Ay, at Phllippi jv. 3. 28a) SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDY OF JULIUS C^SAR. Edited, with Notes, BY WILLIAM J. ROLFE, A.M., FORMERLY HEAD MASTER OF THE HIGH SCHOOL, CAMBRIDGE, MASS. WITH ENGRA VINGS. NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE. 1889. 1 ENGLISH CLASSICS'. Edited by WM. J. ROLFE, A.M. Illustrated. i6mo, Cloth, 56 cents per volume ; Paper, 40 cents per volume. . • «• > «-,* \ 1 ShAKESVEASb'S WORKS. The Merchant of Venice. The Tamuie of the Shrew. ; A}\ y Well Aat Ends Well. - Corioianus. , ' * The' Comedy of Errors. Othello. 'i**l*** p *l Julius &&*. A Midsiimnier-Nig'htV Dream." Macbeth. Cymbeline. Hamlet. Antony and Cleopatra. Much Ado about Nothing. Measure for Measure. Romeo and Juliet. Merry Wives of Windsor. Love's Labour 's Lost. As You Like It. The Tempest. Two Gentlemen of Verona. Twelfth Night. Timon of Athens. The Winter's Tale. Troilus and Cressida. King John. Henry VI. Part I. Richard II. Henry VI. Part II. Henry IV. Part I. Henry VI. Part III. Pericles, Prince of Tyre. Henry IV. Part II. Henry V. The Two Noble Kinsmen. Richard III. Venus and Adonis, Lucrece, etc Henry VIII. Sonnets. King Lear. Titus Andronicus. Goldsmith's Select Poems. Gray's Select Poems. Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. t3^~ Any of the above ivorks will be sent by mail, postage frePaid, to any part of the United States, on receipt of the price. IDr- 'T. Copyright, 1872, by Harper & Brothers. Copyright, 1883, by Harper & Brothers. CONTENTS. Page Introduction to Julius Caesar : 7 I. The History of the Play 7 II. The Historical Sources of the Play 8 III. Critical Comments on the Play 11 JULIUS CAESAR 35 Act 1 37 u n 55 J" • 73 " IV 94 " V. 109 Notes 123 M69919 THE TIBER. CAIUS JULIUS C^SAR. INTRODUCTION JULIUS C^SAR, I. THE HISTORY OF THE PLAY. " The Tr aged ie of Julius Caesar"* was first published in the Folio of 1623, where it occupies pages 109-130 in the division of" Tragedies." It was printed with remarkable accuracy, and no play of Shakespeare's presents fewer textual difficulties. The date at which the drama was written has been vari- ously fixed by the critics. According to Malone, it " could not have appeared before 1607." Collier argues that it must * This is the title at the beginning of the play and at the head of each page, but in the Table of Contents (or, as it is called, "A Catalogve of the seuerall Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies contained in this Vol- ume") it is given as "The Life and Death of Julius Caesar." 8 JULIUS CALSAR. have been acted before 1603. Knight believes it to be "one of the latest works of Shakespeare." Craik* comes to the conclusion that it u can hardly be assigned to a later date than the year 1607, but there is nothing to prove that it may not be of considerably earlier date." White infers from the style that "it was probably brought out between 1605 and 1608." Gervinus (in his Shakespeare Commentaries} decides that it "was composed before 1603, about the same time as Hamlet 7" and he adds that this is " confirmed not only by the frequent external references to Caesar which we find in Hamlet, but still more by the inner relations of the two plays." More recently (ir his folio edition of Shakespeare, 1865), Halliwell has shown that it was written " in or before the year i6o:i,' w *.'^rhis appears " from the following lines in Wee- vcr's Mirror of Martyrs, printed in that year — lines which unquestionably are to be traced to a recollection of Shake- speare's drama, not to that of the history as given by Plutarch : " ' The many-headed multitude were drawne By Brutus' speech, that Caesar was ambitious ; When eloquent Mark Antonie had showne His vertues, who but Brutus then was vicious ?' " II. THE HISTORICAL SOURCES OF THE PLAY. It appears from Peck's " Collection of divers curious his- torical pieces, etc." (appended to his Memoirs of Oliver Crom- well), that a Latin play on this subject, entitled " Epilogus Caesaris interfecti," had been written as early as 1582, by Dr. Richard Eedes, and acted at Christ Church College, Oxford. This was very likely the drama referred to in Hamlet (iii. 2): "JTizmlet. My lord, you play'd once i' th' university, you say ? Polonius. That did I, my lord ; and was accounted a good actor. Hamlet. What did you enact ? Polonius. I did enact Julius Caesar : I was kill'd i' th' Capitol ; Brutus kill'd me." * English of Shakespeare, Rolfe's ed., pp. 44-49. INTRO D UCTION. Stephen Gosson also, in his School of Abuse, 1579, mentions a play entitled "The History of Caesar and Pompey ;" and there were doubtless other early English plays based on the story of Caesar. But the only source from which Shakespeare ap- pears to have derived his materials was Sir Thomas North's version of Plutarch 's Lives (translated from the French of Amyot), first published in 1579. He has followed his au- thority closely, not only in the main incidents, but often in the minutest details of the action. This has been well stated IO JULIUS CAESAR. by Gervinus in his Shakespeare Commentaries :* "The com- ponent parts of the drama are borrowed from the biographies of Brutus and Caesar in such a manner that not only the his- torical action in its ordinary course, but also the single char- acteristic traits in incidents and speeches, nay, even single expressions and words, are taken from Plutarch ; even such as are not anecdotal or of an epigrammatic nature, even such as one unacquainted with Plutarch would consider in form and manner to be quite Shakespearian, and which have not unfrequently been quoted as his peculiar property, testifying to the poet's deep knowledge of human nature. From the triumph over Pompey (or rather over his sons), the silencing of the two tribunes, and the crown offered at the Lupercalian feast, until Caesar's murder, and from thence to the battle of Philippi and the closing words of Antony, which are in part exactly as they were delivered, all in this play is essentially Plutarch. The omens of Caesar's death, the warnings of the augur and of Artemidorus, the absence of the heart in the animal sacrificed, Calphurnia's dream ; the peculiar traits of Caesar's character, his superstition regarding the touch of barren women in the course, his remarks about thin people like Cassius ; all the circumstances about the conspiracy where no oath was taken, the character of Ligarius, the with- drawal of Cicero ; the whole relation of Portia to Brutus, her words, his reply, her subsequent anxiety and death ; the cir- cumstances of Caesar's death, the very arts and means of Decius Brutus to induce him to leave home, all the minutest particulars of his murder, the behaviour of Antony and its result, the murder of the poet Cinna ; further on, the conten- tion between the republican friends respecting Lucius Pella and the refusal of the money, the dissension of the two con- cerning the decisive battle, their conversation about suicide, the appearance of Brutus's evil genius, the mistakes in the * Bunnett's Translation, London, 1863. This passage immediately pre- cedes the one quoted in the " Critical Comments on the Play" below. INTRODUCTION. tl battle, its double issue, its repetition, the suicide of both friends, and Cassius's death by the same sword with which he killed Caesar — all is taken from Plutarch's narrative, from which the poet had only to omit whatever destroyed the unity of the action." The period of the action of the play extends from the feast of the Lupercalia, in February of the year 44 B.C., to the battle of Philippi, in the autumn of the year 42 B.C. MARCUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. III. CRITICAL COMMENTS ON THE PLAY. [Fro?n Hazlitfs " Characters of Shakespear's T/ays."] Shakespear has in this play and elsewhere shown the same penetration into political character and the springs of public events as into those of every-day life. For instance, the whole design of the conspirators to liberate their country fails from the generous temper and overweening confidence of Brutus in the goodness of their cause and the assistance of others. Thus it has always been. Those who mean well themselves think well of others, and fall a prey to their security. That humanity and honesty which dispose men to resist injustice and tyranny render them unfit to cope with the cunning and 12 TULIPS C/ESAR. power of those who are opposed to them. The friends of liberty trust to the professions of others because they are themselves sincere, and endeavour to reconcile the public good with the least possible hurt to its enemies, who have no regard to anything but their own unprincipled ends, and stick at nothing to accomplish them. Cassius was better cut out for a conspirator. His heart prompted his head. His watch- ful jealousy made him fear the worst that might happen, and his irritability of temper added to his inveteracy of purpose, and sharpened his patriotism. The mixed nature of his mo- tives made him fitter to contend with bad men. The vices are never so well employed as in combating one another. Tyranny and servility are to be dealt with after their own fashion ; otherwise they will triumph over those who spare them, and finally pronounce their funeral panegyric, as An- tony did that of Brutus : "All the conspirators, save only he, Did that they did in envy of great Caesar ; He only in a general honest thought, And common good to all, made one of them." The quarrel between Brutus and Cassius is managed in a masterly way. The dramatic fluctuation of passion, the calm- ness of Brutus, the heat of Cassius, are admirably described ; and the exclamation of Cassius on hearing of the death of Portia, which he does not learn till after their reconciliation, u How scap'd I killing when I cross'd you so ?" gives double force to all that has gone before. The scene between Brutus and Portia, where she endeavours to extort the secret of the conspiracy from him, is conceived in the most heroical spirit, and the burst of tenderness in Brutus — " You are my true and honourable wife : As dear to me as are the ruddy drops That visit my sad heart" — is justified by her whole behaviour. Portia's breathless im- patience to learn the event of the conspiracy, in the dialogue INTRODUCTION. 13 with Lucius, is full of passion. The interest which Portia takes in Brutus, and that which Calphurnia takes in the fate of Caesar, are discriminated with the nicest precision. Mark Antony's speech over the dead body of Caesar has been justly admired for the mixture of pathos and artifice in it : that of Brutus certainly is not so good. The entrance of the conspirators to the house of Brutus is rendered very impressive. In the midst of this scene we meet with one of those careless and natural digressions which occur so frequently and beautifully in Shakespear. After Cas- sius has introduced his friends one by one, Brutus says, "They are all welcome. What watchful cares do interpose themselves Betwixt your eyes and night ? Cassius. Shall I entreat a word ? [Brutics and Cassius whisper, Decius. Here lies the east : doth not the day break here ? Casca. No. Cinna. O pardon, sir, it doth ; and yon gray lines, That fret the clouds, are messengers of day. Casca. You shall confess that you are both deceiv'd : Here, as I point my sword, the sun arises ; Which is a great way growing on the south, Weighing the youthful season of the year. Some two months hence, up higher toward the north He first presents his fire, and the high east Stands, as the Capitol, directly here." We cannot help thinking this graceful familiarity better than all the fustian in the world. The truth of history in Julius Ceesar is very ably worked up with dramatic effect. The councils of generals, the doubt- ful turns of battles, are represented to the life. The death of Brutus is worthy of him : it has the dignity of the Roman senator with the firmness of the Stoic philosopher. But what is perhaps better than either is the little incident, of his boy Lucius falling asleep over his instrument, as he is playing to his master in his tent, the night before the battle. Nature had played him the same forgetful trick once before, on the 1 4 JULIUS CsESAR. night of the conspiracy. The humanity of Brutus is the same on both occasions. " It is no matter : Enjoy the heavy honey-dew of slumber. Thou hast no figures nor no fantasies, Which busy care draws in the brains of nen, Therefore thou sleep'st so sound." [From Knights "Pictorial SJuikspere"*] Nothing can be more interesting, we think, than to follow Shakespeare with Plutarch in handr, The poet adheres to the facts of history with a remarkable fidelity. A few hard figures are painted upon a canvas ; the outlines are distinct, the colours are strong ; but there is no art in the composi- tion, no grouping, no light and shadow. This is the histo- rian's picture. We turn to the poet. We recognize the same figures, but they appear to live ; they are in harmony with the entire scene in which they move ; we have at once the reality of nature and the ideal of art, which is a higher na- ture. Compare the dialogue in the first act between Cassius and Brutus, and the same dialogue as reported by Plutarch, for an example of the power by which the poet elevates all he touches, without destroying its identity. When we arrive at the stirring scenes of the third act, this power is still more manifest. The assassination scene is as literal as may be ; but it offers an example apt enough of Shakespeare's mode of dramatizing a fact. When Metellus Cimber makes suit for his brother, and the conspirators appear as intercessors,- the historian says, " Caesar at the first simply refused their kindness and entreaties ; but afterwards, perceiving they still pressed on him, he violently thrust them from him." The poet enters into the mind of Caesar, and clothes this rejection of the suit in characteristic words. Hazlitt, after noticing the profound knowledge of character displayed by Shake speare in this play, says : " If there be any exception to this * IragcJics, vol. ii. p. 349 foil. IN TROD UCTION. 15 remark, it is in the hero of the piece himself. We do not much admire the representation here given of Julius Caesar, nor do we think it answers the portrait given of him in his Commentaries. He makes several vapouring and rather pe- dantic speeches, and does nothing. Indeed, he has nothing to do. So far the fault of the character is the fault of the plot." The echoes of this opinion are many, and smaller critics wax bold upon the occasion. Boswell says : " There cannot be a stronger proof of Shakespeare's deficiency in classical knowledge th?y s the boastful language he has put in the mouth of the most accomplished man of all antiquity, who was not more admirable for his achievements than for the dignified simplicity with which he has recorded them." Courtenay had hazarded, in his notice of Henry VIII, the somewhat bold assertion that " Shakespeare used very little artifice, and, in truth, had very little design, in the construc- tion of the greater number of his historical characters." Upon the character of Julius Caesar, he says that Plutarch's having been supposed to pass over this character somewhat slightly is "a corroboration of my remark upon the slight at- tention which Shakespeare paid to his historical characters. The conversation with Antony about fat men, and with Cal- phurnia about her dreams, came conveniently into his plan ; and some lofty expressions could hardly be avoided in por- traying one who was known to the whole world as a great conqueror. Beyond this our poet gave himself no trouble." This is certainly an easy way of disposing of a complicated question. Did Shakespeare give himself no trouble about the characterization of Brutus and Cassius ? In them did he indicate no points of character but what he found in Plu- tarch ? Is not his characterization of Caesar himself a con- siderable expansion of what he found set down by the histo- rian ? At the exact period of the action of this drama, Caesar, possessing the reality of power, was haunted by the weakness of passionately desiring the title of king. Plutarch says : 1 6 JULIUS C^SAR. " The chiefest cause that made him mortally hated was the covetous desire he had to be called king." This is the pivot upon which the whole action of Shakespeare's tragedy turns. There might have been another method of treating the sub- ject. The death of Julius Caesar might have been the catas- trophe. The republican and monarchical principles might have been exhibited in conflict. The republican principle would have triumphed in the fall of Caesar ; and the poet would have previously held the balance between the two principles, or have claimed, indeer 1 ^our largest sympathies for the principles of Caesar and his' mends, by a true exhibi- tion of Caesar's greatness and Caesar's virtues. The poet chose another course. And are we, then, to talk, with ready flippancy, of ignorance and carelessness — that he want- ed classical knowledge — that he gave himself no trouble? " The fault of the character is the fault of the plot," says Hazlitt. It would have been nearer the truth had he said, the character is determined by the plot. While Caesar is upon the scene, it was for the poet, largely interpreting the historian, to show the inward workings of " the covetous de- sire he had to be called king," and most admirably, according to our notions of characterization, has he shown them. Cae- sar is " in all but name a king." He is surrounded by all the external attributes of power j yet he is not satisfied : " The angry spot doth glow on Caesar's brow." He is suspicious — he fears. But he has acquired the policy of greatness — to seem what it is not. To his Intimate friend he is an actor : " I rather tell thee what is to be fear'd Than what I fear ; for always I am Caesar." When Calphurnia has recounted the terrible portents of the night — when the augurers would not that Caesar should stir forth — he exclaims : INTRO D UC 77 ON. 1 7 " The gods do this in shame of cowardice s Caesar should be a beast without a heart If he should stay at home to-day for fear." But to whom does he utter this, the "boastful language" which so offends Boswell ? To the servant who has brought the message from the augurers ; before him he could show no fear. But the very inflation of his language shows that he did fear ; and an instant after, when the servant no doubt is intended to have left the scene, he says to his wife, " Mark Antony shall say I am not well, And, for thy humour, I will stay at home." Read Plutarch's account of the scene between Decius and Caesar, when Decius prevails against Calphurnia, and Caesar decides to go. In the historian we have not a hint of the splendid characterization of Caesar struggling between his fear and his pride. Wherever Shakespeare found a minute touch in the historian that could harmonize witli his general plan, he embodied it in his character of Caesar. Who does not remember the magnificent lines which the poet puts into the mouth of Caesar ? " Cowards die many times before their deaths; The valiant never taste of death but once. Of all the wonders that I yet have heard, It seems to me most strange that men should fear ; Seeing that death, a necessary end, Will come when it will come." A very slight passage in Plutarch, with reference to other events of Caesar's life, suggested this : " When some of his friends did counsel him to have a guard for the safety of his person, and some also did offer themselves to serve him, he would never consent to it, but said it was better to die once than always to be afraid of death." . . . The tone of his last speech is indeed boastful : " I do know but one That unassailable holds on his rank, B 18 JULIUS CMSAR. Unshak'd of motion ; and that I am he Let me a little show it." That Caesar knew his power, and made others know it, who can doubt ? He was not one who, in his desire to be king, would put on the robe of humility. Altogether, then, we pro- fess to receive Shakespeare's characterization of Caesar with a perfect confidence that he produced that character upon fixed principles of art. It is true to the narrative upon which Shakespeare founded it ; but, what is of more importance, it is true to every natural conception of what Caesar must have been at the exact moment of his fall. [From Ulricas " Shakespeare's Dramatic Art."*] The want of unity of interest is the common objection that has been most frequently brought against Julius Ccesar. And as long as this particular unity is confounded with the true ideal unity of art, defective composition, or a want of true organic unity, is the greatest censure that can be passed upon a work of art. Now if the unity of interest ought to centre entirely in one personage of the drama, then no doubt the objection is just, for it is divided between Caesar, Brutus and Cassius, and Antony and Octavius. But we cannot for a moment concede that poetical interest is invariably per- sonal ; we believe that it attaches as frequently to an idea. In the historical drama, the interest must indeed be one, but one historically, and then it will be one in a poetical sense also. But in a certain sense history does not at all trouble itself about persons ; its chief interest is in facts, and their effects and influences. Now in Julius Casar this interest is one throughout, and possesses a true and organic unity. One and the same thought is reflected in the fall of Caesar, in the defeat and death of Brutus and Cassius, and also in the vic- * English Translation, London, 1847, P- 534 f<>l. We have made a few verbal changes, and have corrected some palpable errors; as "sworn friend" for " sworn enemy" (geschworenen Fcinde). IN TROD UCTION. ! 9 tory of Antony and Octavius. No man, even though he be as great as Cassar, or as noble as Brutus, is powerful enough to drag at will history in leading-strings ; every one in his vocation may contribute his stone to building up the grand whole, but no one must presume to think that he may with impunity try experiments with it. The great Julius was but trying an experiment when he allowed the crown to be of- fered which he thrice rejected against his will. He could not tame his wild ambition — a fault which history perhaps might have pardoned ; but he understood her not ; he wished and attempted what she was not ready for : by this self-con- demned error, by this arrogance, he precipitated his fate. But Brutus and Cassius erred no less in thinking that Rome could be saved by re-establishing the republic ; as if the prosperity of a state depended on its form, and as if the individual could restore the lost morality of the nation by a magic word. As Caesar thought life unendurable without the outward dignity of a crown, so they could not bear to live without the honour of external liberty, which they mistook for true intrinsic free- dom of mind. They also were trying their own experiments with history. The avaricious and ambitious Cassius, as well as the noble-minded and disinterested Brutus, arrogantly thought themselves strong enough to control the course of events. Thus, in their case also, was error associated with presumption, and they doubly deserved the retribution that overtook them. Antony, on the other hand, with Octavius and Lepidus, the talented spendthrift with the clever actor and the good-hearted simpleton — neither half so able nor so noble-minded as their adversaries — nevertheless prevailed in the struggle, because they consented to follow the course of history and the spirit of their age, and understood how to use it. In Julius Ccesar, therefore, we discern throughout the same ground-idea, and a well-distributed organic unity of his- torical interest in all the characters, whether leading or sub- ordinate. It shines forth even in Portia's death, as well as 20 JULIUS C&SAR. in the fall of Cato, Cicero, and the other conspirators ; Por- tia and Cato fell with Brutus, and the rest with Cassius, be- cause they did not understand the progress of events, and thought to control it arbitrarily for themselves, or no less wantonly to put their hands into their bosoms, and " speak Greek." History, accordingly, here appears under one of its principal aspects — that of its despotic power and energy of development, by which, although worked out by individual minds, it "yet rules the greatest of them, and reaches far be- yond their widest calculations. But what can justify apparitions and spirits in an historical drama? And in any case, why is it that the ghost of Caesar appears to Brutus, whose designs, apparently at least, are pure and noble, rather than to Cassius, his sworn enemy? Because, though they appear to be such, they are not so in reality ; the design is not really pure which has for its first step so arrogant a violation of right. Moreover, Caesar had been more deeply wronged by Brutus than by Cassius. Bru- tus, like Coriolanus, had trampled under foot the tenderest and noblest affections of humanity for the sake of the phan- tom honour of free citizenship. Brutus, lastly, was the very soul of the conspiracy ; if his mental energies should be paralyzed, and his strong courage unnerved, the whole en- terprise must fail. And so, in truth, it went to pieces, be- cause it was against the will of history — that is, against the eternal counsels of God. It was to signify this great lesson that Shakespeare introduced the ghost upon the stage. Only once, and with a few pregnant words, does the spirit appear ; but he is constantly hovering in the background, like a dark thunder-cloud, and is, as it were, the offended and threaten- ing spirit of history itself. It is with the same purpose that Shakespeare has introduced spectral apparitions into another of his historical pieces — Richard III. Both dramas belong to the same historical grade; they both represent important turning-points in the history of the world — the close of an INTRODUCTION. 21 old, and the commencement of a new state of things — and in such times the guiding finger of God is more obviously ap- parent than at others. [From Gervinus's "Shakespeare Commentaries."*] The fidelity of Shakespeare to his source [Plutarch] justi- fies us in saying that he has but copied the historical text. It is at the same time wonderful with what hidden and al- most undiscernible power he has converted the text into a drama, and made one of the most effective plays possible. Nowhere else has Shakespeare executed his task with such simple skill, combining his dependence on history with the greatest freedom of a poetic plan, and making the truest his- tory at once the freest drama. The parts seem to be only put together with the utmost ease, a few links taken out of the great chain of historical events, and the remainder united with a closer and more compact unity ; but let any one, fol- lowing this model work, attempt to take any other subject out of Plutarch, and arrange only a dramatic sketch from it, and he will become fully aware of the difficulty of this appar- ently most easy task. He will become aware what it is to concentrate his mind on one theme strictly adhered to, as is here the case j to refer persons and actions to one idea j to seek this idea out of the most general truths laid down in history j to employ, moreover, for the dramatic representation of this idea none but the actual historical personages ; and so at length to arrange this for the stage with that practised skill or innate ability, that with an apparently artless transcript of history, such an ingenious independent theatrical effect can be obtained as that which this play has at no time failed to produce. Indeed, Leonard Digges informs us with what ap- plause Julius Ccesar was acted in Shakespeare's time, whilst * Bunnett's Translation, London, 1863, vol. ii. p. 322 foil. As this trans- lation was made " under the author's superintendence," we have quoted it verbatim, without collation with the original. 22 JULIUS CAiSAR. the tedious Catiline and Sejanus, which Ben Jonson had worked at with such diligence and labour, were coldly re- ceived. Immediately on its appearance the play roused the emulation of all the theatres ; the renowned poets Munday, Drayton, Webster, and Middleton wrote a rival piece, Caesar's Fall, in 1602, Lord Stirling a Julius Ccesar in 1604, and a Ccesar and Pompey appeared in 1607. At the period of the Restoration,^///^ Gzsarvtas one of the few works of Shake- speare that were sought out, represented, and criticised. In our own day, in Germany, we have seen it performed, seldom well, but always with applause. Separate scenes, like that between Casca and Cassius during the storm, produce an. effect which can scarcely be imagined from merely reading them ; the speech of Antony, heightened by the effect of ex- ternal arrangement and the artifices of conversation, by prop- er pauses and interruptions, even with inferior acting, carries away the spectator as well as the populace represented ; the quarrel between Brutus and Cassius is a trial-piece for great actors, which, according to Leonard Digges, created even in his time the most rapturous applause ; and even the last act, which has been often objected to, is capable of exciting the liveliest emotion when well managed and acted with spirit. The character of Caesar in our play has been much blamed. He is declared to be unlike the idea conceived of him from his Commentaries ; it is said that he does nothing, and only utters a few pompous, thrasonical, grandiloquent words, and it has been asked whether this be the Caesar that " did awe the world ?" The poet, if he intended to make the attempt of the republicans his main theme, could not have ventured to create too great an interest in Caesar ; it was necessary to keep him in the background, and to present that view of him which gave a reason for the conspiracy. According even to Plutarch, whose biography of Caesar is acknowledged to be very imperfect, Caesar's character altered much for the worse INTRODUCTION. 23 shortly before his death, and Shakespeare has represented him according to this suggestion. With what reverence Shakespeare viewed his character as a whole we learn from several passages of his works, and even in this play from the way in which he allows his memory to be respected as soon as he is dead. In the descriptions of Cassius we look back upon the time when the great man was natural, simple, un- dissembling, popular, and on an equal footing with others. Now he is spoiled by victory, success, power, and by the re- publican courtiers who surround him. He stands close on the borders between usurpation and discretion ; he is master in reality, and is on the point of assuming the name and the right ; he desires heirs to the throne ; he hesitates to accept the crown which he would gladly possess ; he is ambitious, and fears he may have betrayed this in his paroxysms of epi- lepsy ; he exclaims against flatterers and cringers, and yet both please him. All around him treat him as a master, his wife as a prince ; the senate allow themselves to be called his senate ; he assumes the appearance of a king even in his house ; even with his wife he uses the language of a man who knows himself secure of power ; and he maintains every- where the proud, strict bearing of a soldier, which is repre- sented even in his statues. If one of the changes at which Plutarch hints lay in this pride, this haughtiness, another lay in his superstition. In the suspicion and apprehension before the final step, he was seized, contrary to his usual nature and habit, with misgivings and superstitious fears, which affected likewise the hitherto free-minded Calphurnia. These con- flicting feelings divide him, his forebodings excite him, his pride and his defiance of danger struggle against them, and restore his former confidence, which was natural to him, and which causes his ruin ; just as a like confidence, springing from another source, ruined Brutus. The actor must make his high-sounding language appear as the result of this dis- cord of feeling. Sometimes they are only incidental words 24 JULIUS CsESAR. intended to characterize the hero in the shortest way. Gen- erally they appear in the cases where Caesar has to combat with his superstition, where he uses effort to take a higher stand in his words than at the moment he actually feels. He speaks so much of having no fear that by this very thing he betrays his fear. Even in the places where his words sound most boastful, where he compares himself with the north star, there is more arrogance and ill-concealed pride at work than real boastfulness. It is intended there with a few words to show him at that point when his behaviour could most excite those free spirits against him. It was fully intended that he should take but a small part in the action ; we must not, therefore, say with Scottowe that he was merely brought upon the stage to be killed. The poet has handled this historical piece like his English historical plays. He had in his eye the whole context of the Roman civil wars for this single drama, not as yet thinking of its continuation in Antony and Cleopatra. [From Craik's "English of Shakespeare"*} It is evident that the character and history of Julius Caesar had taken a strong hold of Shakespeare's imagination. There is perhaps no other historical character who is so repeatedly alluded to throughout his plays. "There was never anything so sudden," says the disguised Rosalind in^j- You Like It (v. 2) to Orlando, speaking of the manner in which his brother Oliver and her cousin (or sister, as she calls her) Celia had fallen in love with one another, "but the fight of two rams, and Caesar's thrasonical brag of I came, saw, and overcame : for your brother and my sister no sooner met, but they look'd ; no sooner look'd, but they lov'd ; no sooner lov'd, but they sigh'd ;" etc. "O! such a day," exclaims Lord Bardolph in the Second rart of King Henry the Fourth (i. 1) to old Northumberland, * Rolfe's edition, p. 49 fol. INTRODUCTION. 25 in his misannouncement of the issue of the field of Shrews- bury, " So fought, so follow'd, and so fairly won, Came not till now to dignify the times Since Caesar's fortunes." And afterwards (in iv. 3) we have FalstafT's magnificent gasconade : " I have speeded hither with the very extremest inch of possibility : I have founder'd nine score and odd posts; and here, travel-tainted as I am, have, in my pure and immac- ulate valour, taken Sir John Colevile of the Dale, a most furi- ous knight, and valorous enemy. But what of that ? He saw me, and yielded ; that I may justly say, with the hook-nos'd fellow of Rome, I came, saw, and overcame." " But now behold," says the Chorus in the Fifth Act of King Henry the Fifth, describing the triumphant return of the English monarch from the conquest of France, " In the quick forge and working-house of thought, How London doth pour out her citizens. The mayor, and all his brethren, in best sort, Like to the senators of th' antique Rome, With the plebeians swarming at their heels, Go forth, and fetch their conquering Caesar in." In the three Parts of 'King Henry the Sixth, which are so thickly scattered with classical allusions of all kinds, there are several to the great Roman dictator. " Henry the Fifth ! thy ghost I invocate f the Duke of Bedford apostrophizes his deceased brother in the First Part (i. 1) : " Prosper this realm, keep it from civil broils ! Combat with adverse planets in the heavens ! A far more glorious star thy soul will make Than Julius Caesar, or bright — " In the next scene the Maid, setting out to raise the siege of Orleans, and deliver her king and country, compares her- self to 26 JULIUS C&SAR. " that proud insulting ship Which Caesar and his fortune bare at once." In the Second Part (iv. i) we have Suffolk, when hurried away to execution by the seamen who had captured him, consoling himself with — " Great men oft die by vile bezonians : A Roman sworder and banditto slave Murder'd sweet Tully ; Brutus' bastard hand Stabb'd Julius Caesar ; savage islanders Pompey the Great ; and Suffolk dies by pirates." And afterwards (iv. 7) we have Lord Say, in somewhat sim- ilar circumstances, thus appealing to Cade and his mob of men of Kent : " Hear me but speak, and bear me where you will. Kent, in the Commentaries Caesar writ, Is term'd the civil'st place of all this isle ; Sweet is the country, because full of riches ; The people liberal, valiant, active, wealthy ; Which makes me hope you are not void of pity." " O traitors ! murderers !" Queen Margaret in the Third Part (v. 5) shrieks out in her agony and rage when the prince her son is butchered before her eyes : "They that stabb'd Caesar shed no blood at all, Did not offend, nor were not worthy blame, If this foul deed were by to equal it : He was a man ; this, in respect, a child ; And men ne'er spend their fury on a child." In King Richard the Third (iii. 1) is a passage of great pregnancy. " Did Julius Caesar build that place, my lord ?" the young prince asks Buckingham, when it is proposed that he shall retire for a day or two to the Tower before his coro- nation. And when informed in reply that the mighty Roman at least began the building, he further inquires, •* Is it upon record, or else reported Successively from age to age, he built it ?" INTRODUCTION. 27 " Upon record, my gracious lord,*' answers Buckingham. On which the wise royal boy rejoins, " But say, my lord, it were not register'd, Methinks the truth should live from age to age, As 't were retail'd to all posterity, Even to the general all-ending day." And then, after a " What say you, uncle ?" he explains the great thought that was working in his mind in these striking words : " That Julius Caesar was a famous man : With what his valour did enrich his wit, His wit set down to make his valour live. Death makes no conquest of this conqueror,* For now he lives in fame, though not in life." Far away from anything Roman as the fable and locality of Hamlet are, various passages testify how much Caesar was in the mind of Shakespeare while writing that play. First, we have the famous passage (i. 1) so closely resembling one in the Second Scene of the Second Act of Julius Ccesar: "In the most high and palmy state of Rome, A little ere the mightiest Julius fell, The graves stood tenantless, and the sheeted dead Did squeak and gibber in the Roman streets ; As t stars with trains of fire, and dews of blood, Disasters in the sun ; and the moist star, Upon whose influence Neptune's empire stands, Was sick almost to doomsday with eclipse."J Then there is (iii. 2) the conversation between Hamlet and Polonius, touching the histrionic exploits of the latter in his university days : " I did enact Julius Caesar : I was killed i' * "His conqueror" is the reading of all the folios. " This" was restored by Theobald from the quarto of 1597, and has been adopted by Malone and most modern editors. t Something is evidently wrong here ; but even Mr. Collier's annotator gives us no help. \ This passage, however, is found only la the quartos, and is omitted in all the folios. 28 . JULIUS C&SAR. th' Capitol ; Brutus kill'd me." " It was a brute part of him to kill so capital a calf there" (surely, by-the-by, to be spoken aside, though not so marked). Lastly, there is the prince's rhyming moralization (v. i) : " Imperial Caesar, dead and turn'd to clay, Might stop a hole to keep the wind away. O, that that earth which kept the world in awe Should patch a wall t' expel the winter's flaw !" Many notices of Caesar occur, as might be expected, in Cymbeline. Such are the boast of Posthumus to his friend Philario (ii. 4) of the valour of the Britons : " Our countrymen Are men more order'd than when Julius Caesar Smil'd at their lack of skill, but found their courage Worthy his frowning at." Various passages in the First Scene of the Third Act : " When Julius Caesar (whose remembrance yet Lives in men's eyes, and will to ears and tongues Be theme and hearing ever) was in this Britain, And conquer'd it, Cassibelan, thine uncle. (Famous in Caesar's praises no whit less Than in his feats deserving it)," etc. "There be many Caesars, Ere such another Julius." "A kind of conquest Caesar made here ; but made not here his brag Of came, and saw, and overcame: with shame (The first that ever touch'd him) he was carried From off our coast twice beaten ; and his shipping (Poor ignorant baubles !) on our terrible seas, Like egg-shells mov'd upon their surges, crack'd As easily 'gainst our rocks. For joy whereof The fam'd Cassibelan, who was once at point (O giglot Fortune !) to master Caesar's sword, Made Lud's town with rejoicing fires bright, And Britons strut with courage." "Our kingdom is stronger than it was at that time ; and, as I said, there is no more such Caesars ; other of them may have crook'd noses ; but to owe such straight arms, none." INTRODUCTION. 29 " Caesar's ambition (Which swell'd so much that it did almost stretch The sides o' th' world) against all colour here Did put the yoke upon 's ; which to shake off Becomes a warlike people, whom we reckon Ourselves to be." Lastly, we have a few references in Antony and Cleopatra : " Broad-fronted Caesar, When thou wast here above the ground, I was A morsel for a monarch" (i. 5). " Julius Caesar, Who at Philippi the good Brutus ghosted" (li. 6). " What was it That mov'd pale Cassius to conspire ? And what Made the all-honour'd, honest, Roman Brutus, With the arm'd rest, courtiers of beauteous freedom, To drench the Capitol, but that they would Have one man but a man ?" (ii. 6.) " Your fine Egyptian cookery Shall have the fame. I have heard that Julius Caesar Grew fat with feasting there" (ii. 6). " When Antony found Julius Caesar dead, He cried almost to roaring ; and he wept When at Philippi he found Brutus slain" (iii. 2). "Thyreus. Give me grace to lay My duty on your hand. Cleopatra. Your Caesar's father oft, When he hath mus'd of taking kingdoms in, Bestow'd his lips on that unworthy place, As it rain'd kisses" (iii. 11). These passages, taken all together, and some of them more particularly, will probably be thought to afford a considerably more comprehensive representation of " the mighty Julius" than the Play which bears his name. We cannot be sure that that Play was so entitled by Shakespeare. " The Trag- edy of Julius Caesar," or " The Life and Death of Julius Cae- sar," would describe no more than the half of it. Caesar's part terminates with the opening of the Third Act ; after that, on to the end, we have nothing more of him but his dead 3 o JULIUS C^SAR. body, his ghost, and his memory. The Play might more fitly be called after Brutus than after Caesar. And still more re- markable is the partial delineation that we have of the man. We have a distinct exhibition of little else beyond his vanity and arrogance, relieved and set off by his good nature or af- fability. He is brought before us only as " the spoilt child of victory." All the grandeur and predominance of his char- acter is kept in the background, or in the shade — to be in- ferred, at most, from what is said by the other dramatis per- sona — by Cassius on the one hand and by Antony on the other in the expression of their own diametrically opposite natures and aims, and in a very few words by the calmer, milder, and juster Brutus — nowhere manifested by himself. It might almost be suspected that the complete and full- length Caesar had been carefully reserved for another drama. Even Antony is only half delineated here, to be brought for- ward again on another scene : Caesar needed such reproduc- tion much more, and was as well entitled to a stage which he should tread without an equal. He is only a subordinate character in the present Play ; his death is but an incident in the progress of the plot. The first figures, standing con- spicuously out from all the rest, are Brutus and Cassius. Some of the passages that have been collected are further curious and interesting as being other renderings of concep- tions that are also found in the present Play, and as conse- quently furnishing data both for the problem of the chrono- logical arrangement of the Plays, and for the general history of the mind and artistic genius of the writer. After all the commentatorship and criticism of which the works of Shake- speare have been the subject, they still remain to be studied in their totality with a special reference to himself. The man Shakespeare, as read in his works— Shakespeare as there revealed, not only in his genius and intellectual pmv ers, but in his character, disposition, temper, opinions, tastes, prejudices — is a book yet to be written. INTRODUCTION. 31 [From Mrs. Jameson's "Characteristics of Women."] Almost every one knows by heart Lady Percy's celebrated address to her husband, beginning, " O, my good lord, why are you thus alone ?"* and that of Portia to Brutus, in Julius Caesar, ..." You 've ungently, Brutus, Stol'n from my bed." The situation is exactly similar, the topics of remonstrance are nearly the same ; the sentiments and the style as oppo- site as are the characters of the two women. Lady Percy is evidently accustomed to win more from her fiery lord by ca- resses than by reason: he loves her in his rough way, "as Harry Percy's wife," but she has no real influence over him ; he has no confidence in her. "lady Percy. ... In faith, I '11 know your business, Harry, that I will. I fear my brother Mortimer doth stir About this title, and hath sent for you To line his enterprise ; but if you go — Hotspur. So far afoot, I shall be weary, love !" The whole scene is admirable, but unnecessary here, because it illustrates no point of character in her. Lady Percy has no character, properly so called, whereas that of Portia is very distinctly and faithfully drawn from the outline furnished by Plutarch. Lady Percy's fond upbraidings, and her half- playful, half- pouting entreaties, scarcely gain her husband's attention. Portia, with true matronly dignity and tenderness, pleads her right to share her husband's thoughts, and proves it too. " I grant, I am a woman, but, withal, A woman that Lord Brutus took to wife ; I grant, I am a woman, but, withal, A woman well reputed, Cato's daughter. * I Henry IV. ii. 3. 32 JULIUS C^SAP. Think you, I am no stronger than my sex, Being so father'd, and so husbanded ? Brutus. You are my true and honourable wife : As dear to me as are the ruddy drops That visit my sad heart !" Portia, as Shakespeare has truly felt and represented the character, is but a softened reflection of that of her husband Brutus : in him we see an excess of natural sensibility, an al- most womanish tenderness of heart, repressed by the tenets of his austere philosophy : a stoic by profession, and in real- ity the reverse — acting deeds against his nature by the strong force of principle and will. In Portia there is the same pro- found and passionate feeling, and all her sex's softness and timidity held in check by that self-discipline, that stately dig- nity, which she thought became a woman " so fathered and so husbanded." The fact of her inflicting on herself a vol- untary wound to try her own fortitude is perhaps the strongest proof of this disposition. Plutarch relates that on the day on which Caesar was assassinated, Portia appeared overcome with terror, and even swooned away, but did not in her emo- tion utter a word which could affect the conspirators. Shake- speare has rendered this circumstance literally. "Portia. I prithee, boy, run to the senate-house ; Stay not to answer me, but get thee gone. Why dost thou stay ? Lucius. To know my errand, madam. Portia. I would have had thee there and here again, Ere I can tell thee what thou should'st do there. constancy ! be strong upon my side : Set a huge mountain 'tween my heart and tongue ! 1 have a man's mind, but a woman's might Ay me ! how weak a thing The heart of woman is ! O, I grow faint," etc. There is another beautiful incident related by Plutarch which could not well be dramatized. When Brutus and Por- tia parted for the last time in the island of Nisida, she re INTRODUCTION. ^ strained all expression of grief that she might not shake his fortitude j but afterwards, in passing through a chamber in which there hung a picture of Hector and Andromache, she stopped, gazed upon it for a time with a settled sorrow, and at length burst into a passion of tears.* If Portia had been a Christian, and lived in later times, she might have been another Lady Russel ; but she made a poor stoic. No factitious or external control was sufficient to restrain such an exuberance of sensibility and fancy ; and those who praise the philosophy of Portia and the heroism of her death, certainly mistook the character altogether. It is evident, from the manner of her death, that it was not delib- erate self-destruction, " after the high Roman fashion," but took place in a paroxysm of madness, caused by overwrought and suppressed feeling, grief, terror, and suspense. Shake- speare has thus represented it : — "Brtitus. O Cassius, I am sick of many griefs ! Cassius. Of your philosophy you make no use, If you give place to accidental evils. Brutus. No man bears sorrow better. — Portia is dead. Cassius. Ha !— Portia ? Brtitus. She is dead. Cassius. How 'scap'd I killing, when I cross'd you so ? — O insupportable and touching loss ! — Upon what sickness? Brutus. Impatient of my absence, And grief that young Octavius with Mark Antony Had made themselves so strong ; — for with her death These tidings came. — With this she fell distract, And, her attendants absent, swallow'd fire." So much for woman's philosophy ! * When at Naples, I have often stood upon the rock at the extreme point of Posilippo, and looked down upon the little island of Nisida, and thought of this scene till I forgot the Lazaretto which now deforms it : deforms it, however, to the fancy only, for the building itself, as it rises from amid the vines, the cypresses, and fig-trees which embosom it, looks beautiful at a distance. c CAIUS JULIUS CESAR. Ill 1 C/ESAR / y ,/v ™ Y\ --^^ DRAMATIS PERSONS. Triumvirs, after the death lius Caesar. of Julius CjEsar. Octavius Cjssak, Marcus Antonius, M.i^Minus Lepidus Cicero, \ Publius, [ Senators. Popilius Lena, ) Marcus Brutus, 1 Cassius, Casca, lJ^k, us S ' f Conspirators against J uhus Caesar Decius Brutus. Metellus Cimber ClNNA, Flavius, Marullus, Aktemidorus, a Sophist of Cnidos. A Soothsayer. Cinna, a Poet. Another Poet. Lucilius, ] Titinius, Mbssala, Young Cato, Voi.umnius, Varro, Clitus, Claudius, Sir a to, Lucius, Dardanius. J Pindarus, Servant to Cassius. Calpurnia, Wife to Ca-sar. Portia, Wife to Brutus. Senators, Citizens, Guards. Attendants, etc. Scene, during a great f>art of the /\'ay. at Koine ; after- wards at Sardis, and near Phdippi. 'rihunes Friends to Brutus and Cassius. Servants to Brutus- ROMAN VICTORY. ACT I. Scene I. Rome. A Street. Enter Flavius, Marullus, and a rabble of Citizens. Flavius. Hence ! home, you idle creatures, get you home. Is this a holiday ? What ! know you not, Being mechanical, you ought not walk Upon a labouring day without the sign Of your profession?— Speak, what trade art thou? i Citizen. Why, sir, a carpenter. Marullus. Where is thy leather apron, and thy rule ? What dost thou with thy best apparel on ? — You, sir ; what trade are you ? 2 Citizen. Truly, sir, in respect of a fine workman, I am but, as you would say, a cobbler. " 38 JULIUS CA£SAR. Manillas. But what trade art thou ? Answer me directly. 2 Citizen. A trade, sir, that I hope I may use with a safe conscience ; which is, indeed, sir, a mender of bad soles. Marullus. What trade, thou knave ? thou naughty knave, what trade ? 2 Citizen. Nay, I beseech you, sir, be not out with me ; yet if you be out, sir, I can mend you. Marullus. What mean'st thou by that? Mend me, thou saucy fellow ? 2 Citizen. Why, sir, cobble you. *> Flavius. Thou art a cobbler, art thou ? 2 Citizen. Truly, sir, all that I live by is with the awl. I meddle with no tradesman's matters, nor women's matters : but withal I am, indeed, sir, a surgeon to old shoes ; when they are in great danger, I recover them. As proper men as ever trod upon neat's leather have gone upon my handiwork. Flavius. But wherefore art not in thy shop to-day ? Why dost thou lead these men about the streets ? 2 Citizen. Truly, sir, to wear out their shoes, to get myself into more work. But, indeed, sir, we make holiday to see Caesar, and to rejoice in his triumph. 3» Marullus. Wherefore rejoice ? What conquest brings he home? What tributaries follow him to Rome, To grace in captive bonds his chariot wheels ? You blocks, you stones, you worse than senseless things ! O, you hard hearts, you cruel men of Rome, Knew you not Pompey ? Many a time and oft Have you climb'd up to walls and battlements, To towers and windows, yea, to chimney-tops, Your infants in your arms, and there have sat 40 The livelong day, with patient expectation, To see great Pompey pass the streets of Rome ; And, when you saw his chafiot but appear, Have you not made an universal shout, ACT /. SCENE I. 39 That Tiber trembled underneath her banks, To hear the replication of your sounds Made in her concave shores ? And do you now put on your best attire ? And do you now cull out a holiday ? And do you now strew flowers in his way 5^ That comes in triumph over Pompey's blood ? Be gone ! Run to your houses, fall upon your knees, Pray to the gods to intermit the plague That needs must light on this ingratitude. Flavius. Go, go, good countrymen, and, for this fault, Assemble all the poor men of your sort ; Draw them to Tiber banks, and weep your tears Into the channel, till the lowest stream Do kiss the most exalted shores of all. — [Exeunt Citizens. See whether their basest metal be not mov'd! 61 They vanish tongue-tied in their guiltiness. Go you clown that way towards the Capitol ; This way will I. Disrobe the images, If you do find them deck'd with ceremonies. Marullus. May we do so ? You know it is the feast of Lupercal. Flavius. It is no matter ; let no images Be hung with Caesar's trophies. I'll about, And drive away the vulgar from the streets ; ?0 So do you too, where you perceive them thick. These growing feathers pluck'd from Caesar's wing Will make him fly an ordinary pitch, Who else would soar above the view of men, And keep us all in servile fearfulness. [Exeunt. 4 o JULIUS CsESAR. Scene II. A Public Place. Enter, in procession with Music, C^sar ; Antony, for the course; Calpurnia, Portia, Decius, Cicero, Brutus, Cassius, and Casca, a great crowd following, among tlicm a Soothsayer. Ccesar. Calpurnia ! Casca. Peace, ho ! Caesar speaks. [Music ceases. Ccesar. Calpurnia ! Calpurnia. Here, my lord. Ccesar. Stand you directly in Antonius' way, When he doth run his course. — Antonius ! Antony. Caesar, my lord ! Ccesar. Forget not, in your speed, Antonius, To touch Calpurnia ; for our elders say, The barren, touched in this holy chase, Shake off their sterile curse. Antony. I shall remember ; When Caesar says 'Do this,' it is perform 'd. to Ccesar. Set on, and leave no ceremony out. [Music. Soothsayer. Caesar ! Ccesar. Ha ! who calls ? Casca. Bid every noise be still. — Peace yet again ! [Music ceases. Ccesar. W r ho is it in the press that calls on me? I hear a tongue, shriller than all the music, Cry, Caesar. Speak ; Caesar is turn'd to hear. Soothsayer. Beware the ides of March. Ccesar. What man is that? Brutus. A soothsayer bids you beware the ides of March. Ccesar. Set him before me ; let me see his face. 19 Cassius. Fellow, come from the throng; look upon Cesar. Ccesar. What say'st thou to me now? Speak once again. Soothsayer. Beware the ides of March. ACT I. SCENE II. 41 Gzsar. He is a dreamer; let us leave him : — pass. [Sennet. Exeunt all but Brutus and Cassius. Cassius. Will you go see the order of the course? Brutus. Not I. Cassius. I pray you, do. Brutus. I am not gamesome ; I do lack some part Of that quick spirit that is in Antony. Let me not hinder, Cassius, your desires; I '11 leave you. Cassius. Brutus, I do observe you now of late : I have not from your eyes that gentleness s» And show of love as I was wont to have ; You bear too stubborn and too strange a hand Over your friend that loves you. Brutus. Cassius, Be not deceiv'd ; if I have veil'd my look, I turn the trouble of my countenance Merely upon myself. Vexed I am Of late with passions of so'me difference, Conceptions only proper to myself, Which give some soil, perhaps, to my behaviours ; But let not therefore my good friends be griev'd — 40 Among which number, Cassius, be you one — Nor construe any further my neglect, Than that poor Brutus, with himself at war, Forgets the shows of love to other men. Cassius. Then, Brutus, I have much mistook your passion ; By means whereof this breast of mine hath buried Thoughts of great value, worthy cogitations. Tell me, good Brutus, can you see your face ? Brutus. No, Cassius ; for the eye sees not itself, But by reflection by some other things. Cassius. 'T is just ; so And it is very much lamented, Brutus, That you have no such mirrors as will turn 42 JULIUS Cs£SAA>. Your hidden worthiness into your eye, That you might see your shadow. I have heard, Where many of the best respect in Rome, Except immortal Caesar, speaking of Brutus, And groaning underneath this age's yoke, Have wish'd that noble Brutus had his eyes. Brutus. Into what dangers would you lead me, Cassius, That you would have me seek into myself 60 For that which is not in me ? Cassius. Therefore, good Brutus, be prepar'd to hear ; And, since you know you cannot see yourself So well as by reflection, I your glass Will modestly discover to yourself That of yourself which you yet know not of. And be not jealous on me, gentle Brutus : Were I a common laugher, or did use To stale with ordinary oaths my love To every new protester; if you know 70 That I do fawn on men, and hug them hard, And after scandal them ; or if you know That I profess myself in banqueting To all the rout, then hold me dangerous. [Flourish and shout. Brutus. What means this shouting? I do fear, the people Choose Caesar for their king. Cassius. Ay, do you fear it ? Then must I think you would not have it so. Brutus. I would not, Cassius, yet I love him well. — But wherefore do you hold me here so long? What is it that you would impart to me? 80 If it be aught toward the general good, Set honour in one eye, and death i' the other, And I will look on both indifferently ; For let the gods so speed me as I love The name of honour more than I fear death. Cassius. I know that virtue to be in vou, Brutus, ACT I. SCENE II As well as I do know your outward favour. Well, honour is the subject of my story. — I cannot tell what you and other men Think of this life, but, for my single self, I had as lief not be as live to be In awe of such a thing as I myself. I was born free as Caesar, so were you ; We both have fed as well, and we can both Endure the winter's cold as well as he. For once, upon a raw and gusty day, The troubled Tiber chafing with her shores, Caesar said to me, ' Dar'st thou, Cassius, now Leap in with me into this angry flood, And swim to yonder point ■?' Upon the word, Accoutred as I was, I plunged in, And bade him follow ; so, indeed, he did. The torrent roar'd, and we did buffet it With lusty sinews, throwing it aside, And stemming it with hearts of controversy. But ere we could arrive the point propos'd, Caesar cried,' Help me, Cassius, or I sink.' I, as iEneas, our great ancestor, Did from the flames of Troy upon his shoulder The old Anchises bear, so from the waves of Tiber Did I the tired Caesar. And this man Is now become a god ; and Cassius is A wretched creature, and must bend his body If Caesar carelessly but nod on him. He had a fever when he was in Spain, And when the fit was on him I did mark How he did shake : 't is true, this god did shake ; His coward lips did from their colour fly, And that same eye whose bend doth awe the world Did lose his lustre. I did hear him groan ; Ay, and that tongue of his, that bade the Romans 43 44 JULIUS CAISAR. Mark him and write his speeches in their books, Alas! it cried, 'Give me some drink, Titinius,' As a sick girl. Ye gods, it doth amaze me, A man of such a feeble temper should So get the start of the majestic world, And bear the palm alone. [Shout. Flourish. Brutus. Another general shout ! 1 do believe that these applauses are For some new honours that are heap'd on Caesar. 130 Cassius. Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world Like a Colossus, and we petty men Walk under his huge legs and peep about To find ourselves dishonourable graves. Men at some time are masters of their fates ; The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, But in ourselves, that we are underlings. Brutus and Caesar: what should be in that Caesar? Why should that name be sounded more than yours? Write them together, yours is as fair a name ; m° Sound them, it cloth become the mouth as well ; Weigh them, it is as heavy ; conjure with 'em, 1 Brutus' will start a spirit as soon as ' Caesar.' [Shout. Now, in the names of all the gods at once, Upon what meat doth this our Caesar feed, That he is grown so great? Age, thou art sham'd ! Rome, thou hast lost the breed of noble bloods ! When went there by an age, since the great flood, But it was fam'd with more than with one man ? When could they say till now that talk'd of Rome 150 That her wide walls encompass'd but one man? Now is it Rome indeed, and room enough, When there is in it but one only man. O, you and I have heard our fathers say, There was a Brutus once that would have brook'd The eternal devil to keep his state in Rome As easily as a kin Portia. Is Brutus sick ? and is it physical To walk unbraced and suck up the humours 64 JULIUS CJESAR. Of the dank morning? What! is Brutus sick, And will he steal out of his wholesome bed, To dare the vile contagion of the night, And tempt the rheumy and unpurged air To add unto his sickness? No, my Brutus; You have some sick offence within your mind, Which by the right and virtue of my place 1 ought to know of: and, upon my knees, 270 I charm you, by my once commended beauty, By all your vows of love and that great vow, Which did incorporate and make us one, That you unfold to me, yourself, your half, Why you are heavy, and what men to-night Have had resort to you ; for here have been Some six or seven, who did hide their faces Even from darkness. \ Brutus. Kneel not, gentle Portia. ^Portia. I should not need, if you were gentle Brutus. Within the bond of marriage, tell me, Brutus, 280 Is it excepted I should know no secrets That appertain to you? Am I yourself But, as it were, in sort or limitation, To keep with you at meals, comfort your bed, And talk to you sometimes ? Dwell I but in the suburbs Of your good pleasure ? If it be no more, Portia is Brutus' harlot, not his wife. Brutus. You are my true and honourable wife, As dear to me as are the ruddy drops That visit my sad heart. 29c Portia. If this were true, then should I know this secret. I grant I am a woman, but withal A woman that Lord Brutus took to wife; I grant I am a woman, but withal A woman well reputed, Cato's daughter. Think you I am no stronger than my sex, ACT II. SCENE I. 65 Being so father'd and so husbanded ? Tell me your counsels, I will not disclose 'em : I have made strong proof of my constancy, Giving myself a voluntary wound 300 Here in the thigh j can I bear that with patience, And not my husband's secrets? Brutus. O ye gods, Render me worthy of this noble wife ! — [Knocking within. Hark, hark ! one knocks. Portia, go in a while ; And by and by thy bosom shall partake The secrets of my heart. All my engagements I will construe to thee, All the charactery of my sad brows. Leave me with haste. — [Exit Portia. Enter Lucius and Ligarius. Lucius, who 's that knocks ? Lucius. Here is a sick man that would speak with you. 310 Brutus. Caius Ligarius, that Metellus spake of. — Boy, stand aside. — Caius Ligarius 1 how ? Ligarius. Vouchsafe good morrow from a feeble tongue. Brutus. O, what a time have you chose out, brave Caius, To wear a kerchief ! Would you were not sick ! Ligarius. I am not sick, if Brutus have in hand Any exploit worthy the name of honour. Brutus. Such an exploit have I in hand, Ligarius, Had you a healthful ear to hear of it. Ligarius. By all the gods that Romans bow before, 320 I here discard my sickness. Soul of Rome ! Brave son, deriv'd from honourable loins 1 Thou, like an exorcist, hast conjur'd up My mortified spirit. Now bid me run, And I will strive with things impossible, Yea, get the better of them. What 's to do ? Brutus. A piece of work that will make sick men whole. E 66 JULIUS CMSAR. Ligarius. But are not some whole that we must make sick? Brutus. That must we also. What it is, my Caius, I shall unfold to thee, as we are going 33 o To whom it must be done. Ligarius. Set on your foot, And with a heart new-fir'd I follow you, To do I know not what ; but it sufficeth That Brutus leads me on. Brutus. Follow me, then. [Exeunt. Scene II. A Room in Cesar's Palace. Thunder and lightning. Enter Caesar in his night-gown. Ccesar. Nor heaven nor earth have been at peace to-night ; Thrice hath Calpurnia in her sleep cried out, 1 Help, ho ! they murther Caesar !' — Who 's within ? Enter a Servant. Servant. My lord ? Ccesar. Go bid the priests do present sacrifice, And bring me their opinions of success. Servant. I will, my lord. [Exit. Enter Calpurnia. Calpurnia. What mean you, Caesar? Think you to walk forth ?. You shall not stir out of your house to-day. Ccesar. Caesar shall forth. The things that threaten'd me Ne'er look'd but on my back ; when they shall see n The face of Cajsar, they are vanished. Calpurnia. Caesar, I never stood on ceremonies, Yet now they fright me. There is one within, Besides the things that we have heard and seen, Recounts most horrid sights seen by the watch. A lioness hath whelped in the streets ; ACT II. SCENE II 67 And graves have yawn'd and yielded up their dead ; Fierce fiery warriors fought upon the clouds, In ranks and squadrons and right form of war, 20 Which drizzled blood upon the Capitol ; The noise of battle hurtled in the air, Horses did neigh and dying men did groan, And ghosts did shriek and squeal about the streets. O Caesar ! these things are beyond all use, And I do fear them. Ccesar. What can be avoided, Whose end is purpos'd by the mighty gods ? Yet Caesar shall go forth ; for these predictions Are to the world in general as to Caesar. Calpumia. When beggars die, there are no comets seen ; The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes. 31 Ccesar. Cowards die many times before their deaths; The valiant never taste of death but once. Of all the wonders that I yet have heard, It seems to me most strange that men should fear, Seeing that death, a necessary end, Will come when it will come. — Enter a Servant. What say the augurers ? Servant. They would not have you to stir forth to-day. Plucking the entrails of an offering forth, They could not find a heart within the beast. 40 Ccesar. The gods do this in shame of cowardice ; Caesar should be a beast without a heart, If he should stay at home to day for fear. No, Caesar shall not. Danger knows full well That Caesar is more dangerous than he. We are two lions litter'd in one day, And I the elder and more terrible; And Caesar shall go forth. 68 JULIUS CjESAR. Calpumia. Alas ! my lord, Your wisdom is consum'd in confidence. Do not go forth to-day. Call it my fear 50 That keeps you in the house, and not your own. We '11 send Mark Antony to the senate-house, And he shall say you are not well to-day; Let me, upon my knee, prevail in this. Ccesar. Mark Antony shall say I am not well, And, for thy humour, I will stay at home. Enter Decius. Here 's Decius Brutus, he shall tell them so. Decius. Caesar, all hail ! Good morrow, worthy Caesar ; I come to fetch you to the senate-house. Ccesar. And you are come in very happy time 60 To bear my greeting to the senators, And tell them that I will not come to-day. Cannot is false ; and that I dare not, falser ; I will not come to-day. Tell them so, Decius. Calpumia. Say, he is sick. Ccesar. Shall Caesar send a lie ? Have I in conquest stretch'd mine arm so far, To be afeard to tell greybeards the truth ? — Decius, go tell them Caesar will not come. Decius. Most mighty Caesar, let me know some cause, Lest I be laugh'd at when I tell them so. 70 Ccesar. The cause is in my will ; I will not come : That is enough to satisfy the senate. But, for your private satisfaction, Because I love you, I will let you know. Calpumia here, my wife, stays me at home. She dream'd to-night she saw my statua, Which, like a fountain with an hundred spouts, Did run pure blood, and many lusty Romans Came smiling and did bathe their hands in it ; ACT II SCENE II 69 And these does she apply for warnings and portents 80 And evils imminent, and on her knee Hath begg'd that I will stay at home to-day. Decius. This dream is all amiss interpreted; It was a vision fair and fortunate. Your statue spouting blood in many pipes, In which so many smiling Romans bath'd, Signifies that from you great Rome shall suck Reviving blood, and that great men shall press For tinctures, stains, relics, and cognizance. This by Calpurnia's dream is signified. 90 Ccesar. And this way have you well expounded it. Decius. I have, when you have heard what I can say ; And know it now. The senate have concluded To give this day a crown to mighty Caesar. If you shall send them word you will not come, Their minds may change. Besides, it were a mock Apt to be render'd, for some one to say, 'Break up the senate till another time, When Caesar's wife shall meet with better dreams.' If Caesar hide himself, shall they not whisper, 100 ' Lo, Caesar is afraid' ? Pardon me, Caesar, for my dear, dear love To your proceeding bids me tell you this, And reason to my love is liable. Ccesar. How foolish do your fears seem now, Calpurnia ! I am ashamed I did yield to them. — Give me my robe, for I will go. — Enter Publius, Brutus, Ligarius, Metellus, Casca, Trebonius, and Cinna. And look where Publius is come to fetch me. Publius. Good morrow, Caesar. Ccesar. Welcome, Publius. — What, Brutus, are you stirr'd so early too? — no 7 o JULIUS CAlSAR. Good morrow, Casca. — Caius Ligarius, Caesar was ne'er so much your enemy As that same ague which hath made you lean. — What is 't o'clock ? Brutus. Caesar, 't is strucken eight. Ccesar. I thank you for your pains and courtesy. Enter Antony. See ! Antony, that revels long o' nights, Is notwithstanding up. — Good morrow, Antony. Antony. So to most noble Caesar. Ccesar. Bid them prepare within. — I am to blame to be thus waited for. — Now, Cinna. — Now, Metellus. — What, Trebonius ! 120 I have an hour's talk in store for you. Remember that you call on me to-day ; Be near me, that I may remember you. Trebonius. Caesar, I will. — [Aside] And so near will I be That your best friends shall wish I had been further. Ccesar. Good friends, go in, and taste some wine with me;. And we, like friends, will straightway go together. Brutus. [Aside] That every like is not the same, O Caesar, The heart of Brutus yearns to think upon ! [Exeunt. Scene III. A Street near the Capitol. Enter Artemidorus, reading a Paper. Artemidorus. Ccesar, beware of Brutus ; take heed of Cas~ sius ; come not near Casca ; have an eye to Cinna ; trust not Trebonius ; mark well Metellus Cimber ; Decius Brutus loves thee not ; thou hast wrong' d Caius Ligarius. There is but one mind in all these men, and it is bent against Casar. If thou beest not immortal, look about you ; security gives way to conspiracy. The mighty gods defend thee ! Thy I, Artemidorus. ACT II. SCENE IV. 7 I Here will I stand till Caesar pass along, And as a suitor will I give him this. »o My heart laments that virtue cannot live Out of the teeth of emulation. If thou read this, O Caesar, thou mayst live j If not, the fates with traitors do contrive. [Exit. Scene IV. Another Part of the same Street, before the House of Brutus. Enter Portia and Lucius. Portia. I prithee, boy, run to the senate-house; Stay not to answer me, but get thee gone. Why dost thou stay? Lucius. To know my errand, madam. Portia. I would have had thee there, and here again, Ere I can tell thee what thou shouldst do there. — constancy, be strong upon my side ! Set a huge mountain 'tween my heart and tongue ! 1 have a man's mind, but a woman's might. How hard it is for women to keep counsel! — Art thou here yet ? Lucius. Madam, what should I do? 10 Run to the Capitol, and nothing else? And so return to you, and nothing else? Portia. Yes, bring me word, boy, if thy lord look well, For he went sickly forth ; and take good note What Caesar doth, what suitors press to him. Hark, boy ! what noise is that? Lucius. I hear none, madam. Portia. Prithee, listen well ; I heard a bustling rumour like a fray, And the wind brings it from the Capitol. Lucius. Sooth, madam, I hear nothing. 2c 72 JULIUS C&SAR. Enter the Soothsayer. Portia. Come hither, fellow. Which way hast thou been ? Soothsayer. At mine own house, good lady. Portia. What is 't o'clock ? Soothsayer. About the ninth hour, lady. Portia. Is Caesar yet gone to the Capitol ? Soothsayer. Madam, not yet ; I go to take my stand, To see him pass on to the Capitol. Portia. Thou hast some suit to Caesar, hast thou not ? Soothsayer. That I have, lady ; if it will please Caesar To be so good to Caesar as to hear me, I shall beseech him to befriend himself. 30 Portia. Why, know'st thou any harm 's intended towards him ? Soothsayer. None that I know will be, much that I fear may chance. Good morrow to you. — Here the street is narrow ; The throng that follows Caesar at the heels, Of senators, of praetors, common suitors, Will crowd a feeble man almost to death: I Ml get me to a place more void, and there Speak to great Caesar as he comes along. Portia. I must go in. — Ay me, how weak a thing The heart of woman is ! O Brutus, 40 The heavens speed thee in thine enterprise ! — Sure, the boy heard me. — Brutus hath a suit, That Caesar will not grant. — O, I grow faint ! — Run, Lucius, and commend me to my lord ; Say I am merry : come to me again, And bring me word what he doth say to thee. [Exeunt. ACT III. Scene I. The Capitol; the Senate sitting. A crowd of People in the Street leading to the Capitol ; among them Artemidorus and the Soothsayer. Flourish. Enter Caesar, Brutus, Cassius, Casca, Decius, Met ellus, Tre- bonius, Cinna, Antony, Lepidus, Popilius, Publius, and others. Ccesar. The ides of March are come. 74 JULIUS CsESAR. Soothsayer. Ay, Caesar j but not gone. Artemidorus. Hail, Caesar ! Read this schedule. Decius. Trebonius doth desire you to o'er-read, At your best leisure, this his humble suit. Arte?nidorus. O, Caesar, read mine first ; for mine 's a suit That touches Caesar nearer. Read it, great Caesar. Ccesar. What touches us ourself shall be last serv'd. Artemidorus. Delay not, Caesar ; read it instantly. Ccesar. What ! is the fellow mad ? Publius. Sirrah, give place. 10 Cassius. What ! urge you your petitions in the street ? Come to the Capitol. Ccesar enters the Capitol, the rest following. All the Senators rise. Popilius. I wish your enterprise to-day may thrive. Cassius. What enterprise, Popilius ? Popilius. Fare you well. ^Advances to Ccesar. Brutus. What said Popilius Lena ? Cassius. He wish'd to-day our enterprise might thrive. I fear our purpose is discovered. Brutus. Look, how he makes to Caesar; mark him. Cassius. Casca, be sudden, for we fear prevention. — 20 Brutus, what shall be done ? If this be known, Cassius or Caesar never shall turn back, For I will slay myself. Brutus. Cassius, be constant : Popilius Lena speaks not of our purposes ; For, look, he smiles, and Caesar doth not change. Cassius. Trebonius knows his time ; for, look you, Brutus, He draws Mark Antony out of the way. \Exeiint Antony and Trebonius. Ccesar and the Sena- tors take their seats. Decius. Where is Metellus Cimber? Let him go And presently prefer his suit to Caesar. ACT III. SCENE I. 75 Brutus. He is address'd \ press near and second him. Cintia. Casca, you are the first that rears your hand. 3° Casca. Are we all ready ? Ccesar. What is now amiss That Caesar and his senate must redress? Metellus. Most high, most mighty, and most puissant Caesar, Metellus Cimber throws before thy seat An humble heart. — [Kneeling. Ccesar. I must prevent thee, Cimber. These couchings and these lowly courtesies Might fire the blood of ordinary men, And turn pre-ordinance and first decree Into the law of children. Be not fond, To think that Caesar bears such rebel blood 4° That will be thaw'd from the true quality With that which melteth fools, — I mean sweet words, Low-crooked curtsies, and base spaniel fawning. Thy brother by decree is banished ; If thou dost bend and pray and fawn for him, I spurn thee like a cur out of my way. Know, Caesar doth not wrong, nor without cause Will he be satisfied. Metellus. Is there no voice more worthy than my own, To sound more sweetly in great Caesar's ear 50 For the repealing of my banish'd brother? Brutus. I kiss thy hand, but not in flattery, Caesar, Desiring thee that Publius Cimber may Have an immediate freedom of repeal. Ccesar. What, Brutus ! Cassius. Pardon, Cassar ; Caesar, pardon : As low as to thy foot doth Cassius fall, To beg enfranchisement for Publius Cimber. Ccesar. I could be well mov'd, if I were as you ; If I could pray to move, prayers would move me ; But I am constant as the northern star, 60 7 6 JULIUS C&SAR. Of whose true-fix'd and resting quality There is no fellow in the firmament. The skies are painted with unnumber'd sparks; They are all fire, and every one doth shine ; But there 's but one in all doth hold his place. So, in the world ; 't is furnish'd well with men, And men are flesh and blood, and apprehensive ; Yet, in the number, I do know but one That unassailable holds on his rank, Unshak'd of motion : and that I am he, 70 Let me a little show it, even in this, — That I was constant Cimber should be banish'd, And constant do remain to keep him so. Cinna. O Caesar ! — Ccesar. Hence ! wilt thou lift up Olympus ? Decius. Great Caesar, — Ccesar. Doth not Brutus bootless kneel ? Casca. Speak, hands, for me. [Casca stabs Ccesar in the neck. Ccesar catches hold of his arm. He is then stabbed by several other Con- spirators, and at last by Mar ens Brutus. Ccesar. Et tu, Brute !— Then, fall, Caesar. [Dies. The Senators and People retire in confusion. Cinna. Liberty ! Freedom ! Tyranny is dead ! — Run hence, proclaim, cry it about the streets. Cassius. Some to the common pulpits, and cry out, 80 1 Liberty, freedom, and enfranchisement !' Brutus. People, and senators ! be not affrighted \ Fly not ; stand still : — ambition's debt is paid. Casca. Go to the pulpit, Brutus. Decius. And Cassius too. Brutus. Where 's Publius ? Cinna. Here, quite confounded with this mutiny. Metellus. Stand fast together, lest some friend of Caesar's Should chance — ACT III. SCENE I. 77 Brutus. Talk not of standing. — Publius, good cheer j 90 There is no harm intended to your person, Nor to no Roman else : so tell them, Publius. Cassius. And leave us, Publius ; lest that the people Rushing on us should do your age some mischief. Brutus. Do so ; — and let no man abide this deed But we the doers. Enter Trebonius. Cassius. Where is Antony ? Trebonius. Fled to his house amaz'd. Men, wives, and children stare, cry out, and run, As it were doomsday. Brutus. Fates ! we will know your pleasures : That we shall die, we know ; 't is but the time, 10 And drawing clays out, that men stand upon. Casca. Why, he that cuts off twenty years of life Cuts off so many years of fearing death. Brutus. Grant that, and then is death a benefit ; So are we Caesar's friends, that have abridg'd His time of fearing death. — Stoop, Romans, stoop, And let us bathe our hands in Caesar's blood Up to the elbows, and besmear our swords ; Then walk we forth, even to the market-place, And, waving our red weapons o'er our heads, no Let 's all cry, Peace ! Freedom ! and Liberty ! Cassius. Stoop, then, and wash. — How many ages hence Shall this our lofty scene be acted over In states unborn and accents yet unknown ! Brutus. How many times shall Caesar bleed in sport, That now on Pompey's basis lies along No worthier than the dust ! Cassius. So oft as that shall be, So often shall the knot of us be call'd The men that gave their country liberty. 7 8 JULIUS C&SAR. Decius. What ! shall we forth ? Cassius. Ay, every man away ; 120 Brutus shall lead, and we will grace his heels With the most boldest and best hearts of Rome. Enter a Servant. Brutus. Soft, who comes here ? A friend of Antony's. Servant. Thus, Brutus, did my master bid me kneel ; Thus did Mark Antony bid me fall down j And, being prostrate, thus he bade me say : Brutus is noble, wise, valiant, and honest; Caesar was mighty, bold, royal, and loving. Say I love Brutus and I honour him j Say I fear'd Caesar, honour'd him, and lov'd him. t 3 o If Brutus will vouchsafe that Antony May safely come to him and be resolv'd How Caesar hath deserv'd to lie in death, Mark Antony shall not love Caesar dead So well as Brutus living, but will follow The fortunes and affairs of noble Brutus Thorough the hazards of this untrod state With all true faith. So says my master Antony. Brutus. Thy master is a wise and valiant Roman ; I never thought him worse. m* Tell him, so please him come unto this place, He shall be satisfied and, by my honour, Depart untouch'd. Servant. I'll fetch him presently. [Exit Scn Brutus. Farewell toyou; — and you; — and you, Volumnius. — Strato, thou hast been all this while asleep ; Farewell to thee too, Strato. — Countrymen, My heart doth joy that yet in all my life I found no man but he was true to me. I shall have glory by this losing day, More than Octavius and Mark Antony By this vile conquest shall attain unto. So, fare you well at once ; for Brutus' tongue Hath almost ended his life's history. 40 Night hangs upon my eyes ; my bones would rest, That have but labour'd to attain this hour. [Alarum. Cry within, l Fiy, fly, fly !' Clitus. Fly, my lord, fly ! Brutus. Hence, I will follow. — [Exeunt Clitus, Dardanius, and Volumnius. I prithee, Strato, stay thou by thy lord. Thou art a fellow of a good respect ; Thy life hath had some smatch of honour in it: Hold then my sword, and turn away thy face While I do run upon it. Wilt thou, Strato ? Strato. Give me your hand first ; fare you well, my lord. Brutus. Farewell, good Strato. — Caesar, now be still \ 5 .> I kill'd not thee with half so good a will. [He runs on his sword, and dies. Ala/ urn. Retreat. Enter Octavius, Antony, Messala, Luc 1 li us, and the Army. Octavius. What man is that ? ACT V. SCENE V. I2 i Messala. My master's man. — Strato, where is thy master? Strato. Free from the bondage you are in, Messala: The conquerors can but make a fire of him ; For Brutus only overcame himself, And no man else hath honour by his death. Lucilius. So Brutus should be found. — I thank thee, Brutus, That thou hast prov'd Lucilius' saying true. Octavins. All that serv'd Brutus, I will entertain them. 60 Fellow, wilt thou bestow thy time with me? Strato. Ay, if Messala will prefer me to you. Octavius. Do so, good Messala. Messala. How died my master, Strato ? Strato. I held the sword, and he did run on it. Messala. Octavius, then take him to follow thee, That did the latest service to my master. Antony. This was the noblest Roman of them all. All the conspirators, save only he, Did that they did in envy of great Caesar j 70 He only, in a general honest thought And common good to all, made one of them. His life was gentle, and the elements So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up And say to all the world, 'This was a man !' Octavius. According to his virtue let us use him, With all respect and rites of burial. Within my tent his bones to-night shall lie, Most like a soldier, ordered honourably. — So, call the field to rest, and let 's away, 80 To part the glories of this happy day. [Exeunt. COIN OF THE TKIUMVIKS. ROMAN MATRON. NOTES. ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES. Abbott (or Gr.), Abbott's Shakespearian Grammar (third edition). A. S., Anglo-Saxon. A. V., Authorized Version of the Bible (1611). B. and F., Beaumont and Fletcher. B. J., Ben Jonson. Camb. ed., " Cambridge edition " of Shakespeare, edited by Clark and Wright. Cf. (confer), compare. Clarke, " Cassells Illustrated Shakespeare," edited by Charles and Mary Cowden- Clarke (London, n. d.). Coll., Collier (second edition). Coll. MS., Manuscript Corrections of Second Folio, edited by Collier. Craik, Craik's English of Shakespeare (Rolfe's edition). D., Dyce (second edition). H., Hudson (" Harvard" edition). Halliwell, J. O. Halliwell (folio ed. of Shakespeare). Id. (idem), the same. K., Knight (second edition). N., North's Plutarch. Nares, Glossary, edited by Halliwell and Wright (London, 1859). Pro!., Prologue. Rich., Richardson's Dictionary (London, 1838). S., Shakespeare. Schmidt, A. Schmidt's Shakespeare- Lex icon (Berlin, 1874). Sr., Singer. St., Staunton. Theo., Theobald. V., Verplanck. W., R. Grant White. Walker, Wm. Sidney Walker's Critical Examination of the Text of Shakespeare (London, i860). Warb., Warburton. Wb., Webster's Dictionary (revised quarto edition of 1879). Wore, Worcester's Dictionary (quarto edition). Wr., W. A. Wright's " Clarendon Press" ed. of J. C. (Oxford, 1878). The abbreviations of the names of Shakespeare's Plays will be readily understood; as T. N. for Twelfth Night, Cor. for Coriolanus, 3 Hen. VI. for The Third Part of King Henry the Sixth, etc. /'. P. refers to The Passionate Pilgrim ; V. and A. to I enus and Adonis ; L. C. to Lover's Complaint ; and Sonn. to the Sonnets. When the abbreviation of the name of a play is followed by a reference to Page, Rolte's edition of the play is meant. The numbers of the lines (except for the present play) are those of the "Globe" ed. NOTES. PLEBEIANS. ACT I. Scene I. — In the folio of 1623 the play is divided into acts, but not into scenes, and there is no list of dramatis persouce. The heading of Act I. is as follows : " Actus Primus. Sccena Prima. Enter Flauius, Afwel- his, and certaine Commoners oner the Stage.'' 1 The spelling Mure/Ins is found throughout the play, except in one instance (i. 2. 278), where we find " Murrellus and Flauius, for pulling Scarffes off Casars Images, are put to silence." The name in N. is Marullus, and Theo. corrected it here. 3. Being mechanical. " Cobblers, tapsters, or such like base mechan- ical people" (N.). S. uses both mechanic and mechanical as noun and as adjective. Cf. M. N. D. iii. 2. 9 : "rude mechanicals ;" 2 Hen. IV. v. 5*38: "by most mechanical and dirty hand;" Cor. v. 3. 83 : "Rome's mechanics ;" A. and C. v. 2. 209 : " mechanic slaves." 126 XOTRS. Ought not walk. On the omission of to, see Or. 349. 4. A labouring day. As Craik remarks, labouring here is not the par- ticiple, but the verbal noun (or gerund) used as an adjective. Cf. the expressions a Walking-stick, a 7vriting-desk, etc. The participle in -lug is active, and it remains so when used as an adjective ; as in a labouring man, etc. When used as a noun, which rarely occurs in English, it de- notes the agent. Thus " the erring " means those who err, as amans in Latin means a lover. The verbal noun in -ing, on the other hand, de- notes the act (as "labouring is wearisome "), like the Latin gerund amandi, etc. This verbal noun is commonly called a "participial noun" in the grammars, but it has no etymological connection with the participle. In early English (as in A. S.) the two had different forms. The ending of the participle was aude (and), ende (end), or inde, and that of the verbal noun was ing or ung ; but the former went out of use, and the latter came to do service for both. This change began before the year 1300, but in the time of Chaucer the old participial ending was still occasion- ally used, and it is found in Scotch writers even to the end of the six- teenth century. The following are examples of the participle and the verbal noun used with their appropriate endings in the same sentence : " Hors, or hund, or othir thing That war plesawr/ to their Viking." — Barbour (1357). " Full low mcWnand to their queen full clear Whom for their noble nourish/«£- they thank." — Dunbar (Ellis's Spec). 5. What trade art thou ? Either trade is equivalent to tradesman (as Craik makes it), or o/\s understood. Cf. Gr. 202. On the use of thou and you in S., see Gr. 232. 6. 1 Citizen. The folio has " Car." (that is, Carpenter), and for 2 Citizen either " Cobl." or " Cob." (Cobbler). 12. Answer me directly. That is, explicitly, without ambiguity. Cf. hi. 3. 9 below. It is hardly necessary to say that cobbler meant not only a mender of shoes, but a clumsy workman at any trade ; and the latter sense is not wholly unknown even now. 14. A mender of bad soles. For the quibble, cf. M. of V. iv. 1. 123 : "Not on thy sole, but on thy soul, harsh Jew." Malone quotes Fletch- er's Woman Pleased: "If thou dost this, there shall be no more shoe-mending; Every man shall have a special care of his own soul, And carry in his pocket bit two confessors." 15. What trade, thou knave ? The folio gives this speech to Flavins, but the "Mend me, thou saucy fellow?" shows that it belongs to Manillus. 16. Be not out with me, etc. The play upon out with and out (at the toes) is obvious. 24. But withal, etc. This is the folio reading, and may well enough be retained. " What the cobbler means to say is, that although he med- dles not with tradesmen's matters or women's matters, he is withal (mak- ing at the same time his little pun) a surgeon to old shoes" (\\\). K. and Coll. print "but with all. I am," etc. D., the Camb. ed., and H. have "but with awl. I am," etc. ACT /. SCENE I. 127 25. As proper met/, etc. See M. of V. p. 132 (note on ^ proper mini's picture), and cf. Temp. ii. 2. 62 : " as proper a man as ever went on four legs ;" and Id. ii. 2. 73 : "any emperor that ever trod on neat's leather." 31. His triumph. This was in honour of his successes in Spain, whence he had returned late in the preceding September, after defeating the sons of Pompey at the battle of Munda (March 17th, B.C. 45). It was Cassar's fifth and last triumph. 37. Many a time. Trench {English Past and Present) explains "many a man " as a corruption of " many of men ;" but Abbott (Gr. 85) shows that the " many " is probably used as an adverb. Cf. the German man- cher (adj.) Mann with manch (adv.) ein Mann, etc. In A. S. the idiom was many man, not many a man. 42. Pass the streets. Cf. T. G. of V. iv. 3. 24 : " the ways are dangerous to pass." See Gr. 198. 43. And when you saw his chariot but appear. That is, saw but his chariot appear. See Gr. 129 and 420. 45. That Tiber trembled, etc. On this common ellipsis of so before that, see Gr. 283. The river is here personified as feminine ; as in i. 2. 101 below (see note there). Cf. Milton, /'. L. iii. 359: r^ffi ROMAN HIGHWAY ON THE BANKS OF THE TIBER. 128 NOTES. M the river of bliss through midst of Heaven Rolls o'er Elysian flowers her amber stream." 51. Replication of. Reply to, echo of. 52. Be gone! On these brief " interjectional lines," see Gr. 512. 58. Tiber banks. This use of proper names as adjectives is common in S. Cf. v. 5. 19 below : " Here in Philippi fields." See Gr. 22. 61. Whether. The folio prints "where" here, as in v. 4. 30 below , but it often has whether when the word is a monosyllable (see on ii. I. 194 below). Cf. Gr. 466. Some modern eds. read " whe'r " or " wher." Metal. Used interchangeably with mettle in the early eds. See K. John, p. 148. 65. Deck?d with ceremonies. This is the reading of the folio, and is retained by all the editors except W. and H., who have "ceremony." Ceremonies may mean " honorary ornaments " (Malone), or what are after- wards called "Caesar's trophies," and described as "scarfs" hung on his images. Wr. compares Hen. V. iv. 1. 109 : " his ceremonies laid by," etc. 67. The feast of Lupercal. The Lupercal was a cavern in the Palatine Hill, sacred to Lupercus, the old Italian god of fertility, who came to be identified with Pan. Thus Virgil (/En. viii. 344) speaks of the place as "sub rupe Lupercal Parrhasio dictum Panos de more Lycaei." Here the feast of the Lupercalia was held every year, in the month of February. After certain sacrifices and other rites, the Lnperci (or priests of Lupercus) ran through the city wearing only a cincture of goatskin, and striking with leather thongs all whom they met. This performance was a symbolic purification of the land and the people. The festal day was called dies februata (from februare, to purify), the month in which it oc- curred Fehiiarius, and the god himself Februns. 73. Pitch. A technical term for the height to which a falcon soars. See Rich. II. p. 153. Scene II. — The heading in the folio is, "Enter Casar, Antony for the Course, Calphurnia, Portia, Decius,' Cicero, Brutus, Cassius, Cas/ca, a Soothsayer: after them Mnrellus and Flaunts." Calphurnia is the name of Caesar's wife throughout the play, and also in N. (eds. of 1579 and 1612*), though Craik and W. say that it is Calpumia in the latter author- ity. Calpumia was the classical form of the name. Decius. His true name was Decimus Brutus. " The error, however, is as old as the edition of Plutarch's Greek text produced by Henry Ste- phens in 1572 ; and it occurs likewise in the accompanying Latin transla- tion, and both in Amyot's and Dacier's French, as well as in North's Eng- lish. It is also found in Philemon Holland's translation of Suetonius, published in 1606. Lord Stirling, in his Julitis Orsar, probably misled in like manner by North, has fallen into the same mistake" (Craik). I: may be noted, also, that it was this Decimus BnitUS who had been the spec ial favourite of Cxsar, and not Marcus Junius Brutus, as represented in the play. • In some later editions (as in that of 1676) the name is changed to Caljmrnia. ACT I. SCENE II. I29 3. In Antonius* tvay. The folio has "in Antonio's way ;" and in other names ending in -ins it often gives the Italian form in -io, which was more familiar to the actors of the time. Antony was the head or chief of a third " college " of Luperci that had been added to the original two in honour of Caesar. 4. When he doth run his course. Cf. N.* {Life of Ccesar) : " At that time the feast Lupercalia was celebrated, the which in old time, men say, was the feast of Shephfiards or Herdmen, and is much like unto the feast of Lycaeians in Arcadia. But, howsoever it is, that day there are divers noble men's sons, young men (and some of them Magistrates themselves that govern them), which run naked through the City, striking in sport them they meet in their way with Leather thongs, hair and all on, to make them give place. And many noble Women and Gentlewomen also, go of purpose to stand in their way, and do put forth their hands to be stricken, as Scholars hold them out to their Schoolmaster, to be stricken with the ferula ; perswading themselves that, being with Child, they shall have good delivery; and so, being barren, that it will make them to conceive with Child. . . . Antonius, who was Consull at that time, was one of them that ran this holy course." ir. Set on. Set out, proceed. Cf. v. 2. 3 below ; and see Hen. VIII. p. 180. 15. Press. Crowd. Cf. R. of L. 1301, 1408, etc. ; also Mark, ii. 4. 17. Ides of March. In the Roman calendar the Ides fell on the 15th of March, May, July, and October, and the 13th of the other months. 18. A soothsayer bids. Some put a comma after soothsayer, as if there were an ellipsis of who (Gr. 244). On the measure, see Gr. 460. 23. Sennet. A particular set of notes on a trumpet. See Hen. VIII. p. 176. 27. Quick. Lively, sprightly ; as in Much Ado, ii. 1. 399, v. 2. II, etc. 30. That gentleness . . . as. See Gr. 280, and cf. 170 below. 36. Merely upon myself. Altogether upon myself. See Temp. ■p. Ill, note on We are merely cheated. Cf. Bacon, Adv. of L. ii. 1. 4: "narra- tions which are merely and sincerely natural ;" Id. ii. 25. 9 : "which do make men merely aliens and disincorporate from the Church of God ;" Essay 27 : "it is a mere and miserable solitude to want true friends." 37. Passions of some difference. " With a fluctuation of discordant opinions and desires " (Johnson). 38. Proper to myself. Peculiar to myself; my own. See Gr. 16, and cf. Temp. p. 133, note on Their proper selves. 39. Behaviours. For the plural, cf. Much Ado, ii. 3. 9, 100, L. L. L. ii. I. 234, etc. 45. Mistook your passion. See M. of V. p. 141 (note on Not undertook) or Gr. 343. On passion = feeling, see M. of V. p. 157. 47. Cogitations. Thoughts. Cf. Bacon, Adv. of L. i. introd. : " I may excite your princely cogitations to visit the excellent treasure of your own mind," etc. See also Dan. vii. 28. 49. The eye sees not itself. Cf. T and C. iii. 3. 106 : * All our quotations from North's Plutarch are from the edition of 1676. I !3o NOTES. "nor doth the eve itself. That most pure spirit of sense, behold itself." Steevens quotes Sir John Davies, Nosce Teipsum (1599) : — " the mind is like the eye, Not seeing itself, when other things it sees." 50. But by reflection by some other things. This is the folio reading, retained by K. and Wr. Pope reads " from some other things ;" 1). and H. have "from some other thing;" and W., "by some other thing." If by is what S. wrote, it is probably equivalent to "by means of" or " from." Cf. the peculiar uses of by noted in Gr. 146. Even now we may say "being reflected by some other thing." 52. Mirrors. Walker, D., and II. read "mirror." 54. The best respect. The highest respectability or estimation. Cf. v. 5. 45 below. 62. Therefore, good Brutus, etc. " The eager, impatient temper of Cas- sius, absorbed in his own idea, is vividly expressed by his thus continu- ing his argument as if without appearing to have even heard Brutus's interrupting question ; for such is the only interpretation which his there- fore would seem to admit of" (Craik). 67. Jealous on trie. Distrustful or suspicious of me. See M. of V. p. 143 (note on Glad on 7), or Gr. 180. 68. A common laugher. The folio has "common laughter." Pope substituted laugher, which has been adopted by all the more recent edit- ors. Wr., however, thinks "laughter" may be right ( — laughing-stock). As Craik remarks, "neither word seems to be perfectly satisfactory." A friend suggests "lover" as being in harmony with the context. 69. To stale with ordinary oaths, etc. Johnson (followed by W.) ex- plains this, " to invite every new protester to my affection by the stale, or allurement, of customary oaths." On this sense of stale, see Temp. p. 137. But here (as Craik suggests) the word doubtless means "to make stale," or common. Cf. iv. 1. 38 below : "stal'd by other men ;" A. and C. ii. 2. 240 : " Age cannot wither her, nor custom stale Her infinite variety," etc. 72. Scandal. Defame, traduce. Cf. Cor. iii. 1. 44 : " Scandal'd the sup- pliants for the people," etc. See also Temp. p. 136. On the adverbial after, see Gr. 26. 73. Profess myself. "Make protestations of friendship" (Schmidt). 81. Toward. Wr. believes that the word, when a dissyllable, is always accented by S. on the first syllable ; not only here, but in L. L. L. v. 2. 92, M. of V. v. I. 5, and A. and C. iii. 10. 31. 82. Set honour in one eye, etc. Johnson explains this as follows: " When Brutus first names honour and death, he calmly declares them indifferent, but as the image kindles in his mind, he sets honour above life." Coleridge says: " \\ 'arbui ton would read death for both; but I prefer the old text. There are here three things — the public good, the individual Brutus's honour, and his death. The latter two so Ixilanced each other that he could decide for the first by equipoise; nay — the thought growing — that honour had more weight than death. That Cas- sins understood it as Warbuiton is the beauty ofCassius as contrasted ACT I. SCENE II. J 3i with Brutus." Craik remarks : " Tt does not seem to be necessary to suppose any such change or growth either of the image or the sentiment. What Brutus means by saying that he will look upon honour and death indifferently, if they present themselves together, is merely that, for the sake of the honour, he will not mind the death, or the risk of death, by which it may be accompanied ; he will look as fearlessly and steadily upon the one as upon the other. He will think the honour to be cheaply purchased even by the loss of life ; that price will never make him falter or hesitate in clutching at such a prize. He must be understood to set honour above life from the first ; that he should ever have felt otherwise for a moment would have been the height of the unheroic." On indifferently, cf. Bacon, Adv. of L. ii. introd. : " I for my part shall be indifferently glad either to perform myself, or accept from another, that duty of humanity." See also Cor. ii. 2. 19. 84. Speed. Prosper ; as in ii. 4. 41 below. 87. Your outward favour. Your face, or personal appearance. Cf. ii. I. 76 below ; and Bacon, Ess. 27 (ed. of 1625) : " For, as S. James saith, they are as Men, that looke sometimes into a Glasse, and presently forget their own Shape, dr> Favour.'''' See also Proverbs, xxxi. 30. 97. The troubled Tiber chafing, etc. See Gr. 376. Chafe (the Latin calefacere, through the Fr. echauffer and chauffer) meant, first, to warm ; then, to warm by rubbing; and then simply to rub — either literally, as here, or in a figurative sense =to irritate; as in Hen. VIII. i. I. 123: " What, are you chaf'd ?" Cf. 2 Sam. xvii. 8. Here, as in i. 1. 45 above, some editors have changed her to "his," be- cause Tiber is masculine in Latin ; but, as Craik remarks, " this is to give us both language and a conception different from Shakespeare's." It was not the Roman river-god that he had in mind in these personifications of the stream. THE KIVER-GOD TIBER. 132 NOTES. 104. With lusty sinews. With vigorous sinews. Cf. Temp. ii. 1. 119 : "in lusty stroke," etc. Lusty is "from the Saxon lust \\\ its primary sense <>f eager desire, or intense longing, indicating a corresponding intensity of bodily vigour" {Bible Word-Book). See Judges, iii. 29. 105. Hearts of controversy. " With courage that opposed and contend- ed with the violence of the stream" (Wr.). 106. Arrive. Cf. 3 lieu. VI. v. 3. 8 : "have arriv'd our coast;" Mil- ton, P. L. ii. 409 : " Ere he arrive The happy isle." See Gr. 198. 118. His ccnoard lips, etc. "There can, I think, be no question that Warburton is right in holding that we have here a pointed allusion to a soldier flying from his colours. . . . The figure is quite in Shakespeare's manner and spirit" (Craik). 119. And that same eye whose bend, etc. Cf. Cymb. i. 1. 13: "wear their faces to the bent Of the king's looks." Bend occurs elsewhere only in A. and C. ii. 2. 213 (see our ed. p. 183). 120. His lustre. That is, its lustre. See Gr. 228. 125. Of such a feeble temper. That is, " temperament, constitution" (D.). Cf. M. of V. i. 2. 20 : " a hot temper leaps o'er a cold decree," etc. 131. Man. " Cassius grows more familiar as Brutus is more moved" (Wr.). 138. What should be in that Ccvsar? On should, see Gr. 325. 139. More than yours. In the folio, "more then yours;" and then is the invariable form in that edition, as in Bacon, Hooker, etc. I had varied. Wiclif has than for both than and then, while Tvndale has then for both. Milton has than for then in the Hymn on the Nativity, 88 ; " Full little thought they than That the mighty Pan Was kindly come to live with them below." 1 T47. Noble bloods. Cf. iv. 3. 260 below : " young bloods ;" K. John, ii. I. 278 : " As many and as well-born bloods," etc. 148. The great flood. The deluge of Deucalion. Cf. W. T. iv. 4. 443 and Cor. ii. I. 102. 149. Fam'd with. Famed for, or made famous by. Cf. Gr. 193, 194. 151. Wide zualls. The folio has "wide Walkes," which K. and St. re- tain. Coll., P., W., Wr., and II. adopt Kowe's correction of " walls." 152. Rome indeed and room enough. " Evidence this that ' Rome pronounced room, or 'room' rome" (W.). Cf. below, iii. 1. 290: "No Rome of safety for Octavius yet;" A". John, iii. 1. 180 : "I have room with Rome to curse a while." St. quotes Prime, Commentary on (,'ala- tians (1587): "Rome is too narrow a Room for the Church of God." In I Hen. VI. iii. I. 51, the Bishop of Winchester >avs, " Rome shall rem- edy this," and Warwick replies, " Koam thither then." W. infers from this play upon Rome and roam (together with the fact that room was often spelled rome) that all three words were pronounced with the long sound of ; but it is not impossible that oa was sometimes pronounced 00. In our day loom is the rustic pronunciation of loam. It is mote probable, however, that Craik and Karle {Philology of English 'Tongue, 1 S 7 1 ) are right in assuming that in the time of S. the modem pronunciation Of Rome was beginning to be heard, although the other was more common. ACT I. SCENE II. m OLD WALLS OF ROME. 153. But one only man. Cf. Hooker, Eccl. Pol. i. 25 : " one only God ;' i. 10. 14: "one only family," etc. Gr. 130. 155. There was a Brutus once. Lucius Junius Brutus, who brought about the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus. Cf. i. 3. 145 below. 156. The eternal devil. Johnson thought that S. wrote " infernal devil." Steevens explains thus : " L. J. Brutus (says Cassius) would as soon have submitted to the perpetual dominion of a demon as to the lasting govern- ment of a king." Abbott (Gr. p. 16) considers it one of the exceptions to the exactness with which the poet used words that were "the recent in- ventions of the age." Cf. Oth. iv. 2. 130 : "eternal villain ;" Ham. v. 2. 376: "eternal cell." Wr. compares the Yankee "tarnal." Keep his state. Maintain his dignity ; or, perhaps, keep his throne. Cf. Macb. p. 214, note on Her state. 158. Nothing jealous. Nowise doubtful. Cf. 6j above ; and see also T. of S. iv. 5. 76 : " For our first merriment hath made thee jealous," etc. 159. I have some aim. I can partly guess, or conjecture. Cf. T. G. oj V. iii. 1. 28 : " fearing lest my jealous aim might err," etc. I34 NOTES. 162. So zuith love. On so ( -if, provided that), see Gr. 133. 167. Chew upon this. " We have lost the Saxon word in this applica- tion, but we retain the metaphor, only translating chezo into the Latin equivalent, ruminate" (Craik). 168. Brutus had rather be, etc. See M. of V. p. 132, note on 43. The superlative rathest is found in Bacon, Colours of Good and Evil, i. : " vvhome next themselves they would rathest commend." 169. 7'hau to refute. See Temp. p. 131 (note on 62), or Gr. 350. 177. What hath proceeded worthy note. What hath happened. On the ellipsis, see Gr. 198^. 178. Cassius. Here a trisyllable, as in several other instances. See Gr. 479. 182. Such ferret and such fiery eyes. The ferret has red eyes. 183. As we have seen him. That is, seen him look with. See Gr. 384. 184. Cross 1 din conference. Opposed in debate. D. and II. read "sen- ator." 188. Let me have men about me, etc. Cf. N. {Life of Cczsar) : " Cctsar also had Cassius in great jealousie, and suspected him much : whereupon he said upon a time to his friends, what will Cassius do, think ye? I like not his pale looks. Another time, when Ccesars friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, that they pretended some mischief tow- ards him : he answered them again, As for those fat men and smooth combed heads, quoth he, I never reckon of them ; but these pale visaged and carrion lean People, I fear them most, meaning Brutus and Cassius. 1 '' So also, in Life of Brutus: "For, intelligence being brought him one clay that Antonius and Dolabella did conspire against him : he answered, That these fat long haired men made him not afraid, but the lean and whitely faced fellows, meaning that by Brutus and Cassius." 1 189. C nights. The folio has "a-nights." See Gr. 182, and cf. 176 and 24. 190. Youd. Often printed "Yond\" but not a contraction of yonder. See Temp. p. 121, note on 407. 193. Well given. Well disposed. Cf. 2 Hen. VI. in. I. 72: "to given," etc. In I Hen. LV. iii. 3, we have both " virtuously given " (16) and "given to virtue" (38). 195. Liable to fear. Liable to the imputation of fear. 200. He hears no music. Cf. M. of V. v. I. 83 : "The man that hath not music in himself," etc. 201. Seldom he smiles. He seldom smiles. Cf. just below, " for always I am Caesar," and see Gr. 421. 204. Such men as he he never at heart's ease. On he, see At, of J', p. 134 (note on 19), and Gr. 300. ( >n at, see Gr. 144. We still say ,// ta 205. Whiles. See AL of V. p. 133. or Gr. 137. 212. Tell us what hat/i chane'd. W. savs that the folio has " had chane'd," bat he must have been looking at the next speech of Unit us. Here the folio reading is, " I Casha. tell vs what hath chane'd to-day;" there, " I should not then aske Casha what had chane'd." 213. Sad. Grave, serious. Cf. M. of V. p. 141, note on 179. ACT I. SCENE II. 135 220. Why, there was a crcnon, etc. The editors generally quote here Plutarch's Life of Ccesar, but it seems to us that the account given in the Life of Antonius is more in keeping with Casca's way of telling the story : " When he [Antony] was come to Ccesar, he made his fellow Runners with him lift him up, and so he did put his Lawrell Crown upon his head, sig- nifying thereby that he had deserved to be King. But Ccesar making as though he refused it, turned away his head. The People were so rejoiced at it, that they all clapped their hands for joy. Antonius again did put it on his head : Ccesar again refused it ; and thus they were striving off and on a great while together. As oft as Antonius did put this Lawrell Crown unto him, a few of his followers rejoyced at it : and as oft also as Ccesar refused it, all the People together clapped their hands. . . . Casar in a rage arose out of his Seat, and plucking down the choller of his Gown from his neck, he shewed it naked, bidding any man strike off his head that would. This Lawrell Crown was afterwards put upon the head of one of Ccesar's Statues or Images, the which one of the Tribunes pluckt off. The People liked his doing therein so well, that they waited on him home to his house, with great clapping of hands. Howbeit Ccesar did turn them out of their offices for it." According to the Life of Ccesar, his " tearing open his Doublet Coller," and offering his throat to be cut, was among his friends in his own house, and on a different occasion, namely, when " the Consuls and Praetors, accompanied with the wh,ole Assembly of the Senate, went unto him in the Market-place, where he was set by the Pulpit for Orations, to tell him what honours they had decreed foi him in his absence," and he offended them by " sitting still in his Majes- ty, disdaining to rise up unto them when they came in." The historian adds that, " afterwards to excuse his folly, he imputed it to his disease, saying, that their wits are not perfect which have this disease of the fall- ing-Evill, when standing on their feet they speak to the common People, but are soon troubled with a trembling of their Body, and a suddain dim- ness and giddiness." The Lupercalia and the offering of the crown are then described as occurring after this insult to " the Magistrates of the Commonwealth." 224. Ay, marry, was V. On marry { — Mary), see M. of V. p. 138. 225. Than other. Cf. C of E. iv. 3. 86 : " Both one and the other," etc. Or. 12. 238. The rabblement shouted. The folio has " howted," which is doubt- less a misprint for " showted," as the word is spelled just above in " mine honest neighbours showted." Johnson and K. have " hooted," which is not consistent with the context, as it expresses "insult, not applause." 241. He swooned. The folio has " hee swoonded," and below, " what, did Ccesar swound ?" Cf. R. of L. i486 (see our ed. p. 195). 247. ' 7" is very like, etc. Like for likely, as very often. The folio reads, " 'T is very like he hath the Falling sicUnesse," and Coll. adheres to that pointing. But Brutus knew that Caesar was subject to these epileptic at- tacks. Cf. N.: " For, concerning the constitution of his body, he was lean, white, and soft skinned, and often subject to head-ach, and other while to the falling-sickness (the which took him the first time, as it is reported, in Corduba, a City of Spain), but yet therefore yielded not to the disease i 3 6 NOTES. of his body, to make it a cloak to cherish him withall, but contrarilv, took the pains of War, as a Medicine to cure his sick body, fighting a'lwaies with his disease, travelling continually, living soberly, and commonly lying abroad in the Field." 251. Tag-rag. Cf. Cor.m. 1. 248: "Will you hence, before the tag return ?" Coll. quotes John Partridge, 1566: " To walles they goe, both tagge and ragge, Their citie to defende." 2 53« No true man. No honest man. Cf. M.foi M. iv. 2. 46: "Every true man's apparel fits your thief ;" L. L. L. iv. 3. 187 : "a true man or a thief;" Cymb. ii. 3. 77: "hangs both thief and true man," etc. 256. Pluck'd me ope his doublet. On me, see M. of V. p. 135 (note on Piird me) and Gr. 220. On ope, see Gr. 343, 290. As Wr. remarks, "no doubt on the stage Julius Caesar appeared in doublet and hose like an Englishman of Shakespeare's time." 257. An I had. The folio has "and I had." See Gr. 101 fol. 258. A man of any occupation. "A mechanic, one of the plebeians to whom he offered his throat" (Johnson). Cf. Cor. iv. 6. 97: "the voice of occupation and The breath of garlic-eaters." W. suggests that it may mean "a man of action, a busy man." As Wr. says, both senses may be combined. 259. At a word. At his word. Elsewhere the phrase —in a word. Cf. Cor. i. 3. 122 : " No, at a word, madam ;" Much Ado, ii. 1. 118 : "At a word, I am not." See also M. W. i. 1. 109, 2 Hen. IV. iii. 2. 319, etc. Wr. makes the phrase here ="at the least hint, quickly." 273. All Greek to me. Casca is joking here, if we may take Plutarch's testimony concerning his knowledge of Greek. See N., p. 156 below. 279. / am promised forth. Cf. M. of V. ii. 5. 1 1 : "I am bid forth to supper," and "I have no mind of feasting forth to-night." See Gr. 41. 286. He was quick mettle. The Coll. MS. has "mettled." Walker suggests "metal," referring to blunt. See on i. 1. 61 above. 290. This rudeness is a sauce to his good ivit, etc. Cf. Lear, ii. 2. 102 : "This is some fellow, Who, having been prais'd for bluntness, doth affect A saucy roughness." 300. From that it is disposed. From that to which it is disposed. Cf. iii. 2. 250 below ; and see Gr. 244 (cf. 394). 302. So firm that cannot. See (Jr. 279. 303. Doth bear me hard. "Does not like me, bears me a grudge" (Craik) ; like the Latin aegre ferre (Wr.). Cf. ii. 1. 215: "Cains Ltga- rius doth bear Caesar hard;" and iii. 1. 158: "if you bear me hard.'' The expression occurs nowhere else in S. Hales quotes B. J., Catiline, iv. 5 : " Ay, though he bear me hard," etc. 305. He should not humour me. "He (that is. Brutus) should not cajole me as I do him " (Warb.). " •Caesar loves Brutus, but if Brnttn and I were to change places, his love should not humour me/ should not take hold of my affection, so as to make me forget my principles" (John* son). The latter explanation is perhaps to be preferred. 306. hi several hands. Referring to writings below. Cf. Gr. 419a. ACT I. SCENE III. 137 315. Seat him sure. See Gr. 223 and I. On the rhyming couplet at the end of a scene, see Gr. 515. Scene III. — 1. Brought you Ccesar home? On bring— accompany, es- cort, cf. Oth. iii. 4. 197: " I pray you, bring me on the way a little," etc. 1 See also Gen. xviii. 16, Acts, xxi. 5, 2 Cor. i. 16. 3. The sway of earth. " The whole weight or momentum of this world" (Johnson). " The balanced swing of earth" (Craik). 4. Unfirm. S. uses both infirm and unfirm — each four times. See M. of V. p. 155 (note on Uncapable) or Gr. 442. 8. To be exalted with. That is, in the effort to rise to that height ; or, possibly, so as to rise to the clouds. 10. A tempest dropping fire. The folio has " a Tempest-dropping-fire ;" corrected by Rovve. 13. Destitution. Here a quadrisyllable. See Gr. 479. 14. Any thing more wonderful. Abbott (Gr. 6) explains this as " more wonderful than usual ;" Craik, " anything more that was wonderful." Cf. Cor. iv. 6. 62 : "The slave's report is seconded, and more, More fearful, is delivered." 15. You knozv him well by sight. This is a stumbling-block to some of the commentators. D. suggests (and H. reads) "you'd know him," and Craik "you knew him," in the sense of "would have known him ;" but, as Wr. notes, " the slaves had no distinctive dress." It is nothing strange that both Cicero and Casca should happen to know a particular slave by sight, and it is natural enough that Casca, in referring to him here, should say, And you yourself know the man. "It is simply a graphic touch" (Wr.). On this whole passage, cf. N. {Life of Ccesar) : "Certainly, destiny may easier be foreseen than avoided, considering the strange and .wonderfull Signs that were said to be seen before Cccsars death. For, touching the Fires in the Element, and Spirits running up and down in the night, and also the solitary Birds to be seen at noon days sitting in the great Market- place, are not all these Signs perhaps worth the noting, in such a wonder- full chance as happened ? But Strabo the philosopher writeth, that divers men were seen going up and down in fire : and furthermore, that there was a Slave of the Souldiers that did cast a marvellous burning flams out of his hand, insomuch as they that saw it thought he had been burnt : when the Fire was out, it was found he had no hurt. Ccesar self also doing Sac- rifice unto the gods, found that one of the Beasts which was sacrificed had no Heart : and that was a strange thing in nature : how a Beast could live without a Heart." 20. A lion Who, etc. See M. of V. p. 144 (note on 4), or Gr. 264. The folio has "glaz'd vpon me." Pope substituted glar\t, and the Coll. MS. has the same. Cf. Lear, iii. 6. 25 : "Look, how he stands and glares !" See also Macb. iii. 4. 96, etc. 22. Annoying. Cf. Rich. III. v. 3. 156 : " Good angels guard thee from the boor's annoy !" Chaucer {Persones Tale) speaks of a man as annoy' ing his neighbour by burning his house, or poisoning him, and the like. i3» NOTES. "AgaiUSt the Capitol 1 met a lion.*' Drown Upon a heap. Crowded together. Cf. Hen. V. iv. 5. 18 : " Let ns on heaps go offer up our lives;" Kick. III.xx. 1. 53: "Among this princely heap," etc. 30. These are their reasons. Such and such are their reasons. Cf. ii. 1. 31 below: "Would run to these and these extremities." The Coll. MS. has "seasons," which II. adopts. 32. Climate. Region, clime. Cf. Rich. II. iv. r. 130 : "in a Christian climate;" and Bacon, Aa'v. of L. i. 6. 10: "the southern stars were in that climate unseen." The word is used as a verb in W. T. v. 1. 170: "whilst you Do climate here." 35. Clean from. Quite away from. Cf. Oth. i. 3. 366 : "clenn out of the way," etc. See also Ps. lxxvii. 8, Isa. xxiv. 19, etc. Onfro/n, see Gr. 158, and cf. 64 below. 40. Not to walk in. That is, not fit to walk in. See Gr. 405. 42. What night is this! Craik reads " What a night," but this is a needless marring of the metre. Cf. T. G. of V. i. 2. 53 : "What fool is she that knows I am a maid, And would not force the letter to my view!" and T.N. ii. 5. 123: "/',(/'/. p. 119 (on Come, thou tortoise! when ?), and Gr. 73a. Cf. 5 just below. 3. How near to day. How near it is to day. Gr. 403. 10. // must be by his death, etc. Coleridge remarks : " This speech is singular — at least, I do not at present see into Shakespeare's motive, his ratio/tale, or in what point of view he meant Brutus's character to appear. For surely — (this, I mean, is what I say to myself, with my present quan- tum of insight, only modified by my experience in how many instances I have ripened into a perception of beauties where I had before descried faults) — surely nothing can seem more discordant with our historical pre- conceptions of Brutus, or more lowering to the intellect of the Stoico-Pla- tonic tyrannicide, than the tenets here attributed to him — to him, the stern Roman republican ; namely, that he would have no objection to a king, or to Caesar, a monarch in Rome, would Caesar but be as good a monarch as he now seems disposed to be ! How, too, could Brutus say that he found no personal cause — none in Caesar's past conduct as a man ? Had he not crossed the Rubicon ? Had he not entered Rome as a conqueror ? Had he not placed his Gauls in the Senate? Shakespeare, it maybe said, has not brought these things forward. True — and this is just the ground of my perplexity. What character did Shakespeare mean his Brutus to be f" As Wr. says, " he was a political theorist." 12. For the general. " For the community, or the people" (Craik). Cf. M.for M. ii. 4. 27: "the general subject to a well-wish'd king;" Ham. ii. 2. 457 : " caviare to the general," etc. Some make for the gets* eral=" (or the general cause." 15. Crown him ? — 7/iat. Be that so ; suppose that done. 17. Do danger. Do what is dangerous, do mischief. Cf. Gr. 303. 19. Remoru. Mercy, or pity. See ;!/. of V. p. 156, and Temp. p. 140. 21. Common proof A thing commonly proved, a common experience. Cf. T. N. iii. 1. 135 : "for 't is a vulgar proof That very oft we pity enemies." 23. Climber-upward. On the " noun-compounds" of S., see Gr. 430. 24. Upmost. Like inmost, outmost, or utmost, etc. Mrs. Clarke does not give the word, but has utmost in this passage, following what is probably a slip of the type in Knight's ed. We find upmost in Dryden ( Wore >. 26. The base degrees. The lower steps of the ladder. Cf. //en. 17//. ii. 4. 112: "You have . . . Gone slightly o'er low steps, and now are mounted," etc. ACT II. SCENE I. 143 29. Will bear no colour, etc. Can find no pretext in what he now is. On colour, cf. Hen. VIII p. 160. 33. As his kind. " Like the rest of his species" (Mason). 34. And kill him in the shell. " It is impossible not to feel the ex- pressive effect of the hemistich here. The line itself is, as it were, killed in the shell" (Craik). 40. The Ides of March. The folio has " the first of March." Theo. made the correction. 50. Have took. See M. of V. p. 141 (note on A T ot undertook), or Gr. 343. 53. My ancestors. D. and H. read " My ancestor." 59. March is wasted fifteen days. This is the folio reading, changed to "fourteen days" by Theo. and all the recent editors except W., who re- marks that "in common parlance Lucius is correct" — and so in Roman parlance, he might have added. 65. Phautastna. Vision ; used by S. nowhere else Phantasm (=fan- tastical fellow) occurs in L. L. I. iv. 1. no: "A phantasm, a Monarcho, and one that makes sport ;" and Id. v. 1. 20: "fanatical phantasms." 66. The genius and the mortal instruments. "The commentators have written and disputed lavishly upon these celebrated words. Apparently, by the genius we are to understand the contriving and immortal mind, and most probably the mortal instruments are the earthly passions. The best light for the interpretation of the present passage is reflected from the one below, where Brutus says : " ' Let our hearts, as subtle masters do, Stir up their servants to an act of rage, And after seem to chide 'em.' The servants here may be taken to be the same with the instruments in the passage before us. It has been proposed to understand by the mor- tal instruments the bodily powers or organs ; but it is not obvious how these could be said to hold consultation with the genius or mind. Nei- ther could they in the other passage be so fitly said to be stirred up by the heart" (Craik). According to Johnson, the poet " is describing the insurrection which a conspirator feels agitating the little kingdom of his own mind ; when the genius, or power that watches for his protection, and the mortal instru- ments, the passions, which excite him to a deed of honour and danger, are in council and debate ; when the desire of action, and the care of safety, keep the mind in continual fluctuation and disturbance." Malone endorses Johnson's interpretation, but understands mortal to mean deadly, as often in S. A writer in the Edinburgh Review (Oct. 1869) makes genius " the spirit, ruling intellectual power, rational soul, as opposed tothe irascible nat- ure," and mortal instruments "the bodily powers through which it works ;" and this is probably correct. We cannot believe that genius has here the meaning which Johnson ascribes to it, and which it has in some other passages of our poet ; as in C. of E.v. 1. 332 : "One of these men is genius to the other; And so of these. Which is the natural man, And which the spirit?'' 144 NOTES. 67. The state of matt. The folio has u the state of a man," which K. and Craik retain ; all the other recent editors omit " a." Cfc Macb. i. 3. 140. On the whole passage, cf. T. and C ii. 3. 184: "'twixt his mental and his active parts Kingdom'd Achilles in commotion rages, And batters 'gainst himself" 70. Your brother Cassius. Cassius had married Junia, the sister of Brutus. 72. Moe. More ; as in v. 3. 101 below. See M. of V. p. 129. 73. Their hats, etc. " S. dresses his Romans in the slouched hats of his own time " (Wr.). See on i. 2. 256 above. 75. That. On the ellipsis of so, see on i. 1. 45 above. 76. By any mark of favour. See on i. 2. 87 above. 78. Sham'st thou, etc. Cf. W. T. ii. I. 91 : " What she should shame to know ;" K. John, i. i. 104: " I shame to speak," etc. 79. Evils. Evil things ; as in R. of L. 1250, etc. 83. For if thou path, etc. The 1st folio reads, " For if thou path thy natiue semblance on," which (with a comma after path, as in the 2d folio) may be explained, "If thou walk in thy true form"' (Johnson). Drayton uses path as a transitiw verb in his Polyolhitm : " Where from the neigh- bouring hills her passage Wey doth path," and again in his Epistle from Duke Humphrey, etc. : " Pathing «young Henry's unadvised ways." It is possible, however, that path is a misprint here. Southern and Cole- ridge independently suggested "put," which Walker pronounces "cer- tainly" right, and which D. adopts. W. is inclined to the opinion that S. wrote "hadst." II. reads "pass" (an anonymous conjecture). 86. We are too hold, etc. " We intrude too boldly or unceremoniously upon your rest" (Craik). 100. Shall I entreat a word? See p. 13 above. 104. Fret. Cf. R. and J. p. 192, foot-note. 107. Which is a great way, etc. Which must be far to the south, when we consider the time of year. On weighing, see Gr. 378. 112. Your hands all over. " That is, all included" (Craik). 1 14. No, not an oath. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : " The onely name and great Calling of Brutus, did bring on the most of them to give consent to this conspiracy; who having never taken Oaths together, nor taken nor given any caution or assurance, nor binding themselves one to an- other by any religious Oaths, they all kept the matter so secret to them- selves, and could so cunningly handle it, that notwithstanding, the lmhIs did reveal it by manifest signs and tokens from above, and by Predictions of Sacrifices, yet all this would not be believed." Face. The folio reading, retained by K., P.. W., II.. and the Camb. ed. Waib. proposed " fate," Mason M iaith," and M alone " faiths." 1 15. The time's abuse. The abuses of the time. 117. Idle bed. I3ed of idleness ; as we say " a sick bed." Cf. T. and C. i. 3. 147: "upon a lazy bed." High-sighted --"supercilious" (Schmidt). 119. By lottery. As chance may determine. Steevens thought there might be an allusion to the custom of decimation — " the selection by lot of ACT II. SCENE I. I45 every tenth soldier, in a general mutiny, for punishment." Cf. T. of A. v. 4. 31 : "By decimation, and a tithed death." 123. What need 7ue, etc. Why need we, etc. Gr. 253. 125. Than secret Romans. Than that of Romans pledged to secrecy. 126. Will not palter. Will not shuffle or equivocate. Cf. A. and C. iii. 11. 63 : "dodge And palter in the shifts of lowness ;" Cor. iii. 1. 58 : " This paltering Becomes not Rome ;" Macb. v. 8. 20 : "And be these juggling fiends no more believ'd, That palter with us in a double sense ; That keep the word of promise to our ear, And break it to our hope." 129. Cautelons. Wary, crafty, as in Cor. iv. 1.33: " cautelous baits and practice." Cf. the noun cautel in Ham. i. 3. 15 : "no soil nor cautel doth besmirch The virtue of his will." Cotgrave {Fr. Diet. 161 1) defines cautel le thus : " A wile, cautel], sleight ; a craftie reach, or fetch, guilefull deuise or endeuor ; also, craft, subtiltie, trumperie, deceit, cousenage." Cf. Bacon, Adv. of I. ii. 21. 9 : "frauds, cautels, impostures." 133. Even. " Without a flaw or blemish, pure" (Schmidt). Cf. Hen. V11I. iii. I. 37 : "I know my life so even," etc. 134. Insiippressive. Used in a " passive" sense, =not to be suppressed. Cf. A. Y. L. iii. 2. 10: "The fair, the chaste, and unexpressive she ;" T. and C. iii. 3. 198: "the nncomprehensive (unknown) deeps;" A. W. i. 2. 53: "his plausive (plausible, specious) words;" T. G. of V. iv. 4. 200: "I can make respective (respectable) in myself," etc. See Gr. 3.. 135. To think. By thinking. On the infinitive, see Gr. 356. 136. Did need an oath. Ever could need an oath. Gr. 370. 138. A several bastardy. " A special or distinct act of baseness, or of treason against ancestry and honourable birth" (Craik). See Temp. p. I31, note on Several. 144. His silver hairs. Cicero was then about sixty years old. There is an obvious play upon silver and purchase. Opinion — reputation. 150. Break with him. Broach the matter to him. See Hen. VIII. p. 197. Cf. N. {life of Brntns) : " For this cause they durst not acquaint Cicero with their conspiracy, although he was a man whom they loved dearly, and trusted best ; for they were afraid that he, being a coward by nature, and age also having encreased his fear, he would quite turn and alter all their purpose, and quench the heat of their enterprise, the which specially required hot and earnest execution." 158. We shall find of him A shrewd contriver. On of—\x\, see Gr. 172. On shrewd=e\\\, mischievous, see Hen. VIII. p. 202. Wiclif {Gen. vi. 12) translates iniquitate of the Vulgate by "shrewdnes." Cf. Chaucer, Tale of Melibccus : " The prophete saith : Flee shrewdnesse, and do good- nesse ; seek pees, and folwe it, in as muchel as in thee is ;" Id. : "And Seint Poule the Apostle sayth in his Epistle, whan he writeth unto the Romaines, that the juges beren not the spere withouten cause, but they beren it to punish the shrewes and misdoers, and for to defende the goode men." Contriver — p]ottcv ; as in A. Y. L. i. 1. 15 1 (see our ed. p. 139). 160. Annoy. See on i. 3. 22 above. K 146 NOTES. 164. Envy. Malice ; as often. See M. of V. p. 151, note on Envious. 166. Let us be sacrijicers, etc. On the measure, see Gr. 468; and also for 178 just below. 177. Make. "Make to seem." Craik and H. adopt the "mark" of the Coll. MS. 180. Pnrgers. Cleansers or healers (of the land). Cf. Macb. v. 3. 52. 183. Yet I fear him. Pope reads "do fear," which C. says " improves. if it is not absolutely required by, the sense or expression as well as the prosody." 187. Take thought and die. Thought used to mean "anxiety, melan- choly ;" and to think, or take thought, " to be anxious, despondent." < !£ A. and C. iii. 13. I : "Cleopatra. What shall we do, Enobarbus ? Euo- barbus. Think, and die;" Holland, Camden's Ireland: "the old man for very thought and grief of heart pined away and died ;" Bacon, Hem. I '//. : " Hawis .... dyed with thought, and anguish." See also 1 Sam. i.\. 5, and Matt. vi. 25.' 190. There is no fear in him. That is, nothing for us to fear. Fear is elsewhere used for the cause or object of fear ; as in M. X. P. v. 1. 21 : "Or in the night, imagining some fear, How easy is a hush Ktppot'd -\ hear!" 192. Count the clock. Of course this is an anachronism, as the clef or water-clocks, of the Romans did not strike the hours. Hath stricken. S. uses struck (or strook), strucken (or stroken\ ami stricken. Sec Gr, 344. ACT II. SCENE I. I47 194. Whether. Here the folio prints "Whether," though the word is metrically equivalent to the "where" in i. 1. 61 above. 196. Quite from the main opinion. Quite contrary to the fixed (or pre- dominant) opinion. See on i. 3. 35 above. Mason proposed to read " mean opinion." 197. Fantasy. u Fancy, or imagination, with its unaccountable an- ticipations and apprehensions, as opposed to the calculations of reason" (Craik). Ceremonies. " Omens or signs deduced from sacrifices, or other cere- monial rites" (Malone). Cf. Bacon, Adv. of L. ii. 10. 3 : "ceremonies, characters, and charms," where the word means superstitious rites. 198. These apparent prodigies. These manifest portents. Apparently used in its emphatic sense {dearly appearing), not in its weaker one (merely appearing, or seeming). Cf. I Hen. IF. ii. 4. 292 : " this open and apparent shame ;" K. John, iv. 2. 93 : "It is apparent foul play ; and 't is shame That greatness should so grossly offer it." See also Bacon, Ess. 40 (ed. 1625) : " Overt, and Apparent vertues bring forth Praise ; But there be Secret and Hidden Vertues, that bring Forth Fortune. 204. That unicorns, etc. Steevens says : " Unicorns are said to have been taken by one who, running behind a tree, eluded the violent push the animal was making at him, so that his horn spent its force on the trunk, and stuck fast, detaining the beast till he was despatched by the hunter." Cf. Spenser, F. Q. ii. 5. 10 : "Like as a Lyon, whose imperiall powre A prowd rebellious Unicorn defyes, T' avoide the rash assault and wrathful stowre Of his fiers foe. him to a tree applyes. And when him ronning in full course he spyes, He slips aside ; the whiles that furious beast His precious home, sought of his enimyes. Strikes in the stocke. ne thence can be releast, But to the mighty victor yields a bounteous feast." See also T. of A. iv. 3. 339 : "wert thou the unicorn, pride and wrath would confound thee, and make thine own self the conquest of thy fury." " Bears," adds Steevens, " are reported to have been surprised by means of a mirror, which they would gaze on, affording their pursuers an opportunity of taking a surer aim. This circumstance, I think, is men- tioned by Claudian. Elephants were seduced into pitfalls, lightly covered with hurdles and turf, on which a proper bait to tempt them was ex- posed. See Pliny's Natural History, book viii." 208. Most flattered. " At the end of a line ed is often sounded after ut when night came that he was in his own house. ACT II. SCENE I. 149 then he was clean changed : for either care did wake him against his will when he would have slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into such deep thoughts of this enterprise, casting in his mind all the dangers that might happen : that his Wife lying by him, found that there was some marvellous great matter that troubled his mind, not being wont to be in that taking, and that he could not well determine with himself. . . . This young Lady being excellently well seen in Philosophy, loving her Husband well, and being of a noble courage, as she was also wise : because she would not ask her Husband what he ayled, before she had made some proof by herself: she took a little Razor, such as Barbers occupy to paie mens nails, and causing her Maids and Women to go out of her Chamber gave herself a great gash withall in her thigh, that she was straight all of a gore bloud : and incontinently after, a vehement Feaver took her, by reason of the pain of her wound. Then perceiving her Husband was marvellously out of quiet, and that he could take no rest, even in her greatest pain of all, she spake in this sort unto him : I being, O Brutus (said she) the daughter of Cato, was married unto thee ; not to be thy bedfellow, and Companion in bed and at board onely, like a Hailot, but to be partaker also with thee of thy good and evill Fortune. Now for thy self, I can find no cause of fault in thee touching our match : but for my part, how may I show mry duty towards thee, and how much I would do for thy sake, if I cannot constantly bear a secret mischance or grief with thee, which requireth secresie and fidelity. I confess, that a Womans wit commonly is too weak to keep a secret safely : but yet {Brutus) good ed- ucation, and the company of vertuous men, have some power to reform the defect of nature. And for my self, I have this benefit moreover, that I am the Daughter of Cato, and Wife of Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did not trust to any of these things before, untill that now I have found by experience, that no pain or grief whatsoever can overcome me.' With those words she shewed him her wound on her thigh, and told him what she had done to prove her self. Brutus was amazed to hear what she said unto him, and lifting up his hands to Heaven, he besought the god- desses to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise to so good pass, that he might be found a Husband, worthy of so noble a Wife as Porcia : so he then did comfort her the best he could." 238. Stole. Elsewhere S. has stolen. See Or. 343. 240. Arms across. Folded arms ; as in R. of L. 1662. 246. Wtifture. The folio has " wafter." S. used the word nowhere else. 248. Impatience. A quadrisyllable. See on i. 3. 13 above. Gr. 479. 251. His hour. Here ///.r=its, as often. See on i. 2. 124 above. 254. Prevail d on your condition. Influenced your temper or state of mind. See M. of V. p. 133, note on Condition. 255. Dear my lord. See Gr. 13. Cf. the French cher monsieur, etc. 261. Is Brutus sick? "For sick, the correct English adjective to ex- press all degrees of suffering from disease, and which is universally used in the Bible and by Shakespeare, the Englishman of Great Britain has poorly substituted the adverb /'//" (W.). Cf. Gen. xlviii. 1. Sam. xix. 14. xxx. 13, etc- *5o NOTES. Is it physical ? Trench {Glossary, etc.) says : " Though physical has not dissociated itself from physics, it has from physic and physician, being used now as simply the equivalent for natural." Cf. the only other instance in which S. uses the word, Cor. i. 5. 19: " The blood I drop is rather physical Than dangerous to me." 262. To walk unbraced. Cf. i. 3. 48 above. 266. Rheumy. Causing "rheumatic diseases" (AT. A r . D. ii. 1. 105); used by S. only here. 268. Some sick offence. Some pain, or grief, that makes you sick. 271. J charm you. I conjure you. Cf. R.of L. 1681. Pope (followed by H.) substituted "charge" — a needless and prosaic alteration. 283. But, as it were, in sort or limitation. Only in a manner, or in some limited sense. 289. As dear to me, etc. Gray has imitated this in The Bard: " Dear as the ruddy drops that warm my heart." Some critics see here an an- ticipation of Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood ; but vague notions of such a circulation prevailed before Harvey's day. 295. A woman well-reputed, etc. Warb. and St. read, " A woman, well- reputed Cato's daughter;" that is, daughter of the much-esteemed Cato. 297. Being so fathered, etc. As Abbott remarks (Gr. 290), " any noun or adjective could be converted into a verb by the Elizabethan authors." 308. All the charactery, etc. The word charactery occurs also in>J/. //'. v. 5. 77 : " Fairies use flowers for their charactery," and with the same accent as here. 309. Who *s that knocks ? On the ellipsis, see Gr. 244. 313. Vouchsafe good morrow, etc. Vouchsafe to receive, etc. Gr. 3S2. 315. To wear a kerchief. The word kerchief { French couvrir, to cover, and chef, the head) is here used in its original sense of a covering for the head. Cf. Af. W.iu.3.62: "A plain kerchief, Sir John; my brows be- come nothing else." As Mai one remarks, S. here gives to Rome the manners of his own time, it being a common practice in England for sick people to wear a kerchief on their heads. Cf. Fuller, Worthies: "if any there be sick, they make him a posset, and tye a kerchief on his beau, and if that will not mend him, then God be merciful to him." 323. Thou, like an exorcist. " Here, and in all other places where the word occurs in S., to exorcise means to raise spirits, not to lay them" (Mason). See Cymb. iv. 2. 276, A. W. v. 3. 305, and 2 lien. VI. 1. 4. 5. 324. Mortified spirit. The former word makes four syllables ; the latter, as often, only one (Gr. 463). On mortified— deadened, cf. Hen. I '. i. I. 26 : "The breath no sooner left his fathers body, But that his wikhiess, mortified in him, Seem'd to die too." 331. To whom it must be done. See Gr. 208, and cf. 394. II. and some Other editors put a comma after going, making To whom, etc., a repetition of What it is. Scene II.— 1. Have been. On the plural verb, cf. Gr. 408. 2. Thrice hath Calpurnia in her sleep, etc. Cf. N. (Life of Casar) : ACT II. SCENE II 151 " He heard his wife Calpurnia, being fast asleep, weep and sigh, and put forth many fumbling* lamentable speeches : for she dreamed that Ccrsar was slain, 'and that she had him in her Arms. . . . Insomuch that Cccsar rising in the morning, she prayed him if it were possible, not to go out of the doors that day, but to adjourn the Session of the Senate untill another day. And if that he made no reckoning of her Dream, yet that he would search further of the Soothsayers by their Sacrifices, to know what should happen him that day. Thereby it seemed that Ccesar likewise did fear or suspect somewhat, because his Wife Calpurnia untill that time was never given to any fear and superstition : and that then he saw her so troubled in mind with this Dream she had. But much more afterwards, when the Soothsayers having sacrificed many Beasts one after another, told him that none did like them :t then he determined to send Antonius to adjourn the Session of the Senate. But in the mean time came Decius Brutus, surnamed Albinus, in whom Ccesar put such confidence, that in his last Will and Testament he had appointed him to be his next Heir, and yet was of the conspiracy with Cassius and Brutus: he, fearing that if Ccesar d\d adjourn the Session that day, the conspiracy would be betrayed, laughed at the Soothsayers, and reproved Ccesar, saying, that he gave the Senate occasion to mislike with him, and that they might think he mocked them, considering that by his commandment they were assembled, and that they were ready willingly to grant him all things, and to proclaim him King of all his Provinces of the Empire of Rome out of Italy, and that he should wear his Diadem in all other places both by Sea and Land. And further- more, that if any man should tell them from him, they should depart for that present time, and return again when Calpurnia should have better Dreams, what would his Enemies and ill-willers say, and how could they like of his Friends words ?" 5. Present. Immediate; as in R. of L. 1263: "present death," etc. For />;w^///'/j/=itnmediately, see M. of V. p. 131. 6. Success. Probably ~ good-fortune (and so in v. 3. 65 below) ; but ex- plained by Craik as— issue. For the latter sense, cf. v. 3. 66 ; also Rich. III. iv. 4. 236: " dangerous success " (see our ed. p. 232), etc. See also Joshua, i.8. 13. / never stood on ceremonies. I never regarded auguries. See on ii. 1. 197 above. 19. Fought. The folio has "fight," which K., Craik, and the Camb. ed. retain. Fought was proposed by D., and is adopted by W. and H. 22. Hurtled. Clashed. See A. Y. L. p. 191 ; and cf. Gray, The Fatal Sisters : " Iron sleet of arrowy shower Hurtles in the darken' d air." 23. Horses did neigh. The 1st folio has " Horsses do neigh ;" corrected in the 2d folio. K. retains "do," on the ground that "the tenses are purposely confounded, in the vague terror of the speaker ;" but, as Craik remarks, " no degree of mental agitation ever expressed itself in such a jumble and confusion of tenses as this — not even insanity or drunkenness." * This is the word in the edition of 1676 ; as quoted by K., it is "grumbling." \ That is, none of the victims did please them, or give good omens. 152 NOTES. 24. And ghosts did shriek, etc. Cf. the passage from Hamlet (i. 1) quoted on page 27. 25. Beyond all use. That is, all that we are used to. 27. Whose end is purposed. The completion of which is designed. 31. Blaze forth. Proclaim (cf. ft. and J. p. 191) ; with a reference also to the other meaning, as in V. and A. 219 : " Red cheeks and fiery eyes blaze forth her wrong." On the passage cf. I. Hen. VI. i. I. I fol. 32. Cowards die many tunes, etc. See p. 17 above. 38. JVtey would not have you to stir. For the to, see Gr. 349. 42. Ccesar should be a beast. On should — would, see Gr. 322. 46. We are two lions. The folio has, " We heare two Lyons." The cor- rection is Upton's, and is generally adopted. Theo. proposed "were." 67. Afeard. Used by S. interchangeably with afraid. 72. Enough to satisfy, etc. Enough for me to do towards that end. 76. To-night. Last night ; as in iii. 3. 1 below. See M. of V. p. 142. In this line the folio has " Statue," and also in iii. 2. 186 below : " Euen at the Base of Pompeyes Statue ;" but in both passages the editors, with very few exceptions, have given statua, a form of the word common in the time of S. both in poetry and prose. Bacon, for example, uses it in Es- says 27, 37, and 45, in Adv. of Z,. ii. 1.2; 22. I ; 23. 36 ( M a statua of Cae- sar's"), and repeatedly (if not uniformly) elsewhere. See Gr. 487. Some print "statue." 78. Lusty. See on i. 2. 104 above. 81. And evils imminent. This is the folio reading, altered by Ilanmer and the Coll. MS. to "Of evils imminent." D. and H. adopt this emen- dation, but K., W., and the Camb. ed. retain And. 89. Ear tinctures, stains, etc. " Tinctures and stains are understood both by Malone and Steevens as carrying an allusion to the practice of persons dipping their handkerchiefs in the blood of those whom they regarded as martyrs. And it must be confessed that the general strain of the passage, and more especially the expression 'shall press for tinctures,' etc., will not easily allow us to reject this interpretation. Yet does it not make the speaker assign to Caesar by implication the very kind of death Calphnr- nia's apprehension of which he professes to regard as visionary ? The pressing for tinctures and stains, it is true, would be a confutation of so much of Calphurnia's dream as seemed to imply that the Roman people would be delighted with his death — ' Many lusty Romans Came smiling, and did bathe their hands in it.' Do we refine too much in supposing that this inconsistency between the purpose and the language of Decius is intended by the pott, and that in this brief dialogue between him and Cajsar, in which the latter Buffers himself to be so easily won over — persuaded and relieved In - the v< 1 v words that ought naturally to have confirmed his fears — we aie t«> feel the presence of an unseen power driving on both the unconscious prophet and the blinded victim?" (Craik). Cf. iii. 2. 131 below. Cognizance (that by which anything is hncnon) is an heraldic U badge. Qt 1 Hen. VI. ii. 4. 108 and Cymb. ii. 4. 127. Here the word may be plural. See Gr. 471. ACT II. SCENES III. AA'D IV. T 53 97. Apt to be render'!. Likely to be made in reply. H. gives this strange explanation : " It were apt, or likely, to be construed or represented as a piece of mockery." 103. love to yonr proceeding. Affectionate interest in yonr course of conduct, or career. Cf. R. and J. iii. I. 193 : " I have an interest in your hate's proceeding," etc. 104. And reason to my love is liable. " ' Reason,' or propriety of con- duct and language, is subordinate to my love" (Johnson) ; or, my love leads me to indulge in a freedom of speech that my reason would restrain. 114. '7 1 is struckeu eight. See on ii. I. 192 above. 118. So to most noble Cccsar. On so, see Gr. 65. 119. To be thus, etc. In being thus, etc. Gr. 356. 121. An hour's talk. Here hours is a dissyllable. See Hen. VIII. p. 197, or Gr. 480. 128. That every like, etc. " That to be like a thing is not always to be that thing" (Craik). There is a reference to Caesar's " We, like friends." 129. Yearns to think npon. The folio has "earnes," another form of the same word. Cf. Spenser, F. Q. iii. 10. 21 : " And ever his faint hart much earned at the sight ;" where it is used in the same sense as here. In F. Q. i. 1. 3 (" his heart did earne To prove his puissance"), i. 6. 25 ("he for revenge did earne"), etc., it is used in its current sense. In S. yearn always means either to pain (transitive) or to be pained, to grieve (intrans- itive). Cf. Hen. V. ii. 3. 3 ; "For Falstaff he is dead, And we must yearn therefore ;" Id. iv. 3. 26 : " It yearns me not if men my garments wear ;" Rich. II. v. 5. 76: " O, how it yearned my heart," etc. On the position of upon, see Gr. 203. Scene III. — 6. look about you. On you following thou, see Gr. 235. Security gives way to. Confidence, or carelessness, leaves the way open to. Cf. iv. 3. 39 below ; and Macb. iii. 5. 32 : "security Is mortal's chief- est enemy." 7. lover. Friend. See M. of V. p. 153- 12. Out of the teeth of emulation. Safe from the attacks of envy. Cf. T. and C. ii. 2. 212: "Whilst emulation in the army crept." In the Rheims version of the Bible (1582), Acts vii. 9 reads, " And the patriarchs through emulation sold Joseph into P^gypt." Bacon, like S., uses the word in both a good and a bad sense. 14. Contrive. Plot. Cf. M. of V. iv. I. 360: "Thou hast contriv'd against the very life ;" Ham. iv. 7. 136: " Most generous and free from all contriving," etc. See also on contriver, ii. 1. 158 nbove. In T. of S. i. 2. 278 (" Please you we may contrive this afternoon"), contrive is used in the sense of wear away, spend (Latin contero, contrivi), and Walker makes it have a similar meaning (sojourning, conterentes lempus) in A. and C.i.2. 189: "our contriving friends in Rome" (but see our ed. p. 172). Cf. Spenser, F. Q. ii. 9. 48: "Three ages, such as mortall men contrive." Scene IV. — 3. To htoto my errand. Steevens compares Rich. III. iv. 4- 444 fol. 154 NOTES. 6. Constancy. Firmness ; as in ii. I. 227, 299 nbove. Cf. Af.icb. ii. 2. 68 : " Your constancy Hath left you unattended" (that is, your fortune** has forsaken you). 9. To keep counsel. To keep a secret. Cf. Ham. iii. 2. I 52 : "the play- ers cannot keep counsel ; they'll tell all ;" A. IV. iii. 7. 9 : " what to your sworn counsel (secrecy) I have spoken." See also ii. 1. 298 above. 18. A bustling rumour. Here w«fl«r = nmrinur, noise. Cf. A'. John, v. 4. 45 : " the noise and rumour of the field." Drayton uses rutnorous similarly : " the Tumorous sound Of the steme billovves." 20. Sooth. In sooth, in truth. See M. of V. p. 127, note on In scoth. Enter Soothsayer. Here Rowe (followed by W.) Substituted "Artcmi- dorus." Tyrwhitt says that it should be " Artemidorus, who is seen and accosted by Portia in his passage from his first stand to (me more con- venient." The folio may be wrong, but the case is hardly clear enough to justify a change. 31. Any harm 's intended. Any harm that is intended. Cf. ii. I. 309 above. 37. / '// get me to a place more void. I Ml betake myself to a place more open (as opposed to tiarroiv). On get me, see Gr. 296, 223. 39. Ay me I It is "Aye me !" in the folio, but all the editors except Craik and D. have "Ah me !" The latter, as Craik remarks, is a phra>e that S. nowhere uses. Cf. Milton, fycidas, 56, 154, Comics, 511, /'. L iv. 86, x. 813, etc. Neither Wore, nor Wb. recognizes this ay. The affirma- tive particle ay or aye is uniformly printed "I" in the folio; as in the second line of the next scene : " I Ctcsar, but not gone." 42. Brutus hath a suit, etc. "This she addresses in explanation to the boy, whose presence she had for a moment forgotten" (Craik). COINS STKUCK ON THB DEATH OF C*SAR. ACT ILL SCENE I. !55 ACT III. Scene I. — Here, as in Ham. and A. and C. (see quotations on pp. 28, 29), the death of Caesar is represented as taking place in the Capitol, in- stead of the Curia of Pompey. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : " Furthermore, they [the conspirators] thought also that the appointment of the place where the Councill should be kept, was chosen of purpose by divine Prov- idence, and made all for them. For it was one of the Porches about the Theater, in the which there was a certain place full of Seats for men to sit in; where also was set up the image of Pompey, which the City had made and consecrated in honour of him, when he did beautifie that part of the City with the Theater he built, with divers Porches about it. In this place was the assembly of the Senate appointed to be, just on the fif- teenth of the Moneth March, which the Romans call, Idus Martias : so that it seemed some god of purpose had brought Ccesar thither to be slain, for revenge of Pompey 's death." See also N. {Life of Ccesar) : "And one Artemidorus also born in the Isle of Gnidos, a Doctor of Rhetorick in the Greek Tongue, who by means of his Profession was very familiar with certain of Brutus Confederates ; and therefore knew the most part of all their practices against Ccesar, came and brought him a little Bill written with his own hand, of all that he meant to tell him. He marking how Ccesar received all the Supplica- tions that were offered him, and that he gave them straight to his men that were about him pressed nearer to him, and said : Casar, read this Memorial to your self, and that quickly, for they be matters of great weight, and touch you nearly. Ccesar took it of him, but could never read it, though he many times attempted it, for the number of People that did salute him." 8. What touches us our self etc. The Coll. MS. alters this to "That touches us? Ourself shall be last serv'd." Craik adopts this "specious but entirely needless change," as W. calls it. 13. I zuish your enterprise to-day may thrive. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : "Another Senatour called Popilius Lee ti a, after he had saluted Brutus and Cassius more friendly than he was wont to do, he rounded* softly in their ears, and told them : I pray the goddess you may go through with that you have taken in hand ; but withall, dispatch I readt you, for your enterprise is bewrayed. When he had said, he presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their conspiracy would out." 18. Look, how he makes to Casar: mark him. See how he presses towards Caesar. Mark is probably a dissyllable here. Or. 485. 21. Cassius or Casar, etc. This is the folio reading, retained by K., D., H, and the Camb. ed. Malone proposed "Cassius on Caesar," which is adopted by Craik and W. But, as Ritson remarks, "Cassius says, if the plot be discovered, at all events either he or Caesar shall never return alive ; for, if the latter cannot be killed, he is determined to * See Hen. VIII. p. 168, foot-note. t Read, or rede, meant to advise or counsel. We have the noun in Ham. L 3. 51 : " And recks not his own rede." See our ed. p. 188. i56 NOTES. slay himself." Craik, commenting on this, says that "to turn back can- not mean to return alive, or to return in any way." But see Rick. III. iv. 4. 184: " Ere from this war thou turn a conqueror ;" T. A. v. 2. 141 : " And tarry wish him till I turn again ;" A. Y. L. iii. 1.7: " Bring him dead or living Within tliis twelvemonth, or turn thou no more To seek a living in our territory;" Oth. iv. i. 263: "you did wish that I would make her turn," etc. 22. Cassias, be constant, etc. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus): "And when Cassias and certain other clapped their hands on their Swords to draw them, Brutus marking the countenance and gesture of Lena, and con- sidering that he did use himself rather like an humble and earnest suiter, then like an accuser: he said nothing to his Companion (because there were many amongst them that were not of the conspiracy), but with a pleasant countenance encouraged Cassius. And immediately after, Lcena went from Cesar, and kissed his hand : which shewed plainly that it was for some matter concerning himself, that he had held him so long in talk." 26. He draws Mark Antony out of the way. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : " Trebonius on the other side drew Antonius aside, as he came into the house where the Senate sate, and held him with a long talk without." 29. He is addressed. He is ready. Cf. M. of V. ii. 9. 19 : " And so have I address'd me"- (prepared myself) ; 2 Hen. IV. iv. 4. 5 : " Our navy is address'd ;" M. N. D. v. 1. 107 : "the Prologue is address'd," etc. 30. Casca,you are the first that rears your hand. Cf. Temp. ii. 1. 295 : " When I rear my hand." On the construction, see Or. 247. 31. Are we all ready? In the folio (so in K. and the Camb. ed.) these words begin Caesar's speech. Ritson proposed to add them to China's speech, but the Coll. MS. assigns them to Casca, "in whose mouth they form a very natural rejoinder to what Cinna has just said." This latter arrangement is adopted by Craik, D., W., and H. On the remainder of this scene, cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : " So when he was set, the Conspiratours flocked about him, and amongst them tlu v pi e- sented one Titllius Ci/nber* who made humble suit for the calling home again of his Brother that was banished. They all made as though they were intercessours for him, and took Cesar by the hands, and kissed his head and breast. Ccrsar at the first, simply refused their kindness and entreaties: but afterwards, perceiving they still pressed on him, he vio- lently thrust them from him. Then Cintbcr, with both his hands plucked Cesar's Gown over his shoulders, and Casca that stood behind him. drew his Dagger first and strake Cesar upon the shoulder, but gave him no great wound. Gcemr feeling himself hurt, took him straight by the hand he held his 1 >agger in, and cried out, in 1 atine, ( ) traytor ( 'asca, what doest thou? Casca on the other side cried in Greek, and called his Brother to help him. So divers running on a heap together to die upon Cesar, he looking about him to have fled, saw Brutus with a Sword drawn in his hands ready to strike at him : then he let Casca's hand go, and casting his * In the Life of Cces,ir he is called Metcllus Cit rnt fT, and in Suetonius (i- 82) Cimber Tullrns. ACT III. SCENE I. 157 Gown over his face, suffered every man to strike at him that would. Then the Conspiratours thronging one upon another, because every man was desirous to have a cut at him, so many Swords and Daggers lighting upon one body, one of them hurt another, and among them Brutus caught a blow on his hand, because he would make one in murthering of him, and all the rest also were every man of them bloudied. Ccesar being slain in this manner, Brutus standing in the middest of the house, would have spoken and staied the other Senatours that were not of the conspiracy, to have told them the reason why they had done this fact. But they as men both afraid and amazed, fled, one upon anothers neck in hast to get out at the door, and no man followed them. For it was set clown, and agreed between them, that they should kill no man but Ccrsar onely, and should intreat all the rest to look to defend their liberty." 33. Puissant. Always a dissyllable in S., though puissance is some- times a trisyllable. Cf. 2 Hen. IV. i. 3. 9 : "Upon the power and puis- sance of the king ;" and Id. i. 3. 77 : "And come against us in full puis- sance." In Spenser we find (K Q. iv. 11. 15) "Of puissant Nations which the world possest," and {F. Q. v. 2. 7) " For that he is so puissant and strong." 36. These couchings. The Coll. MS. has " crouchings," which Craik says " does not admit of a doubt." But Sr. remarks that "couching had the same meaning as crouching; thus Huloet: 'Cowche, like a dogge ; procumbo, prosterno.'' ' " Cf. also Gen. xlix. 14. K., U., W., H., and the Camb. ed. retain couchings. 39. Into the law of children. The folio reads "the lane of Children," a misprint which Johnson corrected. Be not fond, etc. Be not so foolish as to think, etc. See M. of V. pp. 146, 152, and Gr. 281. On such . . . that, see Gr. 279. 43. Low-crooked curtsies. The Coll. MS. has " Low-crouched," which Craik adopts. But "low-crooked is the same as low-crouched ; for Huloet has * crooke-backed or crow, he-backed? and to crook was to bow" (Sr.). See Temp. p. 120, note on Curtsied. 47. Know Ccesar doth not wrong, etc. Ben Jonson, in his Discoveries, speaking of Shakespeare, says : " Many times he fell into those things could not escape laughter ; as when he said in the person of Caesar, one speaking to him, 'Caesar, thou dost me wrong,' he replied, 'Caesar did never wrong but with just cause.'" And he ridicules the expression again in his Staple of News : " Cry you mercy ; you never did wrong but with just cause." Craik believes that the words stood originally as Jon- son has given them ; but, as Collier suggests, Jonson was probably speak- ing only from memory, which, as he himself says, was "shaken with age now, and sloth," and misquoted the passage. 51. The repealing of my banish' 'd brother. That is, his recall. Both the verb and the noun (see the next speech) are often used by S. in this sense. Cf. Rich. II. iv. 1. 87 : " Till Norfolk be repeal'd : repeaVd he shall be ;" Cor. v. 5. 5 : " Repeal him with the welcome of his mother ;" Id. iv. 1.41 : "A cause for thy repeal ;" R.ofL. 640: "I sue for exiled majesty's repeal." 60. But I am constant, etc. Cf. i. 2, 208: " But always I am Caesar." 67. Apprehensive. Endowed with apprehension or intelligence. Cf. i58 NOTES. 2 lien. IV. iv. 3. 107 : " Makes it (the brain) apprehensive, quick, forge- tive (inventive) ;" B. and F., Philaster, v. 1 : "as I did grow More and more apprehensive," etc. 69. Holds on his rank, etc. Continues to " hold his place" (like the star), resisting every attempt to move him. Unshaked of motion might mean unshaken in his motion (Gr. 173), but that would not be in keep- ing with the simile of the pole-star. 77. El lu, Brule ! "There is no ancient Latin authority, I believe, for. this famous exclamation, although in Suetonius, i. 82, Caesar is made to address Brutus Kai (tv,tikvov; (And thou too, my son?). It may have occurred as it stands here in the Latin play on the same subject which is recorded to have been acted at Oxford in 1582 ; and it is found in The Title Tragedy of Richard Duke of York, first printed in 1 595, on which 3 I fen. VI. is founded, as also in a poem by S. Nicholson, entitled Acolastus his Afterwit, printed in 1600, in both of which nearly contemporary pro- ductions we have the same line — ' Et In, Brute? Wilt thou stab I too?'" (Craik). It is in the Latin play of 1582. 90. Cheer. On the literal meaning ( = face), see M. of V. p. 152. 93. Lest that. On that as a "conjunctional affix," see Gr. 2Sj. 95. Abide this deed. That is, answer for it, be held responsible for it. Cf. iii. 2. 1 12 below. A by was used in the same sense ; as in M. A r . D. iii. 2. 175: "Lest to thy peril thou aby it dear.' This aby is frequent in Spenser. See F. Q. ii. 8. 28: "His life for dew revenge should deare abye ;" also Id. iii. 4. 38, iii. 10. 3, iv. 1. 53, iv. 6. 8, etc. 96. But we. Cf. Ham. i. 4. 54 : " Making night hideous, and we," etc. Gr. 216. 99. As it were doomsday. As */"it were. Gr. 107. 102. Why, he that cuts off, etc. The folio gives this speech to Casca, but some of the editors have transferred it to Cassius. As II. remarks, " the sentiment is in strict keeping with what Casca says in i. 3. 100 above: ' So every bondman in his own hand bears,' etc." 1 14. In states unborn. The 1st folio has " State," and just below " lye along;" both corrected in 2d folio. 116. On Pompey's basis lies along. Lies prostrate at the base of l\»m- pey's statue. Cf. Cor. v. 6. 57 : " When he lies along," etc. See also Judges, vii. 13. 122. Most boldest. Cf. iii. 2. 181 below : " most unkindest," etc. Gr. tl. 132. Be resolv\t. Have his doubts resolved or removed ; be satisfied. Cf. iii. 2. 177 and iv. 2. 14 below. 137. Thoiough. Through. See Af.ofV.p. 144, note on Throughfares. 141. Tell him, so please him come. Sec Gt. 133, 297. and 349. 144. We shall have him ivell to friend. See Temp. p. 124, note on A paragon to their queen. Gr. 189. ( 146. My misgiving still Falls shrewdly to the purpose. Mv suspicions are alwavs shrewd enough to hit the mark. On still, see .1/. of V, p. I2& 153. Be let blood. Be bled ; that is. put to death. Cf. Rich, III. iii. I. 183, T.and C. ii. 3. 222, Cymb. iv. 2. 16S, etc. Rank --sick from repletion; a> in Souit. 11S. 12 (see our ed. p. 170), 2 Hen. //'. iv. 1.64, etc. j S<>. Of half that worth as. See Gr. s8r his side. Craik remarks that "this Homeric goddess had taken a strong hold of Shakespeare's imagination." See Much Ado, ii. 1. 263: "the infernal Ate;" L. L. L. v. 2. 694: "more Ates, more Ates ;" A'. John, ii. 1. 63 : "an Ate stirring him to blood and strife." 274. Cry ' Havoc t In old times this cry was the signal that no quar- ter was to be given. Cf. Cor. iii. 1. 275 : * "That is," he adds," these bloodhounds of men." S. uses the word in I.enr. iii. 6. 72: " M.istiiV. greyhound mongrel Brink I Idiiiid or spaniel, brack 0* lym *' The old copies have "him" or "hym," but there can be no doubt that these are mis- prints tor "lym." ACT III. SCENE II. l6l "Do not cry havoc, where you should but hunt With modest warrant." The dogs of war. Steele {Tat/er, No. 137) suggests that by " the dogs of war" S. probably meantyfrr, szuord, and famine. Cf. Hen. V. i. chor. 5 : "Then should the warlike Harry, like himself, Assume the port of Mars ; and, at his heels, Leash' d in like hounds, should Famine, Sword, and Fire Crouch for employment'' See also I Hen. VI. iv. 2. 10 : "You tempt the fury of my three attendants, Lean Famine, quartering Steel, and climbing Fire." 275. That this foul deed. So that, etc. Gr. 283. 284. Passion, I see, is catching. That is, emotion is contagious. See on i. 2. 45 above. For mine eyes. The 1st folio has "from mine eyes ;" corrected in 2d folio. D. and H. alter began in the next line to " begin." 290. No Koine of safety.. See on i. 2. 152 above. 296. The which. See M. of V. p. 133, on For the which. Scene II. — On this scene, and the next, cf. N. [Life of Brutus) : "Now, at the first time when the murther was newly done, there were suddain outcries of People that ran up and down the City, the which indeed did the more increase the fear and tumult. But when they saw they slew no man, neither did spoil nor make havock of anything, then certain of the Senatours, and many of the People emboldening themselves, went to the Capitoll unto them. There a great number of men being assembled to- gether one after another, Brutus made an Oration unto them to win the favour of the People, and to justify that they had done. All those that were by, said they had done well, and cried unto them, that they should boldly come down from the Capitoll : whereupon Brutus and his Com- panions came boldly down into the Market-place. The rest followed in Troop, but Brutus went foremost, very honourably compassed in round about with the noblest men of the City, which brought him from the Cap- itoll, through the Market-place, to the Pulpit for Orations. When the People saw him in the Pulpit, although they were a multitude of rake-hels of all sorts, and had a good will to make some stir : yet being ashamed to do it, for the reverence they bare unto Brutus, they kept silence to hear what he would say : when Brutus began to speak, they gave him quiet audience : Howbeit immediately after, they shewed that they were not all contented with the murther. For when another called Cinna would have spoken, and began to accuse Ccesar, they fell into a great uprore among them, and marvellously reviled him. Insomuch that the Conspiratours returned again into the Capitoll. There Brutus being afraid to be be- sieged, sent back again the Noblemen that came thither with him, think- fng it no reason, that they which were no partakers of the murther, should be partakers of the danger. . . . " Then Antonius thinking good his Testament should be read openly, and also that his body should be honourably buried, and not in huggei L 1 62 NOTES. mugger,* lest the People might thereby take occasion to be worse offend- ed if they did otherwise : Cassius stoutly spake against it. But Brutus went with the motion, and agreed unto it : wherein it seemeth he com- mitted a second fault. For the first fault he did, was when he would not consent to his fellow Conspiratours that Antonius should be slain : and therefore he was justly accused, that thereby he had saved and strength- ened a strong and grievous Enemy of their conspiracy. The second Suit was, when he agreed that Ccesars Funerals should be as Antonius would have them, the which indeed marred all. For first of all, when Ccesars Testament was openly read among them, whereby it appeared that he be- queathed unto every Citizen of Rome seventy -five Drachma's a man; and that he left his Gardens and Arbors unto the People, which he had on this side of the River Tyber, in the place where now the Temple of P'ortune is built : the people then loved him, and were marvellous sorry for him. Afterwards when Ccesars body was brought into the Market- place, Antonius making his Funerall Oration in praise of the dead, accord- ing to the ancient Custom of Rome, and perceiving that his words moved the common People to compassion, he framed his Eloquence to make their hearts yearn the more ; and taking Ccesars Gown all bloudy in his hand, he layed it open to the sight of them all, shewing what a number of cuts and holes it had upon it. Therewithall the People fell presently into such a rage and mutiny, that there was no more order kept amongst the common People. For some of them cried out, Kill the murtherers : others plucked up Forms, Tables, and Stalls about the Market-place, as they had done before at the funerals of Clodius ; and having laid them all on a heap together, they set them on fire, and thereupon did put the Body of Ccesar, and burnt it in the middest of the most holy places. And Fur- thermore, when the fire was thoroughly kindled, some here, some there, took burning Fire-brands, and ran with them to the Murtherers houses that killed him, to set them on fire. Howbeit, the Conspiratours foresee- ing the danger, before had wisely provided for themselves, and fled. But there was a Poet called China, who had been no partaker of the conspir- acy, but was alway one of Ccesars chiefest friends : he dreamed the night before, that Ccvsar bad him to supper with him, and that he refusing to go, Owrwas very importunate with him, and compelled him, so that at length he led him by the hand into a great dark place, where l>eing marvellously afraid, he was driven to follow him in spite of his heart. This dream put him all night into a Feaver, and yet notwithstanding, the next morning when he heard that they carried Grsars body to buriall, being ashamed not to accompany his Funerals, he went out of his house, and thrust him- self into the preass of the common People, that were in a great uproar. And because some one called him by his name, Cinna : the People think- ing he had been that Cinna, who in an Oration he made, had spoken very ill of Ge'.ir, they falling upon him in their rage, slew him outright in the Market-place." 4. Part //if numbers. " Divide the multitude" (Craik). * Cf. Ham. iv. 5. 84 (see our ed. p. 148) : ".iiul \\<- h»Vfl done hut greenly lu bugger-mugger to inter him." ACT III. SCENE II. 163 7. Rendered. Given. For the trisyllable, see Gr. 474. 9. And compare. And we will compare. Gr. 399. 12. Be patient till the last. Many brief quotations from the folio have been given in our notes, but the reader may like to see a longer extract, as an illustration of the orthography and typography of that edition. The speech of Brutus appears there as follows : Bru. Be patient till the last. Romans, Countrey-men, and Louers, heare mee for my cause, and be silent, that you may heare. Beleeue me for mine Honor, and haue respect to mine Honor, that you may beleeue. Censure me in your Wisedom, and awake your Senses, that you may the better ludge. If there bee any in this Assembly, any deere Friend of Ccesars, to him I say, that Brutus loue to Ccesar, was no lesse then his. If then, that Friend demand, why Brutus rose against Ccesar, this is my answer : Not that 1 lou'd Ccesar lesse, but that I lou'd Rome more. Had you rather Ccesar were liuing, and dye all 6"laues ; then that Ccesar were dead, to liue all Free-men ? As Ccesar lou'd mee, I weepe for him ; as he was Fortunate, I reioyce at it ; as he was Valiant, I honour him : But, as he was Ambitious, I slew him. There is Teares, for his Loue : Ioy, for his Fortune : Honor, for his Valour : and Death, for his Ambition. Who is heere so base, that would be a Bondman? If any, speak, for him haue I offended. Who is heere so rude, that would not be a Roman ? If any, speak, for him haue I offended. Who is heere so vile, that will not loue his Countrey ? If any, speake, for him haue I offended. I pause for a Reply. All. None Btutus, none. Brutus. Then none haue I offended. I haue done no more to Ccesar, then you shall do to Brutus. The Question of his death, is inroll'd in the Capitoll : his Glory not ex- tenuated, wherein he was worthy ; nor his offences enforc'd, for which he suffered death. Enter Mark A ntony, with Ccesars body. Heere comes his Body, mourn'd by Marke Antony, who though he had no hand in his death, shall receiue the benefit of his dying, a place in the Comonwealth, as which of you shall not. With this I depart, that as I slewe my best Louer for the good of Rome, I haue the same Dagger for my selfe, when it shall please my Country to need my death. All. Liue Brutus, line, liue. 1. Bring him with Triumph home vnto his house. 2. Giue him a Statue with his Ancestors. 3. Let him be Ccesar. 4. Ccesars better parts, Shall be Crown'd in Brutus. 1. Wee'l bring him to his House, With Showts and Clamors. Bru. My Country-men. 2. Peace, silence, Brutus speakes. 1. Peace ho. Bru. Good Countrymen, let me depart alone, And (for my sake) stay heere with A ntony : Do grace to Ccesars Corpes, and grace his Speech Tending to Ccesars Glories, which Marke A ntony (By our permission) is allow'd to make. I do intreat you, not a man depart, Saue I alone, till A ntony have spoke. Exit Upon this speech of Brutus, Knight, after quoting Hazlitt's remark (see p. 13 above) that it is " not so good" as Antony's, comments as fol- lows : "In what way is it not so good? As a specimen of eloquence, put by the side of Antony's, who can doubt that it is tame, passionless, severe, and therefore ineffective? But as an example of Shakespeare's wonder- ful power of characterization, it is beyond all praise. It was the consum- mate artifice of Antony that made him say, 4 1 am no orator, as Brutus is.' Brutus was not an orator. ... He is a man of just intentions, of calm an- 164 NOTES. derstanding, of settled purpose, when his principles are to become actions. But his notion of oratory is this : " ' I will myself into the pulpit first, And show the reason of our Cassar's death.' And he does show the reason. . . . He expects that Antony will speak with equal moderation — all good of Caesar — no blame of Caesar's murder- ers ; and he thinks it an advantage to speak before Antony. He knew not what oratory really is. But Shakespeare knew, and he painted Antony." So far as the mere style of the speech is concerned, we think that War- burton was right in considering it an " imitation of his famed laconic brev- ity." Cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : " they do note in some of his Epistles, that he counterfeited that brief compendious manner of speech of the Lace- daemonians. As when the War was begun, he wrote unto the Perga- menians in this sort : I understand you have given Dolabella money : if you have done it willingly, you confess you have offended me ; if against your wills, show it then by giving me willingly. Another time again unto the Samians : Your counsels be long, your doings be slow, consider the end. And in another Epistle he wrote unto the Patareians : the Xan- THIANS despising my good will, have made their Countrey a grave of despair, and the Patareians that put themselves into my protection, have lost no jot of their liberty : and therefore whitest you have liberty, either chuse the judgement of the Patareians, or the fortune of the Xan- thians. These were Brutus manner of letters, which were honoured for their briefness." In the Dialogus de Oratoribus also it is said that Brutus's oratory was censured as " otiosum et disjunctum ;" and, as Verplanck re- marks, " the disjunctum, the broken-up style, without oratorical continu- ity, is precisely that assumed by the dramatist." We are not aware that any commentator has called attention to the fact that S. has made Brutus express himself in a somewhat similar style in the speech in i. 2. 158 fol. : "That you do love me I am nothing jeal- ous," etc. 13. And lovers. See on ii. 3. 7 above. 15. Have respect to my honour. That is, look to it, consider it. Censure me. That is, judge me. See Much Ado, p. 139. Cf. Flam. i. 3. 69 : " Take each man's censure, but reserve thy judgment ;" Bacon, Adv. of L. ii. introd. 15 : " many will conceive and censure that some of them are already done," etc. 26. There is tears. See Temp. p. 122, note on 476. 35. The question of his death. A statement of the reasons why he was put to death (the answer to that question). 37. Enforced. Cf. A. and C. v. 2. 125, where, as here, the word is op- posed to extenuate: "We will extenuate rather than enforce." 49. Shall nolo be crowrfd. The folio (see extract above) has "Shall be." Pope added now, and the emendation is generally adopted. 55. Dogiace. Show respect, do honour. Cf. the verb in iii. 1. 121 above. 56. Glories. D. and H. adopt Walker's suggestion of "glory." 59. Save I alone. The expression occurs also in T N. iii. 1. 172. Cf. v. 5.69 below. Gr. 118. 63. Beholding. Beholden. See M. of V. p. 135. Gr. 372. ACT III. SCENE II. ^5 72. Bury. " S. was no doubt thinking of his own time and country. The custom of burning the dead had not been in use in Rome very long before the time of Caesar" (Wr.). 73. The evil that men do, etc. Cf. Hen. VIII. iv. 2. 45 : " Men's evil manners live in brass ; their virtues We write in water." 89. When that. See on iii. 1. 93 above. 10 1. To mourn. From mourning. Cf. Gr. 356. 108. Has he, masters? Capell suggested "my masters," and Craik and H. read " Has he not, masters ?" 112. Abide it. See on iii. I. 95 above. 114. A nobler man. W. misprints " a bolder man." 118. And none so poor, etc. " The meanest man is now too high to do reverence to Caesar" (Johnson). On the ellipsis of as, see Gr. 281. 128. The commons. The common people. 131. Napkins. Handkerchiefs. Cf. L. C. 15 : " Oft did she heave her napkin to her eyne ;" Ham. v. 2. 299 : " Here, Hamlet, take my napkin ; rub thy brows ;" Oth. iii. 3. 290 : " I am glad I have found this napkin" (the " handkerchief" of line 306 just below), etc. Malone says that the word is still used in this sense in Scotland. 148. / have o'er shot myself, etc. 1 have gone too far, etc. On to tell, cf. 10 1 above. 165. Stand far off. D. prints "far' off," and far is probably a con- traction of farther, both here and in v. 3. n below: "fly far off." Cf. W. T. iv. 4. 442: "Far than Deucalion off." So near is often used for nearer. Cf. Rich. II. iii. 2. 64 : " Nor near nor farther off, my gracious lord ;" Id. v. 1.88: "Better far off than near, be ne'er the near." See Walker, vol. i. p. 190 fol., or Gr. 478. 171. That day he overcame the Nervii. On that day on which, etc. Some eds. make this an independent sentence. The Nervii were the most warlike of the Belgic tribes, and their subjugation (B.C. 57) was one of the most important events in Caesar's Gallic campaigns. 173. Envious. Malicious. See on ii. 1. 164 above. 177. To be resolved. See on iii. 1. 132 above. 179. C&sar's angel. His alter ego, as it were, or one as intimately con- nected with him as his guardian angel. Boswell asks, " Does it not mean that Caesar put his trust in him as he would in his guardian angel ?" Craik understands it as "simply his best beloved, his darling." 181. Most unkindest. See on iii. 1. 122 above. 186. Pompey's statua. See on ii. 2. 76 above. 192. The dint of pity. The impression or influence of pity. Cf. V.and A. 354 : " as new-fallen snow takes any dint," etc. 195. With traitors. See on iii. 1. 269 above. 202. Revenge, etc. The folio gives this to 2 Citizen, but, as W. suggests, it belongs to the citizens generally ; and the same is probably true of 206, 207 below. 211. Private griefs. Personal grievances. See on i. 3. 117 above. 219. For I have neither wit, etc. The 1st folio reads, " For I haue ney- ther writ nor words, nor worth ;" corrected in 2d folio. Johnson explains 1 66 NOTES. " writ" as " penned or premeditated oration," and Malone as " writing." The latter adds that " the editor of the 2d folio, who altered what- ever he did not understand, substituted wit for writ" K., though he gives wit, thinks that "writ may be explained as a prepared writing." On the meaning of wit in S., see Hen. VIII. p. 182. 241. Every several man. On several— separate, see Temp. p. 131. Seventy-frve drachmas. The drachma was a Greek coin worth very nearly the same as the French franc, or 18.6 cents. Plutarch gives sev- enty-five drachmas as the Greek equivalent for three hundred Roman sesterces, which was the amount named in the will. The sesterce (before the time of Augustus) was worth a little more than four cents. It most be borne in mind, however, that the value (or "purchasing power") of money was then much greater than now. 248. On this side Tiber. See Gr. 202. Caesar's gardens were beyond the Tiber, as a Roman would say, or on the right bank of the river. Cf. Horace, Sat. i. 9. 18 : " Trans Tiberim longe cubat is prope Caesaris hor- tos." S. copied the error from N., as will be seen above. Left them yon. The you is emphatic, which explains the inversion. 250. To walk abroad. For walking, etc. Cf. 101 and 148 above. 254. Fire. A dissyllable ; as in iii. 1. 172 above. 260. Fellow. Possibly accented on the second syllable ; but see Gr. 453- 265. Upon a wish. Cf. K. John, ii. 1. 50: " upon thy wish," etc. 267. I heard him say. The folio reading. Capell and the Coll. MS. (followed by Craik) read " them ;" and D. and H. have " 'em." K., \\\, and the Camb. ed. retain him. 269. Belike. Probably ; often used by S., but now obsolete. Some notice of the people. Some information respecting (not front) the people. SCENE TIL — 2. Things unlucky. The folio has "things vnluckilv." Warb. substituted unlucky, and is followed by D., St., H., W., and the Camb. ed. The Coll. MS. gives "unlikely," which Craik adopts. K. retains "unluckily," and W. is "not quite sure" that a change is called for. "The poet may mean that many things besides his dream of the feast charge his fancy unluckily." On the passage, cf. M. of V. ii. 5. II fol. 3. Forth of doors. Cf. Temp. v. 1. 160: "thrust forth of Milan;" 3 Hen. VI. ii. 2. 157 : " forth of France," etc. Gr. 156. 9. Answer every man directly. See on i. I. 12 above. 12. You were best. Originally the you was dative (to you it were best), but it came to be regarded as a nominative. Hence we find in S. "I were better" (2 Hen. IV. i. 2. 245), " 1 were best" (1 Hen. VI. v. 3. 82), " She were better" ( T. A 7 , i. 2. 27), "Thou'rt l>est" ( Temp. i. 2. 366), etc. See Gr. 230, 352, and cf. 190. For a similar change in an old idiom, see AI. of V. p. 134, note on If it please you. 18. Bear me a bang. Get a blow from me. See on i. 2. 256 above. 27. My name is Cinua. Hclvius China. The conspirator was Cor- nelius China. ACT IV. SCENE I. 167 34. Turn him going. Send him packing. Cf. A. Y. L. iii. 1. 38 : " Do this expediently, 'and turn him going." -« r r -36 To Brutus", to Cassius'. That is, to Brutus s house, etc. The folio prints- "to Brutus, to Cassius, banie all. Some to Zfedtrt House, and some to CaskiCs ; some to Ligarius : Away, go." Note also the repeat- ed " Casars" in the extract from the folio, p. 163 above. W., however, chooses to print " To Brutus, to Cassius," and " to Ligarius." ANTONYS HOUSE. ACT IV. Scene I. — The Same. A Room in Antony 's Bouse. The heading in the folio is simply "Enter Antony, Octauius, and Lepidus.' 1 '' That the scene is laid at Rome is evident from the fact that Lepidus is sent to Caesar's house for the will, and told that on his return he will find Antony and Octavius " Or here, or at the Capitol." Their actual place of meeting, however, was on a small island in the river Rhenus (now the Reno), near Bononia {Bologna). Cf. N. (Life of Antony)-, "thereupon all three met together (to wit, Ccesar, Antonius and Lepidus) in an Island environed round about with a little River, and there remained three days together. Now as touching all other matters, they were easily agreed, and did divide all the Empire of Rome between them, as if it had been their own Inheritance. But yet they could hardly agree whom they would put to death : for every one 1 68 NOTES. of them would kill their Enemies, and save their Kinsmen and friends. Yet at length, giving place to their greedy desire to be revenged of their Enemies, they spurned all reverence of Blood, and holiness of friendship at their feet. For Ccesar left Cicero to Aulonius will, Autonius aiso for- sook Lucius Ccvsar, who was his Uncle by his Mother : and both of them together suffered Lepidus to kill his own Brother Paulus. Yet some Writers affirm, that Casar and Anlonius requested Paulus might be slain, and that Lepidus was contented with it. In my Opinion there was never a more horrible, unnatural, and crueller change then this was. For thus changing murther for murther, they did as well kill those whom they did forsake and leave unto others, as those also which others left unto them to kill : but so much more was their wickedness and cruelty great unto their friends, for that they did put them to death being innocents, and having no cause to hate them." I. Their names are prick\i. See on iii. I. 217 above. 5. Who is your sisters son. According to Plutarch, the person was Lucius Caesar, and Mark Antony was his sister's son. Upton suggested that S. wrote "You are his sister's son," but this is not at all probable. 12. Unmeritable. Without merit, undeserving. Cf. Rich. ILL iii. 7. 155 : " my desert Unmeritable shuns your high request." Gr. 3. 22. Business. Here, as not unfrequently, a trisyllable. Cf. Rich. LL.'ri. I. 217 : " To see this business. To-morrow next," etc. Gr. 479. On the passage, cf. Olh. i. 1. 44 fob Steevens quotes M. for M. iii. 1. 25 fol. 27. In commons. The Coll. MS. has "on," which Craik adopts. 28. Soldier. A trisyllable ; as in iv. 3. 51 below. Gr. 479. 32. Wind. Cf. the transitive use in I Hen. IV. iv. 1. 109: "To turn and wind a fiery Pegasus." 34. Ln some taste. In some measure or degree. 37. On objects, arts, and imitations, etc. The folio has a period aftet " imitations." K. substituted a comma, and thus made the passage plain enough. Antony says that " Lepidus feeds not on objects, arts, and im- itations generally, but on such of them as are out of use and staled (of worn out) by other people, which, notwithstanding, begin his fashion (or with which his following the fashion begins)." Theo. proposed "On ab- ject orts and imitations," which D. adopts. St. has " abjects, orts, and imitations," defining abjects as "things thrown away as useless." The Camb. ed. adopts this reading. Coll., Craik, W., and II. follow K. 40. A property. " A thing quite at our disposal, and to be treated as we please" (Steevens). Cf. AL W. iii. 4. 10. 41. Listen. Cf. Much Ado, iii. 1. 12 : " To listen our purpose," etc. Gr. 199. 42. Pcnvers. That is, forces. Both pcnver and pcnvers were used in this sense. Cf. iv. 3. 167, 304, and v. 3. 52 below. Puissance was used in the same sense ; as in K. John, iii. 1. 339: "Cousin, go draw our puissance together," etc. 44. Our best friends made, our means stretched. " A mutilated line, for which the 2d folio gives 'Our best friends made, and our best means stretch'd out ;' and Malone, with equal authority, if not equal fitness, 'Our best friends made, our means stretch'd to the utmost'" (W.). ACT IV. SCE/VE II. 169 45. Go sit in council. Cf. i. 2. 24 above : "go see," etc. Gr. 349. 47. Answered. Faced, met ; as in K. John, v. 7. 60, 2 Hen. IV. iv. 5. 197, Lear, iii. 4. 106, etc. 49. Ba/d, etc. See on iii. 1. 205 above ; and cf. Macb. v. 7. 1 (see our ed. p. 252). Scene II. — 5. To do you salutation. Cf. Rich. III. v. 3. 210: "done salutation ;" Hen. V. iv. 1. 26 : " Do my good-morrow to them," etc. See Gr.303. 6. He greets me well. This seems to mean, His greeting is friendly. 7. In his own change, etc. Either because of some change in himself, or through the misconduct of his officers. Warb. suggested " his own charge," and Johnson "ill offices." 12. Full of regard. Cf. iii. I. 225 above. 14. Let me be resolved. See on iii. 1. 132 above. 16. Instances. As D. remarks, "instance is a word used by S. with various shades of meaning, which it is not always easy to distinguish — ' motive, inducement, cause, ground ; symptom, prognostic ; information, assurance ; proof, example, indication.' " Here Craik explains it as "as- siduities," and Schmidt as "proofs of familiarity." 23. Hot at hand. " That is, apparently, when held by the hand, or led ; or rather, perhaps, when acted upon only by the rein" (Craik). Cf. Hen. VIII. v. 2. 22 : "those that tame wild horses Pace 'em not in their hands to make 'em gentle, But stop their mouths with stubborn bits, and spur 'em, Till they obey the manage." 26. Fall their crests. Cf. T. and C. i. 3. 379 : " make him fall His crest," etc. Craik says that this transitive use of fall "is not common in S. ;" but it occurs sixteen times. See Temp. pp. 127, 140, and M. of V. p. *35- Jades. Worthless or vicious nags. Cf. Hen. V. iii. 7. 26 : " he is, in- deed, a horse ; and all other jades you may call beasts," etc. 41. Be content. That is, contain (or restrain) yourself. 46. Enlarge your griefs. Set forth fully your grievances. On griefs, cf. i. 3. 117 and iii. 2. 2 1 1 above. 50. Lucius, do you the like. The folio reads as follows : u Lucillius, do you the like, and let no man Come to our Tent, till we haue done our Conference. Let Lucius and Titinius guard our doore." Craik was the first to transpose Lucius and Lucilius, which both mends the measure and removes the absurdity of associating a servant-boy and an officer of rank in the guarding of the door. Cassius sends his servant Pindarus with a message to his division of the army, and Brutus sends his servant Lucius on a similar errand. The folio itself confirms this cor- rection, since it makes Lucilius oppose the intrusion of the Poet, and at the close of the conference Brutus addresses "Lucilius and Titinius," who had evidently remained on guard together all the while. K. and the Camb. editors, however, retain the folio reading. 170 NOTES. Scene III.— Cf. N. (Life of Brutus): "Therefore, before they fell in hand with any other matter, ttwy went into a little Chamber together, and bade every man avoid, and did shut the doors to them. Then they began to pour out their complaints one to the other, and grew hot and loud, ear- nestly accusing one another, and at length fell both a weeping. Their friends, that were without the Chamber, hearing them loud within and angry between themselves, they were both amazed and afraid also, lest it would grow to further matter : but yet they were commanded, that no man should come to them. Notwithstanding, one Marcus Phaonius [Favo- nius], that had been a friend and follower of Cato while he lived, and took upon him to counterfeit a Philosopher, not with wisdom and discretion, but with a certain bedlam and frantick motion : he would needs come into the Chamber, though the men offered to keep him out But it was no boot to lett Phaonius, when a mad mood or toy took him in the head : for he was a hot hasty man, and suddain in all his doings, and cared for never a Senatour of them all. Now, though he used this bold manner of speech after the profession of the Cynick Philosophers, (as who would say, Dogs,) yet his boldness did no hurt many times, because they did but laugh at him to see him so mad. This Phaonius at that time, in despite of the Door-keepers, came inco the Chamber, and with a certain scoffing and mocking gesture, which he counterfeited of purpose, he rehearsed the Verses which old Nestor said in Homer: " 'My Lords, I pray you hearken both to me. For I have seen moe years than suchie three. 1 Cassias fell a laughing at him : but Brutus thrust him out of the Cham- ber, and called him Dog and counterfeit Cynick. Howbeit his coming in brake their strife at that time, and so they left each other." Coleridge says : " I know no part of Shakespeare that more impresses on me the belief of his genius being superhuman than this scene between Brutus and Cassius." 2. You have condemned and noted Lucius Pella. Cf. N. (Life of Brutus) : " The next day after, Brutus upon complaint of the Sardians, did con- demn and note Lucius Pella for a defamed Person, that had been a Prxtor of the Romans, and whom Brutus had given charge unto : for that he was accused and convicted of robbery, and pilfery in his Office. This judge- ment much misliked Cassius, because he himself had secretly (not many days before) warned two of his friends, attainted and convicted of the like offences, and openly had cleared them : but yet he did not therefore leave to employ them in any manner of service as he did before. And there- fore he greatly reproved Brutus, for that he would shew himself so straight and severe, in such a time as was meeter to bear a little, then to take things at the worst. Brutus in contrary manner answered, that he should remember the Id's of March, at which time they slew Julius Cesar, who neither pilled nor polled* the Countrey, but onely was a favourer and * To pill is to pillage or rob, and to poll is to strip or plunder. Cf. Rich. II. ii. i. 246: "The commons hath he pill'd ;" Spenser, State of ht land: "They will poll and ipoyh ice OUtngioUtly, as the verve Enemye cannot doe much woorse." The two words an- often joined, as here- Cf. Spenser, F. Q. v. 2. 6: "Which pols and pils the poore in Sftteooa wi/e; ' HoKnthed, History of Ireland: "Kildare did use to pill and poll his liendes, tenants, and reteyners." ACT IV. SCENE III. 171 suborner of all them that did rob and spoil, by his countenance and Au- thority." 4. Wherein my letter, etc. This is the reading of the 2d folio, and fur- nishes the simplest correction of the 1st, which gives " Wherein my Letters, praying on his side, Because I jcnew the man was slighted off." K., D., H., and the Camb. ed. read " letters . . . were slighted ;" W., as in the text. 8. That every nice offence, etc. That every petty offence should bear its comment, or criticism. 9. Let me tell you, Cassius. Abbott (Gr. 483) makes you a dissyllable here. Capell (followed by D. and H.) reads "And let." 10. Condemned to have. Condemned as having, accused of having. Gr. 356. 11. Mart. Market, trade. Cf. W. T. iv. 4. 363 : "You have let him go, and nothing marted with him." See also Cymb. i. 6. 151. 13. Brutus that speaks this. Pope reads "speak." 19. For justice sake. The folio prints "for Iustice sake." Cf. Cor. ii. 3.36: " conscience sake ;" and see our ed. p. 231. Gr.217. 20. What villain, etc. That is, who that touched his body was such a villain that he stabbed, etc. Cf. v. 4. 2 below. 28. Brutus, bay not me. The folio has " Brutus, baite not me ;" cor- rected by Theo. It is evident that S. intended Cassius to echo the word used by Brutus. K. and Wr. read "bait." 32. To make conditions. " To arrange the terms on which offices should be conferred" (Craik). For^v? to, see M. of. V. p. 136. 36. Have mind upon your health. Look to your safety. 37. Slight man. Cf. iv. 1. 12 above. 38. Is V possible ? This interruption does not break the measure of what Brutus is saying. See Gr. 514. 45. Observe you. Treat you with reverence.be obsequious to you. Cf. 2 Hen. IV. iv. 4. 30 : " For he is gracious, if he be observ'd," etc. See also Mark, vi. 20, where most of the early versions have "gave him reverence." 51. Soldier. A trisyllable ; as in iv. I. 28 above. 54. I shall be glad to learn of noble men. This is the folio reading, fol- lowed by K., St., W., and others. The Coll. MS. alters noble to " abler," which D. and H. adopt, referring to what Cassius has said — " Older in practice, abler than yourself," etc. " Brutus says noble because it is what he wishes Cassius to be" (Wr.). 69. Respect not. Regard not, care not for. Cf. T G. of V. i. 2. 134, Cymb. i. 6. 155, etc. 73. Than to wring. Cf. i. 2. 172 above ; and see Gr. 350. 75. By any indirection. By " indirect crooked ways" (2 Hen. IV. iv. 5. 185) or dishonest practice. Cf. K. John, iii. 1. 276. 80. Rascal counters. Puttenham (Arte of English Poesie, 1582) says: " R 'us kail is properly the hunter's term given to young deer, lean and out of season, and not to people." Cf. Drayton, Polyolbion, Song 13 : " The bucks and lusty stags among the rascals strewed." Counters were round pieces of metal used in casting accounts. Cf. W. T. iv. 3. 38 : "I cannot I 7 2 NOTES. do 't without counters ;" Cymb. v. 4. 174 : " pen, book, and counters," etc. Here the word is used contemptuously for money. 81. Be ready, gods, etc. The folio reads and points thus : " Be ready Gods with all your Thunder-bolts, Dash him to peeces. M The modern editors generally retain the comma after "thunderbolts," but Coll. and W. omit it. Craik thinks that dash is "probably to be under- stood as the infinitive," with to omitted, but we believe it to be the im- perative : Be ready with all your thunderbolts, and dash him to pieces. 90. Do appear. The Coll. MS. alters do to "did." 93. Alone on Cassius. On Cassius only. Cf. R. of L. 1480. 94. Atveary of the world. Cf. Macb. v. 5. 49 : "I gin to be aweary of the sun." Abbott (Gr. 24) considers the a- in aweary "a corruption of the A. S. intensive of." 96. Checked like a bondman. Cf. Lear, ii. 2. 149 : " his master Will check him for 't." The noun also is used in the sense of rebuke, reproof. Cf. Cymb. iii. 3. 22 : " attending for a check" (that is, dancing attendance only to be paid with reproof); Oth. iii. 3. 67 : "a fault To incur a private check," etc. 101. Dearer than Plulus' mine. The folio has " Deerer then Pluto's Mine," and in T.and C. iii. 3. 197 : "euery graine of Plutoes gold." 102. If that thoic beest. On that, see Gr. 287, and on beest, Gr. 298. 108. Dishonour shall be humour. " Any indignity that you offer shall be regarded as a mere caprice of the moment" (Craik). Both Craik and W. suggest that S. may have written " honour." 109. Yoked with a lamb. Pope read " with a man." no. As the flint bears fire. Cf. i. 2. 172 above. 111. Who. See Gr. 264. 1 18. Have not you, etc. The folio reading. Pope gives " Have you not." 130. For I have seen more years, I 'm sure, than ye. Plutarch makes Favonius exclaim, in the words of Nestor {Iliad, book i.), " 'AWfi niOeaO' ' ci/i0a> di~ vecoWpu) eajiiv e/ueu>." For North's translation, see the extract above. 133. Fashion. A trisyllable. See on 51 above. 135. These jigging fools. These rhyming fools. Jig used to mean "a metrical composition, as well as a dance" (Malone). 136. Companion, hence ! On this contemptuous use of companionate Temp. p. 131, note on Your fellow. 148. How scap'd I killing. Scape is commonly printed as a contraction of escape, but we find it aiso in prose ; as in Bacon, Adv. of L. ii. 14. 9 : " such as had scaped shipwreck," etc. S. uses it much oftener than es- cape. See Wb. s. v. 150. Upon what sickness ? Cf. Much Ado, iv. 1. 225 : " When he shall hear she died upon (that is, in consequence of) his words." See Gr. 191. Bacon often uses upon in this sense. Cf. Ess. 48 : " Factious Follmvers are worse to be liked, which Follow not upon Affection to him, with whom they range Themselves, but upon Discontentment Conceived against some ( )ther ;" Adv. of L. ii. 23. 18: " there are few men so true to themselves and so settled, but that, sometimes upon heat, sometimes upon bravery, ACT IV. SCENE III. 173 sometimes upon kindness, sometimes upon trouble of mind and weak- ness, they open themselves," etc. Impatient of my absence, etc. " This speech is throughout a striking exemplification of the tendency of strong emotion to break through the logical forms of grammar, and of how possible it is for language to be perfectly intelligible, sometimes, with the grammar in a more or less cha- otic or uncertain state" (Craik). 153. Tidings. Like news, used by S. both as singular and as plural. Cf. v. 3. 54 below. With this she fell distract. See p. 33 above. For the form distract, see Gr. 342. S. also uses the obsolete distraught ; as in K. and J. iv. 3. 49 : "Or, if I wake, shall I not be distraught." 154. Her attendants absent, etc. See Gr. 380. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : " And for Porcia, Brutus Wife, Nicolaus the Philosopher, and Valerius Maximus do write, that she determining to kill herself (her Parents and friends carefully looking to her to keep her from it) took hot burning coals and cast them into her mouth, and kept her mouth so close that she choaked herself." 163. Call in question. Consider, discuss. 168. Bending their expedition. Directing their march — "perhaps im- plying that they were pressing on" (Craik). Cf. Rich. III. iv. 4. 136. 169. Tenour. The folio has " Tenure ;" as in A . Y. L. iv. 3. 1 1. 171. That by proscription, etc. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus): "After that, these three Octavius Ccesar, Autonius and Lepidus made an agreement be- tween themselves, and by those Articles divided the Provinces belonging to the Empire of Rome among themselves, and did set up Bills of Pro- scription and Outlawry, condemning two hundred of the noblest men of Rome to suffer death ; and amongst that number, Cicero was one." 177. Cicero one. Abbott (Gr. 486) makes one a dissyllable. Steevens inserted " Ay" before the second Cicero. 181. Nor nothing. Cf. iii. I. 92, 155 above. 189. With meditating, etc. On with, see Gr. 193. Here w«=some time or other. Cf. M. W. iii. 4. 103 : " I pray thee, once to-night Give my sweet Nan this ring." See also Hen. VIII. p. 163, note on Once weak ones. 192. / have as much of this in art as you, etc. "In art Malone inter- prets to mean ' in theory.' It rather signifies by acquired knowledge, or learning, as distinguished from natural disposition" (Craik). 194. Our work alive. That is, the work that we the living have to do. 201. Of force. Of necessity ; as in M. of V. iv. 1. 421, etc. Cf. Bacon, Adv. of L. ii. 5. 2 : "their inquiries must of force have been of a far other kind." Cf. also perforce, which is frequent in S., and is still used in poetry. 207. Come on refresh 'd, new-added, etc. The folio reading, retained by St., W., and the Camb. ed. " New-aided" was independently suggested by D. and Sr., and is adopted by H. The Coll. MS. (followed by Craik) has "new-hearted." New-added— reinforced. 218. Omitted. Neglected. See Temp. p. 125, and Hen. VIII. p. 183. 222. Ventures. See M. of V. p. 128, note on Had I such venture forth. 226. Niggard. Craik remarks that this is probably the only instance in the language of niggard as a verb ; but cf. Sonu. 1. 12. Gr. 290. 174 NOTES. 229. Farewell, good Messala, Craik regards this as a hemistich ; Abbott (Gr. 480) makes it complete the line, counting Farewell as a trisyllable. Walker suggests " Fare you well," and Hanmer " Now, farewell." 239. Poor kttave. That is, poor boy. See M. of V. p. 137. On the passage, see page 13 above. O'envatch'd. Worn out with watching. Cf. Lear, ii. 2. 177: "All weary and o'erwatch'd." See Gr. 374 (cf. 295). In M. N. D. v. 1. 373, we have it in its active form : " I fear we shall outsleep the coming morn As much as we this night have overwatch'd." 240. Some other of my men. On -= others, see M. of V. p. 128. 242. Varro and Claudius. The folio has " Varrus, and Claudia," and also in the stage-direction that follows. 254. Canst thou hold up, etc. The 2d folio gets the passage "some- what mixed :" u Canst thou hold up thy instrument a straine or two, And touch thy heavy eyes a-while." 260. I know young bloods. See on i. 2. 147 above. 262. It was well done. The Var. of 182 1 has "It is well done.'" 266. Thy leaden mace. Cf. Spenser, F. Q. i. 4. 44 : " But whenas Morpheus had with leaden mace Arrested all that courtly company." In both cases, the mace is the club borne by an officer of justice, not, as Steevens and H. explain it, the sceptre of a monarch. Cf. C. of E. iv. 3. 28 : " he (the officer) that sets up his rest (with a play on rest and arrest) to do more exploits with his mace than a morris-pike." It means sce/>t re in lien. V. iv. 1. 278: "The sword, the mace, the crown imperial." 268. So much wrong to wake thee. On the ellipsis of as, see Gr. 281. 269. If thou dost nod, thou break'st. On the tenses, see Gr. 363, 371. 272. Where I left reading. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : " Brutus was a care- ful* man, and slept very little, both for that his Diet was moderate, as also because he was continually occupied. He never slept in the day time, and in the night no longer then the time he was driven to be alone, and when every body else took their rest. But now whilest he was in War, and his head over-busily occupied to think of his affairs, and what would happen, after he had slumbered a little after supper, he spent all the rest of the night in dispatching of his weightiest Causes ; and after he had taken order for them, if he had any leasure left him, he would read some Book till the third Watch of the night, at what time the Captains, petty Captains and Colonels, did use to come to him. So, being ready to go into Eu- Koi'K,one night very late (when all the Camp took quiet rest) as be was in his Tent with a little light, thinking of weighty matters, he thought he heard one come in to him, and casting his eye towards the door ot his Tent, that he saw a wonderfull strange and monstrous shape of a body coming towards him, and said never a word. So Brutus boldly asked what he was, a God or a man, and what cause brought him thither. The * That is, full of care. Cf. C. of E. v. 1. 208: " careful hours {■ Rick. ill. i. J. 83 1 " By Him that rais'd me to this careful heipht From that contented hap which 1 enjoy d." ACT V. SCENE I. 175 Spirit answered him, I am thy evill Spirit, Brutus: and thou shalt see me by the City of Philippes. Brutus being no otherwise afraid, replied again unto it : Well, then I shall see thee again. The Spirit presently vanished away : and Brutus called his men unto him, who told him that they heard no noise, nor saw any thing at all." See also the Life of Ccesar : " he thought he heard a noise at his Tent door, and looking towards the light of the Lamp that waxed very dim, he saw a horrible Vision of a man, of a wonderfull greatness, and clreadfull look, which at the first made him marvellously afraid. But when he saw that it did him no hurt, but stood by his bed-side, and said nothing ; at length he asked him what he was. The Image answered him : I am thy ill Angell, Brutus, and thou shalt see me by the City of Philippes. Then Brutus replied again, and said, Well, I shall see then. Therewithall, the Spirit presently vanished from him." On the introduction of the ghost here, see p. 20 above. 273. How ill this taper burns ! Because of the appearance of the ghost. Cf. Rich. III. v. 3. 181 : " The lights burn blue ;" and see our ed. p. 241. Here the poet follows N. 278. And my hair to stare. Cf. Temp. i. 2. 213 : " With hair up-staring, — then like reeds, not hair." 304. Set on his powers. See on i. 2. II and iv. 1. 42 above. ACT V. Scene I. — 4. Their battles. Their battalions, or forces. Cf. Hen. V. iv. chor. 9 : " Each battle sees the other's umber'd face ;" Bacon, Ess. 58 : "they were more ignorant in ranging and arraying their battailes, etc." 5. Warn. Summon. Cf. Rich. III. i. 3. 39 : " to warn them to his royal presence ;" K. John, ii. 1. 201 : "warn'd us to the walls," etc. 10. With feajful bravery. " With a gallant show of courage carrying with it terror and dismay" (Malone) : with "bravery in show or appear- ance, which yet is full of real fear or apprehension" (Craik). The latter interpretation agrees better with what follows. For bravery = bravado, cf. Bacon, Ess. 57: "To seek to extinguish anger utterly, is but a bravery of the Sloicks." Y ox fearful = timorous, faint-hearted, see V. and A. 677 : " Pursue these fearful creatures o'er the downs" — the creatures being " the timorous flying hare" (called " the fearful flying hare" in 3 Hen. VI. ii. 5. 130), the fox, and the roe. See also Judges, vii. 3, Matt. viii. 26, etc. 14. Their bloody sign of battle. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus) : " The next morning by break of day, the Signall of Battell was set out in Brutus and Cassius Camp, which was an arming Scarlet Coat." 19. Exigent. Exigency. Cf. A. and Civ. 14. 63: "when the exigent should come." In the only other instance in which S. uses the word (1 Hen. VI. ii. 5. 9), it means end : "These eyes, like lamps whose wasting oil is spent, Grow dim, as drawing to their exigent." 24. Answer on their charge. Await their onset. 25. Make forth. " Step forward" (Craik). 176 NOTES. ROMAN SOLDIERS. 33. The posture ofyottr blows are yet unknown. See Gr. 412. 34. The Hybla bees. Hybla in Sicily was famous for its honey. Cf I Hen. IV. i. 2. 47 : " the honey of Hybla." 44. O you flatterers. On the measure, see Gr. 482. 49. The proof of it. The proof of the arguing; that is, "the arbitra- ment of the sword, to which it is the prologue or prelude" (Craik). 52. Civsar's three and thirty wounds. Theo. changed this to " three and twenty," the number given in Plutarch and Suetonius ; but this is to deal with poetry in too arithmetical a way. 54. Have added, etc. Have added another victim to your traitorous swords. The Coll. MS. has " word" for sword. 58. Strain. Race. Cf. Much Ado, ii. 1. 394 : " he is of a noble strain ;" Per. iv. 3. 24 : " To think of what a noble strain you are ;" Spenser, F. Q. ' v - 8. t,3 : " Sprung of the auncient stocke of Princes straine," etc. 59. Honourable. Thus in the folio, but possibly a misprint for "hon- ourably" (" honourablie"), which \Y. substitutes. 60. A peevish schoolboy. " PttVtsk appeals to have generally signified, during S.'s days, 'silly, foolish, trilling,' etc., though no doubt the word ACT V. SCENE I. 177 was formerly used, as now, in the sense of 'pettish, perverse,' etc." (D.). Cf. C. of E. iv. I. 93 : " How now ! a madman ! Why, thou peevish sheep, What ship of Epidamnum stays for me?" 3 Hen. VI. v. 6. 18: " Why, what a peevish fool was that of Crete, That taught his son the office of a fowl !" Rich. III. iv. 2. 100 : " When Richmond was a little peevish boy." Trench {Glossary, etc.) thinks that the word meant "self-willed, obsti- nate," rather than " foolish," but the latter seems the only meaning pos- sible in some of the passages just cited, and in several others in S. Could we substitute "self-willed" or "obstinate" for peevish in the following dia- logue from 1 Hen. VI. v. 3. 181 fol. ? — '''■Suffolk. No loving token to his majesty? Margaret. Yes. my good lord, —a pure unspotted heart, Never yet taint with love, I send the king. Suffolk. And this withal- [Kisses her. Margaret. That for thyself: — I will not so presume To send such peevish tokens to a king." Se^ also Hen. V. p. 171. 70. As this very day. See Temp. p. 113, note on As at that time. 72. Be thou, etc. On the change from thou to you, see Gr. 233. According to N. {Life of Brutus), Cassius said, " Messala, I protest unto thee, and make thee my Witness, that I am compelled against my mind and will (as Pompey the Great was) to jeopard the liberty of our Coun- trey to the hazard of a Battell." 78. Coming from Sardis, etc. On coming, see Gr. 379. Our former ensign. The Coll. MS. has "forward," but the original reading is well enough, and Coll. himself retains it. Cf. N. {Life of Bru- tus) : " When they raised their Camp, there came two Eagles that flying with a marvellous force, lighted upon two of the foremost Ensigns, and always followed the Souldiers, which gave them Meat, and fed them, un- til] they came near to the City of Phii.ippes; and there one day onely before the Battel, they both flew away." 81. Who to Philippi here consorted us. On who, see on i. 3. 20 above. On the transitive use of consort, cf. C of E.\.i. 28 : " And afterwards con- sort you till bed-time," etc. S. also uses consort with ; as in R. and "J. iii. 1. 48 : " thou consort'st with Romeo," etc. 83. In their steads. Cf. T. of A. iv. 1.6; and see Rich. II. p. 206, note on Sights. 85. As tve were, etc. As //we were, etc. Gr. 107. Cf. iii. 1. 99 above. 91. Constantly. Firmly. Cf. the adjective in iii. 1.22. 60, 72 above. 93. Lovers. See on ii. 3. 7 above. 94. Rest still incertain. The folio reads " rests still incertaine ;" cor*, rected by Rowe. See M. of V. p. 155, note on Uncapable. Gr. 442. 95. Let 'j- reason with the worst, etc. Cf. N. {Life of Brutus): "There Cass/usbegarx to speak first, and said : The gods grant us O Brutus, that this day we may win the Field, and ever after to live all the rest of our life quietly one with another. But sith the gods have so ordained it, that the greatest and chiefest things amongst men are most uncertain, and that if the Battell fall out otherwise to day then we wish or look for, we shall hardly meet again, what art thou then determined to do, to flie, or die? M i 7 3 A'OTES. Brutus answered him, being yet but a young man, and not over greatly experienced In the world, I trust* (I know not how) a certain rule of Phi- losophy, by the which I did greatly blame and reprove Cato for killing himself, as being no lawfull nor godly act, touching the gods : nor con- cerning men, valiant ; not to give place and yeeid to divine Providence, and not constantly and patiently to take whatsoever it pleaseth him to send us, but to draw back and flie : but being now in the midst of the danger, I am of a contrary mind. For, if it be not the will of God that this Battell fall out fortunate for us, I will look no more for hope, but will rid me of this miserable world, and content me with my fortune.'' 99. Even by the rule, etc. The passage stands thus in the folio : " Euen by the rule of that Philosophy, ¥>y which I did blame Cato, for the death Which he did giue himselfe, I know not how: But I do finde it Cowardly, and viie, For feare of what might fall, so to preuent The time of life, arming my selfe with patience, To stay the prouidence of some high Powers, That gouerne vs below." The meaning apparently is, I am determined to do by (that is, act in accordance with, govern myself by) the rule of that philosophy, by which I did blame Cato, etc. K., D., and H. make " I know not how . . . the time of life" a parenthesis. Coll. and W. put a period after himself ; and that pointing, since it gives the same meaning without the long pa- renthesis, is, on the whole, to be preferred. Craik connects " I know not how," etc., with what precedes ("I know not how it is, but I do find it, by the rule of that philosophy, etc., cowardly and vile"), and the Camb. ed. adopts that arrangement. 103. To prevent The time of life. Johnson and Steevens take prevent in its ordinary meaning ; Malone, D.,and H., in its primary sense of antici- pate. S. uses the word several times in the latter sense, and we prefer that interpretation here. The time of life is the full time or natural pe- riod of life. The Coll. MS. changes time to " term," and in the next line some to "those ;" and Craik adopts both emendations. 105. To stay the providence. To await it {not to hinder or delay it) ; as in 1 Hen. IV. i. 3. 258 : " We '11 stay your leisure." 108. Thorough the streets. See on iii. 1. 137 above. 109. No, Cassius, no, etc. " There has been some controversy about the reasoning of Brutus in this dialogue. Both Steevens and Malone conceive that there is an inconsistency between what he here says and his previous declaration of his determination not to follow the example of Cato. But how did Cato act? Me slew himself that he might not witness and outlive the fall of Utica. This was, merelv ' for ten of what might fall,' to anticipate the end of life. It did not follow that it would be wrong, in the opinion of linitus, to commit suicide in order to escape any certain and otherwise inevitable calamity or degradation, such as being led in triumph through the streets of Rome by Octavius and An- tony" (Craik). * This is an old form of the past tense, and ^trusted- Cf. Cymb iv. 2. 347 : " I fast and pray'd," etc Gr. 341. ACT V. SCENE II. 179 " Brutus is at first inclined to wait patiently for better times, but is roused by the idea of being ' led in triumph,' to which he will never sub- mit. The loss of the battle would not alone have determined him to kill himself, if he could have lived free" (Ritson). ROMAN STANDARD-BEARERS. Scene IT. — On this scene, and the following ones, cf. N. {Life of Brutus)'. "Then Brutus prayed Cassius he might have the leading of the right Wing, the which men thought was far meeter for Cassius, both because he was the elder man, and also for that he had the better experience. But yet Cassius gave it him, and willed that Messala (who had charge of one of the warlikest Legions they had) should be also in that Wing with Brutus. ... In the mean time Brutus, that led the right Wing, sent little Bills to the Colonels and Captains of private Bands, in the which he wrote the word of the Battell." " First of all he (Cassius) was marvellous angry to see how Brutus men ran to give charge upon their Enemies, and tarried not for the word of the Battell, nor commandment to give charge : and it grieved him beside, that 180 NOTES. after he had overcome them, his men fell straight to spoil, and were not carefull to compass in the rest of the Enemies behind : but with tanying too long also, more then through the valiantness or foresight of the Cap- tains his Enemies, Cassius found himself compassed in with the right wing of his Enemies Army. Whereupon his horsemen brake immediatly, and fled for life towards the Sea. P^urthermore, perceiving his Footmen to give ground, he did what he could to keep them from flying, and took an Ensign from one of the Ensign-Bearers that fled, and stuck it fast at his feet : although with much ado he could scant keep his own Guard togeth- er. So Cassius himself was at length compelled to flie, with a few about him, unto a little Hill, from whence they might easily see what was done in all the plain: howbeit Cassius himself saw nothing, for his sight was very bad, saving that he saw (and yet with much ado) how the Enemies spoiled his Camp before his eyes. He saw also a great Troop of Horse- men, whom Brutus sent to aid him, and thought that they were his Ene- mies that followed him : but yet he sent Titinnius, one of them that was with him, to go and know what they were. Brutus horsmen saw him coming afar off, whom when they knew that he was one of Cassius chief- est friends, they shouted out for joy, and they that were familiarly ac- quainted with him, lighted from their Horses, and went and embraced him. The rest compassed him in round about on horse-back, with Songs of Victory, and great rushing of their Harness, so that they made all the Field ring again for joy. But this marred all. For Cassius thinking in- deed that Titinnius was taken of the Enemies, he then spake these words : Desiring too much to live, I have lived to see one of my best friends taken, for my sake, before my face. After that, he got into a Tent where no body was, and took Pindarus with him, one of his Bondmen whom he reserved ever for such a pitch, since the cursed battle of the Parthians where Crassus* was slain, though he notwithstanding scaped from that over- throw : but then casting his cloak over his head, and holding out his bare neck unto Pindarus, he gave him his head to be stricken off. So the head was found severed from the body : but after that time Pindarus was never seen more. Whereupon, some took occasion to say that he had slain his master without his commandment. By and by they knew the horsemen that came towards them, and might see Titinnius crowned with a Garland of triumph, who came before with great speed unto Cassius. But when he perceived, by the cries and tears of his friends which tor- mented themselves, the misfortune which had chanced to his Captain Cassius by mistaking, he drew out his sword, cursing himself a thousand times that he had tarried so long, and slew himself presently in the field. Brutus in the mean time came forward still, and understood also that Cassius had been overthrown : but he knew nothing of his death, till he came very near to his Camp. So when he was come thither, af.er he had lamented the death of Cassius, calling him the last of all the ROMANS ; being impossible that Romk should ever breed again so noble and val- iant a man as he : he caused his body to be buried, and sent it to the city ot Thassos, fearing lest his funerals within the Camp should cause great disorder." . . . * Misprinted "Cassius" in the ed. of 1676. ACT V. SCENE II. i8t "There was the son of Marcus Cato slain, valiantly fighting among the lusty youths. For, notwithstanding that he was very weary and over- harried, yet would he not therefore fly, but manfully fighting and laying about him, telling aloud his name, and also his fathers name, at length he was beaten down among many other dead bodies of his enemies which he had slain round about him. So there were slain in the field, all the chief- est Gentlemen and Nobility that were in his Army, who valiantly ran into any danger to save Brutus life : amongst whom there was one of Brutus friends called Lucilius, who see a troop of barbarous men, making no reckoning of all men else they met in their way, but going altogether right against Brutus, he determined to stay them with the hazard of life, and being left behind, told them that he was Brutus : and because they should believe him, he prayed them to bring him to Antonius, for he said he was afraid of Casar, and that he did trust Antonius better. These bar- barous men being very glad of this good hap, and thinking themselves happy men, they carried him in the night, and sent some before unto An- tonius to tell him of their coming. He was marvellous glad of it, and went out to meet them that brought him. ... In the meantime Lucilius was brought to him, who with a bold countenance said : Antonius, I dare assure, thee, that no enemy hath taken, or shall take Marcus Brutus alive : and I beseech God keep him from that fortune : but wheresoever he be found, alive or dead, he will be found like himself. . . . Lucilius words made them all amazed that heard him. Antonius on the other side, look- ing upon all them that had brought him, said unto them : My friends, I think ye are sorry you have failed of your purpose, and that you think this man hath done great wrong : but I assure you, you have taken a better booty then that you followed. For, instead of an Enemy, you have brought me a friend : and for my part, if you had brought me Brutus alive, truly I cannot tell what I should have done to him. For I had rather have such men as this my friends then my enemies. Then he embraced Lucilius, and at that time delivered him to one of his friends in custody ; and Lucilius ever after served him faithfully, even to his death." " Furthermore, Brutus thought that there was no great number of men slain in battle : and, to know the truth of it, there was one called Slatilius, that promised to go through his Enemies, for otherwise it was impossible to go see their Camp : and thereupon if all were well, he would lift up a torch-light in the Air, and then return again with speed to him. The torch-light was lift up as he had promised, for Statilius went thither : and a good while after Brutus seeing that Statilius came not again, he said : If Statilius be alive he will come again. But his evil fortune was such that, as he came back, he fell into his Enemies hands and was slain. Now the night being far spent, Brutus as he sate bowed towards Clitics one of his men, and told him somewhat in his ear : the other answered him not, but fell a weeping. Thereupon he proved Dardanus, and said somewhat also to him : and at the last he came to Volumnius himself, and speaking to him in Greek, prayed him, for the studies sake which brought them ac- quainted together, that he would help him to put his hand to his sword, to thrust it in him to kill him. Volumnius denied his request, and so did many others : and amongst the rest, one of them said, there was no tarry- 1 82 NOTES. ing for them there, but they must needs fly. Then Brutus rising up, said, We must fly indeed, but it must be with our hands, not with our feet Then taking every man by the hand, he said these words unto them with a chearful countenance : It rejoyceth my heart, that none of my friends hath failed me at my need, and I do not complain of my fortune, but onely for my countries sake : for as for me, I think my self happier than they that have overcome, considering that I have a perpetuall fame of vertue and honesty, the which our Enemies the Conquerors shall never attain unto by force nor money ; neither can let* their posterity to say, that they being naughty and unjust men, have slain good men, to usurp tyrannicall power not pertaining to them. Having so said, he prayed every man to shift for himself, and then he went a little aside with two or three onely, among the which Strato was one, with whom he came first acquainted by the study of Rhetorick. He came as near to him as he could, and taking his sword by the hilt with both his hands, and falling down upon the point of it, ran himself through. Others say that not he, but Strato (at his re- quest) held the sword in his hand, and turned his head aside, and that Brutus fell down upon it, and so ran himself through, and died presently. Messala, that had been Brutus great friend, reconciled afterwards to be Octavius Ccesar's friend, and shortly after, Cccsar being at good leisure, he brought Strato, Brutus friend unto him, and weeping said : Casar, behold, here is he that did the last service to my Brutus. Then Cccsar received him, and afterwards he did as faithfull service in all his affairs, as any Grecian else he had about him, untill the Battle of Actium." Scene III. — 3. / slew the coward, and did take it from him. That is, took the ensign from him. Ensign means either the standard or the standard-bearer, and here it may be said to be used for both. 7. Took it too eagerly. Followed up the advantage too eagerly. 11. Far. See on iii. 2. 165 above. 18. Yond. See on i. 2. 190 above. 32. Now some light. W. and H. print '"light," but the word (A. S. lihtau) is not a contraction of alight, and is common enough in prose, See the description of this scene in N., quoted above ; and cf. Gen. xxiv. 64, 2 A'ings, v. 21, etc. 38. Saving of thy life. See Gr. 178. 43. The hilts. Cf. Rich. III. i. 4. 160: "with the hilts of thy sword." S. uses hilts of a single weapon five times, hilt three times. 51. But change. "Only a succession of alternations or vicissitudes" (Craik). Thou dost sink to night. Some print "to-night;" but, as Craik re- marks, "a far nobler sense is given to the words by taking sink to night to be an expression of the same kind with sink to rcst. n The folio " thou doest sink to night ;" and elsewhere doest and dat are used indis- criminately. Cf. i. 1. 8 above. We find didest in Ham. iv. 7. 58. 65. Mistrust of my success. See ii. 2. 6 above. Bacon {Adv. cf L. ii. 4. 2) speaks of " the successes and issues of actions." 85. But hold thee. See i. 3. 1 16 above. Gr. 2 1 2. • That is, hinder. ACT V. SCENE III. 183 't / S 7 *m /--"-' . .1 v/ / X • .-- ft' r "Go, Pindarus, get higher on that h 20). 86. Bid. S. often uses bid for both bade and bidden. Tie has &27& fre- quently, but bidden only once {Much Ado, iii. 3. 32). Cf. Gr. 342, 343. 96. /« 0//r tnun proper entrails. On z'« = into, see Gr. 159. Y ox proper, see on i. 2. 38 above. Cf. A. W. iv. 2. 49. 97. Whether. See on i. 1. 61 above. 99. 7!^ /aj/ 0/W/ //z^ Rojnans. Rowe reads " Thou last ;" but N. has the expression (see extract above), and S. probably copied it. Gr. 13. 101. Aloe. See on ii. 1. 72 above. 104. Thassos. The folio has "Tharsus," a misprint for the "Thassos" of N. Theo. made the correction. The Camb. ed. gives "Thasos," the classical form of the name. 105. His funerals. See Temp. p. 143, note on The nuptial. W. says that "the plural was the commoner form in S.'s day, and is generally used by him." S.usesfunera/s only twice (not counting a third instance, in M. N. D. i. 1. 14, where it is a true plural), while he has funeral some fifteen times. The latter occurs five times (as a noun) in act iii. of the present play. 108. Labeo and Flavins. The folio has " Labio and Ftauio. 11 See on i. 2. 3 above. 1 84 NOTES. Scene IV. — 2. What bastard doth not? See on ii. 1. 138 and iv. 3. 20 above. 12. Only /yield to die. For the transposition, see Gr. 420. 13. There is so much, etc. So much money, on condition that thou wilt kill me at once. The meaning seems plain enough, but Warb. mistook it. 17. / '// tell the news. The folio has " He tell thee newes ;" corrected by Pope. Scene V. — 9. Hark thee. Here thee is a corruption for thou. See Gr. 212. 14. That it runs over. So that, etc. Gr. 283. 19. And, this last night, here in Philippi fields. Cf. N. {Life of Ca:sar) : "The second Battell being at hand, this Spirit appeared again unto him, but spake never a word. Thereupon Brutus knowing that he should die, did put himself to all hazard in Battell, but yet fighting could not be slain." See also Life of Brutus: "The Romans called the Valley between both Camps, the Philippian Fields." Gr. 22. 23. Have beat us. Cf. Cor. i. 6.40: " had beat you," etc. Gr. 343. 33. Farewell to thee, too, Strato. The folio reads, "Farewell to thee, to Strato, Countrymen ;" corrected by Theo. For the change from you (" Farewell to you," etc.) to thee, see Gr. 232. ~:ilY ACT V. SCENE V. ^5 35. I found no man but, etc. For but, see Gr. 123. 38. Shall attain unto. For unto, see Gr. 4570. 45. Of a good respect. Cf. i. 2. 54 above. 46. Some smote k. The folio reading. Smatch is only another form of smack, which S. uses elsewhere, and which W. substitutes here. 60. I will entertain them. I will take them into my service. Cf. Lear, in. 6. 83 : " You, sir, I entertain for one of my hundred," etc. 61. Bestow thy lime with me. "Give up thy time to me" (Craik). 62. Ay, if Messala will prefer me to thee. "Prefer seems to have been the established phrase for recommending a servant" (Reed). Cf. Bacon, Adv. of L. ii. 21, 1 : " And if it be said, that the cure of men's minds be- longeth to sacred divinity, it is most true ; but yet moral philosophy may be preferred unto her as a wise servant and humble handmaid." Here Craik thinks it means "to transfer, or hand over," but it merely implies the transfer. Messala, of course, could not recommend his servant to a new master without giving up his own claim upon him. 68. This was the noblest Roman, etc. Cf. N. (Life cf Brutus) : " For it was said that Antonius spake it openly divers times, that he thought, that of all them that had slain Cczsar, there was none but Brutus onely that was moved to do it, as thinking the act commendable of it self: but that all the other Conspiratours did conspire his death for some private malice or envy, that they otherwise did bear unto him. ,, 69. Save only he. See on iii. 2. 59 above. 71. He only, in a general honest thought, etc. The folio reading, retained by all the editors except Coll. and Craik, who adopt the emendation of the Coll. MS. : M He only in a generous honest thought Of common good," etc. D. prints "general-honest," which Abbott (Gr. 2) is disposed to favour. 73. His life was gentle, etc. This passage resembles one which appears in the revised edition of Drayton's poem of The Barons' 1 Wars, published in 1603, and it has been a matter of dispute among the critics which poet was the borrower. If either, it must have been Drayton, since we know that Julius Casar was written before 1601 (see p. 8 above); but there may have been no imitation on either side. " The notion that man was composed of the four elements, earth, air, fire, and water, and that the well-balanced mixture of these produced the perfection of humanity," was then commonly accepted, and often appears in the writers of the period (W.). Cf. B. J., Cynthia's Revels, ii. 3 : " A creature of a most per- fect and divine temper, one in whom the humours and elements are peace- ably met, without emulation of precedency." The following is the form in which the passage in Drayton appears in the edition of 1603, and in five subsequent editions published during the next ten years : " Such one he was, of him we boldly say, In whose rich soul all sovereign powers did suit, In whom in peace th' elements all lay So mixt. as none could sovereignty impute ; As all did govern, yet all did obey : His lively temper was so absolute, ,86 ADDENDA. That 't seemed when heaven his model first began, In him it showed perfection in a man." In the edition of 1619 it is recast as follows : " He was a man (then boldly dare to say) In whose rich soul the virtues well did suit, In whom so mixt the elements did lay That none to one could sovereignty impute; As ail did govern, so did all obey : He of a temper was so absolute, As that it seemed, when Nature him began, She meant to show all that might be in man." 81. To part the glories, etc. That is, to share or divide them. See Hen. VIII. p. 199, note on They had parted. Cf. Matt, xxvii. 35. ADDENDA. The "Time- Analysis" of the Play. — This is summed up by Mr. P. A. Daniel {Trans, of New Shahs. Soc. 1877-79, p. 199) thus : " Time of the Play, 6 days represented on the stage ; with intervals. Day 1. Act I. sc. i. and ii. Interval — one month.* " 2. Act I. sc. iii. " 3. Acts II. and III. Interval. " 4. Act IV. sc. i. Interval. " 5. Act IV. sc. ii. and iii. Intei-val — one day at least. '■■ 6. Act V. " ' The real length of time in Jnlins Ccesar is as follows : About the mid- dle of February A.u.c. 709, a frantic festival, sacred to Pan, and called Lupercalia, was held in honour of Caesar, when the regal crown was of- fered to him by Antony. On the 15 March in the same year, he w.is slain. November 27, A.U.C. 710, the triumvirs met at a small island, formed by the river Rhenus, near Bononia, and there adjusted their cruel proscription. — a.u.c. 711, Brutus and Cassius were defeated near Phi- lippi' (Upton)." Shakespeare's Use of North's Plutarch. — Archbishop Trench, in his Lectures on Plutarch, referring to North's translation of the says : " But the highest title to honour which this version possesses has not * An interval is required historically, but Mr. Furnivall says: "Note how the even- irrg of March 14 is seemingly made MM with that of Feb. ij by Cicero's 'C'asca. brought }'ou Qeaar home?' (i. 3. 1), as if from the l.upercalia of Feb. 15, B.C. 44 Hut as on the aUer day S. has put the triumph of Caesar which took place early in the October before (b c 45), he may have meant to annihilate the one month. Feb. March. 44 (not directly mentioned in Plutarch's three source-Lives) as he did the four months, Oct. 45- Feb. 44. ADDENDA. 187 hitherto been mentioned, namely, the use which Shakespeare was con- tent to make of it. Whatever Latin Shakespeare may have had, he cer- tainly knew no Greek, and thus it was only through Sir Thomas North's translation that the rich treasure-house of Plutarch's Lives was accessible to him. Nor do I think it too much to affirm that his three great Ro- man plays, reproducing the ancient Roman world as no other modem poetry has ever done — I refer to Coriolanus, Julius Ccesar, and Antony and Cleopatra — would never have existed, or, had Shakespeare lighted by chance on these arguments, would have existed in forms altogether dif- ferent from those in which they now appear, if Plutarch had not written, and Sir Thomas North, or some other in his place, had not translated. We have in Plutarch not the framework or skeleton only of the story, no, nor yet merely the ligaments and sinews, but very much also of the flesh and blood wherewith these are covered and clothed. " How noticeable in this respect is the difference between Shakespeare's treatment of Plutarch and his treatment of others, upon whose hints, more or less distinct, he elsewhere has spoken. How little is it in most cases which he condescends to use of the materials offered to his hand. Take, for instance, his employment of some Italian novel, Bandello's or Cin- thio's. He derives from it the barest outline — a suggestion perhaps is all, with a name or two here and there, but neither dialogue nor charac- ter. On the first fair occasion that offers he abandons his original alto- gether, that so he may expatiate freely in the higher and nobler world of his own thoughts and fancies. But his relations with Plutarch are differ- ent — different enough to justify, or almost to justify, the words of Jean Paul, when in his Titan he calls Plutarch 'der biographische Shakespeare der Weltgeschichte.' What a testimony we have to the true artistic sense and skill, which with all his occasional childish simplicity the old biogra- pher possesses, in the fact that the mightiest and completest artist of all times should be content to resign himself into his hands, and simply to follow where the other leads ! " His Julius Ccesar will abundantly bear out what I have just affirmed — a play dramatically and poetically standing so high that it only just falls short of that supreme rank which Lear and Othello, Hamlet and Macbeth claim for themselves, without rival or competitor even from among the creations of the same poet's brain. It is hardly an exagger- ation to say that the whole play — and the same stands good of Corio-^ lanus no less — is to be found in Plutarch. Shakespeare indeed has thrown a rich mantle of poetry over all, which is often wholly his own ; but of the incident there is almost nothing which he does not owe to Plutarch, even as continually he owes the very wording to Sir Thomas North." Have wished that noble Brutus had his eyes (i. 2. 58). It is a question whether his refers to Brutus, or is =their, referring to the subject of Have. Delius gives the former explanation ; but Wr. makes out a plausible case in favour of the latter: "The speakers wished Brutus to see himself as they saw him, and to recognize his own importance at such a crisis (see ii. 1. 92, 93). This seems to be the whole point of Cassius' appeal." For the other sense in other passages, cf. M. of V. ii. 2. 79: " Nay, indeed, if 1 88 ADDENDA. you had your eyes, you might fail of the knowing me ;" and A. Y. L. i. 2. 185 : " It you saw yourself with your eyes, or knew yourself with your judgment," etc. / had as lief not be as live to be (i. 2. 91). The quibble illustrates the old pronunciation of lief which was often printed lieve. See A. Y. L. p. 139, note on 133. For once upon a raw ami gusty day, etc. (i. 2. 96). Caesar was famous as a swimmer. Wr. quotes Suetonius (J. C. 64) : " At Alexandria being busie about the assault aud winning of a bridge where by a sodaine sal- lie of the enemies he was driven, to take a boat, & many besides made hast to get into the same, he lept into the sea, and by swimming almost a quarter of a mile recouered cleare the next ship : bearing up his left hand all the while, for feare the writings which he held therein should take wet, and drawing his rich coate armour after him by the teeth, be- cause the enemie should not have it as a spoyle." Plutarch's account makes the feat still more difficult : " The third danger was in the battel by sea, that was fought by the tower of Phar: where meaning to helpe his men that fought by sea, he leapt from the peere into a boate. Then the ^Egyptians made towards him with their oares on euery side : but he leaping into the sea, with great hazard saued himselfe by swimming. It is said, that then holding diuers books in his hand, he did neuer let them go, but kept them always vpon his head aboue water, and swam with the other hand, notwithstanding that they shot maruellously at him, and was driuen somtime to ducke into the water; howbeit y e boate was drowned presently." The eternal devil (p. 133). Wr. believes that eternal was probably used "to avoid coming under the operation of the Act of James I. 'to restrain the abuses of players' in the use of profane language." He notes that while we find infernal in Much Ado, 2 Hen. IV., and T. A., all of which were printed in 1600, eternal is used as the equivalent for that word in Hamlet, Othello, and J. C, which were probably produced after 1600. As Weever alludes to J. C. in 1601 (see p. 8 above), the play must have been brought out that very year, if this inference is a sound one. He should not humour me (p. 136). Wr. is inclined to agree with War- burton, because "Cassius is all along speaking of his own influence over Brutus, notwithstanding the difference of their characters, which made Caesar dislike the one and love the other." The chief objection to War- burton's explanation, in our opinion, is that it seems to leave the mention of Caesar unconnected with what follows. We fancy that this occurred to Wr., and that what we have just quoted is an attempt to meet the ob- jection ; but, to our thinking, it is far from successful. If we accept John- son's interpretation, he should not humour me naturally follows what pre- cedes, and is naturally followed by what comes after: Caesar should not cajole me as he does Brutus ; and I am going to take measures to coun- teract the influence Caesar has over him. Remorse (p. 142). Wr. explains this as =" tender feeling, pity; not necessarily compunction for what has been done ;" and this, we think, is the meaning. H. defines remorse as "conscience, or conscientious- ness;" and reason in 21 is " used hi the same sense," the conscience bo- ADDENDA. 189 ing, "in a philosophical sense, the moral reason." This seems to us "reading into" the passage a meaning that is not there. Brutus simply says that power is liable to become arbitrary and merciless ; in its am- bition to rise yet higher, it thinks only of itself and forgets the claims of others. Cf. what Prospero says to Antonio in Temp. v. I. 76: "You, brother mine, that entertain'd ambition, Expell d remorse and nature;" that is, pity and natural feeling. Remorse is the mercy of Portia's famous plea (Af. of V. iv. 1. 184 fob), which is "enthroned in the hearts of kings" and "seasons," or tempers, even "justice." Brutus; goes on to say that, to speak truth of Caesar, he has not yet allowed his passions to prevail over his reason, and to lead him to abuse his greatness. His ambition is still under the control of his better judgment ; it has not yet expelled re- morse and nature. Craik paraphrases the passage very well : " The abuse to which greatness is most subject is when it deadens in its possessor the natural sense of humanity, or of that which binds us to our kind; and this I do not say that it has yet done in the case of Caesar ; I have never known that in him selfish affection, or mere passion, has carried it over reason." Coleridge was perplexed by what follows, and asks, " What character did Shakespeare mean his Brutus to be?" H. thinks that "the poet must have regarded him simply as a well-meaning, but conceited and shallow idealist." As an idealist, indeed, but not as "conceited and shal- low." That was not Shakespeare's conception of " the noblest Roman of them all." He was one of the types of " the scholar in politics." As Dowden says in his Primer : " Brutus . . . acts as an idealizer and the- orizer might, with no eye for the actual bearing of facts, and no sense of the true importance of persons. Intellectual doctrines and moral ideals rule the life of Brutus ; and his life is most noble, high, and stainless, but his public action is a series of mistakes. Yet even while he errs we ad- mire him, for all his errors are those of a pure and lofty spirit. . . . All the practical gifts, insight, and tact, which Brutus lacks, are possessed by Cassius ; but of Brutus's moral purity, veneration of ideals, disinterest- edness, and freedom from unworthy personal motive, Cassius possesses little." Coleridge asks, " How could Brutus say that he found no personal cause — none in Caesar's past history as a man ? Had he not passed the Rubicon? Had he not entered Rome as a conqueror?" etc. But by personal cause, as Bishop Wordsworth replies, S. evidently meant "what concerned himself (Brutus) personally." The acts to which Coleridge refers all come under the exception which Brutus had named — but f of the general. Paul Stapfer remarks : " The death of Brutus was not merely the pen- alty he paid for a series of imprudent and mistaken actions, but was also the expiation of a great crime. . . . He would have tried by suppressing present evil to assure the well-being of the future. But what did he know, and what certitude could he have that he was making no mistake ? He was not in the secret of the universe ; for who has known the thought of the Lord, or been the counsellor of the Most High?" 1 9 o ADDENDA. High-sighted tyranny (ii. i. 118). Wr. remarks : "There seems to be an implied comparison of tyranny to an eagle or bird of prey, whose keen eye discovers its victim from the highest pitch of its flight We have the same figure in the first scene of the play (1. 73, etc.), and al- though the primary meaning of high-sighted may be 'proud, supercilious,' there is a secondary meaning in keeping with the comparison of tyranny to a bird of prey. That this comparison is intended, appears to me to be confirmed by the occurrence of the word range which is technically used of hawks and falcons flying in search of game. Turbervile ( The Booke of Falconrie, p. 23) says of eagles: 'In like sort they take other beastes, and sundry times doe roue and range abroad to beat and seaze on Goates, Kiddes, and Fawnes.'" O name him not, etc. (ii. 1. 150-153). As Wr. says, " S. had read Cic- ero's character with consummate ability;" and he quotes Merivale, Hist, of the Romans under the Empire, iii. 187: "All men and all par- ties agreed that he could not be relied upon to lead, to co-operate, or to follow. In all the great enterprises of his party, he was left behind, except that which the nobles undertook against Catilina, in which they rather thrust him before them than engaged with him on terms of mutual support. When we read the vehement claims which Cicero put forth to the honour of association, however tardy, with the glories and dangers of Caesar's assassins, we should deem the conspirators guilty of a mon- strous oversight in having neglected to enlist him in their design, were we not assured that he was not to be trusted as a confederate either for good or evil." For he is superstitious grown of late (ii. I. 195). Here again Wr. quotes Merivale, ii. 446 : "Caesar himself professed without reserve the princi- ples of the unbelievers. The supreme pontiff of the commonwealth, the head of the college whence issued the decrees which declared the will of the gods, as inferred from the signs of the heavens, the flight of birds and the entrails of victims, he made no scruple of asserting in the as- sembled senate that the immortality of the soul, the recognized founda- tion of all religion, was a vain chimera. Nor did he hesitate to defy the omens which the priests were especially appointed to observe. He de- cided to give battle at Munda in despite of the most adverse auspices, when the sacrificers assured him that no heart was found in the victim. * I will have better omens when I choose,' was the scornful saying with which he reassured his veterans on another similar occasion. He wis not deterred from engaging in his African campaign either by the fortu- nate name of his opponent Scipio, or by the unfavourable auspices which were studiously reported to him. Yet Caesar, freethinker as he was. could not escape from the universal thraldom of superstition in which his contemporaries were held. We have seen him crawling on his knees up the steps of the Capitoline temple to appease the Nemesis which frowns upon human prosperity. When he stumbled at landing <>n the coast of Africa, he averted the evil omen with happy presence of mind, looking at the handful of soil he had grasped in his fall, and exclaiming. ' Africa, thou art mine !' In a man who was consistent in his incredulity this might be deemed a trick to impose on the soldiers' imagination ; but ADDENDA. 191 it assumes another meaning in the mouth of one who never mounted a carriage without muttering a private charm. Before the battle of Phar- salia Caesar had addressed a prayer to the gods whom he denied in the senate, and derided in the company of his literary friends. He appealed to the divine omens when he was about to pass the Rubicon. He car- ried about with him in Africa a certain Cornelius Salutio, a man of no personal distinction, to neutralize, as he hoped, the good fortune of the Cornelii in the opposite ranks." The watch (ii. 2. 16). " S. was thinking of his own London, not of an- cient Rome, where the night watchmen were not established before the time of Augustus" (Wr.). Know Ccesar doth not wrong, etc. (p. 157). H. adopts the reading sug- gested by Tyrwhitt : " Metellus. Cassar, thou dost me wrong. Ccesar. Know, Caesar doth not wrong, but with just cause, Nor without cause will he be satisfied.'' Wr. says : " I am not convinced that any change is necessary. Caesar claims infallibility in his judgments, and a firmness of temper in resisting appeals to his vanity. Metellus bending low before him begins a flatter- ing speech. Caesar, knowing that his object was to obtain a reversal of the decree of banishment which had been pronounced against his brother, abruptly interrupts him. To appeal against the decree implied that the decree was unjust; to demand his brother's recall without assigning a cause was to impute to Caesar that fickleness of purpose which he dis- dains in such strong terms. If it had not been for Ben Jonson's story, no one would have suspected any corruption in the passage. The ques- tion is whether his authority is sufficient to warrant a change. Gifford thinks that he gave Shakespeare's genuine words, and that what appears in the text is the players' ' botchery.' If the lines stood as Jonson quotes them, we must suppose one of two things : either that, in consequence of the ridicule they excited, Shakespeare himself altered them ; or that they were altered by the players who edited the first folio, as Gifford be- lieved. The former supposition is not probable, because if Jonson's re- marks are hypercritical and the lines yield a tolerable sense, Shakespeare would have been aware of this as well as any of his commentators, and is not likely to have made a change which is confessedly unnecessary. On the other hand, if the players introduced the alteration, it is not easy to see why they should have left out the words which Jonson puts into the mouth of Metellus, ' Caesar, thou dost me wrong;' nor why they should have written,' Know, Caesar doth not wrong' instead of ' Caesar did never wrong.' The argument that the passage is obviously corrupt because it ends with an imperfect line is of no weight, because it would apply equal- ly to the proposed restoration, in which another imperfect line is intro- duced. On the whole, I am disposed to believe that Ben Jonson loved his jest better than his friend, and repeated a distorted version of the passage without troubling himself about its accuracy, because it afforded him an opportunity of giving a hit at Shakespeare. It is worth while to remark that for Metellus to interrupt Caesar with the petulant exclama- 1 92 ADDENDA. tion ' Caesar, thou dost me wrong,' is out of character with the tone of his speeches before and after, which is that of abject flattery." Mr. Fleay, who believes that J. C. in its present form is a play of Shakespeare's revised by Ben Jonson, takes this to be one of Ben's " cor- rections ;" but Mr. Hales (quoted by Furnivall in Trans, of New Shaks. Soc. 1874, p. 504) remarks that if Ben Jonson had really revised Shake- speare's yulius Ccesar, he would certainly have told us that he, the great Ben, had set his friend's ' ridiculous' passages all right. Jonson was not the man to hide his light under a bushel." Our arms, in strength of malice, etc. (p. 159). Wr. adds: " The same apparently contradictory figure is used by S. in Polonius's advice to Laertes, Ham. i. 3. 63 : 'The friends thou hast, and their adoption tried, Grapple them to thy soul with hoops of steel ;' where grapple naturally describes a hostile and not a friendly act. There is something of the same idea in the speech of Aufidius to Cotiolanus (Cor. iv. 5. 112) : 4 Let me twine Mine arms about that body, where against My grained ash an hundred times hath broke, And scarr'd the moon with splinters: here 1 clip Th ! anvil of my sword, and do contest As hotly and as nobly with thy love As ever in ambitious strength I did Contend against thy valour.' Singer reads 'In strength of amity;' which, if any change be necessary, is the best that has been proposed, malice and amitie being woids which might be confounded by a printer. But it gives a rather feeble sense, and I prefer to leave the text as it stands, although the figure may be a vio- lent one. It is singular that one of the passages which has been quoted in support of Singer's emendation is really in favour of the text as it is. In A. and C. iii. 2. 61, Antony, taking leave of Caesar, says : ' I 11 wrestle with you in my strength of love ;' the vehemence of his embrace had a hostile character ; his strength of love was employed in an act of malice. Here the figure is reversed, and the strength of malice is employed in an act of love." Beholding (p. 164). Wr. states that "beholden" is found in the 5th and 6th quartos of Rich. III. in iii. 1. 107. It is also the form in Buret'*! Alvearie\\^Ji) and Cotgrave's Fr. Diet. (161 1). Yon know not what you do (iii. I. 233). " Brutns's plan, if he had one, was of such an abstract and Utopian nature, that it was equivalent to having none at all, and was based upon a complete misconception of the circumstances and needs of the time. It was the plan of an idealist, who fancied himself living in the Republic of Cato, instead of being in all the tumult of a town in revolution. This plainly shows itself after Ca death, when Brutus commits the enormous imprudence of allowing An- tony to speak at Caesar's funeral. Cassias it once measured the conse- quences of this error, and says to Brutus You know not what you do" (Paul Stapfer). ADDENDA. 193 Friends, Romans, countrymen, etc. (iii. 2. 71 fol.). "There is no rea- son to suppose that Shakespeare went beyond North's Plutarch for hints when he wrote the speeches of Brutus and Antony. Those which are put into their mouths by Appian, and of which there was a translation in English published in 1578, have no points of resemblance to these. Like Brutus, Antony speaks under constraint, but for a different reason. The object of Brutus was to convince the people by argument that Caesar was justly slain, and to avoid exciting their passions. Antony endeav- oured to excite their passions without seeming to do so, or offending the conspirators, and while appearing to speak within the limits allowed him by Brutus. He therefore proceeds with great caution, speaks touchingly of his affection for Caesar, of Caesar's liberality to the people, incidentally disproves the charge of ambition, and then overcome by his feelings he breaks off to see the effect produced by his speech. By this time he has secured the attention of the fourth citizen, who is the strong partisan of Brutus. Beginning again, he works upon the compassion of his hearers, and then gradually excites their curiosity about Caesar's will until they insist upon having it read, and give Antony an opportunity for the pow- erful appeal which stirred them to such a sudden flood of mutiny that it swept everything before it, the fourth citizen being now foremost in the work of destruction" (Wr.). Pompey's slatua (iii. 2. 186). This statue has come down to our time — as the weight of evidence seems to prove — and is still to be seen in the Spada Palace at Rome. Its identity has been disputed by a few eminent antiquarians and art critics, but the majority of them believe it to be the veritable Pompey's statua of the play. It was dug up in 1553 in a spot which exactly corresponds to its location in the time of Augustus, who removed it from the Curia to the front of the neighbouring basilica. It is eleven feet high, and of Greek marble. It holds a globe in the left hand, which has led some to consider it a statue of Augustus rather than of Pompey ; but the head is not like any of the busts of Augustus, and, as Lord Broughton has suggested, the globe " may not have been an ill- applied flattery to him who found Asia Minor the boundary, and left it the centre of the Roman Empire." The history of the statue is somewhat curious. When discovered, it was lying across the boundary line of two estates, the owners of which quarrelled for its possession. At last they were on the point of settling the dispute after a precedent established by. Solomon, by cutting the marble in two and carrying off the halves. Car- dinal Capo di Ferro happened to come along just at this moment, and prevented the bisection ; in recognition of which service to art and his- tory Pope Julius III. bought the statue for 500 crowns and presented it to the cardinal. When the French were in Rome, the figure actually suffered a surgical operation for another purpose. It was determined to have a performance of Voltaire's Brutus in the Coliseum, and it was thought to be a pretty bit of stage effect to have the mimic Caesar fall, as his great prototype had done, " at the base of Pompey's statua." This thoroughly " Frenchy" idea was carried out, and to facilitate the removal of the colossal figure, the right arm was temporarily amputated. Byron apostrophizes the statue thus in Childe Harold: N 1 9 4 ADDENDA. "And thou, dread statue! yet existent in The austerest form of naked majesty. Thou who beheldest mid the assassins' din, At thy hath'd base the bloody Ca-sar lie, Folding his robe in dying dignity, An offering to thy altar from the queen Of gods and men, great Nemesis! did he die, And thou too perish, Pompey? Have ye been Victors of countless kings, or puppets of a scene ?" A red stain on the left leg and foot of the statue is believed by some credulous folk to be the veritable blood of the mighty Julius, but scep- tical critics say that it is one of those stains produced by iron compounds which not unfrequently occur in certain varieties of Greek marble. If that be not the true explanation, we should suspect that the mark was due to the French theatrical blood poured out in the Coliseum on the occasion referred to above. Blood ill-temper 'd (iv. 3. 114). As Wr. notes, Burton, in his Anat. of Melancholy, describes the four humours, blood, phlegm, choler, and mel- ancholy, corresponding to the four elements, upon the tempering or mix- ing of which depended the " temperament" of a man's body. See also Trench's Select Glossary, under the words Humour and Temper, and Davies of Hereford's Microcosmos (ed. Grosart), p. 30, of the various complexions or temperaments : " Well-tempred, is an equal counterpoise Of th' Elements' forementioned qualities .... Ill tempred's that where some one Element Hath more dominion then it ought to haue ; For they rule ill that haue more regiment Then nature, wisdome, right, or reason gaue.'* What, thou speak' st drowsily? etc. (iv. 3. 238 fol.). "Brutus, with his beautiful freedom from the petty self-interests of daily life, is gentle and considerate towards every one. The servants have lain down. Lucius drops away into the irresistible sleep of boyhood. Brutus, who at the call of duty could plunge his dagger into Caesar, cannot wake a sleeping boy. . . . He gently disengages the instrument from the hand of Lucius, and continues his book where he had left it off last night There is nothing more tender in the plays of S. than this scene. The tenderness of a man who is stern is the only tenderness which is wholly delicate and refined" (Dowden). / do not cross you ; but I will do so (v. 1. 20). H. explains thus \ " That is, * I will do as I have said,' not f I will cross you.' At this time ( h t.i- vius was but twenty-one years old, and Antony was old enough to be his father. . . . The text gives the right taste of the man, who always stood firm as a post against Antony, till the latter finally knocked himself to pieces against him." Wr. also believes that the passage is intended "to bring out the character of Octavins, which made Antony yield." We may be alone in our opinion (the editors generally make no comment here), but we believe that both H. and Wr. are wrong. We can see nei- ther truth nor point in saying " I do not cross you, but I will do wbl say crosses you." We take it that Octavius yields to Antony, and does it readily, with a play upon cross: " I do not cross you (in Antony's sense ADDENDA. 195 of the word), but I will cross you (in the sense oT crossing over to the other side of the field) ;" and with the word he does cross over. Accord- ing to Plutarch he commanded the left wing, and this makes the play agree with the history. It is also confirmed by the context. So far from setting himself in opposition to Antony, Octavius in his very next speech asks the former whether they shall give sign of battle, and when Antony says no he at once accepts this decision and gives orders accordingly. In 18 Ritson proposed to change thou to "you;" but Wr. says that thou "gives a touch of imperiousness to Octavius' speech." But thou was often used in requests and appeals (Gr. 234) ; as in Rich. III. i. 4. 273 : " Come thou on my side, and entreat for me As you would beg were you in my distress." See also 71 below: "Give me thy hand," etc. Our former ensign (p. 177). For the use of former, Ritson quotes Ad- lington's Apuleius, 1596: "First hee instructed me to sit at the table vpon my taile, and howe I should leape and daunce, holding up my former feete ;" and Harrison, Description of Britaine, 1577 : " It [brawn] is made commonly of the fore part of a tame Bore ... of his former partes is our Brawne made." Ct. also Spenser, F. Q. vi. 6. 10 : "Yet did her face and former parts professe A faire young Mayden, full of" comely glee ; But all her hinder parts did plaine expresse A monstrous Diagon, full of fearefull uglines^e." ROMAN TOMB. ANCIENT ARCH ON ROAD LEADING INTO ROMR. INDEX OF WORDS AND PHRASES EXPLAINED. abide, 158, 165. aby, 158. addressed (=ready), 156. afeard, 152. aim (—guess), 133. alchemy (figurative), 141. an (=ifi, 136. angel, 165. annoy, 137, 145. answer on their charge, 175. answered, 169. Antonio (=Antonius), 129. apparent (^manifest), 147. apprehensive (^intelligent), apt to be rendered, 153. apt to die, 159. arms across, 149. arrive (transitive), 132. art (=acquired knowledge), '73- as, 129, 144, 158, 165,174,177. as his kind, 143. as this very day, 177. at a word ( = in a word), 136. at heart's ease, 134. Ate, 160. aweary, 172. ay me ! 1 54. bastardy, 145. battle (^battalion), 175. bayed, 159, 169. be (=are>, 134. bear me a bang, 166. bear me hard, 136, 147, 159. beat (—beaten), 184. beest, 172. behaviours, 129- beholding (=beholden), 164, 192. belike, 166. bend (of the eye), 132. bending their expedition, , ' 73- best, you were, 166. bestow, 141, 185. bid (=bade), 183. blood ill-tempered, 194. bloods, 132, 174. bond (play upon), 139. bravery (=bravado), 175. break with, 145. bring (=accompany), 137. business (trisyllable), 168. but, 127, 140, 185. but one only man, 133. by, 148. call in question (=discuss), '73- Calpurnia (spelling), 128. careful (=full of care), 174. case yourself in wonder, 139. Cassius (trisyllable), 134 cautelous, 145. censure (=judge), 164. ceremonies, 128, 147, 151. chafe, 131. charactery, 150. charm (=conjure), 150. check (=rebuke), 172. cheer, 158. chew upon this, 134. choice and master spirits, clean (=quite), 138. climate (—region), 138. climber-upward, 142. cogitations ( = thoughts ), 129. cognizance. 152. colour (^pretext), 143. common laugher, 130. commons, 165. compact (accent), 160. companion, 172. conceit( — conceive), 141, 159. condition (^temper), 149. consort, 177. constancy (=firmness), 154. content, be, 169. contrive, 153. couch ( = crouch), 157. counsel (—secret), 154. counters, 171. crimsoned in thy lethe, 159. cross (play upon), 194. crossed in conference, 134. cry ' Havoc!' 160. curtsy, 157. dear, 159. dear my lord, 149. Decius Brutus, 128. degree (=step), 142. deliver ( = declare), 159. destruction (quadrisyllable), 137- dint, 165. directly ( =explicitly ), 126, 166. dishonour shall be humour, 172. distract (= distracted), 173. distraught, 173. do danger. 142. do grace, 164. do salutation, 169. dogs of war, 161. dost (=doest), 182. drachma, 166. drawn upon a heap, 138. earn (=yearn), 153. element (—air, sky), 140. emulation (=envy), 153. enforced, 164. enlarge your griefs, 169. ensign, 182. entertain, 185. envious (=malicious), 165. envy (=malice), 146. et tu, Brute, 158. eternal ( =infernal ? ), 133, 188. even (=pure), 145. evils (=evil things), 144. exigent, 175. exorcist, 150. factious, 140. fall (transitive), 169. fantasy, 147. 98 INDEX OF WORDS AND PHRASES EXPLAINED. far (^farther), 165, 182. farewell (trisyllable?), 174. fashion (trisyllable), 172. father (verb;, 15-). favour (=face), 131, 140, 144. fear (= cause of fear), 146. fearful (—timorous), 175. fellow (accent), 166. figures, 148. find out you, 140. fire (dissyllable*, 159, 166. fleering, 140. fond (^foolish), 157. for this present, 134. formal (=outward), 148. former (=forward), 177, 195 forth, 136, 175. forth of, 166. fresh (^freshly), 148. from (=away from), 138, 139, 147. full of good regard, 160. funerals (—funeral), 183. general (=community), 142. genius, 143. get me, 154. give way to, 153. given (^disposed), 134. go along by, 148. go to, 171. griefs(=grievances),i4o,i65, 169. hark thee, 184. have respeet to (^consider), 164. heap (of persons), 138. hearts of controversy, 132. high-sighted, 144, 190. hilts, 182. his ( -its), 132, 149, 171. hold ( interjectiooal ), 140, 182. honey-dew, 148. honey-heavy, 148. honourable-dangerous, 140. hot at hand, 169 hour (dissyllable), '53. hugger-mugger, 162. humour, 136. hurtle, 151. Hybla, 176. I (=me\ ^64. Ides, 129. idle bed, 144. if (omitted), 158, 177. impatience (quadrisyllable), 149. m (-into), 183. in some taste, 168. incertain, 177. incorporate to our attempt, 140. indifferently (impartially), • I* 1 ' • indirection, 171. instance, 169. insuppressive, 145. is (=are), 140, 141, 164. jade, 169. jealous, 133. jigging (=rhyming), 172. justice sake, 171. keep his state, 133. kerchief, 150. kind (—nature), 139. kind (—species), 143. knave (=boy), 174. labouring, etc, 126. last, not least, 159. let blood, 158. lethe, 159. liable, 153. lie along, 158. lief (play upon), 188. light (=alight), 182. like (=likely), 135. like (=please), 151. listen (transitive), 168. lottery, 144. lover(=friend), 153,164,177. low-crooked, 157. Lupercal, 128. lusty, 132, 152. lym, 160. mace, 174. make conditions, 171. make forth, 175. many a, 127. mark (dissyilable), 153. marry, 135. mart (verb\ 171. Marullus (spelling), 125. may (=can), 144. me (expletive), 136, 220. me (reflexive), 138, 154. mean ( means), 159. mechanical, 125. merely (^absolutely), 129. mettle (spelling), 136. mistook ( mistaken), 120. modesty! moderation), 160. BUM ! more*. 144, 183. monstrous state. 139 mortal instruments, 143. mortified. 150. most boldest, 1 58. napkin ( — handkerchief ), .(.5. near (=nearer), 165. needs, tag. new-added, 173. nice offence. 171. niggard (verb), 173. nothing (adverb;, 133. observe, 171. occupation, 136. o'ershot, 165. o'erwatched, 174. of (^=abouf, 166. of"( n), 145. of omitted), 166. of force (=of necessity), 173 o' nights, 134, 153. omitted ( = neglected), 173. on (=of), 130. once, 173 one (dissyllable?), 173. one only, 133. only (transposed), 184. ope, 136. opinion (=reputation), 145. orchard (=garden), 142. ordinance, 139. other (=others), 174. out (play upon), 126. palter, 145. part (=stiare, divide), 186. part the numbers, 162. pass the streets, 127. passion (=feeling), 129, 161. path (verb), 144. peevish (^foolish), 176. perforce. 173. phantasma. 143. physical, 15 >• pill ( = pillage), 170. pitch (in falconry), 128. PlutUS, 172. poll ( plunder), 170. Pompey's basis. 158. Pompey's porch, 141. Pompey's statua, 152, i6». '93- Pompey's theatre, 141. power (dissyllable). 139. power (— forci- prefer (=recomtnend present ( immediate , 151. crowd 1 . 129. prevent ( anticipate), 178. prick. r6 proceeding, 153. prodigious (—portentous), 139 produce (—bear forth), 16* profess myself, promised forth, 136. proof! experience), 142. proper, 127, 129, 183. INDEX OF WORDS AND PHRASES EXPLAINED. I 99 property, 168. puissance (—forces), 168. puissant (dissyllable), 157. purchase (play upon), 145. puigers, 146. question, 164. quick, 129. rank. 158. rascal, 171. rather, 134. rathest, 134. read (or rede). 155. rears your hand, 156. remorse (=pity), 142, 188. render, 152, 159, 163. repeal (=recall), 157. replication, 128. resolved ( = satisfied ), 158, 165, 169. respect (=regard), 171. respect (^estimation), 130. retentive, 139. rheumy, 150. Rome (pronunciation), 132, 161. rumour (=noise), 154. sad (=serious), 134. save he, 185. save I, 164. scandal (verb), 130. scape, 172. security, 153. sennet, 129. set on. 129, 175. several (— separate ), 145, 166. shame (intransitive), 144. should, 132, 152. shrewd. 145. sick, 149. sick offence, 150. silver (play upon), 145. smatch, 185. so (=also), 153* so(=if), 134, 158. so (omitted), 127. i6t, 184. soldier (trisyllable), 168, 171. soles (play upon), 126. sooth, 154. speed (=prosper), 131. spirit (monosyllable), 150. stains, 152. stale (verb), 130. stare, 175. state of man, 144. statua, 152, 165. stay (=await), 178. stole (=stolen), 149. strain (=race), 176. strength of malice, 159. stricken, 146. strucken, 153, 160. success (=issue), 151, 182. such . . . that, 140. sway of earth, 137. swooned (spelling), 135. tag-rag, 136. take thought and die, 146. temper ( — temperament ), 132- tenure (=tenour), 173. than, 132. Thassos, 183. that (affirmative), 142. that ( conjunctional affix ), 158, 165, 172. that ... as, 129. that ( = so that), 127, 144, 161, 184. the (omitted), 135. thee (=thou), 184. then (=than), 132. thews, 139. thorough (=through), 158, 178. thou, 136, 153, 177, 184. thought (=anxiety), 146. thunder-stone, 138. Tiber (adjective), 128. Tiber (feminine), 127, 131. tide (=time), 160. tidings (number), 173. tinctures, 152. to (=for), 158. to ( inserted ), 134, 152, 171. to (omitted), 126, 136, 168. to-night (=last night), 152. took (=taken), 143. toward (accent), 130. trade. 126. true (= honest), 136. trust (=trusted), 178. turn (^return), 156. turn him going, 167. undergo, 140. unfirm, 137. unmeritable, 168. unshaked of motion, 158. unto (accent), 185. upmost, 142. upon a wish, 166. upon sickness, 172. use (=precedent), 152. venture, 173. void, 154. vouchsafe good morrow, 150. wafture, 149. warn (=summon), 175. were best, you, 166. well given, 134. what (=what a), 138. what (=why), 145. what (impatient), 142. when (impatient), 142. whether (monosyllable), 128, 147, 183. which, the, 161. whiles, 134. who (omitted), 129. who (=he who), 140. who (=which), 137, 177. wind (transitive), 168. with (=by), 139, 160, 165, .173- with (=for), 132. withal (play upon), 126. woe the while, 139. work alive, 173. yearn, 153. yond, 134, 182. you, 153, 171, 177, 184. AUGUR S STAFF. SHAKESPEARE. WITH NOTES BY WM. J. ROLFE, A.M. The Merchant of Venice. The Tempest. Julius Caesar. Hamlet. As You Like it. Henry the Fifth. Macbeth. Henry the Eighth. A Midsummer -Night's Dream Kichard the Second. Richard the Third. Much Ado About Nothing. Antony and Cleopatra. Romeo and Juliet. Othello. Twelfth Night. The Winter's Tale. King John. Henry IY. Part I. Henry IV. Part II. Illustrated. i6mo, Cloth, 56 cents FRIENDLY EDITION, complete in 20 vols., i6mo, Cloth, $30 00; Half Calf, $60 00. {Sold only in Sets.) King Lear. The Taming of the Shrew. All 's Well That Ends Well. Coriolanus. Comedy of Errors. Cymbeline. Merry Wives of Windsor. Measure for Measure. Two Gentlemen of Verona. Love's Labour 's Lost. Timon of Athens. Henry VI. Parti. Henry VI. Part II. Henry VI. Part III. Troilus and Cressida. Pericles, Prince of Tyre. The Two Noble Kinsmen. Poems. Sonnets. Titus Andronicus. per vol. ; Paper, 40 cents per vol. In the preparation of this edition of the English Classics it has been the aim to adapt them for school and home reading, in essentially the same way as Greek and Latin Classics are edited for educational pur- poses.- The chief requisites are a pure text (expurgated, if necessary), and the notes needed for its thorough explanation and illustration. Each of Shakespeare's plays is complete in one volume, and is pre- ceded by an Introduction containing the " History of the Play," the 44 Sources of the Plot," and 44 Critical Comments on the Play." From Horace Howard Furness, Ph.D., LL.D., Editor of the '■'■New Variorum Shakespeare.' 1 '' No one can examine these volumes and fail to be impressed with the conscientious accuracy and scholarly completeness with which they are edited. The educational purposes for which the notes are written Mr. Rolfe never loses sight of, but like 4 ' a well-experienced archer hits the mark his eve doth level at." Rolfe's Shakespeare. prom F. J. FURNIVALL, Director of the A T ew Shaksfere Society, London. The merit I see in Mr. Rolfe's school editions of Shakspere's Plays over those most widely used in England is that Mr. Rolfe edits the plays as works of a poet, and not only as productions in Tudor English. Some editors think that all they have to do with a play is to state its source and explain its hard words and allusions ; they treat it as they would a charter or a catalogue of household furniture, and then rest satisfied. But Mr. Rolfe, while clearing up all verbal difficulties as carefully as any Dryasdust, always adds the choicest extracts he can find, on the spirit and special " note " of each play, and on the leading characteristics of its chief personages. He does not leave the student without help in getting at Shakspere's chief attributes, his characterization and poetic power. And every practical teacher knows that while every boy can look out hard words in a lexicon for himself, not one in a score can, unhelped, catch points of and realize character, and feel and express the distinctive individuality of each play as a poetic creation. From Prof. EDWARD Dowden, LL.D., of the University of Dublin, Au- thor of " Shakspere : His Mind and Art." I incline to think that no edition is likely to be so useful for school and home reading as yours. Your notes contain so much accurate instruc- tion, with so little that is superfluous ; you do not neglect the aesthetic study of the play ; and in externals, paper, type, binding, etc., you make a book " pleasant to the eye " (as well as " to be desired to make one wise") — no small matter, I think, with young readers and with old. From EDWIN A. ABBOTT, M. A., Author of " Shakespearian Grammar." I have not seen any edition that compresses so much necessary infor- mation into so small a space, nor any that so completely avoids the com- mon faults of commentaries on Shakespeare — needless repetition, super- fluous explanation, and unscholar-like ignoring of difficulties. From HlRAM Corson, M.A., Professor of Anglo-Saxon and English Literature, Cornell University, Ithaca, A'. Y. In the way of annotated editions of separate plays of Shakespeare, for educational purposes, I know of none quite up to Rolfe's. Rolfe's Shakespeare. From Prof. F. J. Child, of Harvard University. I read your " Merchant of Venice " with my class, and found it in every respect an excellent edition. I do not agree with my friend White in the opinion that Shakespeare requires but few notes — that is, if he is to be thoroughly understood. Doubtless he may be enjoyed, and many a hard place slid over. Your notes give all the help a young student requires, and yet the reader for pleasure will easily get at just what he wants. You have indeed been conscientiously concise. Under date of July 25, 1879, Prof. Child adds: Mr. Rolfe's editions of plays of Shakespeare are very valuable and convenient books, whether for a college class or for private study. I have used them with my students, and I welcome every addition that is made to the series. They show care, research, and good judgment, and are fully up to the time in scholarship. I fully agree with the opinion that experienced teachers have expressed of the excellence of these books. From Rev. A. P. Peabody, D.D., Professor in Harvard University. I regard your own work as of the highest merit, while you have turned the labors of others to the best possible account. I want to have the higher classes of our schools introduced to Shakespeare chief of all, and then to other standard English authors ; but this cannot be done to ad- vantage unless under a teacher of equally rare gifts and abundant leisure, or through editions specially prepared for such use. I trust that you will have the requisite encouragement to proceed with a work so hap- pily begun. From the Exatniner and Chronicle, N. Y. We repeat what we have often said, that there is no edition of Shake- speare which seems to us preferable to Mr. Rolfe's. As mere specimens of the printer's and binder's art they are unexcelled, and their other merits are equally high. Mr. Rolfe, having learned by the practical ex- perience of the class-room what aid the average student really needs in order to read Shakespeare intelligently, has put just that amount of aid into his notes, and no more. Having said what needs to be said, he stops there. It is a rare virtue in the editor of a classic, and we are propor- tionately grateful for it. Rolfe^s Shakespeare. From the N. Y Times. This work has been done so well that it could hardly have been done better. It shows throughout knowledge, taste, discriminating judgment, and, what is rarer and of yet higher value, a sympathetic appreciation of the poet's moods and purposes. From the Pacific School Journal, San Francisco. This edition of Shakespeare's plays bids fair to be the most valuable aid to the study of English literature yet published. For educational purposes it is beyond praise. Each of the plays is printed in large clear type and on excellent paper. Every difficulty of the text is clearly ex- plained by copious notes It is remarkable how many new beauties one may discern in Shakespeare with the aid of the glossaries attached to these books. . . . Teachers can do no higher, better work than to incul- cate a love for the best literature, and such books as these will best aid them in cultivating a pure and refined taste. From the Christian Union, N. Y. Mr.W. J. Rolfe's capital edition of Shakespeare ... by far the best edi- tion for school and parlor use We speak after some practical use of it in a village Shakespeare Club. The notes are brief but useful ; and the necessary expurgations are managed with discriminating skill. From the Academy, London. Mr. Rolfe's excellent series of school editions of the Plays of Shake- speare . . . they differ from some of the English ones in looking on the plays as something more than word - puzzles. They give the student helps and hints on the characters and meanings of the plays, while the word-notes are also full and posted up to the latest date. . . . Mr. Rolfe also adds to each of his books a most useful "Index of Words and Phrases Explained." Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. tW Any of the above works will be sent by mail, postage prepaid, to any part 0/ thl United States or Canada, on receipt of the price. THOMAS GRAY. SELECT POEMS OF THOMAS GRAY. Edited, with Notes, by William J. Rolfe, A.M., formerly Head Master of the High School, Cambridge, Mass. Illus- trated. Square i6mo, Paper, 40 cents; Cloth, 56 cents. (Uniform with Rolfe 's Shakespeare?) Mr. Rolfe has done his work in a manner that comes as near to per- fection as man can approach. He knows his subject so well that he is competent to instruct all in it ; and readers will find an immense amount of knowledge in his elegant volume, all set forth in the most admirable order, and breathing the most liberal and enlightened spirit, he being a warm appreciator of the divinity of genius. — Boston Traveller. The great merit of these books lies in their carefully edited text, and in the fulness of their explanatory notes. Mr. Rolfe is not satisfied with simply expounding, but he explores the entire field of English literature, and therefrom gathers a multitude of illustrations that are interesting in themselves and valuable as a commentary on the text. He not only in- structs, but stimulates his readers to fresh exertion ; and it is this stimu- lation that makes his labor so productive in the school-room. — Saturday Evening Gazette, Boston. Mr. William J. Rolfe, to whom English literature is largely indebted for annotated and richly illustrated editions of several of Shakespeare's Plays, has treated the " Select Poems of Thomas Gray " in the same way — just as he had previously dealt with the best of Goldsmith's poems. — Philadelphia Press. Mr. Rolfe's edition of Thomas Gray's select poems is marked by the same discriminating taste as his other classics. — Springfield Republican. Mr. Rolfe's rare abilities as a teacher and his fine scholarly tastes ena- ble him to prepare a classic like this in the best manner for school use. There could be no better exercise for the advanced classes in our schools than the critical study of our best authors, and the volumes that Mr. Rolfe has prepared will hasten the time when the study of mere form will give place to the study of the spirit of our literature. — Louisville Courier- journal. An elegant and scholarly little volume. — Christian Intelligencer, N. Y. Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. Sent by mail, postage prepaid, to any part of the United States or Canada, on receipt of the price. OLIVER GOLDSMITH. SELECT POEMS OF OLIVER GOLDSMITH. Edited, with Notes, by William J. Rolfe, A.M., formerly Head Master of the High School, Cambridge, Mass. Illus- trated. i6mo, Paper, 40 cents ; Cloth, 56 cents. {Uni- form with Rolfe 's Shakespeare?) The carefully arranged editions of "The Merchant of Venice" and other of Shakespeare's plays prepared by Mr. William J. Rolfe for the use of students will be remembered with pleasure by many readers, and they will welcome another volume of a similar character from the same source, in the form of the " Select Poems of Oliver Goldsmith," edited with notes fuller than those of any other known edition, many of them original with the editor. — Boston Transcript. Mr. Rolfe is doing very useful work in the preparation of compact hand-books for study in English literature. His own personal culture and his long experience as a teacher give him good knowledge of what is wanted in this way. — The Congregationalist, Boston. Mr. Rolfe has prefixed to the Poems selections illustrative of Gold- smith's character as a man, and grade as a poet, from sketches by Ma- caulay, Thackeray, George Colman, Thomas Campbell, John Forster, and Washington Irving. He has also appended at the end of the volume a body of scholarly notes explaining and illustrating the poems, and dealing with the times in which they were written, as well as the incidents and circumstances attending their composition. — Christian Intelligencer, N. Y. The notes are just and discriminating in tone, and supplv all that is necessary either for understanding the thought of the several poems, or for a critical study of the language. The use of such books in the school- room cannot but contribute largely towards putting the study of English literature upon a sound basis ; and many an adult reader would find in the present volume an excellent opportunity for becoming critically ac- quainted with one of the greatest of last century's poets. — Appletorts Journal, N. Y. Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. Sent by mail, postage prepaid, to any part of the United States or Canada, on receipt of the price. AFTERNOONS WITH THE POETS. AFTERNOONS WITH THE POETS. By C. D. Deshler. Post 8vo, Cloth, $i 75. This pleasing work is made up of citations from the poets, accom- panied with easy and familiar discussions of their merits and peculiari- ties. Seven afternoons are thus agreeably occupied, and take the shape of as many interesting chapters. The participants are the " Professor" and his pupil, who are represented as on terms of the utmost intimacy, and express their sentiments to each other with perfect freedom. * * * Mr. Deshler has happily selected the sonnet, and confined his view of the poets to their productions in this single species of verse. * * * The author's extensive research has been accompanied by minute scrutiny, faithful comparison, and judicious discrimination. His critical observa- tions are frank, honest, good-natured, yet just, discreet, comprehensive, and full of instruction. It would be difficult to find a volume that in so small a compass offers equal aid for the cultivation of literary taste, and for reaching an easy acquaintance with all the great poets of the Eng- lish tongue. The style is pure and transparent, and though colloquial in form, it is exceedingly correct and elegant, embodying every chaste adornment of which language is capable. — Boston Transcript. A very unconventional and pleasant book. — N. Y. Herald. The substance of the book is decidedly meritorious, far better than most of the criticism published in these days. It shows careful study, extensive reading, a nice taste and discrimination, and also a genuine appreciation and insight which are rare. — JV. Y. Evening Express. A volume of much literary interest, and is very pleasantly written.* * * Mr. Deshler's discussions of literature are extremely interesting. * * * It will be a source of enjoyment to all who have a taste for poetry, and can appreciate the highest triumphs of poetic art as displayed in the sonnet. —Hartford Post. We have to thank Mr. Deshler for a collection of some of the most exquisite sonnets in the English language, with an animated, apprecia- tive, and suggestive comment which shows a fine poetical taste and is an interesting and instructive guide in a charming field. — N. Y. Mail. Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. Harper & Brothers will send the above work by mail, postage prepaid, to any part of the United States or Canada, on receipt 0/ the price. ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. EDITED BY JOHN MORLEY. The following volumes are now ready ! SAMUEL JOHNSON By Leslie Stephen. EDWARD GIBBON By J. C. M ORISON. SIR WALTER SCOTT By R. H. Hutton. PERCY BYSSHE SHELLEY By J. A. Symonds. DAVID HUME By T. H. Huxley. OLIVER GOLDSMITH By William Black. DANIEL DEFOE By William Minto. ROBERT BURNS By Principal Shairp. EDMUND SPENSER By R. W. Church. WILLIAM M. THACKERAY By Anthony Trollope. EDMUND BURKE By John Morley. JOHN MILTON By Mark Pattison. NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE By Henry James, Jr. ROBERT SOUTHEY By Edward DOWDEN. GEOFFREY CHAUCER By A. W. Ward. JOHN BUNYAN By J. A. Froude. WILLIAM COWPER By Goldwin Smith. ALEXANDER POPE By Leslie Stephen. LORD BYRON By John Nichol. JOHN LOCKE , By Thomas Fowler. WILLIAM WORDSWORTH By F. W. H. Myers. JOHN DRYDEN By G. Saintsbury. WALTER SAVAGE LAN DOR By Sidney Colyin. THOMAS DE QUINCEY By David Masson. CHARLES LAMB By Alfred AlNGEJL RICHARD BENTLEY By R. C. [EBB. CHARLES DICKENS By A. W. Ward. THOMAS GRAY By E. W. Gosse. JONATHAN SWIFT By Leslie STEPHEN. LAURENCE STERNE By H. I). Traii.i . THOMAS B. MACAULAY By J. C. Morison. HENRY FIELDING By Austin Dobson. RICHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN By Mrs. Oliph am . JOSEPH ADDISON By W. J. CoURTHOPE, LORD BACON By R. W. CHURCH. SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE By H. 1). Tram l. SIR PHILIP SIDNEY By J. A. ^YMOVDS. JOHN KEATS By Sidney Colvin. ijmo, Cloth, 75 cents per volume. Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. Harper & Brothers will send any 0/ the above works by mail, postage prepaid, to any part of the United States or Canadti, on receipt of the f YB 37024 EDUC DEPT. THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY