S4 B 4 072 001 THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA GIFT OF Lewis F, Lengfeld 1 TH 01 AN ORATION UN THE DEATH OF DANIEL O'CONNELL: DELIVERED AT CASTLE GARDEN, NEW-YORK, SEPTEMBER 22, 1847. BY WILLIAM H. SEWARD. AUBUEN, N. Y. : PUBLISHED BY J. C. DERBY & CO.; BUFFALO : DERBY & HEWSON. 1847. II. UONTGOMKRV. rBINTEK. IJ. u H ORATION. There is sad news from Genoa. An aged and weary pilgrim, who can travel no farther, passes beneath the gate of one of her ancient palaces, saying with pious resignation as he enters its silent chambers, "Well ! it is God's will that I shall never see Rome. I am dis- appointed. But I am ready to die. It is all right." "The superb,"' though fading Queen of the Medi- terranean holds anxious watch, through ten long days, over that majestic stranger's wasting frame. And now death is there — the Liberator of Ireland has sunk to rest in the Cradle of Columbus. Coincidence beautiful and most sublime ! It was the very day set apart by the elder daughter of the Church for prayer and sacrifice throughout the world, for the children of the sacred Island, perishing by famine and pestilence in their homes and in their native fields, and on their crowded paths of exile, on the sea and in the havens, and on the lakes, and along the rivers of this far-distant land. The chimes rung out by pity for his countrymen were O'Connell's fitting knell; his soul went forth on clouds of incense that rose from altars of Christian Charity : and the mournful anthems which 148 recited the faith, and the virtue, and the endurance of Ireland, were his becoming requiem. It is a holy sight to see the obsequies of a soldier, not only of Civil Liberty, but of the Liberty of Con- science — of a soldier, not only of Freedom, but of the Cross of Christ — of a benefactor, not merely of a race or people, but of mankind. The vault lighted by sus- pended worlds is the temple within which the great solemnities are celebrated. The nations of the earth are mourners, and the spirits of the just made perfect, descending from their golden thrones on high, break forth into songs like this : " Tears are not now thy due. From tlie "world's toil, Come to assume in Heaven the brighter birth : A winged angel, from thy mortal coil Escap'd ! Thy glory lingers yet round earth. Christ's hallowed warrior, living, thou went'st forth ; Christ's champion did'st thou die. And now, blest shade ! The crown and palm of righteousness and worth Thou wear'st, with joys unspeakable repaid." The Priesthood of Genoa, grateful for the honor of dismissing the lofty spirit from its mortal conflict, cover the departing bier with sad funereal weeds. Rome, ever avaricious of relics, though she has gathered into her Urn the ashes of the great and good of near thirty centuries, reverentially claims and em- balms and shrines with her soul -subduing litanies, the heart of yet another — " Who through the foes has born her banish'd Gods." Behold now a Nation which needeth not to speak its melancholy precedence. The Lament of Ireland 5 comes forth from palaces deserted, and from shrines restored; from Boyne's dark water, witness of her des- olation, and from Tara's lofty hill, ever echoing her re- nown. But louder and deeper yet that wailing comes from the lonely huts on mountain and on moor, where the people of the greenest Island of all the seas are ex- piring in the midst of insufficient though world-wide charities. Well indeed may they deplore O'Connell, for they were his children : And he bore them , " A love so vehement, so strong, so pure, That neither age could change nor art could cure." Again and again, as if they feared to disturb him with excess of sorrow, they plead : " If yet we keep Vigils of grief, and echo groan for groan, 'Tis not for thee ; but for ourselves we weep, Whose noblest pillar lies in thee o'erthrown." The pageant pauses. Next to the Chief Mourner, space is opened for America, eldest of the new born Nations. Why shall not America accept that distin- guished privilege? O'Connell was a champion of Universal Constitutional Freedom. That is her own cause — all her own. She arms and instructs and sends forth all its chieftains ; and when one of them falls in the ever-continuing conflict, be his faith, his tongue or his lineage what it may : whether he die on the snowy plains of Poland, among the classic Islands of Greece, under the bright skies of Italy, among the vine-clad hills of France, or in the green valleys of Ireland ; be he Kosciusko, or Bozzaris, or La Fayette, or O'Connell, America hastens to bear witness that he was her Sol- dier, Citizen and Representative. Panegyric commonly begins its picture by calling up revered ancestral shadows from long- forgotten graves, to fill the back-ground ; and then surrounds its hero with contemporaneous forms of kindred greatness. But there are figures so majestic as to exclude from the canvass all living companionship, while they derive no grandeur from being grouped with even the awful forms of the ilhistrious dead. Such is every one, who, by permission of Providence, the devotion of his own soul, and the consent given by his fellow men, or ex- torted from them, losing his own individuality, becomes for a period the representative of a race, a people, a nation, or it may be of many races, peoples or nations. You recognize Napoleon in the brilliant scene of his Coronation, in Notre Dame^ or when taking leave of his veterans at Fontainebleau ; but you are transported with awe or pity, when you contemplate him among the solitudes of the frozen Alps, or looking off on the imprisoning sea from the inaccessible cliffs oiSt. Helena. You perceive the serene dignity of Washington in the picture that commemorates his acceptance of his dan- gerous commission in the halls of the Continental Con- gress ; and you weep when he is seen dismissing his unrewarded though triumphant army on the Heights of the Hudson. But your soul is overpowered Avith his greatness when you come to the uncanopied place where Greenough's accurate taste, banishing even the drapery of the living age, presents to you the Father of his Country in colossal marble, alone. From the beginning there have been two conditions of Man ; and these in perpetual opposition ; Force and Resistance; two agencies working out his destiny. Power and Freedom, and these in unceasing conflict ; two elements of Government, Aristocracy and Democ- racy, and these in everlasting war. Nations inspire us with awe, or hate, or reverence, or sympathy, as they sustain one or the other of these conditions, exert one or the other of these agencies, manifest one or the other of these elements. The Man who for a time be- comes substituted for a Nation, is clothed in our regard with the national attributes. The people of Ireland, during near seven hundred years, have maintained a conflict for our common race, of Resistance against Force, Freedom against Power, Right against Usur- pation. Through more than twenty years of that con- flict, Daniel O'Connell was the impersonation of that people, " A Nation in a Man comprls'd." In this consists the secret of the interest he excited while living, and of all his fame now that he lives no more. It is his Country, therefore, and only his Coun- try — as she was, as she is, and as she is to be — that must be regarded, if we would fully comprehend and truly know the character of O'Connell. Ireland was long ago an independent nation, gov- erned by a King and Council or Parliament, and was divided into inferior Kingdoms and subordinate Sects or Clans. It had population and revenues equal to what were generally possessed by other States in the same age. One of its inhabitants thus described the Kingdom a thousand- years ago : 8 " Far westward lies an isle of ancient fame. By Nature bless'd — Hibernia is her name Enroll'd in books — exbaustless is ber store Of veiny silver and of golden ore. Her fruitful soil forever teems witb wealth, With gems her waters, and her air with health ; Her verdant fields with milk and honey flow, Her wooly fleeces vie with virgin snow ; Her waving furrows float with bended corn, And arms and arts her envied sons adorn. No poison there infects, nor scaly snake Creeps through the grass or settles in the lake. A nation worthy of its pious race — In war triumphant, and unmatched in peace." Ireland had then a Court in which Learning was honored next to Royalty; a Church that sent forth Missionaries who converted a large portion of Western Europe; Laws that divided estates of the dead with equal justice ; that gave the trial by Jury — the Anglo- Saxon's boast; that ordained inns for the entertain- ment of travelers at the public expense, and that knew only one capital or unpardonable crime. And it was treason and sacrilege to change those laws. There were trained bands which were sworn to resist even a seven-fold foe; Knights who won renown for valor and courtesy on the Plains of Palestine, and Dames who were honored by admiring Bards and Minstrels in strains like these : " The daughter of Moran seized the harp ! And her voice of music praised the strangers. Their soul melted at the song Like a wreath of snow before the eye of the sun." I speak no interested, no partial, no imaginative eu- logy. It is the testimony of General History as ac- credited by modern Learning. Alas ! How unlike is this picture to Ireland now, in an age ten fold more enlightened and humane ! What has wrought this change? Has Ireland degenerated, or has she been degraded and debased by foreign power? Did Ireland struggle, or did she resign herself to ruin? Listen, and you shall hear. Separated by only an ocean channel, and colonized originally by the same Celtic race, the Islands of Bri- tain and Ireland have been distinguished by fortunes as wide as the Poles. Britain, conquered by the Ro- mans, the Danes, the Saxons and the Normans, de- rived from that severe experience the consolidation, discipline, ambition, and energy which have enabled it to grasp the empire of the world. Ireland, devoted to Piety and Learning, remaining long unconquered and unconquerable, and unmoved by cupidity or am- bition, was early distracted by factions, and finally betrayed by them to a conqueror. In the twelfth century Henry II., a Norman, King of England, who held the refinements of life in much contempt, "cast in his mind" to conquer the adjoining Island, "because it was commodious for him, and its people seemed to him savage and rude." Invited by a native Prince who had been dethroned, he appeared in Ireland with a real or forged grant under the seal of Breakspeare, an Englishman, who occupied the Papal See at Rome, under the name of Adrian IV. Early con- verted to Christianity without the blood of Martyrs, the Irish had nevertheless been the last to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome. Having received that article 10 of faith, they have held it fast at the cost of ages of want; of milUons of lives, and even of national exis- tence. Ireland denied the pretensions of the Pope to temporal power, and resisted the invader. Henry did not reinstate the Irish King, but established on the coast a martial colony, and by virtue of this acquisition, which was henceforth called the Pale, he claimed to be conqueror of the whole Island. A Royal Deputy go- verned the Pale with a Council of Nobles and Clergy, which afterward became a Parliament, and the little domain was parceled out by the King in great estates to Court favorites and military adventurers. The Aris- t-ocracy of England was thus by fraud and force planted in the Island of Saints, as it was then reverently called. Thenceforth its veins of silver and its dust of gold, the rubies of its lakes, the grain in its waving furrows, and the flocks on its thousand hills, were to pass away from its harmless people, to pamper despotic and insatiable Lords. That august Court, those ancient seminaries, those valiant bands, those chivalrous Knights, that Cynosure of Beauty and the Bards who so worthily celebrated it, faded, declined and were lost forever. The establishment of the Pale enfeebled Ireland, al- though the Colony was utterly incompetent to subju- gate the Kingdom. The Colonists claimed to be masters of the Island. The Irish, with the British Power in the heart of the country, asserted their sovereignty and independence. Hence resulted a division which, per- petuated until now, has involved both in a common ruin. The distinction between the natives and the invaders was graven broad and deep by these conflict- ing titles, and by perpetual Avars, inveterate policy and 11 clashing codes. The Government of England acknowl- edged only the English inhabitants of the Pale as lawful subjects, and denounced the natives as "Aliens," "Wild Irish," and '• Enemies." Magna Charta and the Com- mon Law were introduced within the Pale, but their protection was denied to the natives, while they were subjected to the power of the English Courts. The Irish language and costume were inhibited ; intermar- riages forbidden, and naturahzation under English laws denied. It was made lawful to kill an Irishman on suspicion, without trial or process, and unlawful to entertain an Irish minstrel, to keep an Irish servant, or to feed an Irish horse. The native Princes, Nobles and Knights, within the colony, were trodden down, and the wretched people expelled on the one hand as aliens and rebels from their rightful possessions, and on the other by the native Septs into whose hands they were driven, were thus rendered houseless and desperate. Outlaws by statute and by proclamation, they formed themselves from necessity into predatory bands, and descending from the mountains, made reprisals on the Pale and carried the war of fierce retaliation to the very gates of its cities. The lust of power soon discovered and opened that fountain whose bitter floods no art can stay nor purify. Ambitious Dublin robbed Armagh, the Arch-Episcopal see, of its treasures and sacred relics. The King of England rewarded the sacrilege with ecclesiastical au- thority over the island ; proscribed from the ministry the natives who denounced the usurpation ; and the English Church Avithin the Pale set the stamp of its approbation on the policy of the Government, by the 12 atrocious dogma that it was not a sin to kill an Irish- man. But it remained for the Tudors, the Commonweahh and the Guelphs, to sound the depths of Fanaticism. Ahhough the ParUament of England vacillated long with the policy and caprice of the Court, the conversion of the people of that country to the tenets of the Re- formation resulted from a conviction that the Religion of Luther was true. The Catholic Church there was subverted. But England was in some sort connected with Ireland, and she must be converted in order that a superstitious prophecy might be fulfilled, which taught that the Chair of St. Peter would fall when Ire- land should cease to sustain it, and to the end also that Rome should not regain her ascendency in England through the agency of Catholic Ireland. England sent, to convert Ireland, not missionaries, but the sword. Re- jecting the Catholic Ritual because it was expressed in an unknown tongue, she sent the English Prayer-book to a people ignorant of that language, and employed a ferocious soldiery to illustrate its real simplicity and beauty. The Parliament of the Pale, like the sun- flower, turned its revolving face to catch the Ro^^al smile, and received from Henry YIIL, Edward VI., Mary and Elizabeth, successively, a different religion with the same cheerful loyalty that it greeted " the new superscription and image of each on the coin of the Kingdom." The Irish preferred their own long cher- ished religion to tliat so rudely and inconsistently re- commended to them by their enemies. Thenceforth ensued a war of confiscation and massacre reaching far toward our own time, and in which, although the 13 parties remained unchanged, the hostility of races was lost in the terrible conflict of religious sects. England, exasperated by the firmness of Ireland, determined to extirpate her heresy by exterminating her People, and to supply their place with more orthodox colonies from Scotland as well as from the regions south of the Tweed. The genius of the versatile Bacon was tasked to make the new plantations grow, and the funds to carry on the exterminating war were obtained by mortgaging the lands to be conquered. No mercy was shown even to women or children in this war of Faith. The Irish People fled before the destructive armies and took re- fuge in caverns. Subsisting there on the fruits of the pasturage and on the spoils taken from their invaders, they multiplied like the blades of grass, while their ob- noxious Faith became as firm as their mountain homes. Then came new armies, driving the natives down upon the plains ; and when it was found that famine and pestilence involved both parties in common destruction, the merciful concession was made that the entire Cath- olic population of Ireland should be allowed a refuge in a single province, there to remain, on pain of death if found beyond its borders. At length, in the year of the Gospel of Peace on Earth and Good Will toward Men, one thousand six hundred and ninety-one, just five hundred and twenty years after the invasion by Henry, the wars which he began at first for conquest, and which afterwards became a medley of Rapine and Fanaticism, came to an end by the Treaty of Limerick after the Battle of the Boyne. " Wearied with tedious war they cease, And both the kings and kingdoms plight the peace." 14 What were the results of these long and furious wars? Ireland was conquered at last, and was despoiled. The Aristocracy of England were owners and masters in Ireland, and its native possessors were tenants, servants and slaves. The country contained eleven millions of acres of tillable land. One million were possessed by Englishmen who, having come to convert Ireland to Luther, had relapsed to Rome. Ten millions of acres were the property of English Protestant Lords, and not one acre was left to the native Celtic Irishman. But the People of Ireland had not been exterminated. They constituted three-fourths of the population, and were more numerous than ever. What then ? Had Ireland saved nothing? Had England gained everything? No ! The Aristocracy of England had gained a coun- try they could not fill — Ireland had saved her Faith, and England had gained nothing, not even the security she had deemed essential. The Catholic Religion re- mained unshaken in Ireland. Liberty of Conscience was a condition of the capitulation at Limerick, and was solemnly guaranteed by William of Orange and Mary, the daughter of James. Policy as well as public faith now required that the conquered kingdom should be left in peace, that its wasted strength should be repaired, that the rankling wounds opened during centuries of persecution should be healed, and that Ireland should be admitted to free enjoyment of the civil rights guaranteed by the British Constitution. But Fear and Fanaticism know no pol- icy suggested by Humanity, and keep no covenants, though they be Avritten in blood. England still feared the return of her Catholic Princes, and therefore willed 15 that the People of Ireland, although inflexible in their faith and always loyal when not driven to rebellion, and although they were reposing on the Treaty of Lim- erick, should nevertheless be converted to the Reforma- tion. The object of England remained the same, only the means were now changed, and Perfidy was added to Persecution. The Army gave place to the sterner Despotism of the Law, and the Sword to the Scaflbld ; a more certain engine of destruction. Ireland was already subjected under a constitution admirably adapted to the introduction of the Penal Re- ligious Code. Her only Legislature was the Parliament of the Pale — and this semblance of a Legislature had been deprived of Life by the Poynings law, which for- bade it to assemble without the previous consent of the King, or to pass any law not first approved by him. Petitions from Ireland were inhibited unless first sanc- tioned by the Royal Deputy residing there, and Irish- men were forbidden to leave their country, lest by their complaints they might annoy the majesty of the King or disturb the equanimity of the Commons of England. The Penal Code banished the Bishop, the Priest, and the Schoolmaster from Ireland — forbade attendance on Catholic worship on pain of death for perseverance — made the converting of a Protestant to the Catholic Faith a felony — annulled existing marriages between Catholics and Protestants, and interdicted them in fu- ture — transferred Catholic children of living parents to guardians in Chancery — closed against Catholics every ofiice of trust or profit in the State, in the Army, and in the Navy, and in every Corporation, mercantile or municipal — deprived them of the right to be freehold- 16 ers, the right to vote, to maintain actions at law, to be Jurors, to keep arms for self-defence, to travel even within the kingdom, to be executors or guardians, and even of the right to keep a horse Avorth more than five pounds — robbed the Catholic child of its estate if even unwillingly or unconsciously instructed by a cath- olic at home or abroad — transferred a Catholic parent's estate to his abjuring son — gave a separate maintenance to a renouncing wife, and emancipated from parental control all Catholic children who would forsake the family altar — subjected Catholic property to seizure for public purposes without compensation, and finally pro- vided for the execution of these dreadful laws by a Judiciary responsible to the King, by Bishops with prisons in some cases, by Magistrates in others with the rack instead of the Jury, and in others with Juries authorized to render verdicts at the solicitation of cor- rupt informers and on the testimony of convicted felons. Thus did the Religion whose test is the mutual love of its disciples, become under Human Policy, " A plea for sating the unnatural thirst For Murder, Eapine, Violence and Crime." No language less copious, elaborate and accurate than that of Edmund Burke can express the character of this extraordinary code. "It is (said he) a system full of coherence and consistency ; well digested and well dis- posed in all its parts ; a machine of wise and elaborate contrivance, well fitted for the impoverishment and degradation of a people, and the debasement in them of Human Nature itself" This system continued in its utmost possible efiiciency 17 until the year 1778, and, although then somewhat modified, it remained in oppressive operation until the year 1829, a period of one hundred and thirty-nine years. And what were the effects of the Penal Code and of the system which preceded it ? Ireland groaned under the burdens of a foreign Government and of foreign landlords. Commerce had grown to be a mighty power in England, and commerce struck hands with fanati- cism. Ireland was forbidden all foreign trade, while its manufactories were undermined to favor English monopoly. Notwithstanding the resources and fertility of the country, its wealth was exhausted in paying rents to English landlords, tithes to English Priests, profits to English artisans, and taxes to the English Government. " For foreign Lords lier People sow their native land." Poverty stalked through the Isle. Half the increase of population was given up to America to fell the for- ests and plant cities there, and the remainder was reduced to subsist on an esculent root, the cheapest yielded by Nature to the cultivating hand of Man. Were not the natives then extirpated ? Did they not NOW renounce that odious Faith \ No ! Ireland had increased its numbers by three-fold. We do not know that one parent had relinquished his creed, — one wife had forsaken her husband, — or one child had abjured the altar of its forefathers. Protestantism, though nour- ished on plunder, had declined, and the Religion of Rome, watered by tears and fanned by the blasts of Persecution, flourished in unwonted and vigorous lux- uriance. 2 18 This was the condition of Ireland in 1775; and now our inquiries are answered. The People of Ireland have not degenerated. They have been degraded from their high estate, not by their own act, but by the Aristocracy of England. They have resisted this de- gradation with heroic energy, and have resisted to the last. The Aristocracy of England has usurped the Government of Ireland, and set upon it " The mark of selfishness, The signet of its all-enslaving power." This was the condition of that unhappy country in the 3^ear 1775, six hundred and five years after the descent of Henry, the Anglo-Norman King, on its coast, when two events happened, widely different and dis- tant — the one in an obscure corner of the Island — the other in a remote part of the British Empire ; events destined to affect forever the condition not only of Ire- land but of all mankind. British troops fired on the militia of Massachusetts in Lexington on the 19th of April, 1775, and Daniel O'Connell was born at Carhen in Ireland on the 6th of August, in the same ^''ear. The American Revolution exhibited a triumphant resistance to the unconstitutional legislation of the Im- perial Parliament by a portion of the Empire far less oppressed than Ireland, and infinitely more prosperous and happy. But that Revolution was more than this : It vindicated the inalienable and universal right of mankind to resist oppression and overthrow tyranny, however established and however long endured. It was more even than this : It vindicated the inaliena- ble and universal right and capacity of mankind to 19 iestablish and conduct Governments for themselves and to change them at pleasure. It struck the Governments of the Earth with consternation, and bewildered the enslaved masses of men with hopes which were not altogether illusions of Freedom and of Universal Equal- ity. In the language of La Fafayette, America was not a solitary rebel. She was a Patrol in the cause of Hu- manity. Ireland not only sympathized profoundly with the Trans-xltlantic Colonies in their complaints of usurpa- tion under which she suffered more sorely than they, but with inherent benevolence and ardor she yielded at once to the sway of the great American Idea of Uni- versal Emancipation. The bitter memory of a stream of ages lifted up her thoughts, and she was ready to follow to the war for the Rights of Human Nature " The propitious god that seemed to lead the Avay." This war, thus opened by America, is the same strug- gle in which Ireland has been engaged ever since, in which O'CoNNELL labored with so much zeal, and force, and success, and which he has left unfinished. England was soon at war not only with her Ameri- can Colonies, but also with France and Spain and Hol- land. France threatened to invade Ireland, and Ame- rica had already led Ireland into a Revolution. Left by the British Government to defend themselves, the Peo- ple of Ireland gathered at once an army of brave and well-appointed volunteers, ready to resist the threat- ened invasion if England would ^^ield Independence, and even more ready to achieve Independence if it should be refused. The influence of such great events 20 exalted for a time the virtues of the Irish People. The Cathohc forgot his pecuhar wrongs amid the new-born hopes of his Comitry ; the Protestant forgot his long- cherished fears. Now firmly miited and lifting with them for a brief period the wretched Legislature of the Pale, they demanded the independence of that Parlia- ment. They preserved the forms of loyalty, indeed, but their resolution of rights was couched in the language of Freemen, and their petitions were written on the drum-head and presented on the point of the bayonet. The British Parliament were confounded. They heard at the same moment the same principles, sentiments and resolutions from Jefferson and Adams, and Jay and Franklin in the Congress of America, from Grattan and Flood in the Parliament of Ireland, and from Chat- ham, the Tribune of the whole Empire, within their own Halls. They evaded, then conciliated, and at last conceded. In 1778 the provisions of the Penal Code concerning the rights of Property and Educa- tion were relaxed. Other concessions of the same sort followed in 1782 ; and in the same year, when the ex- igency became more alarming, Ireland was restored to Independence by a Declaration of the British Parlia- ment that " The Rights claimed by the People of that Island, to be bound only by laws enacted by his Ma- jesty and the Parliament of that kingdom, should be and then were established, and should at no time thereafter be questioned or questionable." Ireland, always mode- rate, always confiding, was content with this conces- sion, which left her a distinct Kingdom, independent of Britain, but united to that country through a com- mon Protestant Throne. Then as her heart SAvelled 21 with the memories of the glories of other days, and opened to visions of brighter glories in the future, she clasped her sister England with gratitude, pride and affection, forgetting the injuries of six hundred years. Did ever the earth exhibit a scene of truer National Magnanimity ! But Ireland in 1782 was only Independent, as Ame- rica was in the same period. It yet remained in each country to establish and secure the liberties of the Peo- ple. This was done here by the erection of the Fede- ral Republican Constitution of 1787, which, although reared amid doubts and fears, has gained stability with time, and has, as we ardently hope, become eternal. But the Parliament of Dublin remained in Ireland. It was no less now, than before, the engine of the usurping aristocracy of England. Its virtues had ex- pired in the throes of its new birth. No Constitution could be obtained without the consent of the Parlia- ment of the Pale — a Parliament in which three-fourths of the People had not a shadow of representation, and the other portion had only a shadow. In the face of an armed convention of the People, and in the midst of universal commotion, the Parliament of Dublin re- fused a Constitution to Ireland ! Already all that had been gained was lost, but the shadow of Independence, and that was sure to follow soon. The patriots of Ire- land hastened from the hated halls of the Parliament of the Pale with deep disgust, and rushing to the altars of Liberty, applied themselves to wake again its sleep- ing fires. The Revolution was once more set in mo- tion, but the ball had nearly spent its force. The men of '98j brave and true, attempted under circumstances / 22 of extreme difficulty to prepare a doubtful war. The Irish People were again dissevered by the same ever- lasting cause of faction — the foreign aristocracy in their bosom. Although the gallant leaders were Protes- tants, yet the mass of Protestants supported the Par- liament. The Catholic clergy saw the hopelessness of conflict and shuddered at the calamities it portended to a faithful and already deeply wretched people. Eng- land had recovered her giant energies. The thunders of the American Revolution slept ; an ambitious, licen- tious, and ferocious Faction reigned in Paris, and blasphemy, claiming the name of liberty, was threat- ening to involve the world in anarchy. Nevertheless, there was no hope for Ireland but in aid from France, and in the arms of her own people. The insarrection was planned with skill and secrecy, but Treason gained access to its councils and fomented it to a pre- cocious maturity. Then it broke forth only to betray its heroic leaders to the scaflbld, and their patriotic as- sociates throughout the island, to massacre indiscrim- inate and merciless. Yet the Rebellion of '98 was not altogether unavail- ing. Every drop that streams from the veins of a mar- tyr in the cause of Liberty, is gathered again by Him who wills that all his children shall be free, and is poured into the heart of some new-born champion, imparting more than human vigor to the arm of the avenger. The British Government now asserted that Ireland had tried the responsibilities of Government, and had proved herself incompetent. They disarmed the peo- ple, established martial law, falsely promised specious 23 favors to the Catholics^ and showered gold and power on the Protestants, and thus, in 1800, the eighteenth year of Irish Independence, obtained from the Parha- ment of the Pale the surrender of its infamous exist- ence. Ireland, fettered and manacled more than ever before, was annexed to Great Britain by the Act of Union. A gloomy period of twenty years succeeded. Ty- ranny scarcely feared resistance. Penury had taken up her home in the land. Turbulence was abroad, but only to reconcile the people to any Government that would suppress disorder. Wealth and learning, warmed at the root with the unnatural heat of Royal favor, lost their independent attitude, and putting forth parasitic tendrils, twined in sickly growth around the pillars of the State. The Peasantry took on the habit and gait of slaves. The voice of orators was heard only in subdued complaints ; the clang of arms had ceased. Even the National Harp, that still retained its ancient sweetness, though trodden under foot by tyrants, forgot the wild inspiration of Freedom, and only gave forth plaintive notes when struck by the hand of Despair. " Alas for our Country ! Her pride has gone by, And the spirit is broken that never would bend ; O'er the ruin her children in secret must sigh, For 'tis treason to love her, and death to defend." If a hope could have arisen in the patriot's heart, it would have been dispelled by a glance at the condi- tion of England. She had made ample reprisals in the West Indies, in North America, in Asia, in Africa, and in the South Seas, for the loss of the thirteen re- 24 bellious colonies ; Waterloo had prostrated at her feet her great natural enemy; Spain had entered on her dotage: Holland had relinquished her ambition. The British Navy held almost undisputed sway over the seaSj and British garrisons encircled the globe. How mysterious and inscrutable are the ways of Providence in conducting the affairs of nations ! That season of gloom so intense, was the hour that preceded the dawn of Irish Liberty. It was no matter how Avide the Empire, or how vast the Armies or Navies of Britain, Ireland was to be delivered by Opinion, not by the Sword — by the Statesman, not by the Soldier. That Statesman was the first fruit of the cautious concessions concerning Property and Education, made by England in 1778 and 1782. Daniel O'Connell, a Roman Catholic, heir-appparent of Darrynane, had been instructed in the faith of his forefathers and trained for the Forum. The force which he was to employ for the redemption of his country was the fruit of concession made in 1792 in order to secure the act of Union. The Right of Suffrage was then conferred on Catholics in Ireland having freeholds of the annual value of forty shillings. Then, and long afterward, the right was indeed useless, and Suffrage was yielded with the rents due to the superior Lords. But the Right was there. The political education of the Liberator was that History of Ireland whose spirit we have endeavored, perhaps vainly, to recall. He had witnessed with hor- ror the desecration of Liberty and Religion in France, and thus, while he was imbued with the purest senti- ments of Patriotism, he was not less firmly estabhshed 25 Iq religious principles. He was never for a moment tempted to divide what he thought God had indissolu- bly combined, Religion and Freedom. He first ap- peared before his countrymen at the age of twenty-five, at a meeting of Catholics in 1800 in the midst of an in- timidating police, to consider the Act of Union, then before the Parliament in College Green. His speech, which was " a great beginning in so green an age," revealed the principles on which, near thirty years afterward, he worked out Catholic Emancipation, and brought the Independence of Ireland to the verge of triumph. These principles were the combination of those two measures and the Union of the People of Ireland by conciliation. '' Let us show (said he) to every friend of Ireland, that Catholics are incapable of selling their country ; that if their Emancipation was offered for their con- sent to the Act of Union, (even if Emancipation were a benefit after the Union,) they would reject it with prompt indignation. Let us show to Ireland that we have nothing in view but her good, nothing in our hearts but the desire of mutual forgiveness and mutual reconciliation. Let every man who agrees with me proclaim that if the alternative were offered him of the Union, or the re-enactment of the Penal Code in all its pristine horrors, he would prefer the latter as the lesser or more sufferable evil ; that he would confide in the justice of his brethren, the Protestants of Ireland, rather than lay his country at the feet of foreigners." We know not when the great scheme of delivering his country first occured to O'Connell, but his life was a continual preparation for the enterprise. 26 *' He wandered through the wrecks of days departed, And dwellings of a race of mightier men, And monuments of less ungentle creeds, Tell their own tale to Him who rightly heeds The language which they speak." On such occasions the patriot would exclaim, with a heart beating loud and fast, " It shall be thus no more. Too lonix, too lono-, Sons of the glorious Dead ! have ye lain bound. In Darkness and in Kuin. Hope is strong ; Justice and Truth their winged child have found. Awake ! Arise ! until the misrhtv sound Of your career shall scatter in its gust The throne of the oppressor." The new revolution began in no popular excitement, for the People were roused, not without long, vehe- ment and incessant agitation. It had no foreign im- pulse. America was at rest, and France, and even all Europe, were slumbering in the arms of Legitimate Monarchy. It was not a Military Insurrection; for Sedition had been tried for the last time. It depended not on the Irish People alone, for they were nearly powerless. It must be effected by the British King and Parliament, and they could be moved only by Moral force, or Opinion. The objects of the Revolution must be divided. Liberty of Conscience, or Catholic Eman- cipation, must be demanded first. The Independence of Ireland, or Civil Liberty, must be attained after- ward. If both were demanded at once, neither would be granted. Daniel O'Connell knew that sucli a Revolution was possible, and in this knowledge excelled his country 27 and his age. When that knowledge was acquired, he stood confessed to himself, the Statesman of the Revo- lution. From that hour he expanded, and " Bore aloft the Fame and Fortunes of his Race." But how should Opinion be directed with effect ? Burke and Fox, Canning and Brougham and Byron, had pleaded for Catholic Emancipation in the British Senate; had shown the absurdity, the unrighteousness and the inhumanity of the Penal Religious Code, and had demonstrated that it was only less ruinous to Pro- testants and to England than to Catholics and to Ire- land. The British Parliament were already convinced. Reason, argument and conviction would not be enough. The British Government must be made to fear and tremble. But how should Opinion be made so poten- tial? It must begin with Ireland, a country divided by faction and sunk in despair. And if Ireland should be- come unanimous, what then? She had only twenty- seven Barons in the House of Lords, while Great Bri- tain had nearly four hundred. Ireland had only one hundred Delegates in the House of Commons, and not one true representative. Great Britain had five hun- dred representatives there. The Church of England, standing on the ruins that were to be restored, was one of the great estates of the Empire. Even if all these obstacles should be surmounted, there stood the King, pledged and bound as he thought by his Coronation Oath to reject the Bill for the Liberty of Conscience. But even the Catholic Church and Clergy were not yet reliable. Britain was continually temporising, and 28 Rome seemed not unwilling to compromise, and so di- vide the Irish People. The Agitator needed therefore character and position which would enable him to speak with some show of authority to the People of Ireland. Catholics and Pro- testants, Clergy and Laity, — to the King, Lords, Com- mons and People of England, — to Rome herself, and to an impartial World. What then were O'Connell's character and position 1 He was a British subject, a member of the Catholic Church, and a lawyer in the Four Courts of Dublin — merely a lawyer, a Catholic and a subject ; and while Catholics remained disqualified he could be no more than this. He determined to invest that humble and obscure character and that position with power and strength ; and this power and strength Avere to be obtained from the consent of the Clergy and of his countrymen. So bold a Reformer needed rare powers and qualities, and needed them in extraordinary combination. He must have transcendent genius to conceive so great an action — courage to dare the attempt — energy to pursue it — moderation to conciliate — pacific temper to avoid irritations to force — prudence and sagacity to circum- vent the strategy of the adversary — sympathy with Catholic Ireland to be its organ — reverence for the Clergy to gain their influence — loyalty to the British Constitution to disarm those who converted it into an engine of oppression — ardent and impulsive eloquence to rouse illiterate and unreflecting masses — logical acu- men and rhetorical power to confute sophistry and con- vince the learned — tact and address to gain coadjutors 29 and hold them in their proper spheres — patience in bearing the insolence of offended power, and the timid- ity, waywardness and caprice of popular masses; — and with all these he must combine a devotion which would make the great enterprise the sole business of a whole life. Providence guards against the collisions of mighty minds by allowing to exist only one at any one time, capable of conducting a nation in a great emer- gency. There was only one WashingtoxN in America, and there could be only one O'Connell in Ireland. Time and experience ripened the Liberator. The Bar of Dublin opposed the young Reformer. He ex- posed their mercenary spirit and cast the lierd behind him. The Corporation of Dublin sent a champion who called him to the field of combat. He slew the super- cilious adversary and pensioned his widow ; and, mourning over his almost involuntary crime, trampled thenceforth under his feet the false code of Honor. He claimed nothing for himself, and even less than an equal share of political power for his Catholic countrymen. " Xon ego, nee Teucris Italos parere jubebo ; Nee mihi regna peto ; paribus se legibus ambaa Junctae gentes etema in foedera mittant." Opposition, oppression, even imprisonment, tcould not extort from him a breath of disloyalty to the throne, nor even to the Protestant succession. He maintained inflexibly that the Deliverance of Ireland would be hazarded by a single crime, and lost by the sacrifice of a single life. He detected with piercing sight the de- fects of laws designed to counteract the Revolution, 30 and organized all Ireland on a basis as narrow as the technicality of a special plea. Fervid and vehement, he carried with him the passions of the People, as a cloud that covered his person, whenever he discoursed to them of his great theme; perspicacious and delibe- rate, he won the admiration of mankind by the pro- foundness of his testimony before a British Parliament concerning the evils of Oppression. He waited imper- turbably to mature his preparations, and watched unceasingly for the hour when his opponents should be enfeebled by faction. A lineal descendant of op- pressed generations, and a living and majestic mark of perpetual persecution for conscience sake, every physi- cal and moral element of his constitution confessed the Celtic stock. ''Strong from the cradle and of sturdy brood," his stature, complexion, gait, gestures, voice and attitude betrayed him for an Irishman of unmingled blood. Cheerful even to constant hilarity, and gener- ous to self-destitution, he was the depository of all the public and the private griefs of his countrymen. He relieved their wants if possible, and, if impossible, taught them how to endure privation. When they fell inad- vertently under the power of the law, and even when they wilfully rushed into its grasp against his advice, he flung himself between them and the prosecution and bore them off in triumph. His industry and assiduity never relaxed, although the cares not only of a Revo- lutionary state, but of every suffering member of it, fell upon his shoulders. He scorned allurements to wealth which might divide him from the People ; subsisted on such rewards of his own labors as could be obtained without neglecting Ireland ; and when the country re- 31 quired his exclusive devotion, he rejected pension and place offered by the Government, and with distinguished magnanimity relied for his daily support on the unso- licited and voluntary contributions of his countrymen. Thus endowed, trained and disciplined, O'Connell found the Irish heart an instrument which answered to his slightest touch, for ''he knew the strings in which its music dwelt." He tuned it anew to its ancient themes of patriotism and piety. At length the old King of England, after a long, liv- ing death, was gathered to the garner-house of the grave. An odious Ministry was found in England under an odious Prince. Mendicity had driven the ar- tisans and laborers of England to mutiny. The pro- pitious hour for agitation had come, and Daniel O'Con- nell broke forth before the world "Monarch of Ireland." He was a King none the less though the " stone of des- tiny" had been removed from Tara's Hall to West- minster Abbey — a King without sacerdotal unction, royal descent, election or usurpation — a King without a crown, a court or guards — a King by consent of cler- gy and laity — a very King of seven millions, standing erect before the Imperial Throne, with power to levy armies to maintain Avar and to conclude peace — a King who could arrest the laws of England or let them go to execution — a King who could keep his subject people in perpetual endurance, or let them forth at pleasure to a carnival of revenge. O'Connell was no longer the mere lawyer, subject and Catholic, but, retaining all those characters and the same position, his individuality was gone : He was Ireland. The same Ireland that had shone forth 32 I* a beacon of Piety, Arts and Learning in the dark ages ; the same Ireland that, though torn by faction and be- trayed every hour by treason, had resisted the usurpa- tion of England for five hundred years — the same Ire- land that had been circumvented into capitulation to a perfidious King at Limerick, that had endured the Cross, despised the shame and kept the faith through the ter- rors of the Penal Code, that had slept in the tomb with Sarsfield, had revived to newness of life under Grattan, and had been buried again by Pitt in the grave of the Union — the same Ireland revived and regenerated, wearing indeed the cerecloth of sepulture, but more ma- jestic, more vigorous and more terrible to her oppressors than ever. The agency employed by O'Connell was as simple and sublime as were his own position and character. Combination is inherent in Democratic action. Civil and military associations were employed in 1782 and in the rebellion of 1798. Civil association was again tried, but without effect, in 1810. The Government had now put forth all its skill to frame laws which should pre- vent combination. There should be no inilitary asso- ciation, no secret association, no Representative or dele- gated Assembly^ none that was 2^olitical, and none to continue more than fourteen days. Nevertheless, O'Connell organized and maintained during seven years a combination extending over the Island, em- bracing seven hundred thousand members, and receiv- ing £50,000 annually, which violated none of the inhi- bitions of the law, and yet had all the efficiency which they were designed to prevent. The centre of Agitation was ultimately Conciliation Hall in Dublin, fitted up >o as a Capitol. Business was transacted and debates conducted with legislative forms. The doors were open to every subject and publicity was more effective than executive secrecy. The assembly was crowded with impassioned and sympathising auditors, who manifested approval or dis- satisfaction without restraint, while the speakers were animated by the smiles of Beauty from the galleries. The themes discussed with all the genius and fervor of Irish eloquence by O'Connell, Shiel and their asso- ciates, were the British Constitution, the Penal Code, the Resources and Destiny of Ireland — its condition — the value of Liberty — the evils of Faction ; and not only these, but the daily conduct of Government, the oppression of every landlord, the grievance of every tenant, the insults of every patrician, the meekness of every plebeian ; in short, whatever tended to excite, to rouse and to combine the Irish People. A Journal es- tablished by the Association transmitted the debates to kindred associations in every part of the Island, by whom the same animating topics were discussed with even greater zeal. Ireland looked with pride on a voluntary and self- constituted Legislature which for a time eclipsed from their sight the Britisb Parliament. The enthusiasm of Ireland re-assured the advocates of Religious Tole- rance in England and in Europe. And then every Irish Exile in America, in its cities and fields and for- ests, on its canals and rivers, returned a willing and effective blow against England. America, yielding to their enthusiasm and to natural impulses, saluted the 3 34 new Republic of Ireland with gratiilations and contri- butions. It seemed as if one discontented Irish subject had roused the world against the Monarchy of Britain. England had nothing to oppose to the universal opin- ion of Mankind, but fears which were groundless, ha- bits which were absurd and prejudices which were un- christian. Oppression, however, had not altogether failed of its legitimate effects on the Irish people. Ignorance abounded. Intemperance had laid its maddening hand on starving multitudes. There were inveterate feuds between the Catholic and Orange peasantry. The lat- ter had long maintained secret associations, and the former were often banded in opposing societies. These associations involved Ireland in continual turbulence and riot, and often in scenes of blood. " The Orange beggar spumed The Papist beggar's hand, Wliile Freedom, shrinking, turned And fled the hapless land." It was necessary to tranquilize Ireland and thus to prove that the People were capable of self-government. O'Connell invoked order. All Ireland was immediately organized in vast assemblies under the name of O'Con- nell's Police. Temperance and tranquility reigned throughout the Island. In time these assemblies be- came a subject of complaint. O'Connell had but to say, "You wait the word of comWud : I give it: Halt, disband,*' and instantly O'Connell's Police was re- solved into the peaceful constituency of the Liberator. 35 The cause of Emancipation advanced in England, and a majority in its favor was already secured in the House of Commons. But still the Representatives from Ireland gave it no effective aid. A signal blow was wanting, and that fell from O'Connell's hand, with boldness, precision and effect. " Electors of Clare," said he, on the eve of a special election, ''you want a Representative in Parliament; I solicit your suffrages. True, I am a Catholic. I cannot, and of course I never will, take the oaths pre- scribed. But the power which created those oaths can abrogate them. If you elect me, I will try the ques- tion." O'Connell could only expect to be elected by the forty-shilling freeholders, as they were called, ten- ants of the landlords in Clare. Their votes, by tacit understanding and unbroken usage, belonged to their lords. Ruin awaited him who diverted his suffrage. But there was now a power higher than the landlord. You see a mass of the peasantry of Clare issuing from the little parish church on the hill-side. They have reverently received the Mass; but their steps indicate perturbation. They gather around the priest and ask his paternal counsel concerning the hazardous requirement of O'Connell. The priest lays down his missal, raises his hand toward Heaven, breaks forth in their own wild native language, recites to them the story of their ancient fame and of the persecution and perfidy of their conquerors, expatiates on their inherent right of liberty of conscience, and the right and dut}^ of passive resistance, on the sublimity of suffrage and the glory and renown that are now breaking in upon Ireland, and concludes his impassioned harangue with 36 the injunction; "Vote, vote for O'Connell and Free- dom." It is now the election day. There is O'Connell, depicting the atrocities of British persecution with a noble ardor of religious zeal. A band of tenants are marching by under the conduct of their landlord, to vote for the ministerial candidate. They pause ; they mingle in the crowd ; they listen, and now, at every cadence of the Liberator's voice, redoubled shouts arise, "O'Connell and Freedom." An elector is released from jail by his creditor on condition that he vote against O'Connell. He is al- ready at the polls — a shrill cry is heard — it is the debtor's wife who speaks — "Remember your soul and Liberty." The debtor rises to the majesty of a Free- man, and declares his vote for O'Connell. Instantly all rents in arrear are paid by the Catholic Association. The Elector's debt is discharged by the same onmi- present power, and that noble Celtic woman's exclama- tion becomes the watchword of all Ireland : " Remember your Soul and Liberty !" O'Connell is elected. Let his illustrious coadjutor, Shiel, explain the event. Turning to the defeated and confounded adversary, he exclaims — " We have indeed put a great engine in motion, and applied the entire force of that powerful machinery which the law has placed in our hands. We are mas- ters of the passions of the People, and we have em- ployed our dominion with a terrible effect. Do you imagine that we could have acquired this dreadful ability to sunder the strongest ties by which the differ- 37 ent classes of society are fastened, unless we found the materials of excitement in the state of society itself? Do you think Daniel O'Connell has himself, and by the single power of his mind, unaided by any external co-operation, brought the country to this great crisis of agitation? O'Connell, with all his talents, would have been utterly powerless and incapable, unless he had been allied with a great conspirator against the public peace. It is the law of the land itself that has been O'Connell's main associate, and that ought to be denounced as the mighty Agitator of Ireland. The rod of oppression is the wand of this potent Enchanter of the Passions, and the book of his spells is the Penal Code. Break the wand of this political Prospero, and take from him the volume of his magic, and he will evoke the Spirits which are now under his control no longer." What language could do justice to the Clergy of Ireland, who, through imprisonment, banishment and fire, still adhered to their charge; who preferred to share the poverty of the People rather than obtain an establishment at the expense of their liberty. Yenera- ble Ministry ! It was the British State that taught you to mingle Politics with Religion. Wisely, faith- fully and in the fear of God did you give back the fruits of those instructions. It was your task to prove against the prejudices of a skeptical age that Piety still dwelt in the Church of Christ, and that Civil Liberty was cherished in its sanctuaries. Nor can we repress our admiration for the heroic People. A division among them would have arrested, while a panic or an excusable gust of passion might have defeated Catholic Emancipation. They proved 38 themselves worthy of then* great leader by the confi- dence they gave him — worthy of Religious Liberty by practicing the virtues they enjoined. Generous People ! May that leader's place be speed- ily and worthily filled. May the way of your Ex- iles among us be smooth and pleasant, and your long suffering patience be early crowned by the restoration of your country to enduring Independence. Clare was a part of that Connaught which had been the City of Refuge for Catholic Ireland. Clare was the Yorktown of the Irish Revolution. O'Connell was the Representative of Clare, and not only of Clare, but of Catholic Ireland. He was an elected Represen- tative, obliged by English laws to stand outside the bar of the British Commons. Ireland felt the importance of his position. Ireland, by the act of union a member of the British Empire, is going up to London in the per- son of O'Connell, to demand her constitutional place in the Councils of the British King — to demand from that King Religious Liberty. How potent is the atti- tude of peaceful, passive resistance ! How vast the power that virtue derives from persecution! O'Con- nell is now the most majestic figure in the world. The British Ministry advise the King that Catholic Emancipation can no longer be resisted. All that re- mains is to grant it by law, not to concede it by seem- ing treaty — to Emancipate Catholic Ireland before her representative can reach the Capitol, and to save wounded pride by denying O'Connell the seat to which he has been elected and by disfranchising the refractory peasantry of Ireland. And this is done. But the wound given to British pride must rankle nevertheless; for faithful Clare, 39 though its peasantry are disfranchised, returns the Libe- rator by acclamation. O'CoNNELL as a Senator followed up the act of Emancipation by successful measures to modify the Tithes of the Established Chiu'ch in Ireland, to open the close corporations of the realm, and to establish a system of equal and universal Education in his native country, while he lent to the English Reformers effi- cient and indispensable aid in the Repeal of the Corn Laws, which established a more beneficent system of Revenue, and in that Reform of Parliament which is gradually bringing forward a new and better Consti- tution for the United Kingdom. These beneficent labors did not for a moment divert him from the great object which remained — the Resto- ration of the Independence of Ireland by a Repeal of the Act of Union. His wand had still all its virtue, and he seized on the Statute of Usurpation in the place of his former volume of magic, the Penal Code. Yet he waited the slow but sure return of popular impressibility at home, and of despotic weakness at St. James. The Catholic Association became a ••precursor" of Repeal. Ten years were spent in diffusing knowledge among the people, and then commenced the ever-memorable agi- tation for the abrosration of the Act of Union. Under the auspices of the Loyal National Repeal Association in Conciliation Hall, all Ireland petitioned the British Parliament for Repeal — of course without effect. Re- presentatives were returned from many districts de- manding Repeal, but all parties in England v/ere immoved. The British Government maintained that the sufferings of Ireland were exaggerated, that the 40 clamor for Repeal was factitious, and that the people were contented and prosperous. Then the Agitator determined to exhibit Ireland as she was at home to her proud Rulers in England. He called the people forth, and they came in vast assemblies, such masses of men destitute of the blessings of Providence as were never before congregated ; as could not be convened in any well-governed land; such masses therefore as could not be looked upon by their oppressors without shame and fear. His voice went forth among his humble, heart-broken countrymen, like a harbinger of happier homes and days of Freedom. They came up to meet him, ten thousand at Slievrue, twenty thousand at Trim, at Bellewestown, at Rathkeale, and at Dun- lea — thirty thousand at Cahircornlish — fifty thousand at Clones, at Caltra, at Ballanakill and at Inishowen ; sixty thousand at Croon — seventy thousand at the Curragh of Kildare — one hundred thousand at Limer- ick, the scene of English perfidy — at Kells, at Carrick- macross, at Mullingar. at Sligo, at Drogheda, at Murroe, at Athlone, at Tullamore, at Clifden, at Baltinglass, and at Donnybrook — two hundred thousand at Longford, at Gal way, at Mount Mellick, and at Roscommon — three hundred thousand at Charleville, at Kilkenny, at Dundalk, at Tuam, at Mayo, at Clontebret, and at Loughrea — four hundred thousand at Cashel, at Ne- nagh, at Mallow, at Skibbereen, at Lismore. and at Mullaghmast — half a million at Enniscorthy — seven hundred thousand in brave old Clare, and seven hun- dred and fifty thousand on Tara's revered hill. These multitudes came unarmed, without the in- spiring notes of martial music, on foot and without provision for a day's journey, temperate and tranquil. 41 nay, cheerful, for their hearts were full of love even to England's youthful Queen, and they were animated with hopes new-born in the promises of their chief They exposed their penury ; they petitioned England : they resolved never to cease petitioning, until their freedom should be granted, and then dispersed, leaving the scenes of their assemblage as quiet and undisturbed as the bosoms of their Lakes. The British Govern- ment could not look, the people of England could not bear to look, at Ireland in this piteous attitude. They affected fear, — fear for what ? Not of invasion — not even of insurrection — not even of sedition, but fear that the laws of the Realm might be changed by means of demonstrations of physical, unarmed force ! A great meeting was yet to be assembled at Clontarf, memorable for the defeat even of the Conquerors of England by Brian Borhoime, on the Irish coast where it looks off on Britain. The Viceroy forbids the meeting at Clontarf, and denounces the severest pun- ishment. Armed and naval forces beset the place in hopes of resistance, that the war against a ruined peo- ple may begin. O'CoNNELL countermands the assemblaf]:e. Endand has in vain provoked a people prone to war. The country is saved from dire calamity. Ireland may not even petition under the British Constitution too rudely or too earnestly. Baffled in the design of plunging the country into civil war, the Government now prosecute for sedition O'Connell and six associ- ates " ^Vho dare Their leader's glory and his danger share." A Jury is packed by excluding from the panel 42 every Catholic and every Patriot. Ireland comes out from her hills and her valleys, to look upon a cause in which she is herself on trial before an Anglo Irish Jury in a Court of the Pale. The venal Court extort the desired verdict, and now Ireland may no longer peti- tion. Her own Jury has condemed her in her own Capital. On the 30th of May, 1844, Daniel O'Connell, — who had preserved the peace of Ireland for thirty years, — who had renewed her fidelity to the British Constitution and to the British Throne, — who had given liberty of conscience to the British Empire — who had peacefully brought his native country again to the verge of Independence — of that very Indepen- dence which sixty-two years before had been conce- ded to her as unquestioned and unquestionable, — Dan- iel O'Connell, the truest Briton, and the noblest Statesman of the age, on the very border of three- score and ten years, was consigned to Prison by a Jury of his own countrymen, constituted of traitors, by a subversion of the common law, for the offence of ex- ercising his constitutional right as a subject to petition the Rulers of the Empire for a Repeal of an act of Parliament. When will the crimes of the Aristocracy of the Enghsh Pale have an end ! When shall the world cease to hear with horror the mention of a Jury of Dublin ! It was a Jury of Dublin that sent E.mmett and Fitzgerald to the scaffold. Had such a conviction happened in Paris, the Prison would have been razed to the ground, and the Jurors torn limb from limb. But this new act of Tyranny wrought no other change on O'Connell, or on the 43 People of Ireland, than to increase their mutual devo- tion. They obeyed all his peaceful mandates, issued from his Prison, and when the illegal judgment was reversed, received him with increased affection at its doors and conducted him abroad as a Conqueror. No- thing had been lost by Ireland, and the Government had only suppressed one of the thousand agencies of Freedom. England had added to her causes for hating Ireland the remembrance of another crime against her, perpetrated in vain. The Revolution was just recovering from this brief recoil when a blight fell on the only food that the aris- tocracy of England had left for the subsistence of the Irish People. Agitation ceased and the jar of political elements was hushed before the fearful presence of Famine. Perhaps this last desolation was necessary to convince the Government and the People of Great Britain of the solemn and mighty import of O'Con- nell's words : " The cause of all the afflictions of Ireland is that we have not been allowed to govern our own Country." Perhaps his Death was necessary to conciliate her oppressors. Certainly such a visitation, and such a death, were a fitting end for the woes of the Irish Peo- ple. The Independence of the Irish Nation, although fu- ture, is not distant. Its righteousness and its necessity have been demonstrated. The Spirit of the People is changed. They cannot again relapse. England, too, with a Reformed Parliament, and a falling Aristocracy, is no longer the England of the Twelfth, the Sixteenth, and of the Eighteenth Centuries. Political Economy will unite with Political Philosophy in enabling Ireland 44 to retrieve her prosperity, and that can be effected only by allowing her a Distinct Legislature. We may not doubt that the appalling distress of the Irish people, bowed down the otherwise unbending mind of O'Connell. Sorrow for afflictions that he had hoped in vain to avert, and that he could not alle- viate or soothe, brought on quick-coming because long procrastinated age. O'Connell died like Anchises in a foreign land, winning the favor of men, and propi- tiating Heaven wdth prayers and sacrifices for the re- storation of his people. What shall be his rank among the benefactors of mankind ? We pause not a moment to disperse the calumnies that followed him to the grave. They were but tributes to his greatness, yielded by ungenerous minds, — for it is thus that Providence compels the un- just to honor Virtue. O'Connell left his mighty enterprise unfinished. So did the Founder of the Hebrew State ; so did Cato; so did Hamden; so did Emmett and Fitzgerald. Will their epitaphs be less sublime by reason of the long delay which intervenes before they can be written ? The heroic man conceives great enterprises and labors to complete them. " Success he hopes, and fate he cannot fear." It is God that sets the limits to human life and the bounds to human achievement. But has not O'Connell done more than enouirh for fame? On the lofty brow of Monticello, under a green old oak, is a block of granite, and underneath are the ashes of Jefferson. Read the epitaph — it is the Sage's claim to Immortality : "Author of the Declaration of Independence and of the Statute for Religious Liberty." 45 Stop now and write an epitaph for Daniel O'Con- nell: " He gave Liberty of Conscience to Europe, and re- newed the Revolutions of the Kingdoms toward Uni- versal Freedom, which had begun in America and had been arrested by the anarchy of France." Let the Statesmen of the age read that epitaph and be humble. Let the Kings and Aristocracies of the Earth read it and tremble. Who has ever accomplished so much for Human Freedom, with means so feeble ? Who but he has ever given Liberty to a People, by the mere utter- ance of his voice, without an army, navy or revenues — without a sword, a spear, or even a shield ? Who but he ever subverted Tyranny, saved the lives of the oppressed, and yet spared the oppressor ? Who but he ever detached from a venerable con- stitution a column of Aristocracy, dashed it to the earth, and yet left the ancient fabric stronger and more beautiful than before ? Who but he has ever lifted up seven millions of People from the debasement of ages to the dignity of Freedom, without exacting an ounce of gold or wast- ing the blood of one human heart ? Whose voice yet lingers like O'Connell's in the ear of tyrants, making them sink with fear of change, and in the ear of the most degraded slaves on earth, awa- king hopes of Freedom ! Who before him has brou2:ht the schismatics of two centuries together, conciliating them at the altar of Universal Liberty. Who but he ever brought Papal Rome and Protestant America to burn incense to- gether ? 46 It was O'Connell's mission to teach mankind that Liberty was not estranged from Christianity, as was proclaimed by Revolutionary France — that she was not divorced from Law and Public Order — that she was not a demon like Moloch, requiring to be propi- tiated with the blood of human sacrifice — that De- mocracy is the daughter of Peace, and like true Re- ligion worketh by Love. I see in Catholic Emancipation, and in the Repeal of the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland only incidents of an all pervading phenomenon — a phenomenon of mighty interest, but not portentous of evil. It is the universal dissolution of Monarchical and Aristocratical Governments, and the establishment of pure Democracies in their place. I know this change must come, for even the me- naced Governments feel and confess it. I know that it will be resisted, for it is not in the nature of Power to relax. It is a fearful inquiry, How shall that change be passed ? Shall there never be an end to Devasta- tion and Carnage ? Is every step of Human Progress in the future, as in the past, to be marked by blood ? Must the nations of the earth, after groaning for ages under vicious Institutions established without their consent, wade through deeper seas to reach that con- dition of more perfect Liberty to which they are so rapidly, so irresistibly impelled ? Or shall they be able notwithstanding involuntary ignorance and de- basement contracted without their fault, and notwith- standing the blind resistance of Despotism, to change their forms of Government by slow and measured de- grees, without entirely or all at once subverting them, and from time to time to repair their ancient coustitu- 47 tions so as to adapt them peacefully to the progress of the age, the diffusion of knowledge, the cultivation of virtue, and the promotion of happiness. When that crisis shall come, the colossal fabric of the British Empire will have given way under its al- ways accumulating weight. I see England then, in solitude and in declining greatness, as Rome was when her provinces were torn away, as Spain now is since the loss of the Indies. I see Ireland, invigorated by the severe experience of a long, though peaceful. Revolution, extending her arms East and West in fra- ternal embrace toward new rising States ; her re- sources restored and improved ; her people prosper- ous and happy, and her institutions again shedding the lights of Piety, Art and Freedom over the world. Then I see among the perplexed and disturbed nations the now proud and all-conquering Anglo-Saxons look- ing up to the regenerated Celtic People for guidance and protection. Come forward, then, ye Nations who are trembling between the dangers of Anarchy and the pressure of Despotism, and hear a voice that addresses the Libe- rator of Ireland from the caverns of Silence where Prophecy is born : " To Tliee, now sainted Spirit, Patriarch of a ■wide-spreading family, Remotest lands and unborn times shall turn Whether they would restore or build. To Thee ! As one who rightly taught how Zeal should burn ; As one who drew from out Faith's holiest urn, The purest streams of Patient Energy. "" •TT'^r^TTIDHTEfSF-TTS' 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. 1^ ^UB REC'D LD utu 14 UjS3 MAY 4198 LATIOM DI^EI. BEa CIR. W 4 APR 2 2001 ^ ^ LD 21-100m-6,'56 (B9311sl0)476 General Library University of California Berkeley