have as good security for the fidelity of our allies in the prosecution of the contest, as we could build on the faith of France for its safe and honourable termination ? There is yet another point of view, in which this argument may be considered. Let us compare the expectations which we may be allowed to form of our allies, with the character and situation of the several allies of France. If we, in renewing the great confederacy of the powers of the continent, are weaving a rope of sand; — let us examine whether the connexions of France are bound to hei»by a chain which nothing can loosen. If the ground upon which we stand is false and hollow, let us see whether the alliances of France rest upon a more stable and solid foundation. If the only sure foundation of permanent alliance between nations must be laid in community of interest and of sentiment, in the sense of mutual benefits, or in the interchange of protection on the one side, and attachment on the other: — let us look round. Sir, among the states which are immediately connected with France: let us examine the benefits which they derive from her friendship, and it will not be difficult to estimate the affection which they must owe to her in return. Is it in the Cisalpine, the Roman, the , Ligurian republics, those deformed and ricketty children, upon \ RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 33 whom the mother republic has lavished so much of her care, — is it in these, however they may bear the precious resemblance of their parent, that we are to look for the fondness of filial duty and attachment? Are we to look for it in the Cisalpine Republic, whom, in preference to the others, she appears to have selected as a living subject for her experiments in political anatomy; whom she has delivered up tied and bound to a series of butch- ering, bungling philosophical professors, to distort, and mangle, and lop, and strefch its limbs into all sorts of fantastical shapes, and to hunt through its palpitating frame the vital principle of re- publicanism ? Is the infant Roman republic so gratified by the present which France has made to it of five consuls instead of two, as to forget all the miseries, the robbery, the confiscation, and the blood, by which this invaluable acquisition has been pur- chased ? Does the protection which she has afforded to the Ligu- rian Republic, entitle her to their affectionate acknowledgment and pious devotion ? Observe, I beg of you, in what a situation those unfortunate Ligurians have been placed by her. They are forced into acts of outrage and hostility against England. We declare war against them; — and such is their confidence in the protection of France, that no sooner has that war been declared, than they come crawling upon their knees to implore our pity and forbearance! Unnatural Ligurians! if they are not thankful for such an instance of the parental solicitude of France for their welfare ! Look next at that unfortunate Prince, whose dominions border upon these wretched republics: and ask, by what ties of gratitude is the King of Sardinia bound to his ally! The King of Sardinia, it is true, has not yet been precipitated from his throne; but he sits there with the sword of a French garrison suspended above his head. He retains, indeed, the style and title of King: but there is a French General to be viceroy over him. A prisoner in his own capital, surrounded by the spies and agents, and hemmed in by the arms of the Direotory, compelled to dismiss from his councils and his presence all those of his servants who were most attached to his person, and most zealous for his interests; compel- led to preach daily to his people, the mortifying and degrading lesson of that patience and humility, of which he is himself a me- lancholy example, to excuse and extenuate the insults offered by his allies to his subjects; to repress, even by force, the resentment of his subjects against his allies: — is this a situation in which the King of Sardinia can be supposed to derive comfort from the al- liance of France, and repay it with thankfulness ? Would he not, even if this were to be the extent of his suffering and degrada- tion; would he not, if he inherits the spirit of his great ancestors, if their blood flows in his veins; would he not seize, even at the 6 34 ON MR. TIERNE'YS MOTION risk of his crown and of his life, any opportunity that might be- aflforded him, to emancipate himself from a connexion so burthen- some, to shake off the weight of a friendship so intolerable ? But he well knows that he has not yet suffered all that is pre- pared for him. He knows full well that he is allowed to occupy even this shadowy and tottering throne, to grasp the " unreal mockery" of a sceptre, only so long as he shall be necessary as purveyor for the French army in Italy; or until it shall please the capricious cruelty of his tyrants to end his disgrace by annihila- tion. Perhaps the supplies for a campaign may be more readily procured by the operations of a regular government, than they could be by any new upstart revolutionary power, in a country agitated by the ferment of political change. Perhaps the lust of destroying may overbear this prudential consideration. But, at all events, the war in Italy once over, whether it be in the tide of victory, or in the ebb and reflux of defeat, that the French ar- mies return through Piedmont, their passage will alike be fatal ta this unhappy monarch and to his people; they will equally sweep away with them, in a torrent, whatever remains of royalty and of established government; and will leave behind them the same wreck, the same shapeless ruins, with which the fair face of the neighbouring countries is already encumbered and deformed. But, perhaps, with more powerful and more respected allieSy with those whose names were brought forward with such a dis- play and ostentation in the negotiation at Lisle, as inseparably connected with the honour and interests of the French Republic; perhaps with Holland and with Spain a greater degree of forbear- ance has been observed; a more friendly and liberal intercourse has been established; a more honourable and independent system of communication has been maintained. The friendship of Holland! The independence of Spain! Is there a man so besotted as to suppose, that there is one hour of peace with France preserved by either of these unhappy coun- tries; that there is one syllable of friendship uttered by them to- wards France, but what is extorted by the immediate pressure, or by the dread and terror of French arms ? — " mouth-honour, breath, Which the poor heart would fain refuse, but dare not!" Have the regenerated republic of Holland, or the degraded monarchy of Spain, such reason to rejoice in the protection of the French Republic, that they would voluntarily throw themselves between her and any blow which might menace her existence? Holland once had wealth, had industry, had commerce. Where are they now? Gone; swallowed up in the all-devouring gulf of French bankruptcy. Holland once had flourishing colonies; them, perhaps, France has preserved for her. The flag of the RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 35 enemies of France is flying at Ceylon, and at the Cape of Good Hope. Holland had once a navy, a navy of strength and gallan- try and reputation, a navy which has often contended even with our own, and contended with no mean exertion, for the mastery of the sea ? Where is it now ? Where is the skill which directed, the promptness, courage, and vigour, which manned it? All ut- terly destroyed and gone. The baneful touch of French frater- nity has blasted the reputation, has unmanned the strength, has bowed the spirit, of the people, in the same proportion as it has exhausted the resources of the country. The spirit of the people is bowed, it is true; but let us trust that it is not broken; let us hope that, if an opening should be presented, it may yet spring up with sudden and irresistible violence, to the astonishment and overthrow of its oppressors. Spain, however, it may be said, is still powerful, and still a monarchy; to Spain, therefore, the friendship of France must have been offered on more equal and durable terms. An alliance with a Bourbon, cemented with Bourbon blood, cannot but be lasting. I look at Spain, Sir, and it must be owned I find her still a monarchy: she has not yet received the blessings of a Di- rectory and two councils. But, I confess, I perceive no one of those features by which the monarchy of Spain has heretofore been distinguished. I see nothing of power; I can discover noth- ing of policy. I know, that to be engaged in an impolitic war, is not of itself an unheard of, or an unaccountable novelty. Spain has, no doubt, been often engaged, as well as other powers, in wars of pride, in wars of ambition, in wars of doubtful or mif?- taken interest. In an absolute monarchy, too, like Spain, it must often have happened, that, in matters of war, or alliance, as well as of internal regulation and domestic policy, the will of the prince, guided either by shallow favouritism, or by crooked in- trigue, has at times adopted measures prejudicial to the welfare of his subjects. A powerful and haughty nobility, a numerous and highly privileged clergy, may, at other times, have given an im- pulse to the direction of affairs, agreeable only to their own preju- dices and partial interests. At other times, again, the tempest of popular fury has overborne, both the will of the prince and the power of the aristocracy, and driven the machine of government wholly out of its natural course and direction. But a situation of things, in which the crown is enthralled, the aristocracy hum- bled, and the nation in general degraded and impoverished, not by the effects of internal struggle, or the perverse preponderance of any one party or member of the state, but by the palpable, undis- guised, and oppressive agency of a foreign power: this is, indeed, an unusual situation for an independent kingdom. Such is, how- ever, the situation of Spain. The power of the monarch, the 36 - ON MR. TIERNEY'S MOTION prejudices and privileges of the higher orders, the comfort, hap- piness, and almost subsistence of the mass of people, are all em- barked together in a war, of which the success or failure must be equally fatal to them all: a war which has committed that coun- try with an enemy whpm it dares not face, and has linked it to the fortunes, and subjected it to the will of an ally, whose friend- ship is more formidable than hostility: a war which has brought into contempt the authority of the government, and the character of the nation; which has exhausted their commercial and annihi- lated their military marine: which, in precluding their intercourse with their colonies, has cut off the springs of wealth that fed the state, and the streams of commerce that enriched the country ; a war, which has done more in two short years, under the auspices of France, to carry into execution that vote of the British parlia- ment in 1707, to wrest the monarchy of Spain and the Spanish West Indies from the possession of the house of Bourbon, than all the exertions of this country could ever have effected, than all its enmity could ever have desired. So fatal has been to Spain already the friendship of the French Republic; and such are the obligations by which she is bound t6 it in perpetual allegiance and fidelity! But this is not yet all: the King of Spain has yet to drink the bitter dregs of misery and degradation. Sir, when Louis XlVth broke up the conferences of Gertruy- denberg, rather than submit to the proposal of turning his arms against his grandson; whatever our dislike of his former inso- lence, or our detestation of his ambition may be, we cannot refuse our approbation to this just display of spirit and of feeling. Fal- len as he then was from the splendour of his high fortunes, and, in some measure, at the mercy of his enemies; we cannot but ap- plaud the honourable pride with which, while conceding territory and dominion as the price of peace, he yet rejected peace itself, when it was to be purchased with ignominy. I think, too, we cannot but condemn the cruel and ungenerous policy which dic- tated the demand of such a sacrifice. But this, we are to recol- lect, was the demand of a triumphant enemy. Mark now the ex- tortion of a protecting friend! The King of Spain, exhausted in his resources, and disgraced in his arms, by a war carried on at the instigation, and for the exclusive interests of the French Di- rectory, is, in return for these exertions, commanded by that Di- rectory to employ what remains of the strength and power of his kingdom, for the conquest of Portugal, for the subversion of the throne to which his daughter is heir. Have we the feelings of men, and do we doubt what sentiments of indignation and disgust this outrageous command must have excited in the bosom of a father and a king ? RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 37 Now, Sir, there is a story, and it was a good one until the French got hold of it — the story of William Tell. I think I need hardly make the application. Would it appear to us a sur- prising or an unnatural thing, if the King of Spain, urged, and finally compelled to point his last weapon at the crown of his daughter, should turn round, in the fury of despair, and aim it at the bosom of the tyrant who dictated the blow ? I have not troubled the House with this enumeration, as con- ceiving it to hold out in itself inducements and temptations for the continuance of the war; supposing that we had any choice as to continuing or concluding it But forced as we are to persevere in the contest, and expedient as it appears, that we should furnish ourselves with whatever means we can procure for conducting it to a termination consistent with our safety and our honour, and convinced, as I think every man must be, that the co-operation of other powers affords, at least, one great instrument for such an ex- ertion; it does, I think, seem material, when against the system of alliances no argument is so loudly urged as the probability of those alliances proving unfaithful and unsound. It does, I think, seem material, to ascertain, whether this hazai-d is peculiar to our situation alone; or whether, if, on the one hand, we have but fee- ble assistance, we are likely, on the other hand, to have any thing but feebleness to oppose. Committed with our enemy single handed, France to England, what should we fear ? But if the ac- cession of allies is to us an accession of weakness, is it not some- thing to be assured that to France it is not an accession of perma- nent and formidable strength ? — that if France has the means of seducing our allies, we have the satisfaction of feeling that our interests cannot be indifferent to the allies of France? — that men called on her side, and fighting under her banners, cannot fail in their secret hearts to pray that the victory may be on our side ? Is not this the case ? Do we not know it to be so ? Who is there that has not heard, and heard with heartfelt delight, that the glorious victory of the first of August communicated a sensation of triumph and of joy, not only to the heart of England ; not only to the bosoms of those nations whose deliverance it more immediately effected; not only to nations neutral in name, but who feel, in spite of their neutrality, that their independent ex- istence is involved in the issue of the contest; but even to nations nominally hostile to Great Britain, to governments, the slaves of the power, or creatures of the caprice of France ? The presence of a French ambassador could scarce repress the burst of exulta- tion in courts that trembled at his frown. The whispered satis- faction went round in circles, where an open manifestation of joy would have been treason ; and even the vassal republics leaped in their chains. 38 ON MR. TIERNEY's MOTION Oh! but, however willing. the allies of France might be to seize a favourable opportunity for shaking off the yoke of her protection, were we even able to rally them on our side in the outset of the contest, their assistance would be nothing worth. Exhausted and dispirited as they are, they have neither the heart nor strength to fight the battle of independence! True, Sir, they have been cruelly reduced and broken down. It is true, that many of them have been moulded and distorted into shapes so strange and unnatural, that they scarce have limbs to use, or the power of self-motion remaining; but yet, even so, they are not wholly without vigour and vitality, — " Spoliatis arma supersunt The arms which they have remaining, are the arms most terrible to tyrants: their wrongs, their desperation, their desire of re- venge. Let France appeal to the bad passions of our allies; let her cajole their fears, or inflame their appetite for aggrandizement. The foundations of our tacit but intimate alliance with the allies of France^ are already laid, in their just resentment, in their proud indignation, in every virtuous and every honourable feel- ing. When did §uch a contest terminate in giving ultimate and permanent prepotiderance to evil ? If I do not venture to antici- pate a fortunate result amounting to the full completion of our sanguine and justifiable expectations, I may surely ask, what has France done to deserve that the ordinary course of human events should be reversed in her favour? But then. Sir, another and a graver doubt is stated. It is doubted whether, with half the world in arms on our side, the ob- jects which we might hope to obtain, would be, in any just and politic sense, British objects. I, Sir, have not sat long enough in this House to remember the time, but a time I am told there was, when if I had ventured to hesitate a doubt whether or not the situation of the powers of the continent, relatively to us or to each other, and the general balance of Europe (as it is called) were objects of British concern, I should have been scouted and laughed at as a driveller and an idiot, or reviled as a presumptu- ous arraigner of the wisdom and policy of our ancestors. I un- derstand that all this is now changed. I understand that the great authorities, from whom I should more particularly have ex- pected such a censure, if I had ventured such an opinion, have entirely thrown away and abandoned their favourite system; and are now more strenuous in decrying those who maintain it, than \hey were before in propagating it themselves. I cannot account for these eccentricities; but I do not presume to blame them. They at least teach me to proceed with caution; and rather to inquire with great humility from the honourable gentlemen on the other side of the House, whether or no such and such things RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. ^9 are objects of interest to our country, than to state any affirma- tive opinion of my own upon the subject. The honourable gentleman mentioned the East Indies, and alluded to the expedition to Egypt as having threatened our pos- sessions in that quarter. Is then the deliverance of Egypt from a French army a British object 7 Does the honourable gentleman, or does any man, believe, that if peace had been concluded at Lisle, this expedition would at all the less have been undertaken ? Does he believe that, in that case to defeat the expedition would have been equally a British object 7 And does he think that, af- ter the peace made at Lisle, we should have been equally in a condition to defeat it? Would not the co-operation of the Turk have been then desirable, to enable us to effect that purpose ? Is it less desirable now ? If, by his co-operation, we are enabled to confound and expel that horde of robbers, and buccaneers, who have taken possession of his Egyptian territory; or (what I should like much better), to shut them up on all sides, and leave them there to be quietly and gradually exterminated — is this no advan- tage to Great Britain ? Was the purpose of the honourable gen- tleman's motion to preclude the possibility of this event? If, by the joint assistance of Russia and the Porte, we could sweep the Levant and the Mediterranean of the scattered remnants of this piratical armament; if the coasts of Italy were thus rendered un- assailable by the enemy, and the southern coasts of France thus laid open to our attack, and the ports and commerce of the Medi- terranean and Levant secured to us; are these British objects? Are the Netherlands a British object? I have heard that the de- pendence of the Netherlands on France, has in former times been considered as so prejudicial to this country, that there was no case in which that object alone would not have been a sufficient cause for prolonging or for even engaging in a war. I do not as- sert that this is so. But if there be any truth in this opinion, and if, by a vigorous co-operation on the part of Austria or Prussia, or both, we might have a chance of wresting this possession from France, — will the honourable gentleman, will any other man in the House, be the person to get up and say, " This you might ef- fect, but I will prevent you ?" If by the help of Prussia, we might hope to rescue Holland from her present state of servitude and degradation, to raise her head once more among the indepen- dent powers of Europe, a rich, a flourishing and a happy country, connected with us by old habits, common interest, and the recip- rocation of commercial advantages; will any man say that this: would not be a British object? will any man lay in his claim now, would any man be proud hereafter to have entitled himself^ to the credit of having thrown an insuperable impediment in the way of the rescue and restoration of Holland ? ^ ON MR. TIERNEY's MOTION And yet, Sir, Holland has heretofore been thought to be so in- timately interesting to this country, especially by gentlemen who used to sit on that side of the House, and to whose former opinions on foreign politics I have been accustomed to attach no small de- gree of respect and consideration, that, if I am rightly informed, (for it is much beyond my memory in parliament) the only act of my right honourable friend's administration which has had the good fortune to receive the approbation and applause of those gen- tlemen, and upon which they lavished as large and unqualified praise as his warmest supporters could have afforded him, was a spirited and judicious exertion by which, in the year 1787, the designs of France in Holland were defeated (at the risk of a war), and the ascendancy of this country secured. I cannot believe that if we were now debating, if it possibly could be fit matter for this House to debate, " whether or no, having an opportunity to conclude a peace in all other respects desirable, we should continue the war for the single purpose of the deliverance of Holland alone?" I cannot believe that those persons to whom I have referred, holding the principles which they have heretofore professed, could hesitate to give their vote in the affirmative. If I am wrong in this supposition, I desire only to be informed, where, and when, and how, the change in the policy of the country took place ? Is the ambition of France less formidable now ? Is her desire of aggrandizement less noto- rious ? Is her power less terrible ? Is her hostility to this coun- try less acrimonious? than when, in the year 1786, the commer- cial treaty with France was arrianged, by the same persons whose maxims of foreign policy I have already quoted, not as unfavour- able to Great Britain, but as likely to take off the edge of our na- tional antipathy against France? When my right honourable friend was attacked and reviled for having, in a paltry search af- ter mercantile profit, wholly abandoned the doctrines of our an- cestors, and improvidently thrown away the safety of posterity, by admitting the possibility of any relations between this country and France, except those of jealous rivalry or open contest; for having attempted to lull England into the belief that the ambition of France, because not active at the moment, was extinguished; that her power, because not exerted, had ceased to be formidable: that her professions of friendship could mean any thing, but to gain time and strength; that her apparent pacific disposition could be any thing but a drawing of breath against the renewal of hos- tilities ? If all this is changed, allow me to inquire of those who can in- struct me, by what process the change has been wrought? and at what period ? What is its origin and date ? Did it come in with the new style ? Was it on primidi, duodi or decadi, in what RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 41 month, and in what year, of the new republican calendar? Did the old system expire in September, and the new one begin with Fructidor? I really ask for information. I do not mean to ques- tion the propriety of the alteration, but to get at the reason of it. I am not too old to learn. But I cannot take it upon authority alone: and that, too, an authority which has always hitherto been on the other side. I must continue to repeat my old catechism, until I am sufficiently illuminated to understand the articles of the new. Till then, I must continue to ask, with some degree of earnest- ness, if any one of the objects which I have enumerated, may possibly be obtained by an alliance with the powers of the conti- nent, much more if we could be sanguine enough to suppose that such an opening might arise as would lead to the attainment of them all, as would lead to the reduction of France within her an- cient limits, and to the replacing Europe nearly in the situation in which it stood before the commencement of the war; whether or no it is possible for a member of the British parliament to enter- tain so extraordinary and perverse an ambition as to be desirous of having it to say hereafter, " All this might, perhaps, have been accomplished, but, by a single motion, I prevented it all ?" Understand me. Sir, however, that I do not mean to undertake that if the honourable gentleman's motion should not pass, all this will, therefore, be accomplished. We are debating now, not whether or no such and such exertions will lead to such and such results, but whether or no we shall gratuitously throw away the only chance which we have for the exertions being made. The honourable gentleman does not affirm that Europe cannot be saved; he only desires that we may have no share, that we may give no encouragement for saving it. In answer to such a proposition, it is not necessary for me to argue (what is not denied) that the suc- cess of the experiment is probable: it is only necessary for me to ask, whether its success is so improbable, and its nature so unin- teresting, that you will detennine beforehand that it ought not to be tried ? The honourable gentleman, however, for his part declares, that he " washes his hands of the whole business.'^ . The honourable gentleman has a habit. Sir, (which I do not mention to disapprove it) of appealing to the testimony of his conscience, and of hold- ing out to his opponents the miseries which must accrue from " pillows stuft with thorns." Has the honourable gentleman ever considered the present situation of Switzerland in this point of view? And is he so eager to " wash his hands " of any share in her possible emancipation ? Is it necessary as a balm to his con- science ? Will it strew his pillow with roses, to be able to say to himself, " If the people of Switzerland succeed in breakmg the 7 E* 43 ON MR. TIERNEY'8 MOTION galling fetters of an intolerable and bloody tyranny, thank God, I have given no aid to their efforts! I can lay my hand upon my heart and declare, that for aught I would have done for them, or would have encouraged them to do for themselves, the Swiss should have continued to groan in bitterness of sorrow, in abase- ment and despair. Fight your own battles, miserable Swiss! — England has no sympathy with your sufferings! — Bind tighter their fetters, sanguinary Directory! — You have nothing to dread from English interference ! " Bleed, bleed, poor country ! Great tyranny, lay thou thy basis sure. For goodness dares not check thee !" Such, Sir, is the language of the honourable gentleman's mo- tion. But such, I trust, is not the sense of those who have heard it. I, too, will appeal to the conscientious feelings of individuals. I might appeal to their recorded professions in the almost unani- mous vote upon the address to His Majesty, at the beginning of the session; but, I confess, when I can reach the heart and spirit, I prefer a direct appeal to them, to any argument that rests on mere formal ties or technical obligations. I might remind every gentleman who hears me, that he has concurred in an address to the throne, expressing his hearty hope that the opening afforded by the glorious successes of His Majesty's arms, may lead to " the general deliverance of Europe;" and pledging himself, in no equivocal manner, to assist with his voice and counsel in the pro. secution of this important object. I might require them to re- concile, if they can, the pledge there taken with a motion which contradicts both its letter and its meaning. But I prefer going home with every man to his own bosom, and desiring him to re- member, what were his first individual impressions upon receiving the account of Lord Nelson's stupendous achievement? What was the language of every society in which he happened to be conversant? The first sentiment, undoubtedly, was that of thanks and praise to the heroes who had thus exalted the name, the pow- er, and the glory, of their country, and of humble gratitude to that Providence which had so signally prospered their exertions. But next — what occurred to every man's feelings and understand- ing? what was the question which immediately succeeded to the first burst of wonder, the first transport of thankfulness, the first emotions of rapture and delight? I see I am anticipated, "What effect will this have upon the powers of the continent?" This was the question asked and echoed by a thousand tongues. What then was the meaning of this question? Was it the offspring of cold speculation ? of idle curiosity ? No. It sprung from the in- stantaneous, and almost instinctive, conviction, that, in spite of all the sophisticated argument that may be urged to dissuade us from RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 43 a generous sympathy with the fates and fortunes of other nations^, we have an interest in the liberties of the continent; that our " assurance is doubly sure," when those around us are preserved from destruction ; that we can be but precariously safe, so long a» there is no safety for the rest of Europe. Depend upon it. Sir, in all questions which partake equally of reason and of feeling, the first impressions of a good heart and sound mind are rarely to be distrusted. They may be sanguine; they may be romantic; they may represent the object desired as much nearer, than in the practical pursuit it turns out to be; but as to the object itself, they are seldom misdirected. And I be- lieve that any man of honest and liberal feelings, who can recol- lect what were his first impressions upon any subject, in the con- sideration of which the heart, as well as the understanding, was engaged, will find that, in consulting those impressions, he has not been led astray. How stands the case in the present instance ? Have we any reason to repent or to be ashamed of the wishes that sprung up in our bosoms upon this occasion ? Was the im- pulse too generous, and must it be restrained ? Was the benevo- lence too large, and must it be contracted ? What new circum- stances have arisen to vary our original view of the subject? Has England become less powerful to interfere ? Has the slavery of the continent been lightened ? or the tyranny of France softened or subdued ? Or has some disposition for peace been manifested by the enemy? such as throws difficulty in the way of any hos- tile and offensive operations against them; and requires that we should rest on our arms until their intentions shall be more clear- ly explained ? I have heard of nothing of this sort — Has the hon- ourable gentleman ? He has mentioned nothing of it. He has not pretended that France is willing to negotiate. He has not ad- vised that we should propose a negotiation. He has, indeed, given it as his opinion that peace is desirable; and he has drawn some arguments to this effect from Ireland, from the East Indies, and from St. Domingo. I shall not follow him into these arguments; both because I think that they may, all of them, with much greater propriety, be reserved for a separate discussion in their due time; and because, unless this motion were to be understood distinctly as a motion for peace, I do not see how they can be made to bear upon the present discussion. But does the honourable gentleman intend his motion, as a mo- tion for peace? Then, indeed, I should have a worse opinion of it than I had before. For is this the way to go about such a busi- ness, with any prospect, or with any serious appearance of a de- sire of success? If the honourable gentleman really thinks this a moment for opening a negotiation — why has he not the candour and manliness to say so? Let him bring the matter distinctly to H ON MR. TIERNEY'S MOTION a question; and let us argue it. I have no hesitation in saying that it is my decided opinion that this is not the moment. But my opinion is more decided still, that, if this were the moment, the honourable gentleman has chosen the very worst possible way for availing ourselves of the opening. Is it dignity, and etiquette, and national honour, that stands in the way of a more direct attempt at negotiation ? Is it necessary, in the honourable gentleman's judgment, that France should make the first overtures? I confess. Sir, I have no such delicacy; and if the moment seemed to me proper for any overtures at all, I should not raise much squabble about who should offer, or who should receive them. But if the honourable gentleman has this 'delicacy, mark, I entreat you, how delicately he manages it. He will not speak to France, but he would speak at her. He will not propose — not he — that we should say to the Directory, "Will you make peace?" No, Sir, we are merely to say to ourselves, loud enough for the Directory to overhear us, " I wish these French gentlemen would make an overture to us.'. Now, Sir, does this save the dignity of the country ? or is it only a sneak- ing, shabby way of doing what, if fit to be done at all, must, to have any serious effect, be done openly, unequivocally, and di- rectly? But I beg the honourable gentleman's pardon: I misre- present him; I certainly do. His motion does not amount even to so much as I have stated. He begins farther oflf. The solilo- quy which he prompts us by his motion is no more than this — " We must continue to make war against France, to be sure — and we are sorry for it, but we will not do it as if we bore malice. We will not make an ill-natured, hostile kind of war any longer — that we won't. And who knows, but, if they should happen to overhear this resolution, as the Directory are good-natured at bottom, their hearts may soften and grow kind towards us — and then they will offer to make a peace!" And thus, Sir, and thus only, is the motion a motion for peace. But the honourable gentleman reproaches His Majesty's minis- ters that they have lost all their pacific dispositions; that they are become inveterately and incurably warlike; that the spirit of moderation, which he so much commended in the manifesto of last year, is evaporated; and that, however they may have stood out against Lord Duncan's victory, that of Lord Nelson has in- toxicated and inflamed them to madness. That the confidence of the country is indeed high, I am happy to acknowledge; and that the government partakes the spirit of the people, I am equally willing to believe. But that this spirit has started suddenly out of the late victory, and is exclusively to be attributed to it, I cannot agree. It was confirmed, indeed, by that victory, a victory which would have created a spirit if it had RESPECTING PEACE WITH FRANCE. 45 not found one. But that the spirit existed before the event of the first of August, is no derogation to the glory of that day, and is a proud accession of dignity to the character of the country. It adds new lustre to the character of the country; it places in a more conspicuous light the talents and reputation of Lord Nelson, that before we were in possession of the confidence which grew out of his victory, we had the confidence to presume it. Let us recollect only the days and months of anxiety which we passed, before the intelligence of that memorable event had reach- ed us. It was an anxiety, not of apprehension, but of impatience. Our prayers were put up, not for success, but for an opportunity of deserving it: we asked, not that Nelson might conquer Buona- parte, but that Buonaparte might not have the triumph of deceiv- ing and escaping him; not that we might gain the battle, but that we might find the enemy : for th'e rest we had nothing to fear — " Concurrant pariter cum ratibus rates ; Spectent Numina Ponti, et Palmam, qui meruit, ferat !" Standing, then, in our present proud and exalted situation, for- tified by that confidence which has its foundation in the good sense, the spirit, the unexampled prosperity of the nation, and which, by the blessing of Providence, the signal and glorious successes of our arms have been established and confirmed, what is the best advantage that can be made of such a situation? " Hoard up your safety for your own use," says the motion of the honour- able gentleman. " Lend a portion of it to other nations, that it may be returned to you tenfold, in the preservation and security of the world," — is the dictate of a larger, and, I think, a sounder policy. But the nations of the continent, the honourable gentleman will tell us, stood by, while we were engaged in a struggle in which our very existence was at stake, without offering any as- sistance, or manifesting any interest in our preservation: un- doubtedly, so they did: and undoubtedly, as the honourable gen- tleman insinuates, our revenge is now in our power. We may tell those, who abandoned us at that moment of peril, that it is now our turn to take breath, while they are contending; that to us is now the respite, and to them the toil; that as they left us contentedly to our fate, we consign them unpityingly to theirs. We may do this in strict retalliation : but I think a British House of Commons will feel that we have a nobler vengeance in our power. We hav^e it in our power to say to the nations of Europe: "You deserted us at our utmost need; but the first use that we make of our prosperity is, to invite you to partake of it. We disdained to call you in, reluctant as you appeared, to share our 46 ON MR. TIERNEy's MOTION, &C. danger; but, we are now, by our own exertions, secure; come, now, and take shelter under our security." Sir, they were wise words that were spoken by a great states- man and orator of ancient times, under circumstances not wholly unlike the present circumstances of the world. " If by any su- perhuman testimony, for to such a paradox no testimony merely human could possibly obtain belief, if by an angel from Heaven I were to be assured, that the farther the enemy pushed his con- quests over other countries, the more territory he acquired — the more governments he subverted — the more nations he subdued, — by so much the more quiet, the more harmless, the more friend- ly neighbour he would be to this country: I protest that I would not, even with this view, and under these conditions, consent to give my vote for the slavery of Europe. But if there be no man upon ea^th who will venture to assert so monstrous a proposition; if the very reverse of all this be demonstrably true; if every step that the enemy takes upon the continent be a step to the ac- complishment of our destruction ; if every city that he ransacks, every district that he acquires, be a fund of wealth and a levy of soldiers, to be employed hereafter in an exterminating war against us: then, in God's name, to what do we look? or wherefore are we hesitating?" Since, then. Sir, this motion appears to me to be founded on no principle of policy or necessity; sin