^OFCAIIFOI?^ ^OFCAllFOfi!^ ^^MEUNIVERS-/^ ^ o ^IIIBRARY(9/^ ^^ILIBRARYOc, ^XilJDNVSOl^ %a3AINn3WV^ ^t?Aav8aii-i^'^ :lOSANCflfj> ^^..OFCALIFO/?^ ^OFCAIIFO/?^ ^\^EUNIVERS/A v^lOSANCElfj> o %3AiNnjwv^ "^(^AavaeiHV^^ ^^A^ivsgiHS^^ ^-riiJONYSoi^ "^^/smmi^ ^^l•llBRARYQ^ ^^ .^,0FCAIIF0% : > ^t^Aavagin^"^ ^\U UNIVERV/v v>;lOSAVCEl5x^ o "^/SaJAINHJVW A;0FCA1IF0% ^^.OF-CAllFO/?^ ^OAHvaaii-i'^ ^^Aavaaiii^"^ .^NU)SANCElfj> ''//i'ajAiNniwv ^^^l•llBRARY^/^ ^llIBRARYQr^ '^«!/0JllVJJO'^ '^.VOJIIVJJO^ ^V\E UNIVER^/A ^lOSASCElfj> o ^TilJONVSOl^'^ ^aaAiNHjyw ;^^ vlOSANCElfr, ^.OFCAIIFO/?^^ ^OFCALIFO/?^ ik \\\E UNIVER^ ^vlOS ANCEI% A,.OFCAIIFO/?^/, ^\^E•UNIVER5•//^ v^lOS ANCf IfJV. ^OFCAIIFO;?^ >&Aavijaniv^^ 'A- O <^^l•lIBRARYQ^ ^ ^ s. — ■ ^ %ojnvDjo>' AMFUNIVERJ/a >- , ^ ^ o o v^lOSANCElfXy« ^OFCAIIFO/?^ ^ 5 '^/5a3AiNn]v\v >i,OF-CAllF0/?^ ^^AHVHJllHS^^ >&A«VJI3ni^'^ ^WE•UNIVERS//, o vN5^ ^^l■llBRARYQA^ ^(f/OJnVJJO"^ A\^EUNIVERS//, o vj^lOSANCElfj^ o >s^^lllBRARYa^ ^/^iiJAiNn-awv" ^ o ^OF-CALIFO/?^ >&Aav«gn-# ;lOSANCElfj> "^/sa^AiNn JVW^ ^^>^l•lIBRARY6?/, ^ >- \MEUNIVERV/i |5Sl ^^^^UIBRARYQr ^JO'^ ^ THE POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND: ^n Mustrateti lltstorg OF SOCIETY AND GOVERNMENT FEOM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO OUR OWN TIMES. BY CHARLES KNIGHT. VOLUME VIII. FROM THE PEACE WITH THE UNITED STATES, 1815, TO THE FINAL EXTINCTION OF THE CORN-LAWS, FEB., 1849. ■WITH AN APPENDIX OF ANNALS, 1849-1867, AND INDEX. LONDON: JAMES SANGSTEK & CO., PATEENOSTER ROW [77ie Rij^lit of Translation is resei-vcd hy the Auihor.l LOJIDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS STAMl'ORD SIREEI AKD CHARIKG CROSS. K74p 1876 V. 8 CONTENTS. CHAPTER I.— A.D. 1812 to a.d. 1815. TAGE Wpj with the United States — Federal Government — States composing the Federal Union — Tlie Democratic Party — War declared — Remonstrance of the State of Massachu- setts — Popiilar Violence — Extravagant Hopes — Taxes —Effects of the War upon American Commerce — Cotton— Two Invasions of Canada defeated — Employment of Indians by the British — Naval successes of the Americans — Larger build of the American frigates — The single combat of tlie Shannon and the Chesapeake — Cam- paigns in Canada — Barbarous system of Warfare — American difficulties — Threats of Secession by New England States — Prophetic fears of Jefferson — Peninsular troops sent to America — Attack upon Washington — Non-warlike Buildings destroyed — Failure of Sir John Prevost at Plattsburg — Armament sent against New Orleans — Sir Edward Pakenham's attack on New Orleans — His defeat and death — Retreat of the British — The war ended by the news of the Peace of Ghent ■, ig CHAPTER II.— A.D. 1815. The Hundred Days — Landing of Napoleon near Cannes — Retrospect of the Restoration of the Bourbons — The Charter — The French army — The Treaty of Paris published — The escape of Napoleon from Elba — Declaration of the Powers assembled in Con- gress — Advance of Napoleon — He is joined by Labedoy^re and Ney — Flight of Louis XVIII. — Napoleon at the Tuileries — British Parliament declares for war — Napoleon organizes his army — Crosses the frontier — Joins his army at Charleroi — Wellington's position — He marches from Bnissels — Battle of Ligny — Battle of Quatre Bras — The field of Waterloo— Positions of the two annies on the night of the 17th, and morning of the 18th of June — The battle of Waterloo . . on 32 CHAPTER III.— A.D. 1815 to a.d. 181G. Napoleon's return to Paris — His abdication— On board the Bellerophon, at Plymouth — Sails for St. Helena — Specimens of the trutli of history — The Allies take possession of Paris — Return of Louis XVIII. — Definitive treaty with France — Settlement of Eui'ope previously arranged by the Congress of Vienna — Holy Alliance — Treaty for the abolition of the Slave trade — Execution of Labedoy^re — Escape of Lavalette — Execution of Ney — The Battle of Algiers 38—18 429998 IV CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV.— A.D. 1816. Meeting of Parliament — Reception of Lord Castlereagli — Debates on the Address — Government defeated on tlie proposed renewal of the Property-tax — Marriage of the Princess Charlotte — Unpopularity of the Prince Regent — Complaints of Agricul- tural distress — Depression of Commerce and Manufactures — Causes assigned for the depression of industry — Reduction of the circulating medium — Unfavourable season — Riots and outrages in Agricultural districts — Renewal of Luddism — Private benevolence — Progress of legislation for social improvement — Criminal Laws — Forgeries of Bank Notes — Police of London — Gas Light — Mendicity and vagrancy — Law of Settlement — General administration of Poor Laws — Inquiry into the state of Education — Savings-banks — Game Laws . ^i_'7q CHAPTER v.— A.D. 181G to a.d. 1817. Parliamentary Reform taken up by the ignorant and uneducated — Extended circulation of the "Writings of Cobbett — The Hampden Clubs — The Spenceans — Orator Hunt and the Spa-Fields meeting — Riot in the City — ilaetiug of Parliament — Outrage on the Prince Regent — Secret Committees —Habeas Corpus Act suspended, and other stringent measures — The Blanket Meeting at Manchester — Oliver, the spy — The Derbyshire Insurrection — Loi'd Sidmouth's circular letter — Prosecutions for libel — The three trials of "William Hone — The Government and the People— Eulogies on Francis Horner in the House of Commons ....... ^2 91 CHAPTER VI.— A.D. 1817 to a.d. 161 1). Death of the Princess Charlotte — Illness of the Regent — Causes of his gloom and irrita- tion — Opening of Parliament — BiU of Indemnity — The Petition of Ogden — Mr. Canning — Sir F. Burdett proposes a plan of Parliamentary Reform — Royal Mar- riages — Parliament dissolved — Death of Sir S. Romilly — Death of Queen Charlotte — Evacuation of France by the Allied Troops — ^Meeting of the new Parliament — Duke of York the Custos of the King— Act for Resumption of Cash Payments — ■ Sir James Mackintosh's motion on the Criminal Laws — Parliamentary Reform — Grampound — Last efforts of Mr. Grattan for Catholic Emancipation — Revived agitation for Reform — Sir Charles "Wolseley — Mr. Hunt — The Manchester Mas- sacre : so called — Condemnatory addresses and resolutions — Parliament called together — The Six Acts— Death of the Duke of Kent — Death of George III. 93_iic CHAPTER VII.— A.D. 1784 to a.d. 1820. English Literature in the three latter decades of the reign of George III. — The Poets : Cowper, Crabbe, Burns, Darwin, "Wordsworth, Southey, Coleridge, Scott, Byron, Shelley, Keats — Narrative character of Poetry — Campbell, Rogers, Leigh Hunt, Moore — Crabbe's latter delineations of manners — More Evangelical spirit in the body of the people— Theological Literature — "Writers for the Stage — The Novelists : Godwin, Holcroft, Dr. Moore, Burney, Scott : the Waverley Novels— The Edin- burgh Review — The Quarterly Review — Blackwood's Magazine — Essayists : "Wilson, Lamb, Hazlitt, Leigh Hunt, Do Quiucey — Political Economists — Scientific dis- covery : Herschel, Davy, Dalton, Wollaston — Travellers —Two great mechanical inventions of the Steam-boat and the Printing-machine — Chronological Table of British Writers '. . m i^o 111 — too CHAPTER VIII.— A.D. 1784 to a.d. 1820. State of the Fine Arts to the close of the Regency — Architecture : Imitation of Greek models— St. Pancras Church— "Wyatt and Gothic Restorations— Soane — Bank of England— Holland— Smirke—"Wilkin3— Nash— Regent-street and Regent's-park — CONTEXTS. Churches — Bridges — Telford — Rennie — Waterloo-bridge — Sculpture : Bcanks, Bacou, Flaxman, Chantrey, Westmacott — The Townley, Phigaleian, and Elgin Marbles — British Institution — Dulwicli Gallery —Painting : West, Copley, Fuseli, Haydon, Lawrence, Wilkie, Turner : his eaiiy popularity — Painting in Water Colours — Engraving — Line Engi-avers — Wood Engraving — Bewick — Lithography 139—157 REIGN OF GEORGE IV. -1820. List of the King's Ministers '. . . , . 158 CHAPTER IX.— A.D. 1820. Meeting of Parliament on the demise of George III — Prorogation and Dissolution — The Cato-street Conspiracy — Debate on the subject of Queen Caroline — Differences between the King and the Cabinet regarding the Queen — The Ministerial Proposi- tions finally agi'eed to — Opening of the New Parliament — Preparations for the Coronation — The Queen expected — Her arrival — Green Bag containing papers laid before Parliament — Adjournment — Conferences for averting a public proceeding — Failure of the negotiation — The Bill of Pains and Penalties — Scenes in the streets — Scenes in the House of Lords — The Third Reading of the Bill carried by a small majority — The Bill finally abandoned — Joy of the country — Prorogation — Discus- sions in the next Session on the subject of the Queen — The Coronation of the King — The Queen vainly endeavours to be present — Her Death and Funeral . j eg i-a CHAPTER X.— A.D. 1821 to a.d. 1826. Death of Napoleon Bonaparte — Parliamentary Strictures on the measures adopted for his secure detention — Circular of the Congress at Laybach — Parliament — Irish outrages — Agricultural distress — New Corn-law — The King's Visit to Scotland — Death of Lord Londonderry — His Foreign Administration — Mr. Canning Secretary for Foreign Affairs — His instructions to the Duke of Wellington, and his Mission to Verona — French Invasion of Spain — Mr. Canning's Remonstrances — The Spanish American separated States — Consuls appointed — Opposition to Mr. Canning's decree to recognise their independence^Their Recognition by the con- clusion of Commercial Treaties— Cii'cumstances which give to a neutral Power the right of recognising States which have effectuall}'' asserted their independence — Discussions with the Minister of the United States of North America — Spanisli Aggression upon Portugal — Promptitude in sending troops for her defence — Important changes in our Commercial Policy — Mr. Huskisson and his defamers — The transfer of England to "the Camp of Progress and Liberty" — The Present and the Past 175—192 CHAPTER XL— A.D. 1823 to a.d. 1827. Negro Slavery and the West Indies — The Missionary Case — Opening of Parliament, 1825 — Public Prosperity — Joint-Stock Companies — Mining Schemes — The Panic in the Money-market — The Panic arrested — Extensive Failures of Commercial Houses — Joint-Stock Banks established— State of the Catholic question — Death of the Didce of York — Illness of Lord Liverpool — Negotiations previous to the choice of a Minister— Mr. Canning's Administration — Violent opposition to Mr. Canning in both Houses — Charge against the Prime Minister that he had given an uncon- stitutional pledge to the King on the subject of Catholic Emancipation — Close of the Session — Death of Mr. Canning — His last Ministerial act, the conclusion of a treaty on the affairs of Greece — Principles of International Law laid down by Mr. Canning — List of the Cabinet of Mr. Canning — Note on the Negotiations which preceded Mr. Canning's Premiership 193— ''>11 VI CONTENTS. . CHAPTER XII.— A.D. 1807 to a.d. 1826. India — Retrospect from 1807 to 1826 — Lord Miuto Governor- General — Mutiny of Officers at Madras — Successes in the Eastern Archipelago — Trade of India thrown open — Government of the filarquess of Hastings — War with Nepaul — -War with the Pin- darees — The War terminated, and the Maliratta Confederacy broken up — Conquest of Ceylon — Singapore — Malacca — Lord Amherst Governor-General— War with the Birroan Empire — Campaign of Sir Archibald Campbell — Peace with the Birmese — Bombardment and capture of Bliurtpore — Regulation of the Press in India — The case of Mr. Buckingham — Material progress of British India . . . ojo 2'>3 CHAPTER XIII.— A.D. 1827 to a.d. 1830. Administration of Lord Goderich — Turkey and Greece — The Battle of Navarino — Resig- nation of Lord Goderich — Administration of the Duke of Wellington — Parliament — The Sclioolmaster abroad — Progress of Education — Mr. Brougham's Speech on Law Reform — The Xew Metropolitan Police — Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts — Mr. Huskisson's retirement from the Ministry — Ireland — Election for Clare of Mr. O'Connell — Ministerial views on Catholic Emancipation — Opening of Parliament — Emancipation referred to in the King's Speech — The Catholic Relief Bill moved liy the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel — Continued and violent Debates — The Catholic Relief Bill passed — Mr. O'Counell's second return for Clare — Meeting of Parliament - — Motions for Reform — Illness and death of George the Fourth 225—243 CHAPTER XIV.— A.D. 1830. Oftthof Allegiance taken by Peers and Commoners — Business of Parliament commenced — Unmeasured language in the House of Commons — Motion for a Regency in the event of the King's demise — France — Retrospect of Government in the reign of Charles X. — Prince Polignac appointed President of the Council — Sudden Proro- gation of the Chambers — Algiers — The Royal Ordinances promulgated — The Thi-ee Days of July — Duke of Orleans Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom — Abdication of Charles X. — Duke of Orleans King — Recognition by England of the new Govern- ment of France— Revolution of Belgium — The Opening of the Liverpool and Man- chester Railway — Early opposition to the Railway system — The Locomotive Engine — George Stephenson — His son Robert — Anticipations of the triumphs of Railways — Death of Mr. Huskisson — Opening of Parliament^Declaration of the Duke of Wellington — The King's Visit to the City postponed— Defeat of Ministers on the Civil List — They resign — Mr. Brougham's Parliamentary position — Administration of Earl Grey completed — List of the Ministry — Contemporary Sovereigns and Rulers, 1815-1837— Population of the United Kingdom .... 244 269 CHAPTER XV.— A.D. 1831. Ee-assembling of Parliament — Reform Bill prepared by the Cabinet — Lord John Russell introduces the Reform Bill — Wonder and alarm at its contemplated pro- visions — Fears of the aristocracy — The Debates on the First Reading— The Debates on the Second Reading — Defeat of the Ministry in Committee — Lord Grey and Lord Brougham urge the King to dissolve Parliament — The Dissolution and Gen- eral Election — The Reform Bill carried— The Bill in Committee— It is passed — The Bill in the House of Lords — The Bill rejected upon the Second Reading — Resolu- tions of the House of Commons — Parliament prorogued .... 270 285 CHAPTER XVI.— A.D. 1831 to a.d. 1832. Intense excitement during the Prorogation — Dangers from popular ignorance — Incen- diary fires and machine-breaking — The Derby, Nottingham, and Bristol Riots — Destruction of property at Bristol — The Cholera approaching— Cowardly alarmists CONTENTS, Vll — Central Board of Health formed — Parliament — New Reform Bill passed by the Commons — The Bill in the Lords read a Second Time — Political Unions — The Lords' Committee, and the majority against Ministers — The King refuses to create Peers — The Ministry resign — The Duke of Wellington attempts to form a govern- ment — The negotiations fail — The Reform Ministry returns to power — The King's consent to a creation of Peers given, but not exercised — Final passing of the Reform BUI 286-300 CHAPTER XVII.— A.D. 1832 to a.d. 1833. Dissolution of Parliament — Proceedings for elections imder the Reform Act — Effect of changes in the system of Representation — Condition of the Nomination Boroughs — Electoral changes in close corporations — The new Representation — Metropolitan boroughs — Manufacturing towns— Scotland — Ireland — Approaching Meeting of the Reformed Parliament — Fears of Anti-Reformers — Extension of Popular Literature during the crisis — Parliamentary Ptepresentation of the United Kingdom before the Reform Acts of 1832 301—313 CHAPTER XYIII.— A.D. 1833. Opening of the New Parliament — Election of the Speaker — The King's Speech — Mr. O'Connell's Amendment — Declaration of Sir Robert Peel — Coercion Bill for Ireland passed by the Lords — Public Health — Observance of the Sabbath — Coei'cion Bill in the House of Commons — The Coercion Bill passed — Financial Measures — Cobbett's Motion against Sir Robert Peel — Bill for the Reform of the Irish Church — Abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies — Effects of the Abolition — Limita- tion of Labour in Factories — Bank Charter — East India Company's Charter — Prorogation — The Ballot 32^ 335 CHAPTER XIX.— A.D. 1834. Poor Law Amendment Act — Commission for Preliminary Inquiry — Commissioners' Report — Striking instances of Parochial Reform at Cookham and Soutliwell — State of the Southern Agricultural Coimties — Of the Manufacturing Districts — Violent opposition to the measure — The Bill passed — Debate on the Repeal of the Union with Ireland — Irish Church — Resignation of Mr. Stanley and three of his colleagues — Resignation of Lord Grey — The Melbourne Administration — The Budget — Pro- rogation — The Grey Banquet at Edinburgh — The Houses of Parliament destroyed ^yfii^e 336-348 CHAPTER XX.— A.D. 1834 to a.d. 1835. The King's dismissal of the Melbourne Ministry — Sh Robert Peel's Narrative of his Appointment to the Premiership — The Peel Administration formed — Parliament dissolved — The Tamworth Manifesto — Strong Parliamentary opposition — Mr. Aber- cromby elected Speaker — London Universitj Charter — Irish Church — Repeated defeats of Ministers — Resignation of Sir Robert Peel — Lord Melbourne's New Ministry — Exclusion of Lord Brougham — His Resolutions on the subject of Education — Reform of Municipal Corporations — Report of the Commission of Inquiry — Conflict between the two Houses — The Bill passed — Departing glories of Municipal pomp 351-3C5 Vlll CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXI.— A.D. 1836 to a.d. 1837. Parliament : Session of 1836— Opposition of the Lords to the Irish Corpoiatious' Bill — Loi-d Lyndhurst — Alleged Lichfield-house Compact — Tithe Commutation Act — Act for allowing Counsel to Prisoners — Act for Eegulation of Prisons and for appointing Inspectors — General Registration Act — Reduction of Stamp on Newspapers — Reduction of Paper Duty — Foreign Politics — Belgium — Spain — France — Conspi- racies against Louis Philippe— Enterprise of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte at Strasbourg — Parliament — Illness of King William IV. — His death — His character — Accession of Queen Victoria— Ministry at Her Mnjesty's accession — Table of Treaties — Table of National Debt ........... ogg ogg CHAPTER XXII.— area a.d. 1837. Social condition of Great Britain at the period of the accession of Queen Victoria — Occupations of the people — Growth of cities and towns — London — Increase of hoiises — Supply of food — Improved means of communication affecting that supply — Cheapening of the necessaries of life— Conveyance of mails by railway — Limited Postal accommodation— Public Health — Inquiry into the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Classes — Exposure of the imfitness of many dwellings for healthful occupation — "Workrooms without ventilation, such as those of Tailors and Milliners — Public arrangements influencing the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Popu- lation — Neglect and ignorance universal — Want of Drainage — Inadequate Water Supply for the preservation of cleanliness — Public Baths and Wash-houses unknown — Interments ^vithin the precincts of large towns — Public AValks not provided — State of the Factories — Number of workers in Textile manufactures — Beginnings of Improvement — Mining Pojiulation — Employment of Children and Women in Mines — Agricultural Labourers — Operation of the New Poor-law — Neglect of the Labourers by the richer classes — Miserable Cottage accommodation — Dorsetshire Labourer's — Field Employment of Women and Children — Constabulary Report — Crime in England and Wales — Juvenile delinquency — General state of Education — First aid of the State to voluntary exertions — Increase of Schools and Scholars — Limited ability to read and write amongst the adult population — General aspects of English society ggg ^q| CHAPTER XXIII.— A.u. 1837 to a.d. 1839. Separation of Hanover from Great Britain — Departure of the King of Hanover — The Queen meets the Parliament — Dissolution — Ministry at the Queen's accession — The New Parliament^ — Canada — Insurrection in Canada — Lord Durham appointed Lord High Commissioner — Resigns his ofHce — His Report — Coronation of the Queen — Prorogation — Review of the Session — Canterbury fanatics — Career of John Thorn — Proclaims himself the Messiah at Bough ton — The Three Days' March of his deluded followers — Neglect of Education in tlie district — The Tragedy of Bosenden Wood — Meeting of I'arliament — Chartism — Condition of the Labouring Classes — Jamaica — Resignation of the Ministrj' — Failure in the attempt to form a New Ad- ministration — The Bedchamber Question — DitJoj-al Tories — Chartist Riots^ Insurrection' at Newport — John Frost and others tried for High Treason . aqa if,. CPIAPTER XXIV.— A.D. 1810 to a.d. 1841. The system of Penny Postage first comes into ojicration — Mr. Rowland Hill — Opposition to the proposed change — Postage Stamps — Marriage of the Queen to Prince Albert of Saxe Coburg — Privilege of Parliament — Stockdale v. Hansard — Attempt upon the Queen's life— Prorogation — A flairs of the Levant — Treaty of Alliance — Exclusion of France — Prince Napoleon lands near Boulogne — Failure of his attempt to produce an insurrection — Dili'crences of England and France on the Aflairs of the East — CONTENTS. War threatened — M. Thiers and Lord Palmerston — Naval successes against Mehemet Ali — Interment at Paris of the remains of Napoleon — Session of Parlia- ment — The Anti-Corn-law League — Declarations of the Ministry on questions of Free-trade — Debates on the Sugar Duties — Ministers defeated on the question of the Sugar Duties — Meeting of the New Parliament — Amendment to the Address carried — Kesignation of Ministers — The Ministry as formed by Sir Robert Peel . ^04 440 CHAPTER XXV.— A.D. 1840 to a.d. 1842. War with China and War with Afghanistan — Commercial relations with China — Begin- ning of the Opium War — Its moral aspects — Debates in Parliament — Chusan captured — Treaty made at Canton repudiated by the Emperor — Canton attacked — Arrival of Sir H. Pottinger — Capture of Chin-Kiang-Foo — Treaty of Nanking — Afghanistan — Lord Auckland Governor-General of India-- Causes of the Afghan War — British Army crosses the Indus — The Bolan Pass — Siege of Ghu2nee — Cabul entered in triimiph — Shah Soojali restored — False security at Cabul — Afghan plots — Massacre of Burnes — The British Army in peril — Massacre of M' Naghten— Capitu- lation of the British— The Ketreat from Cabul — Ladies and children given up — Destruction of the Army — One survivor arrives at Jellalabad — Sale's defence of JeUalabad — Arrival of General Pollock — Cabul retaken — Release of the prisoners — The Army returns to India — Lord Ellenborough's Proclamations — Gates of Som- ^«"th 443-461 CHAPTER XXVI.— A.D. 1842. Continuation of the previous notices of English literature — Law of Copyright — Mr. Serjeant Talfourd's long struggle to amend the law — Mr. Carlyle's petition — Serjeant Talfourd's bill rejected — Lord Mahon's bill — Mr. Macaulay's amendments — Application of the Act to copyrights about to expire — Authors recently deceased — Novelists — Theodore Hook and the Silver-fork School— Ephemeral critics and writers without knowledge — Utilitarianism — Changes in the character of literature — Historians : Macaulay, HaUam, Carlyle, Lingard, Eraser Tytler, Palgrave, Kemble, Forster, Mahon, Napier, Mitford, ThirlwaU, Grote, Arnold — Novelists : Bulwer Lytton, Dickens, Ainsworth, Thackeray — Serials — Prevalence of Fiction — Kitchen Literature — Miss Martineau's Tales illustrative of Political Economy — Social Aims of Novelists — Dickens — Mrs. Gaskell — Kingsley — Thackeray's Novels — Poets : Tennyson, Browning, E. Barrett Browning, Thomas Hood — Union of Pen and Pencil — Theology — Milman — Robertson — Political Economy — Science — Ciiticism — Antiquarian Inquiry — Travels — Book Trade — Newspapers — Note on the Classes of Books published, 1816 to 1851 — Chronological Table of British Writers ^qo 487 CHAPTER XXVIL— A.D. 1842 to a.d. 1843. Sir Robert Peel, prime minister — Commercial distress — Birth of the Prince of Wales — — Agitation against the Corn-laws — Sir Robert Peel's Bill for a sliding scale — Lord John Russell's proposal of a fixed duty — Income-tax renewed — Reduction of the tariff — Petition for the People's Charter — Assaults on the Queen — Parliament pro- rogued — Relations with France — Treaty of Washington: Boundary question — Disturbances in the Manufacturing Districts — Opening the Parliament, 1843 — Debate on the depression of Maniifactures — Mr. Cobden and Sir Robert Peel — Corn-law Debate — Mr. Charles Puller's Speech on systematic Colonization — Monster meetings for the Repeal of the Union — Arrest of O'Connell — The Scotch Church : Secession of ministers to constitute the Free Church — New district churches in England — The Rebecca riots — Suppression of the disturbances in '^^^^^ • - 4?2— 506 VOL. viii. — h (}) X CONTENTS. PAoa CHAPTER XXVIII.— A.D. 1843 to a.d. 1845. General Sir Charles Napier — War in Scinde — Destruction of Emaun Ghur — Battle of Meanee — Annexation of Scinde — Napier the beneficent administrator — Gwalior — BecaU of Lord EUenborough — Trial of O'Connell — Debates on Corn-laws — The Session of 1844 '■ — Position of Sir Eobert Peel — Renewal of the Bank Charter — Eegulation of labour in Factories — Lord Ashley's Ten Hours' clause rejected — Debates on Sugar Duties — Opening letters by the Secretary of State — Pveports of Committees — Lady Hewlet's bequest— O'ConneU's sentence reversed by the House of Lords — Dilference with France on the treatment of the British Consul at Tahiti — Visit of King Louis Philippe to the Queen — Prince de JoinviUe's pamphlet on the naval forces of France ^q-j 522 CHAPTER XXIX.— A.D. 1845 to a.d. 1846. Parliament opened — Improved state of the kingdom — Sir Robert Peel's new tariffs Opposition of the Country party — Mr. Cobden's motion for inquiring into agricul- tural distress — Grant to Maynooth College — Queen's Colleges in Ireland — Jews admitted to municipal offices — Prorogation — Apprehended failure of the potato crop in Ireland — Proposal of Sir Eobert Peel to the Cabinet — Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of London — Dissensions in the Cabinet — Sir Eobert Peel resigns — Failure of Lord John Russell to form a ministry — Sir E. Peel resumes power — Parliament opened by the Queen — Sir E. Peel asserts his determination to be unshackled as minister — The new Tariff and the Corn-law Bill introduced by Sir E. Peel — Debate of twelve nights in the Commons — The bills passed in both. Houses — Bill for the Protection of Life in Ireland rejected by a majority against the government — Eesignation of Sir E. Peel — The Eussell Administration — The Oregon question settled — History of the controversy — British Columbia — India — War with the Sikhs — Battle of Moodkee — Sir Henry Hardinge and Sir Hugh Gough — Battle ot Ferozeshah — Battles of AUiwall and Sobraon — Treaty of peace — Lord John Eussell's Ministry ^24 545 CHAPTER XXX.— A.D. 1846 to a.d. 1848. The great Irish Famine— The Potato rot of 1845 and 1846 — Modes of relief adopted by the government — Mr. O'ConneU's caU upon England for help — His death — Muni- ficent subscriptions — Irish Landlords and Cottier Tenants — Navigation Laws suspended — Ten Hours' Factory Bill — Abundant harvest in England — Monetary pressure and panic — Excitement on the subject of national defences — The Duke of Wellington's letter — Proposed increase of the Income-tax — The House of Commons (in the night of the 24th of February — News of the abdication of Louis Philippe — Eeal causes of the overthrow of the French monarchy — The Eevolution of 1848 — Provisional government appointed — Chartism in England revived by the Socialist Revolution — The 10th of April — Preparations of the government — Physical-force Chartism at an end — The attemjit at insurrection in Ireland — The French Eepublic established in bloodshed — Paris in a state of siege — Prince Louis Napoleon, presi- dent — Convulsions of the Continent — Progress of improvement in England — The Public Health Bill — The impulse to social amelioration given by Prince Albert — Free-trado banquet at Manchester to celebrate the final extinction of the Corn-laws — Meeting of Parliament the next day — Tranquillity and loyalty of England con- trasted in the Royal Speech with the condition of the Continental kingdoms . 5^^ ^q^. PosTSOEirr 564 TABLES. PAGE contempdrary so^-ekeig^'s and eclers 568, 569 Population of the United Kingdom, 1851-1861 570 Occupations of the People, 1851 571 Census of Eeligious Worship, 1851 672 Census of Education, 1851 573 Public Income and Expenditure, 1815-1850 ....... 574 Commerce 575 APPENDIX. Ajinals, 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 . 578 Annals, 1859 . . 581 1860 . 583 „ 1861 . . 584 1862 . 586 1863 . . 587 1864 . 588 1865 . . 590 „ 1866 . 591 „ 1867 . . 593 595 596 598 600 601 604 607 610 613 INDEX to Voi& I. TO VIII. Cl( 1 il LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS. PORTRAITS ON STEEL. Victoria I.— Pkince Albert Frontispiece. Brougham, 1821— L\t;dhurst, 1820— LivERrooL, 1820 . . . tofacepagt 72 Campbell — Crabbe— Byron— Coleridge ., ,. HI Flaxman — WiLKiE — J. M. W. Turner — George Stephenson— C. Barry „ ., 139 Canning — Grey— Huskisson — Peel ,, ,, 193 George IV.— William IV. ,, ,, 244 Melbourne, 1832— Palmerston, 1832— Russell, 1825 ...„,, 336 Aberdeen, 1843— Derpy, 1860— Richard Cobden, 1843— P^wland Hill, 1860 , „ 424 Tennyson — Carlyle — Macaulay — Dickens, 1839 — Thackeray, 1843 , ,, 462 Sarah Siddons — Harriet Martixeau — Charlotte Bronte — Elizabeth Browning >, ». 481 WOOD ENGRAVINGS. Hougoumont — Gateway Fann-ysu-d, from the Inte- rior Hougoumont — Exterior of Garden Wall Montmartre and St. Denis : Paris in the distance . . SUituo of Bonaparte, by Ca- nova, in Apsley Houkc The Uoyal Exichange in 1S17 . Claremont . . . . PAGE of Abbotsfonl Ill PAGE Herschol's Great Telescope at Slough 130 Safety Lamp . ... 131 Printing Machine . . .132 Waterloo Bridge . . . . 139 Bank of England, North-west View 143 Waterloo Place, leading to- ward Regent Street . . .145 Hill Fortress . . . .212 Column in I^a Place Vend6me 244 Paris in the Thi-ee Days of July 253 PAGE Paris, in July, 1830 . . . 25f- Bramber Castle . . . . 30! Finsbury Fields in the time of EUzabeth .... 307 Pl5,n showing the extent of the Fire in the Houses of Parliament . . . . 350 University College, Gower St. 3H> Plan of Eight Miles round St. Paul's, taken from the Population Ketums of 1831. 3SS Chinese Military Station . . 450 POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAPTER I. \Tar with the United States — Federal government — States composing the Federal Union — The Democratic Party — War declared — Remonstrance of Massachusetts — Popular violence — Extravagant hopes — Effects of the War upon American commerce — Cotton— Two invasions of Canada defeated — Emoloyment of Indiaas by the British — Naval successes of tlie Americans — Larger build of the American frigates — The single combat of the Shannon and the Chesapeake — Campaigns in Canada — Barbarous system of warfare — American difficulties — Threats of secession by New England States— Prophetic fears of Jefferson — Peninsular troops sent to America^Attack upon Washington — Non-warlike buildings destroyed — Failure of sir John Prevost at Plattsburg — Sir Edward Pakenham's attack on New Orleans — His defeat and death — Retreat of the British — The War ended by the news of the Peace of Ghent. The Diary of Mr. Abbot, the Speaker, for the month of March, 1815, contains brief but remarkable entries which may suggest some notion of the agitation of the public mind when the news came of two most uuexpected and untoward events. " March 8th. — News arrived this day of the failure of the attack on New Orleans ; and the loss of general Pakenham, general Gibbs, and 2500 men killed and wounded." " March 10th. — News arrived of Bonaparte having escaped from Elba, and landing at Antibes, with 1000 men." The second startliug piece of intelligence, following so close upon the announcement of a great defeat of the British army in America, might have suggested to many a belief that the treaty of peace and amity between Great Britain and the United States, signed at Ghent on the 24th of December, had not been ratified ; that the escape of Bonaparte had been anticipated by his democratic friends in America ; and that a war in both hemispheres would make the peace as perishable as " The Temple of Concord," splendid with lamps and fireworks for a few hours, upon which the people had gazed in the Green Park on the night of the 1st of August. The Peace of Ghent had nevertheless been duly ratified. In the days before steam communication, news from Europe did not reach the United States in less than seven or eight weeks. Port Mobile, at one of the mouths of the Mississippi, had been surrendered to the British on the 11th of Pebruary. The news of the conclusion of peace between the plenipotentiaries at Ghent was received in the States on the 14th of Pebruary. VOL. vni. — 225. 2 FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. [1812 "W^e now propose, as intimated in our previous volume, to review the progress of this unhappy war with the United States.* To render this narrative more intelligible, we shall take a brief view of the position of the Union at the period of the rupture with Great Britain, in June, 1812. The iFederal government as then constituted, and as still subsisting, entered upon its iunctions in 1789. On the 21st of February, 1787, Congress haf], deplaTed th?.t it wan unable to conduct the government under the articles of the ■first eonfedcfat:®n of 1777. Each of the thirteen States had then its separate legislature, each being, in fact, an independent republic assuming an absolute sovereignty. There was no sufficient central authority to act for the whole of the States as composing one nation. An assembly of fifty-five members, with "Washington as its president, framed the second constitution, by which the authority is divided between the Federal government and the States. The object aimed at was, that each State should continue to govern itself in whatever concerned its internal aifairs, but that the Union should represent one compact body, providing for the general exigencies of the people. The Constitution did not attempt to prescribe the government of the separate States, each of which had its own constitution. The nature and duties of the Federal government were defined with an exactness which shows how comprehensive was the prevision of the able men who drew up the articles which during a very long period maintained so many conflicting interests in tolerable harmony. The Federal government was endowed with legislative, executive, and judicial powers. All legislative authority was vested in a Congress of the United States, consisting of a Senate and a House of Eepresentatives. The Senate was composed of two members from each State, whether large or small. The House of Eepresentatives was composed of a varying number from each State, according to the amount of population. With the Congress abided the power of raising an army and navy, of declaring war, of making peace, of levying taxes for the common defence and welfixre of the United States. The executive power was vested in an elective President of the United States, who, in some particulars, was to act under the advice and with the consent of the Senate. The judicial power of the Federal government was vested in one supreme court, in district courts, and in circuit courts. The sovereignty of the people, which had been nurtured amongst the original settlers, became the guiding principle of the revolution which established the independence of America. Tlie most conspicuous leaders of that revolution were men of old family and of competent fortunes ; but the democratic element, progressively increasing in power, gradually weakened and finally destroyed the influence derived from property and from ancient associations. The English laws of entail enabled estates, especially in Virginia, to be transmitted from generation to generation. Estates tail were abolished in Virginia in 1776 : in other States the English entail laws were wholly suppressed ; and in others were greatly modified. The desire for free circulation of property, in accordance with the general principles of equality which pervaded tlic American government, caused the rejection of the English laws respecting descent. " If a man dies intestate, his property goea * Ante, vol. vii. p. 545. 1812.] STATES COMPOSING THE FEDERAL UNION. 3 to liis heirs in a direct line. If he has but one heir or heiress, he or she Bucceeds to the whole. If there are several heirs of the same degree, they divide the inheritance equally amongst them, without distinction of sex." * In 1790 the Federal Union comprised the New England States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, lihode Islaud, Connecticut; the Middle States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland; the Southern States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Vermont had been added to the original Federation of thirteen States — indicated by the stripes of the American flag. These States, with about 100,000 settlers in Tennessee and Kentucky, had, in 1790, according to the census, a population of about 4 millions ; in 1800 the population was nearly 5^^ millions ; in 1810 it was nearly 7^ millions. The rate of increase in twenty years was very large in the States composing the Union in 1790 ; but a million of people bad been added in 1810 by the families that had penetrated into the wilds of the West and South-West. Communities rose up, in regions almost unknown to the founders of the American republic, to claim their place in the Union as independent States, having a sufficient amount of population to entitle them to that distinction. Kentucky was admitted to the Union in 1792; Tennessee in 1796; Ohio in 1803. Louisiana, which had been purchased from France in 1803, became a member of the Federation in 1812. These States added largely to the democratic element in the government. In 1790 there were nearly 700,000 slaves in the Union ; in 1800 they approached 900,000 ; in 1810 they amounted to nearly 1,200,000. Of the old States, the four Southern, with Maryland, contained, almost exclusively, the Slave Population. Tbe coloured race were soon abundantly found amongst the swarms of the new Western States, particularly in Kentucky and Tennessee. In the ratio of Repre- sentatives to Population, three-fifths of the slaves were added to the whole number of free persons in each State. The slaves, uncared for by legislation, augmented the legislative power of the slave-owners. Universal Sulfrage had one exception — " Blacks excluded." Such was the community that, in 1812, declared war against Great Britain. John Adams, the second President of the United States, was elected upon the retirement of Washington after his eight years' service, at the end of 1796. According to the American constitution, the President might be once re-elected on the expiration of his first term of four years. Adams was not so re-elected, although he had filled the office of Vice-President for eight years under Washington. Each of these eminent men was opposed to the extreme Democratic party, of which Jefierson was the most distinguished representative. The contest between the Federalists and the Democrats was the most violent that the Union had beheld ; and it ended by the election of Jelferson as President by a majority of one vote of the electoral body. Jefferson himself described this event of 1801 as a pacific revolution, as real as that of 1776 — a revolution not in the form of the powers, but in the principles, of the government, which had compelled the vessel of the * Kent's "Commentaries," quoted in De Tocaueville, "Ddnocracy in America," foI. L p. 283. 4 THE DEMOCRA.TIC PARTY— WAR DECLARED. [ISI'2, state to float out of the monarchical current in which a faction, as if possessed — a faction composed of Anglicised Eoyalists and Aristocrats — had detained it during the sleep of the people. The revolution of 1801, he held, had carried the vessel of the state into its natural course — the Eepublicaa and Democratic course.* During the Presidency of "Washington it was with great difficulty that he could prevent the sympathies of the people with Eepublican Erance from plunging America into a war with England. There had been a French and an English party since the Union of the States in 1789. It is pointed out as remarkable, that most of the veterans who bore arms against England during the Eevolution had become of the English party. This party included the majority of the wealthy and the educated. But the universality of suffrage more and more compelled every candidate for power to become the partizan of France. f When the Democratic party became supreme under Jefferson from 1801 to 1809, and afterwards under James Madison, although it might have been conceived that the despotism of the Consulate and the Empire would have revolted the genuine friends of liberty, the commercial derangements arising out of Bonaparte's Milan and Berlin decrees were tenderly dealt with, whilst tlie results of the counter measures of the British Orders in Council created in the majority an exclusive bitterness of feeling against this country. J The injuries inflicted upon American commerce by the decrees of Napoleon called forth no warlike manifestation of American resentment. The Orders in Council of England, in connection with the assertion of our claim to a right of search for British sailors in American trading vessels, produced a hostile Message to Congress of the American President on the 1st of June, 1812. This was the prologue to the Act of the 18th of June of the Senate and House of Eepresentatives, by which war was declared " to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof and the United States of America and their territories." Eive days after the date of this declaration of war, and before the Message of Madison could have been known in England, our government had unconditionally suspended the Orders in Council as regarded America. A conditional revocation of the Orders had appeared in the " Loudon Gazette" of the 3rd of April. This holding out the hand of fellowship did not produce a corresponding demonstration. The great Democratic party were bent upon war.§ To attempt to arrive at an impartial estimate of facts from the counter- pleas of two parties in a civil cause, is a very difficult and unsatisfactory task. To judge between two angry nations by the accusations and recriminations ot their manifestoes, would be an attempt still more embarrassing to the his- torian. The Message of the American President of the 1st of June is such an ex-parte manifesto ;|| the Declaration of the Prince Eegent, relative to the causes and origin of the war with America, of the 9th of January, 1813, is a * Cornelis de Wit, "Thomas .Tefforson, ]<;tu(le Ilistcrique," Paris, 18fil. t Simond, "Tour in Great Britain," vul. i. p. 321). X Ante, vol. vii. pp. 493-494. § Avie, vol. vii. )) .'■i4 4. 11 "AiiDual IJcgisti-i" lur 1S12, p. 424. 1 1 1S12.1 REJIOXSTRANCE OF THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS. 5 state paper of a similar character.* There is, however, a very remarkable document of American origin, which, although coming from a community whose interests were deeply opposed to the war, may furnish some evidence to test the value of the rival pleas of the two belligerent governments, t On the 14th of June, 1813, the Legislature of the State of Massachusetts addressed a Remonstrance to the Senate and Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, in Avhich it was contended that, " the promptness with which Great Britain hastened to repeal her Orders, before the declaration of war by the United States was made known to her, and the restoration of an immense amount of property, then within her power, can leave but little doubt that the war, on our part, was premature ; and still less, that the perse- verance in it, after that repeal was known, was improper, impolitic, and unjust." The Legislature of Massachusetts maintained that the United States had never induced Great Britain to believe that the impressment of her own seamen on board of American ships was a reasonable ground of war. It held that the evil of impressment had been grossly exaggerated ; X and that an honest and fair proposal to exclude the subjects of Great Britain from the American service would have produced an honourable and advantageous arrangement of the whole question. The Prince Regent, in his Declaration, avers, that the complete subserviency of the government of the United States to the ruler of Erance was the real cause of the war ; that " from their common origin, from their common interests, and from their professed principles of freedom and independence, the United States was the last power in which Great Britain could have expected to find a w^illing instrument and abettor ot Preuch tyranny." The Remonstrance of the Legislature of Massachusetts echoes this charge in words of glowing eloquence : " If war must have been the portion of these United States ; if they were destined by Providence to march the downward road to slavery, through foreign conquest and military usurpation ; your remonstrants regret that such a moment and such an occa- sion should have been chosen for the experiment ; that while the oppressed nations of Europe are making a magnanimous and glorious effort against the common enemy of free states, we alone, the descendants of the pilgrims, sworn foes to civil and religious slavery, should voluntarily co-operate with the oppressor to bind other nations in his chains." The policy of Jefferson during the eight years of his Presidency, and that of Madison during the first three years of his tenure of ofiice, was not to draw the sword against either of the two great belligerents who interfered with the peaceful course of American commerce by their decrees and counter- decrees. Their weapons were embargoes and tariffs. Gradually the war- party in the States became irresistible. Six months only were wanting to the completion of the term of Madison's Presidency ; he would not be re- elected if he did not yield to the popular voice, whose passionate expression, in the Slave States especially, was no evidence against its real strength. In a * Hansard, vol. xsiv. p. 363. + "Annual Register," 1813, p. 409 (State Papers). * Simond says that one half of the crews of American ships were British seamen, havinr; false protections, and yet not one in a hundred was impressed. He himself owned twenty-four American vessels, and had not ten sailors impressed out of them during the war, although a great Tiumber were British-born. (" Tour," vol. i. p. 334.) 6 POPULAR VIOLENCE— EXTRAVAGANT HOPES— TAXES. [1S12. mixed government the violence of the multitude has a counterpoise in the sagacity and prudence of the more educated classes. In America, when two generals, friends of "Washington, who had advocated peace, were conveyed to prison to shelter them from tlie mob, and when the mob broke open the prison, fractured the skull of one, and killed another on the spot, the lesson was very intelligible to waverers between war and peace. Jefferson himself dreaded going to war, because " the licentious and lying character of our journals, but more than this, the marvellous credulity with which the members of Congress received every current lie," would produce constant embarrassment to the government in the conduct of the war. The news- papers had become a new power in the Federation, " indispensable to the existence of freedom, and nearly incompatible with the maintenance of public order." * Tet their rapid and excessive multiplication had neutralized their influence. In 1775 there were 37 newspapers in the thirteen States ; in 1810 there were 358 in the Union. Jefferson, however "quaker" was his general policy, looked upon the probable issue of the war of 1812 with an almost childish confidence. The United States had only to create a marine to free the seas from the ascendancy of Grreat Britain, Upon American ground they would be irresistible. The invasion of Canada would be only a march. To carry Halifax would be merely an affair of a few months. New Tork might be burnt by the British fleet, but could not the government of the Union, in its turn, cause London to be burnt by English mercenaries, easily recruited from a starving corrupt population ? No truce, no inter- mission, before Canada was obtained as an indemnity for a thousand ships seized by British cruisers, and for six thousand seamen carried off by im- pressment. No sheathing the sword before full security for the future was obtained for every man sailing under the American flag. All this accom- plished, — peace with Great Britain, and war with France. Such were the dreams of the man who drew the first Declaration of Independence, and who believed that nothing was beyond the power of a democratic government.f The warlike impulses of this democracy were sensibly mitigated by the sudden pressure of taxation for the general purposes of the Federal govern- ment, in addition to the local taxation of each State. In the four years ended ISll, the expenditure upon the Military and Naval Establishments was about 24 millions of dollars. In the four years ended 1815, they had reached 102 millions of dollars. The Public Debt had been more than doubled between 1813 and 1816, as compared with the four previous years. The injurious effects to the commerce of both countries which residted from the British Orders in Council, the American Embargo Acts, and the war, are manifest in the returns of exports of British produce to the United States, and of the total exports from American ports to all countries. In 1807 the United States imported nearly twenty-nine millions of pounds' worth of foreign merchandise, and exported twenty-two millions and a half of home and foreign produce. In 1811 the imports and the exports were less by one half. In 1811 the total imports from all parts of the world * De Tocqueville, vol. ii. p. 20. t These opinions are supported by a reference to five letters of JeflFerson, of January, .Tune, and August, 1812, to be found iu "Works of Jeiferson," vol. vi. See De Wit, "Thomas Jefferson," p. 35G. 1S12.] EFFECTS OF THE WAR UPON COMMERCTl;;— COTTOX. » amounted only to 2,700,000^., and the total exports to 1,440,000/. TI16 internal resources of America vrere indeed very great, in her unlimited amount of territory, in the adventurous industry of her people, and in the rapid multi- plication of the communications between the several States. In 1790 there were under 2000 miles of Post Routes, with 75 Post-offices. In 1S15 there were nearly 44,000 miles of Post Eoutes, with 3000 Post-offices. But the American population would never have quadrupled in half a century without the stimulus of foreign commerce. The great Cotton cultivation of the Southern States was at the period of this war very imperfectly developed, and their slave population was consequently less identified with the ruthless tyranny of the demand for labour than with the milder servitude under the original planters. It might have been supposed that the interruption of our cotton supply by the war of 1812 would have produced an essential derangement of that great brancb of our manufacturing industry wbich had enabled us in a considerable degree to support the pressure of the continental war. But at that period the imports of American cotton were comparatively trifling. The first arrival of cotton wool from America was one bag from Charleston delivered at Liverpool in 1785. In 1791 only 2,000,000 lbs. of cotton were grown in the United States ; in 1801 the crop was about 40,000,000 lbs. ; in 1811 the crop was estimated at 80,000,000 lbs. The exports of cotton, which had been 62,000,000 lbs. in 1811, were reduced to 28,000,000 lbs. in 1812, and to 19,000,000 lbs. in 1813. AVhen we compare these figures with the 961,707,264 lbs. of raw cotton imported into the United Kingdom from the United States in the year ending 31st of December, 1859, we may estimate the danger and difficulty of a diminished supply now, as compared with the period when the commercial intercourse of the two countries was wholly sus- pended, except through the extensive operation of that contraband trade which no blockade or embargo could prevent.* It is a singular fact, as showing the notions of commercial policy which prevailed at that period in the legislative mind, that Earl Darnley, in the House of Lords on May 14, 1813, complained that " American Cotton, on a systera that could not be too severely repro- bated, had, until lately, been allowed to be imported, to the great detriment of our own colonies, and to the great advantage of the territory of our enemies." t The cotton-spinners of York at that time addressed a petition to the House of Commons, in which they said, that having learnt that petitions had been presented to the House in favour of a prohibition on the exportation of cotton-wool, the growth of America, they prayed the House not to adopt any measures which could assist the efi"orts of foreign nations to supplant our cotton manufacture, and which would prove the entire ruin of the trade of the petitioners. J In the Eemonstrance of Massachusetts the Congress is asked, " Must we add another example to the catalogue of republics which have been ruined bv a spirit of foreign conquests "Were not the territories of the United * For tlie preceding statistical facts regarding the United States at the time of the War, ^e have consulted "Geography of America," published by the Society for Diffusion of Useful Knowledge ; Porter's "Progress of the Nation ;" Macgregor's "Commercial Statistics," vol iii. ; the "English Cycloptedia," art. United States ; and the " American Almanac," for 1861. + Hansard, vol. xxvi. col. 180. t Ibid., p. 203. 8 INVASIONS OF CANADA DEFEATED— INDIANS, [1812 States sufficiently extensive before the annexation of Louisiana, the pro- jected reduction of Canada, and the seizure of AVest Florida ? " Within a fortnight after the declaration of war, the American general Hull set out for the invasion of Canada with a force of 2800 men. On the 12th of July he crossed the river Detroit, and captured the small open town of Sandwich. From this place he issued a proclamation threatening a war of extermination if the savages were employed in resisting his advance. The English com- mander, major-general Brock, had, however, collected a force of 700 British regulars and militia, and GOO Indians, with which he repulsed Hull in three attempts against Fort Amherstburg, and compelled him to recross the river to Detroit. On the 16th of August Hull capitulated with 2500 men to Brock and his little army. A second attempt to invade Upper Canada was made by the American general Wadsworth, who, on the 13tli of October, carried Queenstown with a large force. In the defence of Queenstown, general Brock, the gallant English commander, fell ; but reinforcements of English troops having arrived, Wadsworth was totally defeated, and sur- rendered with 900 men. At the time of Hull's capitulation to Brock, the American fort in the small island of Michillimackinac was taken by a force of English, of Canadians, and of Indians. The employment of Indians in the first American war had aroused the eloquent wrath of Chatham, when he exclaimed, " "Who is the man who will dare to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping knife of the savage ? " Not only American but English writers denounce their employment in the war of 1812, as a stain upon our national reputation. Certainly it is to be apprehended that whenever the Indians were acting in detached bodies, as allies of the British and Canadians, their warfare was marked by the reckless destruction of life and property, and by their accus- tomed cruelty to the vanquished enemy. It is not clear, however, that the charge is unexceptionably just that the British brought into the conflict "savages of too low an order to be under military command."* It is but fair to state that in the last despatch of general Brock, addressed to sir George Prevost, Governor in chief of the British provinces of North America, he says, that many of the Indian nations had been engaged in active warfare with the United States, notwithstanding the con- stant endeavours of the British government to dissuade them from it ; that from the breaking out of the war, they took a most active part ; and that they were led in the attack upon Hull at Detroit by an English colonel and an English captain. "Nothing," adds general Brock, "could exceed their order and steadiness. A few prisoners were taken by them during the advance, whom they treated with every humanity. Such was their forbear- ance and attention to what was required of tliem, that the enemy sustained no other loss in men than what was occasioned by the fire of our battery." f This might have been an exceptional case, in which the common ferocity of Indian warfare might have been controlled by one of the most honourable and the most lamented of the British officers in America. The savages fighting under him cannot be described as of " too low an order to be under military com- * n. ]\Tartincaii, "Introduction to History of thn Peace." + London Guzttte, October Gtli, 1812, iu "Annual Register." 1S12.] NAVAL SUCCESSES OF THE AMERICANS. 9 mand." The British authorities undoubtedly put anus into the hands of tlie Indian chiefs when the war broke out. The crime was not iu arming these daring warriors, with the intent to bring them under the common subjection of the soldier to his officer ; but in leaving them when they were armed to their own uncontrolled action, in which "forbearance" would have been accounted by them weakness and not virtue. The early successes of our land forces could scarcely have been expected. The number of regular British troops in Canada was about 4500 men ; the militia of the two provinces was not more in number. The American regular army was equally small. But the prowess of the American militia had been capable in the former war of gaining victories over the disciplined troops of Burgoyne and Cornwallis. The politicians of London were surprised at the victories of 1812. They saw a great host of the militia of the Northern States ready to fight with the warlike enthusiasm of democratic populations. They were unacquainted with the philosophical demonstration, " that wben a democratic people engages in a war after a long peace, it incurs much more risk of defeat than any other nation." The first successes of our armies in America begat a confidence that the duration of the war would be attended with similar triumphs. There was surprise when our troops in Canada were beaten. There was universal indignation when, in the last year of tlie war, the choicest of the Peninsular troops were routed at New Orleans. It was not understood that the chances of success for the army of a democratic people are necessarily increased by a prolonged war ; and that such an army, if not ruined at first, would become the victors.* At the commencement of the war of 1812, the naval force of the United States consisted of four frigates and eight sloops, manned by 6000 seamen The British navy comprised, of ships in commission for sea service, a total of 621 ; of these, 102 were ships of the line ; of frigates, from 41 guns to 32, there were 111 ; of smaller frigates, sloops, gun-brigs, and cutters, there were more than SOO.f "What, thought the people of this country, could the petty American navy efi"ect against such a force ? The London Gazette, of the 6th of October, announced the capture of Detroit and the capitulation of Hull. The London Gazette, of the lOth of October, contains a despatch from vice-admiral Sawyer, enclosing " a letter from captain Dacres, of his Majesty's late ship Guerriere, giving an account of his having sustained a close action of near two hours, on the 19th ult., with the American frigate Constitution, of very superior force both in guns and men (of the latter almost double), when the Guerriere, being totally dismasted, she rolled so deep as to render all further efforts at the guns unavailing, and it became a duty to spare the lives of the remaining part of lier valuable crew by hauling down her colours." The American frigate Constitution, which captured the Guerriere, was of 1533 tons, wliilst the English frigate was of 1092 tons. On the 16th of October the American brig Wasp captured the British sloop Frolic, each being of 18 guns, but the American vessel much superior in tonnage. Both these small vessels were captured soon after the action by the British ship of the line Poictiers. Another disaster quickly * See De Tocqueville, veil. iv. chap. xxiv. i" See Tables to James's "Naval History." 10 LARGER BUILD OF AMERICAN FRIGATES. [1812. followed the loss of the Gruerriere. The British frigate Macedonian, after a most gallant fight, was captured by the American frigate United States. As in the case of the Guerriere, the tonnage of the Macedonian was nearly a tliird less than the tonnage of the enemy's frigate. Again, on the 29th of December, the Java, of 1092 tons, was captured by the Constitution. The British sloop Peacock, which struck to the American brig Hornet on the Mth of February, 1813, was the fifth ship of our navy, numbering 621 vessels in commission for sea service, which had hauled down its colours in engagements with four ships of that navy which comprised only four frigates and eight sloops.. The people of this country were in asto- nishment, and almost in despair, at this unexpected result. The glory of our navy had departed. " The charm of its invincibility had now been broken ; its consecrated standard no longer floated victorious on the main." * Prance and other nations rejoiced, saying that England's maritime tyranny was at an end. The Admiralty was assailed by denunciations of its incapacity and neglect. It was answered that our naval force on the American stations at the commencement of the war was in no degree insufficient ; that from Halifax to the West Indies there were stationed sliips seven times more powerful than the whole of the American navy. Our government was evidently ignorant of the great inequality in the comparative size of what were called American frigates. The Constitution, the United States, and the Presi- dent, were intended for line-of- battle ships. Although only single-decked vessels, they had the same tonnage and capacity for carrying men as the greater number of British two-deckers. They were ships of the line in dis- guise. The Americans no doubt knew that the captain of a British 32-gun frigate was bound to fight any single-decked ship, and that he would be liable to a court-martial if he shrank from such an engagement. Our govern- ment, which prescribed the rule, shut its eyes to the inevitable danger. Scarcely a frigate of our navy in the Atlantic was sailing with a consort. As in the outset of every other war, and too often during its continuance, the British Admiralty was the slave of routine. It neither built frigates, nor cut down liue-of-battle ships, capable of meeting these enormous American vessels called frigates. It sent the captains and crews of ordinary frigates to fight single-handed against such disparity of force. There were numerous fast two-deckers that might have been employed on the American stations, ready for meeting these vessels on equal terms. The Admiralty believed that a frigate was a frigate, and ouglit to contend with any other frigate. The government was, in truth, too busy with the European war to pay much attention to an enemy regarded with an official feeling approaching to contempt. Seven years only had elapsed since the glories of Trafalgar, when the British navy felt degraded and humiliated by these unforeseen triumphs of an enemy with whoui that generation of seamen had never measured their strength. A spirit of emulation was quickly roused. The commanders and crews of ships in the Atlantic knew that it would not be enough to make prize of merchant vessels and sweep privateers from the seas, but that the honour of the British flag would be impaired unless some achievement could • Eari Dnniley in the House of Lords, May 14, 1813— (KaTisarJ, vol. xxiv. col. 182.) 1813.] THE SINGLE COMBAT OF THE SHANNON AND THE CHESAPEAKE. 11 restore its old prestige. There was a captain of a frigate on the Halitax station whose chivalrous feeling prompted him to some exploit in which, with an equal enemy, he might rely upon a sound ship and upon well-trained men. Captain Broke, of the Shannon, had, by careful training, brought his crew into the highest state of efficiency. He had been long watching the frigate Chesapeake in the harbour of Boston. These frigates were of nearly equal strength in their weight of metal and their number of men. Captain Broke, in his desire to fight a duel with the American frigate, had sent away his consort, the Tenedos, and had then despatched a courteous challenge to captain Lawrence of the Chesapeake, in which he says : — " I request you will do me the favour to meet the Shannon, ship to ship, to try the fortunes of our respective flags. All interruption shall be provided against." This challenge was sent on the 1st of June, and immediately afterwards the Shannon lay-to under Boston lighthouse. Captain Lawrence had not received Broke's letter when he sailed out of the harbour, followed by many seamen and other inhabitants of Boston in barges and pleasure boats, who expected that this daring demonstration of the hostile frigate would be followed by its speedy capture. At half-past five in the afternoon the American hauled up within hail of the Englishman on the starboard side, and the battle began. After two or three broadsides had been exchanged, the Chesapeake fell on board the Shannon, her mizen chains locking in with her adversary's fore-rigging. Broke immediately ordered the two ships to be lashed together, and the select men to prepare for boarding. His own pith}- narrative tells the result more efiectively than any amplification. " Our gallant bands appointed to that service immediately rushed in, under their respective ofilcers, upon the enemy's decks, driving everything before them with irresistible fury. The enemy made a desperate but disorderly resistance. The firing continued at all the gangways, and between the tops, but in two minutes' time the enemy were driven sword in hand from every post. The American flag was hauled down, and the proud old British union floated triumphant over it. In another minute they ceased firing from below, and called for quarter. The whole of this service was achieved in fifteen minutes from the commencement of the action," This single combat, fought on the anniversary of Howe's great victory, had as much effect in restoring the confidence of England in her naval arm as if an enemy's squadron had been brought captured into her ports. Captain Broke sailed off" with his prize for Halifax, where captain Lawrence, who had fought his ship with real heroism, died of his wounds, and was followed to the grave by the officers of the Shannon. The details of the campaigns in Canada would have small interest for the present generation. The vicissitudes of this warfare, the advance of the Americans one week and their retreat the next, the skirmishes, the surprises, scarcely excited the attention of the public of this country, coming close upon the stimulating narratives of the retreat of Napoleon from Moscow, or the march of Wellington from Torres Vedras to Madrid. The battle of " Chrystler's Farm" could scarcely compete in interest with the victory of Salamanca. In 1813 the British were compelled to evacuate Tork (now Toronto), the capital of Upper Canada. The Americans there burnt the public buildings ; which act was alleged as the justification for a more i2 CAMPAIGNS IN" CANADA— BARBAROUS SYSTEM OF WARFARE. [1813. memorable and more disgraceful act of retaliation by the Britisli at Wash- ington. In an attack upon Burlington, the Americans were compelled to fall back upon Niagara, and lost a great part of their army in a series of unsuccessful actions. The British on the Detroit frontier were forced to retreat in confusion. On Lake Ontario our troops, under sir George Prevost, were repulsed in an attack upon Sackett's Harbour. On Lake Erie the superior force of the enemy destroyed our flotilla; and the Americans, obtaining the command of the lake, became masters of Upper Canada. Ten thousand men then marched from different points upon Lower Canada, where the action near Chrystler's Parm took place, and the American army, totally routed, precipitately crossed the St. Lawrence. General Hull sustained another severe defeat on the 25th of December. In this campaign, when the American general evacuated Port St. George, by the express orders of his government he burnt the Canadian village of Newark. The order said, " The exposed part of the frontier must be protected by destroying such of the Canadian villages in its front as would best shelter the enemy during the winter." "When the British troops under colonel Murray defeated the Americans at Buffalo, that village was burnt as well as the village of Black Eoek ; and the Indians were let loose on the surrounding country to take vengeance for the conflagration of Newark. Sir George Prevost then issued a proclamation lamenting the necessity which had compelled these reprisals, and deprecating a continuance of so barbarous a system of warfare. His retaliation had some effect upon the Americans in putting a stop to what an officer of that government called the " new and degrading system of defence, which, by substituting the torch for the bayonet, furnished the enemy with both motive and justification for a war of retaliation."* The disgrace remained to both sides. The retaliatory spirit was strangely exhibited during this year in another form. Twenty-three prisoners of war were sent to England to be dealt with as British subjects. The American general then ordered into close confinement twenty-three British soldiers, as hostages for the safety of tbe twenty-three who were liable to be dealt with aa traitors. Our government selected forty-six officers and non-commissioned officers — prisoners in England — to be regarded as hostages for the safety of the twenty-three prisoners in America. The affiiir went off with menaces ; :ind, oa an exchange of prisoners, the British who had fought against their country, and the hostages, were silently released. The desultory, indecisive, and useless fightings in Canada had produced not the slightest effect upon the relative positions of Great Britain and America. The English, however, had learnt not to underrate the courage and enterprize of their enemy ; the Americans had learnt that Canada couid not be conquered in a day's march, and that a handful of disciplined troops might defend the country against numerous bands imperfectly organized. The naval successes of the United States were almost wholly at an end after the first year. Our government learnt a little caution and providence, and gave up the false confidence that any English frigate could fight a vessel whose tonnage was as three to two. The merchant service of both countries sustained severe losses ; but American commerce suffered still more from the • Armstrong (American Secrctai^-at-War) — quoted by Alison. ISll.] AMERICAN DIFFICULTIES— THREATS OF SECESSION. 13 restrictive measures of the American government. The interru])tiou to the dealings of North and South with neutral states was so serious, that in March, 1S14, the President proposed to Congress the repeal of the Embargo and Non-Importation Acts. The British government proclaimed a blockade of the whole Atlantic coast of the United States, nearly 2000 miles in extent, and abounding in harbours and navigable inlets. The President, on the 29th of June, proclaimed that such blockade was not a regular or legal blockade, as defined and recognized by the law of nations, and that it formed no lawful prohibition or obstacle to friendly and neutral vessels to trade with the United States. We have shown that in 1814 the total exports of the United States had fallen to less than a million and a half in value. The government had almost wholly lost, in the excessive falling off of imports, its great source of revenue — the Customs. It resorted in 1814 to taxes on excisable articles, to licences, and to stamps. The system of loans, coupled with the issue of Treasury notes was also adopted ; and the public debt was very quickly doubled. The Democratic party was depressed, and almost hopeless. Jefferson himself began to speak with bitterness of the ruin of the planters, of the weight of taxes, of the silly boasts of the press.* The personal lot of this distinguished man was truly pitiable. He said, that as for himself, this state of things would compel him to make the sacrifice of all tranquillity, of all comfort, for the rest of his days. From the total depreciation of the pro- ducts which ought to procure him subsistence and independence, he should be, like Tantalus, dying of thirst, with the water up to his shoulders. The New England States began openly to complain of that preponderance of the Southern States which had forced the Union into war. Very early in the contest Massachusetts and Connecticut had refused to send their contingents to the army of the Union ; and now Massachusetts proposed to confer with delegates from other New England States, "to take measures if they think proper, for procuring a convention of delegates from all the United States, to revise the Constitution" — in other words, to break up the Union. Six years later, the question of preponderance between the North and South was again agitated, upon the discussions on the admission of Missouri to the Union ; in which struggle the great question was involved, whether slavery should be established in that State, or excluded by the terms of admission. The confidence of many thoughtful persons in the United States in the duration of the Union had been sbaken by the divisions of Eederalists and Republicans, which had reached a climax in the war of 1812. Jefferson, one of the most foreseeing of the founders of the Eepublic, did not regard these divisions with alarm, because they existed in the bosom of each State. What he regarded with alarm was the coincidence of a line of demarca- tion, moral and political, with the geographical line. The views of a sagacious statesman are sometimes prophetic. The idea of a line of geographical demarcation involving a difi"erent system of politics and morals, once con- ceived, he thought could never be eftaced. He believed that this idea would appear, on every occasion, renewing irritation, and kindling in the end hate 80 mortal, that separation would become preferable to eternal discord. H« Letters of Jefferson, in the sixth volume of Lis Works. 14 PENINSULAR TROOPS SENT TO AMERICA. [1814. bad been, be said, of tbose wlio bad bad the firmest confidence in tbe long duration of tbe Union ; be began much to doubt it.* On tbe 31st of May, 1814, two thousand four bundred gallant troops, tbe soldiers of Wellington in tbe Peninsula, were on board a fleet in tbe Garonne, waiting a favourable wind to sail for America. Tbej con- sisted of tbe Forty-fourtb and tbe Eigbty-fifth regiments, and bad marcbed from Bayonne wben tbe wbite flag boisted on tbe citadel bad announces, tbat tbe war witb France was at an end. Tbe squadron sailed for Bermuds^ where they were joined by other forces. Tbe troops, amounting to aboui* 3500 men, were under the command of general Ross. Admiral Cockburn commanded tbe fleet. These ofiicers were experienced and energetic. Their political discretion may be doubted, altbougb their first dangerous and unjustifiable measures might have been under tbe positive direction of tbe government at home. Having taken possession of tbe Tangier Islands in the Bay of Chesapeake, they invited tbe negroes in tbe adjoining pro- vinces, with a promise of emancipation, to join tbe Britisb forces. Seven- teen bundred men fled from their plantations, and were marshalled in tbe English ranks. This incitement of the negro population to revolt was a measure that tbe most uncompromising hostility and the nearest danger could scarcely justify. The Britisb government bad to pay a beavy fine to the owners of the slaves ; tbe amount of wbicb was referred at tbe Treaty of Ghent to tbe emperor of Russia. He awarded a com- pensation of 250,000Z. On the 14tb of August admiral Cockburn offi- cially announced to Mr. Monroe, tbe American Secretary of State, that it was bis purpose to employ the force under bis direction " in destroy- ing and laying waste sucb towns and districts upon the coast as may be found assailable." He added tbat this was in retaliation for a wanton destruction committed by the army of the United States in Upper Canada.f The announcement was afterwards withdrawn. The spirit of it was un- happily preserved, to diminish the lustre of a brilliant attack upon the capital of the United States. J Tbe Britisb squadron having ascended tbe river Patuxent, tbe army was disembarked at tbe village of Benedict, witb tbe intention of co- operating with admiral Cockburn in an attack on a flotilla of gunboats. The army commenced its marcb on tbe 20tb of August, and in three days had advanced to within sixteen miles of Washington. Admiral Cockburn bad during this time taken and destroyed tbe whole of the flotilla. On the 23rd general Ross determined to make an attempt to carry Washington. He put bis troops in motion on tbe evening of tbe 23rd, and on tbe 24tb * Works, vol. TJi. quoted by De Wit. See Miss Martineau, " History of tlie American Compromises." t Alison, in quoting this announcement, makes admiral Cockburn say, that it became his duty to do this " under the new and imperative character of his orders." X The duke of Wellington had ever scrupulously respected private property, and had spared defenceless places. When the Prince de Joinville, in 1814, suggested the bombardment of Brighton in the event of a war, the duke ■wrote to Mr. Raikes — "What but the inordinate desire of popularity could have induced a man in his station, a prince of the blood royal, the son of the king, of high rank and pretensions in that profession of the service, to write and pub- lish such a production — an invitation and provocative to war, to be carried on in a manner such as has been disclaimed by the civilized portions of mankind." — (Ilaikes' " Correspond iace," p. 306.) ISli.] ATTACK UPON WASHINGTON. 15 defeated the American army, amounting to between eight and nine thousand men. The catastrophe is related in few words by general Boss : — " Having halted the army for a short time, I determined to march upon Washington, and reached that city at eight o'clock that night. Judging it of consequence to complete the destruction of the public buildings with the least possible delay, so that the army might retire without loss of time, the following buildings were set fire to and consumed : — the Capitol, including the Senate- House and House of Eepresentatives, the Arsenal, the Dockyard, Treasury, War-office, President's Palace, Rope-walk, and the great Bridge across the Potomac : in the dockyard a frigate nearly ready to be launched, and a sloop- of-war, were consumed. The object of the expedition being accomplished, I determined, before any greater force of the enemy could be assembled, to withdraw the troops, and accordingly commenced retiring on the night of the 25th." The indignation of the American people was naturally extreme at an event which was not unjustly characterized in a proclamation issued from Washington on the 1st of September. The President therein accuses the invading force, that during their possession of the capital of the nation, though only for a single day, " they wantonly destroyed the public edifices, having no relation in their structure to operations of war, nor used at the time for military annoyance ; some of these edifices being also costly monu- ments of taste and of the arts, and others repositories of the public archives, not only precious to the nation, as the memorials of its origin and its early transactions, but interesting to all nations, as contributions to the general stock of historical instruction and political science." In England there was a general feeling that, however brilliant had been the attack upon Washington, the destruction of non-warlike buildings was something more than a mistake. It was an outrage inconsistent with civilized warfare, which was not likely to produce " on the inhabitants a deep and sensible impression of the cala- mities of a war in which they have been so wantonly involved." Such was the thoughtless and undignified language of the Prince Regent's speech on opening the Session of Parliament on the 8th of November. A more sober view of this demonstration of the calamities of war was taken by a high mili- tary authority at the Horse Guards. " It may tend to disunite and to spread alarm and confusion, but I incline to think that it will give eventually more power to the Congress. A nation may be overpowered and compelled to peace, but it must be a most contemptible set to be frightened into one."* Lord Grenville, with dignified earnestness, lamented a departure from a system of forbearance which had been pursued even by Napoleon during a conflict of twenty years, in whose hands nearly all the capitals of Europe had been, and in no instance, except in that of the Kremlin of Moscow, were any unmilitary buildings destroyed.f We had done, said Mr. Whitbread, what the Goths had refused to do at Eome, when Belisarius represented to them that to destroy works of art was to erect a monument to the folly of the destroyers. J He maintained that the outrage at Washington had con- * Sir "WilloTigliby Gordon, Letter to the Speaker, October 1st, 1814 — Lord Colchester ■ ''Diary," vol. ii. p. 520. + Hansard, vol. xxix. col. 17. + See Oibbon, chap, xliii., a.d. 506. 16 FAILURE OF SIR JOHN PREVOST AT PLATTSBURG. [1814, ciliated to the American government tliose parts of the United States which were before hostile to it; had put in motion battalions of militia which before were not allowed to march. It had united all. It had made determined opposition to England a common interest.* "Whether to the destruction of the public buildings of Washington may be attributed the extraordinary vigour which seemed now to be infused into the military character of the American democracy, it is certain that after that event the course of the war was one of almost unvarying success to their arms. In a battle on the 11th of September, which was the prelude to an attack upon Baltimore, general Eoss was mortally wounded ; and colonel Brooke wiio succeeded to the command, although gaining a victory, was com- •pelled the next night to retreat to the ships which were intended to co-operate in the assault. The Americans had sunk twenty vessels in the Patapsco river, which effectually prevented tlie British squadron rendering any aid. But a more serious blow was inflicted upon the army in Canada. Our forces there, under sir George Prevost, had been augmented till they had reached sixteen thousand regular troops, who had arrived from the South of France, with the full conviction on the part of our government that the war would be speedily concluded by this array of veterans against undisciplined masses. Nine thousand of the soldiers of the Peninsula were to act in co-operation with a flotilla on Lake Champlain. This little fleet of a frigate, a brig, a sloop, and twelve-gun boats, was ill-manned and equipped. The American squadron on the lake was very superior in strength. The troops under Prevost were to attack the redoubts of Plattsburg, tphilst our flotilla was engaged with the vessels in the bay. Captain Downie led his ship the Coufiance gallantly into action ; but when a heavy fire opened from the American line, the gun- boats, which bad few British sailors on board, took flight like scared wild fowl. The frigate, brig, and sloop were left to bear all the brunt of the eon- test. The Confiance made a brave fight, as did the brig and sloop ; but they were finally compelled to strike. Meanwhile, Prevost lingered ia making the land attack ; and his troops did not reach the point of assault till the fleet had surrendered. He had been thus instructed by earl Bathurst : "take care not to expose his Majesty's troops to being cut off; and guard against what- ever might commit the safety of the forces under your command." He obeyed his instructions to the letter. The command of the lake was lost; and therefore it was useless to attack Plattsburg. A violent outcry was raised against our commander of the forces in Canada. He resigned ; and demanded a court-martial. Wellington thought Prevost was right to retire after the fleet was beaten.f He died before the court-martial commenced. His defence of Canada, with a small force, against repeated incursions of an enemy whose numbers were long thought by the Americans to be irresistible, ought to have saved his memory from the obloquy which has been attempted to be thrown upon it by some writers. J On Christmas Day, 1814, general sir Edward Pakenhara, one of the most brave and skilful of the ofilcers who had served under AYellingtou in Spaiu, * Hansard, vol. xxix. col. 47. + " Despatclus," vol. xii. p. 224. ;. A writer in tlie "Quaicerly lleview," No. LIV. is amongst the bitteicst of his a'-'"a.'»era. Alieoc has ably anil <;»,uev(.u.s)y Ujri:iided him. 1814.J ARMAMENT SENT AGAINST NEW ORLEANS. 17 joined the army that was encamped a short distance from New Orleans, preparing for an assault upon that city. The British government had not unjustly deemed that the capture of a place situated within a hundred miles of the mouth of the Mississippi, and which therefore was the chief emporium of the commerce of the " Great Water," would be an important success, and have a material influence on the favourable conclusion of a peace. Sir Edward Pakenham, accompanied by general Gibbs,i.had arrived from England to take the chief command of the army, which, after the fall of general Eoss, had been under the orders of general Keane. Pakenham found this army, having achieved no final success at Baltimore, now placed in a situation of con- siderable danger and difficulty. On that Christmas-day the ofiicers dined together, but their festivity was not cheered by any pleasant retrospect of a past triumph which could give them confidence in an approaching victory. New Orleans was an unfortified town, then containing only about 17,000 inhabitants — one-tenth of its population in 1860. The forts on the Mississippi were too strong to enable an armament to sail up from its mouth in the Gulf of Mexico. But a hostile force having passed from Lake Borgne into Lake Pontchartrain, might land at either of two creeks. The Bayou of St. John was too well guarded to render a landing easy. The Bayou of Catiline, about ten miles from the city, was more practicable ; but an army having landed would find itself planted on open swampy ground, with the Mississippi on the one side of the city, and a morass on the other side, preventing any assault except from the unfavourable ground on the bank of the lake. On the 13th of December the troops embarked in small boats, and began to enter Lake Borgne. They had here to encounter a powerful American flotilla, which was finally defeated. A portion of the troops was now landed on a barren place called Pine Island, where it was determined that the whole army should assemble. It was the 21st before all were got on shore in this wretched desert, where, without tents oi huts, and unable to find fuel, the troops were exposed to rain by day and to frost by night. Pine Island was eighty miles distant from the creek where it was proposed to disembark. Only about one-third of the troops could be conveyed at once in the open boats, which only could navigate those shallow waters. It was necessary therefore to arrange for the landing in divisions. The advanced division, consisting of 1600 men, suc- cessfully disembarked at the Bayou of Catiline, having surprised the American sentinels. General Keane was in command of this division. No enemy was to be seen. Deserters came in, saying that the inhabitants of New Orleans were favourably disposed towards the British, Everything appeared to promise safety, and general Keane marched into the open country without waiting, as had been arranged, for the other divisions to join him. He ordered the troops to encamp near the Mississippi. The men had eaten their supper in the belief that their rest would not be disturbed, v\hen a large vessel dropped her anchor in the river, and furled her sails opposite the camp. A cry was at last heard, " Give them this for the honour of America !" and a broadside of grape swept down numbers of our unprepared soldiers. The night was dark as the schooner continued to fire from the river. On the land side the rattle of musketry was now heard. Our troops had found some shelter from the fire of the schooner, but now they were surrounded by a VOL. vm.— 226. 13 ATTACK UPON NEW ORLEANS— DEFEAT OF THE BRITISH. [181.'5. superior land force. After a severe struggle, without any possibility of forming the men, the enemy retreated. We liad lost five hundred killed and wounded in this deadly strife. The second division of the army, which had embarked about twelve hours after the first division, heard the firing in the stillness of the night, as the boats were crossing the lake. By great exertions the whole army had been brought into position on the evening of the 24th. The next day Pakenham arrived to take the command, and was received with such hearty cheers as manifested the confidence of the soldiers in a Peninsular commander. The first object of the general was to construct a battery, by which, firing red-hot shot, he destroyed the schooner on the river. On the 27th he advanced his whole force to attack the American army. It was advan- tageously posted, being defended in front by a broad canal, and by formidable breastworks. The road by which the army marched was not only commanded by batteries, but by a flotilla on the Mississippi. The British ranks were greatly thinned by this conjoint fire. It was thought necessary to pause before further operations. All this eff'ectual resistance had been evidently planned by some oflScer of high military talent. That ofiicer was general Jackson, who became President of the United States in 1829. The British army was inactive on the 28th, 29th, and 30th. The enemy was strength- ening his lines, which were so formidable, that Pakenham resolved to construct breaching batteries, mounted with heavy cannon, brought up from the vessels on the lake. During the night of the 31st six batteries had been completed, the material of which was not earth, but hogsheads of sugar taken out of the warehouses on the plantations. One of the other great products of Louisiana was employed by the Americans. Their parapets were constructed of earth and bags of cotton. It was soon found that our defences of sugar-hogsheads were wholly unavailing. In the first six days of January, a bold and ingenious attempt was made by the British commander to deepen a canal which ran across the neck of land lying between the Bayou of Catiline and the Mississippi, so that boats might be brought up from the lake, and a portion of the troops carried across the river to attack the battery on its right bank. The morning of the 7th was arranged for a general attack. Tlie army had been reinforced by the arrival of two battalions under general Lambert, and its whole number was now little short of 8,000 men. A series of disasters distiu-bed, at the critical moment, the arrangements which appeared to have been made with a tolerable certainty of success. As the boats went up the canal, its banks crumbled in, blocked up the passage, and permitted only a few of the smaller boats to reach their point of destination The main body of the army was to have attacked the works on the left bank at five o'clock on the morning of the 7th, simultaneously with the projected attack on the right bank. Pakenham waited till his patience was exhausted, and then determined to commence the assault without this support. The advantage of a sudden storming in the darkness of a January morning had passed away. It was broad daylight when the Americans saw the British column of three regiments marching on to the edge of the glacis. They were halted at the moment when a dash might have succeeded ; for the scaling- ladders and fascines had been forgotten. A terrible fire drove them back in disorder. Pakenham, seeing that nothing but daring and endurance would I .;«15.] RETREAT OF THE ARMY— THE WAR ENDED. 10 carry the day, rallied liis troops, and leading tbeui again to the attack, fell mortally wounded. General Gibbs and general Keane were also struck down. The command devolved upon general Lambert, who prudently resolved to draw off the troops. Our loss had amounted to two thousand men, killed, wounded, and prisoners. An armistice of two days was agreed upon, for the purpose of burying the dead. On the ISth of January, the retreat of the British army commenced ; and was so safely effected, that the troops re- embarked on the night of the 27th, with all the artillery and stores, except eight heavy guns. An insignificant triumph, in the capture of Fort Boyer^ near Mobile, closed our military operations, on the 12Lh of February. The news of the conclusion of peace at Ghent arrived the next day.* The Peace of Ghent was concluded by three British commissioners, lord Gambler, Mr. Goulburn, and Mr. Adams ; and by four American plenipoten- tiaries, Mr. John Quiucy Adams, Mr. Henry Clay, Mr. J. A. Bayard, and Mr. Jonathan Eussell. The objection made in October by Mr. Madison to the terms proposed by Great Britain, had led the negotiators on each side to effect a compromise. It was fortunate that it had been effected before the American people, intoxicated by the triumph at New Orleans, should have lost their anxious desire that hostilities should come to an end. The American government, by this peace, had not obtained a concession upon the two prin- ciples for which it went to war — that the flag covers the merchandize, and that the right of search for deserters is inadmissible. It was agreed that each government should use their efforts to put down the slave-trade. Diffi- cult questions of boundary were left unsettled to give rise to future disputes. But in this war of three years the people of both countries had learnt by their commercial privations how desirable, if not indispensable, was a free intercourse between two great communities, having each so much to offer for the satisfaction of the other's wants, and both associated by natural ties of blood and language which the coldest politicians cannot wholly ignore. The mistakes in the conduct of the war were pretty equal on both sides. The defeats of the Americans in the invasion of Canada had in some degree lowered the European opinion of their military qualities. Plattsburg had shaken the confi- dence of the English public in the effect likely to be produced by a large employment of regular forces against imperfectly disciplined troops. The final disaster of our arms led to a more impartial estimate of what a demo- cratic people is capable of effecting after a few years of rash and ill-under- stood warfare. A calm and sagacious writer has said, " The success, which was too late to affect the negotiations at Ghent, was sufficiently striking to be worth more to the American people than a good peace. It is in reality to the victory of New Orleans that a great part is due of the moral impres- sion which has been left upon the world by the war of 1812, — a war impru- dently engaged in, feebly conducted, rarely successful, very costly, perfectly sterile in diplomatic results, and, nevertheless, finally as useful to the prestige of the United States as fruitful for them in necessary lessons,"t * These unfortunate operations are detailed with great spirit in "A Narrative of the Cam- paigns at Washington and New Orleans, by an OflScer who served in the Expedition" (Rer. G. R. Gleig). t Cornelis de Wit, "Thomas Jefferson," p. 359. Houjroumont — Gateway of Farac-Tard, from the Interior, I CHAPTER 11. The Hundred Days — Landing of Napoleon near Cannes — Retrospect of the Restoration of tli& Bourbons — The Charter— The French army — The Treaty of Paris published — The escape of Napoleon from Elba — Declaration of the Powers assembled in Congress — Advance of Napoleon — He is ioined by Labedoyere and Ney — Flight of Louis XVIIL — Napoleon at the Tuileries- -British Parliament declares for war — Napoleon organizes his army — Crosses the frontier — Joins his army at Charleroi — Wellington's position — He marches from Brussels — Battle of Ligny — Battle of Quatre Bras — The field of Waterloo —Positions of the two armies on the night of the I7th and morning of 18th of June — The Battle of Waterloo. On the higli road, midway between Cannes and Antibes, and close to a lane leading to a landing-place in the Gulf of St. Juan, are two cabarets,^ one on the left side of the road, the other on the right, which have set up rival claims to immortality. The cabaret on the left bears this inscription, " Napoleon I., au Golfe de Jouan — debarqua 1 Mars, reposa dans cette meme propriety." The cabaret on the right thus asserts its pretensions: — "Chez moi se reposa Napoleon I. Venez boire passants, celebrez son nom." In the year whose great event these signs pretend to record neither of the wayside public houses had been built. A miserable column, erected a few years since, repeats the one inscription which is the nearest approach to truth — tliat Napoleon rested " in this property." He had sat down under an olive-tree of this estate. He had successfully achieved his perilous voyage 1815.] LANDING OF NAPOLEON NEAR CANNES. 21 from Elba, from whicli lie had embarked on the morning of the 26th of February, with his Guards, in seven small vessels. He once more stood on tlie soil of France, at three o'clock in the afternoon of that memorable 1st of March. The little army bivouacked that evening on some land that was theii outside the town of Cannes on the east. An attempt was made to seduce the garrison at Antibes, but the commander of the fortress arrested the soldiers who had been employed on this mission, and threatened to fire upon auy others who should approach. Cambronne, one of the generals who accom- panied Napoleon, went into the town of Cannes to demand of the maire six thousand rations for the troops. The demand was very unwillingly complied ■with, for the presence of the ex-emperor excited the hatred of the people, who were tired of wars and revolutions. Some said, if he came into the town they would shoot him. At four o'clock on the morning of the 2nd of March, the troops, in number about eight hundred, with Napoleon at their head, attended by his old companions in arms, Bertrand, Drouet, and Cambronne, commenced their march north on the road to Grrasse ; and possibly skirted Cannes on the east side, which quarter has been almost entirely built since 1815.* This landing in the Gulf of St. Juan on the 1st of March was the intro- ductory scene to the great drama called " The Hundred Days." These count from the 13th of March, when Napoleon assumed the government, to the 22nd of June, when he abdicated. The secret departure from Elba was not known to the sovereigns of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, and to the representatives of the other European powers assembled in congress at Vienna, till the 7th of March, when the duke of "Wellington received a despatch from lord Burghersh, the British minister at Florence, announcing the astounding fact. It was some days afterwards before the landing near Cannes and the march towards Grasse were known at Vienna.f Such was the slowness of communication, that on the 5th of March it was not known in Paris that the ex-emperor had quitted the ter- ritory all too narrow for his ambition. Let us, before proceeding to relate the progress and issue of this great adventure, take a retrospect of the events that had followed Napoleon's abdication of the 4th of April, 1814, — eleven months of false confidence and hollow peace. The 4th of June, 1814, was an exciting day for Paris ; an important day for the future tranquillity of France and of Europe. A Constitutional Charter was that day to be promulgated by the restored king ; and, on the same day, the last of the allied troops were to quit the capital. Louis XVIII. was to be left in the midst of his subjects, without the guarantee for his safety which some associated with the continued presence of the armed foreigners. The Charter created a Chamber of Peers, of about one hundred and forty members, named for life by the king. These took the place of the servile flatterers of Napoleon, called the Senate. The composition of this new body was an approach to impartiality in the union of Members of the old noblesse •with a remnant of the Senate, and of Generals of the army before the revo- * We are indebted for these particulars to a friend resident in Cannes ; and we give them to clear up the obscurity which prevails in some accounts as to the localities of that eventful debarkation. t "Wellington's Despatches," vol. xii. p. 266. Despatch to Castlereagh, 12th of March. 22 RETROSPECT OF THE RESTORATIOX— THE CHARTER. [1815. lution, with Marshals of the Empire. By the Charter, a Eepresentative body- was also created, with A'ery sufficient authority, and especially with the power of determining the taxes to be levied on the people. But if the value of a representative system was held to be in some degree proportionate to the amount of population by wliich it is elected, some might have doubted if the limitation of electors to those who paid 300 francs direct taxes yearly, thus restricting the nomination wholly to the more opulent class, was a guarantee for the impartial working of the Constitution. The Charter also provided for civil ajid religious freedom, for trial by jury, for the liberty of the press. The exclusive privileges of the old monarchy, — the inequalities before the law, — which produced the revolution of 1789, were no more. The letter of the ancient feudalism had perished. But its spirit lingered in the very date of this Charter. It was held that Louis XVIII. began to reign when Louis XVII., the unhappy son of Louis XVI. was released by death from his miseries. The Charter, " given at Paris in the year of grace 1814, in the nineteenth year of our reign," was an emanation of the royal bounty. The king was declared by the chancellor, in his speech of the 4th of June, to be "in full possession of his hereditary rights," but that he had himself placed limits to the power which he had received from God and his fathers. The compromise was as distasteful to the Eepublicans as the real advantages of the Charter to the people were hateful to the Eoyalists. An acute observer, who was present at the ceremony of the promulgation of the Charter, writes, — " In England such a government would be held to be an execrable despotism, impudently mocking the forms of freedom. I am inclined to believe, however, that it contains nearly as much liberty as the French can bear." * The dissatisfaction which very soon followed the government of Louis "the desired," did not arise out of the greater or lesser amount of liberty bestowed by the Charter ; but out of the manifold contradictions between the acts of the government and the chai'acter and habits of the Erench people. All had been changed since 1702, but the notions of the restored Royalists had undergone no change. The Constitutional Charter was in some degree the work of the king himself, inasmuch as he had greatly modified a Charter presented to him by the Senate, which he found busy upon a constitution after Napoleon's abdication. The substance, and even the forms, of liberty, having perished during the Consulate and the Empire, the change was great when freedom of speech and of writing were possible ; when a Senate and a Representative body could debate without reserve and vote without compulsion. But a quarter of a century of revolution and military despotism had really unfitted the Erench to comprehend the value of the partial liberty which they had regained. The desire for liberty had almost wholly disappeared in the passion for equality which the revolution had generated. A Constitutional Monarchy, represented by a gouty old man who could not mount his horse — who had been brought back by foreign armies — was a poor compensation to the national vanity for the glory of living under a ruler who, for the greater period of his power, had only gone forth to new conquests, — who led kings captive, and who filled France with spoils of subject cities. The one surpassing folly of the restored * " Lord Dudley's LeUers," p. 42. 1815.J RETROSPECT— THE FRENCH ARMY, 23 government was the belief that France, and especially Paris, could forget Napoleon. When our Charles II. returned to St, James's under the pro- tection of the army of Monli, it was held that his reign commenced on tlie terrible 30th of January, on wliich his father had perished before the Banqueting House at "Whitehall. It was in England determined to ignore tlie twelve years of the Commonwealth, But it was easier for the Stuarts to take their place as a matter of absolute right and necessity — for tlie loyalists had always been an enduring power even during the supremacy of Cromwell — than for the Bourbons to re-enter the Tuileries as if they had been excluded for twenty years by a mere dominant usurpation which had died out. The very existence of Monsieur, and of the Comte D'Artois, had been as completely forgotten by the people, as they had become alienated from the emigrant no- bility, who had fled from their ancient cliateaux, and whose lands had passed into the hands of small proprietors who hated the name of Seigneurs in the dread that the quiet possession of what they had bought as national domain might be disturbed. The egregious folly which believed that a nation could altogether forget, was exhibited in the attempt to destroy every symbol of the rule of Bonaparte. The Parisians laughed at the littleness which set the upholsterers to work in defacing the N., which was multiplied on the carpets and hangings of the Tuileries ; but they were angry when the white flag took the place of the tricolor. The anger of the bourgeoisie was perhaps of little consequence. They grumbled and sneered at the ordinances of the police, which forbad shops to be opened on Sundays and fete days. "Wine sellers, restaurateurs, and billiard-table keepers, thought that no tyranny could be equal to that of closing their establishments during the hours of divine service. The government was right in its desire that a decent show of respect for religion should take the place of the old license ; yet it was not so easy to change the habits of a generation. The discontent of the idle pleasure-seeking Parisians would not have brought back ^Napoleon, had not oilence been given to a nuichmore powerful and united body. The army felt more acutely than the people the suppression of the tricolor. The men hid their old cockades in their knapsacks ; the officers, when the cockades and the standards were required to be given up, concealed the eagles, or burnt the standards, which they had followed to victory. Thousands of old soldiers were pouring into France, released as prisoners of war, or turned out from the fortresses of provinces once annexed to the empire. The distinctive numbers of the regiments were entirely changed, so that the peculiar glory and heroism of each regiment were lost in the renown of the general mass. The army was reduced with imprudent haste ; officers of the regiments retained by the restored government were put upon half pay, and their places were supplied by young men who had seen no service, or by ancient gentle- men whose only merit was to have emigrated. Numerous luvalides were turned out from their refuge in Paris to exhibit their wounds and proclaim • their wrongs in the provinces. The power which had so long dominated over Prance was not judiciously reduced ; its vanity was outraged by unnecessary afironts. The head of that wondrous military organization which had so long kept Europe in terror was his own master, in an island within two days' sail of the shores of France, unwatched and uncared for, as if he had utterly gone out of the minds of his idolaters. The svmbols of his authoritv had 24 RETROSPECT— THE TREATY OF PARIS PUBLISHED. [1815. disappearea from the palaces and public buildings of France ; but a symbol was invented to indicate that with the return of spring the hero would come back to chase the Bourbons from their throne, and to repair the disasters of the last year of the empire. Little prints of groups of Violets were handed from hand to hand, in which the outline of a well-known face might be traced in the arrangement of the flowers. Pere la Violette was the name by which the expected one was now recognized ; and before the violets were come, this sign had passed from soldier to soldier. As they looked proudly and signi- ficantly around them, and talked mysteriously in spite of the police, men fancied that a crisis was approaching, and that the Bee might once more replace the Lily on robes of state and on chairs of sovereignty. The army might gain in a renewed power to dominate at home and to plunder abroad. But what would the people gain who, in less than a year after they had rejected Napoleon, had begun to sympathize with the desire of the army for his return ? Some of the more sober amongst Erenchmen saw, in spite of the ultra-monarchical tendencies of such as the Comte D'Artois and his faction, an almost certainty that genuine liberty and real prosperity would be established when false glory had lost its charm ; that a spirit of Christian tolerance would take the place of the irreligion which the restored priestcraft had thought to supplant by a bigoted formality. These reasoners did not understand the nation whose restless propensities had been confirmed by fifteen years of aggressive despotism, succeeding ten years of sensitive democracy — a nation most difficult to govern, because " always deceiving its masters, who fear it either too little or too much." * The Treaty of Paris, ratified between France and the Allied Powers on the 30th of May, was published at the same time that the Charter was pro- mulgated. Thiers describes with a touching sensibility the pain produced amongst all classes by a knowledge of the terms of this treaty : " They recognized the cruel hand of the stranger, above all, in the limitation of our frontiers." The maledictions of the nation, he says, "feU chiefly upon England and upon Austria." f It could have been no matter of surprise to any Frenchman of ordinary intelligence that the prolonged resistance of Napoleon to the moderate demands of the Allied Powers, in 1813 and 1814, had ended in the limitation of France to her ancient frontiers. Whilst Bonaparte was at the head of a powerful army, and the event of a conflict on the soD. of France was full of uncertainty, the Allied Powers published their celebrated Declaration of Frankfort of the 1st of December, 1813, in which they said, "The Allied Sovereigns desire that France may be great, powerful, and happy The Powers confirm to the French empire an extent of territory which France under her kings never knew." Lord Aberdeen had concurred with Metternich in approving this declaration. Lord Castlereagh, on the contrary, thought this gratuitous engagement previous to the opening of a negotiation was most inconvenient and blame- able. X In the conferences of Chatillon of March 1814, the final terms proposed to Napoleon as the conditions on which he should be recognized as • De Tocqueville— " Society before the Revolution." + " Ilistoire du Consulat et de I'Empire," tome xviii. p. 192. t Letter from the Hague, Dec. 14. 1815.] THE ESCAPE OF NAPOLEON FROM ELBA. 25 Emperor, were the cession of the whole of the conquests made by Franco since 1792. Napoleon rejected these terms, and was compelled to abdicate. While these negotiations were pending, Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia concluded the " Treaty of Union, Concert, and Subsidy," known as the Treaty of Chaumont, which declared, that if the Trench Government should refuse the conditions contained in proposals for a general peace, the solemn ■engagement thus entered into was intended " to draw closer the ties which unite them, for the vigorous prosecution of a war undertaken for the salutary purpose of putting an end to the miseries of Europe, by re-establishing a just balance of power." The restoration of the ancient dynasty was naturally associated with a return to the ancient territorial limits of France. It was this association that, in addition to other grievances, real or imaginary, made the Bourbons obnoxious to a generation incessantly familiar with conquest, and proportionately stimulated into a belief that France was the inevitable arbitress of the destinies of the world. The duke of Wellington succeeded lord Castlereagh as the British Minister at Vienna, when the labours of the Congress were approaching their termina- tion. The main points were concluded.* There were only some formal acts to be done. The sovereigns and the ministers of the larger states were about to separate, when their departure for their several countries was arrested by the news of the great event of the return of the ex-emperor to France. The position of Napoleon at Elba was that of an independent sovereign. He had many soldiers around him devoted to his interests. He had cruisers by which he could keep up a correspondence with Italy and with France. During the sitting of the Congress, the evident danger arising out of his vicinity to the Continent was constantly present to the minds of some of tlie diplomatists ; although they heard that the monarch of the little island appeared not only resigned to his fate, but interested in the improvement •of his dominions and the prosperity of his people. His occupations of directing new buildings and of planning new roads did not deceive every one ; and there was serious talk of conveying him to some more secure place — some inaccessible island of the Atlantic — where the shadow of the eagle's wing would cease to frighten the timorous birds. The emperor of Russia, however, insisted upon the literal fulfilment of the Treaty of Fontainebleau. It was with him a point of honour to leave Napoleon undisturbed ; to sur- round him with no spies ; to let him feel that he was in no sense of the word a prisoner. Sir Neil Campbell was sent, in April, 1814, by the British government to Elba, with instructions to "pay every proper respect and attention to Napoleon, to whose secure asylum in Elba it is the wish of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent to afford every facility and protection." He was to remain there as long as Napoleon might desire his presence. Sir Neil Campbell lived on the most friendly and familiar terms with the ex- emperor ; occasionally went away to Florence or to Leghorn ; and having no apprehensions of danger, did not consider that he was called upon to exercise any peculiar watchfulness. But in the middle of February his suspicions were excited, and he went to Florence to consult with the Britisli .ambassador there as to the necessity of having some adequate naval force • See Chapter IIL 26 DECLARATION OF THE POWERS ASSEMBLED IN CONGRESS. [1815. about the island. French historians have generally some recondite theory at hand to account for very natural occurrences. M. Capefigue thinks that there was a complicity on the part of England in the return of Napoleon. He believes that England, which had been an absorbing power in Europe- during the imperial epoch, now seeing that Russia was too paramount, con- ceived that she might recover the first rank in a new struggle with Napoleon. The English cruisers therefore shut their eyes during the passage of Bona- parte to the Gulf of St. Juan.* Always, perfide Albion. Upon the 13th of March, " the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris assembled in Congress at Vienna, being informed of the escape of Napoleon Bonaparte, and of his entrance into France with an armed force," published a declaration which at once put an end to all possibility of terminating this issue without a trial of strength more or less severe. The declaration con- tained these emphatic words: — "By thus violating the convention which, had established him in the Island of Elba, Bonaparte destroys the only legal title on which his existence depended ; by appearing again in France with projects of confusion and disorder, he has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and has manifested to the universe that there can be neither truce nor peace with him. The Powers consequently declare, that Napoleon Bonaparte has placed himself without the pale of civil and social relations, and that, as an enemy and a disturber of the tranquillity of the world, he has rendered himself liable to public vengeance." In a despatch of the duke of AVellington of the 12th of March, he writes : " It is my opinion that Bonaparte has acted upon false or no information, and that the king will destroy him without difficulty, and in a short time. If he does not, the affair will be a serious one, and great and immediate effort must be made."t On the 4th of April, Wel- lington had arrived in Brussels to devise measures for the defence of the Netherlands. The "affair" had become "a serious one." Napoleon had marched from Cannes to Grenoble without encountering any opposition in the thinly-populated mountainous regions of Dauphiny. He had been in communication with Labedoyere, who was an officer of the garrison at Grenoble, and this young colonel was ready with the men he commanded to hoist the tricolor. General Marchand, the governor of Grenoble, who was firm in his allegiance to the sovereign of the Eestoration, sent out a detachment to observe the force that was approaching. Napoleon alone advanced to meet them, exclaiming, " I am your Emperor ; fire on me if you wish." The soldiers threw themselves on their knees, and amidst shouts of " Vive V Empereur" joined his ranks. Labedoyere and his men swelled the number, and Napoleon entered Grenoble amidst the cheers of the soldiery and the citizens. On the 12th of March he was at Lyon. From this city- he issued decrees which assumed that he was already in possession of the supreme authority. By these the Chambers of Peers and Deputies were dissolved ; the returned emigrants were banished ; titles of honour, except for national services, were abolished ; and emigrant officers who had received commissions from the restored government were struck off the list of the army. • " Lf 8 Cent Jours," tome i. p. 123. t "Despatches," vol. xii. p. 268, 1816.^ ADVANCE OF NAPOLEON— HIS ARRIVAL AT PARIS. 27 On the 11th of March, INIarslial Xey, who on the 7th had taken leave of the king with the assurance that he would bring back Bonaparte in an iron cage, publiahed a proclamation to the army at Auxerre, which thus begins : — " Officers and Soldiers, the cause of the Bourbons is irrevocably lost : the legitimate dynasty which the French nation has adopted is about again to mount the throne." It was in vain that in the two Chambers at Paris Napoleon was denounced as a public enemy, and that the benefits of a charter under a constitutional monarch were set forth in contrast with the principles of a military despot. The troops could no longer be relied upon. On the 19th of March the king, by proclamation, dissolved the Chambers. On the 20th, after midnight, Louis and the royal family left the Tuileries. On the 25th, his Court was established at Ghent. jN'apoleon was at Fontainebleau on the 19th. On the 21st he slept in the palace of the Tuileries, having been borne up the grand staircase by an enthusiastic crowd, and welcomed in the familiar saloons by ladies of his old court, who showered upon him bouquets of violets. The wives and daughters of his marshals and generals had been neglected or openly affronted by those who had come to the levies of the restored monarch with an imprudent contempt of a revolutionary aristocracy : the ladies of the imperial court had now their revenge. On the 6th of April, the Prince Eegent sent a message to the two houses of Parliament, that the events which had recently occurred in France had induced his royal highness to give directions for the augmentation of the land and sea forces. It was also announced that the Prince Eegent had lost no time in " entering into communication with the Allied Powers for the purpose of forming such a concert as might most effectually provide for the general and permanent security of Europe." The Treaty of Vienna of the 23rd of March had bound the Allied Powers to make war together upon Napoleon, and to conclude no separate peaca with him. The resistance in the British Parliament to the determination to engage in this war was verv feeble. In the debate on the Address for arming and acting in concert with our Allies, INIr. Whitbread moved an amendment, to implore the Eegent to use his utmost endeavours to preserve peace. It was rejected by a majoritv of 220 against 37. A second motion for an Address, praying the Crown not to involve the country in a war upon the ground of excluding a particular person from the government of France, was rejected by a majority of 273 against 72. The enormous sums demanded by the government were voted almost without inquiry. "When a budget was brought forward on the 14th of June, which included a total charge of eighty-one millions, of which thirty-six millions were a loan, there were "not more than seventy persons present in the house, though late in the evening." * Napoleon, on the 30th of April, had issued a decree convoking the Elec- toral Colleges for the nomination of Deputies to the Chamber of Eepresen- tatives. The greater number of the people abstained from voting. It was necessary to do something striking, and Napoleon determined to revive the old revolutionary fete of the Champ de Mai. It was in this assembly of twc hundred thousand of both sexes that he announced that the wishes of the nation having brought liim back to the throne, his whole thoughts were * Lord Colchester's "Diary," vol. ii. p. .546. 38 BRITISH PARLIAMENT DECLARES FOR WAR. [1815. turned to the " founding our liberty on a Constitution resting on the wishes and interests of the people." This Constitution was called " Acte additionel aux Constitutions de I'Empire." It was a very literal copy of the Charter of Louis XVIII., and had been forced upon the emperor by a party who believed that a limited monarchy, with representative institutions, might be a suc- cessful experiment whether under a Bourbon or a Bonaparte. Napoleon had addressed letters to the European potentates, professing his moderate and peaceful intentions. No faith could be placed in his professions, and his letters were unanswered. There could only be one solution of the question between Napoleon and the Allied Powers. In the Champ de Mai he exclaimed, " The princes who resist all popular rights are determined on war. Tor war we must prepare." The Chambers commenced their functions, not in the old spirit of the Empire, but as if they were really trusted with power, as portions of that Constitution to which the emperor had' sworn in the Champ de Mai. His real security depended little upon the state of public opinion and upon the subservience of the legislature, but upon the efficiency with which he could reorganize his army. Devoting all his energies to this task, he was very soon prepared with a bold plan of operation. He would not wait for the attacks of his enemies, but would pass the French frontiers, and engage with some portions of the allied armies before they could iinite. On the 11th of June, having appointed a Provisional Government to act in concert with the Chambers, he left Paris in the evening. On the 13th he was at Avesnes. On the 15th he had crossed the frontier, and was at the head of 122,000 men, at Charleroi in the Netherlands. Most of the garrisons of the Netherlands had been strengthened by the vigilance of the duke of Wellington ; Charleroi was amongst the weakest. In addition to the general belief that Napoleon would remain on the defensive, the uncertainty as to the line of operations which he would choose if he determined on the offensive by an invasion of the Low Countries, forbade a concentration of force upon any one of the assailable points of the frontier. It was open to Napoleon to attack the Prussians by the Meuse ; to enter by Mons, to drive back Wellington upon Antwerp ; or to advance by the Sambre, upon the point of junction of the two armies. The four Prussian corps of Blucher were at Charleroi, at Namur, at Dinant, and at Liege. The army of Wellington, consisting of British, Netherlanders, and Hanoverians, was dis- tributed in cantonments, a reserve occupying the environs of Brussels, where the duke had established his head-quarters. The troops under his command, however separated, could easily unite, and they had the most precise directions bow to act in the case of the French passing the frontier. The statement that Wellington had received false information from Eouch^ upon Napoleon's movements, and was therefore surprised when Napoleon was upon the Sambre, is thus contradicted by the duke's intimate friend, lord Ellesmere : " I can assert on the duke's personal authority, and on that of others in his con- iidence at head-quarters, that the duke neither acted on nor received any such intelligence as that supposed, from Eouch^ or any one else : that he acted on reports received from his own outposts and those of his allies, the Prussians, and on these alone." The surprise is supposed to be confirmed by the fact tliat Wellington attended a ball at Brussels after hostilities had begun. Upon this, lord Ellesmere says, " it is only necessary to state that 1815.] NAPOLEON AT CHARLEROI— WELLINGTON'S POSITION. 29 Napoleon's advance was known to the duke long before the period fixed for that festivity ; that the question whether it should be allowed to proceed had been fully discussed and decided in the affirmative. It was held that a recall of the invitations would create premature alarm among the population of Brussels, and premature encouragement to a pretty numerous party in its walls disaffected to the cause of the Allies." Tlie Despatches of Wellington sufficiently prove that he was perfectly aware of the advance of Napoleon when he went to the ball. At half-past nine on the evening of the loth, he wrote to the duke de Berri, that the enemy attacked the Prussian posts at Thuin that morning, and appeared to threaten Charleroi. " I have ordered our troops to prepare to march at break of day." The duke had issued the most precise directions for the several positions which the whole of his army were to take up tliat night ; every separate direction concluding with the emphatic words, " to be in readiness to move at a moment's notice." * For the troops, who were immediately under his eye, the order was " to be in readiness to march from Brussels at a moment's notice :" that moment arrived even before the break of day. The duke quietly supped with the gay assembly at the duchess of Eich- mond's ; he and his generals gradually retired ; the drums beat the alarm ; the bugle-call gave the signal for " mounting in hot haste; " the bagpipes sum- moned the Highlanders ; the artillery was rumbling through the streets ; the measured tread of infantry, and the sharp rattle of cavalry, were heard in every quarter of the old town. The whole scene was changed from revelry to war before the "last light had fled" from that "banquet-hall." The reserve at Brussels were all on the march through the forest of Soignies, on the road to Quatre Bras, in the morning twilight. The duke of Brunswick had gone forth, heading his gallant countrymen in their sombre livery of grief for his father's death at Jena. The prince of Orange had marched to the front the moment he left the ball-room. The duke of Wellington was soon up w.ith his men, who cheered him as he passed. He well knew the ground where his great struggle was to be made. He could calculate with exactness the moment when the divisions would join him upon the road towards the enemy. There was an interval only of a few hours before the march from Brussels, and the gathering of other divisions on the roads which led to Quatre Bras, were succeeded by a battle. The Prussians, under general Ziethen, who had been driven from Charleroi on the 15th, had retired upon Fleurus. Marshal BlUcher had concentrated the Prussian army upon Sombref, with the villages of St. Amand and Ligny in front of his position. If Wellington is con- sidered by some to have been tardy in concentrating his troops in the neigh- bourhood of the Sambre, Napoleon is equally liable to reproach in having believed that Bliicher was concentrating his troops about Namur, and in having neglected to attack the separate corps early in the morning of the 16th, before they had nearly all united. Bulow's corps, however, had not come up to join Bliicher, when Napoleon attacked him in front, expecting that Ney would also have attacked him in the rear. The movement of Ney was interferred with by the timely arrival of Sir Thomas Picton's division at Quatre Bras, in company with the Bruuswickers and the contingent of • "Despatches," vol. xiL p. 472. 30 ENGLISH ARMY MARCHES— LIGNY—QUATRE BRAS. [1815. Nassau. "Wellington had himself ridden to Sombref, and had conferred with Bliicher before the battle known as that of Ligny had begun. He had returned to Quatre Bras by four o'clock, and then took the command of his own army. The battle between the French and the Prussians lasted for three or four hours. Although BlUcher maintained his position, he was so weakened by the severity of the contest, that he marched in the night and concentrated his army upon AVavre. The Britii^h also maintained their position, " and completely defeated and repulsed," says the duke, " all the enemy's attempts to get possession of it." Our loss was severe, amounting in killed, wounded, and missing, to more than 2,500 men. The duke was very composed after this first trial of strength. The Spanish general, Alava, saw at the close of that day his old companion in the Peninsular war sitting by the road-side ; and to his surprise was asked, " "Were you at Lady 's party last night ?"* The movement of Bliicher rendered a correspondent movement necessary upon the part of Wellington. At ten o'clock on the morning of the 17th he retired from Quatre Bras upon "Waterloo, a distance of about seven miles. Between AVaterloo and Wavre was a distance of about ten miles, through a country of difficult defiles. On the 17th the French made no attempt to pursue Bliicher. A large body of French cavalry followed the English cavalry under lord TJxbridge ; and at Genappe they were charged by the first Life Guards. In the course of the day Napoleon moved forward his army upon the same road over which "Wellington had marched earlier in the morning. "Wellington had taken up his position in advance of the village of "Waterloo, near Mont St. Jean, where the high roads from Charleroi and Nivelles crossed. On the night of the 17th, and early in the morning of the 18th, Napoleon collected his whole army, with the exception of a corps which had been sent under Grouchy to observe Bliicher, on a range of heights in front of the British position. The battle field of "Waterloo has been described again and again by observers capable of impressing us by the spirit or the accuracy of their pictures. The poet, the historian, and the tactician, have made every point in some degree familiar to us. Byron says, " T went on horseback twice over the field, comparing it with my recollection of similar scenes. Asa plain, AVaterloo seems marked out for the scene of some great action, though this may be mere imagination. I have viewed with attention those of Platea, Troy, Mantinea, Leuctra, Chaeronea, and Marathon ; and the field around Mount St. Jean and Hougoumont appears to want little but a better cause, and that undefinable but impressive halo which the lapse of ages throws around a celebrated spot, to vie in interest with any or all of these, except, perhaps, the last mentioned." f Before Byron had gone over the field, it had been called " this modern Marathon." J During the lapse of nearly half a century, it is not the " undefinable but impressive halo which the lapse of ages throws around a celebrated spot," wliich has made this ground such an object of curiosity to English visitors of the continent. Neither are there ■many who think that its interest requires "a better cause." So many of * Lord Ellesmcre — " Life of Wellin/^ton." t Notes to "Childo Harold," canto iii. ^ Lord Dudley's "Letters," p. If 2. I i 1815.] THE FIELD OF WATERLOO. Gl our countrymen have traversed this battle field, and have thus acquired a knowledge which no description can convey, that we shall only attempt briefly to indicate a few of its peculiar aspects in connection with a very general narrative of the leading events of the great day of the 18th of June.* On the groimd which we call the field of Waterloo (although the battle was fought about a mile and a half in advance of that village), Wellington had taken up his position, with a certain knowledge, derived from several previous examinations, of its capabilities for defence. " He used to describe the line of ground between the farm of La Haye Saiute and Hougoumont as resembling the curtain of a bastion, with these two positions for its angles. "f The first care of the duke was to occupy with sufficient force these two angles, Hougoumont, near the Nivelles road, in front of the right centre, and La Haye Sainte, close to the Genappe road, in front of the left centre. The Tight of his position was thrown back to a ravine near Braine Merbes, which was occupied ; and its left extended to the chateau of Frichermont, situated on a height above the hamlet of La Haye. The undulating plain upon which the army of English, Belgians, and Germans looked from the ridge on Avhich they stood on the evening of the 17th was covered with crops of grain, of potatoes, and of clover. It had rained incessantly through the day ; as night advanced the torrents of rain were accompanied with thunder and lightning. The troops had to bivouack upon the wet crops, whilst the generals and their staff obtained shelter in the adjacent villages. Wellington had his head-quarters in a house opposite the church at Waterloo. At three o'clock in the morning of the 18th he was writing to sir Charles Stuart at Brussels, with a calm confidence in the result of the almost inevitable struggle of that day. " The Prussians will be ready again in the morning for anything. Pray keep the English quiet if you can. Let them all prepare to move, but neither be in a hurry or a fright, as all will yet turn out well." At the same hour he wrote a long letter in French to the duke de Berri, in which he says, " I hope, and moreover I have every reason to believe, that all will go well." At the time of writing this letter, only a portion of the French army had taken up their ground on the opposite side of the valley, ■and he thought it possible that the main attack might be made at Hal, on the great road from Mons to Brussels. He had there stationed 7000 men, in addition to a large number of troops under the command of the Prince of Orange. The possible success of the enemy there, appeared to him " the only risk we run." J His army was a little superior in number to that of Napoleon, but it was inferior in artillery. There was however a far greater disparity. AYellington commanded an army of various nations, who had never before fought together ; and even some of his British troops were new levies. In the summer of 1814, a large number of his famous Peninsular soldiers had been sent to America. Napoleon, on the contrary, had an army which he could wield with the most perfect assurance of unity of action, * The author visited the field in May, 1861, in company with his friend, Mr. W. Harvey, who then made the two sketches of Hougoumont which illustrate this chapter. + Lord EUesmere. J "Despatches," vol. xii. pp. 476, 477- 32 POSITION OF THE TWO ARMIES. [1815. composed in great part of veterans who had returned to France at the peace. "When Napoleon saw the English in position before the forest of Soignies, he exclaimed, " At last I have them ; nine chances to ten are in my favour." He was of opinion, in which his generals agreed with him, that it was con- trary to the most simple rules of the art of war for Wellington to remain in the position which he occupied ; that having behind him the defiles of the forest of Soignies, if he were beaten all retreat would be impossible. Extensive and compact as that forest was, Wellington knew that there were many roads through it, all converging upon Brussels, most of which were practicable for cavalry and for artillery, as well as for infantry. " The duke," says Lord EUesmere, " was of opinion that his troops could have retired perfectly well through the wood of Soignies, which, like other beech woods, is open at bottom ; and he was still further satisfied that, if driven from the open field of Waterloo, he could have held the wood against all comers till joined by the Prussians, upon whose co-operation he throughout depended and relied." The greater number of military authorities agree that the position of Mont St. Jean was well chosen, and suitably occupied. * General Jomini has described as one of the advantages of the position of Wellington, that all the movements of the French could be geen from it. There was a drizzling rain on the morning of the 18th; but occasionally- the sun broke through the clouds, and displayed the French columns deploying to take up their ground. Amidst the inspiriting airs of the numerous bands which in the French armies were always ready to encourage the spirits of the soldier, three lines were formed, of infantry and cuirassiers and lancers, with the artillery on the crest of the ridge. To the French the British army offered no such magnificent spectacle, the greater number being concealed by the undulations of the ridge on which they stood. They had taken their ground silently in two lines, with the artillery in front, and the cavalry in the rear. They stood noiselessly, except when one loud hurra was raised as the duke rode along the lines between nine and ten o'clock. Large detachments were in the inclosures of Hougoumont and La Haye Sainte. The bells of the neighbouring churches were summoning to worship on that Sabbath morn when 150,000 men were thus preparing to destroy each other. The clock of Nivelles struck eleven as the first cannon was fired from the French centre. On the left of their line the quick fire of musketry was soon heard from the column advancing to attack Hougoumont. This property (the Chateau- Goumont — corrupted into Hougoumont) was a comfortable residence of a Flemish yeoman, with farm buildings, and a garden extensive enough to be misnamed an orchard, which was inclosed by a wall on the east and south sides. This inclosure of about two acres was laid out in straight walks and planted with well trimmed trees. The formal garden is now laid down to grass. The ruins of the chateaii, which was burnt, with the exception of a chapel attached to it, have been cleared away. A humble dwelling, formerly the gardener's house, now stands amidst some sheds and other rough buildings, the inclosed space being entered by a pair of wooden gates, closing up the passage to the yard. There is not much here to see, if • Brialmont — " Histoirc dc Wellbgton," tome li. pp. 412, 413. f815.] THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO. S3 •we look cursorily upon this dilapidated residence. If vre examine it carefully there is abundant evidence of the nature of the struggle which here took place during seven or eight hours of that eventful day. The loop-holed walls show where the defenders of Hougoumont fired upon the attacking enemy ; the dints of the assailing shot are still visible on many a brick. One portion of the gate, too injured for repair, is now hung up as a memorial. It is scarcely an exaggeration to say, " This Belgian yeoman's garden wall was the safeguard of Europe, and the destiny of mankind perhaps turned upon the possession of his house."* Sis thousand French, under the command of Jerome Bonaparte, commenced their attack upon the English light troops which were in the wood around the chateau. This wood was defended with an obstinacy which was attested by the bullet marks upon every tree. The wood was, however, carried by the French, and the light troops had now to defend the walls of the garden and the gates of the yard. Hougoumont — Exterior of Garden Wall. Some preparation had been made for this in the loopholes which had been knocked out, and by scaffolding from which the defenders could fire. This deadly contest was prolonged without any result till two o'clock, when Napoleon ordered that a battery of howitzers should play upon the building. It was soon in flames, but there was no relaxation in the resolute defence of the farm-yard by the 1st and 2nd Foot-Guards. By a vehement rush the French had burst open the gates ; but they were finally closed by a prodigious Lord Dudleys "Letters," p. 134. VOL. VIII.— 227. 34 THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO. [1815. exertion of personal strength, in which colonel Macdonnell was amongst the most efficient of the stalwart heroes. The prolonged defence of Hougoumont had a decided influence in deranging the plans of Napoleon. " The general opinion was, that after having taken the post of Hougoumont, he would then render himself master of La Haye Sainte, and afterwards decide the battle by a violent attack of his reserve upon the enemy's centre."* The difilculties attending the attempt to give an intelligible description of a great battle, such as that of Waterloo, have been well set forth by "Wellington himself. He had been applied to by one whom he evidently held in great respect — probably AV alter Scott — to give him information as to particular events and instances of personal heroism, for the purpose of a connected narrative description. "The object which you propose to yourself is very difficult of attainment, and, if really attained, is not a little invidious. The history of a battle is not unlike the history of a ball. Some individuals may recollect all the little events of which tlie great result is the battle won or lost ; but no individual can recollect the order in which, or the exact moment at which, tliey occurred, which makes all the difference as to their- value or importance. "t Wellington's own official description of the progress of the contest is in the most general terms. He says that the attack upon the right of our centre (Hougoumont) was accompanied by a very heavy cannonade upon our whole line. Eepeated attacks of cavalry and infantry, either mixed or separate, were made upon us. In one of these the enemy carried the farm-house of La Haye Sainte. The enemy repeatedly charged our infantry with his cavalry, but these attacks were uniformlj^ unsuccessful. They were repeated till about seven in the evening, when a desperate effort to force our left centre was defeated. Having observed that the French retired from this attack in great confusion ; that the arrival of general Bulow's corps had begun to take effect ; and that marshal Bliicher had joiued in person with the corps of hie army, he (Wellington) determined to attack the enemy, and immediately advanced the whole line of infantry, supported by the cavalry and artillery. The attack succeeded in every point. These official generalities have far less interest than some of the familiar and pithy sentences addressed by the duke to personal friends. To lord Beresford he writes, on the 2nd of July, " fou will have heard of our battle of the 18th, Xever did I see such a pounding match. Both were what the boxers call gluttons. Napoleon did not manoeuvre at all. He just moved forward in the old style, in columns, and was driven off in the old style. The only difference was, that he mixed cavalry with his infantry, and supported both with an enormous quantity of artillery. I had the infantry for some time in squares, and we had the French cavalry walking about us as if they had been our own. I never saw the British infantry behave so well." J It has been truly said, " there is nothing in the history of battles more sublime than the generalship which could order, and the patient valour tliat could sustain, such a method of figliting as thi3."§ Tlie desperate attempts to pierce our line were defeated * Brialmont (quoting French authorities), tome ii. p. 415. + " Despatch fs," vol. xii. p. 590. X "Despatches," vol. xii. p. 52S), § Miss Martineau — " Introduction to the History of the Peace," p. cccxcv. I 1815.] THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO. 35 by that unequalled firmness of the British infantry which, it is reported, led Soult to say to the emperor, " Sire, I know these English ; they will die on the ground before they will leave it." This devoted endurance during seven or eight of the most tryinof hours was sustained throughout by the presence of the duke at every point of danger, and by his constant care to spare his troops as much as possible, by repressing the natural anxiety of men in battle to be actively employed. The character of a part of the ridge upon which the British line was placed has been materially altered, by removing the earth for a considerable distance to form the materials for an enormous mound, on the top of which is the Belgian lion. Behind this natural parapet the duke had placed several regiments, the men lying down concealed from the French, who were ad- vancing to attack. " Up, Guards, and at them ! " were the words that in a moment presented a wall of bayonets to the confident French. For four or five hours the British commander had to endure the agony of disappointed expectation. He had counted upon being joined by Bliicher about one in the afternoon, according to a message which he had received when the battle had begun. Two o'clock, — three o'clock, — four o'clock, — five o'clock, — six o'clock, — came, but no sign of the expected aid on his left : there was nothing for it but to endure. General Picton had been killed before the battle was half over. When Wellington was told that of Picton's division of 7000 men only 1300 remained, he replied, " They must stand in their place till the last man," and they did stand. A general officer asked that his brigade, reduced to a third, should be relieved. " It is impossible," said the duke, " he and I, and all of us, are called upon to die in the place which we occupy at this moment." Surrounded by his men in a square charged by the French cavalry, he exclaimed, " Stand fast, 95th ! we must not be beaten, my friends. What would they say of us in England ? " This stoical fortitude it was difficult for him always to sustain. Looking upon the carnage around him, he said, " There are yet some hours left for cutting- these brave fellows in pieces : please God that the night or the Prussians would arrive before that is eff'ected ! " The official despatch of Wellington contained these words : " I should not do justice to my own feelings, or to marshal Bliicher and the Prussian army, if I did not attribute the successful result of this arduous day to the cordial and timely assistance I received from them." Bliicher had arrived precisely at the time when his co-operation in another part of the field was a warranty for the success of the attack by Wellington which produced the final result. Brialmont cites these words as an example of the perfect equity and noble disinterestedness of which the duke had given so many proofs ; but he protests against the injustice by which some historians have attempted to rest upon this avowal an opinion that to Bliicher is to be attributed the honour of the victory. When the corps of Bulow, Brialmont says, arrived, the position of Wellington was serious, but it was not desperate. If Bliicher had not debouched upon the left of the position, fortune might have declared against the Allies. If the Prussians arrived in the nick of time, and decided the victory, that was owing rather to Wellington than to the initiative of their own general. It is impossible to refuse to Wellington the title of the conqueror at Waterloo, for it was he who settled the joint measures for the 86 ' THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO. [1815. day of the 18th ; who chose, and who occupied, the field of battle ; who directed during seven hours the whole of the operations ; and who ordered the decisive attack at the moment when the Prussians, according to their promises, debouched on the right of the enemy.* At six o'clock in the evening there was no point at which the allied army had yielded, or which had not been recovered from the possession of the French, It was seven o'clock when the emperor made his great attack upon our left centre. It was at this moment that the issue of the conflict was doubtful. The duke, however, rapidly collected his men from aU points, to meet this apparently overwhelming force. An observer of the scene says, " To the most dinning and continual roar of cannon and musketry I have ever known, there succeeded a sudden pause and silence. It was but momentary, — they had turned, and now fled, pursued by our troops." f The Prussians had outflanked the movements of the reserve corps acting against them, and were now pressing on the main body of Napoleon's army. It was then that he was convinced of the worthlessness of the fatal delusion in which he had indulged throughout the day, — that Grouchy, with his thirty thousand men was at hand, and that the Prussians could not come up before he had beaten " that Wellington." The rout and panic of the French became universal. Por a moment Napoleon hoped to arrest this flight by forming a square of the last regiment of his Guards, and by raising a battery with some dismounted cannon. A ball from this battery carried off the leg of lord TJxbridge. In the obscurity of the twilight the fugitives saw not this rallying point, and hurried on, a disorganized and helpless crowd. In the last square formed by the Guard, Napoleon was about to throw himself, there in all likelihood to die. Soult turned Napoleon's horse, exclaiming, "Ah, Sire! our enemies are already too fortunate." The emperor fled with the mass. The square, however, held firm, to allow time for their leader to escape. Cambronne and other officers remained in the square. " Surrender !" was the cry of their assailants. Cambronne threw himself into the ranks of his enemies, and perished. One last cry of " Vive V Empereur^^ was heard amidst the smoke and clash of arms. " Nothing more is heard ; the Guard is dead, the Empire is finished."! At nine o'clock, Wellington and Bliicher met near La Belle Alliance, which was in the centre of the Prench position. The Prussian general Gneisenau pursued the flying French, to whom all chance of rallying was impossible. Wellington joined in the pursuit, but the fatigue of his men compelled him to stop between Eossomme and Genappe. It was at Genappe that the carriage of the emperor was taken, to form a show in London. During the pursuit AVellington rode with the advanced guard. Colonel Hervey, who was with him, advised him to desist, as the country was growing less open, and he might be fired at by some stragglers from behind the hedges. " Let them fire away," he replied, " the battle is won, and my life is of no value «ow." § Under the brilliant moon which succeeded the lowering day, Wellington rode across the battle-field to his quarters at * "Histoire tie Wellington,'" tome ii. pp. 440 — 445. t Letter from sir Kobert Gardiner, in "Ward's Memoirs," vol. i, p. 493, :;: Brialmont, tome ii. p. 429. § Lord Dudley's "Letters," p. 134. 1815.] THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO. 37 "Waterloo. As the heaps of dying and dead lay around him, the emotions must haye rushed upon him which he so beautifully expressed the next day, in a letter to the duke of Beaufort : " The losses I have sustained have quite broken me down, and I have no feeling for the advantages we have acquired." To the earl of Aberdeen, in a letter dated the same day, he said, " I cannot express to you the regret and sorrow with which I look around me, and contemplate the loss which I have sustained, particularly in your brother. The glory resulting from such actions, so dearly bought, is no consolation to me." * The total loss of both armies in this tremendous battle is thus stated : — British and Hanoverians, 11,678; Netherlanders, 3,547; troops of Bruns- wick, 1000; of Nassau, 1000; Prussians, 7454. Total, 24,679. Of the IFrench army, 18,500 were killed or wounded, and 7800 made prisoners.t * "Despatches," vol. xii. pp. 488, 489. + Biialmont, tome ii. p. 431. 429998 ''~iff:^^£Bi JCoatmartre and St. Denis ; Paris in the distance. CHAPTER III. Napoleon's return tc Paris — His abdication— On board the Bellerophon, at Plymouth — Sails for St. Helena — Specimens of the truth of History — The Allies take possession of Paris — Return of Louis XVIII. — Definitive Treaty with France — Settlement of Europe previously arranged by the Congress at Vienna — Holy Alliance — Treaty for the Abolition of the Slave Trade— Execution of Labedoyere — Escape of Lavalette — Execution of Ney — The Battle of Algiers. Aftee the fotal night of the 18th of June, Napoleon had travelled with all haste to Paris, where he arrived at four o'clock on the morning of the 21st. The Chamber of llepresentatives met at noon on that day, and declared its sitting permanent. Its manifest intention was to assume the executive power, and to compel Napoleon to abdicate. Lucien Bonaparte appeared at the bar of the Chamber to urge the claims of his brother upon the gratitude of Erance. Lafayette replied, that " during the last ten years three millions of Frenchmen had perished for a man who would still struggle against all Europe. "We have done enough for him. Now our duty is to save our country." During the 22nd Napoleon was xirged to abdicate. He resisted for some time, exclaiming, " The Chamber is composed of nothing but Jacobins and ambitious men. I ought to have driven them away." He yielded at last, and dictated his abdication in favour of his son Napoleon II. ; and in this document, in which he said "My political life is ended," he invited the Chambers to organize a Regency. The Chambers sent a deputation to thank Napoleon for the sacrifice which he had made to the independence and happi- ness of the French nation ; but he replied that he had only abdicated in favour of his sou, and that if the Chambers did not proclaim him, his own abdication would be null. Instead of appointing a Council of Eegency, it was deter- mined by the Chambers that the government should be put into the hands of a Commission of five members. This was indirectly to set aside Napoleon the Second. The provisional government required that Napoleon should leave France, and embark at Rochefort for the United States. He demanded that the government should give him two frigates for his passage there. The frigates were placed at his disposal, and their commanders were ordered to set sail within twenty-four hours after he was on board, if the English cruisers were not in the way. Bonaparte arrived at Rochefort on the 3rd of July. 1815.] NAPOLEON AT PLYMOUTH— ST. HELENA. 39 Finding that he had no chance of escaping by sea, he sent Las Cases and Savary to captain Maitlaud, who commanded the Bellerophou, to ask for leave to proceed to America, either in a French or a neutral vessel. The reply of captain Maitland was, that his instructions forbad this ; but that if Napoleon chose to proceed to England, he would take him there, without entering into any promise as to the reception he might meet with. In the house of a gentleman at Plymouth we have looked with no common interest upon a portrait of Napoleon Bonaparte, painted under very extraor- dinary circumstances. At the end of July, 1815, the British ship of war Bel- lerophou is at anchor in Plymouth harbour. On board is the ex-emperor of the French, who, on the 13th of July, had addressed a letter to the Prince Eegent from Eochefort, in which he said, " I come, like Themistocles, to throw myself upon the hospitality of the British nation " {ni'asseoir sur les foyers). The Bellerophon, with Napoleon and his suite, had sailed from Eochefort on the 14th of July. Whilst the British government was in a state of indecision as to the final disposal of its fallen enemy, he was not permitted to land, nor was any person from the shore allowed to enter the vessel. But round the Bellerophon numerous boats, filled with curious observers, were perpetually rowing, and to these gazers Bonaparte seemed rather disposed to show himself than to remain in the privacy of his cabin, Tlie opportunity of making a portrait of this remarkable man was not lost upon a young artist, a native of Plymouth. Charles Eastlake, now President of the Eoyal Academy, was sketching that stout figure and superb head from one of the boats surrounding the sliip of war ; and when Napoleon perceived the object of the artist, he would stop his walk upon the deck, so as to afi"ord him the opportunity of proceeding successfully with his work. The Bellerophon remained a fortnight in Plymouth Eoads, and then Napoleon was removed to the Northumberland, which sailed for St. Helena. On the 31st of July, lord Keith, with sir Henry Bunbury, the Under- Secretary of State, had announced to Napoleon the resolution of the British government, that the island of St. Helena should be his future residence. He protested that he was not a prisoner of war, although he subsequently acknowledged that he had made no conditions on coming on board the Belle- rophon. The question as to the status of the ex-emperor under the law of nations gave rise to very grave discussions amongst English jurists. Lord Campbell says, " I think lord Eldon took a much more sensible view of the subject than any of them — which was, ' that the case was not provided for by anything to be found in Grotius or Vattel ; but that the law of self-preserva- tion would justify the keeping of him under restraint in some distant region, where he should be treated with all indulgence compatible with a due regard for the peace of mankind.' " * The probability is, that if Napoleon had fallen into the hands of the Prussians, who were near Paris on the 29th of June, the question of his fate would have been disposed of in a much more sum- mary way than could arise out of any discussion upon the law of nations. On the 28th of June, Wellington wrote to sir Charles Stuart, " General has been here this day, to negotiate for Napoleon's passing to America, to which proposition I have answered that I have no authority. The Prus- * " Lives of tlie Chancellors," cliap. ccii. 40 SPECIMENS OF THE TRUTH OF HISTORY. [1815* sians tliiuk the Jacobins wish to give him over to me, believing that I will save his life. [Bliicher] wishes to kill him ; but I have told him that I shall remonstrate, and shall insist upon his being disposed of by common accord. I have likewise said, that, as a private friend, I advised him to have nothing to do with so foul a transaction ; that he and I had acted too distin- guished parts in these transactions to become executioners ; and that I was- determined that, if the sovereigns wished to put him to death, they should appoint an executioner, which should not be me."* The Prussian general Muffling states in his "Memoirs," that having been appointed to obtain the concurrence of Wellington in the design of Bliicher that Napoleon should be shot in the place where the duke d'Enghien had been killed, Wellington had replied — " Such an act would disgrace our names in history, and posterity would say of us, ' they were not worthy to have been the conquerors of Napoleon.' " The prisoner of St. Helena repaid this conduct by bequeathing ten thousand francs to the man who had attempted to assassinate Wellington^ during his residence in Paris as the commander of the Army of Occupation. Prench historians have attempted to justify this odious testamentary ex- pression of Napoleon's hatred of his victor, by attributing to Wellington that he instigated the banishment to St. Helena. It is now known that, as early as May 1814, the plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Vienna decided, in a secret conference, that if Napoleon should escape from Elba, and should fall into the power of the Allies, a safer residence should be assigned him, at St. Helena or at St. Lucia. The assumption that the Sovereigns wished to put Napoleon to death was the interpretation which, in the excitement of that time, many persons attached to the declaration of the Allied Powers of the 13th of March, that he had placed himself without the pale of civil and social relations ; adding^ "as an enemy and a disturber of the tranquillity of the world, he has rendered himself liable to public vengeance." Lord Eldon, referring to this declaration, says that the Allies have " considered him as out of the pale of the law of nations, as the Hostis humani generis, as an outlaw (without knowing very well what they mean by that word), as a robber and freebooter, who might be put out of the world." f M. Thiers, in a spirit very different from that of the impartial historian, argues, with regard to the words of the 13th of March, that " the obvious conclusion is, that whoever could seize Bonaparte ought immediately to shoot him, and would be considered a& having rendered to Europe a signal service." % The declaration of the Allies was signed by the plenipotentiaries of eight powers, who had been parties to the Treaty of Paris of the previous year. Talleyrand and three others signed on the part of Prance ; Wellington and three others on the part of Great Britain. When Wellington insisted, against the opinion of Bliicher, that Bonaparte should " be disposed of by common accord," he rightly interpreted the words of the declaration of the 13th of March : — ** coinme ennemi et perturbateur du repos du monde, il s'est livre a la vindicte publique.'''' It is established by the papers of Talleyrand that the • Wellington's "Despatches," vol. xii. p. 516. + "Life of Eldon," (Letter to Sir William Scott), vol. ii. p. 279. t " Histoire du Consulat et de rEinjiire, tome xix. p. 275. 1S61. 1815.] THE ALLIES ENTER PARIS— TREATY WITH FRANCE. 41. precise words of the declaration were proposed by Talleyrand himself. Yet M. Thiers attributes to Wellington that he was the instigator, upon his own responsibility, of the measures which the Allies took in this crisis, including, of course, this declaration against jS'apoleon. This eminent writer, in a mistaken view which we are iinwilling to characterize by any harsher name, further represents the duke of Wellington as plunging the British nation into a war without the authority of his government, for the grati- fication of his own personal ambition. Lord Wellington, he says, who had replaced lord Castlereagh, relying upon his great services and his popularity in England, hesitated not to take his resolution. Although he had received no instructions, he judged that it was worth while to renew the war, to maintain the state of things that England was about to establish in Europe. " He had a confused hope of increasing his own glory in this new war ; and he was not afraid of involving his government, convinced that no one would dare to disavow him in England, whatever might be thought of his conduct." * One of the duke's objects in going to Belgium in April, says M. Thiers, was- that he might be nearer London, " to uphold the courage of his own govern- ment, and to compel it to ratify the engagements which he had made without being authorized."t The English Cabinet, he concludes, if it had been pre- sent at Vienna, would not have engaged in the war as easily as the duke of Wellington, for they were aware that public opinion was opposed to it. The opinions thus expressed by M. Thiers, that the war against Napoleon was urged on by the personal ambition of the duke of Wellington, that the British government was reluctant to engage in it, and that the British people were decidedly opposed to it, are quite upon a par with the belief of the same historian, that Bonaparte had returned from Elba entirely changed, — a lover of peace, an upholder of liberty, a friend to the free expression of opinion, a ruler who would vindicate the choice of the people by equity and moderation. Of his good faith no one ought to have doubted. " He gave to the world, after so many spectacles of such instructive grandeur, a last spectacle, more profoundly moral and more profoundly tragic than any which had gone before ; genius, vainly, though sincerely, repentant." J When statements and opinions such as these are boldly put forward, we may give their author the benefit of that charitable scepticism which thinks that " the Historian,, affirming many things, can, in the cloudy knowledge of mankind, hardly escape from many lies."§ On the 7th of July the English and Prussian armies entered Paris, and took military possession of all the principal points, under a convention signed on the 3rd of July, by which the Erench army was to evacuate Paris and to retreat beyond the Loire. Louis the Eighteenth made his public entrance, escorted by the ^National Guards, on the 8th of July. To the firm modera- tion of Wellington it is wholly due that the Parisians were not doomed to suffer any humiliation bevond that of the presence of foreign armies. He calmed Bliicher's thirst for vengeance by exhortation, and even by stronger modes of remonstrance. When the Prussian general had begun to mine the bridge of Jena, with the intention to blow it up, because that monument * " Histoire du Consulat et de TEmpire," tome xix. p. 361. + Ibid., p. 366. X Ibid., p. 629. § Sir P. Sidney— " Defence of Poesy," p. 3S, "Poetical Works," ed, 1720. 42 THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. [18 1.1. proclaimed a defeat of tlie Prussian arms, " The duke of Wellington," says a Prencli historian, " interfered by placing an English sentinel on the bridge itself. A single sentinel. He was the British nation ; and if Bliicher had blown up the bridge, the act was to be held as a rupture with Great Britain."* The definitive treaty between France on the one part, and Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, on the other, was signed on the 20th November, 1815. Its object was declared to be for the "restoring between Prance and her neighbours those relations of reciprocal confidence and goodwill which the fatal efi"ects of the Revolution and of the system of conquest had for so long a time disturbed." This treaty left the boundaries of France, with a very slight ^Iteration in her frontier lines, the same as agreed at the Peace of 1814. It was, nevertheless, resolved to keep possession of the frontier fortresses for a term not exceeding five years, and to maintain an army of occupation, to be paid and supported by France during the same period. The greatest mortification which the French had to endure was the determi- nation of the Allied Powers that the works of art which had been plundered from various countries during the wars of the Bepublic, the Consulate, and the Empire, should go back to the churches and the museums from wbich they had been forcibly taken. This act of retribution provoked then, as it still provokes, the lamentation of pretended lovers of the fine arts, whose selfish convenience would be more gratified by seeing the greatest masterpieces of sculpture and painting in the Louvre than in their proper sites at Home, at Florence, at Antwerp, at the Hague. The honest national pride of the true owners of such works is accounted as nothing in these lamentations. To France alone did the treaty of the 20th of November apply. The settlement of Europe, as it was hopefully called, had been effected by the general treaty signed in Congress at Vienna, on the 9th of June. When the Peace of 1814 was concluded witli the restored Monarchy of France, there were an immense number of political questions left undeter- mined, which were almost of as much importance to the tranquillity of the future as the overthrow of the gigantic power of the French Empire. The convulsions of twenty years had left Europe in a chaotic state, out of which order and harmony could scarcely be evolved even by any exercise of political wisdom based upon an unselfish moderation. In the reorganization of Europe there would unquestionably be a struggle for aggrandizement, whicli might present as great dangers as the military supremacy which had been overthrown. On the 25th of September, 1814, the emperor of Russia ; the king of Prussia ; the kings of Bavaria, Denmark, and Wiirtemberg ; princes of small states, German and Italian ; princesses, amongst whom the duchess of Oldenburg, the sister of Alexander, was the most influential ; great plenipo- tentiaries, such as lord Castlereagh and M. Talleyrand ; and lesser diplomatists, who came to get something, if possible, out of the general scramble — all assembled at Vienna to debate, to dine, to vary the tedious discussions of the morning with the enlivening festivities of the night. Ambassadors vied with Sovereigns in the splendour of their entertainments. Castlereagh gave as sumptuous dinners, and as attractive balls, as Alexander : — * Capefigue, "Les Cent Jours," tome ii. p. 365. 1815.] SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE. 43 " Nove this mask Was cry'd incomparable ; and tlie ensuing night Made it a fool and beggar."* Nevertheless, the slightest survey of the map of Europe would show that there was serious work to be accomplished. It had been agreed by secret articles of the Treaty of Paris, that a kingdom, under the title of the Netherlands, should be formed by the union of Belgium with Holland; Prussia was to obtain the Rhenish Provinces ; Sweden and Norway were to be united ; Hanover was to be restored to the king of England, with an accession of territory taken from Westphalia ; Lombardy and Venice were to return to the rule of Austria ; Savoy to that of Piedmont. The Congress had been sitting two months, when rumours of the probable destiny of Saxony and of Poland roused the spirit of inquiry in the British Parliament. Mr. Whitbread, on the 28t.h of November, protested against the reported annexation of Saxony to the kingdom of Prussia. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Yansittart, could not believe that the fate of Saxony was yet fixed, much less could he believe that any British Minister would have been a party to such a decision as was supposed to have been made. Nevertheless, it is now certain, that up to the end of October, lord Castlereagh had been a consenting party to the annexation of Saxony, which he defended by referring to the tergiversations of the king : of the people no mention was made by our Minister. Mr. Whitbread further said, " the rumours were, that the emperor Alexander had strenuously contended for the independence of Poland, and that he had been opposed by the British Minister." The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that "he did not believe that a British Minister had been the author of the subjugation of that country." There is now no doubt, that the very reverse of the rumours with regard to Poland marked the conduct of the emperor Alexander and of lord Castlereagh. As recently as July 2nd, 1861, lord John Russell, founding his opinion upon the correspondence of the time, declared in the House of Commons, that everything that could be done by British diplomacy for Poland was done by lord Castlereagh at the Congress of Vienna ; that our minister wished, when Europe was to be reconstructed, that Poland should rise from her ashes, and should again possess an independent government ; and that thus desiring the independence of Poland, he could not conceive that such independence was consistent with Poland being placed under the domi- nion of the emperor of Russia. In the debate of the 28th of November, Mr. Whitbread said, " AVe now lived in an age when free nations were not to be sold and transferred like beasts of burden ; and if any attempt of the kind was made, the result would be a bloody and revengeful war." The attempt was made, and successfully, in too many instances ; but it was not without the immediate risk of a war that the designs of Russia for the transference of nations Avere encountered in the Congress of Vienna. The policy of lord Castlereagh with regard to Saxony was changed as the negotiations advanced. Talleyrand, as a representative of Erance, had been admitted, after great hesitation, to take a part in the deliberations of * Shakspere — " Henry VIIL," act i. scene 1. U SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE. [1815, the Congress. The annexation of Saxony to Prussia was opposed by Austria and by Prance. It had become evident that Prussia and Eussia were assuming a dangerous preponderance in the partition of states, and that Great Britain must join with France in opposing them. These three powers before the end of 1814 had agreed that Russia should not say to Prussia, " Secure me Poland," and that Prussia should not say to Russia, " Secure me Saxony," and that they should shake hands upon this compact. On the 3rd of February, 1815, a secret treaty was concluded between Austria, England, and France, to act in concert, each with an army of 150,000 men,, to carry into effect the Treaty of Paris, " holding it necessary, in con- sequence of pretensions recently manifested, to look to the means to resist every aggression." M. Thiers assumes that lord Castlereagh, having received, at the beginning of January, the news of the conclusion of peace with America, had taken a higher attitude towards Eussia and Prussia. " His heart relieved of an enormous weight, that of the American war, he was ready to brave the most extreme consequences, rather than to cede to the arrogance of the Prussians and the Russians He had said to them that England was not made to receive the law from any one." The attitude of lord Castlereagh, and the fact, which could not be concealed, of nego- tiations going on between him, Talleyrand, and Metternich, apart from the other Powers, probably produced some concessions from Alexander and Frederick William, although they yielded little in reality. Prussia obtained one-half of Saxony, with a portion of the duchy of Warsaw. Eussia secured the kingdom of Poland in undisputed sovereignty. The new kingdom of Poland was to have a constitution, with national institutions and national representation. But these promised advantages were to be bestowed upon the people in the manner which the government should think most suitable. " That, of course, left a very wide scope for interpretation ; but beyond that there was a feeling which acted from that time, and which is acting at the present time, namely, that while the emperor Alexander I. wished to retain his power over Poland, at the same time he wished to grant to Poland large privileges, and to make it, at all events, a flourishing province, under the name of the kingdom of Poland ; but the general feeling at St. Petersburg, the seat of power, was that Poland ought not to be indulged with privileges- more large and more liberal than were granted to Eussia."* Whilst Austria was opposing the acquisitions of territory desired by Eussia and by Prussia, she herself was acquiring new dominions and extended sovereignty, however uusuited were her annexed subjects for the yoke of her absolute power. The four millions of the Lombardo-Veneto kingdom would be as difficult to rule as those of the old provinces of the Low Countries which were severed from her empire. Little objection was made at this time to the anomaly of a German rule over Italian people. The only hostile voice in the British Parliament was one raised against the annexation of Genoa to Piedmont. By the final arrangement the hope Avas at an end wliich England had stimulated, when lord William Bentinck, in 1814, entered Genoa at the head of a British army, on whose banners was inscribed *' Italian independence." Italy returned to its old condition of disunion, • Lord Jolm Russell — Debate in tlie Commons, July 2, 186L 1815.1 HOLY ALLIANCE— THE SLAVE TRADE. 45 Murat, who had been placed by Napoleon upon the throne of Naples when Joseph Bonaparte had become the " intrusive king" of Spain, had deserted the cause of his great fellow-soldier after the battle of Leipzig. Joining the Allied Powers, he appeared to have secured his position as an independent sovereign. But in the Congress there was no advance towards his recogni- tion, as in the case of Bernadotte. He entered into correspondence with the €x-emperor at Elba, thus precipitating his own fall. Murat made it impossible for the Allies to believe in Napoleon's professions of a desire for peace, by rashly plunging into hostilities against Austria. The old misrule of the Bourbon in Naples and Sicily was no impediment to the determination of the Allies to restore that miserable dynasty. The Grand Duchy of Tuscany was restored, as well as smaller states. A quarter of a century passed away before the hoUowness of these arrangements was tested by the revolt of some portion of the people of the Italian peninsula against their rulers, and by the loudly expressed desire of the whole for a common nationality. Whilst the prosaic destinies of Europe had been settled amidst a conflict of jarring interests, the emperor of Russia had assiduously laboured to obtain converts to a political union, which should be founded upon principles verv different from those which ordinarily guide the councils of diplomatists. In a manifesto from St. Petersburg, dated " on the day of the birth of our Saviour, 25th December, 1815," the emperor commanded that there should be read in all the churches a " Convention concluded at Paris, on the 2Gth of September, 1815, between the emperor of Eussia, the emperor of Austria, and the king of Prussia," in which " they solemnly declare that the present act has no other object than to publish in the face of the whole world their fixed resolution, both in the administration of their respective States and in their political relations with every other government, to take for their sole guide the precepts of the holy religion of our Saviour, namely, the precepts of justice. Christian charity, and peace, which, far from being applicable only to private concerns, must have an immediate influence on the councils of princes, and guide all their steps, as being the only means of consolidating human institutions, and remedying their imperfections." This was the famous declaration of " The Holy Alliance." "When asked to sign it, the duke of "Wellington said that the English Parliament would require some- thing more precise. "Whenever, in after years, either of the three Sovereigns manifested symptoms of disregard for " the precepts of justice, Christian charity, and peace," the Holy Alliance was held, perhaps somewhat unjustly, to be a cloak under which their violation of pledges to their own subjects, and their desire for territorial aggrandizement, might be best concealed. Denunciations of this Convention were long heard in the British Parliament, The Peace of Europe was settled, as every former peace had been settled, upon a struggle for what the continental powers thought most conducive to their own advantage. The representatives of Great Britain manifested a praiseworthy abnegation of merely selfish interests. Napoleon, at St. Helena, said to O'Meara, " So silly a treaty as that made by your ministers for their own country was never known before. Ton give up everything and gain nothing." "We can now answer that we gained everything when we gained a longer period of repose than our modern annals could previously €ihibit= "We gained everything when, after twenty years of warfare upou 46 LABEDOYERE, LAVALETTE, AND KEY. [1815. the most extravagant scale, the spirit of the people coud acted that warfare to a triumphant end. The gains of a great nation are not to be reckoned only by its territorial acquisitions, or its diplomatic influence. The war which England had waged, often single-handed, against a colossal tyranny, raised her to an eminence which amply compensated for the mistakes of her negotiators. It was something that they did not close the war in a huck- stering spirit — that they did not squabble for this colony or that entrepot. The fact of our greatness was not to be mistaken when we left to others the scramble for aggrandizement, content at last to be free to pursue our own course of consolidating our power by the arts of peace. There were years of exhaustion and discontent to follow those years of perilous conflict and final triumph. But security was won ; we were safe from the giant aggressor. If the plenipotentiaries of this country might return home a little imbued with the temper of despotic cabinets — if they could be accused of having too strenuously asserted the principle of legitimacy — if they had appeared to have contended too much for the claims of kings, arid too little for the rights of the people — in one respect they had done tlieir duty, and truly upheld the moral supremacy of England. They had laboured strenuously, and they had laboured with tolerable success, for the abolition of the Slave Trade. In the Treaty of Utrecht, England protected her commercial interests — despicable protection — by stipulating for a monopoly of the slave trade for thirty years. In the Treaty of Paris, England wrested from Prance an immediate abolition of the trafiic, and a declaration from all the high contracting powers that they would concert, without loss of time, " the most efl'ectual measures for the entire and definitive abolition of a commerce so odious." At the peace of 1814, the restored government of Prance — restored by our money and our arms — refused to consent to the immediate abolition. Bonaparte, amidst his memorable acts of the Hundred Days, abolished the hateful traffic by a stroke of his pen. The Bourbon government, a second time restored, dared no longer refuse this one demand of G-reat Britain. Other nations had promised. But, where we might have commanded, there alone was resistance. Spain and Portugal still maintained the trafiic. After great revolutions, such as those of Prance in 1814 and 1815 — such as England had witnessed in the restoration of the Stuarts — it is almost impossible that a triumphant party should altogether have tlie magnanimity to pardon political offences. But History looks with a just indignation upon any unreasonable severities, and especially upon any signal want of clemency in the ruler who has the unquestioned power to exercise the divine preroga- tive of mercy. Louis XVIII. can scarcely be accused of blood-thirstiness ; yet his character would have stood better, not only with the Prench people but with the British, had he not sanctioned the condemnation and capital punishment of three, who had indeed betrayed the trust which the restored government had reposed in them, but who had some excuse in their inability to resist the fascinations of Napoleon. Talleyrand had been unable to accomplish by negotiation as favourable terms for Prance as he had expected^ and he resigned his office as President of the Council. lie was succeeded by the Due de Eichelieu, who signed the treaty of the 20t]i of November. Whilst Talleyrand remained in power he, as well as Pouchc, was anxious that 3816.J THE BATTLE OF ALGIERS. 47 uo capital punishments should be inflicted upon any of those who were proscribed by an ordonnance of the 24th of July, for the part they had taken in the return of Bonaparte in March. Key, Labedoyere, and Lavalette were advised to place themselves in safety by leaving France. They were tardy and irresolute ; the friendly warning was useless. Labedoyere was tried by Court-martial ; and was shot. Lavalette, who had been condemned to death by the Cour d'Assise, escaped through a stratagem of his wife, who, having visited him in prison, was able to disguise her liusband in her own dress, remaining herself as an object for the possible vengeance of the royalists. Lavalette was assisted to pass the frontier by the generous friend- ship of three Englishmen, — sir Eobert Wilson, Mr. Bruce, and Mr. Hutch- •.nson ; who were tried for this offence, and sentenced to three months imprisonment. The proceeding which most commanded public attention in England was the trial and execution of Ney ; for it was held to involve the honour of the duke of "Wellington. Whilst the trial Avas proceeding before the Chamber of Peers, Ney was advised to rely' for his defence on the capi- tulation of Paris. His wife had an interview with Wellington, who had previously expressed his opinion, in a letter to the prince de la Moskwa, — to the eifect that the capitulation related exclusively to the military occupa- tion of Paris ; that the object of the 12th article was to prevent the adoption of any measures of severity, under the military authorities of those who made it, towards any persons on account of the offices which they filled, or their conduct or their political opinions. " But it was never intended, and could not be intended, to prevent either the existing French government, under whose authority the French commander-in-chief must have acted, or any French government which should succeed to it, from acting in this respect as it might deem fit." * AVhen the bravest of the French marshals was executed, party spirit blamed the duke of Wellington for not legarding the capitulation as an amnesty. It would have been generous in the king of France to have spared Xey's life ; but the capitulation of Paris offered no legal obstacle to that infliction of punishment which the king had threatened to the guilty before the capitulation. " One day of dreadful occupation more "f before England could be held to be at peace with foreign foes. At the Congress of Vienna, the aggressions of the Barbary States formed a natural subject of deliberation. It was pro- posed that a general European crusade should be undertaken against the infidel corsairs ; who, for three hundred years, had been the terror of Europe, warring against every flag in the Mediterranean, and carrying off Christian slaves from every shore. In 1815, the government of the United States, whose ships had been plundered by the Algerines, captured a frigate and a brig belonging to the Dey, and obtained a compensation of sixty thou- sand dollars. In the spring of 1816, lord Exmouth, with a squadron under his command, proceeded to Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, where he effected the release of seventeen hundred and ninety-two Christian slaves, and negotiated treaties of peace and amity on behalf of the minor powers in the Mediter- * "Despatches," vil. xii. p. 694. t Southey — "Ode ou the Battle of Algiers." 48 THE BATTLE OF ALGIERS. [1816. ranean. Trom Tunis and Tripoli a declaration was obtained that no Christian slaves should in future be made by either of those powers. ' The Dey of Algiers, however, refused to agree to the abolition of slavery without permis. sion from the Sultan. Lord Exmouth acceded to a suspension for three months of the Dey's decision, and returned to England. One condition of the treaty with Algiers, then concluded by lord Exmouth, was, that the governments of Sicily and Sardinia should pay ransom for the release of their subjects ; and, in point of fact, they did so pay, to the extent of nearly four hundred thousand dollars. This clause of the treaty was justly de- nounced in the British Parliament, as an acknowledgment of the right of depredation exercised by the barbarians. The fleet of lord Exmouth was dismantled ; the crews were paid off" and disbanded. A sudden outrage, which occurred even before lord Exmouth quitted the Mediterranean, but which did not then come to his knowledge, was the obvious cause of the change in the determination of our government. Under a treaty of 1806, we occupied, for the protection of the coral fishery, Bona, a town in the regency of Algiers. On the 23rd of May, the fishers who had landed were massacred by a large body of troops ; the British flag was torn down and trampled under foot, and the house of our vice-consul was pillaged. It was alleged that this outrage was a fanatical movement of the licentious Algerine soldiery. An expedition against Algiers was instantly determined upon by the British Cabinet. A formidable fleet was equipped, with the least possible delay, at Portsmouth, and crews were collected from the different guard-ships, and volunteers invited to serve upon this particular enterprise. For once, a British fleet went to sea without recourse to the disgraceful practice of impressment. Lord Exmouth left Plymouth on the 28th of July, with a fleet consisting of twenty-five sail of large and small ships. At Gribraltar he was joined by the Dutch admiral. Van Cappellan, with five frigates and a sloop ; and he finally set sail for Algiers on the 14th. The winds being adverse, the fleet did not arrive in sight of Algiers till the 27th of August. During his course, lord Exmouth learnt that the British Consul had been put in chains. A most interesting and graphic narrative of the expedition to Algiers was published by Mr. Abraham Salame, a native of Alexandria, who was taken out by lord Exmouth to act as his interpreter. On the morning of the 27th, as the fleet was nearing Algiers, Salame was sent forward with a letter to the Dey, which demanded the entire abolition of Christian slavery ; the delivery of all Christian slaves in the kingdom of Algiers ; the restoration of all the money that had been paid for the redemption of slaves by the king of the Two Sicilies and the king of Sardinia ; peace between Algiers and the Netherlands ; and the immediate liberation of the British Consul, and two boats' crews who had been detained with him. At eleven o'clock, the inter- preter reached the Mole, in a boat bearing a flag of truce, and, delivering his letters to the captain of the port, demanded an answer to the letter addressed to the Dey in one hour. He was told that if answer were returned at all, it should be delivered in two hours. Salame waited for his answer till half- past two, but no answer came. During this time a breeze sprung up, the fleet advanced into the bay, and lay-to within half-a-mile of Algiers. The interpreter then hoisted the signal that no answer had been given, and the 1816.] THE BATTLE OF ALGIERS. 49 fleet immediately began to bear up, and every ship to take her position. Salarae reached the Queen Charlotte, lord Exmouth's ship, in safety ; but, he candidly acknowledges, almost more dead than alive. Then he saw the change which comes over a brave and decided man at the moment when resolve passes into action. " I was quite surprised to see how his lordship was altered from what I left him in the morning, for I knew his manner was in general very mild; and now he seemed to me all-jiglitful, as a fierce lion which had been chained in its cage and was set at liberty. With all that, his lordship's answer to me was, ' Never mind — we shall see now ; ' and at the same time he turned towards the officers, saying, ' Be ready!' " There is, perhaps, nothing in the history of warfare more terrific in its consequences than the first broadside that the British fired at Algiers. The Queen Charlotte passed through all the batteries without firing a gun, and took up a position within a hundred yards of the Mole-head batteries. At the first shot, which waa fired by the Algerines at the Impregnable, lord Exmouth cried out, " That will do ; fire, my fine fellows ! " The miserable Algerines who were looking on, as at a show, with apparent indifi"erence to the conse- quences, were swept away by hundreds by this first fire from the Queen Charlotte. From a quarter before three o'clock till nine, the most tremen- dous firing on both sides continued without intermission, and the firing did not cease altogether until half-past eleven. During this engagement of nine hours, the allied fleet fired a hundred and eighteen tons of gunpowder, and five hundred tons of shot and shells. The Algerines exclaimed that hell had opened its mouth upon them through the English ships. That the Algerines had plied their instruments of destruction with no common alacrity is sufficiently shown by the fact, that eight hundred and fifty-two officers and men were killed in tlie British squadron, and sixty-five in the Dutch. Lord Exmouth himself says, in his despatch, " There were awful moments during the conflict, which I cannot now attempt to describe, occasioned by firing the ships so near us." The Algerine batteries around lord Exmouth's division were silenced about ten o'clock, and were in a com- plete state of ruin and dilapidation ; but a fort at the upper angle of the city continued to annoy our ships, whose firing had almost ceased. This was the moment of the most serious danger to our fleet. Our means of attack were well-nigh expended ; the upper batteries of the city could not be reached by our guns ; the ships were becalmed. " Providence, at this interval," says lord Exmouth, " gave to my anxious wishes the usual land-wind common in this bay, and my expectations were completed. We were all hands employed warping and towing off, and by the help of the light air the wliole were under sail, and came to anchor out of reach of shells about two in the morn- ing, after twelve hours' incessant labour." Nine Algerine frigates and a number of gunboats were burning within the bay ; the storehouses within the Mole were on fire. The blaze illumined all the bay, and showed the town and its environs almost as clear as in the day-time ; instead of walls, the batteries presented nothing to the sight but heaps of rubbish ; and out of these ruins the Moors and Turks were busily employed in dragging' their dead. When the fleet had anchored a storm arose — not so violent as the storm which here destroyed the mighty fleet of Charles the Fifth, and left his magnificent army, which had landed to subdue the barbarians, to perish by VOL. vm.— 228. 60 THE BATTLE OF ALGIERS, [1816, sword and famine — but a storm of thunder and liglitning, which filled up the measure of sublimity, at the close of the twelve awful hours of battle and slaughter. On the morning of the 28th, lord Exmouth wrote a letter to the Dej, who had himself fought with courage, in which the same terms of peace were offered as on the previous day. " If you receive this offer as you ought, you will fire three guns," wrote lord Exmouth. The three guns were fired, the Dey made apologies, and treaties of peace and amity were finally signed, to be very soon again broken. The enduring triumph of this expedition was the release, within three days of the battle, of a thousand and eighty-three Christian slaves, who arrived from the interior, and who were immediately conveyed to their respective countries. Stahic of Bonapai'tc, by Canova. in Apsley House. CHAPTER IV,* Meeting of Parliament — Eeception of Lord Castlereagh — Debates on the Address-^-Gcvernment defeated on the proposed renewal of the Property-Tax — Marriage of the Princess Charlotte — Unpopularity of the Prince Regent — Complaints of Agricultural Distress — Depression of Commerce and Manufactures — Causes assigned for the depression of Industry — Reduction of the Circulating Medium — Unfavourable Season — Riots and outrages in Agricultural Districts — Renewal of Luddism — Private Benevolence — Progress of Legislation for Social Improvement — Criminal Laws — Forgeries of Bank Notes— Police of London — Gas-Light — Mendicity and Vagrancy — Law of Settlement — General Administration of Poor Laws — Inquiiy into the State of Education — Savings' Banks — Game Laws. The Imperial Parliament assembled on the 1st of February, 1816. At this opening of the Session the ministry met the representatives of the people "with all the pride and confidence of a success beyond hope. The march to Paris, twice over, says a conspicuous actor in the politics of that hour, was sufficiently marvellous ; " but it appeared, if possible, still more incredible^ that we should witness lord Castlereagh entering the House of Commons, and resuming, amidst universal shouts of applause, the seat which he had quitted for a season to attend as a chief actor in the arraagement of continental territory." f Why incredible ? Lord Castlereagh in the House of Com- mons was the impersonation of a great national triumph. The parliamentary majority cheered the Minister for Foreign Afi'airs as he would have been cheered by any other assembly, when he came home flushed with success- Eor a little while the nation might bear even the presumption of those who claimed all the merit of the triumph. On the first night of the Session, it was clearly seen that there was to be a limit to what Parliament would bear. The Chancellor of the Exchequer declared his intention to continue the Pro- perty or Income Tax, on the modified scale of five per cent. This avowal was the signal for one of the chief battle-cries which were to lead on the scanty forces of Opposition. * The period comprised in this Chapter, and in Chapter V., embracing the annals of 1816 and 1817, has been previously treated of by the author of "The Popular History" in "The History of the Peace," published in 1846. This work, begun by hira, was continued and com- pleted by Miss Martineau, and therefore bears her name. Although in the present history the author proposed only to occupy about half the space of what he had previouslj- written, he felt the extreme difficulty of relating the same events, and expressing the same opinions, alto- gether in new words. Having stated his difficulty to Messrs. Chambers, who are now the pro- prietors of the copyright of "The History of the Peace," he has received from them a very kind permission, to condense the original narrative, or adopt any passages, at his own discretion, "Whilst this licence relieves the author from an obvious embarrassment, he has nevertheless been desirous to avoid a mere transcript of any large portion of what he had previously written. But he has not made the useless attempt to distinguish between the new matter and the old, hoping that he has amalgamated the separate parts so as to produce a harmonious result. + Brougham's "Speeches," vol. i. p. 634 : Introduction to Speech on Holy Alliance. 52 DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS. [1810. In a debate in the Committee of Supply, lord Castlereagh used a memor- able expression which roused a spirit in the country of deep hostility — almost of disgust : " He felt assured that the people of Eugland would not, from an ignorant impatience to be relieved from the pressure of taxation, put every- thing to hazard, when everything might be accomplished by continued constancy and firmness."* From the moment of this offensive declaration the Income Tax was doomed. The people had not borne the taxation of bo niauy years of war with a heroism such as no people had ever before shown, to be taunted with ignorant impatience of taxation, now that they had won peace. The presumption of the government at this period was calcu- lated to produce a violent reaction throughout the land. Men really thought that the old English spirit of freedom was about to be trampled upon when the debates on the Treaties took place, in which lord Liverpool moved the Address. Lord Grenville proposed an amendment, which deprecated in the strongest language " the settled system to raise the country into a military power." In the House of Peers the government had a majority of sixty- four. Lord Holland entered a protest against the Address, in terms which embodied his speech upon the Treaties, and expressed the opinions of that section of the Opposition : " Because the treaties and engagements contain a direct guarantee of the present government of France against the people of that country ; and, in my judgment, impl^ a general and perpetual guarantee of all European governments against the governed." In the House of Com- mons the Foreign Secretary moved the Address upon the Treaties. An amendment was proposed by lord Milton, which deprecated the military occupation of Prance and the unexampled military establishments of this country. The debate lasted two nights, the Address being finally carried by a majority of a hundred and sixty-three. What was said on both sides was, to a considerable extent, the regular display of party conflict. The exultation of the government at the settlement of their war-labours look now scarcely more inflated than the fears of some members of the Opposition that the confederated arms of the despots of Europe might be turned against the liberties of England. The practical business that was at hand — the enforce- ment of economy, the alleviation of distress — was the matter of real importance that was to grow out of these debates. The Corporation of London took the lead in the national expression of opinion against the Property Tax. It was not only the anti-ministerial party of the City that joined in the petition of the corporation ; — the judgments of mercantile men against the continuance of the tax were almost universal. The dislike of the rural population was as fixed as that of the inhabitants of towns. The battle against this tax was one of the most remarkable examples of parliamentary strategy that was ever displayed. Por six weeks the Oppo- sition, headed by Mr. Brougham, availed themselves of all the means of delay afforded by the forms of the House. As petitions against the tax were pre- sented night after night, debates on the petitions prevented debate and division on the reading of the Bill. It was the 17th of March before the resolutions for the continuance of the tax were presented to the House. The division of the 18th of March, upon the motion of the Chancellor of * Hansard, vol. xxxiii. v. 455. 1816.J TROPOSED RENEWAL OF PROPERTY-TAX. 53 the Exchequer in a Committee of Ways and Means, was terminated in half an hour by the impatience of the House. For the continuance of the Pro- perty Tax 201 members voted ; against it, 238. This defeat of the govern- ment dispelled the belief that resistance to taxation was " ignorant impa- tience." The Chancellor of the Exchequer took a somewhat remarkable course after this defeat. He voluntarily abandoned the war-duties upon malt, amounting to about 2,700,000^. The decision of the House would compel him to resort to the money-market, — in other words, to raise a loan. " It was of little consequence that the loan should be increased by the amount of the calculated produce of the malt-duty." Lord Castlereagh said, " it was a matter of indifference whether they took a loan of six or eight millions." This was the "indifference" — the result of a long course of unbounded expense — that required all the efforts of the people and of their friends, during many years, to change into responsibility. The inquisitorial character of the Property Tax had some influence iu producing the popular hostility to its continuance. The returns of the tax- payers were then scrutinized with a severity which has been wisely put aside in the present times. But during the pressure of war-expenditure, and long afterwards, the imposition and collection of other taxes were rendered as odious as possible to the people. The government employed, to an extent which scarcely seems credible now, an army of common informers, through whose agency the system of surcharges and penalties was enforced. Southey attacked this disgrace of our nation as being ten times more inquisitorial than the Holy Office of Spain. " This species of espionage has within these few years become a regular trade ; the laws are in some instances so per- plexing, and in others so vexatious, that matter for prosecution is never wanting." He describes how " a fellow surcharges half the people in the district ; that is, he informs the tax-commissioners that such persons have given in a false account of their windows, dogs, horses, carriages, &c., an oftence for which the tax is trebled, and half the surplus given to the informer." Harassed and perplexed — summoned from distant parts to appear before the commissioners — the persons informed against give up the trouble and expense of seeking justice ; pay the penalty and bear the surcharge.* The debates upon the Army Estimates, which eventually caused some reduction — the rejection of the Property Tax — the searching inquiry into the Civil List — the agitation of the question of sinecure offices — were indications of the feeling which any government would have to encounter that did not resolutely determine that a season of peace should be a season of economy. When the details of the Civil List exhibited items of wanton and ridiculous luxury, the members of the Administration themselves were pained and humiliated. When the same ministers proposed the magnificent establish- ment for the Princess Charlotte and Prince Leopold, upon their marriage, not a dissentient voice was heard in Parliament. The nation saw in this marriage of the presumptive heiress of the Crown — a marriage of affection — some assured hope that public duties might be fitly learned in the serenity of domestic happiness. The private virtues were felt to be the best preparation for the possession of sovereign power. The idea of a patriot queen dis- * " Espriella's Letters" — Letter xvi. 61 MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE— TEE REGENT. [1816. charging all her bigli functions with steady alacrity, confident in the affections of her people, of simple habits, of refined and intellectual tastes, her throne sanctified by the attributes of womanly affection — such hopes were something to console the nation for the present endurance of authority that claimed only " mouth-honour," without love or respect. The marriage of tbs Princesa Charlotte was hailed as a public blessing. It took place at Carlton House, on the evening of the 2nd of May. One of the most painful circumstances of this period, and one pregnant with danger, was the general contempt for the character of him who now wielded the sovereign authority. The military triumphs of the Regency made the nation only consider how strongly in contrast to the elevation of that heroic time were the cravings for ease and indulgence, the reckless expenditure upon childish gratifications, of the Eegent. The attacks of the press upon his sensual follies made him hate the expression of public opinion. That voice was heard in a place where the character and actions of the sovereign are usually unnoticed, even in the greatest freedom of parliamentary debate. The Prince of Wales was in "all but name a King." Eomilly describes a scene in the House of Commons, which took place in a debate on the 20th of March, in which Brougham, he says, made a violent attack upon the Eegent, " whom he described as devoted, in the recesses of his palace, to the most vicious pleasures, and callous to the distresses and sufferings of others, in terms which would not have been too strong to describe the lattei days of Tiberius." He adds, " it is generally believed that, but for the speech of Brougham's, the ministers would again have been in a minority. Brougliam's speech Avas very injudicious as well as very unjust, for, with all the Prince's faults, it is absurd to speak of him as if he were one of the most sensual and unfeeling tyrants that ever disgraced a throne." * Nevertheless, although satire ran riot in ridicule of the unbounded and effeminate luxury of Carlton House in spite of ex offlcio informations, there was wanting some authoritative voice to proclaim that the mightiest of the earth are unworthy of their high station when they live for their own plea- sures alone. The declamation of Mr. Brougham might be unstatesmanlike, but it was not without its use. "When the government, in the name of the Prince Eegent, informed Parliament that " the manufactures, commerce, and revenue of the United Kingdom were in a flourishing condition," the exception of Agriculture was a sufiicieut announcement that the cry of "Distress" was near at hand. Amidst the best and the worst species of opposition — the power of argument and the weakness of tumult — a Bill was in 1815 hurried through Parliament which absolutely closed the ports till the price of wheat rose to 8O5. This law was passed during a season of wonderful abundance. It produced the immediate good to the landed interest of preventing the abundant supply being increased by importation; but the effect which it produced to the nation was to dry up the resources in years of scarcity which the foresight of other countries might have provided. The war-and-famine price of 1812 was again reached in the latter part of 1816, in 1817, and in 1818. The golden days of the deity that is found in no mythology, the Anti-Ceres, were • Romilly's "Life." I 1816.] COMPLAINTS OF AGEICULTURAL DISTRESS. 55 returned. .But the people were starving. Misery and insurrection filled the land. A year after the hasty enactment of a Corn-Law in ]815, amidst riots in the metropolis and the proviaces, a majority of the landed interest came to Parliament to ask for the remission of peculiar burthens, and to demand fresh protection. The landed interest of 181G had but one remedy for everv evil — unequal remission of taxation conjoined with protection. They desired themselves to pay less to the State than their fellow-subjects ; they required the State to limit their fellow-subjects to that exclusive market for the necessaries of life which should dry up the sources of profitable industry, and thus make their taxation doubly burthen some. On the 7th of March Mr. "Western laid upon the table of the House a series of fourteen Resolutions, which declared the "unexampled distress" of those whose capitals were em^ ployed in agriculture. They demanded the repeal of so much of the Act of 1815 as should allow foreign corn to be warehoused, so that only British corn should be stored ; and urged an advance of money by the government to such individuals as might be inclined to buy up our native produce. The prin- ciple upon which all this was advocated was a sufficiently broad one : " That excessive taxation renders it necessary to give protection to all articles the produce of our own soil, against similar articles the growth of foreign countries, not subject to the same burthens;" and "that it is therefore expedient to impose additional duties and restrictions on the importation of all articles, the produce of foreign agriculture." It is a remarkable example of the power of the landed interest in the House of Commons, that these assertions and unconditional demands were received not only with tolerance but respect. The day-spring of economical politics had scarcely yet dawned. The strength either of the Ministry or the Opposition essentially depended upon the numerical force of the country gentlemen. The commercial and manufacturing interests were most imperfectly represented. The landed aristocracy had retained official power, in association with a few " clerkly" workers, from the earliest feudal times. The admission of a merchant to the councils of the sovereign would have been deemed pollution. The mill-owners had carried us through the war ; yet as a political body they were without influence, almost without a voice. There was no one in the House of Commons, who had either the courage or the ab/ity to probe the wounds of the agricultural interests, which were thus paraded before the nation. The itesolutions of Mr. Western in 1816 came to no practical result ; for the chief reason, that the forced abandonment of the property-tax, and the volun- tary relinquishment of the war malt-duty, had really left very little within the reach of Grovernment to be off'ered as a further boon to the landed interest. " Manufactures and Commerce," said the speech of the Prince Regent, " are in a flourishing condition." This was to rely upon the bare figures of Custom House returns. In 1815 the declared value of British and Irish produce and manufactures exported was fifty-one millions, being six milliona more than in 1814. "Well might the commerce of the country seem to be flourishiog. Those who knew the real workings of that commerce were not so deceived. Mr. Baring, on the second night of the Session, declared, that ** he saw more loss than gain in this great increase of export." When the 5G DEPRESSION OF COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURES. [181G. destruction of the power of jSTapoleou in 1S14 had opened the ports of the continent to our vessels ; when the consumption of our exports no longer depended upon a vast system of contraband trade ; it was universally thought that there could be no limit to the demand for British manufactures and colonial produce. If, under the anti-commercial decrees of our great enemy, the shipments to European ports had been twelve millions in 1811, why should they not be doubled in 1814 ? And accordingly they were doubled. The most extravagant profits were expected to be realized. The ordinary course of trade was forsaken, and small capitalists as well as large, at the outports as well as in London, eagerly bought up colonial produce, and looked for golden returns. " The shippers found to their cost, when it was too late, that the effective demand on the continent for colonial produce and British manufactures had been greatly over-rated ; for whatever might be the desire of the foreign consumers to possess articles so long out of their reach, they were limited in their means of purchase, and accordingly, the bulk of the commodities exported brought very inadequate returns." * A very slight consideration will explain the causes of this enormous mistake. In the first place, the continent was wholly exhausted by the long course of war ; by the prodigious expenditure of capital that the war had demanded ; by the wasteful consumption of mighty armies embattled against the oppressor ; by the rapine of the predatory hordes that were let loose upon their soil ; by confiscation. The people had necessarily the greatest difiiculty to maintain life ; they had little to spare for the secondary necessaries — nothing for indulgence. The merchants of our own country — the nation in general — had been so accus- tomed to the outward indications of prosperity at home during the course of the war, that they had no adequate idea that war was the great destroyer of capital, and that it essentially left all mankind poorer. In the second place, what had the continent to give us in exchange for our coifee and our sugar, our calicoes and our cutlery ? The old mercantile school stiU existed amougst us, who thought that the perfection of commerce was to exchange goods for money, and that a great commercial nation might subsist without barter. But the continent had no money to exchange for English products, even if the exploded theories of the balance of trade could have found any realization. The continent, exhausted a? it was, had its native commodities, but those we refused. We doggedly h* ^d on in a course of commercial regulation which belonged only to the infancy of society. We perpetuated foreign restrictions and exclusions of our own manufactured produce, by persistence in a system which other nations of necessity regarded as the cause of our manufacturing superiority. We did not then know how essentially this system retarded our own national progress. We listened to those who, on every side, clamoured ibr exclusive interests. Agriculturists and manufacturers, landowners and shipowners, equally shouted for protection. The state of the American trade of 1816 was described by Mr. Brougham, after speaking of the disastrous results of the continental speculations : — " The peace with America has produced somewhat of a similar effect ; though I am very far from placing the vast exports which it occasioned upon the same footing with those to the European markets the year before ; because * Tooke's "History of Prices," vol. ii. p. 8. 1816.] CAUSES ASSIGNED FOR THE DEPRESSION OF INDUSTRY. 57 ultimately the Americans aa ill pay ; which the exhiiustcd state of the cou- tinent renders very unlikely." * Let us remark that we did not prevent the Americans paying in the only way in which one great people can pay another — by the interchange of commodities which each wants, in return for com- modities of which each can produce a superfluity. AVe shut out their corn, but we did not shut out their cotton. But we went farther with the United States in the recognition of just commercial principles than with any European nation. By the Treaty of Ghent, in 1814, both countries agreed to repeal their navigation laws, and " the ships of the two countries were placed reciprocally upon the same footing in the ports of England and the United States, and all discriminating duties chargeable upon the goods which they conveyed were mutually repealed." The distresses of the agricultural and the commercial interests were coincident ; for the means of purchase amongst all classes were exhausted. The capital which was to impel their profitable industry was dried up. There was " a very general depression in the prices of nearly all productions, and in the value of all fixed property, entailing a convergence of losses and failures among the agricultural, and commercial, and manufacturing, and mining, and shipping, and building interests, which marked that period as one of most extensive sufiering and distress." f Some proclaimed that the depression and the distress were caused, not by the exhaustion of war, but by " the transition from a state of war to a state of peace." The theory upon which this delusion was upheld was this : — " The whole annual war expenditure, to the amount of not less than forty millions, was at once withdrawn from circulation. But public expenditure is like the fountain tree in the Indian paradise, which difiuses in fertilizing streams the vapours which it was created to collect and condense for the purpose of more beneficially returning and distributing them." J According to this logical imagery, or imaginative logic, the capital of a nation in the pockets of its proprietors is " vapour ;" it becomes a " fertilizing stream" when it condenses into taxes. It assumes that there is more demand when the capital of a country is expended by govern- ment, than when the same capital is expended by individuals. It assumes that the expenditure of capital by government in subsidies, in the wasteful con- sumption of armies, in all the tear and wear of war, is more profitable than the expenditure of capital in the general objects of industry which create more capital. It assumes that the partial expenditure of capital by government in its victualling offices, is more profitable than the regular expenditure of the same capital left in the pockets of the tax-payers, to give them an additional command over food and raiment, — over the comforts and elegaacies of life. This falJacy, as well as many others connected with the depression of industry at the close of the war, has been disproved by the long experience of peace. "We had arrived in 1816 at the highest point of war exhaustion. The expen- diture of government in the eleven years between 1805 and 1815 was very nearly 900,000,OOOZ. In 1815 the revenue raised by taxation was 72,000,000^ Upon a population of fifteen millions in the United Kingdom this was a * Brougham's "Speeches," vol. i. p. 519. t Tooke's "History of Prices," vol. ii. p. 12. J "Quarterly Review," July, 1816. ^8 REDUCTION OF THE CIRCULATING MiilDIUM, [1816. rate per head of 41. IQs. The rate of taxation per head upon the population of the United Kingdom in 18G0 was 21. 8s. There was the same aggregate amount of taxation, but tlie burden was divided between twice the number of tax-payers. The partial return to a real standard of the currency at the period of peace was considered by many to have been a main if not the sole cause of the distress and embarrassment which we have described. Neverthe- less, the Bank of England at the peace scarcely contracted its issues at all. In August, 1813, the circulation of bank-notes was nearly twenty- five millions ; at the same season in 1814 it was twenty-eight millions ; in 1815 twenty-seven millions ; in 1816 only half a million less. The utmost amount of the depreciation of bank-notes was in 181-i, when a hundred pounds of paper would only buy 74 produce verses not only of such commanding strength, but of such unlaboured refinement. The Scottish dialect which, to a certain extent, was almost obsolete for the purposes of literature, became, in the hands of this peasant, the vehicle of thoughts and descriptions which, whether impassioned or humorous, tender or satirical, received a new charm from the simplicity of the language whose ordinary use Mas vidgarized by the illiterate. Burns had not the creative power of the highest order of poets ; but in describing his own emotions with a warmth equal to the energy with which he plunged into his loves or friendships ; in delineating with the frankest unreserve the errors from which his manly sense and his natural veneration for what is of good report could not preserve him ; in painting with the most admirable truth the appearances of nature or the social characteristics which presented them- selves to his observation, — few poets have approached him. In his occasional impurities of thought and diction, which were the outbreak of a reckless levity, we always see a noble nature beneath the display of the wildest licence. The mode in which Burns " vxnlocked his heart" has nothing in it of that inordinate self-love which exhibits itself in touches of glaring vanity or affected modesty, each intended to challenge admiration. In his manly pride there is no peevish misanthropy. In his violations of decorum tliere is no desire to make proselytes to immorality. The egotism of Burns may be compared with the egotism of the most popular English poet of the suc- ceeding generation. In the morbid introspection and the capricious hatreds of him who " woke one morning and found himself fsamous," we look in vain for the innate nobleness of character of the rustic, who, having gone from his plough to become the spoiled child of Edinburgh society, fell afterwards into habits of intemperance, and yet, in the grossest errors of his life, never exhibited a mean spirit. What Burns produced under all the disadvantages of imperfect education, of continuous labour, of uncongenial employment, of corrupting society, made him emphatically the national poet of Scotland in the twelve years which were allotted to his life after his first publication. It has been affirmed — and we are not disposed to question the truth of the opinion — that the influence of Burns upon the popular mind of Scotland " has been all for good, enlarging, elevating, and refining the national heart, as Avell as awakening it. The tendency of some things, both in the character of the people and their peculiar institutions, required such a check or counteraction as was supplied by tliis frank, generous, reckless poetry." * AVhdtit Scotland is producin;!; lier Burns, whose inspiration was the bracing air of his own rivers and hills, and whose imagery was derived from tho • Oraik "Eii^lisli Literature," vol. il. p. 421. 1784-1820.] THE POETS— DARWIN. 117 living or inanimate nature around him, England lias her Darwin, who deemed it the office of a poet to penetrate beneath the surface of natural appearances; and to exhibit the mysteries of physiolou'y in sonorous rhyme. The physician of Derby is almost forgotten. " The Loves of the Plants" are less popularly known than Canning's imitation, " The Loves of the Triangles." The attempt of Darwin to marry Science to Poetry was the mistake of a man of real talent and knowledge. The material spirit of his age pressed heavily upon him. The applications of scientific discovery to the great works of industry filled his fancy with incongruous imagery. He saw in Physics a world of grandeur and beauty not yet appropriated by Imagination ; and he contrived that unnatural alliance of Fact and Fiction which, however admired in bis own day, has made his analogies and similes now appear simply ludicrous. The fantastic machinery by which be attempts to connect the laws of vegetable and animal life, and the operations of art, with the presence of invisible beings, is to make the sylphs, which hovered round Pope's Belinda in their tricksy beauty, very poor substitutes, in Darwin's hard unrealities, for human intercuts. Poetry has better materials to work upon, even in the mortal toilers by the side of the steam-engine, than the " Nymphs," who " in simmering cauldrons played." Darwin is poetical when he becomes prophetic : *' Soon shall tby arm, unconquered Steam, afar Drag the slow barge, or drive the rapid car." The prophecy is accomplished. But steam has another work to do : " Or, on wide waving wings expanded bear Tlie flying chariot through the iieUs of air." The specific levity of air, he explains, being too great for the support of great burdens by balloons, " there seems no probable method of fiying con- veniently, but by the powers of steam, or some other explosive material, which another half-century may probably discover." The aerial journey in the steam-car is to be not only safe but joyous ; there will probably be an intended emigration to the moon, when " Fair crews triumphant, leaning from above, Shall wave their fluttering kerchiefs as they move." A poetical revolution was at hand. A little before the beginning of the convulsions of Prance, and during the first year or two of the war, there was a swarm of gaudy insects fluttering in the sunshine of fashion, whose painted wings, bearing them from flower to flower, were more admired than the *' ample pinion" of the true Poet. This school, called Delia Cruscan, origi- nated with an English coterie at Florence. The sonnets, canzonets, elegies, epigrams, epistles of the Anna Matildas, Laura-Marias, Orlandos, Cesarioa, were long poured out unceasingly. William Giff"ord, who destroyed the tribe by his "Baviad" and his " Maeviad," says "the epidemic malady was spreading from fool to fool ; " and " from one end of the kingdom to another all was nonsense and Delia Crusca." Giflford not improperly lauds the work which he had done in clearing the gardens of the Hesperides from this deadly blight. " Pope and Milton resumed their superiority." He might have added that he did something to make room for another school, — for Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Southyv hi spite of the " This will never do " of the great 118 THE POETS— WORDSWORTH— SOUTHEY— COLERIDGE. [1784-1820. northern critic, the Lake School, so called, which this illustrious trio founded, has survived, and will survive. If the estimates of writers hy their contemporaries are not always true, they are at least curious as illustrations of the prevailing taste. In 1809 there appeared a satire, by an anonymous author, entitled " English Bards and Scotch Reviewers. " Some of this early production of Lord Byron is personal spite, and much is false criticism. In after years he suppressed the poem, having moderated his anger and matured his judgment. Yet, if the poetical critic had not, to some extent, reflected the popular opinion, he would not have described "the simple Wordsworth," "Who, both by precept and example, shows That prose is verse, and verse is merely prose ;" nor characterized " gentle Coleridge " ' ' To turgid ode and tumid stanza dear." Southey comes off better : " Let Southey sing, although his teeming muse, Prolific every spring, be too profuse." It may be consolatory to neglected poets to know, that the two greatest of the Lake Poets have won their freshest laurels from a generation that suc- ceeded the doubters and scoffers of their early period. It was not merely the dull and the acrimonious who spoke slightingly of Wordsworth and Coleridge, even as recently as 1811. Leigh Hunt, in most cases a generous critic, in his "Peastof the Poets" makes Apollo look pleased upon "Bob Southey;" but Apollo "turned without even a look " for the " three or four others " who had entered with him : *' For Coleridge had vexed him long since, I suppose, By his idling, and gabbling, and muddling in prose ; And as to that Wordsworth ! he'd been so benurst, Second childhood with him had come close on the first."* Apollo having cried, " Laurels for four," the honoured guests of the God are Campbell, Southey, Scott, and Moore. Crabbe is to be recreated " down- stairs :" " And let him have part of what goes from the table." Wordsworth had appeared as a writer of verse in 1793. The first volume of the "Lyrical Ballads" was published in 1798. In the second volume, published in 1800, he was associated with Coleridge. Of "Joan of Arc," the first poem which Southey gave to the world, in 1796, a portion was contributed by Cole- ridge. The relative value of the three friends, as poets, has been somewhat differently adjudged in the present time from the early estimate of their peculiar powers. Southey, the most voluminous, is now little read, and has certainly not produced an enduring influence upon our poetical literature. Coleridge, who, of the trio, has written the smaller amount of verse, is generally held to be the most exquisite artist, although least fitted to be popular. Wordsworth — described by llazlitt as the most original poet living ; but one whose writings were not read by the vulgar, not understood by the learned, despised by the • We fjuote from the first edition of this clever poem, published in " The Reflector." 1784-1820.] THE POETS-SCOTT. 119 greati'and ridiculed by the fashionable — lived to see his writings universally read by learned, great, fashionable, and even " the vulgar." His power was slowly won, but it was enduring ; for he looked beyond the classes that were once deemed to be alone sufficiently elevated for the purposes of didactic or descriptive verse. The great objection to his writings was, " the wilfulness with which he persists in choosing his examples of intellectual dignity and tenderness exclusively from the lowest ranks of society." The Edinburgh Eeviewer wanted Mr. Wordsworth, " instead of confining himself almost en- tirely to the society of the dale-men, and cottagers, and little children, who form the subjects of his book, to condescend to mingle a little more with the people who were to read and judge of it."* The poet had his reward in the fact that the exceptional class of the lower ranks became his readers and admirers. He survived till the era of diffused education. It was the complaint of the author of " English Bards," that a new reading public had arisen to buy books according to their own tastes. " Each country book-club bows the knee to BaaL And, hurling lawful genius from the throne. Erects a shrine and idol of its own," It was a grievance, that out of this new demand authors were to be paid at a rate far beyond that of the exclusive periods of the commerce of literature. Eor this was Byron indignant in his days of innocence, when he could spurn Scott as "Apollo's venal son," deeming it a sin against the dignity of verse that the booksellers had agreed to pay for " Marmion " at the rate of " half- a-crown a line." In a year or two Byron was as greedy a worshipper of " stern Mammon" as any "hireling bard." The Circulating Library and the Book Club had, to some extent, superseded the comparatively small number of private book-buyers. To this more numerous body of readers did the pub- lishers of " The Lay of the Last Minstrel," of " Marmion," of " The Lady of the Lake," and of Scott's other romances in verse, address themselves, when they reprinted his inconveniently splendid and dear quartos in more modest and cheaper octavos. " The Lay of the Last Minstrel " was published in 1805, and " Marmion " in 1808. Byron designated these poems as " stale romance." "With them commenced the new era of narrative poetry, wliich has almost wholly superseded the merely didactic and descriptive orders of verse, and which is not incompatible with the most refined and most subtle reve- lations of poetical feeling. Never was a greater mistake than the designation ^of Scott's narrative poems as " sto^e romance." He had the most ample knowledge of all the romances of chivalry, and especially of the legendary lore of his native land. His critical devotion to this most seductive of the pursuits of antiquarianism was exhibited in his " Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border," originally published in 1802 and 1803. The young Edinburgh Advocate had previously cultivated an acquaintance with the Literature of Germany, of which new well of thought and diction other poets were drinking so freely. But he saw at home a waste ground of imagination ready for his profitable culture. The quaint and sometimes tedious sim- plicity of the old romance was to be superseded by a rush of easy and glowing narrative which the imperfectly cultivated mind could enjoy ; and of Avhich * Jeffrey's " Essajs," vol. ii. p. 505. 120 THE POETS— BYRON. [1784-1820. the critical faculty could scarcely deny the charm, however it might sueer at mountain spirits and river sprites, the goblin page and the wizard's grave. There are two critical notices of Scott's Poems, reprinted in juxta-position by their accomplished author, which sufficiently indicate the triumplis which Scott had achieved in a few years. That on " The Lay of the Last Minstrel," written in 1805, concludes thus : " The locality of the subject is liliely to obstruct its popularity ; and the author, by confining himself in a great measure to the description of manners and personal adventures, has forfeited the attraction which might have been derived from the delineation of rural scenery." * The critique on " The Lady of the Lake," written in 1810, opens thus : " Mr, Scott, though living in an age remarkably prolific of Driginal poetry, has manifestly outstripped all his competitors in the race of popularity, and stands already upon a height to which no other writer has attained in the memory of any one now alive." f The popularity of Walter Scott as a narrative poet was equalled, if not exceeded, by that of lord Bjron, when he reluctantly turned from satire and the comparatively tame Cantos I. and II. of " Childe Harold," to write verse Romances, of which the scenes were Oriental, and the heroes "were modelled from his own likeness. Byron was almost universally held as the first of liviug poets. There were some, it is true, who doubted the reasonableness of the universal homage ; some who ascribed his extraordinary fame to causes of a more temporary and artificial nature than tlie power of bis genius ; who thought that the multiplication of his own portrait was no indication of a real knowledge of the human heart ; who upheld the faith that a truly great poet could not be impressed with the grandeur and beauty of the external world without an abiding sense of the Creator's presence, nor could survey mankind in the spirit of an insane contempt of his country, and of malignant hatred of classes and individuals amongst whom he had lived. In the poem which, considered in a merely literary point of view, is his greatest production, " Don Juan" is the intensification of the sensual attributes of the poet's own character, dressed up with marvellous ability for no other end than to dazzle and corrupt. A higher taste, and a more pre- valent sense of decency, has done more to consign this poem to partial neglect than Lord Eldon's refusal to give it the protection of the law of copyright. One of the most popular of our living novelists has depicted an East Indian officer, who, having returned, after long absence to his native country, quite unfamiliar with the more recent judgments of English society on matters of literature, is scandalized at the critical opinions of his son's friends — opinions which were not of Colonel Newcome's time. What! Lord Byron not one of the greatest poets of the world ! Sir Walter a poet of the second order ! That reverence for Mr. Wordsworth, what did it mean ? Mr. Keats, and the young Mr. Tennyson of Cambridge, the chief of modern poets! Sucli were the mutations of opinion between the last jeara of King George III. and the first years of Queen Victoria. Whilst Byron was in the full blaze of his reputation, and Wordsworth was slowly establit-hing an enduring influence upon the popular mind, two ycung poets appeared, who, for a time, had to endure as much obloquy and • Jeffrey's "EKsays," vol. ii. p. 236. t Hid., p. 237. 1784-1820.] THE POETS— SHELLEY— KEATS— NARRATIVE POEMS. 121 neglect as ordinarily falls to the lot of intrusive mediocrity. In 1812, at tba age of twenty, Shelley printed his " Queen Mab." In 1821, he was drowned in the Mediterranean. In these ten years of a feverish and often unhappy existence, he produced a body of poetry " remarkable for its quantity, but much more wonderful for the quality of the greater part of it." * Pew were his contemporary admirers. He was denounced and dreaded. At war with many of the institutions of society ; an unbeliever in Christianity, but with a vague belief of an over-ruling power, and of the soul's immortality; his rash opinions, confirmed by something like persecution ; it was reserved for another age to understand the rare qualities of his genius. Shelley has been called " the poet of poets." His highest excellences are scarcely capable of rousing enthusiasm in ordinary readers, now that he is read. Keats published two volumes of Poems in 1817 ; his third volume appeared a few months before his death in 1821. The inspiration of Keats, like that of Shelley, was fitted to attract fervent votaries, but only amongst a com- paratively small class — those " of imagination all compact." The narrative facility of Scott, the splendid declamation of Byron, were elements of popu- larity which were wanting in these masters of a subtler art. The narrative character, by which a great portion of the verse of this period had established its hold upon the popular mind, w^as now adopted by writers w^hose earlier productions were more in conformity with the tastes of a generation passing away. Campbell had a wider reputation than any contemporary at the beginning of the century, created by his " Pleasures of Hope " and his noble lyrics. In 1809, he produced " Gertrude of Wyoming." Rogers appeared to revive from a sleep of twenty years, when, in ISli, he published " Jaqueliue," in conjunction with the "Lara" of Byron. His " Pleasures of Memory " appeared in 1792. He returned to his characteristic style in the "Italy" of 1822. Leigli Hunt, whose Juvenile Poems appeared in 1802, and wliose poetical faculty had been subsequently displayed in graceful verse, light or serious, in 1816 took his place amongst the narrative poets by his " Story of Eimini." Moore, the wittiest of satirists, the most elegant of song-writers, published " Lalla Eookh " in 1817. Crabbe, — who, when he published a volume of " Poems " in 1807, was hailed "with the same sort of feeling that would be excited by tidings of an ancient friend, whom we no longer expected to see in this world,t — in that volume reprinted "The Village." His new productions, which included " The Parish Eegister," were principally of a narrative character. In 1810 came " The Borough," ■v(ith the same marked feature of the recent poetical school; in 1812, " Tales ; " and in 1819, " Tales of the Hall." It is in these novelets in verse of Crabbe that we must look for such occasional delineations of mauners as have made the prose novels of Fielding and Smollett most valuable studies of the times in which they flourished. The life of the country town and its neighbourhood, half a century ago, has coarser and liarder features than wotild now offer themselves, even in the least refined classes. The sea-going population of the " Borough " are " a bold, artful, surly, savage race," — Bmugglers, wreckers, bribed electors. They dwell where there are dung. • Craik, "English Literature," vol. ii. p. 496, t "Ediji. Review," April, 1808. 122 CRABBE'S LATTER DELINEATION OF MANNERS, [1784-1820. heaps before every door, iu the " infected row we term our street." There " riots are nightly heard." "Within their hr vels all is filth and indecency. Books there are none, but ballads on the wall, abusive or obscene. Aid- borough was then a watering-place, — and had a " Season." There are few of its visitors now who would be content with " The brick-floor'd parlour which the butcher lets." The Mayor of the Borough, a prosperous fisherman, did not know in the painful accumulation of wealth, that money would multiply at interest. He was not alone in his ignorance. The race of hoarders was common in every district at the beginning of the century. The neighbouring Squire comes once a month to the " Free and Easy Club," to be the hero of the night. The rector, doctor, and attorney meet, in pleasant conviviality, to talk over parish affairs and politics, — election zeal, and "The murmuring poor who will not fast in peace." In such meetings there was ever a dictator, — a " Justice Bolt," — whose passion was that of " teaching " "Those who instruction needed not, or sought ;" — -in more recent times a malady most incident to Scots. The attorney then thought that he could best thrive in encouraging litigation. The apothecary, " all pride and business, bustle and conceit," was protected in his neglect of the poor by a "drowsy bench." The parish priest, who heeded not the summons to a pauper's bed,* had not yet been roused out of his indifference by the presence near his church of " Sects in Eeligion." Romanists, Baptists, Swedenborgians, TJniversalists, Jews, were found in the country town ; but most prevailing were the " Methodists, of two kinds, Calvinistic and Arminian." " Sects in Religion ? Yes, of every race We nurse some portion in our favoured place ; Not one warm preacher of one growing Sect Can say our Borough treats him with neglect ; Frequent as fashions, they with us appear, And you might ask, ' how think we for the year ? ' " In the " Edinburgh Eeview," of 1816, Jeffrey attributed the creation of an effectual demand for more profound speculation and more serious emotion than were dealt in by the writers of the former century, to the agita,tions of the French revolution, the impression of the new literature of Germany, and "the rise or revival of a more evangelical spirit in the body of the people." f The direct relations of this "more evangelical spirit" to our lighter literature are not very manifest ; but its indirect effect may be traced iu the general abandonment in prose works of fiction of the grossness which still lingered in the delineations of social life which came after those of the great humourists who were passing away when George III. ascended the throne. This may be partly attributed to the reformation of manners, which had unquestionably been produced by the same religious influences steadily * The picture of "the jovial youth" who thought his duty was comprised in his "Sunday's b»sk," is found in Crahbe'e early poem of "Tlic Village." t "Essays," vol. i. ]>. 1G7. 1781-1820.] MORE EVANGELICAL SPIRIT IN THE BODY OF THE PEOPLE. 12:j working amongst a portion of the upper and middle classes. In 1787, Wilberforce entered in his Journal a solemn record of what he deemed one of the great objects of his life : " God has set before me the reformation of my country's manners." His other great object, the abolitiou of the Slave Trade, had been accomplished ; and a visible change had taken place in the general aspects of society — in all of the community except some of the very high, and many of the very low — before the close of his career of practical benevolence in 1833. The " more evangelical spirit " — which many good and earnest men condemned as sectarian, had penetrated into the Church. A writer who has described the various phases of this transition period of religion, with a natural affection for the somewhat exclusive society amidst which he was reared, but with a generous catholicity of mind, has shown the difficulty of discriminating between the senses of two appellations, " Ortho- dox" and " Evangelical." He says, " The knot would perhaps have been best cut, by defining an Orthodox clergyman as one who held, in dull and barren formality, the very same doctrines which the Evangelical clergyman held in cordial and prolific vitality." * The " prolific vitality" fortunately took the form of association. Societies were formed for grappling with open im- morality, and for mitigating some of the more obvious evils of vice and Ignorance. The Theological Literature of this awakening period presented a novel aspect. The spirit of polite unbelief, which England had imparted to Erance in the beginning and middle of the eighteenth century, had travelled back from France to England towards the end of that century, in the grosser forms of denunciation and ribaldry. Dignitaries of the Church applied themselves to put down "The Age of Eeason" with gentle argument — apologetical rather than confiding. The great and fashionable, who shuddered at the notion that those beneath them should have their faith shaken and their morals corrupted by atheistical and licentious writers, did not wholly stand on the outside of the circle to whom the Eoyal Proclamation of 1787 against Vice was addressed. The private offences, in the support of whose official interdiction Wilberforce founded a society, were, profanation of the Lord's Day, swearing, drunkenness. The great gave their Sunday card parties, and Sunday concerts, long after Hannah More published, in 1796, her " Estimate of the Eeligion of the Fashionable "World," and "Wilberforce, in 1797, his " Practical Christianity." " The Clapham Sect" strove manfully against these anomalies, amidst hypocritical assent and covert ridicule. Some of this ridicule was deserved. It has been candidly acknowledged that "the spirit of coterie " was amongst them. They " admired in each other the reflection of their own looks, and the echo of their own voices." t It is this quality that now renders " Coelebs in Search of a "Wife " — one of the most popular books of the class of religious novels, of which this production of Hannah More was the first example — the most tedious of homilies pretend- ing to be amusing. What has been called " the unquenchable thirst for spiritual excitement" exposed weU-meaning crowds, who had a perpetual craving for the fountains of platform eloquence, to manifest a spirit of intolerance and exclusiveness whicb detracted largely from their honest • Sir J ames Stephen, "Essays in Ecclesiastical Biograiihy," vol. ii. p. 155. + Ibid., p. '607. 124 THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. [1784-1820 enthusiasm for schemes of benevolence. Advertisements in Magazines of Sectarian doctrines, announcing the establishment of a Margate Hoy, set 6r foot for the accommodation of religious characters ; of an eligible residence, in a neighbourhood where the Gospel is preached in three places within half a mile ; and of a serious man-servant wanted who can shave ; — such announce- ments as these, with which half a century has made us more familiar, were new and strange objects of ridicule in 1808* Mackintosh, who looked with a real satisfaction at the public religious advocacy of such measures as the removal of slavery, the amendment of the criminal laws, and the general circulation of the Bible — himself a frequent speaker at Anniversaries of Bible Societies — was fully alive to the mistake of these pretensions to peculiar sanctity which have operated so injuriously on the true interests of religion. He thus makes a note in his Diary of 1818 : " They have introduced a new language, in which they never say that A. B. is good, or virtuous, or even religious, but that he is an Advanced Christian." f The orthodox Divinity of this period was distinguished for its scholarship and speculative ability rather than for the spiritual gifts claimed for another school. Of those who maintained the intellectual reputation of the English Church, Paley was the foremost. Of pulpit orators, England could claim no one supreme. Chalmers, whose oratorical powers commanded the admiration of our most accomplished parliamentary speakers, was also the most admired, and deservedly so, of those who committed their eloquence to the calm judgment of the closet. His " Astronomical Discourses," published in 181G, rivalled the novels of AValter Scott in their fascinations for all readers. Scotland produced another writer of Sermons, Hugli Blair, whose popularity for a while was far greater than that of any modern divine of the Church of England. Eeeble and elegant, they excited no profound emotions ; but were generally welcomed as agreeable reading for family Sunday evenings. Of a very different character was the preaching of Eobert Hall, the Baptist minister, — a man who redeemed Dissent from the imputation of ignorance and vulgarity that attached to pulpits filled by uneducated men, who left their proper vocations to be gospel lights. Sound thinkers such as Eobert Hall were calculated to shame the orthodox divines who, in too many instances, were opposed to the spread of Education. In a sermon, preached in 1810, on " The Advantages of Know- ledge to the Lower Classes," he says, " If there be any truth in the figure by which society is compared to a pyramid, it is on them its stability chiefly depends ; the elaborate ornaments at top will be a wretched compensation for the want of solidity for the lower parts of the structure." It was one of the objects of the crusade against " Vice " carried on by the school of " Advanced Christians," to imitate the old Puritans in their undis- criminating hatred of the Stage. This hatred was a little out of season, for Comedy, happily ceasing to reflect the worst private manners, had become decorous. The goddess of duluess had driven the imps of licentiousness off the boards ; although their unholy revels were encouraged in the saloons. This shamelessness was certainly enough to make good men sometimes regard the theatres as dangerous for their sons. But is was scarcely sufficient to justify * "Edinburgh Review," vol. xi. p. 351, 1* "Life of Sir Jcames Mackiiito.sl]," vol. ii. p. 353. 1784-1820.] AVRITERS FOR THE STAGE. Vlo that tasteless hatred of all theatrical representations, which equally pro. scribed " Hamlet " and " Tom and Jerry," and thought that there would bo contamination in beholding the sublime impersonations of Mrs. Hiddons, or in listening to the majestic rhetoric of Jolin Kemble, Their proscription of the stage was not lessened when Miss O'l^eil and Edmund Kean came to maintain the succession of great tragedians. It is remarkable that, with such actors as the patent theatres possessed in the first two decades of the nineteenth century, and with all the affluence of the poetry of that era, no original tragedy was produced that could hold its place, even by the side of the still popular scenes of Eowe and Otway. The poetical tendencies of tha age were not dramatic ; the most popular of its poets wrote many tragedies; but "it may be doubted whether there is, in all lord Byron's plays, a single remarkable passage which owes any portion of its interest or effect to its connection with the characters or the action."* The same may be said of the dramas of Coleridge. Scott's three attempts at poetical dialogue were utter failures. The poets who wrote plays did not conceive them in the spirit of plays to be acted. Mr. Milman's " Fazio," which was not written for the stage, was better adapted to the stage, and had a greater success than any other works of a living poet, in the hands of the actors, who seized upon it before the existence of the law of dramatic copyright. In the same era, when manners were sufficiently marked to offer valuable studies of the social life of the upper classes, there was no worthy successor to Sheridan. Had there been a comic writer who could have carried forward some portion of the brilliant wit of " The School for Scandal," to have shown us the " dandies" of the Regency — a race whose foppery was not less intellectual than that of the sparkling heroes of Congreve and Vanbrugh — we might have had preserved to us a picture of manners which have wholly departed in the lazy affectation of the exclusive class in more recent days. The manners which the stage presented were made up of traits of character derived from the peculiar aptitudes of the comic actors — the Irishman, the Yorkshireman, the rakish right-honourable, the sentimental tradesman — all drawn to a pattern of the most approved mode of flattering the honest, patriotic, and somewhat obtuse middle class, who were the great supporters of the theatre. John-Bullisra was in the ascendant ; and there was no surer way to an Englishman's heart than to stimulate his national pride, and repre- sent his fireside as the seat of all the virtues. If the classic Comedy had passed away, — if Apollo, coming to the " Eeast of' the Poets," mistook " Eeynolds and Arnold, Hook, Dibdin and Cherry," for " the waiters" — the Novel, at the beginning of the century, was beginning to assert its legitimate claims to be the reflector of manners as well as "the mender of hearts." The prose fictions of Godwin and Holcroft were written for the development of political doctrines, " Caleb AVilliams " is not a fiction of actual life ; although a most forcible protest against some of the grosser forms of injustice and oppression which prevailed in a social state professing to be based upon the legal rights of all conditions of men. " Huo-h. Trevor" is a mild infusion of the principles that placed its author in a dangerous position, from which he was saved by the eloquence of Erskine * Macnulay, "Essays," vol. L p. 3-fG. 126 THE NOVELISTS. [1784-1820. The " Zeluco " and other novels of Dr. Moore were of the same semi-didactic character. Fanny Burney was a delineator of fiishionable life ; but there is nothing half so real in "Evelina" and "Cecilia" and "Camilla," as her pictures of the dull court of George III. at AVindsor, with the equerries standing for two hours in an outer room to hear the evening concerts. The ordinary routine of the upper slaves of Royalty, described by one of the victims as "riding and walking, and standing and bowing" in dutiful atten- dance, and their highest accomplishments, to walk out of a room backwards and never to cough or sneeze — these courtly attributes are eminently sugges- tive of the contrast between the life in the Lodge at Windsor in 1786, and the life in the Pavilion at Brighton thirty years later. George III. asking wise questions of men of science that were admitted to the Queen's tea- table — Dr. Herschel, Mr. Bryant, and Mr. De Luc ; — and the Eegent assuring Mr. "Wilberforce that if he would come to dine with him his ears should not be offended — " I should hear nothing in his house to give me pain, that even if there should be at another time, there should not be when I was there:"* George III. reading his despatches before his eight o'clock chapel ; tramping over his farm or following his harriers till his one o'clock dinner, — and George IV. remaining in his role de chanibre all the morning, either to receive his ministers, or lecturing his tailor on the cut of his last new coat,t — although these may be traits of individual character, they iire nevertheless to be associated with marked changes in the general tone of society. The "plain living" was gone. The " high thinking" might have also been "no more," had not a change come over the manners of the great, and had not the middle classes been raised and refined by a nobler order of literature. It was in 1802 that the despairing poet complained, — " No grandeur now in nature or in book Delights us." The age of epics was past ; but the charms of poetical or prose narrative were to impart higher pleasures than those of luxurious indulgence to a nevf race of readers. Looking back upon the real dangers, the vain fears, the party distractions, of the beginning of the century, it was a substantial blessing to the boy growing into manhood that such rich stores of pleasurable emotion were spread before him by the imaginative writers who were then developing their riches. The young student of that time might say, — " Much have I travelled in the realms of gold ;" but never with such joyous feelings as in these days of new poets and new novelists that may aspire to rank with the immortals. It is difficult to convey to a reader of a later time an adequate notion of the interest excited by the rapid appearance of that series of novels, of which " Waverley " was the first that surprised the world into a new source of delight. Scott has attributed his desire to introduce the natives of his own country to the sister kingdom, as having been partly suggested by the well- merited fame of Miss Edgeworth, whose Irish pictures had made the English familiar with the character of their gay and kind-hearted neighbours. • " Life of Wilberforce," vol. iv. p. 277. t "liuikus's Diavy," vol. iii. p. 56. 2784-1820.] THE WAVERLEY NOVELS— THE EDINBURGH REVIEW. 127 Admirable in their truth as are those novels of INIiss Edgeworth, in which she delineates the virtues and the foibles of the Irish, of her day ; skilful as she was in the management of some of her stories ; always using her powers in the cause of an honest patriotism, and in the exposure of social abuses — they had the attraction of faitliful representations of existing manners, but wanted that charm of romantic indistinctness which belongs to novels founded upon " chronicles of eld." Tliey have now an historical value which the contem- poraries of the accomplished authoress would have scarcely acknowledged. But the author of" Waverley," who lived essentially in the past, although pro- fessing to have derived his impulse to paint the Scottish character from " tlie rich humour, pathetic tenderness, and admirable tact" of Miss Edgeworth, never ^nttempted the picture of the Scot of his own day. " The ancient traditions and high spirit of a people who, living in a civilized age and country, retained so strong a tincture of manners belonging to an early period of society," were suited to a new form of romance in which the picturesque and the literal might be happily blended. How great was the ultimate success of this experiment it is needless to trace ; or how Scott's original scheme expanded into tales of "fierce wars and faithful loves," common to various climes and eras of cliivalry and feudalism. The success of the Waverley novels made the greater portion of the literature of the Circulating Library a drug in the market. The Inchbalds, and Burneys, and Eadclifies held their places for a little while. But the accumulations of stupidity which had encumbered the booksellers' shelves for thirty years ceased to circulate. Amidst this revolu- tion arose a female writer of real genius, Jane Austen. Her six novels will never be swept away with the rubbish of her "Minerva Press" compeers. The English life of the upper middle classes in the village and the country town — a life unchequered by startling incident ; a simple reality which, it might be thought, every one could paint, and which would be dull and uninte- resting when painted — is by this young woman delineated with a power which makes actual things more real than what is palpable to all, and by which the most familiar scenes are looked upon as if they were new. This is high Art. The rapid development in the first two decades of this century of a popular literature of a nobler order than what had preceded it, is in some degree to be ascribed to the influence upon opinion of a higher school of criticism. " The Edinburgh Eeview," in 1802, divorced the crafts of the reviewer and the bookseller. Without wholly assenting to the dictum of lord Cockburn, that Francis Jefirey was "the greatest of British critics," we may well believe that no one had preceded him, and that few have come after him, who directed the judgment of his contemporaries upon current Litera- ture with sucb a fund of good sense, with such a quick perception of fiiults, with such a generous appreciation of beauties, and with such an honest im- partiality, — always excepting the few cases in which poets, especially, had the misfortune to deviate in*to fields which the critic deemed barren. The services which that Heview rendered to the progress of improvement, in the discussion of the great political and social questions in which improvement at one time looked hopeless, need not here be detailed. It is suflBcient for us to say, that it stimulated a healthful spirit of inquiry, and altogether con- tributed largely to raise the standard of public intelligence. The " Quarterly Eeview " came in 1809 to supply what was deemed a necessary antidote to 128 BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE— ESSAYISTS. [1784-182a the political opinions of the " Edinburgh." Its editor, William Gifford, was iar less tolerant as a critic than Jeffrey, and he had altogether more of par- tizanship in his estimate of literary merit. But if he was often stern, and sometimes unjust to those of opposite opinions, he was not a tool in the hands of the party leaders with whom he agreed. If Brougham, and Sydney Smith, and Prancis Horner, and Mackintosh, were associated with Jeffrey, Gifford could marshal Canning, and Southey, and Scott, and Croker, in the rival ranks. The partizans who wore the drab livery were not a whit less dangerous than the smarter champions of the yellow and blue. Each of the visored knights affected not to know the leaders whom they encountered in the melee. Jeffrey never mentioned Gifford, nor Gifford Jeffrey. The multitude shouted, and ranged themselves under the rival banners. After forty years of contest there was very little left to fight about. It is amusing to look back upon this warfare. It is consolatory to know that through the very fierceness of the battle the cause of truth and justice was advanced. It was felt tliat, after all, the practical ends of life are best secured by a com- promise of extreme opinions. In the arbitrement of posterity upon literary merit, we come to know how powerless are the rash or prejudiced decisions of the highest courts of criticism. Keats was not " snuffed out by an article ; " Wordsworth was not doomed to oblivion by " This will never do." Following in the wake of the great reviews, there came, in due course, a higher order of Magazines. "Blackwood," about the close of the Hegency acquired an influence that extended far beyond Scotland. There was so much fun in its malice that its violent politics scarcely impeded its universal welcome, at least in England. There was so much of the outpouring of genius in Christopher !North, that few cared to inquire whether that fancy and pathos, that exquisite perception of the grand and beautiful in nature, were in unison with the narrow hatreds that belonged to an Edinburgh clique. The very excess of John Wilson's partizanship looks as if ever and anon he worked up his generous nature to uncongenial wrath, and then put on bis Sporting Jacket and sallied forth to breathe the pure air of the Moors, in a spirit of peace with all mankind. In raising the whole tone of periodical literature he gave the world a series of prose writings that fully manifested how truly he was a poet. Out of the new race of monthly Miscellanies issued other prose writers who made their mark upon their own time, and will long continue to have a niche in fame's temple. Amongst the foremost are Charles Lamb, William Hazlitt, Leigh Hunt, Thomas de Quincey. The least voluminous of modern Essayists, Lamb, is the most original. His quaint turns of humour and pathos will command admiration, when the wearisome platitudes of many a great moralist are forgotten. He looked upon society with a deep sympathy and a comprehensive charity. The man who wrote to a friend, " I often shed tears in the motley Strand, for feeling of joy at so much life," could not speak of human sorrows and infirmities with indifference. He had as acute a sense of what is hateful or ridiculous as the keenest of satirists, but he seeks not to extirpate evil by abuse, or to shame folly by f^arcasm. Of a very different order of mind was Hazlitt. The quan- tity which he wrote sufficiently indicates the fertility of his genius ; and in many of his critical essays we feel the shrewdness of hia judgment and the correctness of his taste. But as he counted amongst hia merits that of being 17S4-1820.] ESSAYISTS -POLITICAL ECONOMISTS. 129 a good Later, we must not expect to find a just and impartial estimate of con- temporaneous persons or things in his political or historical writings. He has the merit of being amongst the first to regard Shakspere from a higher point of view than the race of commentators, too often carping and truculent. But the Stephenses and Malones, nevertheless, kept alive a wholesome spirit of inquiry as to the real meaning of the greatest in all literature, when he uses words and phrases which appear nonsensical or obscure to the ordinary reader. Hazlitt approached Shakspere with the same reverential spirit in which Coleridge laboured with a higher faculty of philosophical criticism. Leigh Hunt, of this trio of Essayists who often worked in companionship, will probably continue to have the larger number of admirers. He walked in the pleasantest places of literature. To him the great imaginative writers — especially those of Italy, and of our early school upon which Italian poetry impressed its character — offer " a perpetual feast of neetar'd sweets." In his youthful career he endured a harder fate than most of those who were opposed to the ruling powers ; but he carried " the sunshine of the breast " into his prison, and the same unfailing spirits bore him through many of the disappointments of his after life. The same qualities that made the charm of his conversation pervade aU his writings. The greatest of the thinkers who was cradled in the Magazine Literature, De Quincey, belongs more properly to the next period ; although his " Opium Eater " was produced in the " London Magazine " of 1821. The " Essays " of John Foster, a Baptist minister, which first appeared in 1805, constituted one of the most treasured volumes of a period in which there were fewer books than at the present time, and when good sense, extensive knowledge, and liberal aspirations could secure a warm welcome for miscellaneous works, although not belonging to the class of light literature. These Essays will not readily be neglected even in an age which seeks the excitement of less natural writing. The school of Political Economists that succeeded Adam Smith — Malthus, James Mill, and Ricardo — had important influences on the political action of their time. So also had the great philosophical jurist, Jeremy Ben- tham. We shall have to recur to these names at another period. Of a different school was a political economist who took a broader view of the relations of Capital and Labour than these scientific writers, who had principally regard to the production of wealth. Dr. Thomas Chalmers, in his " Christian and Civic Economy of Large Towns," advocated the belief that the wants of the poor might be provided for without the machinery of the English Poor Laws. In his own locality of Glasgow he organized a system which was successful in making private benevolence prevent the necessity of a public recognition of pauperism. He was convinced that religion presented the only cure for the evils of society. The eloquence with which he enforced this doctrine, and the sound judgment wbich he applies to the great questions of what is now called " social science," have had a more per- manent influence than his views of the Poor Law System. The history of the progress of Scientific Discovery is too large a subject, and requires too many technical details, to permit a notice here beyond an enumeration of the principal discoverers. Sir William Herschel was still pursuing his observations at the age of eighty, when the first eucourager of bis astronomical pursuits, George III., died. He discovered the planet VOL. vui.— 233. ViO SCIENTIFIC DISCOVERY. [1784-18201 Uranus in 1781. It lias been said of bim, tbat " no one individual ever added so mucb to tbe facts on wbicb our knowledge of tbe solar system is founded." * His great telescope of forty feet focal lengtb was completed by bim at Slougb, on tbe 28tb of August, 1789, on wbicb day be discovered witb it tbe sixtb satellite of Saturn. Tbe principle of tbe reflecting telescopes of Herscbel was an improvement upon tbose of earlier construction. Herschell's Great Telescope at Slougb. Tbe discoveries in Cbemistry, and tbeir applications to tbe Arts, in tbe earlier portion of tbe reign of George III. were principally derived from tbe experiments of Black, Cavendisb, and Priestley. To tbese pbilosopbers at tbe beginning of tbe present century, succeeded tbe most original of inquirers and tbe most popular of teacbers, Sir Humpbrey Davy. His Lectures at tbe Royal Institution diffused a love of science amongst tbe general community. His invention of tbe Safety Lamp, in 1815, sbowed bow tbe profoundest investigations migbt result in an apparently simple con- trivance of tbe bigbest utility, like most of tbe great inventions tbat bave cbanged tbe face of tbe world. Dalton in 1808 produced bis Atomic Theory. Wollaston followed Dalton in a course of similar researcb, and in otber walks made bis experiments tbe bases of large additions to tbe Industrial Arts. But of all tbose wbo by Science diminisbed tbe amount of domestic sorrow, and enlarged tbe average term of buman life, was tbe pbysician wbo for balf :i century bad been striving in vain to make tbe medical world feel confidence in bis discovery of Vaccination. For tbirty years after tliis antidote to tbe sniall-pox was first practised in 1800, tbe wbolly ignorant and imperfectly udocated still stood in tbe way of tbe general diffusion of tbis great blessing 'English Cyclopredia." 1784-1820.] TRAVELLERS— TWO GREAT INVENTIONS. 131 of our era. Now the law prescribes that every child born in tlie kingdom must be vaccinated. "We look back upon the time Avhen many who had escaped with life from the terrible disease that killed ninety-two in every thousand of the population, bore into our public places the indelible marks of the scourge, and we rejoice now to behold the unscarred faces of the young as the best tribute to the memory of Edward Jenner. 'safety Lamp. With the striking exception of Mungo Park, no remarkable traveller had gone forth from England to enlarge the bounds of geographical discovery during the period of the war. Henry Martyn, Claudius Buchanan, and other zealous men were then missionaries in India, and prepared the way for the noble labours of the second Bishop of Calcutta, Eeginald Heber. In 1820 the observations ot Captain Parry in the Polar Seas led to a government expedition for exploring the Arctic Circle, in the expectation of discovering the North- West Passage. These undertakings belong to a chapter which we must devote to the Science of a period nearer the present time, when the vast results of the connection between Philosophy and the Industrial Arts may be briefly traced. It may be desirable, however, here to mention two great mechanical inventions that have had the most decided influence on the progress of society. About the first decade of the Nineteenth Century, there was a real beginning in Great Britain of that mode of navigation which was destined to make distant countries less remote, and to change the whole system of communication in our own waters. Henry Bell had his Steam passage-boat running on the Clyde in 1811. In a few years steam-boats were plying on the Thames. In 1816 there were persons who had the hardihood to make a voyage in such a smoke-pufiing vessel even as far as Margate. In 1818 Jeflrey thus described a steam-boat on Loch Lomond, which surprised him as he was sitting with his wife in a lonely wild little bay ; " It is a new experiment for the temptation of tourists. It L32 THE STEAM BOAT— THE PRINTING MACHINE. [1784-1320. circumnavigates the whole lake every day in about ten hours ; and it was certainly very strange and striking to hear and see it hissing and roaring past the headlands of our little bay, foaming and spouting like an angry whale ; but, on the whole, I think it rather vulgarises the scene too much, and I am glad that it is found not to answer, and is to be dropped next year." * Vast as have been the results of the application of Steam to Navigation, we may almost venture to say that the application of Steam to Printing cannot be regarded as a less important instrument in the advance of civilization. The Printing Machine has had as great an influence upon the spread of knowledge in the Nineteenth Century, as the invention of printing itself in the fifteenth century. The first sheet of paper printed by cylinders and by steam, was the ' Times' newspaper of the 28th of November, 1814. The maker of that Printing Machine was Mr. Koenig, a native of Saxony. Machines, less cumbrous and more adapted to all the purposes of the typographical art, gradually came into use. Without this invention the most popular daily paper could only produce, with the most intense exertion, five thousand copies for the demand between sunrise and sunset. Sixty thousand copies of a London morning paper can now be distributed through the country in two or three hours after the first sheet has been rolled. Tliese astonishing changes in the powers of Journalism are not more impor- tant than the effects upon all Literature, in the reduction of the price of books by this invention of the Printing Machine and the concurrent invention of the Paper Machine. * "Life of Lord Jeffrey," voL ii. p. 181. IMntiiKT Macliiue. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF BEITISH WEITEES. In the Fifth Volume of the Popular History of England a Table is given of the principal British Writers in each century, from the beginning of the sixth century to the end of the eighteenth. Added to the name of each author are given the dates of his or her birth and death, as far as could be ascertained, and, in some cases, the title of the work by which the writer is best known. The names are arranged in three columns — Imagination, — which includes the Poets and NoveUsta ; Fact, — writers on History, Geography, and other matters of exact detail ; Specu- lative and Scientific, — those who treat of Philosophy and Science. This division is, to a certain extent, useful ; but it is difficult to carry it out with precision, especially in cases where the writings of one author belong to several classes of literature. The subjoined Table is a continuation of that in Volume V., com- prising the principal writers of the present century, with the exception of those who are now living (December 18, 18C1). These wiU remain to be added in a Supplementary Table. Imagination. Fact. Speculative and Scientific. A.D. A.D. A.D. 1800 Henry Kirke White, 1785- 1800 Mungo Park, 1771-1805, 1800 Henry Cavendish, 1731- 1806, Poems Travels in Africa 1810, Physics, Compo- Robert Tannahill, 1774- Charles James Fox, 1749- sition of Water 1810, Songs and Poems 1806, History Richard Cecil, 1748-1810, John Leyden, 1775-1811, J. Macdiarmid, 1779- Sermons, Religious Bio- Poems and Translations 1808, Biogi'apliy graphy Edmond Malone, 1741- 1812, Commentator on Shakspere James Grahame, 1765- James Forsyth, 1763- Alexander Murray, 1775- 1811, The 'Sabbath,' 1815, Travels in Italy 1813, Europeau Lan- and other Poems guages Jane Austen, 1775-1817, Claudius Buchanan, 1766- John Playfair, 1748-1S19, 'Pride and Prejudice,' 1815, Christian Re- Euclid's Geometry and other Novels. searches in India Matthew G. Lewis, 1775- Arthur Young, 1741-1820, 1818, Poems and Novels Agriculture Hector McNeill, 1746- Sir Joseph Banks, 1743- 1818, Scottish Poems : 1820, Natural History 'The Scottish Adven- John Bell, 1763-1820. 1 turers,' a Novel Anatomy Thomas Brown, 1778- 1820, Metaphysics J. Bonnycastle, d. 1821, Astronomy, Algebra Elizabeth Inchbald,l 753- Patrick Colquhoun, 1745- James Peny, 1756-1821, 1821, ' A Simple Story,' 1820, Statistics, Police Political Journalist and other Tales of the Metropolis (Morning Chronicle) John Keats, 1796-1821, John Aikin, 1747-1822, Poems 'Evenings at Home.' James Sowerby, 1757- 1822, English Botany C. Hutton, 1737-1*23. Mathematics Percy Bysshe Shelley, 1 E. D. Clarke, 1769-1822. DavidRicardu,l772-182S- 1793-1822, Poems Travels in Russia and the East Political Economy 134 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF BIUTISH WRITERS. Imagination. 1 Fact. SPECULATI7E AND SCIENTIFIC. A.D. A.D. A.D. 1300 Robert Bloomfield, 1766- 1800 David Bogue, 1749-1825, 1800 Richard Payne Knight, 1823, 'The Farmer's History of Dissenters 1750-1824, Philology, Boy, ' and other Poems Essay on Taste Chares Wolfe, 1791-1823, A. Rees, 1743-1825, ' Ode on the Burial ot Cyclopaedia Sir John Moore' Samuel Parr, 1747-1825, George, Lord Byron, 178S- Philology 1824, Poems Anna Lsetitia Barbauld, 1743-1825, Poems, Tales, Hymns in Prose JohnFlaxman, 1755-1820, Reginald Heber, 1783- W. Mitford, 1744-1827, Lectures on Sculpture 1826, 'Palestine,' and History of Greece William Gifford, 1757- other Poems 1826, PoUtics and Cri- Robert Pollok, 1799- George Canning, 1770- ticism (Quarterly Rev.) 1827, Coui-se of Time 1827, Microcosm, Anti- Dugald Stewart, 1753- Henry Mackenzie, 1745- Jacobin 1828, Metaphysics 1831, 'Man of Feeling' Hugh Clapperton, 1788- P. Elmsley, 1773-1825, 1827, Travels in Africa Philology George Crabbe, 1754- James Rennell, 1782- W. H. WoUaston, 1776- 1832, Poems 1830, Geography 1828, Physical Science Thomas Tredgold, 1788- Sir Walter Scott, 1771- William Roscoe, 1753- 1829, Building and 1832, Poems, Waverley 1831, Biography Engineering Kovels Thomas Young, 1773- 1829, Physics, Hiero- Anna Maria Porter, 1781- glyphics 1832, Historical Novels ii Sir Humphry Davy, 1778- Hannah More, 1745- Sir James Mackintosh, 1829, Chemistry 1833, Sacred Dramas. 1765-1832, History of William Hazlitt, 1778- ' Ccelebs in Search of a England, Progress of 1830, Essays on Shak- Wife' Ethical Philosophy spere William Sotheby, 1756- John Abernethy, 1763- 1833, Poems, Transla- 1831, Physiology, Sur- tions gery Robert Hall, 1764-1831, Sermons, Essays Archbishop Magee, d. 1831, Sermons, Trea- Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Alexander Chalmers, 1759- tise on the Atonement 1772-1834, Poems and 1834, Biographical Dic- Jeremy Bentliam, 1747- Essays tionary 1832, Jurisprudence, Charles Lamb, 1775-1834, James Dallaway, 1763- Political Economy Poems, 'Essays of Elia' 1834, Travels, Archeo- George Burder, 1752- logy 1832, Village Sermons Thomas Pringle, 1789- Thomas M'Crie, 1772- Adam Clarke, 1760-1832, 1834, Poems, 'South 1835, Life of John Knox Oriental Literature, African Sketches' II. D. Inglis (Derwent Biblical Commentary Couway), 1795-1835, Sir John Leslie, 176G- Travels 1832, Physics John Gillies, 1747-1836, William Carey, 1761-1834, James Hogg, 1772-1835, History of Ancient Translations of the ' The Queen's Wake,' Greece Scriptures into Eastern and other Poems, Languages Winter Evening Tales' ■ T.R.Malthus, 1766-1834, ' Essay on Population ' Edward Irving, 1792- 1834, Interpretation ol Prophecy CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF BRITISH WRITERS. 13^ Imagination. X.D. 1800 A.D. I8C0 Felicia Heraans, 1794- 1835, Poems William Godwin, 1756- 1836, 'Caleb Williams,' and other Novels George Coleman, the! Younger, 1762-1836. Dramas Sii- S. Egerton Brydges. 1764-1837, Poems Anne Grant (of Laggan), 1755-1838, Poems, • Translations from the Gaelic,' 'Letters from the Mountains' Lffititia E. Landon (Mrs. Maclean), 1802-1839, Poems James Smith, 1775-1839, Novels, 'Rejected Ad- John ' Gait, 1779-1839, 'Ayrshire Legatees,' and other Tales of Scottish Life. W. M. Praed, 1802-1839, Poems and Essays Thomas Haynes Bayley, d. 1839, Poems and Tales Frances Burney (Madame D'Arblay), 1752-1340, ' Evelina,' aid other Novels Thomas Dibdin, 1771- 1841, Dramas Theodore E. Hook, 1788- 1841, Novels Allan Cunningham, 1 784- 1842, Poems John Banim, 1800-1842, Irish Novels Thomas H. Lister, J. . 1842, 'Granby,' and other Novels Robert Southey, 1774- 1843, 'Curse of Ke- hama,' and other Poems William Taylor, 1765- 1836, History of Ger- maa Poetry Sir W. Gell, 1777-1836, Classical Topography and Antiquities Henry Roscoe, 1799-1836, Lives of Eminent Law- yers Sir R. C. Hoare, 1758- 1838, Travels, Anti- quities of Wiltshire, &c. Speculative and Scientipio A. p. 1800 Sir Alexander Bumes, 1805-1841, Travels in Bokhara and Cabool T.D.Fosbroke,1770-lS42, Topography, Archteo- logy Sir Robert Ker Porter, 1775-1842, Travels in the East William Hone, 1779-1842, ' Every Day Book' Thomas Arnold, 1795 1842, History of Rome William Cobbett, 1762- 1835, Politics and Rural Economy Robert Jlorrison, 1782- 1834, Chinese Lan- guage Sir Charles Wilkks, 1749- 1836, Oriental Litera- ture W. Marsden, 1754-1836, Oriental Languages Richard Valpy, 1754- 1836, Philology John Pond, 1767-1336, Astronomy James Mill, 1773-1836, Political Economy, His- tory of India W. Elford Leach, 1790- 1836, British Crustacea John Latham, 1740-1S37, Ornithology Joshua Marshman, 1767- 1837, Chinese Litera- ture John .Tamieson, 1759-1838 Dictionary of the Scot- tish Language Archibald Alison, 1757- 1839, Essays on Taste William Smith, 1769- 1839, Geology Sir Anthony Carlisle, 1768-1840, Anatomy and Surgery Laut Carpenter, 1780- 1840, Theology Sir Astley Cooper, 1763- 1841, Surgery Oliuthus Gregory, 1774- 1841, Mathematics, Evi- dences of Christianity Joseph Blanco White, 1775-1841, 'letters from Spain,' Controver- sial Writings against Roman Catholicism 136 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF BRITISH WRITERS. Imagination. Fact. Speculative and Sciektifio. A.D. A.D. A.D. 1800 William Beckford, 1761- 1800 1800 Thomas Rickman, 1776- 1844, 'Vathek,' an 1841, Gothic Architec- Oriental Komance ture Henry P. Gary, 1772- Patrick Kelly, 1756-1842, 1844, Poems, Transla- Mathematics, ' Univer- tion of Dante sal Cambist' Barbftra Hoflaud, 1770- Sir Charles Bell, 1774- 1844, Novels, Domestic 1842, Treatise on the Tales Hand, Surgery Thomas Campbell, 1777- William Maginn, 1793- 1844, ' Pleasures of 1842, Politics, Periodi- Hope,' and other Poems cal Literature John Sterling, 1806-1844, John Foster, 1770-1843, Poems, Tales, and E.-- Essays on Popular says Ignorance, and other subjects R. W. Rham, 1778-1843, Dictionary of the Farm John C. Loudon, 1783- 1843, Botany, Horti- Rog'naMariaRoche,1764- Henry John Todd, 1763- culture 1845, 'Children of tlif 1845, Bibliography, John Dalton, 1766-1844, Abbey, 'and otherNovels New Edition of John- Chemistry son's Dictionary Francis Baily, 1774-1844, H. Barham, 178S- John Adolphus, 1770- Astronomy 1845, 'Ingoldsby Le- 1845, History of the John Abercrombie, 1781- gends' Reign of George III. 1844, Metaphysics, ThomasHood, 1798-1845, John Gurwood, 1791- Theology 'Song of the Shirt,' 1845, Wellington's Des- SydneySmith, 1771-1845, ' Comic Annual,' &c. patches Politics, Periodical Es- Laman Blanchard, 1803- HughMurray, 1779-1846, says 1845, Poems, Essays, Geography J. F. Daniell, 1790-1845, and Sketches Chemistry, Meteoro- Robert Plumer Ward, SharonTurner, 1768-1847, logy 1765-1846, Novels ' Sacred History of the Christopher Wordsworth, World,' History of the 1774-1846, Theology Anglo-Saxons H. Gaily Knight, 1787- Thomas F. Dibdin, 1776- 1846, Antiquities, Ar- 1847, Bibliography chitecture Sir Thomas Dick Lauder, Sir John Barrow, 1764- George Joseph Bell, 1770- 1784-1848, Highland 1848, Biography, Arc- 1847, Principles of the Legends tic Voyages Law of Scotland William Tennant, 17S5 Isaac Disraeli, 1766-1848, Thomas Chalmers, 1780' 1848, Dramas, 'Anster History, 'Curiosities of 1847, Theology, Meta- Fair,' a Poem Literature' physics, Political and Frederick Marryat, 1792- Sir N. Harris Nicolas, Social Economy 1848, 'Peter Simple,' 1799-1848, History, Joseph John Gurney, and other Sea Novels Genealogy, &c. 1788-1847, Christian Maria Edgeworth, 1767- Horace Twiss, 1786-1849, Evidences 1849, Moral Tales, Life of Lord Eldon, &c. Andrew Combe, 1797- Novels of Irish Life 1847, Principles of Horace Smith, 1780-1849, Patrick Fraser Tytler, Physiology apglied to ' Brambletye House,' 1790-1849, Biography, Health and other Novels, ' Re- History of Scotland J.C.Prichard, 1785-1848, jected Addresses' Ethnology Ebenezer Elliott, 1781- Edw. Copleston, 1776- 1849, Poems, 'Com 1849, Theology Law Rhymes' Anthony Todd Thomson, Bernard Barton, 1784 1778-1849, Materia 1849, Poems Medica CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF BRITISH ^YRITERS. U7 A.D. 1800 Marguerite, Countess of Blessington, 1789-1849 Novels, ' Idler in Italy, &c. W. Lisle Bowles, 1762 1850, Poems Wra. Wordsworth, 1770 1850, Poems Jane Porter, 1776-1850 Historical Novels W. H. Maxwell, 1794 1850, 'Wild Sports of the West,' ' Random Shots from a Rifleman Harriet Lee, 1756-1851 ' Canterbury Tales' Joanna Baillie, 1762- 1851, Dramas, 'Tales of the Passions' Martha Mary Sherwood, 1774-1851, Novelsand Tales Thos. Moore, 1779-1852, Poems, ' Irish Melodies' Amelia Opie, 1768-1853, Poems, 'Tales of the Heart' James Montgomery, 1771- 1854, ' The World he- fore the Flood,' and other Poems, Hymns for Public Worship Miss Ferrier, 1782-1854, 'Marriage,' 'Destiny," ' The Inheritance' Thomas Noon Talfourd, 1795-1854, Dramas Thomas Crofton Croier. 1798-1854, 'Fairy Le- gends' and ' Popular Songs of Ireland' Samuel Phillips, 1815- 1854, 'Caleb Stukely,' ' Essays from the Times' Samuel Rogers, 1763- 1855, 'Pleasures of Memory,' ' Italy,' &c. John Wilson, 1788-1855, 'The Isle of Palms,' ' Trials of Margaret Lindsay,' &c. Mary Russell Mitford, 1789-1855, Poems, 'Our Village,' and other Sketches A.D. 1800 John Lingard, 1771-1851, History of England H. Fynes Clinton, 1781- 1852, Fasti Hellenici, &c. George R. Porter, 1792- 1852, Statistics, 'Pro- gress of the Nation' Eliot Warburton, 1810- 1852, Travels SirWilliamBetham, 1779- 1853, Irish Antiqua- rian Researches, The Gael and Cimbri E. W. Brayley, 1773- 1854, Topography, An- tiquities John Gibson Lockhart, 1794-1854, Life of Sir Walter Scott, Editor of Quarterly Review Sir George Head, 1782. 1855, Travels James Silk Buckingham, 1786-1855, Travels JosiahConder,l 789-1855: 'The Modern Traveller' Edv.ard Hawke Locker, 1777-1849, Lectures on the Bible aud the Liturgy, &c. William Kirby, 1759- 1850, Eutomology Francis Jeffrey, 1773- 1850, Essay on Taste, Critical Essays (Edin- burgh Review) Edward Bickersteth, 1 78 6- 1850, Scripture Help, Guide to the Prophe- cies George Dunbar, 774- 1851, Greek Lexicon John Pye Smith, 1774- 1851, Scripture and Geology Richard Phillips, 1778- 1851, Chemistry George Crabbe, 1779- 1851, Dictionary of Synonyms Jehu Chas. Tarver, 1790- 1851, English and French Dictionary Samuel Lee, 1783-1852, Oriental La-nguages John Dairy mple, 1804- 1852, Anatomy of the Eye William Jay, 1769-1S53, Sermons Ralph Wardlaw, 1779- 1853, Theology, Church Establishments James F. W, Johnston, 1796-1853, Agricul- tural Chemistry F. W. Robertson, 1816- 1853, Sermons, Lec- tures George Stanley Faber, 1773-1854, Christian Evidences, Prophetical loterpretation Edward Forbes, 1815- 1854, Geology, Natural History Julius C. Hare, 1796- 1855, Theology Sir H. delaBeche, 17S6- 1855, Geology Martin Barry, 1802-1855, Physiology Thomas Tooke, 1771- 1856, Political Econo- my, History of Prices William Buckland, 1784- 1856, Geology 138 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF BRITISH WRITERS. Imagination. 1800 RobertMontgomery,1807 1855, 'Omnipresence of the Deity,' and other Poems Charlotte Bronte (Currer Bell), 1824-1855, 'Jane Eyre,' and other Novels Douglas JeiTold, 1803- 1857, 'Men of Charac- ter,' ' Mrs. Caudle's Lectures,' Dramas Sydney, Lady Morgan, 1785-1859, 'Wikllrish Girl,' and other. Novels Leigh Hunt, 1784-1859, Poems, Essays Thomas DeQuincey, 1786- 1859, 'Confessions of an EnglishOpium Eatei-' Essays Thomas K. Hervey, 1804- 1859, Poems, Essays G. P. R. James, 1301 1860, Novels Anna Jameson, 1794 1860, ' Female Charac- ters of Shakspere,' * Handbook to Oalleries of Art' Albert Smith, 1816-1860, Novels, Tales, Bur lesque Sketches Lady Charlotte Bury, 1775-1861, Novels J. W. Cunningham, 1778 1861, 'The Velvet Cushion,' Poems Catherine Gore, 1800- 1861, 'iMothers and Daughters," The Bank- er's Wife,' and other Novels Elizabeth Barrett Brown- ing, 1809-1861, 'Au- rora Leigh,' and other Poems Charles James Lever, 1803-lSGl, 'Harry Lor- requer,' ' Charles O'MAlley' A.D. 1800 Sir Edward Parry, 1790- 1855, Voyages to the Arctic Regions Sir T. L. Mitchell, 1792- 1855, Expeditions into the Interior of Aus- tralia John Britton, 1771-1857, Topography, Antiquities John Macgregor, 1799- 1859, Commercial Sta- tistics Henry Hallam, 1778- 1859, Constitutional History of England Charles Macfarlaue, 1800- 1853, Travels, History John Lee, 1779-1859, Ecclesiastical History Sir James Stephen, 1788 1859, History, Essays in Ecclesiastical Bio- graphy Thomas, Lord Macaulay, 1800-1859, Essays, History of England WilliamMure, 1799-1860, History of Greek Lite- Sir Henry G. Ward, 1796- 1860, Travels DavidJardine, 1794-1 860, History of the Gun- powder Plot SirCharles Fellows, 1799- 1860, Travels in Asia Minor Sir Francis Palgrave, 1788-1861, History of the Anglo-Sa-xons Joliii, Lord Campbell, 1779-1861, Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Chief Justices of Eng- land A.D. 1800 Speculative and Soikntifio. William Yarrell, 1784- 1856, Natural History John Ayrton Paris, 1785- 1856, On Diet Sir William Hamilton, 1788-1856, Metaphy- sics John Forbes Royle, 1797- 1856, Botany T.D. Hincks, 1767-1857, Oriental Languages Andrew Ure, 1778-1857, Chemistry, ' Dictionary of Arts and Manufac- tures ' John Wilson Croker, 1780- 1857, Politics, Criticism John Harris, 1804-1857, ' Mammon' (prizeessay), Theology and Physics J. M. Kemble, 1807-1857, Anglo-Saxon Language and Literature Hugh Miller, 1802-1856, Geology Stephen Robert Rintoul, 1787-1858, Politics, 'Spectator' Newspaper GeorgeCombe, 1788-1858, Phrenology, ' Constitu- tion of Man ' Jane Webb Loudon, 1800- 1858, Gardening for Ladies William J. Broderip, 1788- 1859, Natural History Dionysius Lardner, 1793- 1859, Physics John P. Nichol, 1804- 1859, Astronomy Alexander Fletcher, 1778- 1860, Theology JohnNarrien, 1782-1860, Mathematics, Military Engineering William Spence, 1783- 1860, Entomology Horace Hayman Wilson, 1786-1860, Sanskrit Language R. Bentley Todd, 1809- 1860, Surgery Sir Howard Douglas, 1775- 1861, Military and Naval Defences T. Southwood Smith, 1788 — 1861, Philo- sophy of Health W. J. Donaldson, 1812- 1861, Philology Waterloo Bridgfe. CHAPTER VIII. State of the Fine Arts to the close of the Regency — Architecture — Imitation of Greek models— St. Pancras Church — Wyatt and Gothic restorations — Soane — Holland — Smiike — Wil- kins — Nash — Regent-street and Regent's Park — Churches — Bridges — Telford — Rennie— Sculpture — Banks — Bacon — Flaxman — Chantrey — Westmacott — TheTownley, Phigaleian, and Elgin Marbles — British Institution — Dulwich Gallery — Painting — West — Copley — • Fuseli — Haydon — Lawrence — Wilkie — Turner — Painting in Water Colours — Engraving — Line Engrarers— Wood Engraving — Bewick — Lithosjraphy. It is the purpose of the present chapter to carry forward the survey of the state of the Fine Arts from 1783 to the end of the Eegeucy. Architecture in the last years of the eighteenth century was far from being in a flourishing condition. There was much building, but there was little Art. It was the epoch of the rise of that style of architecture which culminated during the Eegency and then collapsed : the style of imitative Greek art. Towards the end of the century was commenced a publication thijit should be of service in the earlier stage of our inquiry.* It formed, when completed, two costly folio volumes, was addressed to " the Professor, the Student, and the Dilettante, in this noble branch of the Polite Arts," and professed to give " Plans and Elevations of Buildings, public and private, erected in Great Britain " during the past few years. Estimated simply from the examples in these volumes, the character of our architecture and the condition of architectural taste sixty years back must indeed have been at a low ebb. And evidently there was on the part of the author, himself an architect of position, the full intention to afford a favourable representation of the current architecture. He gives views and descriptions of a few * "The New Vitruvius Brltannicus, " by George Richardson, Architect, 2 vols, folio. London, 1797—1808. 140 ARCHITECTURE— IMITATION OF GREEK MODELS. [1784-1820. public buildings, many mansions, but no churches' — an omission easily explained, for no churches were erected then with any pretensions to archi- tectural character, nor indeed till the last years of the Eegency. The build- ings are by the leading architects of the time ; by the "Wyatts, Soane, Wilkins, Adams, Mylne, Holland, Nash, and others most in request with private employers, as well as public bodies. In looking over the examples, we see certain general characteristics, which are really the characteristics of the architecture of the period : a formal and symmetrical arrangement to which convenience is often made to give way ; in the exterior design, poverty of thought and absence of imagination or invention ; the general mass without grandeur or beauty ; the ornamental details of the most meagre and common-place description. But it was a time when what we should now call poverty was regarded as purity. Dallaway, an authority in those days, writing at this very time,* whilst speaking of the beauty of the newly erected Trinity House, complains that its " purity of style " is injured by the intro- duction of bas-reliefs on the fa9ade. All the examples in the " New Vitruvius " are, or claim to be, Greek in character, except two or three which are pro- fessedly Gothic. With Chambers had ended the classical Italian style. His Somerset House had indeed not long been finished ; yet not only is there no representation of it here, but in none of the buildings shown is any imitation of it traceable. Almost every building, whetlier public or private, has a Greek portico or pediment — usually Ionic — affixed against a wall of the baldest and most un- Grecian character, pierced with plain holes for windows. And this sort of thing went on nearly to the end of the period under review. In the latter part of it there was indeed improvement of a certain kind. Grecian travel, or a close acquaintance with Grecian models, came to be as regular a part of every architect's course of study, as a visit to Rome and the measurement of Eoman remains had been a few years before. As a consequence, the Grecian orders were copied with greater accuracy, and Grecian mouldings were more or less liberally introduced. But the portico continued to be the grand feature. So that the portico was an exact copy, or followed strictly the proportions, of some extant example in Athens or Ionia, the body of the building was, externally at least, of comparatively little consequence. Nor was it by any means deemed essential that the portico should have any special adaptation to place or circumstance. An Ionic portico was made, during even these last and best years of Greek imitation, to grace iudifi'erently the front of a lunatic asylum, a post-office, or a church ; whilst the massive Doric was considered equally applicable to a theatre or a mint, a palace or a corn-market. The culminant example of this mechanical reproduction of a Greek type may be seen in the church of St. Pancras, by Euston-square, London, at once the latest, most " correct," and costliest of the semi-Greek churches. On the southern side of a temple dedicated to the Grecian nymph Pandrosus, which stood on the summit of the lofty Acropolis, and under the clear sky of Athens, was a porch the supports of which, instead of being the usual columns, were six exquisitely * " ADecdotee of the Arts in England, or Comparative Observations on Architecture," &Cy iio., 1800. i78i-lS20.] ST. PANCRAS CHURCH. Ill sculptured female figures. This porch was copied exactly — except indeed that its size was increased, and that the material of the structure was stone, and of the figures "compo," instead of the bright Penthelic marble — and placed against the side of a church in almost the lowest part of the flat and foggy New Road. And, as though to push the solecism to its limit, whereas the original stood on the south side of the temple under the full glare of a mid-day Athenian sun, while a much larger Ionic portico occupied the corresponding position on the north side, in the church the porch was reproduced in exact counterpart on both sides ; the northern porch, untouched by a gleam of sunshine being that which is in full view of the entire stream of traffic, while the southern porch is comparatively hidden. It only requires to be added to complete the aesthetic conception, that these Loudon porches were made to serve as vestries, a chimney-pot being the crowniug ornament of each, whilst the basements are burial-places. "With such evidence of mere routine reproduction we can hardly be surprised to find, at the very close of the period, one of the most distinguished architects of the time declaring it to be " a melancholy fact that Architecture has not kept pace with our other advances towards perfection — nay, that in that noble art we are at least a century behind our neighbours on the continent." * This was too strongly expressed, perhaps, but it is the fact that it was a time of cold conven- tionalism and unreasoning imitation. Yet, palpable as now seems the absurdity of merely copying Grreek buildings or portions of buildings, without regard to purpose, place, or climate, or to the entirely different cir- cumstances of the age and the people for which the buildings were intended, we must bear in mind that the copying from Greek temples only gave way before the copying of Italian palaces and Gothic churches. The really " melancholy fact " is, that in all the forty years here passed in review, probably not a building could fairly be quoted as an example of con- siderate adaptation of style to purpose, or of thoughtful originality of design. Whilst, however, the architecture of this period claimed to be essentially Greek, one of the most conspicuous of its professors secured a large measure of his celebrity by the practice of Gothic. As we saw in a previous chapter, James "Wyatt sprung into fame by the erection, in 1772, of the Pantheon. He had since been extensively employed in the erection of country mansions of the set " classic " style, and he continued to be so employed to the end of hi^ days. But the death, in 1784, of Essex, the protege of Horace Walpole, who had long acted almost exclusively as the architect of cathedrals, colleges, and other important Gothic buildings, left an opening which Wyatt hastened to occupy. Lee Priory, Kent (1781)), his first essay in this style, was praised by "Walpole. He soon found grander opportunities for displaying his capability of rivalling the mediaeval designers or improving on their designs. Chief among his Gothic buildings were Ponthill, erected (1795, &c.) at an almost fabulous cost for the celebrated Beckford ; the palace at Kew, of "castellated Gothic," which was left unfinished, and finally pulled down without having ever been occupied ; and Ashridge, Hertfordshire, built for the earl of Bridgewater. Eegarded as imitations of the Gothic of any * Sir John Soane, " Civil Arcliitecture," folio, 1829, p. 12. 142 WYATT— GOTHIC RESTORATIONS. [1784-1820. period, or as what is now spoken of as a development of Gothic, these buildings would appear quite puerile. They are in fact an incongruous admixture of what may, perhaps, be called Gothic forms and details, though of the latest and most meagre description, adapted to structures which neither in plan nor elevation are in any sense Gothic. But about some ot them, Ashridge in particular, there is a certain grandiose picturesqueness never seen in the architect's pseudo-classic mansions. And it must be remembered in mitigation of his Gothic heresies, that Gothic, when Wyatt began to practise it, had received no such searching investigation as that to which it has since been subjected. Not only were its principles undefined, but even its details had never been accurately represented. It was in fact to antiquaries as much as to architects an unknown language, and "Wyatt was too busy a man to spend much time in deciphering its hieroglyphics. It is noticeable, however, as an illustration of the little genuine feeling he had for Gothic architecture, as well as of the little regard that was given to the subject generally, that at Oxford — where, if anywhere, Gothic would have seemed the appropriate style — when Wyatt was called in to construct a library for Oriel college, he, as we find it stated in an architectural work of a somewhat later time, " introduced a correct Ionic ;" whilst for the gateway at Christchurch, he introduced " a beautiful Doric," though it is considerately added, " the columns, when compared with the Greek, appear too slender." But his most indefensible Gothic misdeeds were his so-called "restorations." As the chief professor of Gothic architecture he was employed in repairing several of our noblest cathedrals, and in so doing altered or destroyed with reckless hand whatever seemed to him unnecessary or even unsymmetrical. Especially was this the case at Hereford, Litchfield, and Salisbury ; at the last he altogether demolished among other things a bell tower, and several chapels of exquisite beauty. Magdalen, Merton, All Souls, Balliol and several other Oxford colleges, also sufiered in difi'erent degrees from his unhappy restorations. Samuel Wyatt, a brother of James, had a consider- able reputation, and his works are not wholly devoid of invention. Like his brother he was largely employed in constructing private residences. His best building of a public character was Trinity House, Tovver Hill, of no great architectural merit, but noteworthy as having on the front rilievi by Bacon, and in the interior one of the latest of those allegorical ceiling paintings that once furnished such profitable occupation for the pencils of Verrio, and Laguerre. Sir Jeffrey Wyattville, the nephew, scholar, and faithful follower of James Wyatt, belongs only in part to this period ; his great work, the alteration of Windsor Castle, was not com- menced till 1824 ; whilst Sidney Sussex College was eight or ten years later. His earlier works were chiefly private residences of the ordinary Wyatt type. Sir John Soane ought to serve as the representative of tlie highest order of architectural ability of this period. On the death of Taylor, in 1788, he was appointed architect to the Bank of England. On the death of Chambers (1790) he was made architect to tlie Woods and Forests. He was a royal academician, and professor of architecture in the Eoyal Academy ; and he was knighted on account of his professional eminence. Sonne's chief building is the Bank of England, which was greatly enlarged and entirely 1784-1S20.] SOANE— BANK OF ENGLAND. H3 remodelled by him, the works extending over a period of thirty years (1788 — 1829). The interior, including the public rooms, has been much altered by Mr. Cockerell since Soane's time, which may be regarded as an evidence of inconvenient arrangement or of extended business ; the exterior has also been altered, and improved in the alteration, by giving an increased elevation to the principal entrance-front; but the great portion of the exterior, on which Soane's reputation now mainly rests, is still nearly as he left it. At the time of its erection it was commonly regarded as a master- piece. It is now as commonly condemmed. There can be no question that it is deficient in one of the grand requisites of good architecture— propriety. The columns have nothing to support ; beneath the pediments are no door- ways ; there are the forms of windows, but they admit no light. The whole is a mask. The parts are for ornament, not use. They may please at the first glance, but the mind refuses to dwell with a continuous pleasure on objects which suggest a use they do not supply. Else, there are parts of this screen Bauk of England, North-West View. of an elegant and even picturesque appearance. Such is the well-known north-west angle, Soane's own favourite composition, with its skilfully arranged and graceful Eoman-Corinthian columns. Every one feels this to have been a happy conception of the architect, and it serves excellently to conceal the oblique meeting of the walls — a defect that if left apparent would have been an almost fatal injury to a building of classical character. So again some of the inner-courts are very elegant and effective. Soane had considerable ingenuity in these lesser matters. Wherever any irregularity of ground-plan i44 HOLLAND— SMIRKE—WILKIXS. [1784-1520 existed, or any peculiarity of arrangement was required, he was usually ready with some quaint or graceful contrivance that would meet or conceal the difficulty. But a sort of scenic ingenuity is the highest meri't his works possess. They have portions of much beauty, but as a whole are mean, if not insignificant. The exterior of a building of so important a character, and covering so vast a space as the Bank of England, might have been expected to form a grand and imposing mass : in reality it is little more than a long, low, unmeaning, decorated wall-screen. Pew of Soane's buildings remain unaltered. The front of the Treasury, "Whitehall, has been entirely remodelled by Sir Charles Barry. The Courts of Law, Westminster, remain nearly untouched ; but they will probably soon be swept away altogether. The Bourgeois Gallery and Mausoleum at Dulwich, and his own house in Lincoln's Inn Fields, are perhaps the chief of Soane's buildings which remain as he left them, but, like the Law Courts, they are inconvenient, cramped, and unsatisfactory. Holland, who, as architect to the Prince of "Wales, remodelled Carlton House, and added the Ionic portico and screen, was one of the first to employ the true Ionic order, if he was not, as some have fancied, the first to introduce it. He enjoyed a large measure of celebrity in his day, but little is left ot his more important buildings. Old Drury, opened in 1794, was destroyed by fire in 1809. Carlton House was pulled down in 1826. The Brighton Pavilion was orientalised by Nash. The East India House (designed by him in 1799, but often erroneously ascribed to Jupp, the company's surveyor) is about to be demolished. The loss of these is, however, of little consequence, except as being that of a link in the history of English architecture. Sir Kobert Smirke was the first to erect a Doric portico in the metropolis. This formed the grand entrance to Covent Garden Theatre, built by him in 1808-9. Smirke had travelled in Greece as well as Italy, and published professional comments on the edifices he examined. His Doric portico was announced as the first absolutely correct reproduction of a pure Greek order. It satisfied classical connoisseurs, and the architect at a bound became famous. He did not indeed attempt to carry "pure Greek" principles beyond the portico, but he placed on the fafade statues and bas-reliefs by Elaxman, which served to indicate the purpose of the building, a purpose the building itself would scarcely have suggested. The theatre was destroyed hy fire in 1856, The chief architectural feature of the long front of the Mint, erected by Smirke in 1811, is a pediment supported on Doric columns, but these rest on a rusticated basement, and there is little else in the building that is Greek either in form or spirit. Smirke erected many other public and private edifices, but his two greatest works, tlie Post Office, and the British Museum, belong to a later period. Another of the travelled architects of the classic Greek epoch was Wilkins, who died professor of architecture to the Royal Academy in 1839. Like Smirke, he first came into notice by his descriptions of ancient Greek remains, the result of a professional visit to Athens. His first important building of a public character was Downing College, Cambridge, commenced in 1807, which as far as completed proved to be beyond comparison the dullest, heaviest, and most common-place collegiate building in the two universities. But it was called Greek, and it was considered to be classic ; and when the 1784-1820.] NASH— REGENT-STREET, 145 East India Company soon after determined on erecting a college, Wilkijis was appointed its architect. Haileybury College is almost a duplicate of Downing College. Wilkins also attempted gothic. His first large building in this style, Donington Castle, Leicestershire, erected about the close of the 18th century, hardly rose in any respect above the level of Batty Langley gothic. When called on to execute some gothic buildings at Cambridge, the proximity of King's College Chapel gave a little more elevation to his style. But he still thought it an evidence of refinement to cover the open oak roof of a college-hall with white paint. He will probably be longest remem- bered by the National Gallery and University College, but these were not commenced till after the time with which we are at present concerned. The Nelson Columns which he erected at Yarmouth and in Sackville-street, Dublin, only deserve mention as illustrations of the taste of the time and of the architect. Nash, one of the most conspicuous of the architects of the latter portion of this period, commenced his career as a builder as well as an architect. He erected a large number of mansions in England and Ireland, the major part of them " classic" in style with the inevitable Ionic portico ; others " castel- lated," in which strong battlemented keeps and machicolated towers are intermingled with large plate-glass windows and undefended doorways in a manner that would have very much surprised the fierce feudal lords, whose grim abodes these were supposed to reproduce. Nash was the favourite architect of the Prince Eegent ; but his grand architectural efibrt, Bucking- ham Palace was not commenced till 1825. We have here, therefore, to speak Waterloo Place, leadiug toward Regent-street. of him in connection mainly with the formation of Eegent-street, which, what- ever may be the character of its architecture, must be regarded as a grand improvement on previous London streets, and as having greatly stimulated improvement in our street architecture. Eegent street was begun in 1813. VOL. VIII.— 234. 116 REGENT'S PARK-CHURCHES. [1784-1820, In. laying out its course Nash aimed to produce tlie greatest amount of effect. He combined several bouses togetber so as to produce tbe appearance of a single large building ; and be varied tbe design of almost every block. He made the new street of greater widtb tban any former street in tbe metropolis, and vpbere it crossed tbe two great tborougbfares of Oxford-street and Piccadilly be formed widely-sweeping circuses. At tbe southern end be provided a long colonnade. At tbe northern end where tbe broad street curves sharply round he carried forward a church entrance, crowning a circular porch-tower with a lofty spire, so as to produce a striking termina- tion to tbe vista. In tbe same way tbe position of each of the churches and public buildings in tbe new street was laid down with a view to scenic display. But this was the object throughout. Unluckily, in bis eagerness for show, — stone fronts being impracticable on account of tbe expense, — he made all tbe fronts of bis stately "street of palaces" of plaster, and what seemed elaborate carving was mere moulded stucco. It was not left for a succeeding generation to denounce this as " sham." Wits and critics alike launched their weapons against tbe architect, some of them glancing off against bis royal patron.* Nash about tbe same time laid out Regent's Park, and designed the Terraces which border its pleasant glades. It was in this kind of work be was most at home. He was a poor architect, but be has given us tbe finest street we yet have in London, and one of the pleasantest parks. Tbe Regent's Canal, another of Nash's projects, was carried out simultaneously with Regent's Park, to the beauty of tbe northern side of which he made it materially to contribute. It has already been said that scarce any churches were erected during tbe period before us. There were indeed several of the " proprietary chapels," then tbe popular class of new churches, but they were usually plain brick buildings of the cheapest description. Towards the end of the period there came about a change. Marylebone Church, commenced in 1813 by tbe elder Hardwick, was a substantial and costly edifice ; and is a fair specimen of tbe architecture of the time. A still more costly structure St. Pancras Church, already referred to, was commenced in 1819. It was designed by tbe Inwoods, and is remarkable as tbe most elaborate attempt made in this country to apply (not to adapt) pure Greek forms to a Protestant church. Marylebone Church cost about 60,000Z. ; St. Pancras very nearly 80,000Z. It is worthy of note that in tbe forty years ending with 1820 scarcely a gotbic church had been erected, whilst during tbe next forty years tbe land was covered with them. But tbe movement which led to the astonishing revival of church building bad already commenced. In March, 1818, parliament voted a million for tbe erection of new churches ; and a Commission was appointed to direct the expenditure of the money. The result of tbe labours of the Commission soon became evident. Tbe Gotbic revival was some years longer in making itself felt. * One of the best of the many witticisms circulated at the time, was an epigram in which it wa» proposed to visit on the prince the evil deeds of his architect : — " Augustus at Rome was for building renown'd, For of marble he left what of brick he had found : But is not our George, too, a very great master ? He finds London brick, and he leaves it all plaster." 1784-1820.1 BRIDGES— TELFORD. 147 Tt is needless to carry farther our examination of tlie architecture of this period ; but there is one class of structures, Bridges, which must be noticed, because about this time they passed definitively out of the hands of the architect into those of the civil engineer. The transfer may indeed be said to have originated with one who was a bridge-builder, if he could not be called an architect, before he became an engineer. Thomas Telford was apprenticed to "a general house-builder" of Langholm in Dumfries, and when the future designer of the Menai Bridge, and the engineer of some of the greatest works that had ever been undertaken in this country, first set up as master on his own account, he was ready to undertake any kind of masonry, from cutting letters on grave-stones, to the building of country byres, high- land churches, or plain stone bridges. When he came to London he worked for awhile under Chambers on Somerset House, then in course of erection. He felt no hesitation therefore, on the score of professional disqualification, when required as county surveyor to construct a bridge of some size across the Severn at Montford. This was a stone bridge of the usual type, but in it he introduced some valuable constructive modifications. His next bridge, which crossed the Severn at Buildwas, was of iron on stone piers, and was long regarded as a model of its class. An iron bridge had been built at Coal- brookdale in 1775. Telford's iron bridge was erected in 1795-6, and was a vast improvement on its predecessor. It consisted of an unusually flat arch of 150 feet span. An iron bridge erected about the same time at Sunderland by Mr. T. "Wilson, consisted of a single arch of 236 feet span, and of such a height above the river as to permit the passage under it of vessels of 300 tons burden. The success of these important works insured the use of the new material. Telford was employed upon engineering works of enormous extent, in the course of which he had to erect many hundred bridges, and he employed iron or stone indiiferently according to the nature of the locality, and the greater economy or fitness of either material in each particular case. Telford's grand works, the Highland Eoads and Bridges, the Caledonian Canal, the EUesmere Canal, the Holyhead Eoad, and others of scarcely leas importance, belong to this period, but hardly fall within the compass of a survey of the Fine Arts. In the Highland improvements alone he coi^istructed above a thousand miles of new road, and twelve hundred bridges ; on the line of the EUesmere Canal he spanned the valleys of the Dee and the Chirk with aqueducts of a greater height and magnitude than had been previously ventul'ed upon ; while several of the bridges on the Holyhead road were of importance both as engineering works, and as works of art. Such especially was the grand Menai Suspension Bridge, begun in 1819, a work that has indeed been surpassed as an engineering triumph by its neighbour, the tubular bridge of Eobert Stephenson, but in beauty the suspension bridge far excels its younger rival. John Eennie, the elder, like his great compatriot Telford, was of humble Scottish origin. His earliest occupation was that of a millwright, but his remarkably mechanical ingenuity brought him into notice, and he was while yet a young man employed on works requiring much constructive skill. He settled in London as an enginee-r about 1782. In 1799 he commenced a 1 handsome stone bridge of five arches at Kelso, and he afterwards constructed some others that were much admired. Bui; his chief work in this line was 148 RENNIE— WATERLOO BRIDGE— SCULPTURE. [1784-1820. "Waterloo Bridge, whicli he commenced in 1811, and completed iu 1817, at a cost of above a million. This is by general consent one of the noblest bridges of modern times. Indeed for simple grandeur of character, convenience of roadway, and stability of construction, it would be difficult to name its peer among bridges of any earlier period, and the only bridge of subsequent erec- tion which has, in this country at least, equalled or surpassed it in these most important particulars is the new London Bridge, foF which Eennie himself made the designs, though its erection was confided to his sons George and John. The iron bridge which crosses the Thames at Southwark was another of Eennie's bridges. The iron bridge at Vauxhall was designed and erected by Mr. James Walker. Eennie's magnificent engineering works, the East and "West India Docks, with their vast ranges of warehouses ; the London Docks ; the Prince's Dock, Liverpool ; Plymouth Breakwater, and the improvements carried out by him in the Grovernment dockyards of Chatham, Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Pembroke, with other important works at various harbours, proofs of the amazing growth of the country in wealth and commerce, and of the great increase of engineering skill, rather than works of Fine Art, can only be mentioned here. In Sculpture the leading artists were Maxman, Banks, Bacon, and Nollekens, all of whom have been spoken of in a previous chapter, and Chantrey and Westmacott, who belong more particularly to a later period. Our notice of sculpture may therefore on the present occasion be very brief. The first two of the sculptors just named, produced during this period some works of great poetic power, and the last also executed some of much beauty. But in the main sculpture dealt rather with portraits of the living and memo- rials of the dead, than with efforts of imagination. And in monuments of a public character, especially those with which the nation honoured the men who had fought her battles by land and sea, our sculptors continued to repeat with strange persistency the conventionalisms and machinery which had for ages ceased to have any intelligent meaning, or to afiect either the heart or the understanding of any class of spectators. British soldiers and sailors, and even senators, philanthropists, and philosophers, were clad in the scanty folds of a "classical" drapery, in some instances almost without drapery at all, and, although the monuments were to be erected in the midst of a Christian cathedral, and in full view of a congregation engaged in Christian worship, were surrounded with heathen gods, goddesses, and attributes ; or if, as was sometimes the case, the hero wore his full regulation uniform, he yet had his due attendance of undraped heathen deities. Banks was unfortunately one who yielded most unreservedly to this classic misconception. The monu- ments to Captains Burgess and Westcott in St, Paul's, two of the latest of his works, are among the least defensible of their class. Happily Banks will not be judged by his public monuments. The exquisite recumbent figure of Penelope Boothby in Ashbourne Church, showed with what pathos he could invest a private memorial when he trusted to the simple promptings of the feelings. His " Mourning Achilles," of which the model is in the British Gallery, no patron having had sufficient taste to commission ita execution in marble, is perhaps the noblest work of the kind produced by an English sculptor ; and in other works he excelled as much in grace as here in grandeur. 1784-1820.] BACON— FLAXMAN—CHANTREY. 149 Bacon, who died in 1799, produced at this time little besides public monuments of level modiocrity ; but these he produced with a facility and profusion that aroused the envy of his rivals and the admiration of the multitude. The best are such as those of Dr. Johnson and John Howard in St. Paul's, in which he had no occasion to go beyond simple portraiture ; but even in these the attempt to attain elevation of style by arraying such men in a costume borrowed from antiquity, has nearly destroyed personal resem- blance, and even mental characterization, !Nolleken3 shared only to a small extent in these public commissions, but he was in great request for private monuments. His strength lay however in portraiture ; and his busts and statues are now the most life-like representations left of many of the most memorable personages of his time. riaxman lived throughout this period, the truest and greatest sculptor England had ever produced. Sculpturesque design was as much the genuine expression of his mind as it was that of the sculptors of ancient Greece. In some of his imaginative works, as well as in several of his public monuments, his genius was fettered by the current conventionalisms ; but even in works of the latter class, as the monument to Lord Mansfield, he showed of how much grandeur of moral expression sculpture was capable. His private monu- ments, especially some of those to females, are of the most touching tender- ness, and of the purest Christian sentiment. In the magnificent group at Petworth of the Archangel Michael overcoming Satan, illustrative of the famous lines in Milton, we have proof that our sculptors might find in our own poets, or in the Book which is a part of the very life of every one, subjects well fitted for sculpturesque treatment, and which, whilst they would require and repay the utmost exertion of mental power, and technical knowledge and skill, would as much come home to the feelings and the understanding of the men and women of to-day, as did the gods and heroes of the old Greek sculptors to the hearts of their contemporaries. The deities of a dead mythology never can thus come home to any modern people, unless treated as symbols of some deep or subtle truth, as they on rare occa- sions have been by genius of a high order. Plaxman's Psyche may perhaps take rank in this class. His Pastoral Apollo is like a breath of rustic poetry. But the Venuses, Dianas, nymphs, and the like, which Plaxman's contem- poraries and successors put forth in any quantity at every exhibition, will be gazed at with as little genuine sympathy on the part of the spectator as was felt, in their production by the sculptor. How thoroughly Plaxman's mind was imbued with the purest Greek feeling is evinced by his illustrations to Homer, Hesiod, and ^schylus ; while in nobleness of conception, and beauty and delicacy of expression, the illustrations to Dante are fully equal to them. Chantrey, during the latter years of the regency, had taken his place among the foremost living portrait sculptors. The manly simplicity of his style met with early recognition, and his chisel found ample and worthy employment. A large proportion of the men most distinguished in letters, art, and public life, sat to him, and in most instances he was considered to be successful in preserving the likeness, as well as in maintaining a certain elevation of character. His busts are finer than his portrait-statues, and these than his imaginative works. But his statues have the great merit of first fairly grappling with the difficulties of modern costume. The happiest iSO TOWNLEY, PHIGALEIAN, AND ELGIN MARBLES. [1784-1820, of the monuments in whicli he ventured on a poetic mode of treatment, " the Sleeping Children," in Lichfield Cathedral, belongs to the period under review, but the idea vras certainly caught from Banks's monument of Penelope Boothby, and the design was made by Stothard. Westmacott's earlier poetic works include the " Psyche," and " Cupid," at Woburn ; " Euphrosyne," belonging to the Duke of Newcastle, and many other very pleasing classic subjects ; but among them are some of a homelier and more original character, as "the Distressed Mother," "the Homeless Wanderer," and others of a similar order. Westmacott also executed at this time several monumental statues for "Westminster Abbey and St. Paul's Cathedral; the well-known "Achilles," erected in Hyde Park "by the women of England," in honour of the Duke of Wellington, and numerous other commissions of a public character. The taste in sculpture of both artists and the public was no doubt much influenced by the purchase and exhibition of three important collections of ancient marbles. The earliest purchase was in 1805, of the large collection formed by Mr. Charles Towuley, of sculpture chiefly of Eoman date, but the work of Greek artists, and embracing many works of exceeding loveliness and interest. This formed the nucleus of the magnificent national collection of ancient sculpture in the British Museum. The next grand addition was that of the series of reliefs whicb had adorned the Temple of Apollo Epicurius, near Phigaleia, and which the Prince Regent bought at a cost of nearly 20,000?,, and presented to the nation in 1815. These rilievi, though falling short of the highest excellence of G-reek art, are believed to be the work of some of the best scholars of Phidias. They are of great beauty, and of greater in- terest, as illustrating the history of Greek art. But the most important of the collections was that of the sculpture of the Parthenon, commonly known as the Elgin Marbles, for the purchase of which parliament voted, in 1816, the sum of 35,000Z. These wonderful works are by far the finest extant examples of Greek sculpture when at its greatest perfection — the sculpture of the time of Pericles, executed by Phidias, or by his scholars under his immediate superintendence. Eor years the Earl of Elgin, who whilst ambas- sador to the Porte obtained the firman through whicb he was enabled to remove the sculpture from the Parthenon, was assailed with the bitterest invectives for this act of Vandalism as it was termed. But in truth, the earl by their removal saved these marvellous works from utter destruction ; he was not in time to save them from grievous mutilation. The Parthenon had been shattered in the Venetian bombardment ; afterwards, the eastern pedi- ment, with its matchless statuary, was thrown down to fit the building for the service of the Greek Church ; later, and up to the hour when they were rescued by Lord Elgin, the statues were used as targets by the Turkish soldiers ; and finally, in the war of Greek independence (1827), the building received great additional injury during the bombardment of the city, but the best of the sculpture was then happily safe in the British Museum, preserved for ever for the free study of all. A national collection of sculpture was thus formed ; but it was not till 1824 that a national gallery of painting was founded. Something had, how- ever, been done towards clearing the way for such a consummation. In 1805, a small body of nobJ^men and gentlemen who felt an interest in art, succeeded 1784-1820.] BRITISH INSTITUTION— DULWICH GALLERY. 151 in establishing the British Institution, the primary object of which was de- clared to be " to encourage the talents of the artists of the United Kingdom ;'* and with this view the Shakspeare Gallery, built by Alderman Boydell, was purchased and appropriated to the exhibition and sale of the productions of British artists, and the exhibition of pictures by the old masters. This last was the grand novelty in the scheme. Most of the directors, and many of the subscribers, were themselves the possessors of collections of paintings by the old masters, and from their galleries, and the collections of other liberal amateurs, has been obtained annually enough pictvu'es of a high class to make a most interesting and always varied exhibition. These exhibitions for the first time afforded to the general public the opportunity of seeing at their leisure paintings by the great masters ; and there can be little doubt that to them is to be ascribed a large measure of the interest in art which resulted in the formation of the National Gallery. The directors at the same time sought to encourage living artists, not only by providing a gallery for the sale as well as exhibition of their works, but by offering annual pre- miums for pictures of a high character, and by occasionally purchasing their pictures. Among the painters to whom premiums were awarded were Hilton, Haydon, Alston, Bird, Liunell, Martin, and others whose names will be remembered, but as may be supposed more whose names are already forgotten. Up to 1820 the Society had only purchased four pictures, first among which was Benjamin West's " Christ Healing the Sick," for which the directors gave the painter 3000 guineas, and which they presented to the National Gallery immediately after its formation. The interest in art no doubt also received a considerable impulse from the opening to the public in 1812 of the collection of paintings, chiefly of the Dutch and Flemish schools, bequeathed to Dulwich College by Sir Francis Bourgeois, and for the recep- tion of which a gallery was built by Sir John Soane. The Dulwich Gallery does not rank among the great picture galleries, but it has done good service to art in this country, and not least as a precursor of the National Gallery. It is understood that the pictiires now forming the Dulwich Gallery, and which were collected by Mr. Noel Desenfans, were offered to the government during the ministry of ]Mr. Pitt on condition that a gallery should be built for their reception. The offer was declined. After a few years of enfeebled health, Reynolds finally laid down his pencil in 1787, and died in 1792. From this time till the year at which this chapter closes, West, as president of the Eoyal Academy, was nominally at the head of the British school of painting. During these years he continued to paint pictures of large dimensions, and treating of the loftiest themes in Bacred and profane history. But his style underwent no change, and we have nothing to add to the summary printed in a former volume. Hi.-' friendly rival was John Singleton Copley, whose manner is favourably shown in his " Death of Chatham," now a leading ornament of the British section of the National Gallery. ^ Fuseli, too, painted, lectured, and taught ; but bis spasmodic compositions now scarcely excite a passing remark ; and though critics termed them sublime, it may be doubted whether they ever were in any degree popular. His greatest effort was his Milton Gallery, a series of fifty paintings illustrative of the poetry of Milton. The pictures were publicly exhibited in 1799, and again in the following year, but the receipts 152 HAYDOX— LAWRENCE. [1784-1820. at the doors were insufficient to defray the expenses, and the painter would have been seriously embarrassed had not private admirers come forward to pur- chase enough of the pictures to save him from the consequences of his temerity. Among the younger aspirants for immortality in " high art," the unfor- tunate Haydon was in the latter years of the regency the most conspicuous. His " Macbeth," " Judgment of Solomon," " Christ's entry into Jerusalem," and other gallery paintings, had aroused equal admiration and criticism, and Haydon in an evil hour vras tempted to defend his own theories of art and to denounce those of his adversaries. Controversy has irresistible fascina- tions for some minds. Haydon was one of her victims. To his private and personal quarrels he added one with the Royal Academy. The result was what might have been predicted. He became a fluent speaker, and a piquant if not a very correct or altogether trustworthy writer. In his proper calling he made no advance. His earliest works were indeed his best. And as he found once ardent admirers grow cold, and timid friends fall away, his bitterness increased, and from this time to his unhappy death he was a disappointed man. Tet he might have been a good painter, and he was certainly a good teacher, if we may estimate a teacher's ability by the success of such pupils as Eastlake, Lance, and the Landseers. Hilton was elected an Academician in 1820, but he had as yet chiefly painted classical subjects, and had altogether failed of popular recognition. Etty had at present scarcely made his name at all known. Martin had startled the critics and fascinated the public by his " Joshua" (1814), and his still more extraordinary "Fall of Babylon" (1819). Stothard was delighting a narrow circle with his elegant but rather feeble paintings ; and spending his real strength in making vignettes of almost matchless grace for engraving, at the rate of half a guinea or a guinea a-piece. In portraiture, from the early part of the nineteenth century to his death in 1830, Lawrence was regarded as the undisputed successor to Eeynolds. Northcote, Opie, Hoppner, Beechey, and Jackson, portrait painters of con- siderable ability and followers more or less of Eeynolds, enjoyed a fair share of royal or popular patronage, but none obtained like Lawrence universal favour. Perhaps Lawrence owed somewhat of his good fortune to the very contrast afi'orded by his easy superficial elegance to the more sombre splen- dour of his predecessor. It would be foolish to compare Lawrence as a painter with Eeynolds, but Lawrence was undoubtedly in his way an admirable artist. His sitters were the noblest and fairest in the land, and,, whilst preserving the likeness, he seldom failed in the expression of manly intellect, and never in that of female beauty. His grand series of portraits of the distinguished actors in the aff'airs of 1814 and 1815 now in the Waterloo Gallery, Windsor Castle, could probably not have been so well painted by any contemporary artist. In a certain broad and vigorous delinea- tion of a male head, however, Lawrence was surpassed by Eaeburn, at this time the principal portrait painter in Scotland. But Eaeburn was a supremely national painter. It was the hard-featured shrewd Scottish head he gloried in painting and painted so well. The southron fared but indifi"erently under his vigorous pencil. Of a wholly difierent stamp was the elegant Harlow, who might in time perhaps have rivalled his master, Lawrence, but who died in opening manhood. His " Trial of Queen Katharine," despite its popularity. i 1784-1820.] WILKIE— TURNER. 153 gave little promise of greatness as a painter of history ; it was in fact rather a group of portraits of the Kemble family, and as such it should be estimated. Portraiture in the hands of Lawrence assumed a new phase at this period. But a far greater change was made in the painting of scenes of domestic life by David Wilkie. Hogarth had painted both high life and low life, but it was with the pencil of a stem and relentless satirist, and in order to point a moral. Bird had still more recently depicted scenes of humble life, but with a halting and unequal touch. Wilkie was the first to paint with thorough artistic skill, and a gentle genial humour and quiet appreciation of character, the pleasant side of the everyday life of the peasant and the yeoman. His earlier pictures, "The ViUage Politicians," " The Blind Fiddler," " The Card Players," " The Village Festival," " The Cut Finger," " Blindman's Bufi"," " The Penny Wedding," and the like, were all of this homely cheerful character. It was not till 1815 that he touched a more pathetic chord in his " Distraining for Rent." From the outset Wilkie achieved an almost unbounded popularity. His pictures told a story that aU could understand ; expressed a sentiment with which all could sympathise ; and were in all respects painted with a truthful- ness which every one could recognise. They won, therefore, the general suffrage ; and at the same time their conformity, in composition, colour, and other obvious technical qualities, to the principles of the Dutch masters who excelled in similar subjects, was equally efficacious with the cognoscenti who then gave the law in pictorial criticism. Up to the close of the period before us, Wilkie continued to paint carefully studied subjects of the healthy homely class in which he first acquired fame. Two or three years later he visited the continent, and from that time he entirely altered his manner of painting and range of subjects. But that change we need not here anticipate. At the time we now leave him he was undoubtedly the most generally popular painter in England. Far greater and probably more permanent was the influence on English art of the genius of Turner than that of either of the painters we have yet noticed. Landscape painting towards the close of the last century was fast falling into conventionalism and inanity. The authority of the men who had just passed away, and the imitation of the old masters, paralysed individual effort. Turner commenced his career by making coloured drawings, in which he aimed at little more than correct topographical representation. Long after he began to paint in oil he continued to study and imitate the manner of his predecessors, — Wilson, Loutherbourg, and occasionally Gainsborough, in English scenery ; Vandevelde in representations of the sea ; whilst Claude ■was his guide in classical compositions. But year after year he showed more and more self reliance and originality ; an ever increasing knowledge of the capabilities of landscape art, and extended acquaintance with the phenomena of nature. The wonderful range of Turner's powers as a landscape painter were not wholly developed in the period before us. He visited Italy for the first time in 1819, and his Italian pictures were consequently as yet unpainted. But his power as a painter of English scenery had reached its farthest extent. The " Crossing the Brook," the noblest English landscape of its kind ever painted, was exhibited in 1815. It now forms one of the choicest of the Turner treasures in the National Gallery. Its hitherto unapproached expres- sion of space, magical aerial perspective, quiet beauty of colour, and poetical 154 TURNER— HIS EARLY POPULARITY. [1784-1820. feeling, gave it a standing quite apart from the work of any previous painter of English scenery. Gainsborough doubtless excelled Turner in a poetic render- ing of close home scenery ; Wilson perhaps excelled him in a certain classical elevation of style. But neither Wilson nor Gainsborough could have painted a picture like this. Nor did Turner ever equal it. " Richmond Hill," painted in 1819, was a grievous falling off; and he never again painted English scenery on a grand scale, for of course such pictures as "Rain, Steam, a*nd Speed " are to be classed as poetic fancies rather than English scenes. But it was not merely as a painter of English landscape scenery that Turner was pre-eminent. In his " Shipwreck," now in the ]>fational Gallery ; " A Gale at Sea," in the gallery of the Earl of Ellesmere ; " The Wreck of the Minotaur," belonging to the Earl of Tarborough, and some others, ho had painted a stormy sea with a force and majesty such as no previous painter had ever reached. In such works again as the " Garden of the Hesperides " (1806); "ApoUo and Python" (1810); "Building of Carthage" (1815); and " Decline of Carthage" (1817); he had treated classical subjects with, singular brilliancy and vigour of imagination. And not only these but a multiplicity of other pictures showed at once his wonderful versatility and poetic feeling, as well as his close observation of nature, especially of every variety of atmospheric phenomena, and his unrivalled knowledge of effect. It is sometimes said that it was not till towards the close of his life that Turner's greatness as an artist was recognised. But this is a mistake. From almost the very outset of his artistic career, his superiority was admitted both by his professional brethren and such of the public as then took an interest in art. He was elected an associate of the Royal Academy at the earliest age (24), at which, by the laws of the academy he could be elected ; and again, at the earliest legal age (27), he was elected a full member. Collectors bought his pictures at constantly increasing prices ; and engravers and publishers eagerly outbid each other for his drawings, knowing well that engravings after Turner were more popular than engravings after any other landscape painter. He had indeed by the time at which we are arrived become a wealthy man by the exercise of his art, — which is certainly more than at that time could have been said of any other English landscape artist, — and in a country like England pecuniary success is at least an evidence that a man is admired by those to whom he addresses his efforts. There were differences of opinion respecting Turner's works, as there always are differences of opinion respecting the works of a man of original genius, but his genius was not without recognition. It was not till later, when his pictures had become to the ordinary observer un- intelligible eccentricities, that his popularity as a painter began to wane. During the later years of this period there were several other admirable landscape painters : — Callcott, a pleasing and graceful artist, coming some- times close to the qiiieter manner of Turner, sometimes approaching the manner of the landscape painters of the Netherlands, but never very original or very vigorous ; Constable, both original and vigorous — a hearty, unsophis- ticated delineator of homely English scenery, and especially of the scenery of the eastern counties — but a good deal of a mannerist, and somewhat confined in his range ; Nasmyth, the best of the minute copyists of our woodlands and commons, ill-understood, and little appreciated in his life, and 1784-1820.] MORLAND— WATER-COLOUR PAINTING— GIRTIX. 155 now perhaps a little overrated ; Hofland, a genuine lover of quiet river scenery; and Collins, the ablest painter of his day of coast and inland scenery in combination with rustic groups. Animal painting had in George Morland, at the early part of this period, a representative of great ability, but of coarse intemperate habits, and the character of the man too often found expression in his pictures. He was succeeded by James "Ward, only lately passed from among us at a patriarchal age, a clever painter, but superseded while still youDg, by a yet younger rival, Landseer, and falling, perhaps as a consequence, into hopeless and most eccentric mannerism. Edwin Landseer, though yet a youth, had attained celebrity before the close of this period, but his real artistic career was hardly commenced. The essentially English art of Water-colour Painting dates its rise from this period. In the catalogues of the earliest exhibitions of the Eoyal Academy we find entries of "stained drawings." These belong to the first crude stage of the art. They were produced by the entire drawing being in the first instance made in light and shadow, with a grey or neutral tint. Over this the several local colours were passed in thin transparent washes, the ground tint softening the harshness of the superposed local colours. The sharp markings of the details were then added, usually with a reed pen. In this manner, modified by the habits of the respective artists, some very pleasing drawings were made by Paul Sandby, Hearne, and especially Cozens, a landscape draftsman of refined feeling and considerable power. Turner and his friend and fellow student, Thomas Grirtin, for some time practised in this manner; but they were led gradually to abandon it, and adopt the method — which originated with them — of painting every object in the first instance in its proper local colour, and by subsequent shades and tints, and various manipulatory processes, modifying this first painting till the whole picture is brought to the desired appearance. By this improved method water-colour painting acquired an exquisite freshness and transparency quite its own, and which in the opinion of many almost atoned for the absence of the depth, force, and richness of oil. Girtin was a landscape painter of considerable ability if not genius, and some of his water-colour paintings are of exceeding beauty ; but he died young, and it is mainly to Turner that the infant art owed its early culture and vigorous growth. His sketches and finished pictures in water-colours are extremely numerous and extremely fine ; and in th«m may be traced at least the germs of almost every improvement or modification of the water-colour process. Turner early turned aside to oil painting, though he continued to execute his vignettes for the engravers in water-colours ; but many able artists devoted themselves wholly to the rising art, and brought it to tlie perfection which it ultimately reached. Among these may be mentioned Prout, unrivalled as the delineator of picturesque old houses and fragments of crumbling ruins ; and David Cox, one of the boldest, and at times one of the grandest, painters of English hills, meadows, and sandy coasts, under the influence of storm and rain. So rapidly did the new art become popular, and so confident were its professors in their own strength and resources, that in 1S05 they formed themselves into a Society of Painters in Water Colours, which has ever since continued to hold with unfailing success an annual exhibition of the works of its members. 156 ENQRAVINa, [1784-1820. The great extension of a taste for art was in no way more clearly sbown tlian in the increased demand for engravings and for illustrated publications. The higher branches of engraving v^ere however hardly so successfully culti- vated. There was no engraver like Strange or Woollett, and the prints called for by the public were of a less elevated class of subjects. But engravers of unquestionable ability were very numerous, and an unparalleled number of excellent prints was published. Boy dell's Shakspeare was issued towards the close of the century at a vast expense. To such works as this, the folio Milton, Macklin's Bible, the Poet's Gallery, and the like, succeeded a host of topographical works, editions of the poets, essayists, and novelists, with small vignettes, and handsome folios and quartos of antiquarian and architectural subjects. In the former class the drawings of Turner may be said to have formed a school of landscape engravers neat, refined, and brilliant beyond previous example in the execution of small plates, but wanting in grandeur and vigour when grappling with plates of a large size. The archi- tectural publications, especially those of John Britton and the elder Pugin, aided by the singular talent of the Le Keuxes in engraving mediaeval build- ings, did much to arouse that strong interest in Gothic architecture which has in our own day led to such remarkable results. The demand for illustrated works had however an inevitable tendency to stimulate their more rapid and cheaper production. Engravers, instead of executing their plates throughout with their own hands, employed pupils and assistants on the earlier and less important parts. Further to expedite the process machines were at this time invented, the best being that of Mr. Lowry, by which the skies, plain backgrounds, and the like, could be ruled in, and thus the work of weeks be accomplished in a few hours. The tendency of this employment of mechanical appliances, and of the system of journey- work, was undoubtedly to interfere with the development of the highest individual excellence ; but the increasing of the quantity and cheapenLug the cost of works only inferior to those of the first class in the higher refine- ments of the art, assisted largely to diffuse a knowledge and a love of art. The use of steel plates instead of copper, which carried this cheapening pro- cess so much farther, was introduced early in the century ; but steel plates were not tried for fine art purposes till about 1818, and did not fairly come into use till five or six years later. At the head of the line engravers, at the commencement of this period, was William Sharp, who has left some good prints from the works of the old masters, but who was greatest as a portrait engraver : his print of John Hunter after Eeynolds, is of its kind a masterpiece. Other line engravers of ability, his contemporaries and successors, and like him engravers of subject pieces and portraits, were Fittler, Sherwin, "Warren, John Landseer the father of the painter, James and Charles Heath, Eaimbach, who engraved the earlier prints after Wilkie, and John Burnet, like Eaimbach best known by his prints after Wilkie, but like him an excellent engraver of general subjects. The landscape engravers in line were very numerous, and the later ones especially brilliant executants. Among them were Middiman, Byrne, Cooke, John Pye, a thoroughly conscientious and able artist, the Findens, and others. In mezzotinto engraving, landscape was moat successfully cultivated during this period, as portraiture had been in the preceding. Earlom, who 1784-1820.] WOOD ENGRAVING— BEWICK— LITHOGRAPHY. lo7 engraved the Liber Yeritatis of Claude ; Lupton, who engraved many plates in the Liber Studiorum and the Eivers of Turner ; Charles Turner, who in bis plate from Turner's Shipwreck produced the noblest print of its class yet published ; and S. Reynolds, were eminent in this branch of art. Aqua- tinta, now almost a lost art, was at this time successfully practised by F. C. Lewis, Daniell, and others. Bartolozzi at the beginning of the period was in the height of popularity for his engravings in the dotted or chalk manner, but they were really of a very meretricious character. "William Blake was also an engraver in various manners, some of them peculiar to himself. But Blake is best known by his designs, full of the wildest extra- vagancies, yet with constantly recurring quaint, graceful, and suggestive fancies, always however running along the narrow line which proverbially divides genius from madness. Wood Engraving dates its revival from this period. Thomas Bewick, to whose rare application and ability this revival is almost entirely to be ascribed, began to engrave on wood while apprentice to a general engraver ; and he received from the Society of Arts a prize for a wood-cut of a " Huntsman and Hounds," almost as soon as his apprenticeship had terminated. Bewick resided all his life at his native place, Newcastle-on-Tyne ; drew most of his designs, and engraved them with a combined vigour and delicacy of line, power of expression, and felicitous characterization of surface, that came with all the freshness of novelty upon his contemporaries. Bewick published his " Greneral History of Quadrupeds," the work by which he acquired cele- brity, in 1790. It passed through several editions, and secured a ready reception for all his subsequent publications. In finish it was surpassed by later works, but only his " British Birds " (1797-1804) equalled it in design. Among single prints, the finest was his " Chillingham Bull." Bewick was always happiest in drawing and engraving objects of natural history. But his little tail-pieces, especially those illustrative of the efi"ects of cruelty to animals, have some of them touches of a grim humour that would have done no discredit to Hogarth's pencil. Lithography was invented by Alois Senefelder towards the end of the 18th century. It was introduced into England iu 1801 by M. P. H. Andre, under the designation of Polyautography. Andre's chief publication was a series of thirty-six prints from sketches by "West, Stothard, and other eminent artists ; but his rude and blurred impressions were regarded as mere curiosi- tifes. In 1805 he transferred his business to a Mr. Volweiler, who was equally unsuccessful. The art seems then to have been neglected for some years, till Mr. R. Ackerman established a press, from which was issued in 1819 the illustrations to his translation of Senefelder' s " Complete Course of Lithography." These prints, though much better than Andre's, were still very deficient in strength and clearness. It was not till the subject was taken up by Mr. Charles Hullmandel, who to the training of an artist added some chemical knowledge and great manipulative dexterity, that the capabilities of the art were fairly developed in this country. A really good lithograph can, however, hardly be said to have been produced in London aa early as 1820. REIGN OF GEORGE IV. 1820.— LIST OF THE KING'S MINISTERS. Cabinet Ministkes. f Earl of Harrowby Lord Eldon Earl of Westmoreland Earl of Liverpool Kight Hon. Nicholas Vansittart Viscount Melville Duke of Wellington Viscount Sidmouth Viscount Castlereagh Earl Bathurst Right Hon. George Canning Right Hon. C. B. Bathurst . Bight Hon. W. W. Pole . Right Hon. F. J. Robinson . Earl of Mulgrave Lord President of the CounciL Lord High Chancellor. Lord Privy Seal. First Lord of the Treasury. Chancellor of the Exchequer. First Lord of the Admiralty. Master General of the Ordnanee. Secretary of State for the Home Depart- ment. Secretary of State for Foreign Aflfairs. Secretary of State for the Department of War and the Colonies. President of the Board of Control for the Affairs of India. Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Master of the Mint. Treasurer of the Navy, and President of the Board of Trade. Without office. Not of the Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston . Right Hon. Charles Long . Earl of Chichester Marquess of Salisbury Bight Hon. C. Arbuthnot S. R. Lushington, Esq. Bight Hon. Thomas Wallace Bight Hon. Thomas Plumer Bight Hon. Sir John Leach . Sir Bobert Gifford . Sir John Copley Secretary at War. Paymaster-General of the Forces. i Joint Postmaster-General. V Joint Secretaries of the Treasury. Vice-President of the Board of Trade, Master of the Bolls. Vice-Chancellor. Attorney-General. Solicitor-General. i 4 Gkeat Officers of State. Marquess of Cholmondeley Marquess of Hertford . . . . Duke of Montrose .... His Boyal Highness the Duke of York Sir Hildebrand Oakea Bight Hon. WilUam Huskisson . . Lord Steward. Lord Chamberlain. Master of the Horse. Commander-in-Chief. Lieut. -General of the Ordnance. First Commissioner of Woods and Forests, and Land Revenue. Ireland. Earl Talbot . Lord Manners Right Hon. Charles Grant Bight Hon. Sir G. F. Hill Lord Lieutenant. Lord High Chancellor. Chief Secretary. Vice-Treasurer, CHAPTER IX. Meeting of Parliament on the demise of George III. — Prorogation and dissolution — The Cato- street Conspiracy — Debate on the subject of Queen Caroline — Differences between the King and the Cabinet regarding the Queen — The ministerial propositions finally agreed to — Opening of the new Parliament — Preparations for the Coronation — The Queen expected — Her arrival — Green bag containing papers laid before Parliament — Adjoumment^Con- ferences for averting a public proceeding — Failure of the negotiation — The Bill of Pains and Penalties — Scenes in the streets— Scenes in the House of Lords — The third reading of the Bill carried by a small majority — The Bill finally abandoned — Joy of the country — Discussions on the subject of the Queen in the next Session — The Coronation of the King — The Queen vainly endeavours to be present — Her death and funeral. "Upon the Accession of George the Fourth there were the same Ministers in the Cabinet as those which formed the Administration of the Earl of Liverpool at the close of the war ; with the exception of Mr. Canning, who in 1816 succeeded the earl of Buckinghamshire as President of the Board of Control.* The Statutes of William and of Anne provided tliat the demise of the Crown should not interfere with the regular course of Constitutional govern- ment. Under these Statutes the Parliament, although adjourned to the 15th of February, assembled on Sunday morning the 30th of January ; adjourned till the next day ; and then proceeded to the swearing in of members. On the 17th of February, the Houses having again assembled, a Message was delivered from the King, recommending that such measures should be adopted by the House of Commons as were necessary to provide for the exigencies of the public service, during the short period that must elapse between the termination of the present Session and the opening of a new Parliament, ■which it was his Majesty's intention to caU without delay. The Houses sat till the 28th of February. During a few days after the death of his father, the King had been seriously ill, not without some apprehension that this would be the shortest reign in English history. When the Parliament was prorogued, with a view to its immediate dissolution, the Speech of the Eoyal Commissioners alluded to " the flagrant and sanguinary conspiracy which has lately been detected." "The Cato-street Conspiracy," atrocious as were the objects which it * See volume vii. p. 576. The List in the opposite page of the King's Ministers, of the Great Officers of State, of the Law Officers, and of the Irish Administration, is of the date of June. 1820. 160 THE CATO-STREET CONSPIRACY. [1820. proposed to accomplish, base and brutal as were tbe wretcbed persons engaged in it, fearful as might have been the national terror had it been successful, was certainly not calculated, as affirmed in the Eoyal Speech, " to vindicate to the whole world the justice and expediency of those measures " [the Six Acts] to which the Parliament had resorted " in defence of the laws and Con- stitution of the kingdom." The detection and prevention of what was some- thing more formidable than " a little plot in a hay-loft," * though not in any degree a symptom of a revolutionary spirit in the country, were certainly not advanced by the enactment of an unconstitutional code. The proceedings of a knot of sanguinary madmen had for some time been well-known at the Home Office. " The principal informant was a modeller and itinerant vendor of images, named Edwards, who first opened himself at Windsor, as early as the month of November, to Sir Herbert Taylor, then occupying an important official situation in the establishment of George III."t Arthur Thistle- wood, the leader of the gang who desired to assert their patriotism by the murder of all the King's ministers, had been a subaltern officer in the militia, and afterwards in a regiment of the line. He had sojourned in France in the early stages of the French Revolution, and was amongst the number of those who held that violence and insurrection were the proper modes of redressing the evils of what they considered bad government. He was one of the persons engaged in the Spafields riot; and, in company with Dr. Watson, was tried for high treason. Upon his acquittal his rashness displayed itself in sending a challenge to Lord Sidmouth, for which folly he was convicted of a misdemeanor, and underwent a year's imprisonment. This term of con- finement expired about the period of the afiray at Manchester. Upon his trial he declared that his indignation at this occurrence prompted him to take his resolution of murderous vengeance : " I resolved that the lives of the instigators should be the requiem to the souls of the murdered innocents." He adds, " In this mood I met with George Edwards." He had decided that " insurrection became a public duty " before he met with George Edwards, " the contriver, the instigator, the entrapper," as he terms him. J A noble writer, whose facts are in most cases of far higher value than his opinions, says, " the history of the Thistlewood Conspiracy, as related in the criminal annals of the period, illustrates in a remarkable manner the diseased state of political feeling then existing in England." § Lord Sidmouth has himself testified to the general healthfulness of public opinion : " Party feelings appeared to be absorbed in those of indignation, which the lower orders had also evinced very strikingly upon the occasion." || It was not in the nature of Englishmen to entertain any other feeling than indignation at * Sydney Smith's "Memoirs," vol. ii. p. 195. + "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 316. The Author of the "Popular History" well recollects this man, who had a small shop in the High-street of Eton, where the most profitable exercise of his art was in the production and sale of a little model of Dr. Keate, the bead master of Eton, in his cocked hat, the consumption of which image was considerable, from its rapid destruction by the junior boys as a mark to be pelted at. Sir Herbert Taylor, whose honour was unimpeachable, was utterly incapable of .suggesting to the spy that he should incite these wretched men to the pursuance of their frantic designs. Yet in this, as in most similar cases, the functions of the tempter and the betrayer are very closely united. * " State Trials." See also " Annual llegister," 1820, p. 946. § Duke of Buckingliam, " Court of George IV.," vol. i. p. 9. U "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 320. 1820.] THE CATO-STREET CONSPIRACY. 161 the scheme of assassination which was intended to be carried into effect on the 23rd of February. On Tuesday the 22nd, the Earl of Harrowby, President of the Council, was riding in the Park without a servant, when he •was addressed by a person who said he had a letter directed to Lord Castle- reagh. On th-e 23rd Lord Harrowby was to have had a Cabinet dinner at his house in Grosvenor-square, to which, as is usual, none but members of the Cabinet were invited. The person who accosted Lord Harrowby met him the next morning in the Eing at Hyde Park by appointment. That person was Thomas Hidon, a cow-keeper, formerly a member of a Shoemakers' Club, where he knew one of the conspirators, Wilson. By this man Hidon was invited to come forward and be one of a party to destroy his Majesty's ministers, when they were assembled at dinner, by hand grenades thrown under the table, and by the sword if any escaped the explosion. The paper which Lord Harrowby received from Hidon was described as " a note con- taining the whole plot." * The plans of Thistlewood had been also com- municated to an Irishman named Dwyer, who revealed at the Home Office what he had heard. The evidence of Hidon and Dwyer sufficiently agreed to make the Cabinet take their resolution. They determined not to dine at Lord Harrowby's house, but that the preparations for dinner should go on as if no alarm had disarranged them. Mr. Birnie, the police magistrate, was to proceed to Cato-street, with a strong party of police-officers, at seven o'clock, the appointed dinner hour. In Cato-street, which runs parallel with the Edgeware-road, a loft had been engaged by the parties to the plot, and during the afternoon of the 23rd they had been observed conveying sacks into their place of rendezvous. A detachment of the foot-guards had been ordered to turn out for the purpose of accompanying the police, but through some mistake the civil officers had to enter the loft to execute their warrant Avithout the military support. As Smithers, the police officer, first confronted the twenty-four Avhom he found assembled, having gone up into the loft by a ladder, he was stabbed through the heart by Thistlewood, whilst three others of his comrades were stabbed or shot. The lights were put out, and in the confusion Thistlewood, with about fourteen, escaped. The leader, however, was arrested the next morning, the government having offered a reward of a thousand pounds for his apprehension. "When the soldiers arrived they captured nine of the party, with arms and ammunition. Thistlewood and four of his principal accomplices were tried for high treason in April. Chief Justice Abbott, in passing sentence of death upon ihh prisoners, expressed what was the universal public sentiment — " That Englishmen, laying aside the national character, should assemble to destroy in cold blood the lives of fifteen persons unknown to them, except from their having fiUed the highest offices in the State, is without example in the history of this country, and I hope will remain unparalleled for atrocity in all future times." These five were executed on the 1st of May. A motion of Alder- man "Wood on tlie day after the execution, the object of which was to blame the conduct of the govei-nment in the employment of Edwards, did not call forth the same animadversion as in the former case of Oliver at Derby. Lord Campbell says, — and few will disagree with him in his opinion — " I do not * «'Anuual Register," 3S20, p. 932. VOL. vui.— 235. 162 DEBATE ON THE SUBJECT OF QUEEN CAROLINE. [1820. think that Ministers deserved any censure for the manner in which they conducted themselves in this affair." * In such cases there is always the diflSculty of interfering too soon or too late. Some members of the Cabinet proposed that the dinner should take place ; that guards should be stationed near lord Harrowby's house, and that the conspirators should be arrested at the moment of their attempt. Others contended that ministers, being in possession of evidence to satisfy reasonable men, ought to stop the progress of the crime before it went on to the last step. " Lord Castlereagh was for going to the dinner in the face of it all at the hour invited, and letting each gentleman arm himself if he thought proper ; whilst the duke of Wellington counselled to the course that was taken. "f The Cato-street Conspiracy for a while absorbed every other topic of popular interest. If this extraordinary event had not occurred, the public iournals would probably have attached more importance to a short debate in the House of Commons, on the subject of Queen Caroline. On the 21st of February, in a Committee of Supply, Mr. Hume, the Member for the Montrose Burghs, — who, since his return in 1818, had begun to take an active part in the discussion of financial questions — pressed to know whether any distinct provision was to be made for the Queen, inasmuch as the Act which granted to the Princess of Wales the sum of 35,000Z. a year, expired on the demise of his late Majesty. He complained, also, that the Queen was slighted, and asked why her name was not inserted in the Liturgy. Mr. Tierney took the same course, with an important variation : " While the noble lord (Castlereagh) called her merely that ' high personage ' instead of recognising her as the Queen — while all Italy, nay, all Europe, was filled with rumours of her guilt, and of official inquiries about it — while her name was omitted in the Liturgy — while she was not acknowledged, — he could not agree to vote her the means of maintaining herself, until the reasons for such extraordinary circumstances as he had recited should be satisfactorily explained." J Mr. Brougham, who was the chief legal adviser of the Queen, maintained that her title did not depend upon any words in the Liturgy, cr upon any Act of Council, or upon any expression of a Minister of the Crown. The provision for the maintenance of her dignity was, it appeared, to be made out of the general sum for which the Minister was about to move, and that arrangement was at present to his mind quite satisfactory. He totally disregarded the rumours which were imagined to cast a cloud of sus- picion upon the Queen's character. Till some specific charge should be submitted to that House, his lips should be sealed upon the subject. If any charge should be preferred, he must beg it to be recollected, that this illus- trious personage was not remarkable for any slowness to meet accusation, nor for any difficulty to prove her innocence. He trusted no appeal upon this matter would ever be made to any turbulent passions out of doors. Lord Castlereagh rose to thank the honourable and learned gentleman for a speech which did equal honour to his head and his heart. The perfect agreement between Mr. Brougham and lord Castlereagh must have excited some surprise. But the Queen's legal adviser was no * "Lives of the Chancellors," vol. y. p. 3. + Rush, "Kesideiioe at the Court of London," second series, vol i. p. 289. X Hansard, vol. xli. col. ]G2i>. 1820.] DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE KING AND THE CABINET. 163 doubt fully cognizant of an arrangement by which the Cabinet had on the 21st of February tided over a difficulty which only four days before threat- ened their removal from office. On the 13th lord Sidmouth had written to earl Talbot, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, a brief note, in which he apologizes for not having answered a letter received on the 12th. " If you knew how the day was passed you would not be surprised at the omission. The Groverument is in a very strange and I must acknowledge in a preca- rious state."* The King had for his confidential private adviser Vice-Chan- cellor Leach, who, in 1818, had arranged the Milan Commission, for the purpose of making inquiries into those rumours of the conduct of the Princess of "Wales, which appeared to have determined the King to press the conduct of some very hazardous enterprise upon his Ministers. Six months before the death of Greorge III., the Cabinet had a full sense of the difficulty and danger that would arise if Caroline of Brunswick should return to England as Queen Consort. But they steadily refused to meet the difficulty by acceding to the Prince Eegent's passionate desire for a divorce. With Mr. Brougham, as the Princess of "Wales's law-adviser, they then communicated " in order to bring about some arrangement which should hold good in the event of her Royal Highness becoming Queen."t In August, "the lady in question," as Mr. Brougham terms his client, wrote to him to express her resolve to come over herself, saying she had written to Lord Liverpool to tell him so. The Princess of "Wales's law-adviser expresses himself with some vivacity upon the public danger, and the private discomfort to himself, that would result from this rash determination. " I am confident from her letter of to-day that she now intends to come, and I am still more clear that her coming would be pregnant with every sort of mischief." Mr. Stapleton, who was private Secretary to Mr. Canning, gives the date of this letter, August 5th, 1819, but does not state to whom it was addressed. It is evidently addressed to some official personage, as Mr. Brougham says, " You had better communicate this. I rely on the honour of the party principally concerned to have justice done to my motives, in the event of the other setting the mob against me, which she is quite capable of doing."J In a minute of the Cabinet on the 10th of February, the Ministers com- municated to the King their opinion, individually as well as collectively, that a proceeding for high-treason against the Queen was out of the question, and thap a measure of divorce might seriously prejudice the interests of the King and of the Monarchy. They honestly stated that any private individual, circumstanced as the King had been with respect to the Princess, could not expect to obtain a divorce according to the established usage of Parliament. They were of opinion, therefore, that the notoriety of what had been and still were the situation and conduct of the Princess of "Wales upon the Con- tinent, would induce Parliament to give a ready consent to any measure which, while it afibrded to the King security against the invasion of his dignity and comfort by the return of the Princess to England, would be calculated, at the same time, to avoid discussions and disclosures ofiensive to public * "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii. p. 310. f Stapleton, "George Canning and his Times," 1859, p. 265. J Ibid., p. 266. 1C4 • THE MINISTERIAL PROPOSITIONS AGREED TO. [1S20. decency, and likely to disturb tlie peace of the country. Tiiey proposed, therefore, a Bill to make provision for the Queen by an annuity, payable only during her continued residence abroad. They thought that the King would be fully justified in withholding those distinctions which it was in the option of his Majesty to confer upon her, — to be named in the Liturgy, and to be crowned. They add, "the intercourse which took place with Mr. Brougham last summer affords just reason for believing that the Princess would be advised to acquiesce in an arrangement founded upon these princi- ples." On this Minute Mr. Canning made a memorandum. "As a part of" the whole I agree to the proposed alteration in the Liturgy I could not have agreed to the omission of her name if any penal process, of whatever kind, had been in contemplation."* On the 12th of February the King replied seriatim to the various objec- tions to his wishes ofiered by the Cabinet. He altogether disapproved of the proposal of settling an annuity upon the Princess, payable only during her residence abroad. On the 14th of Pebruary the Cabinet re-stated to the King their unanimous opinion that, whatever other measure they might feel them- selves justified in proposing, the originating a Bill of Divorce is that which they cannot recommend. On the 17th the King yielded, being " ready, for the sake of the public decorum and the public interest, to make, therefore, this great and this painful sacrifice of his personal feelings." He recited the terms of the proposed arrangement, " to avoid all future misconception;" and he added, " the King further understands that it is the intention of his servants to assert and justify the omission of the Princess's name from the Liturgy." Such was the prologue to the great " sensation" drama which was to be enacted four months afterwards. All political agitation appeared to have subsided. Mr. Hunt, and others concerned in the Manchester meeting, were tried at York on the 16th of March and nine following days, on the charge of unlawfully assembling for the purpose of moving and inciting to contempt and hatred of the Government. Henry Hunt, Joseph Johnson, John Knight, Joseph Healey, and Samuel Bamford, were found guilty, and being brought up for judgment in the Court of King's Bench, were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. At the Leicester Assizes, on the 23rd of March, sir Prancis Burdett was found guilty of a seditious libel. The verdict was impeached in the Court of King's Bench, and the various arguments upon the case had the effect of postponing the judgment till the beginning of 1821. The baronet was sentenced to three months' imprisonment, and to pay a fine of two thousand pounds. Amidst this political quiet, now and then a flying rumour about the Queen appeared in the newspapers. In the gossip of the liigher circles tliere was no foreboding of a coming storm. " Brougham attends frequently at tlie Treasury upon the Queen's business," writes Sydney Smith on the 15th of April. Every one was thinking of the expected -Coronation, in which it appears to be understood as a matter of course, that the Queen was not to appear. " The King sits all day long with Lady C , sketching processions, and looking at jewels ; in the meantime, she tells everywhere all that he tells to her." t The placidity of the royal mind • Th'' Minutes ami the Memoraiulum are given in Mr. Stajiletou's work, pp. -GQi tc 27t. + *' Meiiioii ct' S^'dney Sinilh," vol. ii. p. VJb. 1820.J OPENING OF THE NEW PARLIAMKNT. 1C5 appears to have been somewhat disturbed in tlie midst of tliese pleafjaut occupations. On the 26th of April the Chancellor writes to his daughter, " Our Eoyal Master seems to have got into temper again, as far as I could judge from his conversation with me this morning. He has been pretty -well disposed to part with us all, because we would not make additions to his revenue." * These minor troubles have a happy capacity for adjustment in a constitutional monarchy, when responsible Ministers possess the requisite degree of firmness. The King opened the session of the new parliament in person on the 27th of April, and had a brief popularity in declaring that he left; entirely at the disposal of Parliament his interest in the hereditary revenues, and that so far from desiring any arrangement which might lead to the imposition of new burdens vipon his people, or even diminish the amount of reduction incident to his accession, he had no wash that any addition what- ever should be made to the settlement adopted by Parliament in 181G. Amidst this sunshine the little cloud, no bigger than a man's hand, was seen from afar. Some members of Opposition began again to call attention to the position of the Queen. Mr. Tierney, in a debate on the Civil List on the 8th of May, said that he never expected to be called upon to vote for a Eill to provide for the maintenance of the royal family and household, out of which the Queen of England herself was to be excluded, after being recognized by the lord high chancellor. His allusion was to this circumstance : In the Court of Chancery, on the 11th of April, Mr. Brougham and Mr. Denmau had presented their appointments as attorney-general and solicitor-general to the Queen, which appointments the lord chancellor immediately accepted, saying that " he would consult no views, and regard no considerations in the matter, except such as were purely professional." In the last days of May the preparations for the King's Coronation still formed the chief topic at court. The committee for settling the forms of that ceremony had reported to the King that, as there was to be no crowning of a Queen, peeresses should not be summoned to attend. His Majesty had a ready answer, that as " Queen Elizabeth, though a lady, had both peers and peeresses, so he, though he has no Queen, will have both ladies and gentlemen to attend him."t AVhile these- discussions were proceeding within the palace, the people in public places were thinking very seriously of some other possible occurrence than a coronation — so seriously, that they committed their opinions to the usual issue of a bet. Some, who thought the Queen would not come very speedily, pa^d fifty guineas to receive a guinea a day till she did come. This was the common entry in the gambler's ' book' on the 29th of May, on which day Eldon wrote, " I retain my old opinion that she will not come unless she is insane." On the 1st of June the Queen was at St. Omers, having rapidly travelled thither, accompanied by alderman "Wood. She had previously despatched a courier with letters to London, demanding that a yacht should be sent to convey her to England, and that a palace should be provided for her reception. The Cabinet authorized lord Hutchinson immediately to proceed to St. Omers to make the proposal of an annuity according to the arrangement of February, but with conditions which appear to have been capable of a different construction from those which formed part of the * TwLss, "Life of Eldon." vol. ii. p. 362. t Hid., p. 366. 166 ARRIVAL OF THE QUEEN— THE GREEN BIG. [1820, proposition made in the " intercourse which took place with Mr. Brougham last summer." Her Majesty's attorney-general accompanied lord Hutchinson. The proposition, which it appears was made then for the first time in a letter addressed by lord Hutchinson to Mr. Brougham, and which, as her legal adviser, he read to the Queen, was rejected by her under his advice.* Her Majesty, with ker civic councillor, hurried off to Calais, was quickly on board a packet, landed at Dover amidst the shouts of the populace, and entering London on the evening of the 6th surrounded by huzzaing thousands, took up her abode at the house of alderman "Wood in South Audley-street. On that same evening a message from the King was presented to both Houses, stating the arrival of the Queen, and announcing that his Majesty had thought it right to communicate certain papers respecting the conduct of her Majesty since she left this country. On the table of each House a green bag was laid which contained the papers, sealed up. In the House of Lords, after some discussion, it was agreed that l;he papers should be referred to a Secret Committee. In the House of Commons, previous to taking into consideration the King's Message, Mr. Brougham, as her Majesty's attorney-general, presented a communication from the Queen, in which she stated that she had returned to England in consequence of measures pursued against her honour and her peace by agents abroad. She protested against the formation of a Secret Committee to examine documents privately prepared by her adversaries. She complained of the omission of her name in the Liturgy, as calculated to prejudge her cause. Lord Castle- reagh declared that the Secret Committee was only a preliminary step, to ascertain whether there was any case to proceed with. Mr. Brougham strongly resisted the appointment of the Committee, and commented in the most unqualified terms upon the proposition made to the Queen, which was nothing more nor less than to ask her to say, " Give me fifty thousand a year, and I will plead guilty." Mr. Canning, in vindicating the conduct of the Government, expressed his earnest desire, that this unhappy business should be terminated without any further public proceedings. In reply to Mr. Brougham's complaint of the terms offered to the Queen, he declared that they were the same terms which the Queen's legal adviser had previously considered reasonable. Mr. Brougham, in reply, complained that if Mr. Canning had not considered himself bound to secrecy, he, Mr. Brougham, felt himself, in some degree, under that obligation. He pledged himself to show that there was nothing inconsistent in his taking part in the negotia- tion of July, and in his present course. There was one circumstance in tlie aate of the transaction referred to, which constituted an essential difference between the terms then suggested, and those proposed by lord Hutchinson. " The illustrious person was not then Queen, and it was a very different proposal that she should forbear to assume a title which might fall to her at Bome distant and contingent time, and that she should lay down what she had in course of law assumed. Widely different, too, was that proposal from the proposition of lord Hutchinson ; the one calling on the Princess of Wales not to assume a particular title, which miglit afterwards descend to her, the other to renounce any title taken from the royal family of England." f * Ilaiinaid, vol. i. new aeries, col. 973. •)■ Ibid., vol. i. second scries, col. 971. 1S20.] CONFERENCES FOR AVERTING A PUBLIC PROCEEDING. 167 Mr. Brougbam declared, on his honour, that her Majesty was not in the slightest degree implicated in the proceeding adverted to. " The right lionourable gentleman might treat as he pleased the person who made those propositions, but her Majesty had no more knowledge, no more influence over those propositions, than the child unborn." The historical inquirer may ask, how was it that the Queen had " no more knowledge than the child unborn" of those propositions? We cannot doubt that when the time for a complete revelation shall arrive, there will be a juster solution of the question than the suspicions of Mr. Canning of an absence of " plain dealing ;" less tinctured, possibly, by political rivalry than his assertion tliat " the Grovernment was not prepared to pursue their own course by any means but those which were indicated to them ; and these indications came from a quarter which wished for extremities." * The temper of the House of Commons on "Wednesday, th© 7th of June, was signally manifested by its cordial assent to Mr. Wilberforce's motion, that the debate should be adjourned till the following Priday. Mr. Wilber- force says in his Diary, " I endeavoured to interpose a pause, during Avhich the two parties might have an opportunity of contemplating coolly the prospect before them." f The proceedings of the House of Lords were also suspended. On the Friday, Mr. Brougham, by command of the Queen, transmitted a note to lord Liverpool, in which her Majesty said that, sub- mitting to the declared sense of Parliament, she was willing to consider any arrangements that might be proposed consistent with her dignity and lion our. Lord Liverpool, in reply, referred to a note delivered to Mr. Brougham on the 15th of April, as the proposition made on the part of the King. The Queen replied that she had never seen this note. Mr. Brougham explained that her official advisers had not had an opportunity of delivering it previous to the interview with lord Hutchinson. It was then agreed that two of the King's confidential servants should meet two persons to be named by the Queen, to frame an arrangement for settling the necessary particulars of her Majesty's future situation, upon the condition of her residence abroad. The duke of Wellington and lord Castlereagh were appointed on the part of the King, and Mr. Brougham and Mr. Denman on the part of the Queen. This negotiation failed through the want of concession on either side upon one point alone. The insertion of the Queen's name in the Liturgy was demanded on the one side, and refused on the other, although something like an 'equivalent Avas tendered by the agents of the King. Mr. Wilberforce has succinctly stated the general character of these proceedings. " The concessions made by the King's servants, as Mr. Brougham afterwards declared in the House of Commons, were various and great. The name and rights of a Queen were granted to her Majesty without reserve, any recognition of which had formerly been carefully avoided. A royal yacht, a frigate, &c., were olfered. It was agreed that her name and rank should be notified at the Court either of Rome or Milan — the capitals of the countries in which she had expressed her intention to reside ; and that an Address should be presented to the Queen no less than another to the King, to thank * Stapleton, "George Canning and his Times," p. 300. Letter from Mr. Canning to Mr. riuskisson, October 2nd, 1820. + Life, vol. V. p. 55. 168 FAILURES OF THE NI':G0TIATI0NS. [1S20. her Majesty for having acceded to the wish of the House of Commous." * On the 19th of June this negotiation was announced to Parliament as having failed, i^gain Mr. "VVilberforce attempted to put an end to this unfortunate conflict, by moving a resolution on the 22nd of June, in which, amidst many qualifying phrases, the House declared its opinion tliat if the Queen would forbear to press farther the adoption of those propositions on which any material dilference yet remained, such forbearance would by no means be understood to indicate any wish to shrink from inquiry. The motion waa agreed to by a very large majority. Mr. Wilberforce, as part of a deputation of members, waited the next morning upon the Queen with this resolution. He and his companions were saluted by the groans of the populace. The answer of the Queen rejected the proposed mediation. ' "When this attempt failed Mr. Wilberforce was accused in the newspapers " with trifling with tho House of Commons, and attempting to deceive the people." He had in his possession a triumphant answer to the charge in the positive engagement of the Queen's chief law-adviser. ' She will accede to your Address,' he wrote to Mr. "Wilberforce (June 22nd), ' I pledge myself.' His influence was overborne by a less sagacious counsellor, and with ' a political forbearance which,' says the party whom it spared, * I never knew equalled,' he suppressed this unfulfilled pledge, and bore quietly the groundless charge of an unreasonable interference." f There was now an end of all attempts at compromise. Mr. Canning, when he saw that the chances of an amicable adjustment were over, waited upon the King to express the impossibility for him to take ])art in any criminatory proceedings towards a person to whom he had formerly stood in confidential relations. The King, who sent his answer through lord Liverpool, insisted that Mr. Canning should remain one of his Ministers, following his own course with regard to the Queen. He went abroad, to avoid taking any part in discussions of the House of Com- mons. That House adjourned on the 26th, that the initiatory proceedings upon the Green Bag might take place in the Upper House. On the 4th of July the Secret Committee of the Lords made its Report, declaring that the evidence affecting the honour of the Queen was such as to require a solemn inquiry, which might be best effected in the course of a legislative proceeding. Lord Liverpool then proposed a Bill of Pains and Penalties, which had for its object " to deprive her Majesty Queen Caroline Amelia Elizabeth of the title, prerogatives, rights, privileges, and exemptions of Queen-Consort of this realm, and to dissolve the marriage between his Majesty and the said Caroline Amelia Elizabeth." The second reading of the Bill was fixed for the 17th of August, and on that day commenced what is popularly known as The Queen's Trial. It is scarcely necessary for us to refer to the chronicles of the time for the purpose of recalling the impressions which live in our memory of the extraor- dinary scenes of that summer and autumn of 1820, On the 3rd of August tho Queen had removed from her temporary abode in London, to take up her resi- dence at Brandenburgh House at Hammersmith. For four months from that day there never was a cessation of processions marching to Hammersmith, or of cavalcades shouting around the Queen's carriage. On the day before the judicial * " Life of Wilbeiforco." vol. v. p. oG. f Ihid. p. 65. 1820.] THE BILL OF TAINS Ai.'D PEXALTIES. IC^ proceedings commenced, addresses were presented to the Qaeen by deputations from the county of Middlesex, from St. Leonards Shoreditch, and from the Mechanics of the Metropolis. These assemblages, whether led by the radical Sheriff of Middlesex, in his state carriage, or by enthusiastic committee- men with white wands, gradually swelled into a multitude, of which the advanced guard were trampling down the laurels in her Majesty's garden at Hammersmith, before the rear-guard had passed Hyde Park Corner. Not on that 13th of November, 164!2, when London poured forth its thousands whilst Rupert was fighting in the streets of Brentford, was there a greater earnestness than in those mechanics who marched to Hammersmith under a burning sun, and marched back again, hungry and weary, satisfied that their shouts had advanced the cause of justice for the oppressed. It is impossible not to recognize something of grandeur in such demonstrations, however capable they may be of affording matter for ridicule; " All kinds of addresses From Collars of SS, To venders of cresses, Came up like a fair ; And all thi-ough September, October, November, And down to December, They hunted this Hare ! " * The weekly journal from which we quote these lines was the chief of those new papers which. " were established with the professed object of main- taining a constant war against all who espoused her Majesty's cause."t There certainly never was a time in which the proper functions of the press were more degraded to the purposes of private slander. But it must be said in fairness, that if the Queen and her partizans were attacked with the coarsest reviling or the bitterest wit, the King and his supporters were no less subject to libellous attacks far exceeding the accustomed licence of periodical writing. Milton has described the controversialists of London, sitting by their studious lamps, musing, searching, assenting to the force of reason and convincement. It is scarcely necessary to point the contrast furnished by the writers of 1820. The violence and ribaldry of the journals were perfectly in accord with the floods of indecency that were poured out every morning in the short-hand reports of the evidence on the trial — reports which were regu- larly printed by authority, circulated amongst the Peers, and thence duly cdpied in the daily papers. If the scenes that were passing in the streets were extraordinary, cer- tainly the appearance presented by the House of Lords, on any one of the days of this trial, was no less remarkable. That House, the old Court of Requests, had been fitted up anew on the accession of George IV. The elevated arm-chair, from which former monarchs addressed the Parliament, had been supplanted by a magnificent throne — a canopy of crimson velvet, supported by Corinthian columns, and surmounted by the imperial crown. For this special occasion of the Queen's trial, galleries had been erected on each side of the House for the accommodation of the unusual number * From Theodore Hook's song of " Hunting the Hare," in "John Bull." + "Lord Brougham's Speeches" — Introduction to the case of Blacow. 170 THE BILL OF PAITSTS AND PENALTIES. [1820. of Peers who were expected to attend. A cliair of state was placed for the Queen a little beyond the bar, fronting the throne and the woolsack. The ])laces for her counsel were immediately behind her. On the 2l8t of August, tlie Attorney- General was concluding his speech in support of the Bill, when drums and trumpets, mixed with the shouts of the people, announced the Queen's arrival. She takes her seat. The interpreters being sworn, Teodora Majocchi was called in. The Queen turned suddenly round, uttered a loud exclamation, and rushed out of the House. This man had been one of hei domestic servants. The examination of witnesses for the Bill proceeded till tlae 6th of September. The Solicitor- G-eneral summed up on the 7th, and on the 9th, upon an application from the Queen's counsel, an adjournment took place till the 3rd of October. The examinations and cross-examinations of the witnesses for the Bill, gross and revolting as were many of the details, were signal exhibitions of legal acuteness. It was impossible to deny the right of counsel to put questions offensive to delicacy ; but it was scarcely possible not to feel some indignation when a noble lord now and then asked a question which the most brazen advocate would have attempted to clothe in ^^omewhat more decent language. The universal licence of that unhallowed time seemed occasionally to make some of the highest forget their self- respect. There probably would have been more instances of unseemly inter*- ference with the ordinary course of legal inquiry if one man had not stood in the midst of that assembly, whose whole bearing was that of authority and command; whose look, denouncing "battle dangerous" if any rash offence were given, made the boldest peer prudent. The great admiral, who in the bay of Algiers, was " all-fightful," complained of "the disrespect of counsel [Mr. Brougham] in fixing his eyes on him at the time that he was presuming to check him for an expression which had not been used by him, but by another noble lord." There was another of the Queen's law-officers who dared even to fix his eyes upon a prince of the blood, exclaiming, " Come forth, thou vslanderer." Some who heard these things might well fear that the old respect for " degree, priority, and place " was coming to an end. On the 3rd of October Mr. Brougham entered on the Queen's defence. His speech on that day and the following may be cited amongst the greatest examples of forensic eloquence. " At half-past twelve to-day," writes lord Dud- ley, "Brougham concluded a most able speech with a magnificently eloquent peroration. The display of his power and fertility of mind in this business lias been amazing ; and these extraordinary efforts seem to cost him nothing. He dined at Holland House yesterday, and staid till eleven at night, talking * de omni scibili' — French cookery, Italian poetry, and so on."* Mr. Eush, the American minister, notices as illustrative of the English bar, and individually of Mr. Brougham, that during the adjournment of the Queen's trial, her Attorney- General attended the assizes at Yorkshire, and engaged in a cause in behalf of a poor old woman, upon whose pig-cote a trespass had been committed, for which trespass the old woman obtained a verdict of forty shillings damages, f From the 4th to the 24th of October, the examination of witnesses on behalf of the Queen was continued. Mr. Denman then ♦ Lord Dudley's "Letters," p. 2G7. •*■ " llc3iden:e at the Court of Loudon," second series, voL i. p. 339- 1S20.] THE BILL OF PAINS AND PENALTIES. 171 summed up the evidence in an address, which lasted two days. His denun- ciations were so unmeasured, that some noble lords complained of the extra- ordinary licence used by the Queen's counsel. Mr. Rush has remarked of this time, when the most daring words were written and spoken with impunity, not only that every day produced its fiery libels against the King and hi» adherents, but that Mr. Denman, addressing himself to the assembled Peerage of the realm, denounced in thundering tones one of the brothers of the King. Perhaps more remarkable was the boldness of the same counsel, which compared the proceedings against the Queen to circumstances in the history of Imperial Eome described by Tacitus — how Octavia, the wife of Nero, in consequence of an unjust aversion which existed in the mind of her husband, was dismissed, and a mistress taken in her place ; how she was banished by means of a conspiracy, in which slaves were produced as evidence against her, although the greater part of her servants protested her innocence ; how Nero persevered, although she was hailed as in triumph by a generous people — and how, on a second conspiracy, she was convicted, condemned, and banished to an island in the Mediterranean. Not so bold, but equally cutting, was the application by Mr. Brougham of a passage from Milton. Having asked John Allen Powell, the solicitor employed on the IMilan Commission, — who is your client or employer in this case ? and being debarred from putting this question, the Queen's Attorney- General exclaimed, " Up to this moment I have never been able to trace the local habitation or the name of the unknown being who is the plaintiff in this proceeding. I know not but it may vanish into thin air. I know not under what shape it exists — , ' If shape it might be called that shape had none, Distinguishable in member, joint, or limb, — Or substance might be call'd that shadow seem'd, For each seem'd either — what seem'd his head The likeness of a kingly crown had on.' * It is not our intention to furnish even the very briefest abstract of the evidence that was brought forward to sustain, or to rebut, the charge against the Queen upon which the Bill of Pains and Penalties was founded, — namely, that her royal highness conducted herself towards Bartolomeo Bergami, a foreigner engaged in her service in a menial situation, both in public and private, " with indecent and offensive familiarity and freedom, and carried on with him a licentious, disgraceful, and adulterous intercourse." The impres- sioii of the character of the Queen, produced upon all impartial persons by the publication of the evidence, was pretty much the same as that expressed by Sydney Smith after the proceedings had closed : — " The style of manners she has adopted does not exactly tally with that of holy women in the days that are gone, but let us be charitable and hope for the best." f The evidence * The orator dovetailed with great skill inconsecutive lines of the famous passage in " Para- dise Lost." The allusion might have been too strong for his audience if he had given the entii-8 passage : — ' Or substance might be call'd that shadow seem'd. For each seem'd either ; black it stood as Night, Fierce as ten Furies, terrible as Hell, And shook a dreadful dart ; what seem'd his head The likeness of a kingly crown had on." t "Memoir," vol. ii. p. 206. 172 THE BILL ABANDONED— JOY OF THE COUNTIiY. [IS'JO. and the arguments of counsel having been concluded, the peers, on the 2rid of November, came to the question of the second reading of the Bill of Pains and Penalties. The question was debated for five nights ; when the motion, for the second reading of the Bill was carried by 123 against 95. The majority was smaller than the Government had expected. It was thought by many that this was " too small a majority for such a Bill to be sent into such a place as the House of Commons." * But the majority was still more reduced when the Divorce clause came under consideration. Some peers were willing to pass the Bill if this clause were removed. In the course of the proceedings lord Harrowby had intimated that the Divorce clause might be withdrawn. Mr. Canning, watching the progress of these proceedings from Paris, at the beginning of October, had written to lord Liverpool, that though he thought the omission of the Divorce clause was likely enough to facilitate the passing of the Bill in the House of Lords, that omission would furnish an argument against it in the House of Commons. The BiU would become " a pure penal enactment for immorality ; and when, from the begin- ning of time, did such an enactment take place ? And where, if it take place now, is this new species of legislation to end ? " f The Opposition saw clearly that the way to defeat the Bill was to press for retaining the Divorce clause ; and that it should be retained was carried by a majority of 129 to 62. On the ]Otb of November, on the motion that the Bill be read a third time, the majority was only nine — 108 to 99. After the division, Lord Dacre was about to present a petition from the Queen, praying to be heard by counsel against the passing of the Bill. Lord Liverpool rose and said that sucb a course would not now be necessary : — " Had the third reading been carried by as considerable a number of peers as the second liad been, he and his noble colleagues would have felt it their duty to persevere in the Bill, and to send it down to the other branch of the legislature. In the present state of the country, however, and with the division of sentiment so nearly balanced, just evinced by meir lordships, they had come to the determination not to proceed further with it. It was his intention, accordingly, to move ' That the further consideration of the Bill be adjourned to this day six months.' " There was a general joy throughout the country at the termination of these proceedings. Those who looked carefully into the matter did not think with the excited multitude that the result was an acquittal of the Queen ; but all rejoiced that the time was come when the heads of decent families would not be obliged to hide the newspaper from the eyes of theit daughters, and when the legislature would have some better work before it than the discussion of a measure whose only fruits had been — " a Grovernment brouglit into contempt and detestation ; a kingdom thrown into such ferment and convulsion, as no other kingdom or Government ever recovered from without a revolution." J There was one advantage to the Government and to the country, which Mr. Canning could not so well see as those who at home were watching the course of public opinion. What the Ministers at the end of 1819 were dreading as symptoms of revolution, were put an end * "Diary of Lord Colcliester," voL iii. p. 179— Letter of Mr. Bootle 'Wilbraham. t Staploton, " Geoige Canniug and Lis Times," p. 298. t J bid., p. 299. I 1820.] PUOltUGATION— DISCUSSIONS IN THE NEXT SESSION 173 to at the end of 1820 by tlie very " ferment aud convulsion" about the Queen. Mr. "Wilbraham writes from Latham House to lord Colchester, during the extremest violence of the popular feeling, " Eadicalism has taken the shape of affection for the Queen, and has deserted its old form ; for we are all as quiet aa lambs in this part of England, and you would not imagine that this could have been a disturbed country twelve months ago." * On the 23rd of November Parliament was prorogued. On the 29th the Queen went in procession to St. Paul's, to return thanks for her deliverance from a great peril and afSiction. In the next session of Parliament there were violent discussions on her Majesty's affairs, particularly on her continued exclusion from the Liturgy. An annuity of fifty thousand pounds was pro- vided for her by Act of Parliament. Her popularity gradually declined, aud in April, 1821, it was written — " The Queen is gone by as atopic of inflamma- tion ; and her taking quietly the fifty thousand pounds a year, after her protest and declaration that she would not till her right was acknowledged, was a coup de grace to her. It is said that an attempt is making by lady Jersey, who patronises her, to procure a drawing-room at Brandenbargh House, but it will undoubtedly fail. She is now hardly named in society or in the newspapers." f Cobbett, who had addressed the most violent letters to the Queen, stimulating her to resist every attempt at compromise, says that after the abandonment of the Bill, when the "Whig faction flocked about her, the people, who hated this faction more "than the other, troubled her with no more addresses. " The faction agitated questions about her in Parliament, concerning which the people cared not a straw : what she was doing soon became as indifferent to them as what any other person of the royal family was doing. The people began again to occupy themselves with the business of obtaining a parliamentary reform ; and her way of life, and her final fate, soon became objects of curiosity much more than of interest with the people." J It is scarcely necessary, after the lapse of more than forty years, to enter upon any detail of the discussions upon questions connected with the Queen, agitated in Parliament after the great investigation was concluded — questions about which the arch-demagogue declared " the people cared not a straw." These discussions occupied many hundred columns of Hansard's Debates during the Second Session of the Seventh Imperial Parliament. On the 11th of July, the last day of the session, and only eight days before the time appointed for the King's coronation, Mr. Hume moved that an Address be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would issue his proclamation for the coronation of the Queen, " thereby consulting the true dignity of the crown, the tranquillity of the metropolis, and the general expectations of the people." At the moment when Mr. Hume was proposing his resolution the usher of the black rod summoned the Commons to attend in the House of Peers, where Commissioners were assembled to prorogue tlie Parliament. The motion necessarily fell to the ground. The Coronation took place on the 19th of July. The Queen was destined to a more bitter humiliation thai: * "Diary of Lord Colchester," vol. iii. p. 164. + Ibid., vol. iii. p. 218 — Wiibniliam to Lord Colcljcstcr. X (Jobbett's "History of George IV.," § 454. 174 THE QUEEN AT THE CORONATION— HER DEATH. [1820. any that she had previously endured. The Privy Council, on the 10th of July, had decided against a claim of her right to be crowned at the same time as the King. The next day she wrote to lord Sidmouth to declare her intention to be present at the ceremony. In this injudicious and undignified determination her Majesty persisted. Between six and seven o'clock in the morning she presented herself at every entrance to the Abbey, and at each was denied admission. The same refusal attended her demand to enter "Westminster Hall. A few of the populace huzzaed, and a few hissed, but the prevailing sentiment was indifference. At the beginning of August the Queen was attacked with internal inflammation, and she died on the night of the 7th. The King had sailed for Dublin on the 1st, and he received at Holyhead the intelligence of this sudden termination of a domestic trouble which had long been a source of public anxiety. Before this close of the unhappy lady's Ufe, the people had very generally begun to feel that in their compassion for the desolate and oppressed, they had somewhat overstepped the safe line of a constitutional respect for the chief magistrate. There was a riot at the funeral procession of the Queen's remains from Brandenburg! i House. They were to be conveyed to Harwich, and there put on board a government sloop, which was to sail to Stade for the purpose of conveying them for interment at Brunswick. The mourning cavalcade was to avoid the crowded streets ; but a mob had determined to force it through the city. The Life Guards having been rudely assaulted at Cumberland Gate, leading out of Hyde Park to Tyburn, a serious conflict ensued, when two of the assailants of the soldiers were shot. The procession went through the city with the lord mayor at its head. Erom this time there was an end of all excitement about the Queen. There was one result, however, which was of more political importance than the continued struggles of a few demagogues for notoriety. Mr. Canning, on the 12th of December, 1820, resigned his office of Secretary of the Board of Control, on the ground that the discussions respecting the Queen in the session of 1821 would be so intermixed with the general busi- ness that a minister could not absent himself without appearing to abandon the parliamentary duties of his station, nor could he be present taking no part in such discussions without producing embarrassment to himself and perplexity to his colleagues. The King accepted his resignation, but with a smothered displeasure at the course Mr. Canning and his immediate friends had taken. Upon the death of the Queen lord Liverpool strongly pressed the readmission of Mr. Canning to the Cabinet, and the King as stoutly resisted it. His Majesty was not unsupported by some of his official advisers, who disliked the presence amongst them of the most eloquent of the advocates of Catholic Emancipation, and who, upon this and most other questions, dreaded " the flexible innovator" more than they admired "the eloquent conservative." * • Gulzot, "IMemoirs of Sir Robert Pet!," p. 2.1 CHAPTER X. Deatb of Napoleon Bonaparte — Parliamentary strictures on the measures adopted for his secure detention — Circular of the Congress at Laybach — Parliament — Irish outrages — Agricul- tural Distress — New Corn Law — The King's visit to Scotland— Death of Lord Londonderry — His foreign Administration — Mr. Canning Secretary for Foreign Affairs — His instruc- tions to the duke of Wellington in his mission to Verona — French invasion of Spain — Mr. Canning's remonstrances — The Spanish American separated States — Consuls appointed — Opposition to Mr. Canning's decree to recognize their independence — Their recognition by the conclusion of commercial treaties — Circumstances which give to a neutral power the right of recognizing States which have effectually asserted their inde- pendence — Discussions with the minister of the United States of North America — Spanish aggression upon Portugal — Promptitude in sending troops for her defence — Important changes in our Commercial Policy — Mr. Huskisson and his defamers — The transfer of England to " the camp of Progress and Liberty " — The Present and the Past. On the Stli of May, 1821, died Napoleon Bonaparte. Six years had passed since, in the great festival of the Champ de Mai, he had announced that the people who had called him to the throne must prepare for war. The issue to himself was his imprisonment in this lonely island of the Atlantic, long suffering under a chronic disease, and suffering more from his total want of power to endure his fate with equanimity. A hurricane swept over the island as Napoleon was dying, shaking houses to their foundation, and tearing up the largest trees. We cannot avoid thinking of the similar phenomenon that attended the death of Cromwell. The faithful followers who w^ere around his bed might have felt the sentiment, if they did not know the lines, of Waller:— " We must resign ! Heaven his great soul does claim In storms, as loud as his immortal fame : His dying groan, his last breath, shakes our isle, "^ And trees uncut fall for his funeral pile." But the last thoughts of the dying men were essentially different. To Napoleon the war of the elements seemed as if " the noise of battle hurtled in the air," and he died muttering the words, Tete cCArmee. Cromwell, also a great soldier, passed away with thoughts of peace in his mind, praying that God would give His people " consistency of judgment, one heart, and mutual love." The death of him who had so long filled the world with the terror of his name, produced no great sensation in England or in Europe. There had been strong differences of opinion expressed in parliament as to the character of the measures which had been adopted to render his detention secure. It " Ode on the Death of the Lord Protector." IJQ DEATH OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. [1821. was urged that an unnecessary degree of restraint was imposed upon the captive, and that the governor of the island was a harsh and injudicious jailor, who performed what he thought his dutv in the most vexatious spirit. The answer may be found in a parliamentary speech of lord Bathurst ; " Let them suppose that, instead of sitting to discuss whether a little more or a little less restriction should be imposed, they had thus to examine sir Hudson Lowe at their bar : ' How and when did he escape ? ' * In the early part of the evening, and from his garden.' * Had his garden no sentinels?' 'The sentinels were removed.' ' Why were they removed ? ' * General Bonaparte desired it — they were hateful to his feelings ; they were then removed, and thus was he enabled to escape.' " Prudent and necessary as these restrictions might have been ; querulous and insulting as Napoleon undoubtedly was in all his intercourse with the British officer who was responsible for his safe guardianship ; it must still be lamented that a man was placed over our fallen enemy who, wincing under the pettiness of the captive's exaggerated complaints, appears to have forgotten how great a part he had played in the world. It is not to be supposed that sir Hudson Lowe felt ■ himself to be an instrument of retributive justice, or was possessed with an overwhelming feeling of the hatefulness of that selfish ambition which had desolated Europe. It was for an American statesman, who believed that the great duty of his country was to continue in " peace and fraternity with mankind," to give his testimony against the character of JS'apoleon as set forth by Barry O'Meara. Mr. Jefierson thought that this account placed him in a higher scale of understanding than he had allotted him. He had thought him the greatest of all military captains, but an indifferent statesman. His con- versations with O'Meara proved a mind of great expansion ; but the book also proved that IS'ature had denied him the moral sense. " If he could seriously and repeatedly affirm, that he had raised himself to power without ever having committed a crime, it proves that he wanted totally the sense of right and wrong. If he could consider the million of human lives which he had destroyed or caused to be destroyed ; the desolations of countries by plunderings, burnings, and famine ; the destitutions of lawful rulers of the world without the consent of their constituents, to place his brothers and sisters on tlieir thrones ; the cutting up of established societies of men, and jumbling them discordantly together at his caprice ; the demo- lition of the fairest hopes of mankind for the recovery of their rights and amelioration of their condition ; and all the numberless train of his other enormities ; the man, I say, who could consider all these as no crimes, must have been a moral monster, against whom every hand should have been lifted to slay him.'' * On the death of Napoleon there was a larger question presenting itself to the minds of thoughtful men than that which arose out of the contests between the captive of St. Helena and the keeper who was set over him. The condition of the world suggested very grave doubts whether the nations had acquired any guarantees for their freedom or for their repose by the over- throw of the one great oppressor. At the exact period of Napoleon's death the sovereigns of Austria, Eussia, and Prussia, had assembled at Laybach, * Tuclicr's " Life of .KlTtrson/' vol. ii. pi" i'OO-l. 1821.] CIRCULAR OF THE CONGRESS AT LAYBACU. 177 and they addressed a circular despatch to their ministers at foreiga courts, in which they proclaimed the doctrine that " useful or necessary changes iu legislation, and in the administration of states, ought only to emanate from the free will and the intelligent and well-weighed conviction of tliose whom Grod has rendered responsible for power. Penetrated with this eternal truth, the sovereigns have not hesitated to proclaim it with frankness and vigour. They have declared that, iu respecting the rights and independence of all legitimate power, they regarded as legally null, and as disavowed by the principles which constituted the public right of Europe, all pretended reform operated by revolt and open hostility." The sovereigns assembled in Congress did not condescend to explain by what other modes those who con- tended for constitutional government against a despotic rule could establish their desire for reform. They could not proclaim their demands, however moderate or just, through the authoritative voice of a legislative assembly or the discussions of a free press. The denial of these safeguards of liberty had driven them into revolt and hostility to " legitimate power." This declaration of Laybach was not a mere threat of the mode in which these absolute sovereigns would act under any possible contingency of revolt and open hostility of peoples against rulers. The two great monarchs of Germany had denied to their own subjects the representative government which they had promised. They were now engaged, with the support of the autocrat of Russia, iu putting down by military force the insurrections in Naples and Piedmont which had given these portions of Italy constitutions in which the popular voice might have expression. Spain had again obtained her Cortes, and had shaken off for awhile the tyranny of Ferdinand the Seventh, The olit irresponsible principles of legitimacy were to be re-established iu Italy, in Spain, probably in all Europe, as in the times before that great convulsion of Erance, which, full of instruction, had taught no wisdom to the three monarch s who now assumed to be tlie armed police of the world. If Bonaparte had deposed lawful rulers without the consent of their constituents, the Holy Alliance was prepared to maintain tyrannical rulers who were hated by their subjects. If Bonaparte demolished the fairest hopes of mankind for the recovery of their rights and amelioration of their condition, the Holy Alliance had succeeded to his unrighteous office. If he had destroyed millions of lives, and had desolated countries for his ambition, the Holy Alliance was ready to perpetrate the same crimes with an equal deficiency of the moral sense, and with an odious hypocrisy which he did not care to assume. The foreign relations of England will, for a few years, be determined by the pre- ponderance of despotic or liberal tendencies in her government. Upon a right choice of men to guide her destinies iu this crisis of the world's affairs will depend her future position among the nations. The man was not in the Cabinet of 1821 who was to shape the foreign policy of England by other principles than those which many construed as subservience to the decrees of absolutism. Nor was he there when the " Gazette " of the 12th of January, 1822, announced that the Marquess of Buckingham was created a Duke. This was the official notification that the Grenvilles had joined the ministry. Lord Grenville had retired from public life to spend the evening of his days in planting the pines of Australia around his wastes at Dropmore. His party was represented in the Cabinet VOL. vni. — 236. 178 PARLIAMr:NT— IRISH OUTRAGE— AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. [1822 bv Mr. Charles Williams "Wynn, who filled the ofiice which Mr. Canning had resigTied at the end of 1820. A more important accession to the ministry wa3 the substitution of Mr. Peel for lord Sidmouth, as Secretary of State for the Home Department. By the coalition with the Grenvilles there was au accession of official support to Catholic Emancipation. But this was neutral ized by the appointment of Mr. Peel, whose opinions on that question were deemed incapable of change. Some hope for Ireland was derived from the nomination of the marquess Wellesley as Lord Lieutenant, in the place of earl Talbot. The Session of Parliament was opened by the King in person on the 5tli of Peb.ruary. His Majesty continued to receive from foreign powers the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country. In his visit to Ireland he derived the sincerest gratification from the loyalty and attachment manifested by all classes of his subjects. He believed that his presence in Ireland had been productive of very beneficial efiect, although it was a matter of the deepest concern to his Majesty that a spirit of outrage had led to daring and systematic violations of the law. The commerce and manufiictures of the kingdom were flourishing ; the agricultural interest was deeply depressed. It is scarcely necessary for us to record the wearisome debates in which the real remedies for Irish Outrage and Agricultural Distress were kept out of view. A renewal of the Insurrection Act, and a suspension of the Habeas Corpus, were determined on, for tranquillizing Ireland. The relief of Agriculture was to be efiiected by a loan to parishes for tlie mitigation of local distress, and by the repeal of the Malt-Tax. The pressure of taxation and the change in the currency, were the imputed causes of the adversity of the cultivators and the uncertain resources of the landowners. Some began to think that the protective laws had some efiect which was not beneficial to the industry of the farmer. Lord Liverpool expressed his belief that no material or immediate relief could be efiected by an alteration of the Corn-laws. He admitted that the existing system was a failure, inasmuch as it gave a complete monopoly to the British grower until wheat reached eighty shillings a quarter, and after that point had been attained suddenly permitted the importation of foreign corn without any restraint whatever. In 1816, 1817, and 1818, there had been three deficient harvests, and prices having risen above the rate by which the opening of the ports was decided, immense supplies of foreign corn were thrown upon the market. Prom 1819 to 1822 the native growers had the monopoly of the home market, and during these years the agriculturists endured the severest seasons of distress which had been experienced by that body in modern times ; and the engagements which they had been induced to make, under the fallacious hopes of the Corn-laws of 1815, swept them from the land by thousands.* A new Act was passed in 1822 to permit importa^ tion, upon a high duty when wheat had reached seventy shillings a quarter, and at lower duties when it was above that price and under eighty-five shil- lings. This Act was inoperative, as prices never reached the assigned limit. The time was far distant for going to the root of the great evil to the pro- ducers of fluctuating prices, and of the greater evil to consumers of alterna» tions of abundance and starvation. The great measure of Catholic Eelief, which was carried in the House of * See an alio article »^ " Tlie "Wheat Trade," iu " Companion to the Almanac" for 1839. 1S22.] THE KING'S VISIT TO SCOTLAND. 17» Comrc.ons in 1821, but was rejected by the Lorda, was on the 30th of April in the present session proposed by Mr. Canning in a modified form. He introduced a Bill to relieve Eoman Catholic Peers from the disabilities im- posed upon them with regard to the right of sitting and voting in the House of Peers. The motion was carried in the House of Commons, but was rejected in the Lords. It was at this time understood that Mr. Canning was to leave the great scene of his oratorical triumphs, and to accept the post of Governor- General of India. "Canning, Governor-General!" wrote Mr. Ward from I'lorence. " It is impossible to say that this is the most natural or desirable termination to the career of the most distinguished speaker in the English parliament ; but I have no doubt but that the appointment is a fortunate one for the country he is sent to govern. In his case, I think I should have judged differently, and preferred the House of Commons."* To be in the House of Commons without office would have been a sore trial for the man who naturally looked forward to be the prime minister of England, when royal prejudices and party rivalries should have ceased to impede his progress. He had made up his mind that his future exertions should be devoted to India. He had been five years at the Board of Control, and he knew how much might be efiTected, by a wise policy of peace, to make the British rule one of justice and benevolence. His future was otherwise ordained. On the 10th of August the King had embarked at Greenwich, for the pur- pose of visiting Scotland. On the 18th he lauded at Leith. The reception which his Scottish subjects gave to the first sovereign of the House of Bruns- wick, who had come amongst them to banish the last lingering remembrance of the House of Stuart, was most cordial and sincere. It was said of George the Fourth, when he visited Ireland in the previous year, that " he seems to have behaved not like a sovereign coming in pomp and state to visit a part of his dominions, but like a popular candidate come down upon an electioneering trip.f In Edinburgh, the King, holding his levees in Holyrood House, dressed in the Higliland costume, was dignified as well as gracious. At a banquet given by the Lord Provost, he proposed the health of his host as " Sir William Anderson, baronet," — a dignity thus extemporaneously conferred, — and he afterwards gave as a toast, " Health to its chieftains ! and God bless the land of cakes." When he quitted Scotland he left behind him a reputation which made the well-wishers of the monarchy, tliroughout the kingdom, regret that he generally adopted a system of seclusion which allowed few opportunities. :^r appreciating his popular qualities. It must have required some effort on the part of the King to maintain the hilarity which he exhibited in Edin- burgh. On the evening of the 15th he received, while on board the royal yacht in Leith Eoads, the news that lord Londonderry had died by his own hand. This fatal termination of a temporary insanity took place on the 12th. The King, on hearing this intelligence, immediately wrote to the Lord Chan- cellor : — " On Friday was the last time I saw him : my own mind was then filled with apprehensions respecting him, and they have, alas ! been but too painfully verified. My great object, my good friend, in writing to you to- night, is to tell you that I have written to Liverpool, and I do implore of you not to lend yourself to any arrangement whatever until my return to town. "J * Lord Dudley's Letters, p. 312. t Ihid., p. 296. X -wiss's " Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 4(34. 180 DEATH OF LORD LONDONDERRY— HIS FOREiaN MINISTuT. [1822. A tardy justice has in some respects been done to the memory of lord Londonderry. A few miscreants hissed when his coffin was taken out of the hearse at the door of Westminster Abbey ; Byron, in the same indecent spirit, spoke of him as " Carotid-artery cutting Castlereagh ; " the calumny for a long time passed uncontradicted that he had put down the rebellion in Ireland by cruel and indiscriminate punishment ; his abilities were under- valued, and his power in debate spoken of with scorn. Nevertheless, a con- viction is now pretty generally felt that he had many of the qualities which constitute a statesman, — courage, decision, plain sense, gentleness and suavity of manners in public as in private. It has been said, " Lord Castle- reagh's foreign administration was as destitute of all merit as possible ; no enlarged views guided his conduct, no liberal principles claimed his regard." * This assertion must be taken with some qualification. The American minister, who was in intercourse with him for four years, asserted that, from the end of the Eevolutionary war, there was no ]British statesman who made more advances, or did more in fact, towards placing the relations of England and the United States upon an amicable footing.f "With reference to the particular period of which we have been treating, it has been said by the noble author already quoted, that " on the eve of the Parliament meeting (19th of January, 1821), lord Castlereagh delivered a note to the Holy Allies, expressing in feeble and measured terms a very meagre dissent from the principles of inter- ference." There are, no doubt, many courteous expressions in the Circular of lord Castlereagh, which might warrant a belief that his dissent from the measures of the Holy Alliance was feeble — a belief entertained by some thai it was even simulated. The Secretary of State declares that the King has felt himself obliged to decline becoming a party to the measures proposed by the Allies, either as to the establishment of certain general principles, or as to the mode of dealing, under these principles, with the existing afiairs of Naples : — " No government can be more prepared than the British govern- ment is, to uphold the right of any state or states to interfere where their own immediate security or essential interests are seriously endan- gered by the internal transactions of another state. But, as they regard the assumption of such right as only to be justified by the strongest necessity, and to be limited and regulated thereby, they cannot admit that this right can receive a general and indiscriminate application to all revolutionary movements without reference to their immediate bearing upon some particular state or states, or be made prospectively the basis of au alliance." No doubt the time was approaching when England must speak a plainer language to the Allied Sovereigns against their own inter- pretation of " the strongest necessity to interfere with the internal transactions of other states." Lord Londonderry was about to depart for a Congress at Verona, when, in an access of insanity, -he thus miserably died. Whether he would have spoken the stronger language when the principle of interference was about to be extended from the affairs of Italy to the .iffairs of Spain, may remain in doubt. Another took his place at the J'^oreign Office, whose language, though equally courteous, was not to be mistaken. * Lnnl BrouKliarn, "Statesmen nf the Time of George III," vol. ii. p. 12G, 8vo ed. f Hush, Sec'-iiid Series, vc>l. ii. p. 2 lb-1-1.] MK. CANNING SECRETARY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 181 Mr. Cauniug was on his way to Liverpool for the purpose of taking leave of his eoustituents before he sailed for India. Every one believed that he would not now go to India. The desire of some of his former colleagues to get rid of him was very generally known ; many were equally convinced that the government could not go on without him. His own mind was naturally in a position of doubt and anxiety. He writes to a friend on the 26th of August, " I have now nothing to tell, and I have no pleasure in speculating on what may happen. I wish I were well on board the Jupiter." * He was kept in doubt till the 11th of September, when the iPoreign Office was offered to him by lord Liverpool. To the last day, he said he hoped that the proposal made to him might be one which he could refuse — " that which has been made was the only one that I could not refuse." He would "place public duty against private liking and convenience." M. Guizot says that lord Liverpool had endeavoured in vain to induce the King to consent to the appointment of Mr. Canning. " ' I will undertake it,' said the duke of Wellington, who was accustomed to treat George IV. with a rough and unyielding respect, to which the intimidated monarch always ended by giving way. He yielded on this occasion."! Mr. Canning entered the Foreign Office with a clear view of his path of duty. After a few weeks of official experience he writes, — " Por fame, it is a squeezed orange ; but for public good there is something to do, and I will try — but it must be cau- tiously — to do it. You know my politics well enough to know what I mean, when I say that for Europe, I should be desirous now and then to read The successor chosen to represent Great Britain at the Congress was the duke of Wellington. His Grace set out on his mission on the 17th of Sep- tember. On the 21st he wrote to Mr. Secretary Canning that he had had a long discussion with M. de Villele on the relations of the French govern- ment with Spain. The French minister said that if the Congress were to separate and come to no decision on the affairs of Spain, it was probable that France and Spain might be forced into a war, and he proposed that the Allies should make a declaration of the line they would each take. The duke applied to Mr. Canning to receive his Majesty's instructions in case this proposition was made at the Congress. The answer of Mr. Canning was in terms that could not be misinterpreted. " If there be a determined project to interfere by force or by menace in the present struggle in Spain, so con- yinced are his Majesty's government of the uselessness and danger of any such interference, so objectionable does it appear to them in principle, as well as utterly impracticable in execution, that when the necessity arises, or (I would rather say) when the opportunity offers, I am to instruct your Grace at once frankly and peremptorily to declare, that to any such interference, come what may, his Majesty will not be a party." The French government had assem- bled an army on the frontiers of Spain, under the pretence of establishing a cordon sanitaire to keep out a fever that was raging at Barcelona. The real object of this army was acknowledged at the Congress. It was to enable Ferdinand the Seventh to put down the constitution under which his subjects * " George Canning and his Times," p. 362. + Guizot, " Memoirs of Sir Robert Peel," p. 23. J " George Cannijig and his Times," p. 364. 182 FRENCH INVASION OF Si-AlN. [1823. were more content to live than under his absolute rule. The declaration of the duke of Wellington under his instructions from the Foreign Office, pre- vented any open support of this project being given by the other great powers. The king of France, in opening the Chambers at the end of January, 1823, lefb no doubt of the intentions of the French government. Louis XVIII. announced that he had recalled his minister at Madrid, and that a hundred thousand Frenchmen, commanded by a prince of his family, were ready to march to preserve the throne of Spain to a descendant of Henry the Fourth. He declared that hostilities should cease at the moment " that Ferdinand the Seventh should be free to give his people the institutions which they could not hold except from him." * Mr. Canning wrote to our ambassador at the French court that this paragraph " is construed as implying, that the free institutions of the Spanish people can only be legitimately held from the spontaneous gift of the sovereign, first restored to his absolute power, and then divesting himself of such portion of that power as he may think proper to part with. The Spanish nation could not be expected to subscribe to this principle ; nor could any British statesman uphold or defend it It is indeed a principle that strikes at the root of the British Constitution." f The French invaded Spain. England had taken her stand upon a principle, but that attitude did not involve the necessity of going to war. Mr. Canning declared in parliament that the king's government would abide by a system of neutrality, except under certain conditions. If Portugal were to be attacked, such an assault would bring Great Britain into the field with all her force to support the independence of her ancient and faithful ally. Spain, though claiming her colonies as a right, had in fact lost all power over them, and the British government would not tolerate for an instant any cession which Spain might make of colonies over which she did not exercise a direct and positive influence. Mr. Canning's declaration of neutrality brought upon him the remonstrances and reproaches of a few members of the Opposition. He triumphantly vindicated his conduct. The proposed censure of what some deemed the feeble tone assumed by the government terminated in an almost unanimous vote of approbation of what had been done. The Opposition could not consistently maintain that the policy of Mr. Canning was in any essential point a departure from the principles that had been most eloquently asserted by Mr. Brougham at the opening of the Session : "He would look forward, in order to avoid all subject of vituperation { reserving his blame for the foreigners whose tyrannical conduct obliged this nation to hate them, and his co-operation for whatever faithful servant of the Crown would, in the performance of his duty to the country, to freedom, and to the world, speak a language that was truly British, — pursue a policy tbat was truly free — and look to free States as our best and most natural allies against all enemies whatsoever ; quarrelling with none, whatever might be the form of their governments; keeping peace wherever we could, but not leaving ourselves unprepared for war, — not afraid of the issue, but calmly resolved to brave it at all hazards ; determined to maintain, amid every sacrifice, the honour and dignity of the Crown, the independence of the * " Annuaire Historique Universe! pour 182r;." + The papers coucernLug the negotiations relative to Spain are given in " Hansard," vol. viii. eols. [)04-9G4. 1S23.] THE SPANISH AMERICAN SEPARATED STATES. ISJ country, the ancient law of nations, the supremacy of all separate States, — ah those principles which are cherished as most precious and most sacred by the whole civilized world." * At this crisis, however, the desires of the English people were probably best represented in a letter of a great humourist to the countess Grey : — " Por God's sake do not drag me into another war ! I am worn down, and worn out, with crusading and defending Europe, and pro- tecting mankind ; I must think a little of myself. I am sorry for the Spaniards ; I am sorry for the Greeks ; I deplore the fate of the Jews ; the people of the Sandwich Islands are groaning under the most detestable tyranny • Bagdad is oppressed ; I do not like the present state of the Delta ; Thibet is not comfortable. Am I to fight for all these people ? The world is bursting with sin and sorrow. Am I to be the champion of the Decalogue, and to be eternally raising fleets and armies to make all men good and happy ? We have just done saving Europe, and I am afraid the consequence will be, that we shall cut each other's throats. Xo war, dear lady Grey ! — no elo- quence ; but apathy, selfishness, common sense, arithmetic ! I beseech you, secure lord Grey's sword and pistols, as the housekeeper did Don Quixote's armour. If there is another war, life will not be worth having." t The spectacle of the South American colonies was calculated to awaken the sympathies of every English statesman of large and liberal views. But there were difficult questions involved in this struggle, which rendered it imperatively necessary for the minister directing the foreign afi"airs of England to proceed with the utmost caution. Mr. Canning had made, on the 30th of April, 1823, a declaration in the House of Commons which went through Europe, that whatever might grow out of a separate conflict between Spain and France, the immediate object of England was to hinder the impress of a joint character from being afiixed to the war, — to take care that the war should not grow out of an assumed jurisdiction of the Congress. Mr. Canning's determination had the efi'ect of preventing the great powers of the Continent engaging in the attack upon the Constitutionalists of Spain. The French armies marched to Madrid, which they occupied on the 24th of May. They overran Spain, they accomplished the release of Ferdinand who had been detained at Cadiz ; the Cortes were overturned. Spain entered upon that long night of tyranny and superstition which left her among the feeblest and most degraded of nations. Such was the position of affairs at the close of 1823. At the opening of the session of Parliament on the 3rd of February, 1824, //the Eoyal Speech alluded to the strict neutrality which the king had observed during the war in Spain. With respect to the provinces of America which had declared their separation from Spain, his conduct had been open and consistent, and his opinions frankly avowed to Spain and to other powers. " His Majesty has appointed Consuls to reside at the principal ports and places of those provinces, for the protection of the trade of his subjects. As to any further measures, his Majesty has reserved to himself an unfettered discretion, to be exercised as the circumstances of those countries, and the interests of his own people, may appear to his Majesty to require." On the 4th of March Mr. Canning laid upon the table of the House of Commons a memorandum of a conference between himself and the Prince de Polignac. Mr. * Hansard, vol. viii. col. 94, and Brougham's " Speeches," p. 299, ed. 1857. + Sidney Smith's "Memoirs aud Letters," vol. ii., pp. 235 — 236. 1S4 OPPOSITION TO THE POLICY OF RECOGNITION. [18'24 Canning said, at this interview in October, 1823, that being convinced that the ancient system of the Colonies could not be restored, the British govern- ment could not enter into any stipulations binding itself either to refuse or to delay its recognition of their independence; that the British government had no desire to precipitate that recognition so long as there was any reasonable chance of an accommodation with the mother country by which such a recog- nition might come first from Spain ; " but that it could not wait indefinitely for that result ; that it could not consent to make its recognition of the new states dependent upon that of Spain, and that it would consider any foreign interference, by force or by menace, in the dispute between Spain and the colonies, as a motive for recognizing the latter without delay." The lapse of time has shown that Mr. Canning had as great difficulty in the accomplishment of his policy in opposition to the influence exercised in the highest quarter at home, as in the hostility of those powers who bad constituted themselves a union for the government of the nations. At the end of November, 1824, lord Sidmouth withdrew from the Cabinet, upon the ground of his inability to reconcile his opinions to that of so many of his colleagues, who advocated the immediate recognition by his Majesty of the independence of Buenos Ayres. Mr. Charles Williams "VVynn wrote to the duke of Buckingham on the 28th of January, 1825, six days before the meeting of Paiiiament, " There have been steps to revive the discussions of December last, proceeding wholly from foreign influence, which, to my mind, manifest a decided wisb to break up the government." On the 27tb of January, the King had addressed a long letter to lord Liverpool, for the purpose of its being laid before the Cabinet. This E-oyal manifesto is the language of one who appears, like the Seven Sleepers, to have awakened from a long slumber, and to have spoken in a tongue with which men had ceased to be familiar. " The Liberalism of late adopted by the King's government appears to the King to be a substantial part of that creed which was hailed in the House of Commons in those revolutionary days when it required all the talents and firmness of the late Mr. Pitt to put it down Can the present government suppose that the King will permit any individuals to force upon him at this time a line of policy of which he so entirely dis- approves, and which is in direct opposition to those wise principles that thii King's government has, for so many years, supported and uniformly acted upon." The King then asks, Why was the Quadruple Alliance formed ? and he answers, Eor the maintenance of the treaties of Europe, and also for the purpose of controlling the ambition and jealousies of the great allied powers themselves in relation to each other. " The Jacobins of the world, now calling themselves the Liberals, saw the peace of Europe secured by this great measure, and have therefore never ceased to vilify the principle of the Quadruple Alliance." The King desired therefore distinctly to know whether the great principles of policy established by his government in 1814, 1815, and 1818, were or were not to be abandoned. Lord Liverpool, in his answer to the King, stated that so entire an agreement subsisted between his Majesty's servants, as to request his permission to give their answer generally and collectively. He pointed out the divergence of opinion between his Majesty and his allies as to the nature of their engagements for maintaining the peace of Europe, especially in 1815, in 1818, and in 1821 1825.] THE SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS RECOGNIZED, 185 " Whatever difference or shades of difference of opinion may have hitherto existed amongst your Majesty's servants on the subject of Spanish America, they humbly submit now to your Majesty their unanimous opinion, that the measures in progress respecting Spanish America are in no way inconsistent with any engagement between your Majesty and your Allies ; tliat those measm-es are now irrevocable ; and that the faith and honour of the country are pledged to all their necessary consequences." The King yielded with a tolerable grace. Disappointed as he might be at the unanimous determination of the Cabinet, he saw it was impossible now to accomplish what was his real object — the dismissal of Mr. Canning. The " foreign influence " was undoubtedly what weighed upon the King. Mr. Canning, writing to our Ambassador at Paris, Lord Granville, in March, after using strong terms with regard to Metternich, says, "I have evidence which I entirely believe, of his having been for the last twelvemonth, at least, perhaps longer, at the bottom of an intrigue with the Court here ; of which Madame de was the organ, to change the politics of this government by changing me." In April he returned to the same charge against Metternich, and said that he should like him to understand that a renewal of his intrigues would lead to some such public manifestation of Mr. Canning's knowledge of what had passed as might let the House of Commons and the public into the secret. " I wonder whether he is aware that the private communication of foreign ministers with the King of England is wholly at variance with the spirit, and practice too, of the British Constitution." * The recognition of the South American Eepublics was confirmed by the declaration in the King's Speech on opening the Session of Parliament on the 3rd of February, 1825. The firm attitude of the Cabinet had produced the consent of the King that the following passage should represent his opinions : — " In conformity with the declarations which have been repeatedly made by his Majesty, his Majesty has taken measures for confirming by treaties the commercial relations already subsisting between this kiugdom and those countries of America which appear to have esta- blished their separation from Spain," In the debate upon the Address Mr. Canning alluded to the speech of Mr. Brougham upon the subject of South America, The honourable and learned gentlemen admitted that much had been done to which he could not object, but he suggested that things might have been better, especially as to time. " I difler from him essentially ; for if I pique myself on anything in this aflair it is the time. That, at some time or other, states which had separated themselves from the mother country should or should not be admitted to the rank of independent nations, is a proposition to which no possible dissent could be given. The whole question was one of time and mode. There were two modes : one a reckless and headlong course, by which we might have reached our object at once, but at the expense of drawing upon us consequences not lightly to be estimated ; the other was more strictly guarded in point of principle ; so that, while we pursued our own interest, we took care to give no just cause of offence to other powers." It is important to bear in mind this very clear * This very curious correspondence is given in ciiap. xxv. of Stapleton'a " George Canning and his Times." 186 THEIR CIRCUMSTANCES AT THE TIME OF THE RECOGNITION. [1825 statement of the general principle that the precise time for the recognition of States throwing off their allegiance is to be determined by circumstances of which a neutral State is the best judge. The explanation which Mr. Canning proceeded to give of the circumstances of the South American Eepublics at the time of the recognition by Great Britain is equally impor- tant, as showing that the claim for recognition depends upon the power or the separating State to maintain and defend itself. Mr. Canning briefly and clearly explained the actual position of the three States with which the British government had to deal, namely, Buenos Ayres, Columbia,* and Mexico. " Long ago the contest between Buenos Ayres and the mother country had ceased. Buenos Ayres comprised thirteen or fourteen small and separate states, which were not till very lately collected into any federal union. "Would it not have been an absurdity to have treated with a power which was incapable of answering for the conduct of the communities of which it was composed ? So soon as it was known that a consolidation had taken place the treaty with Buenos Ayres was signed. As to Columbia, as late as 1822, the last of the Spanish forces were sent away from Porto Cabello, which was, up till that time, held for the King of Spain. It was only since that time that Columbia could have been admitted as a State of separate existence. Some time after that, however, Columbia chose to risk her whole force, and a great part of her treasure, in a distant war with Spain in Peru. Had that enterprise proved disastrous, the expedition would have returned with the troops to re-establish the royal authority. The danger was now at end. The case of Mexico was still more striking. Not nine months ago, an adventurer who had wielded the sceptre of Mexico left these shores to return thither and re-possess his abdicated throne. "Was that a moment at which this country ought to have interfered to decide, by recognition, the government for Mexico ? The failure of the attempt of that adventurer afforded the opportunity for recognition ; and the instant the failure was known the decision of the British Cabinet was taken." f During the progress of the deliberations of the British Cabinet on the subject of the South American Republics, Mr. Eush, the Minister of the United States, was addressed by Mr. Canning, with a view that the two governments should come to an understanding, and join in a concurrent declaration as to the policy to be pursued by them. Mr. Bush, in a despatch to President Monro, on the 23rd of August, 1823, says : — " The tone of earnestness in Mr. Canning's note naturally starts the inference that the British Cabinet cannot be without its serious apprehensions that ambitious enterprises are meditated against the independence of the new Spanish-American States, whether by France alone, or in conjunction with the Continental powers, I cannot now say on any authentic grounds." Z It would seem that the President having made a communication of this despatch to his celebrated predecessor, it was understood by Mr. Jefferson as a proposition by Mr. Canning, that Great Britain should unite with * On December 17tb, 1819, in a general Convention of Venezuela and Granada, the tw« States were united under the name of the Republic ut Columbia, of which Bolivar was President* In 1832 this republic was divided into three states. + Hansard, vol. xii., col. 78. t Kush'a " llesidence at the Court of London," Second Series, pp. 29 — 30. lS-2o.] DISCUSSIONS WITH THE MINISTER OF THE UNITED STATES, 1S7 America in an armed resistance to the possible attempt of tlie Allied Powers to intrench upon the independence of the infant republics. Mr. Jefferson considered this as the most momentous question that had been ever offered to his contemplation since that of their own independence. The venerable ex-president appears at once to have thrown aside the prejudices against Great Britain which had sometimes marked his official career. " Great Britain is the nation that can do us the most harm of any one, or all, on earth ; and with her on our side, we need not fear the old world. "With her then, we should most seduously cherish a cordial friendship ; and nothing would tend more to knit our affections than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the same cause." * We may here mention that during the residence of Mr, Hush at the Court of Loudon, he entered upon several most important discussions — in 1818, with lord Londonderry, in 1824 with Mr. Canning, — upon questions of former controversy, and of possible future differences that might arise, between Great Britain and the United States. The most pressing question was with reference to the American claim for a boundary, which would have given the United States Vancouver's Island and the Columbia river. The settlement of this question stood over, the proposal of each negotiator for a modified settlement being rejected by the other. This was the Oregon question, which was not finally settled till 1846, when, in the strong desire for peace, much more was conceded than Mr. Canning consented to admit as the right of the United States. The maritime questions upon which the two countries had gone to war in 1812, which included the relations of neutral and belligerent powers, were declined by the American pleni- potentiary to be gone into without the question of impressment being con- sidered, which matter the British plenipotentiaries refused to admit into the discussion. Mr. Eush maintained the same principles which he had main- tained in 1818 : " Great Britain claims the right of searching the vessels of other countries on the high seas for her seamen, and here begins the cause of complaint. For, how can the claim ever be enforced consistently with what is due to other nations ? Let the steps by which the enforcement pro- ceeds, be attended to. A British frigate in time of war meets an American merchant vessel at sea, boards her, and v.nder terror of her guns, takes out one of the crew. The boarding lieutenant asserts, and let it be admitted, believes, the man to be a Briton. By this proceeding, the rules observed in deciding upon any other fact where individual or national rights are at stake are overlooked. The lieutenant is accuser and judge. He decides upon his own view, instantly. The impressed man is forced into the frigate's boat, and the case ends. There is no appeal, no trial of any kind." t Thus strongly did the minister of the United States remonstrate in 1818, against the difficulty and danger of entrusting such an authority to the discretion and humanity of an irresponsible naval officer. In 1824, Mr. Eush put the argument with equal force, that " the assumption of a right of search for men,X whether as a right direct or incidental, was denied by the United States to have the least sanction in public law. The bare claim was * See Tucker's " Life of Jeflferson," vol. ii. p. fil5. t Rush's " Residence at the Court of London," Firft Series, pp. 200—1. "t The italics are used by Mr. Rush. 183 AGGRESSION OF SPAIX UPON PORTUGAL. [182C. affronting to the United States in the dearest attributes of their national sovereignty." The right of search was not denied by the American Pleni- potentiary, but he maintained that " the doctrine of perpetual allegiance" was but as " a municipal rule, to be executed at home — not upon the high seas, and on board the vessels of a sovereign and independent state."* In the remarkable letter of the King to his Cabinet which we have just quoted, his Majesty imputed to "the late policy of Great Britain" a "rest- less desire of self-interest." This was an allusion to the almost universal demand of the mercantile community for the establishment of commercial relations with the new States of South America by treaties of amity and commerce. In point of fact, the ultimate form of recognition consisted in the negotiation and adoption of such treaties. The policy of the British Govern- ment was no doubt in some degree determined by the general wish of the mercantile community ; but Mr. Canning invariably put the recognition of the South American States upon higher ground : " If France occupied Spain, was it necessary, in order to avoid the consequences of that occupation, that we should blockade Cadiz ? No. I looked another way : I sought materials of compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain, such as our ancestors had known her, I resolved that if Trance had Spain, it should not be Spain ' with the Indies.' I called the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old." f The paramount object of separating the policy of England from any subservience to the absolutism of the Continent was accom- plished. It was accomplished without war. But when, a year later, the adoption by Portugal of a constitutional government was an offence to the Spanish despot, and he sent an army into Portugal to make the one rule ot irresponsible power prevail throughout the Peninsula, Mr. Canning took the attitude of a great War Minister, and by that attitude prevented a war. On the 11th of December, 1826, a message was presented to the House of Commons, stating that his Majesty had received an earnest application from the Princess Eegeut of Portugal, claiming, in virtue of the ancient obligations of alliance and amity subsisting between Great Britain and Portugal, his Majesty's aid against a hostile aggression from Spain, On the next day, Tuesday, Decem- ber 12th, Mr. Canning moved an Address, in answer to the Royal Message, in a speech which was declared to have been " an epoch in a man's life to have heard him." In his most eloquent periods there was nothing more truly eioj^uent than his brief statement of the manner in which the govern- ment had received the news of the Spanish aggression. The first intimation of the event was a demand on the 3rd from the Portuguese ambassador for assistance. The government desired to obtain official and precise intelligence of facts on which to found an application to Parliament. " It was only on last Friday night that this precise information arrived. On Saturday hia Majesty's confidential servants came to a decision. On Sunday that decision received the sanction of his Majesty. On Monday it was communicated to both Houses of Parliament ; and this day, Sir, at the hour in which I have the honour of addressing you, the troops are on their march for embarka- tion." J Mr. Canning concluded his magnificent speech with these worda: — * Rusli's " Residence at the Court of London," Second Scries, p. 244. + llansiiid, vol. xvi. col. l)i)7. :;: Ibid., coL 1307. 1826.] MR. HUSKISSON— CHANGES IN OUR COMMERCIAL POLICY. 189 " We go to plant the standard of England on the well-known hei. 189. t " Aiuiiinl Kfgistwr," 1S24, p. 3. 1S25.] THE PANIC IN THE MONEY-MARK KT. l'J7 to fall. More precipitous was the downward tenJency of the loan and share market; for no dividends came from the South American loans; no remittances in the precious metals to attest that increased productiveness of the mines which was expected to arise out of the application of British capital and machiuexy. The rage for speculation had so penetrated into uncommercial circles, and the sober tradesman who once used to be content with the moderate profits of his own industry had so embarked his capital in rash ventures, that, when a want of confidence began to be felt, universal distrust soon succeeded. The Bank of England, which had ten millions of bullion and coin in its cofters in April, had only one million three hundred thousand pounds in November to maet the rapid drain that was going forward. The Ciirectors of the Bank of England, in their alarm, suddenly diminished their circulation to the extent of 3,500,000/. In the general want of confidence, the country bankers had to endure the consequences of an almost unlimited circulation of their notes, nothing loath as they had been to assist the specu- lative tendencies of their customers by what seemed a method so easy to themselves. The time was at hand when every man would look suspiciously upon the dirty pieces of paper which he had held to be as good as gold ; and these promises to pay would travel, first slowly and then rapidly, to the banker's counter, and many who saw these obligations return to their source would ask what they had done to provoke this run upon them. In London those large balances in the hands of the bankers which the reviewer described as " ready to embrace favourable changes in the price of any commodity, or to be placed at interest as beneficial securities presented themselves," were suddenly withdrawn to meet unforeseen losses, to satisfy unexpected demands, and, in many cases, out of a selfish mistrust of the security of those deposi- tories which had once justly received the public confidence. Selfish and shortsighted was the panic that drove men to the banker's counter, in their ignorant belief that it was his duty to have ready in his till an amoui^t suflicient to pay the balances of every customer. On the 5th of December the banking-house of sir Peter Pole and Company stopped payment. On the 6th the bank of "Williams and Company followed. The author of this history cannot easily forget the scene which he witnessed on the morning of the 7th of December. On the night of the Gth two personal friends, partners in fl; country bank, who had their accounts with "Williams and Company, arrived at his house in town to consult with him on the best course to be pursued in this hour of danger. It was agreed that one of the partners should imme- diately return home and countermand an order that had been given for the closing of the bank on the following morning. The other partner, who was a member of Parliament, was to set out with the present writer to seek the assistance of friendly capitalists before the general world was astir. In the chambers in the Albany of one of the members of a city bank they fouud the firm assembled, deliberating by lamp-light, as many others were deliberating, whilst the watchman still cried the morning hour. The request for aid was made, and was as promptly answered : " AVe shall stop ourselves at nine o'clock." The two friends proceeded to Lombard-street and its neighbourhood as the morning dawned. Long before the time of opening, the doors of the banking-houses were surrounded by eager crowds, each struggling to be foremost, as at the entrance of a theatre. Many such 193 THE PANIC ARRESTED. 1.1825. doors "n'ere opened ; and after the first rush some began to be ashamed of their suspicious impatience. Heads of firms stood quietly beside their clerks, sometimes smiling, with an unmistakeable meaning, upon those who showed how easily are " benefits forgot ;" some pointed to their title-deeds and other securities, as ready for any sacrifice to preserve their commercial honour. Before the close of the year seventy-three banks had failed, of which seven, were metropolitan. The country bank in which we felt an interest waa saved by the more sensible of the townsmen coming promptly forward to declare their opinion of its solvency and their resolution not to press ia the hour of difiiculty. This was a very general course throughout the eountry. During the three weeks of alarm and misery which preceded the Christmas of 1825, the Cabinet was daily deliberating upon measures to be pursued to stop the disorder and to mitigate its consequences. The Bank Directors came forward to lend money upon any description of property ; and relaxed all their accustomed regulations for the discount of bills. The amount of mer- cantile bills under discount had been four millions on the 3rd of November; it had increased to fifteen millions on the 29th of December. Sovereigns were coined at the Mint at the unprecedented speed of 150,000 daily. At the Bank of England notes were printed with equal promptitude ; for with the sanction of the Cabinet it was determined that one and two pound notes Avhich the Bank of England had called in should again be issued for temporary purposes. Still these two supplies of an unexceptionable currency could not be produced fast enough to fill up the vacuum occasioned by the almost total withdrawal of country bank paper. An accidental circumstance solved the difficulty. A box containing about seven hundred thousand pounds of one pound notes, which had been put aside unused, was accidentally discovered at the Bank. Mr. Harman, one of the directors, stated it as his opinion, that the timely issue of these notes " worked wonders — it saved the credit of the country."* The credit of the country was saved ; in other words the excessive demand for gold did not involve the danger at one time apprehended — a suspension of cash payments. The credit of the country was saved ; but the destruction of private credit, the consequent ruin of many commercial firms, and the terrible struggle of others to keep their position, were wide-spread consequences of the panic of 1825. It was not till towards the end of January, 1826, that important mercantile failures began to create alarm. These failures continued to a vast extent throughout the whole year. The total number of bankruptcies in 1825 was a little above eleven hundred ; in 1826 the number was nearly two thousand six hundred. The destruction of capital and credit paralysed all the exertions of industry, and produced excessive distress amongst the manu- facturing population. Diminished employment and lower wages, added to the lo?s which many who lived by their daily labour had sustained in the "ailure of country banks, rendered the year 1826 a very unhappy one to all those, whether wealthy or poor, whose means of support were connected with the industry of the country. Jifany indeed had to pay the penalty of their indulgence in wild speculation, and others had to sufter a severe retribution • Porter's " Progress of tlie Natior.." lii'26.] EXTENSIVE FAILURES OF COAIMEIICIAL HOUSES. 199 for their abuse of the fiicilities for raising money upon hills, which had gone on till the sudden crash came, and borrowers and lenders were involved in equal difficulty. One well-known example is an illustration of the dangers that always beset men of sanguine hopes, who regard their facility of creating wealth in the future as a power already realised, so as to warrant tlie large outlay which belongs to accumulated capital. On the 18lh of December, 1825, there is this entry in the diary of sir Walter Scott : — " Kieh and poor four or five times; once on the verge of ruin, yet opened a new source of wealth almost overflowing. Now to be broken in my pitch of pride, and nearly winged (unless good news should come), because Loudon chooses to be in an uproar, and in the tumult of bulls and bears a poor inoffensive liou like myself is pushed to the wall. But what is to be the end of it? God knows ; and so ends the catechism." The lion would not have been pushed to the wall in the tumult of bulls and bears in London if, in building, and planting, and furnishing, and exercising hospitality upon the most sumptuous scale, he had not only anticipated the resources of his own genius, but had incurred debts on his private account, and as a partner in a printing esta- blishment, to the extent of nearly a hundred and fifty thousand pounds. The printing and publishing houses with wliich Scott was connected neces- sarily failed, and he failed with them. Then began the heroic period of his life, in which his great intellect received the noblest stimulus — that of a desire by his own unaided exertions to discharge the obligatioua which he had incurred by his former disregard' of prudence and moderation. Many a man who had been bowed dowu by the storm might have felt the same aspiration again to stand erect, but few could have accomplished it so thoroughly as the great auth.or, who never lost heart or hope, and in the darkest hour said, " If God grant me life and streugtli for a few years longer, I have no doubt that I shall redeem it all." AVhen the Session of Parliament was opened on the 2ud of iVbruarj^ 1S26, it was truly said in the royal speech that some of the causes of the evil which had occurred were beyond tlie reach of direct parliamentary inter- position, nor could security against the recurrence of them be found unless in the experience of the sufferings which they had occasioned. But to a certain portion of the evil correctives at least, if not effectual remedies, -might be applied. It was desirable to place on a more firm foundation the currency and circulating credit of the country. Lord Liverpool then sta;ed the measures which Government intended to submit for the consideration of Parliament. One of those measures was a regulation by which one and two pound bank-notes should be gradually withdrawn from circulation, and a metallic currency substituted for them. The other measure had reference to the exclusive privileges of the Bank of England, under their charter whi3h would not expire till 1833. Lord Liverpool said — " If the Bank could be induced to give up so much of their exclusive privilege as related to country banks, and if they would accompany that surrender with a measure which would be desirable for their own sakes, namely, the establishment in some parts of the country of branches of their own institution, the efiect on the general circulation of the country would, he thought, be most beneficial." The privilege of the Bank of England had prevented the establishment of any banking concern with a greater number of partners than six. Lord 200 JOINT-STOCK BANKS ESTABLISHED. [182(>. Liverpool said he was old enough to remember the time when there waa scarcely such an institution as a country bank except in great commercial towns, and when the transactions of the country were carried on in Bank of England notes, and money obtained from London. There had been a great change. Any small tradesman, a cheesemonger, a butcher, o-r a shoemaker might open a country bank. The exclusive privilege of the Bank of England did not touch them. But an association of persons with fortune sufficient to carry on a banking concern with security was not permitted to do so.* The panic of 1825 produced the great measure of 1826, sanctioning the establish- ment of Joint-Stock Banks; under which enactment a banking firm might include any number of partners except within sixty-five miles of London. This year was also the date of the establishment of Branch Banks of the Bank of England. Scotland was exempted from the prohibition of the small note currency. It is worthy of note, that during the panic not a single Scotch bank failed. The difficulties of capitalists in the manufacturing districts produced, as their inevitable consequence, distress amongst the workers. In those days riot was too commonly the concomitant of distress. The popular excitement took the usual course of the days of popular ignorance, — the destruction of machinery. At various places in Lancashire, from the 23rd to the 30th of April, one thousand power-looms were destroyed, with the old accompa- niments of reading the E-iot Act and calling out the military. At Trow- bridge the populace, who found potatoes dearer in their market than on the previous week, believing themselves injured by the monopolists of vegetables, attacked all the standings of the market gardeners and country butchers, so effectually doing their work that they scared away for some time all those who kept down the prices of the town dealers by competition. There were riotous proceedings and destruction of property in most places where the operatives were suffering distress. Lamentable as such outrages must be in their effects upon the sufierers themselves, they sometimes speak with a stronger voice than the sober arguments of those who would mitigate the sufiering by inquiries into its remediable causes. Whilst the noble and the rich of Lanarkshire, in a public meeting, resolved that the distress of the working people of Glasgow was to be attributed to machinery, they, and most other landed proprietors, strenuously resisted any approach to a relaxa- tion of the Corn Laws. The price of wheat had fallen in March below the price of January, chiefly in consequence of a belief that the government intended to release bonded wheat at a low duty. The ministers declared they had no such intention, and the average price again rose to that of the beginning of the year. The complaints and violence of the manufacturing districts alarmed the government, and at the beginning of May the release of the corn in bond was proposed and carried, with a discretionary power to admit foreign grain to the extent of five hundred thousand quarters, in the event of the next harvest proving unfavourable. These concessions were not obtained without great difficulty, — without a protest on the part of the ministers that they had not, and could not, have any connection whatever with any measure afi"ecting the existing system of the Corn Laws. "If," • ' Hansard, ' vol. xiv. col. 19. 1826.] STATE OF THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. 201 paid lord Eldon, " the measure pledged that House, or any man in that House, to auy alteration unfavourable to the Corn Laws, he would be the last man to stand up as its advocate." * At the close of the Session on the 31st of May, the royal intention was announced "to dissolve without delay the present Parliament." It was the seventh session of that Parliament. The dissolution at this early season had no reference to the state of political parties, but simply had regard to the convenience of the time for a general election. The leading question upoa which men's minds would be most stirred throughout the liingdom, and especially in Ireland, would be that of Catholic Emancipation. Tlie Cabinet remained in the position as to this question which it occupied in 1812, when lord Castlereagh became one of its members. Catholic Emancipation was what is called " an open question," upon the principle described by Mr. Canning, — " the principle of treating it as a question out of the ordinary course of ministerial business; as one to be argued upon its own merits, such as they might appear to each individual member of the administration."t Lord Liverpool, as the head of the government, was opposed to the Catholic claims, but his opposition was qualitied by the moderation of his character, and no one doubted his sincerity. Lord Eldon again and again avowed his " tirm and determined purpose to support to the last our establishment in church and state." J When Mr. Canning became Secretary of Foreign Affairs, he was unpopular with the Anti-Catholic party in general, and obnoxious to the Lord Cliancellor in particular. § Lord Eldon was, however, consoled by the decided views of Mr. Peel on this subject, whose influence with the Anti-Catholic party was materially strengthened by his position as representative of the University of Oxford. Mr. Peel, although then of comparative unimportance as a political leader, was in 1818 preferred by the University as a representative of its orthodoxy, whilst Mr. Canning was rejected. Upon the great " open question," the party of Mr. Canning in the Cabinet obtained in 1825 a majority in the House of Commons upon a Bill for the repeal of disabilities, the enactment of a state provision for the E-oman Catholic clergy, and the raising of the qualification of the Irish franchise from forty shillings to ten pounds. The Bill passed the Commons by a majority of twentj'-seven. It was rejected by the Lords by a majority ftf forty-eight. On the 25th of April the duke of York, on presenting a petition from the Dean and Canons of Windsor, made a speech which pro- duced an enormous sensation throughout the country, and especially from his concluding words : — " My own opinions, my lords, are well kuown. They have been carefully formed. I cannot change them. I shall continue to act conformably to them, to whatever obloquy I may be exposed, in whatever circumstances and in whatever situation I may be placed. So help me God! '* The Relief Bill had been read a second time in the House of Commons four days before this memorable declaration by the Prince of the Blood next the throne, — the* heir presumptive ; but it had no doubt a great influence in producing the large majority in the House of Lords against the bill. Lord • " Hansard," vol. xv. col. 1375. + Ihid., vol. xii. col. 491. :^ Twiss, " Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. .^38. § Ibid., p. 466. 202 DEATH OF THE DUKE OF YORK. [1827. Eldon writes : — " If the duke of York's speecli was imprudent, it lias, never- theless, on account of its firmness and boldness, placed him on the pinnacle of popularity." * The duke became the Protestant hero ; his speech was printed in letters of gold, and zealous Protestants interpreted the words "in whatever circumstances I may be placed," as an assurance that whatever might be the dangers of the country, whatever might be the risk of a rebeliioH. in Ireland, probably of a disruption of the Union, the duke of York, if he came to the throne, would interpret the Coronation Oath as his father had interpreted it. The duke, by the frankness of his character, his attention to the interests of the army, and his popular demeanour, had many ftiends and admirers, who, nevertheless, privately thought, as the Lord Chancellor privately wrote : — " It is to be regretted that in his highly important and lofty situation he spends so many days with blacklegs, and so many nights at cards." f In the session of 1826 the question of Catholic Emancipation was not agitated in Parliament. On the 1st of January, 1827, the death of the duke of York was momen- tarily expected. The duke died on the 5th. The Lord Chancellor mourned deeply over the loss of the Prince, chiefly because he had great influence with the King, and in correspondence with his Majesty upon political questions, and in his recommendation of proper persons to be continued or appointed ministers, was much governed in his judgment, by what had been, and what he thought would be, the conduct of each person as to the Catholic claims. This was the one test of fitness for office with the duke of York and with the Lord Chancellor, who thus recorded their mutual opinions. J Mr. Canning was especially hateful to them at the time of the duke's illness, when the Chancellor " saw a great deal of his Eoyal Highness." The Foreign Secre- tary's memorable speech of the previous 1st of December, on the subject of the aggression of Spain upon Portugal, " was regarded by the Tories as amounting to a demonstration in favour of liberalism. "§ The funeral of the duke of York took place at Windsor on the night of the 20th of January. Nothing in that ceremony was more remarkable than the mismanagement by which the Cabinet ministers were marshalled by the heralds in the nave of St. George's Chapel two hours before the arrival of the funeral procession. The night was bitterly cold. As we ourselves looked down from the organ loft upon the greatest in the land, thus doomed to stand upon the unmatted pavement, shivering and shifting their uneasy positions, ■we observed the oldest man of the Cabinet taking very wise precautions for his personal comfort and safety. One who was by the side of Mr. Canning, attributes to his kindness of heart a siiggestion to the Chancellor that he should lay down his cocked hat and stand upon it.]| The Chancellor's health was preserved by this precaution. The funeral of the duke proved fatal to ]Mr. Canning. He caught a cold there which resulted in an illness from which he never really recovered.*i[ The removal from the active concerns of life of a public mafi more imme* * Twiss, " Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 547. + Hid., vol. ii. p. 547. t Ibid., p. 581. § lUd., p. 578. II Stapleton — *' Georjie Canning aud his Times," p. 573. Ii Ibid. 1S27.] ILLNESS OF LORD LIVERPOOL. 203 diately important to the nation very soon followed the death of the duke of York. On the 16th of February lord Liverpool moved an address to the Kino-, expressive of the concurrence of the Peers in a message recommending a provision for the duke and duchess of Clarence. The next morning the servant of the Prime Minister, going into his sitting-room after breakfast, found him senseless on the floor in a fit of apoplexy. On the 18th lord Eldon thus expressed his opinion as to the results of this event : " His life is very uncertain, and it is quite certain that as an official man he is no more. Heaven knows who will succeed him."* The hopeless illness of lord Liverpool must have been a heavy blow to Mr. Canning, whatever prospect might have opened to him of taking that post in the state which might be called his by inheritance. The fatal stroke of apoplexy broke up a friendship of forty years between the two statesmen. Immediately after the funeral of the duke of York they were together at Bath, telling stories of their early years, and amusing each other with recounting all sorts of fun and adventures.f They were college friends at Christ Church. They entered the House of Commons together in 1792. They differed, as leading members of the same cabinet, only upon one point of policy — that of Catholic Emancipation. The moderation of lord Liverpool prevented that difference operating in the slightest degree against the cordial support of his friend's liberal foreign policy, and that support of the Prime Minister carried the Foreign Secretary through the opposition which other- wise might have overwhelmed him. This prop was gone, and he must now trust to his own resources to contend with or to propitiate jealous colleagues^ or retire at once from the position which he had won by his administrative talents and his unrivalled eloquence. The Catholic question was the chief barrier which opposed his natural claim to be the head of a ministry such as existed under lord Liverpool. It was a time when the advocates and the opposers of relief to the Catholics would be pitted against each other, and no possible doubt could be entertained of the consistency with which the leaders of each party would maintain their opinions. On the 5th of March sir Francis Burdett had proposed a resolution, " That this House is deeply impressed with the expediency of taking into consideration the laws imposing civil disabilities on his Majesty's Eoman Catholic subjects, with a view t^ their relief." In the adjourned debate on the 6th, Mr. Secretary Peel and Mr. Secretary Canning were distinctly marshalled against each other ; and each, without any direct personal allusions, sufficiently expressed his own A'iews for the guidance of his followers. Mr. Peel, alluding to the death of the duke of York, and the incapacity of lord Liverpool, declared that he had now an opportunity of showing his adherence to those tenets which he had formerly espoused — of showing that he stood by his opinions when the influence and authority which might have given them currency was gone, " and when it was impossible, he believed, that in the mind of auy human being he could stand suspected of pursuing his principles with any view to favour or personal aggrandisement." J The biographer of sir Bobert Peel, his diplomatic friend and ardent admirer, says that this language did not * Twiss, vol, ii. p. 583. t Stapleton, p. 580. X "Hansard, voi. ivi. col. 9S0." 204 NEGOTIATIONS PREVIOUS TO CHOICE OF A MINISTER. [1827. .meet with entire credence, it being a prevalent opinion that as Mr. Canning was growing daily in influence with the liberal party, Mr. Peel was anxious on his side to secure to himself the firm support of the Tories, " in order to raise himself eventually to the head of the government." * Mr. Canning, in his reply, glanced with a very intelligible meaning at tlie consequences that would result from throwing away any chance of improving the condition of Ireland, if a ministry wholly Anti-Catholic should carry into effect the doctrine of Mr. Peel, that the troubles and difficulties of that country should be met by firmness and decision : — " Firmness and decision, sir, are admirable qualities ; but they are virtues or vices according as they are used. I will not take them in the unfavourable sense in which they have been taken generally, by the ears which have heard them this night ; for if I did, I should not envy the hand on which w-ould devolve the task of carrying such a Bystem into efiect." f The king had quickly to determine upon his choice, not of either of the principles avowed by these two parliamentary leaders, but of the possibility of reconciling those differences of opinion under a premiership wdiich might allow the continuance of that system of compromise which made the Catholic question an open one for the Cabinet. The king consulted the duke of AV"ellington, Mr. Peel, and Mr. Canning. These ministers had repeated conferences with each other, but no solution of the difiiculty could be arrived at. There was no one to be found, either Pro- Catholic or Anti-Catholic, who could be placed at the head of the govern- ment with the same power and influence as lord Liverpool had exercised for continuing the system of compromise. Mr. Canning saw the diificulty, and ■offered to retire if the king could form an administration wholly composed of persons thinking as the king himself thought. His Majesty did not see the possibility of maintaining such a ministry ; and finally on the 10th of April, gave his commands to Mr. Canning to prepare, with as little delay as possible, a plan for the reconstruction of the administration. J On the 12th of April a new writ for the borough of Newport was moved in the House of Commons, in consequence of the acceptance by Mr. Can- ning of the office of Pirst Lord of the Treasury. At the same time it was agreed that the House should adjourn till the 1st of May. During this interval the greatest excitement prevailed, not only amongst political parti- Eans, but in every circle in which the characters and opinions of public men formed subjects of discussion. The commanding talents and the liberal policy of Mr. Canning produced a very extended hope that he would be able to maintain his great position against the attacks of his numerous enemies. At this time lord Eldon wrote — " the whole conversation in this town is made up of abusive, bitterly abusive, talk of people about each other — all fire and flame; T have known nothing like it."§ It was pretty generally known that the ofters of Mr. Canning to six of his late colleagues in the Cabinet had been either contemptuously or civilly rejected. Those of his colleagues who resigned their ofiiccs before or on the 12th, were — the Lord Chancellor, the duke of Wellington, lord Westmoreland, lord Bathurst, lord * Guizot, " Momohs of Sir Robert Peel," p. 28. + "Hansard," vol xvi. col. 1007. :^ See Koto at the end of this chapter. § Twiss, vol, ii. p. 688. 1827.1 3m. CANNING'S ADMINISTKATION. 205 Bexley, and Mr. Peel. Mr. Canning went into the King's closet and said^ presenting these letters of resignation to the King, " Here, sire, is that which disables me from executing the orders I have received from you respecting the formation of a new administration. It is now open to your Majesty to adopt a new course." The King gave Mr. Canning his hand to kiss, and the minister had to look around for new supporters. Lord Bexley afterwards withdrew his resignation. Lord Melville retired from the office of First Lord of the Admiralty, and the duke of Clarence was appointed Lord-High- Admiral. The duke of "Wellington, contrary to the desire of the King and his minister, subsequently resigned, in addition to his seat in the Cabinet, his office of Commander-in-Chief. When the Houses met, after the Easter recess, on the 1st of May, Mr. Canning had completed the forma- tion of his ministry.* On that day all the avenues to the House of Com- mons were crowded by persons anxious to catch a glimpse of the minister so beloved and trusted, so feared and hated. He walked up the old staircase which led to the lobby with a firm and agile step, and one of the crowd, at least, who looked upon his radiant face, thought of Burke's famous descrip- tion of Conway, " hope elevated and joy brightened his crest. "f The House of Commons on that night presented an unusual spectacle. Sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Tierney sat immediately behind the minister. Mr. Brougham took his seat on the ministerial side ; with other members who three weeks previously had sat en the benches of Opposition. Li the House of Peers, lord Lyndhurst was on the woolsack. Three new peers took the oaths^ viscount Goderich (late Mr. Eobinson), lord Plunkett, and lord Tenterden, Mr, Peel on that night made a most elaborate exposition of the causes which had led to the resignation of himself and other members of the late govern- ment. There was no acrimony in his studied oration. Mr. Canning had the gratifying assurance from Mr. Brougham, who in the eminent position which he had won had the right to speak the sentiments of a large and powerful body, that the new government should have his support, without the possibility of his taking office himself. Mr. Canning made his explana- tion calmly as befitted his great place. He could scarcely then have been prepared for the fury of the tempest with which he was soon to be assailed. In the House of Commons he, with his friend Huskisson by his side, was well aBle to hold his ground against any assailant. Mr. Peel did not offer any opposition to the minister which could imply a difference of opinion amounting to personal hostility. A few of the immediate friends of Mr. Peel were not so guarded in joining Avhat has been termed " a teasing opposition." Some " of that species of orators called the yelpers," of whom Canning was the terror, — for his " lash would have penetrated the hide of a rhinoceros,";!: — were perpetually pestering the minister "to give some explanation of the circumstances which led to the dissolution of the late, and the formation of the present, administration." Canning was contented to say, "I will not answer a single question relative to the late transactions, unless it be brought forward as a motion." Mr. Brou^-ham * 'We give, at tlie end of this chapter, a list of the Administration as it stood on the Ist of if ay, and as it was modified before the close of the session. + See ante, vol. vi. p. 284. i Scott, Diary in Lockhart's *' Life," vol. vii 206 VIOLENT OPPOSITION IN BOTH HOUSES. [1827 steadily supported Mr. Canning in tliis determination, declaring that sucli questions were really suggested for the sake of exciting unfair and irregular discussions. Alluding to the same tactics that had been practised in another place, he could only express his unfeigned regret that a prayer that he had heard on the previous Sunday had not hitherto been fulfilled — that it had not yet pleased Divine providence " to endue all the nobility with grace, wisdom, and understanding." Such an enlightenment might have saved a great states- man from what appeared to many as a blot upon his otherwise high-minded career. One of the most judicious politicians of another country has spared us the pain of expressing our own opinions upon the conduct of the most distinguished amongst the Whigs : " Attacked in the House of Peers by lord Grey with haughty and contemptuous violence, Mr. Canning had been but feebly defended by his unskilful and intimidated friends in that House ; and he was so much wounded at this, that for a moment, it is said, he enter- tained the idea of resigning his seat in the House of Commons and obtaining a peerage, that he might have an opportunity of vindicating his policy and honour in the House of Lords." * He might have calmly said, with Lear, "The little dogs and all, see, they bark at me;" but '■ tooth that poisons if it bite" would leave a rankling wound. The duke of Newcastle might call upon every friend of his country to aid in dispossessing " one who was the most profligate minister who had ever been placed in power." Such impotent rage carried its own antidote. But lord Grey was of another order of minds. Lord Holland stood up boldly to defend himself and his friends from the charge of having given an unworthy support to the minister thus assailed by the strong and the impotent. He showed, as Mr. Brougham had shown, how the liberal opinions of Mr. Canning claimed support from those who professed similar principles. The attack by lord Grey upon Mr. Canning's foreign policy was not difficult of refutation. But there was one point of material importance upon which lord Grey must have known that he could not receive an answer tvhen he said, "I ask of the noble lords opposite, or of any one of them, to answer me, aye or no, — has or has not an engagement been entered into not to bring forward the Catholic question as a measure of government ?" He added, " If such an engagement have been made, that at once settles my mind, because it is a principle which I have always opposed. It is nothing less than that which in 1807 I rejected, and to which nothing shall ever induce me to agree." f It is possible that the somewhat loose manner in which George IV. was accustomed to talk of state afiairs to his familiar friends, and which thus became the tattle of the Court circle, might have warranted lord Grey in more than insinuating against the conduct of the Prime Minister that he had given an unconstitutional pledge such as had been refused by the ministry of which lord Grey himself formed a part in 1807. % But the confidences of his majesty extended beyond those amongst whom ho passed a life of gentle dalliance and practical jokes at the Lodge in Windsor Great Park. The duke of Buckingham, whom he had raised to the loftiest * Quizot, "Memoirs of Sir Eohevt Peel," p. yi t " Hansard," vol. xvii. col. V24. + AnU, vol. vii. p. 41'"2. 1827.] CALUMNY AGAINST MR. CANNING. 207 eminence of tlie Peerage, relates, in the " Private Diary " wbich the lapse of thirty-five years has brought to light, that the king unbosomed himself to bim in the most unreserved manner as to the recent changes of administration. The duke was very wroth with Mr. Canning, who had not propitiated him by the offer of some great office, although the Greuvilles were represented in tlie Cabinet ; and he was himself friendly to Catholic Emancipation. The con- versation turned upon this absorbing question : " Canning," said the king, " has pledged himself never to pi-ess me upon that subject, and never to be a member of the Cabinet that does." His majesty added, with an oath, that the inoment his minister "changed his line he goes."* AVe can understand how the king's uncontradicted talk might have provoked the indignation of lord Grey against one whom he deemed ready to sacrifice honour for power. Two years afterwards his majesty repeated the same narrative of what passed in the closet when there was no witness present. On the 28th of March, 1829, when lord Eldon was using his influence over his sovereign to prevent the Catholic Belief Bill proposed by the duke of AVellington and sir Robert Peel becoming law, the ex-chancellor makes this entry in his Diary : " His majesty employed a very considerable portion of time in stating all that he repre- sented to have passed when Mr. Canning was made minister, and expressly stated that Mr. C. would never, and that he had engaged that he would never, allow him to be troubled about the Roman Catholic question." f In the " Memoirs by Sir Eobert Peel " — those most interesting revelations pub- lished by the trustees of his papers, — this passage from the Diary of lord Eldon is quoted by him for the purpose of appending to it a vindication of the character of the man of whom Mr. Peel said in the great debate on the Catholic Relief Bill in 1829, — wishing that Mr. Canning were alive to reap the harvest which he sowed, and to enjoy the triumph which he gained, — " I was on terms of the most friendly intimacy with my right honourable friend, down even to the day of his death." The testimony to the political integrity of Mr. Canning upon the question of Catholic Emancipation in 1827 is as follows: — " There must, no doubt, have been some misapprehension on the king's mind as to. the engagement or intentions of Mr. Canning with regard to the Catholic question. I feel very confident that Mr. Canning would not have accepted office having entered into any engagement, or given any assurances, which would have the effect of placing his government and himself in that relation to George the Eourth with respect to the Catholic question in which preceding ministers had stood to George the Third." J What Sir Robert Peel concluded to have been "a misapprehension on the king's mind" has been designated by a coarser term in the "Private Diary" of the Duke of Buckingham, which contains these entries : July 17 — Received a letter from George [Lord Nugent] — " He treats the pledge of Canning not to press the Catholic question as a lie of the king's." .... July 19 — " I had a long letter from George, strongly urgent against the line which I have adopted, and declaring the king to tell falsehoods, and to intend to deceive." § * "Private Diary of KicLard, Duke of Buckingliam," 1862, vol. i. pp. 13 aud 14. + Twiss, "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. iii. p. 82. i "Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," voL i. p. 275. § " Private Diai^y " vol. i. p. 21. See Note at end of this chapter. 208 CLOSE OF THE SESSION— DEATH OF MR. CANNING. []827 During the two months in which the Session was continued after the re-asseinbliug of Parliament on tlie 1st of May, tlie irregular discussions in both Houses left but little opportunity for real progress in the nation's busi- ness. The personal hostility to Mr. Canning, which the duke of Wellington almost acknowledged, was something strange in parliamentary tactics, and some attributed it to the traditional jealousy of the aristocracy, whether Whig or Tory, that a plebeian — an adventurer — should presume to take the helm of the State instead of one of their " Order." Others ascribed the personal attacks of many peers and commoners to that hatred of genius, too often entertained by mediocrity of understanding. The incessant exhibition of this spirit rendered it impossible for the minister either to make a triumphant display of his oratorical power, or to carry through any measure of great public importance. He spoke for the last time on the 18th of June, on the subject of the Corn-trade. The Session was closed on the 2nd of July. When men were speculating in February on the probable successor of lord Liverpool, lord Eldon wrote, " I should suppose Canning's health wotild not let him undertake the labour of the situation ; but ambition "will attempt anything."* The prorogation of Parliament did not pro- duce the usual effect of comparative relaxation upon the toil-worn Minister. Pour years previous, Mr. Canning, Mr. Huskisson, and Mr. Hobinson were described after a prorogation, as " boys let loose from school." The American minister who was thus astonished at the deport- ment of grave statesmen, was more astonished when the Secretary for Poreign Affairs, after dinner, proposed that the company should play at the game of " Twenty Questions." Complete relaxation, however impaired may be the health of a Prime Minister, is one of the few things which he is utterly powerless to command. Mr. Canning had an interview with the king on the 30th of July, when his majesty was so struck by the looks of the Premier, to whom he had given a cordial support, that he sent his own physician to attend him. The next day Mr. Canning had to work in Downing-street. The duke of Devonshire had lent him his villa at Chiswick, in the belief that change of air would restore him. He occupied the bed- room in which Fox had died. On the 31st a few friends had dined with him ; but he retired early. The suffering from internal inflammation which lie felt on that last night of July, terminated in his death on the 8th of August. Pie was buried in Westminster Abbey on the 16tli in the most private manner. But the universal display of sorrow told more than any funereal pomp that a great man had departed. The settlement of a treaty between Great Britain, France, and Eussia, on the subject of the affairs of Greece, was the latest, as it was amongst the most important, of the ofGcial acts of Mr. Canning. That treaty was signed on the 7th of July, 1827. Forty years had elapsed since, a schoolboy at Eton, he had written a very eloquent poem on " The Slavery of Greece." He painted the ancient glories of her arms and her arts; lie evoked the ^rcat names of her philosophers and her poets, to point tlie contrast of her glories fading into shame, — servitude binding in its galling chain those who had stood up against Asia's millions, — cities mouldering, — the fallen • Twiss, vol. ii. p. r>83. 1827.] TREATY ON THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 209 column on the dusty ground, — worst of all, the sons of the freedom-breathing land sighing in abject bondage, groaning at the labours of the oar or of the mine, trembling before " The glitt'ring tyranny of Otliman'3 sons." * The position of Greece since 1821 was such as to arouse the deepest sympathies of every Englishman who knew anything of her ancient story. The Greeks in that year, seizing the opportunity of a war between the sultan and Ali Pasha, rose in revolt. A proclamation issued by the archbishop of Patras produced a general insurrection. For six years a cruel and devastating war had gone on, in which the Greeks, at first successful, had more and rcore quailed before the greater force which the Porte was able at last to bring against them, by employing the disciplined troops of the pasha of Egypt. The story of this war has a peculiar interest to us in connection with the individual efforts of Englishmen to promote this struggle for freedom, — of Byron, who died at Missolonghi with " Greece" on his lips, — of Cochrane, whose hopes of rousing the Greek leaders to decisive and unanimous action came to an end when all was lost at the great battle before Athens. In September, 1826, the Divan having obstinately refused to enter into negotiations with those over whom they considered themselves the absolute masters, — those " who form part of the nations inhabiting the countries conquered ages ago by the Ottoman arms,"t — the British Government proposed to Eussia that the Porte should be apprised that the result of this obstinacy would be the recognition of the independence of Greece. "What, according to international laws, should be the basis of this recognition, was clearly laid down by Mr. Canning. The Turks were to be told that Great Britain and Eussia " would look to Greece with an eye of favour, and with a disposition to seize the first occasion of recognizing, as an independent state, such portion of her territory as should have freed itself from Turkish dominion ; provided that such state should have shown itself substantially capable of maintaining an independent existence, of carrying on a government of its own, of controlling its own military and naval forces, and of being responsible to other nations for the observance of international laws and the discharge of international duties." Such was the exposition which the British government then adopted, in the- affairs of Greece, of the princinles which should determine the recognition of the independence of a revolting or separating state. The principle of what should constitute a belligerent was laid down with equal clearness by Mr. Canning at an earlier stage of this conflict : " The character of belligerency is not so much a principle as a fact. A certain degree of force and consistency acquired by any mass of population engaged in war entitles that population to be treated as a belligerent, and even if their title were questionable renders it the interest, well understood, of all civilized nations so to treat them. For what is the alternative ? A power or community (whichever it may be called) which is at war with another, and which covers the sea with its cruisers, must either be acknowledged as a belligerent, or treated as a pirate." Upon the conclusion of the treaty of July, 1827, it was agreed that * Microcosm, 1787, No. 5. t Manifesto of the Ottoman Forte, 1327. VOL. vin.— 238. 210 TRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. [1827. instructions sliould be sent to the representatives at Constantinople of the three contracting Powers that they should present a joint declaration to the Divan, stating that as the war of extermination had been prolonged for six years, producing results shocking to humanity, and inflicting intolerable injury on the commerce of all nations, it was no longer possible to admit that the fate of Greece concerned exclusively the Ottoman Porte. They were to oflfer their mediation between the Sublime Porte and the Greeks to put an end to the war, to settle by amicable negotiation the relations which ought for the future to exist between them, and to propose that all acts of hostility should be suspended by an armistice. A similar proposition should be made to the Greeks. A month was to be given to the Ottoman Porte to make known its determination. If no answer were returned, or an evasive answer were given, the Divan was to be informed that the three Powers would themselves interfere to establish an armistice. Although the admirals of the allied squadrons of the three Powers were to be instructed to take coercive measures to enforce an armistice, they were to be warned against any hostile step which would be contrary to the pacific character which the three Powers were desirous to impart to their interference. Such were the views of a statesman who, ardently desiring the pre- servation of peace, would not hesitate to enforce the true principles of international law that should govern the recognition of a belligerent Power, and of a State claiming to be independent. These were principles which would remain for our guidance in all future questions involving a similar exercise of discretion and forbearance, but calling for resolute action when it might become necessary to assert the right of civilized communities to decide upon such questions without reference to the passions and prejudices of the contending parties. Mr. Canning was most anxious, in the terrible conflict between Turks and Greeks, to avoid any course of action which would lead to direct hostilities, and especially to avert the possible danger of a policy of absolute neutrality on the part of Great Britain which might have placed the Turkish empire at the feet of Russia. By completing the treaty with Russia and Prance, he secured that co-operation which would prevent that separate action of Russia which would have necessarily resulted in her own aggrandizement. All the complicated previous negotiations for the pacification of Greece had reference to this difficulty. Earl of Harrowljy . Lord Lyndhurst Duke of Portland . Right Hon. George Canning Riglit Hon. "W. S. Bourne . . Viscount Dudley and Ward Visci.unt Gdderich Right Hon C. W. W. Wyna Lord Bexley Right Hon. Williara HuskisBon Viscount Palmerston Right Hon. George Tierney Earl of Carlisle THE CABINET OF MR. CANNING. President of the Council ; succeeded by the Duke of Portland. . . Lord Chancellor. . Lord Privy Seal ; succeeded by the Earl of Carlisle. First Lord of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer. Secretary of State for the Home Department ; succeeded by the Marquess of Lansdowne. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Secretary of State for the Department of War and Colonies. PresideTit of the Board of Control. Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Treasurer of the Navy, and President of Board of Trade. Secretary-at-War. Master of the Mint. First Commissioner of Woods and Forests ; succeeded by tlie Right Hon. W. S. Bourne. 2ll NOTE ON THE NEGOTIATIONS WHICH PRECEDED MR. CANNING'S PREMIERSHIP. The editor of the " Private Diary " of the duke of Buckingham announces that portion which relates to an audience of George IV. as of singular interest : " such an exposition of ministerial intrigue does not exist in any published work." We are constrained to believe that the whole of the exposition, whether relating to the duke of Wellington, Mr. Peel, or Mr. Canning, is, for the most part, a figment of the king's. We have noticed in the text what his Majesty said as to a pledge aiven by Mr. Canning (p. 207). We have & few words to write upon what the duke of Buckingham accepted as a story clearly made out " against Peel and the duke of Wellington, the truth of which I cannot doubt." Twice, said the king, he saw the duke of Wellington, and twice the duke said that " he could not be his minister" — "the duke persevered in excluding himself." The king went on to say that " at last Peel, who had kept a very high and mighty bearing " agreed to meet Canning, and after this meeting wrote to him to say that one had been suggested as Premier whose name he did not like to put in writing ; that delays intervened, and that at last *' Peel came to the king and thundered out the duke of Wellington's name," upon which his majesty said that "having been refused twice by the duke himself," he would not, " in the eleventh hour, have a man crammed down his throat." Peel then refused to act with Canning ; the king refused to accept Wellington ; named Canning as his minister ; and then the resignations took place. The circumstances thus recorded and credited are totally at variance with the statements and documents published by Mr. Stapleton in 1859. Mi-. Canning had a long audience of the king on the 27th of March, the particulars of wliich are minutely detailed in a paper dictated by him to his secretary. Between the 31st of March and the 6th of April, he had no communication with the king on the subject of the cabinet arrangements ; but he had frequent conferences with the duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel. On the 9th of April, Mr. Canning, hy the kiiufs command, saw Mr. Peel, " who came for the purpose of stating the name of an individual whose appointment as premier Mr. Peel conceived Ukely to solve all difficulties." That individual was the duke of AVellington. Under him Mr. Can- ning declined to serve, as the duke " for years had been combating in the cabinet Mr. Canning's system of foreign poUcy." On the next day the king gave his commands to Mr, Canning to prepare a plan for the reconstruction of the adminis- tration. The "story clearly made out against Mr. Peel and the 'duke of Wellington," like many other stories, is destroyed by a little cross-examination. So far from the king refusing the duke of Wellington, he sent Mr. Peel to Mr. Canning to endeavour to induce him to accept the duke as the Anti-Catholic h^ad of the Ministry. Hill Fortress. CHAPTER XII. India— Retrospect from 1807 to 1826 — Lord Minto Governor-General — Mutiny of Officers at Madras — Trade of India thrown open — Government of tlie Marquess of Hastings — War with Nepaul — War with the Pindarees — The War terminated, and the Mahratta Con- federacy broken up — Conquest of Ceylon — Singapore^Malacca — Lord Amherst Governor- General— War with the Birman Empire— Campaign of Sir Archibald Campbell — Peace with the Birmese — Bombardment and Capture of Bhurtpore — Kegulation of the Press in India — The case of Mr. Buckingham — Material progress of British India. At the opening of the Session of Parliament at the end of 1826, the Houses were informed of the termination of war in the Birmese territories, and of the conclusion of a peace highly honourable to the British arms and to the councils of the British government in India. From 1824 there had been war with the Birman empire, lord Amherst being Governor- General. From 1813 to 1822, during the government of the marquess of Hastings, there had been war with the Nepaulese, and war with the Pindarees, the latter war involving changes in the relations of the British power with native princes, ft'liich eventually led to their complete submission. From 1807 to 1812 there had been war with the Eajah of Travancore ; there had been mutinies in the native army ; and, by a series of hostile operations, the British had become the sole European power in India. Lord Minto was Governor-General during this first period, succeeding lord Cornwallis after the very brief term 1807.] LORD MINTO GOVERNOR-GENERAL. 213 of his government.* AVe propose to take a brief survey of the events of this period of twenty years, during which time there had been important changes in the relations of the State to the East India Company, and a general impatience amongst the commercial community at the continuance of their monopoly, and at the somewhat arbitrary regulations by which it was deemed necessary to uphold their exclusive privileges. But there had never been a year in which the British empire in India was not extending and consolidating, and the same courage, fortitude, and perseverance evinced in military enter- prises which first laid the foundations of that empire, and would still have to sustain it through years of danger and difficulty. Nor let us forget that, during these twenty years in which the native powers adverse to our rule and influence were either crushed or propitiated, some efforts were made to accom- plish a more complete subjection of the native populations by a civil rule of justice and beneficence, by repressing, as far as was safe, th-e barbarous rites of their idolatries and superstitions, and by winning them over to some pos- sible recognition of Christian principles by encouraging rather than repressing eflforts for their conversion, and by the establishment of an Anglican Cliurch, whose first bishops were tolerant as well as zealous, active in well-doing, of high talent, and of blameless life. At the beginning of 1807 India was at peace. On the death of the mar- quess Cornwallis, the powers of the Grovernor- General were temporarily exer- cised by sir George Barlow, who was subsequently entruated with the full authority of his post by the Court of Directors. The Grenville administration had just come into office, and they wished to bestow the appointment upon one of their own supporters, and especially upon some nobleman. The har- mony that had hitherto subsisted between the two independent bodies in whom was vested the government of India, was now interrupted. The ministry, who had at first consented to the continuance in office of sir George Barlow, re- called him, by an exercise of the royal prerogative, in direct opposition to the Board of Directors. The debates in Parliament on this subject were conti- nued and violent. The conflict was finally settled by the appointment of lord Minto. The tranquillity of his government was after a while seriously dis- turbed by an outbreak against the power of the Company at Travancore There was war against the Eajah of this state, which originated in a dispute between his Dewan, or chief minister, and the British resident. His troops were beaten in the field during 1808, and the lines of Travancore being stormed at the beginning of 1809, and other forts captured, relations of amity between the Company and the Eajah were restored. A more serious danger arose out of a circumstance which appears now amongst the almost incredible things of the past. The officers of the Madras army, who had long been stirred up to discontent, had mutinied, and lord Minto, in August, 1809, sailed for Madras to quell this extraordinary insubordination of Britisli officers. There were various and contradictory regulations existing in the several Presidencies. There were inequalities in the rate of allowances. At Madras, what the Council termed " a very dangerous spirit of cabal " had been pointed out as early as March, 1807, by the Council to the Court of Directors. There was there an officer high in command, lieutenant-colonel St. Leger, who waa * Ante, vol. vii. p. 461. 214 SUCCESSES IN THE EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO. [1810. described iu tlie despatch of the Council as " the champion of the rights of the Company's army." Colonel St. Leger, as well as other officers, was sus- pended by an order of the 1st of May, and then open mutiny burst out at Hyderabad, Masulipatam, Seringapatam, and other places. On one occasion only was blood shed in this extraordinary revolt. Many of these officers were very young men, who were incited to acts of insubordination by the example of their seniors. Brave as were the British officers in the field, their exclu- siveness and assumption of superiority were offensive to civilians and dan- gerous in their intercourse with the natives. These misguided men gradually returned to habits of obedience. In September lord Minto published an amnesty, with the exception of eighteen officers, nearly all of whom chose to resign rather than to abide the judgment of a court-martial. It now became the wish of all to obliterate the painful remembrance of the past. During this alarming period, in which the mutiny of the officers might have led to the entire disorganization of the Sepoy army, the King's troops manifested the most entire obedience to the orders of the Governor- General. Lord Wel- lington, engrossing as was his duty in Spain in December 1809, wrote from Badajoz to colonel Malcolm, to express how much he felt on what had passed in the Madras establishment : — " I scarcely recognize in those transactions the men for whom I entertained so much respect and had so much regard a few years back." Those transactions, he said, were "consequences of the first error — that is, of persons in imthority making partizans of those placed under them, instead of making all obey the constituted authorities of the State."* During the administration of lord Minto a number of successful opera- tions were undertaken in the Eastern Archipelago, which, in 1810, gave us possession of Amboyna and the Banda isles, of the island of Bourbon, and of the Mauritius. The most important of these conquests was the rich island of Java, which, after a severe battle with the Dutch troops near the capital, capitulated in 1810. Sir Stamford Eaffles, who was appointed Lieutenant- Governor of Java, described it as " the other India." It passed out of our hands at the Peace — a circumstance attributed by many to the complete igno- rance of the British government of the great value of this possession. The policy of the Court of Directors was to maintain peace as long as possible upon the continent of India, and thus the depredations of the Pindarees and the Nepaulese were not met by the Governor- General with any vigorous measures of repression. He demanded redress of the Eajah of Nepaul for the outrages of his people, but he did not make any more efiectual demon- stration to compel a less injurious conduct. His diplomacy had for its main object to prevent tlie establishment of the French in the peninsula. He con- cluded treaties with the Ameers of Scinde, and with the King of Caubul, of which the terms of friendship were, that they should restrain the French from settling in their territories. With Persia, where France was endeavour- ing to establish her influence, a treaty was concluded, binding the sovereign to resist the passage of any European force through his country towards India. The usual term of a Governor-General's residence being completed, lord * Despatches, vol. v. p. 330. 1813.] TRADE IN INDIA THROWN OPEN— WAR WITH NEPAUL. 215 Minto resigned in 1813, and proceeded to England. He came at a time when a material alteration was at hand in the position of the East India Com- pany. By the Statute of Queen Anne, and by successive Acts of Parliament, the Company had the exclusive privilege, as regardedEuglish subjects, of trading to all places east of the Cape of Good Hope, as far as the Straits of Magal- haens. In March, 1813, the House of Commons resolved itself into a Com- mittee to consider the affairs of the East India Company. The Government proposed that the charter of the Company should be renewed for twenty years, during which term they should retain the exclusive trade to China, but that the trade to India should be thrown open on certain conditions. The Government also proposed to appoint a bishop for India, and three arch- deacons. The Committee examined various witnesses. The first witness was Warren Hastings, then eighty years of age. He expressed his decided opinion that the settlement of Europeans would be fraught with danger to the peace of the country and the security of the Company, and that the trade between India and England, as then regulated, was far more beneficial than if perfectly free. On the subject of the propagation of Christianity in India, and the proposed episcopal establishment, his evidence is described as having evinced "a most philosophic indifference."* The debates in both Houses on the Kesolutions occupied four months of the session. A Bill was finally passed by which the trade to India was thrown open as proposed, the terri- torial and commercial branches of the Company's affairs were separated, and the king was empowered to create a bishop of India, and three archdeacons, to be paid by the Company. Lord Minto was succeeded as Governor-General by the earl of Moira, afterwards marquess of Hastings, who took possession of the government on the 4th of October, 1813. During 1814 and 1815 there was war between the British and the Nepaulese. This is sometimes called the Gorkha war, from that portion of Nepaul which surrounded Gorkha, the capital, and which was originally subject to the separate rule of one of the princes of the Nepaul dynasty. The Gorkhas at the period of the government of the marquess of Hastings were subjecting all the smaller states to their dominion, and were able to maintain an army of twelve thousand disciplined men, who were .clothed and accoutred like the British sepoys. As they advanced towards the British possessions on the northern frontier, they manifested a desire to try their strength against the Company's troops, and exhibited their ill-will in 1814 by attacking two police-stations in the districts of Goruckpoor and Sarun, and by massacreing all the troops in the garrisons there. The first operations of the British troops were unsuccessful ; but in 1815 Sir Davia Ochterlony was enabled to dislodge the Gorkhas from their hill-forts, and to compel their commander, Ammer Singh, to capitulate. A treaty of peace was concluded at the end of 1815, but its ratification by the Eajah being withheld, a large British army advanced to Khatmandu, the present capital of Nepaul. The treaty was ratified and the war concluded at the beginning of 1816. Some portions of territory were ceded to the Company ; but for the most part the chiefs who had been expelled by the conquering Gorkhas were restored to their ancient possessions. * Thornton, "British Empire in India," vol. iv. p. 228. 216 WAR WITH THE PINDAREES. [1816. The province of Malwa was the chief seat of a body of freebooters, the Pindarees, who carried on a war of devastation with peaceful neighbours, and were more formidable from their want of that political organization which constitutes a state. They lived in separate societies of one or two hundred, governed each by its chief, but they were always ready to combine under one supreme chief for the purposes of their marauding expeditions. In 1814 fifteen thousand horsemen were assembled on the north bank of the Nerbudda, under a leader named Cheetoo. In October, 1815, they seized the opportunity of our troops being engaged in the Nepaulese war to cross the Nerbudda, and haviiig plundered and devastated a territory of our ally, the Nizam of the Decean, recrossed the Nerbudda to prepare for another raid with a greater force. Between the 5th of February and the 17th of May, 1816, they had again collected an immense booty, with which they retired, not only having devastated the lands of our allies, but within the Company's frontiers having plundered more than three hundred villages and put to death or tortured more than four thousand individuals. These fierce and successful attacks of the Pindarees were not solely instigated by their own desire for the rich booty of peaceful provinces. They would scarcely have ventured to defy the British power had they not been secretly supported by a confederacy of Mahratta potentates. The Govern or- Greneral had obtained certain informa- tion that the Peishwa, the Eajah of Nagpore, Scindia, Holkar the younger, and Ameer Khan, were preparing in concert with the Pindarees to invade the Company's territories whilst our troops were engaged in the Nepaulese war. The Governor-Greneral, at the conclusion of the peace with Nepaul, applied to the authorities at home for permission to carry on the war with the Pindarees upon a great scale. Till this permission should arrive he had only to keep the Bengal army in advanced cantonments. When his warrant for extended operations did arrive, the marquess of Hastings was ready with an army in each of the three presidencies to take the field against the Pindarees, and against all their open or secret supporters. The immensity of his prepara- tions, says a French writer, was determined by the importance of his designs. " The Governor- General took the resolution to complete the plan conceived long before and pursued without relaxation by his predecessors — the absolute conquest of the Peninsula."* "Whether or no such a design, which was regarded at home as a dream of ambition, had urged the marquess of Hastings to undertake a war of enormous magnitude, it is quite certain that the issue of that war was another most decided advance in the assertion of our supre- macy, which manifestly tended to " the absolute conquest of the Peninsula." At the end of September, 1817, orders were issued for a simultaneous movement of the army of Bengal under the command of the Governor- General, of the army of the Decean under the command of sir Thomas Hislop, and of various corps from difierent stations, each marching to points from which the Pindarees could be surrounded, and at the same time their Mah- ratta and other supporters prevented from uniting their forces. It is not witliin our limits to attempt any detail of this very complicated warfare. Tlie war with the Pindarees was terminated in the spring of 1818, with the entire destruction or dispersion of these terrible marauders. The best * " Annuaire Historique," 1818, p. 357 1818.] THE MAHRATTA CONFEDERACY BROKEN UP. 217 historian of the events which led to this most desirable result is sir John Malcolm, who was himself one of the most active and sagacious of the British commanders. Their complete extinction has been graphically described by him : " Within five years after their name had spread terror and dismay over all India, there remained not a spot that a Pindaree could call his home. They had been hunted like wild beasts, numbers had been killed, all ruined, those who espoused their cause had fallen. Early in the contest they were shunned like a contagion, — the timid villagers whom they had so recently oppressed were among the foremost to attack them." * On the 5th of November the Governor-General had extorted by the presence of his powerful army a treaty with Scindia, in which that Mahratta chief engaged to aid in the destruction of the Pindarees. That army was at this moment attacked by an enemy far more dangerous than any w'hich it would be likely to encounter in the field. It was encamped in low ground, on the banks of a tributary of the Jumna. The Indian cholera morbus, which had broken out at Jessore, had ascended the valley of the Ganges, and reaching the camp of the main British army destroyed in little more than a week one-tenth of the number there crowded together. The camp was broken up, and the army marched on in the hope of reaching some spot where the disease would be less fatal. It was the end of November before the remnant of this fine army having reached Erech, on the Bettwa river, the pestilence seemed to have exhausted its force. During its rage the marquess of Hastings fully expected to be a victim ; for his personal attendants were dropping all around him. Bury me in my tent, he said, lest the enemy should hear of my death, and attack my disheartened troops. Scindia had seized the opportunity, not to render aid against the Pindarees, but to invite them to come into his territory. The cholera passed away, and the Governor- General hurried back to his former position to cut off the possible junction between the marauding bands and Scindia's troops. In the remaining months of 1817 and the beginning of 1818 the Mahratta confederacy was utterly broken up by the successes of the British. The Eajah of Nagpore, after a battle of eighteen hours, was defeated, and his town of Nagpore taken on the 26th of November. Holkar was beaten on the 21st of December at the battle of Meehudpoor, and peace was concluded with him on the 6th of January. Th.e Peishwa of the Mahrattas surrendered to the English in the following June, agreeing to abdicate his throne, and become a pensioner of the East India Company. During the period of the administration of the marquess of Hastings Ceylon was entirely subjected to the British dominion. The Dutch had been in possession of the maritime provinces of this island from the beginning of the seventeenth century, whilst the interior, known as the kingdom of Kandy, was governed by native princes, with whom the Dutch were continually at war. In 1796 these maritime provinces were wrested from the Dutch by a British armament, and our establishments there were rendered more secure by the acquiescence of the Jiing of Kandy in this occupation of the coast districts. The British administration of Ceylon was not connected with that of the East India Company ; it was a distinct possession of the Crown, having been formally * Sir John Malcolm, "Memoir of Central ludia." 218 CONQUEST OF CEYLON— SINGAPORE— MALACCA. [1819. ceded by the Treaty of Amiens. In 1815 the king of Kandy had rendered himself so obnoxious to his subjects by a series of atrocities, — such as causing a mother to pound hei' children to death in a mortar, — that his deposition took place, and the British were invited by Kandian chiefs to take possession of his domi- nions. The conquest of the island was thus effected, and the natives had begun to taste the value of a just and merciful rule, vrhen, in 1817, a rebellion broke out in the eastern provinces, and was with diflB.culty suppressed after a costly and sanguinary warfare of two years' duration. From 1819 to 1848 complete tranquillity prevailed in that island, and its material and moral con- dition were greatly advanced under intelligent and zealous governors. At Singapore, in 1819, sir Thomas Eaffles established a factory on the south shore of the island, and in 1824, a cession in full sovereignty of this and the neigh- bouring islands was obtained by purchase from a person who claimed to be king of Jahore, and was afterwards raised to that throne. Malacca was ceded to the British in 1824 by treaty with the government of the Nether- lands. HadMr. Canning become Governor- General of India whenhis appointment as successor of the marquess of Hastings was resolved upon, it may be doubted whether he could have carried through the policy which, as President of the Board of Control, he avowed in Parliament in 1819, upon the vote of thanks to the marquess of Hastings and the army in India : — " Anxious as I am for the prosperity and grandeur of our Indian empire, I confess I look at its indefinite extension with awe. I earnestly wish that it may be possible for us to remain stationary where we are ; and that what still exists of substantive and independent power in India may stand untouched and unimpaired. But this consummation, however much it may be desired, depends not on ourselves alone. Aggression must be repelled, and perfidy must be visited with its just reward. And while I join with the thinking part of the country in depre- cating advance, who shall say that there is safety for such a power as ours iu retrogradation ? " * Of the prudence and wisdom of the theory of policy thus set forth, the nation at large, the East India Company, the great Indian admi- nistrators, never appeared to entertain the slightest doubt. But, practically, it was invariably found that without advance there would be retrogradation. It was in vain that those who led the British armies in India must have felt what Mr. Canning expressed — with how much jealousy the House and the country are in the habit of appreciating the triumphs of our arms in India ; how our military operations, however successful, have always been considered as questionable in point of justice. f Lord Amherst, who iu March 1823 embarked for India as Governor-General, had to pass through this almost inevitable process of entering upon a war of conquest with the most sincere desire to remain at peace. Within six or seven months after his arrival in India he had to write to a friend at home : — " I have to tell you that I most unexpectedly find myself engaged in war with the king of Ava." { This was the war with the Birman empire, which involved us in hostilities from March 1824 to February, 1826. Before the middle of the eighteenth century tho name of Birman signified a great warlike race that had founded various * "Hansard," vol. xxxix. coL 882. \r Ibid., col. 806. X "Diary of Lord Colchester," vol. iii. p. 316. 1823.] WAR WITH THE BIRMAN EMPIRE. 219 kingdoms, amongst wliicli were Siam, Pegu, Ava, and Aracan. The kingdoms of Ava and of Pegu were in a continued state of warfare, in which the Peguers were ultimately victorious. Ava had been conquered by them, when, in 1753, a man of humble origin but of great ability, who has been called " the Napo- leon of the Hindo-Chinese peninsula,"* raised a small force, which, constantly increasing, expelled the conquerors and placed Alompra on the Birman throne. It has been remarked as equally curious and instructive, that " the last resto- ration of the Birman empire, and the foundation of ours in India, were exactly contemporaneous. Clive and Alompra made their conquests at the same moment." t Por nearly seventy years the British from the Ganges, and the Birmesefrom the Irawaddi, pushed their conquests, whether by arms or nego- tiation, till they met. Their inevitable rivalry soon led to hostilities. The Birmese had gradually subjugated the independent states which formerly existed between their frontiers and those of tbe Company. Lord Amherst, in the letter we have already quoted, describes how they seized an island on whicb we had established a small military post, and when the Grovernor- General mildly complained to the king of Ava of this outrage, attributing it to the mistake of the local authorities, a force came down from Ava, " threat- ening to invade our territory from one end of the frontier to the other, and to re-annex the province of Bengal to the dominions of its rightful owner, the Lord of the White Elephant." At the beginning of April the Bengal army embarked for Eangoon, the chief seaport of the Birman dominions, situated at the embouchure of the Irawaddi — according to lord Amherst " the Liverpool and Portsmouth of Ava." This important place was taken possession of almost without striking a blow ; but the hope of the Governor- General that from thence he should be able to dictate the terms of a moderate and therefore lasting peace, was not very quickly realised. The British had to deal with the most warlike of their neighbours. The king of Ava called his people to arms. During the rainy season they had abundant time for preparation ; and sir Archibald Campbell, who occupied Rangoon, felt the immediate necessity of fortifying it against the probable attack of a bold and persevering enemy. An enormous pagoda, more than three hundred feet high, became a citadel, garrisoned by a battalion of European troops, and the smaller Bhuddist temples assumed the character of fortresses. During June and July the Birmese made repeated attacks upon the British positions, but were as constantly repelled. On the night of the 30th of August, when the astrologers had decided that an attack upon this sacred place would free the country from the impious strangers, a body of troops called Invuluerables advanced to the northern gateway. A terrible cannonade was opened upon these dense masses, and they fled at once to the neighbouring jungle. The Birmese were more successful in their ofifensive operations In Bengal. Under the command of an officer called Maha Bandoola, the Aracan array advanced to Hamoo, and completely routed a detachment of native infantry. The alarm was so great in Calcutta that the native merchants were with difficulty persuaded to remain with their families, and the peasants almost * " Annuaire Historique," 1824, p. 537. + "Edinburgh Reyiew," vol. xlvii. p. 183. 220 CAMPAIGN OF SIR ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL— PEACE. [1S25. iiuiversally fled from their villages. The Birmese, however, did not advance. The British had taken some important places of the Birman territory, and Maha Bandoola was recalled by the Lord of the "White Elephant for the defence of his Golden Empire. In December Maha Bandoola brought sixty thousand fighting men to make one overwhelming attack upon Rangoon. For seven days there was severe fighting. The Birmese troops were repeatedly driven from their stockades, and at last, when they advanced on the 7th of December for a grand attack on the great pagoda, they were driven back into their entrenchments, and after severe fighting were chased into the jungle. In February, 1825, Sir Archibald Campbell began to move up the Irawaddi into the interior of the Birman empire. As part of his force advanced to attack the formidable works of Donoopew, they were repulsed, and the retreat was so precipitate that the wounded men were not carried ofi". The barbarity in warfare of the Birmese was notorious. These unfortunate men were all crucified, and their bodies sent floating down the river upon rafts. On the 25th of March sir Archibald Campbell undertook the siege of Donoopew. For a week there had been an incessant fire from our mortars and rockets, and the breaching batteries were about to be opened, when two Lascars, who had been taken prisoners, came to the camp, and said that the chiefs and all the Birmese army had fled, for that Maha Bandoola had been killed the day before by one of our shells. By the possession of Donoopew the navigation of the Irawaddi became wholly under our command. The army continued to advance, and Prome was occupied at the end of April. The rainy mon- soon now set in, and there was a suspension of operations. In the middle of November and beginning of December there were two great battles, in the latter of which the Birmese were thoroughly discomfited. Overtures of peace were now made, but their object was only to gain time. At the begin- ning of 1826 there was severe fighting as the British advanced towards Ava. Sepeated defeats and the approach of a conquering army compelled the king really to sue for peace when the British had reached Tandaboo, only forty- five miles from the capital. He had previously refused to ratify preliminaries which had been concluded on the 3rd of January, in announcing which event to her friends at home, lady Amherst described herself " in the highest state of exultation and joy." * The vigorous operations of sir Archibald Campbell, who had defeated a large army styled " The' Eetrievers of the King's glory," had finally compelled the treaty of Tandaboo, which was signed on the 24th of February. By this treaty the king of Ava agreed to renounce all claims upon the principality of Assam and its dependencies ; to cede in perpetuity the conquered provinces of Aracan, of Teh, of Tavoy, of Mergui, and of Tenasserim ; and to pay the sum of one erore of rupees towards the expenses of the war. He further agreed that accredited British ministers should be allowed to reside at Ava ; that an accredited Birmese minister should reside at Calcutta ; and that free trade to British subjects should be allowed in the Birmese dominions. The fierce conflict of two years on the banks of the Irawaddi presented a memorable example of that courage and endurance which eventually over- comes dangers and difficulties apparently insuperable. It has been truly said by an officer engaged in this war, " Perliaps there are few instances on record * Lord Colchester's "Diary," vol. iii. p. 430. 1825.J BOMBARDMENT AND CAPTURE OF BHURTPORE. 2?1 in the history of any nation of a mere handful of men, with constitutions broken down by many months of previous disease and privation, forcing their way in the face of such difficulties, and through a wilderness liitherto un- trodden by Europeans, to the distance of five hundred miles from the spot where they originally disembarked, and ultimately dictating a peace within three days' march of the enemy's capital." * During these land operations, with all this bravery and fortitude of the little army, it w^ould have been im- possible to succeed without the active co-operation of a flotilla on the rivers. The naval assistance thus rendered is memorable for " the employment of a power then for the first time introduced into war — steam. The steam-vessel nad been very useful, not merely in carrying on communications with des- patch but in overcoming formidable resistance." t During the last year of the Birmese war the East India Company became engaged in a new conflict, for the purpose of protecting a native prince, with whom we were in alliance, against an usurper. The Eajah of Bhurtpore, before his death at the beginning of 1825, had declared his son to be his suc- cessor, and had included him in the treaty of alliance with the Company. The nephew of the deceased prince raised a revolt against this succession. Many of the native princes looked on anxiously to see if the British, with the Bir- mese war on their hands, would put forth any strength to maintain one of their devoted adherents. In the streets of Delhi the populace had shouted, " The rule of the Company is at an end." The prince who had been expelled had been assured by sir David Ochterlony that he should be supported. Lord Amherst was at first for non-interference. He knew that Bhurtpore had been deemed impregnable ; and he might fear that, now occupied with an enormous force by the usurping Rajah, the same ill fortune might befall an attack upon the place as had befallen lord Lake in 1805, when he was beaten from the city by the Jauts, who had ever since regarded themselves as invincible. The Commander-in-Chief in India, lord Combermere, in his Peninsular experience as sir Stapleton Cotton, had seen what war was in its most difficult operations, and he could not despair of taking an Indian fortress when he recollected the terrible sieges of Ciudad Eodrigo and Badajoz. He had just come to India to succeed sir Edward Paget in the chief command. The duke of "Wellington described his old companion-in-arms as having lost no time in joining the army on his arrival in India, and as having travelled upwards of a thousand miles in ten days, in order that he might begin the operations at a proper season. " He had commenced those operations," says the duke, " carried them on with that vigour and activity which insured their success, and had closed them by a military feat which had never been surpassed by any army upon any occasion." X Lord Combermere, upon his arrival before Bhurtpore, addressed a letter to the usurper, requesting him to send out the women and children, who should have safe-conduct. This humane request was not acceded to. On the 23rd of November the bombardment commenced. On the morning of the 18th of January the assault began at the signal given by the explosion of a mine, which utterly destroyed the whole of the salient * Lieut. -Col. Alexander M. Tullocb, quoted in Mac Farlane's "Our Indian Empire," vol. ii. p. 32.'>. T Mr. Wynn, in debate on Vote of Thanks to the Army, "Hansard," vol. xvii. col. 668. ^. "Hansard," vol. xvii. col. 771. i22 THE PRESS IN INDIA. [1818- 1S26. angle of tlie fortress. Our troops rushed in at the breaches. In two hours the whole rampart, though obstinately defended, was in our possession, and early in the afternoon the citadel surrendered. The formidable works of Bhurtpore were afterwards destroyed; the rightful prince was reinstated; and the people returned to their allegiance. The rapid and decided success of lord Combermere dissipated the fears which bishop Heber had expressed to his friends at home at the beginning of the siege. He thought that should lord Combermere fail, " all Northern and "Western India, every man who owns a sword and can buy or steal a horse, will be up against us, less from disliking us than in the hope of booty." Before concluding this notice of the affairs of India during the adminis- tration of three governors-general, we must advert to a matter of important controversy — the regulation of the Press in India. The first newspaper published under the rule of the Company was one established at Calcutta in 1781. Other newspapers were set up during the next twenty years. In 1799, under the administration of the marquess Wellesley, regulations were issued for the newspaper press, the most important of which was that no paper should be published until it had been previously inspected by the Secretary to the government, or by a person duly authorized by him. The penalty for contravening these regulations was immediate embarkation for Europe. Mr. James Mill, in his " History of British India," describes the Indian press as a great nuisance, in its indecorous attacks upon private life, and its ignorant censures of public measures, to control which lord Wellesley's regulations were framed. In 1818 the marquess of Hastings promulgated new regulations, which did not attempt to establish a censorship, but pro- hibited animadversions on proceedings in England connected with the government of India; discussions on the political transactions of local administration; private scandal; and disquisitions having a tendency to create alarm amongst the natives as to the probability of any interference with their religious opinions or ceremonies. In 1816 Mr. James Silk Buck- ingham, who had obtained a licence to reside in Calcutta, purchased the copyright of two of the newspapers published there, and amalgamated them under the title of " The Calcutta Journal." Although the marquess of Hast- ings had abolished the censorship previous to publication, he had established a tribunal whose business it was to watch the statements and opinions of the Indian newspaper press, and to give to their conductors that sort of warning with which we are familiar enough in the control of the press in a neighbour- ing country. In India a neglect of such warnings would be followed by the deportation of the offending proprietor, if not by a total suppression of the journal in which he had embarked his property. Mr. Buckingham, accord- ing to a statement of Dr. Phillimore in the House of Commons, received three such warnings previous to the marquess of Hastings resigning his administration, one of which, in 1822, was called for by his ofl'ence in traducing the government of India respecting the kingdom of Oude.* Mr. Adam, during the interval in which he administered the government pre- vious to the arrival of lord Amherst, took a very summary mode to put an end to the freedom of IVl r. Buckingham's strictures upou Indian affairs, and • "Hansard," vol. XV. col. 1013. 1826.] THE CASE OF MR. BUCKINGHAM. 223 especially of a freedom most obnoxious to the authorities — the disposal of their patronage. The appointment by Mr. Adam of a Scotch clergyman, the head of the Presbyterian establishment in India, to the lucrative agency through which the government was supplied with stationery, called forth the animadversions of " The Calcutta Journal." Mr. Adam immediately annulled Mr. Buckingham's licence to remain in India, adding the threat that if he were found in the country after two months he should be sent to England as a prisoner. Mr. Buckingham transferred his paper to a British- born subject of the name of Arnot. At the period of lord Amherst's arrival, by a series of arbitrary proceedings the deportation of Mr. Arnot was effected ; " The Calcutta Journal" suppressed ; and its circulation merged in a Calcutta newspaper, over whicb the government had efficient control by its appointment of an editor. Mr. Buckingham, — who long made England resound with the story of his wrongs, and who was in some degree recom- pensed by a large public subscription, — appealed to the Privy Council against the regulations of the Bengal government on the subject of the Press. The East India Company contended before the Privy Council, as Dr. Phillimore contended in his place in Parliament in 1826 : " When the House considered the vast importance of our possessions in India, and the delicate tie by which they were held — that a handful of Europeans exercised supreme sway over many millions of the native people, and that our empire was maintained by opinion alone — they must see that if the same freedom of discussion were allowed to prevail in that country as we enjoyed in this, and if individuals were permitted to traduce the government through the means of the press, it would be impossible to retain the power which this country held in India."* Nevertheless, lord Amherst adopted a different policy with regard to the Press, which was undoubtedly the most prudent, as it was the most dignified. He had made one mistake on this subject upon his first arrival in India, seduced, it is alleged, by evil counsels. " Ever after, while his lordship was present in Calcutta to protect it, the Press enjoyed a freedom unknown to it for forty-four years, and experience showed, as it had done before, that that freedom was as safe as it was beneficial." f Mr. Elphinstone, in a conver- sation with bishop Heber, whilst maintaining the inconvenience and even danger of unrestricted political discussion, " acknowledged that the dangers ascribed to a free press in India had been exaggerated." In the history of British India up to this period, we find very few traces of any effort on the part of the government to call forth the material resources of the Peninsula ; to supply by new appliances of modern science the decay of the ancient works by which lands were irrigated and fiimine prevented ; to bring distant places into correspondence by roads and improved navigation. The all-absorbing business of conquest prevented any marked attention to the improvement of the native cultivation of the soil, or of the communications by which produce could be conveyed from the producer to the consumer. The Company was indeed very solicitous about the growth of opium, its great source of revenue, but it did little for the cultivation of cotton, the British demand for which would have formed a sufficient • " Hansard," vol. xv. col. 1013. t " Edinburgh Reyiew," vol. xlvii. p. 182. 224 MATERIAL PROGRESS OF BRITISH INDIA. [ISH. excitement to its growth and preparation for market by improved processes. Some efforts in this direction were however made by the East India Company. As early as 1788 they distributed amongst the natives seeds from different cotton-growing countries. In 1813 they brought an American to teach the people how to cultivate the cotton-plant, and they imported American gins for cleaning the wool. Small progress was made in carrying forward such improvements. The cultivation of cotton, of the sugar cane, of the hemp- plant, and of the cereals, would be always restricted to the local demand, as long as roads and water communications were neglected by the authorities which governed the country. Lord William Bentinck succeeded lord Amherst as Grovernor- General, and until his administration the roads of the country consisted of little more than native wheel-tracks. " Above Allahabad, and in various other parts, so recently as the year 1830, a regiment proceeding in course of relief from one station to another, had to be preceded by a native guide." ♦ * "CJjmpamou to tbe Almiuuio, 1857." CHAPTER Xni. i^dir.iiiistratlon of Lord Goderich — Turkey and Greece — The battle of Navarino — Kesignation of Lord Goderich — Administration of the dulie of Wellington — Parliament — The School- master abroad — Progress of Education — Mr. Brougham's speech on Law Reform— The New Metropolitan Police — Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts — Mr. Huskisson's retirement from the Ministry — Ireland — Election for Clare of Mr. O'Connell — Ministerial views on Catholic Emancipation — Opening of Parliament — Emancipation referred to in the King's Speech — The Catholic Relief Bill moved by the duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel — Conti- nued and violent debates — The Catholic Relief Bill passed — Mr. O'Conneirs second return for Clare — Meeting of Parliament — Motions for Reform — Illness and d^eath of George the Fourth. The death of Mr. Canning placed Lord Grodericli at tlie head of tlie govern- ment. The composition of the Cabinet was shghtly altered. Mr. Huskisson became Colonial Secretary, Mr. Herries Chancellor of the Excliequer. The government was generally considered to be weak, and not calculated for a long endurance. Its greatest accession of strength seemed to be in the acceptance of the office of Commander-in-Chief by the duke of Wellington. Lord Eldon, in serious apprehension that this appointment committed the duke to the support of the administration, wrote to him a letter which called forth this explanation : " If, on the one hand, the administration have no claim upon my services out of my profession, I, on the other hand, can be of no counsel or party against them."* The cabinet of lord Goderich had not a long existence. It lasted scarcely five months, and it fell through the petty jealousies of some of its members, which gave the finishing blow to the tottering fabric. On the 10th of November it was known in London that despatches had been received at the Admiralty, announcing a great naval battle in the bay of Navarino. If the popular belief in omens of national success or disaster had not nearly passed away, the public might have looked with trembling anxiety to these despatches, in the dread that the battle would prove a defeat. For, at the lord mayor's banquet on the 9th of November, a great device of illu- minated lamps representing an anchor suddenly fell down upon the dignitaries below, slightly wounding the duke of Clarence and the lord mayor, scattering unwelcome oil over the dresses of the ladies who graced the civic feast, and altogether marring the usual flow of hollow compliment which is so coarsely proffered and so greedily accepted en these occasions. The Gazette soon pro- * Twiss, "Life of Eldon," vol. iil. p. 13. VOL. vm.— 239. 226 TURKEY AND GREECE. [1827. claimed that the Turkish fleet had been nearly annihilated ; that the flags of England, France, and Russia floated supreme on the shores of the Morea. Nevertheless, politicians shook their heads at what they considered an aggres- sion, which might lead to an interminable war — an aggression which ultra- Toryism regarded as particularly objectionable, inasmuch as it crippled the means of a despotic Power eff"ectually to crush its rebellious subjects. The Sublime Porte had well learnt the lessons taught by the Congresses of Troppau and Laybach when it proclaimed, in its manifesto of the previoua June, that "Almighty wisdom, in dividing the universe into difierent coun- tries, has assigned to each a Sovereign, into whose hands the reins of absolute authority over the nations subject to his dominion are placed." "When the demand under the Treaty of London, which was made by England, Prance, and Russia, for an im.mediate armistice, as a preliminary and an indispensable condition to the opening of any negotiation, was an- nounced by the Ambassadors of these Powers at Constantinople, the Divan declined to recognize any interference with its conduct towards its rebellious subjects. The Greeks readily accepted the armistice proposed by the Treaty. Ibrahim Pasha had come from Alexandria with the E^'yptian fleet during the period of the discussions at Constantinople. The Allied fleets were lying off Navarino, their admirals being without authority to prevent the junction of the Egyptian fleet with the Turkish, already moored in that harbour. The Egyptian commander was informed by sir Edward Codrington that he might return, if he chose, with a safe conduct to Alexandria, but that if he entered the harbour he would not be sufiered to come out. Ibrahim Pasha made his choice to join the Turkish fleet. On the 25th of September a conference took place between the admirals and Ibrahim Pasha, at which the Egyptian prince entered into a verbal agreement for a suspension of hostilities during twenty days. The English and French commanders, relying upon this agree- ment, sailed to Zante to obtain fresh provisions. Ibrahim Pasha then came out of the harbour, with the object of carrying his warfare to some other point in the Morea. Sir Edward Codrington met him near Patras with a small force, and compelled him to return. After that, says the Protocol of the three admirals, " the troops of the Pasha have not ceased carrying on a species of warfare more destructive and exterminating than before, putting women and children to the sword, burning their habitations, and tearing up trees by the roots, in order to complete the devastation of the country." The despatch of sir Edward Codrington, dated from H.M.S. Asia, in the port of IS'avarino, narrates the subsequent decisive event. The Count de Hayden, rear-admiral of Eussia, and the French rear-admiral the Chevalier de Eigny, having agreed with him to enter the port in order to induce Ibrahim Pasha to discontinue his brutal war of extermi- nation, took up their anchorage about two o'clock on the afternoon of the 20th of October. The Turkish ships Avere moored in the form of a crescent. The combined fleet was formed in the order of sailing in two columns, the British and French forming the weather or starboard line, and theEus^'ian the lee line. The Asia led in, followed by the Genoa and Albion, and anchored close alongside a ship of the line bearing the flag of the Capitana Bey. The stations of the French and Eussian squadrons were marked out by the English admiral, who was the chief in command. " I gavo 1827.] BATTLE OF NAVARINO. 227 orders," says sir Edward, " that no gun should be fired unless f^uns were fiired by the Turks, and those orders were strictly observed." The three British ships passed the batteries, and moored without any act of hostility on the part of the Turks, although they were evidently prepared for a general action. At the entrance of the harbour were sis Turkish fire-vessels, which a portion of the English squadron were appointed to watch. On the Dart- mouth sending a boat towards one of these vessels her crew was fired upon by musketry. The fire was returned from the Dartmouth and La Syrene, which bore the flag of admiral de Eiguy. An Egyptian ship then fired a cannon-shot at the Erench admiral's vessel, which was immediately returned ; " and thus," says sir Edward Codrington, " very shortly afterwards the battle became general." After describing, with the usual indistinctness, the movements of various ships, he comes to the catastrophe. " This bloody and destructive battle was continued with unabated fury for four hours, and the scene of wreck and devastation which presented itself at its termination was such as has been seldom before witnessed." Of the Egyptian and Turkish fleets, which numbered about a hundred and twenty men-of-war and transports, one-half were sunk, burnt, or driven on shore. The Allied admirals published a notice after the battle, that as they did not enter Navarino with a hostile intention, but only to renew propositions to the commanders of the Turkish fleet, they would forbear from destroying what ships of the Ottoman navy might still remain, " now that so signal a vengeance has been taken for the first cannon-shot which has been ventured to be fired on the Allied flags." They threatened that if there were any new act of hostility they would immediately destroy the remaining vessels and the forts of Navarino. The despatch of sir Edward announcing the victory contains a frank admission that he was not insensible to other feelings than those of professional obedience to his instructions : " When I found that the boasted Ottoman word of honour was made a sacrifice to wanton, savage devastation, and that a base advantage was taken of our reliance upon Ibrahim's good faith, I own I felt a desire to punish the ofi"enders. — But it was my duty to refrain, and refrain I did ; and I can assure his royal highness [the duke of Clarence] that I would still have avoided this disastrous extremity, if other means had been open to me." - The difl'erences upon financial measures between Mr, Herries the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Huskisson Secretary of State for the Colonies, could not be reconciled by lord Goderich, and he therefore tendered his resignation to the king on the 9th of January, 1828. His majesty immediately sent to lord Lyndburst to desire that he and the duke of "Wellington should come to Windsor. The king told the duke that he wished him to form a government of which he should be the head. " He said that he thought the government must be composed of persons of both opinions with respect to the Soman Catholic question ; that he approved of all his late and former servants ; and that he had no objection to anybody excepting to lord Grey."* It was understood that lord Lyndhurst was to continue in office. The duke of Wellington immediately applied to Mr. Peel, who, returning to his post of Secretary of State for the Home Depar(ment, * " Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," part i. p. 12 ; letter of the duke. 228 DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S ACMINISTRATIGN". [1828 saw the impossibilit}'- of re-uniting in this administration those who had formed the Cabinet of lord Liverpool. He desired to strengthen the govern- ment of the duke of Wellington by the introduction of some of the more important of Mr. Canning's friends into the Cabinet and to fill some of the lesser offices. The earl of Dudley, Mr. Huskisson, lord Palmerston, an(\ Mr. Charles Grrant became members of the new administration. Mr. William Lamb, afterwards lord Melbourne, was appointed Chief Secretary fo'' Ireland. The ultra- Tories were greatly indignant at these arrangements They groaned and reviled as if the world was unchanged. The duke ol Wellington and Mr. Peel had disappointed the country by making a mixed government ; Mr. Huskisson was odious to the agricultural and shipping interests ; the whole cabinet was composed of a majority of favourers of the Roman Catholic claims ; above all, lord Eldon was omitted.* The ex-chan- cellor considered himself very ill-used, and publicly said, " I don't know why I am not a minister." Mr. Peel, in his private correspondence of this date, shows how clearly he saw that the nation could no longer be governed upon the old exclusive principles. He was fast sliding into that liberality which, was incomprehensible to those who had looked upon his previous career. He writes, on the 18th of January, " I care not for the dissatisfaction of ultra-Tories ; this country ought not and cannot be governed upon any other principles than those of firmness, no doubt, but of firmness combined with •moderation." A fortnight afterwards he asks, in writing to the same corre- spondent, — What would have been the inevitable fate of a government com- posed of himself and of some ultra-Tories whom be names, who would indeed be supported by very warm friends, but those very warm friends country gentlemen and fox-hunters, who would attend one night in parliament, but who woiild quickly weary of sitting up till one, two, or three o'clock in the morning, fighting questions of detail ? The greater difficulty was expressed in the fact that the country could no longer be governed by " country gentle- men and fox-hunters." t On the 29th of January Parliament was opened by Commission. The most important part of the Eoyal Speech was that which, after reciting the progress of events in the East, and referring to the treaty with. Erance and liussia, says — " With a view to carry into effect the object of the treaty, a collision, wholly unexpected by his Majesty, took place in the port of Navarino between the fleets of the contracting Powers and that of the Ottoman Porte. Notwithstanding the valour displayed by the combined fleet, his Majesty deeply laments that this conflict should have occurred with the naval force of an ancient ally ; but he still entertains a confident hope that this untoward event will not be followed by further hostilities, and will not impede that amicable adjustment of the existing differences between the Porte and the Greeks, to which it is so manifestly their common interest to accede." The expression "untoward event" produced angry remonstrances from many quarters — from the Whigs, from some of lord Goderich's ministry, from the friends of sir Edward Codrington. But all united in declaring that no blame was attached to that gallant officer. The duke of Wellington, in a few * " Diary of Lord Colchester," vol. ill. p. .'(34. t "Memoirs by itJir Robert Peel," pp. Hi, 17. 1828.] PARLIAMENT— THE SCHOOLMASTER ABROAD, 229 straiglitforward words, defended the expression. The Treaty of July was not intended to lead to hostilities. The former government thought the object of the treaty would be effected without hostilities. " Therefore, I say, that when unfortunately the operations under the treaty did lead to hostilities, it was an untoward circumstance." In the debate upon the Address in the House of Commons, Mr. Brougham raised very strong objections to the appointment of the duke of "Wellington as the head of the government. Though he professed to entertain the highest opinion of the noble duke's military genius, he evidently under- valued his administrative talents. He thought a great soldier's experience was no fit preparation for civil duties. Mr. Brougham had not then the advantage of knowing, through the publication of the duke's " Despatches," how equal he was to the highest statesmanship, with probably the one exception of undervaluing the strength of popular opinion. Mr. Brougham in 1828 thought it unconstitutional that almost the whole patronage of the State should be placed in the hands of a military Premier. With his unfailing power of sarcasm, he considered that there was no validity in the objection that the duke was incapable of speaking in public as a First Minister ought to speak, because he had heard last year the duke declare in another place, that he was unfit for the situation of First Minister, " and he really thought he had never heard a better speech in the whole course of his life." Mr. Brougham wound up his objections to the appointment of the duke of "Wellington by a passage of splendid declamation, whose concluding words, especially, were echoed through the country with extraordinary fervour — with an enthusiasm which speedily carried forward the small beginnings of a great change to very decided results which would more than ever make the action of the government in a great degree dependent upon the opinion of the people. "When he had called the appointment of the duke of Wellington to the head of the government unconstitutional, let it not be supposed, he said, that he was inclined to exaggerate. " He was perfectly satisfied that there would be no unconstitutional attack on the liberties of the people. These were not the times for such an attempt. There had been periods when the country heard with dismay that the soldier was abroad. That was not the case now. Let the soldier be ever so much abroad, in the present age he could do nothiog. There was another person abroad — a less important person — in the eyes of some an insignificant person — whose labours had tended to produce this state of things — the Schoolmaster was abroad." * It was no idle boast of the orator that education was in various ways raising the moral and intellectual character of the community. There had been a real beginning of this great work. Yet it was only a beginning. To imagine, however, that England had been wholly destitute of the means of education, whilst the schoolmaster was doing his work efficiently in Scotland, is to a certain extent a mistake. "When the endowed Grammar-schools were founded, it never entered into the minds of their benefactors that all the people — or. in the language of those ages, that all the poor — should be instructed. A few who were unable to pay for their, education were to be selected, and these were to receive for ever an education of the highest order. Thesa * Hansard, vol. xviii. col. 53. 230 PROGRESS OF EDUCATION. [1828. schools were the natural successors of the schools and chantries of the unre- formed Church. This was the only system of education in England almost up to the time of the Revolution. The commercial classes had then grown into wealth and importance, and they began to think that schools in which nothing was taught but Latin and Greek were not altogether fitted for those destined to a life of traffic. At the beginning of the eighteenth century there were endowments and subscriptions in most towns, not for new Grammar- schools, but for new Eree-schools, During the progress of education in recent years, it has been common to speak with contempt of these schools and of the instruction afforded in them. Y,''ith a comparatively small popu- lation, these Eree-schools, we venture to think in opposition to modern authorities, were admirable beginnings of the education of the poorer classes. While the Grammar-schools were making divines and lawyers and physicians out of the sons of the professional classes and the wealthier tradesmen, the Free-schools were making clever handicraftsmen and thriving burgesses out of the sons of the mechanics and the labourers ; and many a man who had been a charity-boy in his native town, when he had risen to competence, pointed with an honest pride to the institution which had made him what he was, and drew his purse-strings to perpetuate for others the benefits which he had himself enjoyed. The Reports of the Commissioners for Inquiry into Charities presented in 184!2, showed that the annual income of the Grammar-schools (some, however, being exempted fi-om the inquiry) was 152,047Z., and the income of the Pree-schools Ml,385/. There was also an income amounting to 19,112?. belonging to charities for general educational purposes. This income was a small educational foundation for the whole population iji England and Wales at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The first attempt to place the instruction of the poor upon a broader basis was by the establishment of Sunday schools in 1783. Mr. Malthus (in 1803) described these institutions as very few, some objectionable, and all imper- fect. But the Parliamentary Returns of 1818 exhibit 5100 Sunday schools, attended by 452,000 children. In 1833 the number of Sunday school scholars exceeded a million and a half. In 1818, the Returns, under a. Circular Letter addressed to the ministers of the respective parishes, showed that there were about 15,000 unendowed day-schools, containing about 500,000 scholars. Of these 336,000 were in the ordinary schools,— the private day-schools, such as have always existed amongst us, for the education of the middle and poorer classes. There were only then, when the systems of Bell and Lancaster had been in operation about twelve years, 175,000 scholars receiving instruction partly or wholly gratuitous through the operation of private benevolence. Eour years alter Mr. Brougham had declared that the Schoolmaster was abroad, the Government Returns showed that both the paying and the non-paying scholars in the unendowed day-schools were more than doubled. Moving onwards in other roads than tliat of school education, the Scliool- inaster was abroad. " The Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge " originated with Mr. Brougham in 3 826. It had long been felt that books of sound information were, through their dearness, inaccessible to the bulk of the people. Constable, in 1825, was " meditating nothing less than a total revolution in tlie art and traffic of bookselling." He would issue " 3 1828.] Mil. BROUGHAM'S SPEECH ON LAW REFORM. 231 three shilling or half-crown volume every month, which must and shall sell, not by thousands or tens of thousands, but by hundreds of thousands — ay, by millions."* The sanguine bookseller published his "Miscellany," which led the way in the combination of superior literature with comparative cheap- ness ; but its sale was numbered by hundreds rather thau by millions. lu 1827, " The Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge " commenced the publication of their Sixpenny Treatises — valuable manuals, but still far from supplying what the hard-worked classes wanted in the union of goodness and cheapness. Nevertheless the modern epoch of Cheap Literature was com- mencing. " The London Mechanics' Institution" was inaugurated in 1823 by Dr. Birkbeck ; and gradually similar institutions were founded in populous towns of England and Scotland. In 1828, " The London University" was opened, the building having been in progress, and the organization nearly completed, in 1826 and 1827. To Mr. Brougham belongs the honour of being amongst the most zealous for the formation of tliis institution for tlie higher branches of education, independent of religious opinions. The opposite plan of " King's College " was developed at a public meeting in 1828. Unquestionably at this period "the schoolmaster was abroad." In setting forth upon his mission he had to climb the steepest hill, like the prince of the Arabian story, surrounded by a chorus of hisses and execrations. But he went steadily on his way, stopping his ears to these sounds of impo- tent fury ; and the prize which he won was the power of accomplishing all needful reforms by moral force, so that those who once feared and despised the people should never more be ready to proclaim that " the soldier was abroad." On the ninth day after the meeting of Parliament, Mr. Brougham took that position which he has ever since maintained, of being the most inde- fatigable and persevering of Law reformers. The reformation of the Criminal Law was no longer opposed, except by a few whose opinions had very speedily come to be considered as worthless as they were obsolete. A Com- mission had been appointed to_inquire into abuses in Courts of Equity. The course of improvement which was open to Mr. Brougham was to promote an inquiry " into the defects occasioned by time and otherwise in the laws of this realm of England, as administered in the Courts of Common Law." Mr. Brougham introduced his motion in a speech of nearly six hours. It has been said of this speech, " its huge length and unwieldy dimensions com- pelled attention." f These are not the qualities which usually compel atten- tion in the House of Commons. During that extraordinary exhibition ol the rare ability to mass an infinity of details, so as to make each contribute something to the general effect, the attention of the House was uninterruptedly sustained. The first listeners were amongst the last. Whilst the orator exhibited no signs of physical exhaustion, scarcely one of his audience seemed to feel a sense of weariness. J The peroration of this great effort of memory and judgment was the only portion that could be properly deemed rhetorical : * Lockhart's " Life of Scott," vol. vi. p. SI. f Roebuck, "History of tbe Whig Ministry," vol. i. p. 50. + We speak from personal observation, having sat under tlie gallery with the object of preparing the speech for publicatioa in a more enlarged shape than the reports of the daily papers. 232 THE NEW METROPOLITAN POLICE. [1828. — " It was the boast of Augustus — it formed part of the glare in wliicli the perfidies of his earlier years were lost — that he found Eome of brick, and left it of marble ; a praise not unworthy a great prince, and to which the present reign also has its claims. But how much nobler will be the sove- reign's boast, when he shall have it to say, that he found law dear, and left it cheap ; found it a sealed book — left it a living letter ; found it the patri- mony of the rich — left it the inheritance of the poor ; found it the two-edged sword of craft and oppression — left it the staff of honesty and the shield of innocence !" On the adjourned debate of the 29th of February, upon Mr. Brougham's proposition for a Commission, the Government, through the Law Officers and the Home Secretary, expressed its intention so far to concur in the motion as to consent that separate Commissions should issue — one for inquiry into the progress of suits at Common Law ; the other into the state of the Laws affecting Eeal Property. Mr. Brougham concurring in this alteration, the two Commissions were forthwith appointed. The House of Commons was now fairly engaged in the work of improve- ment. On the motion of Mr. Peel a Select Committee was appointed to inquire into the Public Income and Expenditure ; to consider measures for an effectual control on all charges connected with this receipt and expendi- ture ; and also for reducing the expenditure without detriment to the public service. No one can trace the course of our parliamentary history after the close of the war, without feeling how much of the tardy recognition by the government of principles of financial economy was due to the unwearied exer- tions of Mr. Hume. His views, however they might at times be impracticable, produced as a whole the inevitable triumph of all zealous and continuous labour. Mr. Secretary Peel early in the Session proposed another measure which, he said, might at first sight appear limited in its application, and local in its objects, but which was connected with considerations of the highest importance to the well-being of the country. He proposed that a Committee should be appointed to inquire into the state of the Police of the Metropolis. In the next Session of Parliament Mr. Peel carried his great plan for abo- lishing the local establishments of nightly watch and police, for forming the Metropolitan Police District, and for appointing a sufficient number of able men under the direction of the Secretary of State to be the police force for the whole of this district. Per several years a prodigious clamour was raised against this force, not only by thieves and street-walkers, but by respectable upholders of the Ancient Watch, and by zealous friends of the nation's free- dom, who dreamt that the New Police would have the certain efiect of depriving us of our immemorial liberties. The New Police was to be " the most dangerous and. effective engine of despotism." Sensible men were satisfied to believe that Mr. Peel's innovation would have no other effect upon our liberties than that of depriving us "of the liberty we have hitherto en- joyed of being robbed and knocked on the head at discretion of their honours the thieves." * A great parliamentary struggle was at hand in 1828, which was the pre- lude to a still more important conflict in 1829. This was lord John Russell's motion, on the 2Gth of Pebruary, for a Committee of the whole House to con* * I'uiililanque, "England under Seven Administrations," voL i. p. 266. i828.] IIEPEAL OF THE CORPORATION AND TEST ACTS. 238^ Bider of so much of the Acts of the 13 & 25 of Charles II. as requires persons, before admission into any office in corporations, or having accepted- any office civil or military, or any place of trust under the Crown, to receive the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, according to the practice of the Church of England. The motion was opposed by Mr. Huskisson, lord Palmerston, and Mr. Peel. It was opposed, says sir Eobert Peel in his Memoirs, " with all the influence and authority of the Government recently appointed." Nevertheless, on a division on the motion of lord John Russell, it was carried by a majority of forty-four, there being two hundred and tliirty-seven in favour of the motion, and one hundred and ninety-three against it. Sir Eobert Peel says, in his Memoirs, that the administration considered that they should not be justified in abandoning the service of the Crown in consequence of this defeat, and farther, that it would have been very unwise hastily to com- mit the House of Lords to a conflict with the House of Commons on a ques- tion of this nature. Mr. Peel eventually proposed a measure of compromise — that a declaration should be substituted in place of the Sacramental Test. The Bill as amended passed the House of Commons, and met with very little effectual opposition in the House of Lords, the two Archbishops and three bishops speaking in its favour. Sir Eobert Peel says that the conciliatory adjustment of the question was what he earnestly desired ; that had any other course been taken by the Government the final result of parliamentary discussion would probably have been the same — namely, the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts ; and that it may fairly be questioned whether the repeal would have taken place under circumstances more favourable ta the true interests of the Church, or more conducive to the maintenance of harmony and goodwill amongst the professors of different religious creeds. It was in vain that lord Eldon described the bill to be "as bad, as mischie- vous, and as revolutionary as the most captious Dissenter could wish it to be." He nevertheless prophesied truly when he said, " Sooner or later, perhaps in this very year, almost certainly in the next, the concessions to the Dis- senters must be followed by the like concessions to the Eoman Catholics." * Mr. Huskisson opposed the repeal of the Corporation and Test Act upon tho same principle which had determined Mr. Canning's opposition. " I am convinced," said Mr. Huskisson, " that the present measure, so far from being a-step in favour of the Catholic claims, would, if successful, be the means of arraying an additional power against them." However eager for the applica- tion of religious toleration to themselves, the greater number of English Dissenters were ready to make common cause with the Brunswick clubs, who,. without the slightest reference to political dangers, clung to the extremest assertion of Protestant Supremacy. The support which Mr. Huskisson's opinions derived from his position a3 a Minister of the Ci"own very soon came to an end. He entered the Cabinet as a suspected man who was desirous of carrying forward his policy upon the questions of Corn-laws and commercial restrictions much faster than the head of the Government and the majority in Parliament deemed prudent and profitable. There were two cases of borough corruption before the House of Commons, those of Penryn and East Eetford, which * Twisa, vol. iii. p. 38. 234 MR. HUSKISSON'S RETIREMENT FROM THE MINISTRY. [1828. imperatively called for disfraucliisemeut. On the discussions with regard to these disfranchisements it had been proposed that the seats of these offend- ing boroughs should be transferred to Manchester and Birmingliam. The Ministry opposed the proposition for giving both seats to these great com- munities. The bill for disfranchising Penryn and giving its seats to Man- chester was expected to be thrown out by the Lords. The seats for one borough only would have to be transferred. Mr. Huskissou, in one of these debates, had declared that if there were only one case before the House he would have no hesitation in transferring the franchise to Birmingham. On the 19th of May Mr. Calvert moved that the franchise of East Eetibrd should be extended to the neighbouring hundred. Mr. Huskisson in vain desired the postponement of the question ; but v/hen his vote was claimed for Birming- ham, upon the ground of consistency, he yielded, and voted with the minority against the Government. He went home, he says, observing the intelligible looks of some, and hearing the audible whispers of others, and, perhaps mag- nifying the impression which his vote might make, wrote, before he went to rest, a letter to the duke of Wellington, offering him the opportunity of placing the oflBce of Colonial Secretary in other hands, " as the only means in my power of preventing the injury to the king's service which may ensue from the appearance of disunion in his Majesty's councils." The duke immediately took the letter to the king, regarding it as an absolute resigna- tion. The letter was marked "private and confidential." Eriends of Mr. Huskisson went to the duke, contending that Mr. Huskisson's letter did not convey a formal resignation; that it was a mistake : "It is no mistake," said the inflexible premier, and the words passed into a common form of speech. Those of Mr. Canning's ministry who had joined the government of the duke of Wellington felt that this stern and resolute attitude was intended to get rid of them altogether. Lord Dudley, Mr. Grant, lord Pahnerston, and Mr. Lamb resigned their offices. Sir George Murray succeeded Mr. Huskissou as Secretary of War and the Colonies ; sir Henry Hardinge became Secretary at War in the place of lord Palmerston ; the earl of Aberdeen Secretary of State for Foreign Afiairs in the place of earl Dudley ; and Mr. Vesey Pitz- gerald President of the Board of Trade in the place of Mr. Charles Grant. Other changes in civil and diplomatic appointments were the necessary conse- quence of this rupture. The able French minister, who had ample experience of party conflicts during the term of representative government in his own country, at once assumes that the duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel, in eagerly seizing the opportunity of removing the four Canningites from the Cabinet, and of supplying their places with Tories, " thus manifested their anxious desire to rally all Protestants beneath the same standard, and to restore unity of principles and purpose in the government." * A little more than a week before the discussion on the disfranchisement of East E-etford, sir Francis Burdett had obtained for the first time in the parliament of 1826 a majority of the House of Commons in favour of the Komau Catholic claims. The resolution was affirmed by a majority of 272 to 2CG. Sir Robert Peel says in his Memoirs that he should have declined to remain Minister for the Home * Guizot, "Memoirs of Sir Robert Peel," p. 37. i828.] IRELAND— ELECTION FOR CLARE OF MR. O'CONNELL. 235 Department and to lead the House of Commons, being in. a minority on the most important of domestic questions. The duke of Wellington's govern- ment was in danger from the retirement of Mr. Huskisson and his friends, and Mr. Peel therefore remained to give his support to a Cabinet which now appeared to be wholly constructed upon the principle of hostility to the Catholic claims. The resolution for considering the Catholic claims whicli had been carried in the House of Commons was debated in the House of Lords on the 9th and 10th of June. The majority against the motion which had passed in the House of Commons was forty-four. But there were admissions in the course of the debate which were as important as a majority in favour of the resolution. The lord chancellor and the duke of AV^elliugton had admitted that the Catholic question was a great difficulty, out of which they at present saw no outlet. " This statement," said the marquis of Lansdowne, " having been made by two noblemen so high in the confidence of the sovereign, it almost necessarily follows that it is accompanied with their intention of looking at this difficulty with a view to its final arrangement." * The appointment of Mr. Vesey i'itzgerald to a ministerial office caused a vacancy in the representation of the county of Clare. The contest for this fieat produced events in Ireland " of deep importance, especially in their relation to the Catholic question." f Mr. Fitzgerald was a person of great influence in the county of Clare. He had conciliated the Buman Catholics by a constant advocacy in Parliament for the removal of their disabilities. Certainly no Protestant could have had a fairer chance of support, not only from the landlords but from their tenantry. Yet the whole power of the Catholic Association was called iorth to prevent his return, and to secure the election of Mr. O'Connell, who, by his faith, was disqualified from sitting in Parliament. During the short administration of Mr. Canning the Association, founded in 1823, had voluntarily dissolved itself, having confidence that the Minister would bring forward some efiectual measure of relief. The accession to power of the duke of "Wellington and Mr. Peel, and the subsequent changes in the Cabinet which had disturbed the balance of opinions on the greatest question of domestic policy, revived the Association with new strength, which was calculated to produce the most serious alarm. Lord Anglesey, the Lord-Lieutenant, had gone to Ireland with the decided opinion that con- cessions to the Catholics should be refused. What he saw there in the summer of 1828 produced in his mind a conviction of the positive danger of persevering in the old system of policy. Mr. O'Connell, whose power as a demagogue was probably never exceeded by any Irishman or English- man — gifted with a popular oratory which completely won the hearts of a fervid peasantry — professing the utmost deference to the Catholic priest- hood, which he swayed as much by his devotion as a son of the Church as by his prompt and versatile ability — wanting perhaps " very deter- mined courage," J but with every other quality for the leader of a rebellion — Mr. O'Connell stirred up his countrymen to a madness of which the Clare election was the type. The Catholics had a common grievance and d common sympathy, which, since the Union, had been a constant source * Hansard, vol. xix. col. 1292. + " Memoirs by Sir liobert Peel," vol. i. p. 105. + Ibid., p. 147 (Lord Anglesey's expressicai. 236 MINISTERIAL VIEWS ON CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. [1828. of irritation and of occasional alarm. But a real sense of the imminent danger of refusing concession had never been produced, until the proof was supplied bj the Clare election that local and personal attachments were weakened, that the friendly relations of men in different classes were loosened, and that a power had arisen " to unite the scattered elements of society into a homogeneous and disciplined mass, yielding willing obedience to the assumed authority of superior intelligence, hostile to the law and to the government which administered it."* At the period of the Clare election the Lord-Lieutenant wrote to the Home Secretary that he was quite certain that the agitators could lead on the people to rebellion at a moment's notice, but that the hope of tranquillity, present and future, rested upon the belief of O' Council and his friends that they could carry their cause by agitation and intimidation, without coming to blows. Lord Anglesey believed their success to be inevitable. " There may be rebellion; you may put to death thousands ; you may suppress it ; but it will only be to put ofi" the day of compromise, and in the meantime the country is still more impoverished, and the minds of the people are, if possible, still more alienated." f On the 5th of July Mr. O'Connell was elected for Clare. A petition against his return was presented to the House of Commons, but nothing was done, for the Session was nearly at an end. The great Agitator did not attempt to take iis seat during the three weeks which elapsed between his return and the prorogation of Parliament. He had sis months before him for continued agitation. The Session closed on the 28th of July, without a word in the King's Speech regarding Ireland. The duke of Wellington, in the course of a debate in May, 1829, said, " It is now well known that during the whole of the last autumn and summer I had those measures in contemplation which have been since brought into effect. It is also well known that my principal object, and that to which all my efforts were directed, was to prevail upon the person in these kingdoms the most interested of all others, from his situation, in the settlement of the Catholic question, to give his consent to its being brought forward." if In the autumn and summer of 1828 the duke had not only a difficulty with the king, but with the one of most importance amongst his colleagues. At the beginning of August the Premier and the Lord Chancellor had been in communication with the King. Mr. Peel was invited to participate in the proposed arrangement. He gave his deliberate opinion by letter to the duke of "Wellington, that there was upon the whole less of evil in making a decided effort to settle the Catholic question than in leaving it, as it had been left, an open question. Mr. Peel, however, proposed to retire from the government, although he was willing to support it, but unwilling to undertake the management of this business in the House of Commons. Twenty years after, he says that this letter was written with a clear foresight of the penalties to which the course he resolved to take would expose him — " the rage of party, t'he alienation of private friends, the interruption of family affections." He would not condescend to notice other penalties, such as the loss of office and of royal favour, " if they • " Memoirs by Sir IloLcrt Peel," p. IIG. t Ibid., p. 147. 1^ ll;ins:ircl, vol. ,\xi. col. 1023. 1829.] OPENING OF PARLIAMENT— EMANCIPATION ANNOUNCED. 23t were not the heaviest in the estimation of vulgar and lovr-minded men incapable of appreciating higher motives of public conduct."* The efforts of the duke of "Wellington to obtain the sanction of the king, that the whole subject of Ireland, including the Catholic question, should be taken into consideration by his confidential servants, were not successful during the remaining months of 1828. In his interviews with the duke his majesty manifested much uneasiness and irritation. Lord Eldon represents that the king told him, at an interview on the 28th of March, 1829, that his Ministers had threatened to resign if the measures were not proceeded in, and that he had said to them, " Go on," when an interview which had lasted several hours had brought him into such a state that he hardly knew what he was about.f Mr. Peel, very early in the course of these discussions, had expressed his opinion that whenever it was once determined that an attempt should be made by the Government to settle the Catholic question, the settlement should be, if possible, a complete one. Partial concessions would be of no use. X On the 12th of January, 1829, the six Ministers who had voted uniformly against the Catholic claims, had each a separate interview with his Majesty, when he intimated his consent that the whole question of Ireland should be considered without his being pledged by such consent to adopt the views of his confidential servants, however unanimous they might be. On the 17th the duke of Wellington wrote to Mr. Peel, that he did not see the slightest chance, in consequence of what had passed in interviews with the king, and with certain of the bishops, of getting rid of these difficulties, if Mr, Peel should not continue in office. Mr. Peel yielded to this earnest solicitation. "When the draft of the Speech from the Throne was submitted to the king, he gave a reluctant assent to the passage which implied an intention on the part of the Government to make a decisive effort to adjust the Catholic question. The Parliament was opened by Commission on the 5th of Pebruary. The day before the meeting of Parliament Mr. Peel addressed a letter to the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford expressing his intention to vacate his seat for that University. In the Speech from the Throne the existence of an Association in Ireland dangerous to the public peace, and inconsistent with the spirit of the Con- stitution, was pointed out, to ask for such powers as may enable his Majesty to-maintain his just authority. " His Majesty recommends that, when this essential object shall have been accomplished, you should take into your deliberate consideration the whole condition of Ireland ; and that you should review the laws which impose civil disabilities on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. Ton will consider whether the removal of those disabili- ties can be effected consistently with the full and permanent security of our establishments in Churcli and State, with the maintenance of the Reformed Religion established by law, and of the rights and privileges of the bishops and of the clergy of this realm, and of the churches committed to their charge." In the House of Peers the duke of "Wellington announced that the measura which it was the intention of the Government to propose for the adoption • " Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," vol. i. p. 188. + Twiss, vol. iii. p. 83. J " Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," vol. i. p. 1S9, 238 THE CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL PROPOSED. [182» of Parliament, would extend to the removal generally of all civil disabilities under which the Roman Catholics laboured, with exceptions solely resting on special grounds. In the House of Commons Mr. Peel made a similar announcement. The great contest in Parliament was not to come on till Mr. Peel should be in his place to take his proper share in the discussions. He was persuaded to allow his name to be put in nomination for re-election at Oxford. His friends did not sufficiently estimate the power of a party cry. Sir Robert Inglis, his opponent, was finally returned by a majority of one hundred and forty-six votes. Lord Colchester records the termination of the election, adding, " Cheers for lord Eldon in Convocation, hisses for the King, hisses and groans for Peel." Nevertheless the value of these hisses and groans may be tested from the fact that Mr. Peel polled twice as many first- class men as sir Eobert Inglis, and the " No-Popery" and " Church in Danger" cries were not universally successful, for he had three hundred and thirty-three clergymen amongst his supporters. Mr. Peel took his seat for Westbury on the 3rd of March. The Bill for suppressing the Catholic Association had passed during the Secretary's absence from Parliament. In that interval several thousand petitions were presented to Parliament, — the greater part against the proposed measures of concession. Lord Eldon was the most indefatigable in the enforcement of the prayer of these very exclu- sive productions, which echoed his own assertion on the first night of the Session, that if a lloraan Catholic were ever admitted to form part of the Legislature, or to hold any of the great offices of state, from that moment the sun of Great Britain was set for ever. In the House of Commons Mr. Peel gave notice, on the 3rd of March, that on the 5th he would call attention to that part of the speech from the throne which referred to the civil disabili- ties of the Roman Catholics. On the evening of the 3rd the king com- manded the duke of 'V\'^ellington, lord Lyndhurst, and Mr. Peel, to attend him at Windsor on the following day. The audience lasted five hours. The king most tenaciously insisted that no alteration should be made of the ancient oath of supremacy. The ministers as firmly maintained that without this alteration the measure of relief would be unavailing. They left the royal closet in the assured belief that their official functions were at an end. " At the close of the interview the king took leave of us with great com- posure and great kindness, gave to each of us a salute on each cheek, and accepted our resignation of office, frequently expressing his sincere regret at the necessity which compelled iis to retire Irom his service." * Before the king went to rest a great and sudden change had come over him. He wrote to the duke of Wellington to acquaint him that he anticipated so much difficulty in the attempt to form another administration that he could not dispense with the services of those whose resignations he had accepted, and that they were at liberty to proceed with the measures of which notice had been given in Parliament, f On the 5th of March, from ten o'clock in the morning, all the avenues of the House of Commons were crowded by persons who hoped to gain admis- sion to the gallery. The doors were not opened till six o'clock ; for, accord- ing to a notice previously given, the House was called over. To put an end * " Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," vol. i. p. Dd7. t Hid., p. 349. 1829.] CONTINUED AND VIOLENT DEBATES. 23» to all possible cavil on the part of the king, Mr. Peel had suggested to the duke of Wellington that a distinct authority should be given to them to say to Parliament that the measures in contemplation were proposed with the entire sanction of his Majesty. That authority having been received durin"' the night, Mr. Peel commenced his speech in these words : — " I rise as a Minister of the King, and sustained by the just authority which belongs to that character, to vindicate the advice given to his Majesty by an united Cabinet." "With regard to himself, he had for years attempted to maintain the exclusion of Homan Catholics from Parliament and the high offices of state. He did not think it was an unnatural or unreasonable struggle. He resigned it, in consequence of the conviction that it could no longer be advantageously maintained. As Mr. Peel proceeded to explain the proposed measure, in a speech of four hours, the cheers of the House were occasionally heard in "Westminster Hall. The Bill would admit a Eoman Catholic to Parliament upon taking an oath, in place of the old oath of supremacy, that he would support the existing institutions of the State, and not injure those of the Church. It would admit a Roman Catholic to all the greatest offices of government, with the exception of Eegent, Lord Chancellor of England, and Lord Chancellor and Viceroy of Ireland. All corporate offices and municipal privileges, all that pertained to the administration of justice, would be open to Koman Catholics, Prom all offices connected with the Church, wdth its universities and schools, and from Church patronage, they would be necessarily excluded. Commands in the army and navy had been open to them before this measure. Connected with the Bill of Eelief, there were securities and restrictions proposed ; and by a separate bill the quali- fication for the freeholder's electoral franchise in Ireland was increased from forty shillings to ten pounds. It is unnecessary to trace the course of the debates in either House during the conflict, which lasted to the 10th of April, when the Eelief Bill was read a third time in the House of Lords by a majority of a hundred and four. It had been passed in the House of Com- mons, on the 30th of March, by a majority of a hundred and seventy-eight. Amidst the passionate invectives, the taunts and sneers, of the opposers of the measure, there was one sentence in the speech of a great man who relied upon no oratorical power for enforcing conviction, which made more impres- tiion upon the mind and heart of the nation than the highest displays of argument or declamation. Thus spoke the duke of Wellington, on moving the second reading of the Bill on the 4th of April : " My lords, I am one of those who have probably passed a longer period of my life engaged in war than most men, and principally, I may say, in civil war ; and I must say this, — that if I could avoid, by any sacrifice wliatever, even one month of civil war in the country to which I am attached, I would sacrifice my life in order to do it. I say that there is nothing which destroys property and prosperity, and demoralizes character, to the degree that civil war does ; by it the hand of man is raised against his neighbour, against bis brother, and against his father ; the servant betrays his master, and the whole scene ends in confusion and devastation. Tet, my lords, this is the resource to which we must have looked — these are the means to which we must have applied, in order to have put an end to this state of things, if we had not made the option of bringing forward the measures, for which I hold myself respon- 240 THE CATHOLIC REIilEF BILL PASSED. [1829. eible." * The great Captaiu was assailed as virulently as Mr. Peel was assailed, by the most furious of those who assumed to be the only true supporters of Churcb and State. The earl of "Winchelsea published a letter in which he insinuated that the duke had supported the establishment of King's College, that he "might the more effectually, under the cloak of some outward show of zeal for the Protestant religion, carry ou his insidious designs for the infringement of our liberties, and the introduction of Popery into every department of the State." The duke demanded that the letter should be withdrawn ; the earl refused to do so. On the 21st of March the two peers had a hostile meeting iu Battersea fields. The duke of Wellington fired without effect ; the earl of "Winchelsea discharged his pistol in the air, and then tendered a written apology. In a letter to the duke of Buckingham a month after this transac- tion the duke of Wellington thus defended a conduct which he admitted must have " shocked many good men :" — " The truth is that the duel with lord Winchelsea was as much part of the Eoman Catholic question, and it was as necessary to undertake it, and carry it out to the extremity to which I did carry it, as it was to do everything else which I did do to attain the object which I had in view. I was living here in an atmosphere of calumny. I could do nothing that was not misrepresented as having some bad purpose in view." When lord Winchelsea published his letter the duke determined to act upon it. " The atmosphere of calumny in which I had been some time living cleared away. The system of calumny was discontinued." f Mr. Peel had to endure calumnies even more galling than those which the duke of Wellington decided to resist by the course which a brave soldier, jealous upon the point of honour, was then almost compelled to take in deference to the false opinions of society. Twenty years after this great political struggle sir Robert Peel wrote the following solemn appeal to protect his memory • " I can with truth affirm, as I do solemnly affirm in the presence of Almighty God, ' to whom all hearts be open, all desires known, and from whom no secrets are hid,' that iu advising and promoting the measures of 1829 I was swayed by no fear except the fear of public calamity, and tliat I acted throughout on a deep conviction that those measures were not only condu- cive to the general welfare, but that they had become imperatively necessary in order to avert from interests which had a special claim upon my support — the interests of the Church and of institutions connected with the Church — an imminent and increasing danger." | The Catholic Eelief Bill received the royal assent on the 13th of April. Lord Eldon at two previous audiences of George IV. had urged him to refuse the royal assent. The king, who was a great actor, not only in the power of mimicry which he possessed but in exhibiting a well- feigned passion, deceived his ex-chancellor into the belief that his old master would peril everything, even his throne, by this obsolete exercise of the royal prerogative. Dangerous, almost infatuated, as was this advice of lord Eldon, we cannot doubt his sincerity ; we cannot believe that any corrupt motive, or even any * Hansard, vol. xxi. col. 45. t Duke of Buckingham, " Court of George IV.," vol. ii. p. 397. ^ " Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," vol. i. p. 365. 1829.] MR. O'CONNELL'S SECOND RETURN FOR CLARE. 241 personal ambition, prompted his interference to avert -what he believed would be a great political evil. He distrusted the Eoman Catholics, not from a blind adherence to a worn-out bigotry, but from a reliance upon that unstatesmanlike caution which could not look beyond a dark Present into a brighter Future. Happily, he had to deal with a sovereign of different character than he who compelled Pitt — in the fear that he might drive the king into insanity — to lay aside the implied pledges of the Union, and thus to make the Legislature equivocate for thirty years with the just expectations of disappointed millions. A few childish lamentations, and there would be an end of the opposition of George the Fourth to the resolve of his Ministry. He would go to Hanover — he would return no more to England — let them get a Catholic king in Clarence — were his ejaculations at the interview of the 9th of April. On the 14th lord Eldon wrote to his daughter, — " The fatal Bill received the royal assent yesterday afternoon. After all I had heard in my visits not a day's delay."* About a month after the passing of the Bill Mr. O'Connell was introduced to the House of Commons for the purpose of taking his seat for Clare. A petition against his return had been referred to a Committee, who declared that he was duly returned. Mr. O'Connell had been elected before the passing of the new Act, and the Clerk of the House accordingly tendered to him the oath of supremacy which was required to be taken under the old law. This oath Mr. O'Connell refused to take, claiming to take the oath set forth in the Relief Act, He was the next day heard at the bar. His courtesy, his moderation, his legal knowledge, surprised the House, and called forth the approving voices of the great law officers who had opposed his claim at once to take his seat. Upon a division a new writ was ordered for Clare. A large subscription was entered into for securing Mr. O'Connell's second return, which took place on the 30th of July. His violence at that election was a painful and disgusting contrast to his assumed gentleness at the bar of the House of Commons. His unmeasured words almost induced a general apprehension that the great measure of Catholic Emancipation had been too readily yielded to that sense of an overwhelming necessity which had converted opposing statesmen into its responsible promoters. There was a higher principle than the expediency which changed the policy of Mr. Peel — a principle thus proclaimed out of the walls of Parliament, to assert the Christian obligation of passing this law : — " It is the direct duty of every Englishman to support the claims of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, even at the hazard of injuring the Protestant Establishment ; because those claims cannot be rejected without great injustice ; and it is a want of faith in God and an unholy zeal to think that he can be served by injustice, or to guard against contingent evil by committing certain sin." f This was a great truth, maintained in words not to be forgotten, by a bold thinker who did not fear evil tongues — one whose tolerant zeal for the Church establishment, which he ardently- desired to uphold, could not shut Ins eyes to the exclusive pretensions of those * Twiss, -vol. ili. p. 37. t Dr. Arnokl, "Christian Duty of considering the Roman Catholic Claims." — Miscellaneous Works, p. 6. VOL. Yin.— 240. 242 MEETING OP PARLIAMENT— MOTIONS FOR REFORM. [1830. who would have built its security upon a rotten foundation. It was a truth whose constant recognition would support every conscientious statesman through the perils with which Ireland would yet be surrounded ; would neutralize the interested agitation for the Eepeal of the Union which the chief Agitator would for years carry forward to the verge of rebellion ; would produce the general conviction that the " great injustice " being effectually removed, a fair field would be left for the removal or amelioration of social evils ; would convert even the terrible calamity of a famine into a final blessing ; would " assert eternal Providence " in manifesting that a righteous act would at last have its reward, in rendering the once wronged Ireland no more a terror to England, but the sharer of her liberty and her prosperity — a true sister, no longer to be alienated by just complaints, much less by demagogic violence and priestly stratagem. The Parliament was prorogued on the 24th of June. The landowners when they returned to their country mansions did not find happy faces amidst either tenants or labourers. The summer and autumn were wet and cold ; the harvest was protracted ; the crops were ill got in, and were hurried to market. They were found to be of inferior quality, and prices suffered temporarily a great depression. Then came the severest winter since 1813-14. Parliament met on the 4th of Pebruary, 1830. The King's Speech lamented that notwithstanding the indication of active commerce afforded by increased exports, distress should prevail amongst the agricultural and manufacturing classes. One effectual mode of mitigating the pressure upon industrial capital was announced in the intention to propose a considerable redaction in the amount of public expenditure. The promise was realized. The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed, on the 15th of March, the total remission of the excise duties on beer, cider, and leather. Increased duties on spirits were to supply a portion of the deficiency. The propositions of the government were finally agreed to. Motions for Eeform of Parliament were brought forward, with the usual fate of every previous attempt to carry a sweeping or a partial measure. Again was it resolved that the seat which was vacant through the corruption of East Retford should not be trans- ferred to Birmingham. Mr. O'Connell proposed to bring in a Bill to establish universal suffrage, triennial parliaments, and vote by ballot. Lord John Russell had a counter-proposition for additional representatives for populous counties and large unrepresented towns. The solution of this difficult problem seemed as far off as ever. It was helped forward by the imprudent conduct of a great peer who openly proclaimed what too many of the aristocracy felt in their hearts. A petition was presented to the House of Commons complaining of the interference of the duke of Newcastle in the elections for the borough of Newark, and praying that his power of ejecting tenants from the property which he held as lessee of Crown lands, should be prevented in future by the non-renewal of his lease. The govern- ment declared that it was not their intention to renew this lease : it was unnecessary, therefore, to grant a committee to inquire into this matter. The debate, however, disclosed a correspondence which roused a feeling of indig- nation througliout the land. A public meeting had been held at Newark to condemn the proceedings of the nobleman who appeared to have held in small respect the well-known resolution of the House of Commons that it 1830.] ILLNESS AND DEATH OF GEORGE IV. 248 is a violation of the privileges of Parliament for Peers of the Eealtn to interfere in elections. The duke of Newcastle was invited to attend that meeting. He declined to attend, and asked the bold question, " May I not do what I will with mine own ?" It was the argument of Shy lock, when he demanded the pound of flesh, " 'Tis mine, and I will have it." These words went forth to teach Englishmen that property had its duties as well as its rights, preparing the way for that quickly-coming change when the democratic element would assert its claim to be more respected — when the franchise would cease to be considered as a chattel which the great could call their own. One measure of great importance was proposed this session by Mr. Brougham, as a specific measure connected with his extensive views of Law Eeform which he had developed in 1828. On the 29th of April, 1830, he moved for leave to bring in a Bill to establish Local Jurisdiction in certain districts in England. He showed that to recover small sums in the superior courts was a process involving delay and expense which prevented a creditor obtaining the satisfaction of his just demands. It was his hope that he might be eventually able to establish the system of local jurisdiction, from which he expected benefits unspeakably valuable to the country. That hope was long deferred. The County Courts, which were founded upon the recommenda- tion of the Common Law Commissioners, arising out of Mr. Brougham's views in 1830, and upon their further enforcement when he became Lord Chancellor, were not established till queen Victoria had been eight years upon the throne. On the 24th of May, a message was sent to both Houses of Parliament by the king, announcing his illness and stating the inconvenience of signing public instruments with his own hand. A Bill was introduced for the appointment of commissioners to affix the king's sign-manual by a stamp, in. the king's presence, and by his immediate order given by word of mouth. The Bill received the royal assent on the 29th of May. On the 26th of June, at three o'clock in the morning, king George the Pourth expired afe "Windsor Castle. It is difficult to look back upon the career of this prince, whose sovereignty either as Eegent or King formed one of the most impor- tant eras in the annals of our country, without feeling how much his life had been one of great opportunities wasted and of natural powers perverted ; bow the circumstances by which he had been surrounded from his youth were almost wholly injurious to his character and his happiness. The present generation, — in some degree by the force of contrast — have come to look very severely upon the faults of this erring brother. They were painfully visited upon him by the absence of all domestic happiness, by the feeling that he was not beloved or respected by the people he was appointed to rule over. The duke of "Wellington has given a character of the monarch who held in dread the great captain's strong sense and inflexible resolution : " He was indeed," said the duke, " the most extra- ordinary compound of talent, wit, bufi"oonery, obstinacy, and good feeling— in short, a medley of the most opposite qualities, with a great preponder- ance of good — that I ever saw in any character in my life." * * Kaikes's " Diary," toL i. p. 92 CoKimu in La Place Veiidume. CHAPTER XIV. Oath of allegiance taken by Peers and Commoners — Business of Parliament commenced — Unmea- sured language in the House of Commons — Motion for a Regency in the event of the king's demise — France — Retrospect of government in reiga of Charles X. — Prince Polignac appointed President of the Council — Sudden prorogation of the Chambers — Algiers — The Royal Ordinances promulgated — The three days of July — Duke of Orleans Lieutenant- General of the Kingdom — Abdication of Charles X. — Duke of Orleans King — Recognition by England of the new government of France — Revolution of Belgium — The opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway — Early opposition to the Railway system — The Locomotive Engine — George Stephenson — His son Robert — Anticipations of the triumphs of Railways — Death of Mr. Huskisson — Opening of Parliament — Declaration of the duke of Wellington — The king's visit to the City postponed — Defeat of Ministers on the Civil List — They resign — Mr. Brougham's parliamentary position — Administration of earl Grey completed — List of the Ministry. On Friday, the 25th of June, both Houses of Parliament had adjourned to the following Monday. The death of George the Fourth having taken place at three o'clock on the morning of the 26th, summonses were issued for the immediate attendance of the Peers for the purpose of taking the oath of allegiance to King William the Fourth as administered by the Lord Chancellor. According to ancient practice the oath to the Commons was to be administered by the Lord Stew^ard. At an early hour, therefore, many members of the Lower House attended in the Long Gallery for the purpose of taking this oath. The Lord Steward, the Marquis of Conyngham, did not arrive till late. When the House did meet, Mr. Brougham made an indignant protest against the treatment which the Commons of England had experienced; for many members had that morning, like himself, been kept for hours dancing attendance in the Long Gallery, and waiting the pleasure of the Lord Steward. On the following Monday Mr. Brougham explained 1830. UNMEASURED LANGUAGE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 245 that he should not have indulged in the remarks which he had made on the Saturday had he been aware that the Lord Steward, being also governor of "Windsor Castle, could not leave till he had handed over the body of the king to the Lord Chamberlain. The incident is scarcely worth notice, except as affording a very early indication of the policy of Mr. Brougham — " that he at least had no intention of any longer forming a portion of what was termed his Majesty's opposition, but that he was about to resume in earnest the character of an opponent." * The voice of public scandal, whose echo never died away, asserted that the Marquis of Conyngham and his family had very important private interests to take care of at Windsor Castle, in the few hours that elapsed between the death of the king and their departure from the palace of which they had long been inmates. On the 29th of June the business of parliament commenced. A message from the king recommended " such temporary provision as may be requisite for the public service in the interval that may elapse between the close of the present session and the meeting of a new parliament." During the remaining three weeks of the session there was much sharp discussion in both Houses. On the 30th of June, in the House of Lords, earl Grey, upon the question of an Address to his Majesty, moved an amendment to adjourn, in order to give time for the consideration of the Civil List, and the expediency of providing a Regency. The original motion was carried by a large majority. In the House of Commons, lord Althorp moved a similar amendment which was also lost. On that night, after the proposed amendment had been negatived, a new debate arose upon the question being put on the original Address. Several years bad passed since the House of Commons had heard such unmeasured language as now proceeded from the orator who was the real leader of the Opposition. It is difficult to understand how this fierceness should have been provoked by any act or manifest temper of the government — by anything beyond the popular suspicion that the duke of Wellington was an enemy to the liberties of his country. A threat was supposed to have been held out in the other House by the duke which Mr. Brougham thus inter- preted for him — " if you leave government in the minority, I will resign, and where then will you get a Field-Marshal to superintend your finances and your law-courts ?" Mr, Brougham then warned the government that in the event of a new election they might look back even to the parliament with some of the pleasures of memory. Their case might be the same as that of prince Polignac, who must needs send the representatives of France to their constituents, and in choosing a new Assembly that great nation was up, not in arms, but in the panoply of reason. " We can perceive, sir, in this country as in that, that the day of force is over, and that the Minister who hopes to rule by an appeal to Royal favour or military power may be overwhelmed, though I in nowise accuse him of such an attempt. Him I accuse not. It is you I accuse — his flatterers — his mean, fawning parasites." Sir Robert Peel rose : " I ask the hon. and learned gentleman, as I am one of those on this side of the House to which he is referring, whether he means to accuse me of such conduct ? .... I ask him whether he presumes — whether he presumes to call me the mean and fawning parasite of any- * Uoebuck, " History of the Whig Ministry," vol. i. p. 251. 246 MOTION FOR A REGENCY IN THE EVENT OF THE KING'S DEMISE. [1830. Tbody ?" The historian of the Whig Ministry says, " Checked thus suddenly m mid-career, Mr. Brougham seemed at once to perceive that the phrase he had used, and the charge he had brought, were not to be justified." He disclaimed every intention of applying the words to sir Eobert Peel himself. Sir Eobert Peel required something more. Mr. Brougham had " no right to accuse men as honest, upright, and independent as himself, of being parasites. He would make the apology and retractation for the hon. and learned gentleman" — that *' these words were uttered in the warmth of debate, and without reference to any individual application."* Mr. Brougham at once adopted the apology thus prescribed to him. On the 6th of July Mr. E. Grant moved an Address to his Majesty, touching the expediency of making provision against the dangers to which the country might be exposed by a demise of the crown. The motion was rejected by a majority of a hundred and fifty-four. It was on this occasion that Mr. Macaulay, who had very recently been returned to Parliament for the borough of Calne, first exhibited his power of discussing a constitutional question upon broader principles than those of the mere debater. The Solicitor- General had talked about the delicacy due to the new monarch ; that in previous cases of interference there had been a suspension of the executive functions. "I should wish," said Mr. Macaulay, "to ask the honourable and learned gentleman what he conceives to be the end and object of Parliament ? The history of our hereditary form of government does Dot present us with any certain security for the wisdom or virtue of the chief magistrate. The destinies of the community may be entrusted to the feeble hands of infancy ; and this and other consequences have afibrded ample themes to the satirist and the declaimer. Look, at this moment, at the enormous weight and extent of power confided to the hereditary monarch, whether an infant or an adult Yet this enormous empire, with all its complicated interests, may be placed under the control of a thoughtless boy or girl. Por a child, unable to walk or to express the simplest wish in 3ts mother tongue, the claims of veteran Generals and of accomplished States- men are passed by. Senates pay it homage, and by the years of its rule laws are numbered and public Acts are dated. To many this system may appear, if not absurd, unreasonable ; and what is the answer ? Why in this enlight- ened age do we resist, and would oppose even with our lives any change of that system ? What is the advantage that counterbalances its numerous and admitted evils ? It may be designated in one word — certainty Under an hereditary government the Eoyal authority passes without interval from one Eoyal depository to another, and none can dispute in whom the light to the supreme magistracy resides. If this certainty be of more vaiue than wisdom, virtues, or public services — if it be paramount to every other consideration, then, I ask, what becomes of all the arguments of the honour- able and learned member ? He tells us to pause in the appointment of a Eegency, and to choose well, rather than to choose soon ; but if we follow his advice, we forego the only advantage of our hereditary form of government — its certainty, "t A satisfactory measure by which this desirable certainty "was attained, the personage in whom the nation could place the utmost confi- '^ Hansard, vol. xxv. col. 32*5, t Hid., vol. xxv. col. 1029. 1830.] FRANCE— GOVERNMENT IN REIGN OF CHARLES X. 247 dence being nominated sole Eegent, was passed in the new Parliament. The duchess of Kent was appointed to this high office, in the event of the prin- cess Victoria becoming Queen before she had attained the age of eighteen. The king, on the 23rd of July, prorogued Parliament in person. The royal speech contained these flattering words : " It is with the utmost satis- faction that I find myself enabled to congratulate you upon the general tran- quillity of Europe." On the 24th Parliament was dissolved by proclamation. It has been observed by M. Guizot that the ties, apparent or concealed, that exist between France and England, have never been broken even by their rivalries. " Whether they know or are ignorant of it, whether they acknowledge or deny the fact, they cannot avoid being powerfully acted upon by each other." * Never was this truth more strikingly exemplified than in the effect produced upon English opinion with regard to our domestic politics, by that French revolution of 1830 which, bursting forth within forty-eight hours of the dissolution of our own Parliament, had a most decided influence upon the elections that took place during the month of August, and thus pro- duced a change of administration which immediately led to our own peaceful revolution — the Reform of Parliament. To comprehend in some degree the causes of the great event which hurled the elder branch of the Bourbons from that throne upon which they appeared to be firmly seated after the battle of Waterloo, we must advert very briefly to the course of the government of France after the death of Louis XVIII., on the 16th of September, 1824. On the 15th of August, a month only before the decease of Louis, th& censorship of journals was re-established by a royal ordinance. The state of the king's health appeared to the minister, M. de Villele, to require that the government should have in its hands this power of controlling tlie press. The good sense of Louis XVIII., and his desire to govern as far as possible in an enlightened and liberal spirit, preserved France during his reign from any popular convulsion. Under the Charter the struggles of parties were of a constitutional character. There were great orators in the Chamber of Deputies who were opposed to the government ; there were bitter satirists in prose and verse, such as Courier and Beranger, who attacked the ultra- royalist party and the priestly party with uneparing ridicule ; — nevertheless the nation had not arrived at the belief that another vital change in its institutions was necessary, and was content to confide in the power of the Charter gradually to repair its own deficiencies. Charles X. came to the throne. The French saw the change with something like dread, for he was considered the representative of ultra-royalist opinions. He at once mani- fested a solicitude that the people should accept him as a constitutional king. His first act was to abolish the censorship of the journals. He said to the peers and deputies that liis great desire was to consolidate the Charter for the happiness of his people. He promised to each religious body protection for its worship. The ceremony of consecrating the king at Rheims was little in accordance with the spirit of the age, or the general character of the French. The people laughed and sneered when the " Moniteur" said : — " There is no doubt that the holy oil which will flow on the forehead of Charles X. in the solemnity of his consecration, is the same as that which, * Guizot, " Memoirs to illustrate the History of My Time," vol. i. p. 306. 248 PRINCE FOLIGNAC APPOINTED PRESIDENT OF COUNCIL. [1830. since the time of Clovis, has consecrated the French kings." Napoleon putting the crown upon his own head, was a fitter type of popular sovereignty in France than Charles X. anointed in seven parts of his body by the Arch- bishop of Rheims. Nevertheless, the king had solemnly promised to main- tain the Charter, and the obsolete pageantries of his coronation were not imputed to him as a fault. The people had soon to learn how little depen- dence could be placed upon the professions, and even upon the liberal actions, of their new king. " Without false calculation or premeditated deceit, Charles X. wavered from contradiction to contradiction, from inconsistency to inconsistency, until the day when, given up to his own will and belief, he committed the error which cost him his throne." * He was at heart "a true emigrant and a submissive bigot." In 1826 a shrewd Englishman, writing from Paris, saw clearly how the bigotry would terminate : — " The French government are behaving very foolishly, flinging themselves into the arms of the Jesuits ; making processions through the streets of twelve hundred priests, with the king and royal family at their head ; disgusting the people, and laying the foundation of another revolution, which seems to me (if this man lives) to be inevitable." f M. de Villfele's career, as the chief minister of Louis XYIII. and Charles X., had been of a longer duration than might have been expected from the dis- cordant elements by which he was surrounded. For six years he had been the presiding spirit of the government. When he entered upon power he said, " I am born for the end of revolutions." This belief had little of the spirit of prophecy, however the prudence and sagacity of this minister might have retarded that isolation of the ruler from the ruled which is the beginning of new revolutions. The elections of 1827 were unfavourable to the govern- ment ; and the minister, not having the cordial support of the whole Royalist party, was compelled to retire from office. The dauphiness said to the king, *' in abandoning M. de Villele, you have descended the first step of your throne." M. de Martignac became the head of the cabinet which replaced that of M. de Villele. His tendencies were liberal and constitutional ; his talents had not their proper influence either with the king or the chambers. He did what was in his power to prevent the measures of repression which one party desired, and to carry forward those measures of conciliation which he thought would retard a rupture between the throne and the nation. Lafayette characterised the policy of Martignac in a very significant sen- tence : — " Three steps forward and two backward, we have the net product of one little step." To move forward at all, and not to have the power of carrying the chambers in a retrogressive policy, was held at the Tuileries to be the fault of this minister. In August, 1829, a royal ordinance appeared changing the whole of the ministry, and finally appointing Prince Jules de Polignac president of the council. The prince had been ambassador in Eng- land ; and many of the French, and not a few of the English, chose to believe that he had been appointed to his post through the influence of the duke of Wellington, and that his subsequent measures were taken in concert with our cabinet. Sir Eobert Peel, on the 2nd of November, 1830, emphatically (leiiicd that the government of this country, directly or indirectly, had inter- • Guizot, vol. i. p. 253. + " Letters of Sydney Smitb," vol. ii. p. 2'31. 1830.] SUDDEN PROROGATIOX OF THE CHAMBERS— ALGIERS. 'H'J fered in this appointment,* In the choice of Poh'goac as his prime minister, " Charles X.," says M. Guizot, " had hoisted upon the Tuileries the flag of the counter-revolution." On the 2nd of March, 1830, the chambers were opened. There was a half menace in the royal speech, which appeared to presage some exercise of arbitrary power. " If criminal manoeuvres were to place obstacles in the way of my government, which I neither can, nor wish to foresee, I should find the power of surmounting them in a resolution to maintain the public peace, in the just confidence of the French people, and in the devotion which they have always demonstrated for their king." The address of the Chamber of Deputies, which was carried by a majority of 221 to 181, affirmed that it was their duty to declare to the king that the Charter supposed, in order to its working, a concurrence between the mind of the sovereign and the interests of his people ; that it was their painful duty to declare that such concurrence existed no longer, as the administration ordered all its acts upon the supposition of the disafiection of the people. The next day the chambers were prorogued till the 1st of September. On the 16th of May they were dissolved. New elections were ordered for June and July, and the parliament so elected was to meet on the 3rd of August. Most men saw clearly that a great struggle was at hand. The duke of Orleans, on the 31st of May, gave a fete in honour of his brother-in-law, the King of Naples, at the Palais Eoyal, at which Charles X. and the royal family were present. M. de Salvandy said to the duke of Orleans, " This ia truly a Neapolitan festival; we are dancing on a volcano." The duke agreed with him, adding that he would not have to reproach himself with making no effort to open the eyes of the king. " What am I to do ? Nothing is listened to. Heaven only knows where they will be in six months. But I well know where I shall be. Under any circumstances my family and I remain in this palace." f On the 12th of July, during the progress of the French elections, the news arrived of the capture of Algiers. For two or three years the French govern- ment had been carrying on a small war against that barbarian power. But the ministry of Polignac resolved to strike a great blow for the establishment of a colonial dominion, and for the revival of that passion for military glory which had so often bestowed popularity upon the rulers of France, in their neglect of the national industry and their indifference to the growth of the people's liberties. A formidable expedition sailed from Toulon on the 25th of May, of which the three hundred and fifty ships carried forty thousand troops. Before the elections began, the landing of this expedition was announced. Before they were concluded, Algiers had been surrendered, and the Dey had been dethroned. But this triumph produced not the slightest effect upon the elections. In some respects, it made the electors more deter- mined that a military glory should not encourage the tendencies to Absolutism at home. M. Gruizot, upon hearing the news of the capture of Algiers, wrote, " I hope this success will not stimulate power to the last madness." The elections being completed, it was ascertained beyond a doubt that a very large majority of the Chamber of Deputies would be opposed to the administration of the prince de Polignac. Charles X. at this juncture was meditating some * Hansard, Third Series, vol. i. p. 90. t Guizot, vol. ii. p. 12. 250 THE ROYAL ORDINANCES PROMULGATED. [1830. desperate act wbicli would restore what he believed to be his legitimate rights. " The Charter contained, for a prudent and patient monarch, certain means of exercising the royal authority, and of securing the Crown. But Charles X. had lost confidence in France and in the Charter."* The historian of his own time relates that the Russian ambassador, count Pozzo di Borgo, a few days before the government was committed to its fatal determination, had an audience with the King, in which his Majesty's conversation led the shrewd diplomatist to have little doubt as to the measures in preparation. He had found the King studying the fourteenth article of the Charter, " seeking with honest inquietude the interpretation he wanted to find there : in such cases we always discover what we are in search of."t The fourteenth article of the French Constitution says that the King is supreme head of the State. How Charles X. interpreted this is disclosed in that Eevolution of July for which it is afiirmed France had no desire. " The spirit of legality and sound poli- tical reason had made remarkable progress. Even during the ferment of the elections, public feeling loudly repudiated all idea of a new revolution." J On the 21st of July a Eeport, signed by the prince de Polignae, was pre- sented to the King in council, in which it was represented that signs of disorganization and symptoms of anarchy presented themselves in every part of the kino'dom ; that the periodical press was the chief instrument of disorder and sedition. It had endeavoured to eradicate every germ of religious senti- ment from the heart of the people ; worst of all, it had dared to criticise the causes, the means, the preparations, and the chances of success of that expe- dition whose glory had cast such a pure and durable brilliancy over the crown of France. The laws were insufficient to restrain the licence of the press ; it was time, it was more than time, to stop its ravages. The report then set forth that the ordinary conditions of representative government did not then exist m France ; that a turbulent democracy had disposed of a majority of the elections through the means of the journals and by affiliated societies. The fourteenth article of the Charter was then appealed to as giving to the King a sufficient power, not indeed for the change of institutions, but for their consolidation and immutability. No government on earth could stand if it had not the power of providing for its own security, which is pre-existent to laws, because it is in the nature of things. The moment was come to have recourse to measures which were in the spirit of the Charter, but which are beyond the limits of legal order, the resources of which have been exhausted in vain. Such was the tenor of the document which an infatuated ministry presented to an infatuated king, as a justification of the decrees which they proposed for the overthrow of the Constitution. The three ordinances by which the liberty of the periodical press was sus- pended, the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved, and the number of deputies was lessened, and their term of office regulated, were kept profoundly secret till nearly midnight of the 25th of July. No communication whatever was made to the heads of the police, nor to the commanders of the forces, that any unusual amount of vigilance or energy might be required in the possible event of a popular movement. The ministers had not the least idea that any effect would be produced by their acts beyond the suspension of obnoxious journals, • Guizot, vol. i. p. 857. t IhuL, p. 358. t Hid., p. 355i. 1830.] THE THREE DAYS OF JULY. 251 and the re-election of a Chamber of Deputies under conditions more favour- able to the government. At eleven o'clock on the evening of Sunday, the 25th of July, copies of the memorial of the ministers to the King, and of the three ordinances which had been signed in Council on that day, were sent to the responsible editor of the " Moniteur," to be published in his paper of the following morning. On Monday morning, the 26th of July, whilst the population of Paris were quietly proceeding to their various duties or pleasures, Paris was shaken to its centre as by a political earthquake. Before the doors of the Bourse were opened, the holders of stock were crowding thither to sell. More important than the operations of commerce were the proceedings of the journalists. The proprietors and editors of the chief opposition papers took a wise and prudent course in the first instance. They consulted the most eminent law- yers, who gave their opinion that the ordinances were illegal, and ought not to be submitted to. One of the judges of the Tribunal of First Instance authorized the "Journal of Commerce" to continue its publication provi- sionally, because the ordinances had not been promulgated in legal forms. Forty-four conductors of newspapers assembled at the office of tlie " ^Na- tional," signed a protest in which they declared their intention to resist the ordinances as regarded their own interests, and invited the deputies to meet on the 3rd of August as if no decree had gone forth for new elections. The Government, said this protest, has this day lost that character of legality which commands obedience ; we resist it as far as we are concerned ; it remains for France to judge how far it should carry its own resistance. On that Monday there was no appearance of popular insurrection. There was occasionally a cry in the streets of " Long live the Charter! — Down with the ministers !" The next day a more ominous cry went forth — " Up with Liberty — Down with the Bourbons." The provisions of the decrees respecting the Press were to be carried through by naked force. Four of the most popular journals had been printed without the licence which was required by the ordinance. Sentinels were placed around the offices to prevent their sale ; but copies of the journals, which not only contained the ordinances, but the protest of the journalists, were thrown out of the windows, and were quickly circulated throughout Paris. The old scenes of the Eevolution of 1789 were rapidly developed. In the Palais Eoyal, and other public places, men mounted upon chairs read the ordinances and the bitter comments upon them to assembled crowds. The steps taken by the police to prevent the farther issue of these papers were calculated to stimulate the excitement of the people into absolute fury. The doors of the offices where they were printed were broken open, and the presses rendered unserviceable. The printers thrown out of their employ joined the crowds in the streets ; and they are not a class to be injured without lifting up their voices against the wrong. In the course of that Tuesday the resistance to the acts of the government began to be transferred to men who might have been able to guide its course more safely than the declamation of the journalists or the passions of the populace. ' The Deputies were beginning to arrive in Paris. M. Guizot describes how, on reaching the city on the morning of the 27th, he found a note from M. Casimir P^rier, inviting him to a meeting of some of their colleagues. " A few hours before," he says, " and within a short distance of Paris^ the decrees were unknown to 252 THE THREE DAYS OF JULY. [1850. me ; and, bv the side of legal opposition, I saw on my arrival revolutionary and unchained insurrection." * He went to the meeting at the house of M. Casimir P^rier, and was selected, in conjunction with MM. Villemain and Dupin, to draw up in the name of the deputies present a protest against the decrees. This protest was adopted on the 28th. It was signed by sixty-three deputies. Its tone was moderate, and did not close the door against conciliation. It left to the king and his advisers a locus penitentics. The solution of the great question was very soon to be taken out of the hands of deputies who entertained a diversity of opinion ; some wishing to carry resistance to the utmost limit of legal order and not beyond, some desiring a change of dynasty, and a few sighing for a republic. The people in the streets were not distracted by contending opinions ; they were not inclined to look forward to " the fashion of uncertain evils/' They saw that the government had forfeited its claim to their obedience, and they little cared what form of government might succeed to the one that had betrayed its trust. There were ten thousand soldiers in Paris under the command of Marmont. The immediate business which presented itself to the minds of the people was to fight, if necessary. Guizot relates that, whilst he and a few other deputies were consulting on the evening of the 28th of July, in a drawing-room of the ground-floor of a private residence, whose windows were open, a crowd of labouring people, youths, children, and combatants of every kind, filled the court-yard, and addressing the deputies, said, they were ready to defend them, if soldiers and police, as was stated, were coming to arrest them. At the same time they demanded an instant adhesion to their revolutionary proceedings. M. Guizot says, that the revolutionists at any price, the dreamers of an imaginary future, had rapidly thrown themselves into the movement, and became hourly more influential and exacting. " Some firm well-regulated minds ventured to resist and show themselves resolved not to become revolutionists even while promoting a revolution." This was a subtle distinction, which certainly did not enter into the views of the great body of the bourgeoisie, who entered almost with one accord into the contest with unconstitutional power, although they had everything to lose by the spread of anarchy. The manufacturers bad closed their workshops, and sent their men into the streets to contend for their common liberties. The members of the National Guard, which had been disbanded in 1827, had again put on their uniforms and taken their arms, which the greater part of them had retained. The crowd which on the evening of the 28th surrounded the drawing-room with open windows had been fighting themselves throughout the day, or knew that there had been fighting in almost every quarter of Paris. Prom daybreak, multitudes had begun to assemble, armed with sticks and pikes, old guns and sabres. They unpaved the streets ; they threw up barricades of timber and of carts filled with the paving-stones ; they seized the Hotel de Ville ; they hoisted the tri-coloured flag on its roof, and on the towers of Notre-Dame. The bells of the municipal palace and of the metro- politan church again called the citizens to arms as in the days of the first Revolution. Terror was in every family now as then ; but there were no frightful excesses, no sanguinary scenes of popular vengeance, to make even * Guizot, " My Own Time," vol. ii. p. 3. 1830.] THE THREE DAYS OF JULY. ^53 the name of Liberty hateful. The people stood prepared for the struggle with the regular troops that was coming upon them — for Paris, on that morning of the 28th, had been declared by the government to be in a state of siege. Marmont had not begun to act after receiving the ordinance, which thus declared that the military power was the sole arbiter, before the insurgents were in possession of the chief part of the capital. He finally formed his troops in four columns, which were directed upon different points. It was not long before the sanguinary conflict began. It would be beyond the object of this history, even if it were in the power of the writer, to furnish a clear detail in a small compass of the struggles of this memorable day. Those who witnessed some of the many occurrences which were proceeding simultaneously in distant parts of Paris felt this difficulty in the subsequent discharge of their official duty. " The events," said M. Martignac, in the defence of Polignac, " so press upon, jostle, and confound each other, that the imagination can scarcely follow them, or the understanding range them in order." The first serious fighting appears to have taken place in the narrow street of St. Antoine, ^_ _ _ which was closed by barricades. Prom the houses approaching this street, paving-stones, broken bottles, and even articles of furniture, were showered upon the heads of the unfortunate soldiery. The column which was ordered to force this street returned to the Tuileries where Marmont had his head-quarters. Another column had to sustain an obstinate fight about the Hotel de Ville. The general who com- manded the troops obtained possession of the place, but he was compelled to confine his resistance to the populace to defensive operations. Another column lost many men at the Marche des Innocens. The fourth column sustained less loss. Night came on. The firing was still con- tinued ; the tocsin was rung from every church ; the lamps were extinguished in the streets. Neither mail nor diligence left Paris. The communication with the provinces by telegraph was cut ofi". During the afternoon five deputies headed by M. Lafitte had waited upon Marshal Marmont at the Tuileries to ask for a suspension of hostilities, that in the interval they might send a deputation to the King. The marshal said he could only despatch a messenger to the King to inform him of the proceedings of the assembled deputies and of the state of afiairs in Paris. His aide-de-camp received at St. Cloud a verbal answer directing Marmont to hold out, to collect his forces, and to act in masses. In conformity with these orders, the column which had held the Hotel de Ville returned at midnight to the Tuileries, having left in the streets several hundred men killed or wounded. The King in his suburban palace had no conception of the magnitude of the danger ; but was passing his evening at cards, whilst the court routine went forward as if the distant boom of the cannon was a sound which should inspire no fear and awaken little sympathy. On the 28th the working classes had almost exclusively borne the brunt of the battle. On the morning of the 29th, hostilities had again commenced by seven o'clock. National Guards, young students, and even deputies, wero 254 THE THREE DAYS OF JULY. [1830 now at the barricades. The stately Faubourg St. Gernmin was now as ready for battle as the dingy Faubourg St. Antoine. The posts of the Luxembourg were disarmed. At a very early hour several royalists of high rauk went to the Tuileries and had an interview with Marmont and Poliguac. They urged the minister to recall the ordinances. He was calm and polite, but would promise nothing. He would consult his colleagues. They then suggested to Marmont that he should arrest the ministers. He seemed somewhat inclined to take their advice, when Peyronnet, one of the most obnoxious of the cabinet, came in, and exclaimed, " What ! are you not gone yet ?" They had stated their intention to go to St. Cloud. They set out, but Polignac got there before them. According to M. Guizot, the duke de Mortemart, Messrs. de Semonville, d'Argout, de Vitrolles, and de Sussy, were " the enlightened royalists who attempted to give legal satisfaction to the country, and to bring about an arrangement between the inert royalty at St. Cloud and the boiling revolution at Paris. But when they demanded an audience of the king they were met by the unseasonable hour, by etiquette, the countersign, and repose." Prom Charles X., whose inconsistency in this trying hour of his destiny was as remarkable as in all his previous actions, they at last extorted a promise for the dismissal of the Polignac ministry, the appointment of the duke de Mortemart as President of the Council, and for other appointments which would be a guarantee for constitutional government. Still the king lingered and delayed the proper signatures till late in the day to the necessary ordinances.. The duke de Mortemart, who set out on his return to Paris without a proper passport, met with a succession of interruptions from the royal guards. He had equal difficulty with the people in passing the barricades. The battle was raging all around Marmont at the Tuileries. The detachment at the Palais Bourbon was attacked, and the commander retired with his troops into the garden, and promised to be neutral. The Louvre was surrounded by masses of the populace, of whom a great number fell by the fire of the Swiss from the windows. At the Place Vendome two regiments of the line were stationed, and a remnant of the gendarmerie. They were surrounded by the people, who, manifesting no inclination to regard the soldiers as enemies, the whole body of the troops with their officers went over to the side of the insurgents. On a second attack the Swiss were driven from the Louvre. The defection of the army, which was beginning to spread, proclaimed to Marmont that it was impossible to continue this contest. The insurrection had become a revolution. He hastily quitted the Tuileries with his troops to repair to St. Cloud. The populace as quickly broke into the palace. The tri-colour was hoisted on the staff where the white flag of the Bourbons had floated for fifteen years. The deputies who had met in the morning had determined to establish a provisional government. Lafayette, who had received fi'om them the command of the forces in Paris, had, in the uniform of a National Guard, gone to take possession of the Hotel de Ville. Upon the newi5 of the defection of the two regiments, and the capture of the Louvre and the Tuileries, a municipal commission that had been formed by ballot, with authority to take all measures that the public safety might require, installed themselves at the Hotel de Ville, surrounded by dead bodies heaped up on the Place. In a few hours the National Guard was organized ; the adminis- 1830.] DUKE OF ORLEANS LIEUTENANT-GENERAL OF THE KINGDOM. 255 fcration of finance was provided for ; the Post-office was again set in action •, the mails and the diligences left Paris bearing the tri-colour flag. Three of the Eoyalists who had been at St. Cloud arrived at ten o'clock at night with the ordinances already mentioned, and with a further ordinance, repealing those of the 25th July, and appointing the Chamber of Deputies to meet on the 3rd of August. The three Royalists from St. Cloud came to negotiate for the preservation of the Crown to Charles X. They were interrupted by cries of" It is too late !" The sovereignty of Prance had vanished from the grasp of the elder branch of the Bourbons. On the 30th of July the deputies who had held their previous meetings at private houses, met more formally in the Hall of the Chamber of Deputies, inviting their absent colleagues to join them there. They came to a resolu- tion of soliciting the duke of Orleans, who was at his country seat at Neuilly, to repair to the capital to assume the functions of Lieutenant- Greneral of the kingdom. Porty deputies signed this resolution. Three only declined being parties tO' it, considering this as a decisive step towards a change of dynasty.* On the 31st the deputies so assembled published a proclamation which thus commenced : " Prance is free ! Absolute power elevated its standard ; the heroic population of Paris has beaten it down. Paris, under attack, has made the sacred cause triumph by arms which had succeeded already through the constitutional elections." The proclamation then announced that the deputies, in anticipation of the regular concurrence of the Chambers, had invited a true Prenchman, one who had never fought but for Prance, — the duke of Orleans, — to exercise the functions of Lieutenant- General of the Kingdom. "We shall secure to ourselves by law all the guarantees we require to render liberty strong and per- manent." On the 1st of August the duke of Orleans was at the Palais Royal, had accepted the office, and proceeded on horseback to the Hotel de Ville, as a mark of courtesy to the National Guard, and to their commander Lafayette. M. Guizot relates that the deputies accom- panied the duke on foot across the barricades. Women and children sur- rounded them, dancing and singing the Marseillaise. Cries and questions of every kind burst incessantly from the crowd. Who was that gentle- man on horseback ? was he a Prince ? A hope was expressed that he was not a Bourbon. " I was much more deeply impressed," says Guizot, " by our situation in the midst of that crowd, and their attitude, than even by the scene which followed a few moments after at the Hotel de Yille. What future perils already reveal themselves for that new-born monarchy!" Lafayette, surrounded by his stafi", advanced to the steps to meet the duke, who cordially embraced him. In the Great Hall the proclamation of the deputies was read, and received with cheers. The Lieutenant-General of the kingdom advanced to the window, holding Lafayette by the hand and waving the tri-colour flag. He then appointed provisional ministers, of whom M. Guizot was Minister of the Interior. Meanwhile it was known at St. Cloud that the king's authority was at an end. The crowd of courtiers quickly dropped ofi" from him. In his restlessness he went to Trianon and then to Eambouillet. He was still surrounded by a large body of soldiery, • Gukot, vol, ii. p. 9. 256 ABDICATION OF CHARLES X.— DUKE OF ORLEANS KING. 11830. On the 2nd of August he addressed a letter to the duke of Orleans, inclosing a formal act of abdication in favour of his grandson the duke of Boideaux. Remaining at Rambouillet with numerous soldiers around him, the provisional government began to be uneasy as to the possibility of another conflict Three commissioners were sent to confer with Charles and to urge him to depart. Their recommendations were backed by the presence of six thousand of the National Guard, who marched to Rambouillet, accompanied by vast numbers of Parisians on foot and in vehicles of every description. The king consented to leave, and to proceed to Cherbourg, escorted by the &arde-du- Corps. Throughout his journey the unfortunate king and his family received no indignities from the people, but they saw on every steeple the tri-coloured flag, and the tri-coloured cockade in many a hat. They embarked for England on the 16th, and were carried to the coast of Devonshire, the king having decided that England should be his place of refuge. For a short time he resided at Lul worth Castle. He subsequently occupied Holyrood House. Some ultra-liberals in Edinburgh having shown an inclination to treat the fallen monarch with disrespect upon his arrival, sir Walter Scott published a manly and touching appeal to the more honourable feelings of his fellow- citizens. " If there can be any who retain angry or invidious recollections of late events in Erance, they ought to remark that the ex-monarch has, by his abdication, renounced the conflict into which, perhaps, he was engaged by bad advisers ; that he can no longer be the object of resentment to the brave, but remains to all the most striking emblem of the mutability of human affairs which our mutable times have afforded." * On the 3rd of August the duke of Orleans opened the legislative session in the Chamber of Deputies. In that Chamber during the next four days there was a partial opposition from the adherents of the fallen dynasty against the manifest tendency to a solution of the difficult question of a future government by the appointment of the duke of Orleans as king. The Charter of Louis XVIII. received some alterations, and then it was declared by a large majority, that, subject to the acceptance of the modified Charter, the universal and urgent interests of the French nation called to the throne the duke of Orleans. On the 9th of August the duke of Orleans in the Chamber of Deputies declared his acceptance of the Crown, with the title King of the French, and took this oath : " In the presence of God, I swear to observe faithfully the constitutional charter, with the modifications expressed in the declaration ; to govern only by the laws and according to the laws ; to cause good and true justice to be rendered to each according to his riglit ; and to act in all things only with a view to the interest, the happiness, and the glory of the French people." " While two American packets, escorted by two French men-of-war, rapidly conveyed the old king and his family from France, all France hastened to Paris. "t An English liistorian may add that no inconsiderable portion of • Lockhart's " Life of Scott," voL vii. p. 22G. + Guizot, voL ii. p. Z?. 1S30.] THE BELGIAN REVOLUTIO.'^. 257 the population of this kingdom were, as he himself -witnessed, looking with intense interest upon the localities of the great events of the three days. Some were fraternizing with National Guards in the cafin ; others were mingling in a crowd of all nations at the evening receptions of general La Fayette ; a privileged few were banqueting at some shady guinguette with a great company of French, English, Belgian, and Polish liberals, whose fervid eloquence seemed the prelude to a very unsettled future of European Society. There was, however, so much to admire in the conduct of the French people, that although the traces of carnage were everywhere around — although men of education joined their voices in the common cry of " death to the ministers," as an atonement for the blood of the slain whose graves were daily strewn with immortelles, — the old idea of revolution had lost something of its terrors. There had been more bold speaking at our elections for the new Parliament than was considered in some quarters safe or decorous. Yet tho sympathy of the British population with the revolution of France was not to be mistaken for an approbation of levelling and destructive doctrines, such as had led astray many enthusiasts amongst us in 1789. It was " a contrast to the first revolution ;" it "vindicated the cause of knowledge and liberty, showing how humanizing to all classes of society are the spread of thought and information, and improved political institutions."* The sympathy was too manifest to be set at nought by the government of this country, even if it had been as much disposed to uphold " a royal rebellion against society," as it was the fashion unjustly to ascribe to the great warrior who was the head of the Cabinet. He, it has been stated, was for a short time ])crplexed and undecided. " When nothing was known beyond the ordinances of July, some one asked the duke of Wellington, ' What are we to think of this ?' 'It is a new dynasty,' answered the duke. ' And what course shall you take ?' inquired his friend. ' First, a long silence, and then we will concert with our allies what we shall say.'"t A. wiser and nobler policy tlian "a long silence " and " concert with our allies," was speedily adopted. When the new parliament was opened on the 2nd of November, " the ready manner in which ministers recognized the new government of France " was cordially approved by earl Grey. The Revolution of France necessarily produced a great effect upon the popular feeling throughout Europe, and especially in the kingdom of the Netherlands. Since the settlement of Europe in 1815, when the Congress of Vienna decided that Belgium and Liege, together with the Seven United Provinces, should be formed into one kingdom, there had been constant dis- sensions between the Belgian and Dutch subjects of William Frederick I. The union with Holland had imparted an extraordinary imiml.-e to the com- merce and manufactures of Belgium, but this material prosperity could not blend the two peoples into one nation. The differences of religion and of language, and the inequality upon several financial matters of the northern and southern kingdoms, kept up the acrimony which was exhibited, not only in the public journals, but in the debates of the States-General. In April, 1830, Messrs. Potter, Tielmans, Bartells, and others, were tried at Brussels • Dr. Arnold, August, 1830. "Life," vol. i. p. 254. t Guizot, "Memoira of Sir R. Peel," p. 46. VOL. vni.— 241. 258 THE LIVERPOOL AND MANCHESTER RAILWAY. [1830. on a charge of conspiracy against the government of the Netherlands. The three named were found guiltj, and sentenced to be banished. Potter was ui Paris during the Eevolution of July, the events of which period were not calculated to moderate his revolutionary zeal. He was an active agent in pro- moting the rising of the populace in Brussels on the 25th of August. In a Becond insurrection, of September, the Dutch troops were compelled to retreat before the armed insurgents. The contest went on in various sanguinary con- flicts, until the five great Powers imposed a cessation of arms on both nations and recognized the independence of Belgium by a protocol of the 4th of November. The autumn of 1830 witnessed in England the most remarkable contrast between the triumphs of intellect and the disgraces of ignorance. On the 15th of September the first Railway for the conveyance of passengers was opened, the carriages being drawn by a locomotive engine, at the speed of a racehorse. Immediately after the harvest the Southern Agricultural Counties were given over to more havoc and alarm than had ever attended the opera- tions of the frame-breaking general Ludd. There was a war of the labourer against the farmer, in the shape of incendiary fires of barns and corn-stacks, and the destruction of threshing-machines and other implements of industry beyond the commonest tool. Before we proceed to trace the course of the universal political excitement of the next two years, let us rapidly view the rise of the new power of Communication which was destined to produce results beyond all possible conception in the progress of civilized communities. The simultaneous manifestation of the belief of large bodies of labourers, that their condition would be bettered by driving back society to the commonest inventive arts of savage tribes, and to the barbaric ignorance which, in de- stroying capital, would make all poorer, may be more fitly treated of in a subsequent view of the condition of the labourers in husbandry, when incen- diary fires and the destruction of machinery were traced to causes of no temporary nature. On the 2nd of March, 1825, there was a debate in the House of Commons on the motion for the second reading of the Bill for the Liverpool and Man- chester Eailway. The subscribers to this undertaking were the bankers, merchants, traders, and manufacturers of Liverpool and Manchester. They had not engaged in this project with a view to individual profit as share- holders, for it had been agreed that no person should hold more than ten shares, and they would be satisfied if they received ten per cent., or even five per cent, upon their investment. Their great object was the increase of commerce. It was alleged that no such encouragement was necessary ; for there were two or three canals, which were sufiicient for every purpose of commerce in the districts through which the railway was to pass. The answer was, that under the existing system cotton had been detained at Liverpool for a fortnight, whilst the manufacturers of Manchester were obliged to suspend their labours, and goods manufactured at Manchester could not be transmitted to Liverpool in time for shipment, on account of the tardy canal conveyance. Then came the rejoinder. The experiment of con- veying goods on a railway had been tried, and had completely failed. The best locomotive engine that could be found had been selected ; and the average rate on a plane surface was not three miles and three-quarters per 1830.J THE LOCOMOTIVE ENGINE?. 259 hour, -fthich was slower than caual convejance.* Before a Committee upon the Bill, Telford and others expressed an opinion that with the improvement of the locomotive the speed upon a railway might be fifteen miles, and even twenty miles an hour. These opinions were called " the gross exao-o-erations of the powers of the locomotive steam-engine ;" and it was contended that even if such a speed could be attained, the dangers of burstiuf boilers and broken wheels would be so great, that we should as soon expect that "people would suffer themselves to be fired off upon one of Congreve's ricochet rockets, as trust themselves to the mercy of such a machine going at such a rate." In the same article from which we quote, the general question of railways is thus summarily disposed of: "As to those persons who speculate on making railways general throughout the kingdom, and superseding all the canals, all the waggons, mail and stage-coaches, post-chaises, and, in short every other mode of conveyance by land and by water, we deem them and their visionary schemes unworthy of notice."! The Bill for the Liverpool and Manchester Railway passed, in spite of the most strenuous opposition from canal companies, and from proprietors of laud through or near which the line was intended to run. For four years the works went on. Difficulties were overcome which then appeared in- superable, but which would be deemed trifles in the great engineering opera- tions of a later period of railway speculation. Nevertheless, satisfactory as was this progress, no one believed that a passenger traffic would arise that would dispense in any considerable degree with mails and stage coaches. Railways were not a new invention ; nor were locomotive engines. Tram- roads were used in collieries ; and the construction of a steam-engine that would move forward with a weight behind it had been attempted by various projectors. But the tramways were laid on yielding beds, and out of level ; and the engines would either not go at all or very soon come to a stand. The alliance of the railway and the locomotive was still far distant. In 1813 there was a superintendent engineer of a colliery at Killingworth, who had gradually risen from the humble position of an engine-fireman to be worthy of an employ which, placed him above the condition of a labourer. This self- taught man was George Stephenson. His mind was ever active. He had constructed an incline and an apparatus by which waggons descending from the coal-pit to the loading-place were made to draw up the empty wago-ons. At the time when Davy had invented his safety-lamp, Stephenson had constructed a similar lamp, without any knowledge of the coutemporarv invention, and this lamp is still in use in the pit at Killingworth. In 1814 he had constructed a locomotive engine for the colliery in which he was engaged. It was a success, drawing eight loaded waggons along the tram- way at the rate of four miles an hour. He then declared that there waa no limit to the speed of such an engine, if the works could be made to stand it. During the next ten years his skill and perseverance raised him into employment as the engineer of railways connected with colliery proper- ties. A more important undertaking was the construction of the Stockton and Darlington Railway, on which an engine was employed which drew 'a * Ilansai'd, 2nd series, vol. xii. cols. SJ5 to 854. t " Quarterly Review," vol. xxii. p. i561. 260 GEORGE AND ROBERT STEPHENSON. [1830. joad of ninety tons, at the rate of eight miles au hour. In 1824 be surveyed the line for the Liverpool and Manchester Eailway, and superintended that work till the line was opened in 1830. Great were the objections of engineers to locomotives being employed on this line ; but, with the true confidence of genius, George Stephenson persevered in working out, with the aid of his son Eobert, the plans of an engine which would produce results undreamt of by the most sanguine believers iu the wonders to be effected by the appliances of science to the industrial arts. He persuaded the directors of the railway to offer a prize for the best locomotive. The Eocket engine con.-'tructed by him won the prize. The old modes of transit were from the hour of that experiment changed throughout the wliole civilized world. Burke has de- scribed in glowing imagery the beneficent augelof a noble house unfolding to lord Bathurst, in the reign of Anne, the commercial grandeur of his country; but pointing to America, a little speck, a seminal principle, then scarcely visible in the national interests, which, seventy years afterwards, should give to England a commerce equal to the whole of that wl)ich the young man saw at the beginning of the century. AVe may imagine the angel of the humble house of Stephenson showing to the father and tlie son, intensely meditating over their models and their plans, what would be the effect of their projects upon themselves and upon the world. To the father he might have said — you shall not only construct mighty works yourself, but be the precursor of a great race of engineers who will cover England, Scotland, and Ireland with a web of railways, bringing districts once inaccessible to com- mercial interchange into easy communication, equalizing prices throughout the land, cutting tunnels through the adamantine rock, carrying bridges over great rivers. You were the first that should realize the dream of the poet's " Car of Miracle," " Steady-and swift the self-moved chariot -n-ent." * Before ye both shall "taste of death," — the one in the fullness of years, the other too soon called away from his appointed task — the whi.^tle of the Locomotive shall have been heard upon the continent of Europe, from the Garonne to the Danube. France, Belgium, Germany, Spain, Italy, shall have welcomed the sound ; Eussia shall not have forbidden its approach. It shall have penetrated the densest forests of North America ; its jubilant voice shall tell that a railway has connected the coasts of the Atlantic and the Pacific. Wherever England has colonized there shall have come this sound, the herald of the never-resting spread of her arts, her laws, and her language, To the son the angel might have foretold, — it shaU be yours to connect Birmingham with London, as your father connected Liverpool with Man- chester ; you shall carry the ponderous train over the broad Tyne at Newcastle, and, more daring, over the Menai Strait, by a tubular bridge that shall be a wonder of the world ; you shall complete the railway communication between West Canada and the United States without interruption by the waters of the St. Lawrence ; you shall unite Alexandria with Cairo, to perfect the overland route to India, by works as grand and far more iiselul than the Pyramids, and " forty centuries shall louk down upon * Southev, "Curse of Kehama," xxlii. iSCO.] ANTICIPATIONS OF RAILWAY TRIUMPHS. 261 you," the true conqueror.* The aggregate results in their own country that followed that auspicious, and yet so melancholy, opening of the Liverpool and Mancliester Kailway, might have been shown to them in a vision too vast to be comprehended by us, except by the aid of common computation. Four hundred millions sterling expended upon, ten thousand five hundred miles of railway ; the receipts of these lines in one year, that of 18G0, nearly twenty-eight millions ; the passengers in that year, one hundred and sixty three millions, exclusive of periodical ticket-holders ; in that year the merchandise carried, nearly thirty million tons ; the coal and other minerals above fifty million tons ; the live-stock, consisting of cattle, sheep, and pig's, about thirteen millions. t Extend the view beyond our own land, and even figures convey an inadequate idea of the efi'ect produced upon civilization by the untutored genius of the engine fireman of Killingworth, and the more cultivated miud of his equally illustrious son. Glimpses of the coming era of railways might have filled the mind of the great economist who led the advancing steps of Commercial Freedom, anu who, of all statesmen, was best fitted to deal with the difficulties that would surround the rush of speculation to this novel species of enterprize. At the public meeting of the 18th of June, 1824, for erecting a monument to James Watt, Mr. Huskisson said, that the man to whose memory they owed a tribute of national gratitude had, by his discovery, " subdued and regulated tl)e most terrific power in the universe, — that power which, by the joint operation of pressure and heat, probably produces those tremendous con- vulsions of the earth, which in a moment subvert whole cities, and almost change the face of the inhabited globe. This apparently ungovernable power Mr. AVatt reduced to a state of such perfect organization and discipline — if I may use the expression — that it may now be safely manoeuvred and brought into irresistible action — irresistible, but still regulated, measured, and ascer- tained — or lulled into the most complete and secure repose, at the will of man, and under the guidance of his feeble hand. Thus one man directs it into the bowels of the earth, to tear asunder its very elements, and brine to light its hidden treasures; another places it upon the surface of the waters, to control the winds of heaven, to stem the tides, to check the currents, and defy the waves of the ocean ; a third, perhaps, and a fourth, are destined to apply this mighty power to other purposes, still unthought of and unsuspected, but leading to consequences, possibly, not less important than those which it has already produced." J The " other purposes still unthought of and unsuspected" might be dimly contemplated in the triumphs of the locomotive engine. Mr. Huskisson had been returned as the representative of Liverpool to the new Parliament. Being in ill-health he was unable to appear on the hustings when his constituents re-elected him ; but he was sufficiently recovered to attend the intended magnificent ceremonial of opening the railway. On the morning of the 15th of September he took his seat in the * Ante, vol. vii. p. ^ retired on the Civil List question, yet it is impossible to deny that the anti- cipation of the probable manifestation of opinion on the question of lieform in this house entered into the consideration of the government." The resignations of the Ministers were formally announced in both Houses on the 16th of November, it having been previously known that earl Grey had been sent for by the King. On that evening lord Althorp said he hoped that, as there was [no longer any administration in existence, Mr. Brougham would not submit to the House that evening a question of so much importance as that of which he had given notice. Mr. Brougham said, if the motion were put off it would be contrary to his opinion and to his wishes, but that if he gave up his opinion he would do so in deference to the wishes of the House. " And further, as no change that may take place in the administration can by any possibility affect me, I beg it to be understood that, in putting off the motion, I will put it off until the 25th of this month, and no longer. I will then, and at no more distant period, bring forward the question of Parliamentary Eeform, whatever may be the condition of cir- cumstances, and whosoever may be his Majesty's Ministers." f On the 22nd of November the Commoner who had so decidedly proclaimed his isolation from the expectant Ministry — further declaring on the 17th, " I have nothing to do with them except in the respect I bear them," — took his seat as Chan- cellor in the House of Lords. The patent by which he was created a Peer was not then in the hands of the Clerk of Parliament. As Mr. Brougham he could be Speaker of the House of Lords, but he had only power to put the question. Tlie negotiations which had been carried on for Mr. Brougham's acceptance of a minor office than that of Lord Chancellor are for the most part matter of conjecture, with the exception of the fact that he refused the office of Attorney-General. "VVe personally know, as we knew thirty years ago, that Mr. Brougham's reluctance to leave the House of Commons was almost insuperable ; that the high dignity of Lord Chancellor was not the object of his ambition ; that there was no coquetting on his part, having the Great Seal in prospect, when he made in the House of Commons the declara- tions that we have recited. Lord Althorp himself said — and it is now, through the lapse of time, no violation of confidence to repeat his words — " I almost forced the Great Seal upon Mr. Brougham. I told him that if he did not consent to join the administration the possibility of forming a govern- ment of his political friends would be broken up. Slowly, most unwillingly, was his consent wrung from him. ' What,' he said, ' leave the House of * Guizot, " Memoirs of Peel," p. 51. ' + lidusard, iiid series, vol. i. col. 5i33. 266 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL GREY COMPLETED. [1830. Commons ? If I yield, do not be surprised if my repentance should urge me to some rash act of which you may too soon hear.' " The administration of earl Grey had been readily completed, when the difficulty about Mr. Brougham had been surmounted. On the 22nd of No- vember the principal members of the government kissed hands on their appointments ; and on that evening earl Grey, in the House of Lords, made his statement, as Prime Minister, of the principles which would determine the conduct of his government. . Moderate Eeform ; Economy and Retrench- ment ; repression of Outrage and relief of Distress ; the preservation of Peace with foreign Powers — these were the principles which he and his friends would uphold, and for the maintenance of which they threw them- selves upon the confidence and support of their sovereign, of their lordships, and of the country. In the course of a fortnight all the minor offices were filled up, and were printed in the Gazette. The two Houses continued to sit for a month after the accession of the Whigs to power ; but, in consequence of the necessity for re-election of various members of the Lower House, the proceedings were of little permanent interest. On the 23rd of December earl Grey, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, moved the adjournment o^ the Houses to the 3rd of February. 267 MINISTRY, DECEMBER, 1830. Cabinet. Marquis of Lansdowne Lord Brougham and Vaux Lord Durham Earl Grey . Viscount Althoi-p Sir James Graham, Bart. Viscount Melbourne . Viscount Palmerston . Viscount Goderich Right Hon. Charles Grant Lord Holland . Lord Auckland . Lord President of the Coimcil. Lord High Chancellor. Lord Privy Seal. First Lord of the Treasury. Chancellor of the Exchequer. First Lord of the Admiralty. Secretary of State for the Home Depart. ment. Sec-retary of State for Foreign Affairs. Secretary of State for the Colonies. President of the Board of Control . Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. President of the Board of Trade ai^d Master of the Mint. Not of the Cabinet. Right Hon. C. W. AV. Wynn . Sir James Kempt , . . . Lord John RusseU .... Right Hon. G. A. Ellis . , . Duke of Richmond, K. G. . Right Hon. Robert Grant Lord Nugent, Robert Vernon Smith, Esq., Francis T. Baring, Esq., Hon. G. Ponsonby .... Right Hon. E. EUice, Right Hon. Spring Rice ..... Right Hon. Poulett Thomson. Sir Thomas Denman . . Sii' "William Home . . . . Secretary at War. Master-General of the Ordnance. Paymaster-General of the Forces. First Commissioner of Land Revenue. Postmaster-General. Judge Advocate-General. Lords of the Treasury. Joint Secretaries of the Treasury. Vice-President of the Board of Trade and Treasurer of the Navy. Attorney-General. « Solicitor-General. Marquis Wellesley Duke of Devonshire Earl of Albemarle Marquis of Winchester Gkkat Officers of State. Lord Steward. Lord Chamberlain. Master of the Horse. Groom of the Stole. Marquis of Anglesey Lord Plunkett Hon. E. G. S. Stanley Ibbland. Lord Lieutenant. Lord High Chancellor. Chief Secretary. Francis Jeffrey, Esq. Henry Cockburn, Esq. Scotland. Lord Advocate. Solicitor-GeneraL 208 CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS AND RULERS, 1815-1837. O 02 O (—1 OS o w {« -<1 o H o o Ferdinand VII. Regency. < Q M Thomas Madison, ) (President). ) James Monroe. James Monroe. '; Re-elected 1821. ) JohuQuincy Adams. Andrew Jackson. Andrew Jackson, j Re-elected 1833, J S 1 1 1 ^- 1 1 1 1 g 8 1 1 ^: 1 1 1 ri 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i 1 ■2 "^ b :- J3 -a H e id 1 ^1 1 1 1 1 !! 1 • J! i 16 h-4 1— 1 a i i 1 1 i 1 1 1 1 •c ^ ^ \ .5 S 2 P^ 1^ o •< ^- i M 1 1 1 ^ 1 i 1 -< O u =3 . IN 11^-'^ 1 1 ! 1 1 '^ o ca O X < ^ 1 1 M 1 1 1 I ! .2 "t^ .2 o .£3 o 1-:) O h^ 'A a ^ Ml II 1 1 1 1 i 1 1 ^ 1 2 g b: o kOOOO-^lOOCOlOt-- 1-1 .-1 (M CI IM CO TO CO CO ocoocooooooocoooco H 5 n H -< « s U 1 1 1 1 1 1 i II -g bo o -li o « O ^ {.- 1--5 it^or-i eo>oeoooaiO>-(co h«. T-H i-i (M c-q CN CI (N (M (M CO CI CO CO CO ooooco ajcrjoooooooooooo oo r-l i-(r-lr-l r-lr-lr-(r-lF-tl-Hr-(r-( i-( ... .... . 1 POPULATION OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. UOITNTIKS. OF ENGLAND. Bedford Berks Bucks Cambridge .. Chester Cornwall Cumberland Derby Devon Dorset Durham Essex Gloucester Hampshire Hereford Hertford . Huntingdon Kent Lancaster Leicester Lincoln Middlesex Monmouth Norfolk Northampton Northumberland ... Nottingham Oxford , Rutland Salop Somerset... Stafford Suffolk Surrey Sussex Warwick i Westmoreland , Wilts Worcester - ( East Riding .. g < North Riding .. >H / West Riding .. Total PROTINCES OF IRELAND. 1821. Leinster ... Munster... Ulster ... Coniiaught T^tal 83,716 131,977 134,0G8 121,909 270,098 257,4^7 156,1-24 218,333 439,040 144,499 207,673 289,424 335,843 283,298 103,243 129,714 48,771 426,016 1,052,859 174,571 283,058 1,144,531 71,833 344,368 162,483 198,965 186,873 136,971 18,487 206,153 355,314 341,040 270,542 398,658 233,019 274,392 51,359 222,157 184,424 190,449 183,381 799,357 1831. 95,383 145,289 146, .-.29 143,955 334,410 802,440 169,681 237,170 494,168 159,252 253,827 317,237 386,904 314,313 110,976 143,341 53,149 479,155 1,3:?6,854 197,003 317,244 1,358,541 98,130 390,054 179,276 222,912 225,320 151,726 19,385 222,503 4031908 410,483 296,304 486,326 272,328 336,988 55,041 239,181 211,356 204,018 190,873 976,415 11,261,437 1821. 1831. 13,089,338 1,757,492 1,909,713 1,935,612 2,227,152 1,998,494 I 2,286,622 1,110,229 1,343,914 6,801,827] 7,767,401 COUNTIES OF WALES. Anglesey .... Brecon Cardigan ..., Carmarthen , Carnarvon Denbigh ... Flint Glamorgan Merioneth Montgomery Pembroke... Radnor Total SHIRES OP SCOTLAND. Aberdeen ArgyU Ayr Banff Berwick Bute Caithness Clackmannan Dumbarton Dumfries Edinburgh i:igiii Fife Forfar Haddington Inverness Kincardine Kinross , Kirkcudbright Lanark Linlithgow Nairn Orkney & Shetland Peebles Perth - Renfrew Ross and Cromarty Roxburgh Selkirk , Stirling Sutherland Wigton Total 1821. 1831. 45,063 43,613 57,784 90,239 57,953 76,511 53,784 101,737 34,382 59,899 74,009 22,459 717,438 1821. 15.5,387 97,316 127,299 43,561 33,385 13,797 30,238 13,263 27,317 70,878 191,514 31,162 114,556 113,430 35,127 90,157 29,118 7.762 38,903 244,387 22,685 9,006 53,124 10,046 139,050 112.175 68,828 40,892 6,637 65,376 23,840 32,240 2,093,456 48,325 47,763 64,780 100,655 65,753 83,167 60,012 126,612 35,609 , 66,485 . 81,424 I 24,651 I 805,236 1831. 177,651 101,425 145,055 48,604 34,048 14,151 34,529 14,72i> 33,211 73,770 219,592 34,231 128,839 139,606 36,145 94,797 31,431 9,072 40,590 316,818 23,291 9,354 58,239 10,578 142,894 133,443 74,820 43,663 6,833 72,621 2.5,518 36,258 2,365,807 England .. Wales Scotland . . Ireland Total Males. 5,483,679 350,487 983,552 8,341,926 10,1.59,644 1821. Females. 5,777,758 366,951 1,109,904 3,459,901 10,714,514 Total. 11,261,437 717,438 2,093,456 6,801,827 20,874,158 1831. Males. 6,375,394 394,075 1,115,132 3,794,880 11,679,481 Females. 6,713,944 411,161 1,2.50,675 3,972,521 12,348,301 TotaL 13,089,338 805,236 2,365,807 7,767,401 24,027,782 CHAPTER XV. Ee-asaembling of Parliament— Reform Bill prepared by the Cabinet — Lord John Russell intro- duces the Reform Bill — Wonder and alarm at its contemplated previsions — Fears of the Aristocracy — The Debates on the First Reading — The Debates on the Second Reading — Defeat of the Ministry in Committee — Lord Grey and Lord Brougham urge the King to Dissolve — The Dissolution and General Election — The Reform Bill carried — The Bill in Committee — It is passed — The Bill in the House of Lords — The Bill rejected upon the Second Reading — Resolutions of the House of Commons — Parliament prorogued. When the Legislature re-assembled on the 3rd of February, numerous petitions were presented to the House of Commons praying for Reform of Parliament. Lord Althorp then informed tbe House that on Tuesday the 1st of March the government would be prepared to submit their plan for the improvement of the representative system ; and that the task of explaining the nature and extent of the reform whicb they contemplated would be confided to Lord Jobn Kussell. He was best entitled to propose a full and ef&cient improvement of the representation who had so often failed in his most zealous attempts to procure a partial one. In the House of Lords earl Grey stated that a measure of reform which would be effective, without exceeding the bounds of a just and well-advised moderation, had received the unanimous consent of tbe wbole government, and would at as early a period as possible be submitted to the other House of Parliament, It is now known that a Committee of four members of the government, two of whom were of the Cabinet, had been selected by lord Grey to consider the manifold details connected with so large a change, and to prepare a BiU. That Com- mittee consisted of lord Durham, sir James Graham, lord John Eussell, and viscount Duncannon. The assertion of a son of earl Grey that his father " laid down the principles on which the measure was to be founded, the details of which were to be worked out by other members of the government," is no doubt substantially correct.* The measure prepared by the Committee, which was finally adopted by the Cabinet, was submitted to the king on the 30th of January. The time had gone by, as far as regarded England, when, on that day which was then called the anniversary of a martyrdom, according ' Life and Opinions of Charles Earl Grey," by Lieut, -General Hon. C. Grey, 1861. 1831.] LORD JOHN RUSSELL INTRODUCES THE REFORM felLL. 271 to Yoltaire every king in Europe rises from liis bed with a crick iu his neck. "William IV. is represented to have been anxious to postpone the proposal of the measure to parliament. Lord Grey would have had little difficulty in convincing him that the Crown was most safe when the three branches of the Constitution were working in harmony with the just desires of the people. In the interval between the announcement of the 3rd of February, and the bringing forward the Eeform Bill, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had introduced his budget, of which some portions were carried and others abandoned. The duties on newspapers and advertisements were to be reduced; those on coals, on candles, and on printed cottons were to be abolished. The propositions to reduce the duty on glass and the duty on tobacco were withdrawn ; for some of the taxes offered as substitutes had been strenuously opposed. The Whig ministry had not learnt to know the ministerial safety of firmness. It was to be the privilege of the financial minister of fourteen years later to produce improvements in our architectural taste and in our domestic comforts, which few could have anticipated, by relieving the manufacturers of glass altogether from the payment of duty and from the interference of the officers of revenue with their processes. In that same interval lord Brougham had also introduced a Bill for establishing a new Court in Bankruptcy, which was read a first time. During the month of February the scope of the Eeform Bill had been kept profoundly secret. A few persons were in the confidence of the govern- ment whose judgment and experience were valuable in the arrangement of its details. But when on the 1st of March the Speaker came down to prayers, and not only found the House remarkably full, but every empty seat bearing a label of the name of its proposed occupant, not a dozen of that crowd had the slightest conception of the nature of that measure which they might be called upon to support or to oppose. The speech with which lord John Eussell introduced the proposition of the government was lucid, slightly argumentative, entirely free from rhetorical ornament. The proposed reform was far too great to require more than the simplest and most intelligible statement. It was intelligible enough to produce both wonder and ridicule. It was proposed to a House of Commons of which one hundred and sixty- eight members for England were returned by boroughs. They could scarcely imagine that the whole system of nomination should come to an end. Sixty boroughs were proposed to be wholly disfranchised, as having each less than two thousand inhabitants ; forty-seven boroughs, having less than four thousand inhabitants each, were to return one member instead of two ; and a single borough which had formerly returned four members was to be reduced to half its number of representatives. It was not proposed wholly to fill up the seats thus to be disposed of, but to reduce the number of members of the House of Commons. The existing number of six hundred and fifty- eight was to be curtailed to five hundred and ninety-six. Seven unrepre- sented large towns were to have the right of returning two members each twenty smaller towns unrepresented were to return one member each. London was to be divided into four districts, each having two members, fifty-four members were to be added to the county representation. These and other details of the measure were subsequently altered. Instead of 27-2 WONDER AND ALARM AT THE PROPOSAL. [1831. the old rights of election in boroughs, a household franchise of 101. was substituted. Corporations were deprived of the exclusive privileges which some possessed of returning members. The duration of elections was to be remedied by a previous registration. When lord John Russell proceeded to read the names of the boroughs to be disfranchised wholly or in part, then indeed was the excitement of the House at an unprecedented height. Por once in the grave records of Parliamentary debate we find a morsel of description upon which the imagination may raise up a picture of a most extraordinary scene. "The noble lord accordingly read the follovvirig list, in the course of which he was frequently interrupted by shouts of laughter, cries of ' Hear, Hear,' from members for these boroughs, and by various interlocutions across the table." * For many members it was indeed a personal question of the last importance. Statesmen, too, who looked beyond individual interests were aghast at a proposal so sweeping, so revolu- tionary as they were warranted in believing. It was left to Opposition members somewhat below the highest mark to reply that night to lord John. Kussell. Sir Eobert Peel sat rigid as a statue, his face working with internal emotion, his brow furrowed as by the wrinkles of age. Around him were many of his supporters, bursting again and again into uncontrollable laughter at what appeared to them the prelude to a certain and speedy downfall of the ministry. There were fashionable parties that night where the hosts and the guests sat late in anxious expectation of intelligence from the House. At one of these was the duke of Wellington. As news of the ministerial proposition was read or told there was a burst of merriment in the company. " It is no joke," said the duke ; " you will find it no laughing matter." All London knew the next day what the ministerial project meant. Lord Eldon wrote, in his first moments of surprise, " There is no describing the amaze- ment this plan of reform has occasioned." f Sir llobert Inglis, the member for the University of Oxford, was the first to reply to the arguments of lord John llussell. His speech was an able one, anticipating most of the arguments which were employed for the seven wearisome nights of debate on the introduction of the Bill, and making a free use of that great weapon of alarm which had been so successfully- employed by his party, from the time when Pitt abandoned his position as a reformer in the general terror at the first outbreak of the French revolution. The lapse of forty years had furnished a new argument to prove the danger of any accession to the strength of the democratic principle. Sir Robert Inglis maintained the impossibility of the co-existence of a monarchy with a free press and a purely popular representation, " Sir, I am fully persuaded that a representative system so exclusively popular as that which the noble lord wishes to introduce, has never yet been found in juxtaposition with a free press on the one hand and with a monarchy on the other." J The destruction of the monarchy was to involve the simultaneous destruction o- the House of Peers. On the very day, said sir Robert Inglis, when the House of Commons of 1G4S murdered their king they voted the I ords to * Hansard, vol. ii. col. 1077. t Tvviss, vol. iii. p. ]"20. ^ Hansard, vol. ii. col. 1122. ISni.J FEARS OF THE ARISTOCRACY, 2:£ be useless and dangerous. The abolition of the House of Lords was the most stirring and practical of the prophecies of the alarmists. " Whatever," added sir Robert Inglis, "the intentions of the framers or of the supporters of this measure may be, I am quite sure that, if carried, it will sweep clean the House of Peers in ten years," In or out of Parliament the cry was that the destruction of the aristocracy by the passing of the democratic Eeform Bill was inevitable. The word aristocracy was used, both by the enemies and friends of reform, with a very loose signification. By some it was intended exclusively to mean the nobility ; to others it more properly signified the governino' body of the great and wealthy families, and not a particular class whose rank was hereditary. It is recorded that during one of the debates on the Reform Bill lord Sidmouth said to lord Grey, " I hope God will forgive you on account of this Bill ; I don't think I can :" to which lord Grey replied, " Mark my words ; within two years you will find that we shall have become unpopular, for having brought forward the most aristocratic measure that ever was proposed in parliament." * We have understood that lord Althorp expressed pretty much the same opinion, Neither of the two ministers could have meant to say that the Reform Bill would especially increase the power and influence of the Peers, Lord Eldon must also have used " aristo- cracy " in the extended sense of a governing body not wholly composed of a privileged order, when he said at a Pitt dinner in May, " The aristocracy once destroyed, the best supporters of the lower classes would be swept away. In using the term lower classes he meant nothing offensive. How could he do so ? He himself had been one of the lower classes," f To see nothing in the social condition of our country but a governing body of great families and the " lower classes," was one of the defects of the able lawyer's mental vision. He boasted, and not improperly so, that, like himself, " the humblest in the realm might, by a life of industry, propriety, and good moral and religious conduct, rise to eminence," But the father of lord Eldon and of lord Stowell would have been indignant enough could he have foreseen that his distinguished son would have ranked him as one of " the lower classes;" the father being, according to the description of his other remark- able son, " a considerable merchant, who by a successful application of his industry to various branches of commerce raised a competent fortune." J The ex-Chancellor, when he thus talked about " the lower classes," looked at them with the prejudices of caste which, singular enough, were most cherished by the new nobility. That system had not only been modified, but almost destroyed, a century before John Scott sat in the House of Peers. " The nobility and the middle classes in England followed the same business, embraced the same professions, and what is far more significant, intermarried with each other." § There was another mode of amalgamation in England between the highest and the humblest, which was more rare and yet not less instructive. In the lapse of time, some of the lower classes — some even of * "Life of Lord Sidmouth, " vol. iii. p. 439, uote. + Twiss, vol. iii. p. 127. t Twiss, vol i. p. 23. § Dc Tocqiieville, "France before Llie Revoliiliori," book ii. cLnp. Lx. -242, 27 i THE DEBATES ON THE FIEST READING. [18:^1. the lowliest — could, by right of blood, have stood upon the same level as tho proudest peer of the realm, who in common with them could trace his lineago to one of the three great fountains of honour, Edward III., Edward I., or Henry III. The Marquis of Chandos, who was one of the most conspicuous of the noble opponents of the Reform Bill, was christened Richard Plan- tagenet, by reason of his descent from Elizabeth of York. There were others of his time not so highly placed, but perhaps more happily, who could carry up their lineage even higher than himself. In 1845, John Penny, apprentice to Mr. Watson, saddler, of Windmill-street, the only surviving son of Stephen James Penny, late sexton of St. Greorge's, Hanover-square, could claim undoubted descent from Thomas of Woodstock, duke of Grloucester, fifth son of king Edward the Third. At the same period George Wilmot, keeping the turnpike-gate at Cooper's Bank, near Dudley, who is shown to have descended from Edmund of Woodstock, earl of Kent, sixth son of king Edward the First, was taking toll " almost under the very walls of those feudal towers that gave the name to the barony of which he is a co-heir." * The aristocracy and the lower classes were not wholly separated by an exclusive right of quartering coat armour. The author of " Royal Descents" thinks that the princely blood of Plantagenet might be found to flow through veins even more humble than some of those which he has recorded. He adds, " This is as it should be. There is no prescriptive right of interminable gentility, any more than of great talents or personal attractions." The intermarriages that prevented the aristocracy becoming a caste in England, and the constant elevation of what lord Eldon denominated " the lower classes" to form part of the governing body, rendered it quite certain tliat the revolution, as it was called, — the Reform measure of 1831, — would resolve itself into something very different from the government of a democracy ; and that no fears were more idle than those which proclaimed that the degradation of rank and the destruction of property were close at hand. The second night of the debate was memorable for the speeches of Mr. Macaulay and Mr. Stanley, of which sir James Mackintosh said, they were " two of the finest speeches ever spoken in Parliament." M. Guizot, having affirmed that "the loftiest minds, the most eloquent orators of England, called for reform with earnest conviction, and seemed to regard it as even more indispensable than irresistible," f then quotes, though imperfectly, the pero- ration of Macaulay's speech :-— " Turn where we may, within, around, the voice of great events is proclaiming to us. Reform, that you may preserve. ]N'ow, therefore, while everything at home and abroad forebodes ruin to those who persist in a hopeless struggle against the spirit of the age, now, while the crash of the proudest throne of the continent is still resounding in our ears, now, while the roof of a British palace affords an ignominious shelter to the exiled heir of forty kings, now, while we see on every side ancient institutions subverted and great societies dissolved, now, while the heart of England is still sound, now, while old feelings and old associations retain a power and a charm which may too soon pass away, now, in this your accepted * We derive these particulars from the curious and interesting volume of the late Mr. C. E. Long, entitled " Koyal Descents : a Genealogical List of the several persons entitled to Quarter the Arms of the Royal Houses of England," 1845. f "Memoirs of reel," p. 56. IS31.] THE DEBATES ON THE SECOND READING. '27i, time, now, in this your day of salvation, take counsel, not of prejudice, not of party spirit, not of the ignominious pride of a fatal consistency, but of history, of reason, of the ages which are past, of the signs of this most por- tentous time. Pronounce in a manner worthy of the expectation with which this great debate has been anticipated, and of the long remembrance which it will leave behind. Eenew the youth of the State. Save property, divided against itself. Save the multitude, endangered by its own ungovernable passions. Save the aristocracy, endangered by its own unpopular power. Save the greatest, and fairest, and most highly civilized community that ever existed, from calamities which may in a few days sweep away all the rich heritage of so many ages of wisdom and glory." * The comment of M. Guizot upon this burst of eloquence is : " These sombre prognostics, this powerful language, carried some disturbance into the soul of Peel." The third night of the debate presented unusual interest in the antagonism of lord Palmerston and sir Eobert Peel. The minister who had quitted office when the friends of Mr. Canning appeared to be insulted in the ejection of Mr. Huskisson from the Cabinet, now stood forward as the advocate of a measure of reform compared with which the case of East Eetford was but a drop in the ocean. Lord Palmerston ventured to assert that if Mr. Canning " had lived to mark the signs of the present times, and to bring his great and comprehensive intellect to an examination of the difficulties to be overcome he would have been as ardent a supporter of the measure now proposed by the government as any of the friends he saw around him." f Sir Eobert Peel, in his reply, exclaimed, would to God that Mr. Canning were here, " to confound the sophistry and fallacies of reformers, and to win back the people by the charms of truth and eloquence to a right appreciation of the form of government under which they live." Sir Eobert Peel concluded his speech by a solemn admonition to the ministers : " It was the duty of the government to calm, not to stimulate, the fever of popular excitement. They liave adopted a different course — they have sent through the land the fire- brand of agitation, and no one can now recal it." | The debate on lord John Eussell's motion for leave to bring in the Bill was closed on tlie seventh night without a division ; and when the Speaker had decided that the ayes had it, the cheers from the ministerial benches were enthusiastic. The bill was read a first time on the 14th of March. On the 21st of March, lord John Eussell moved the order of the day for the second reading of the Eeform Bill. Sir Eichard Vivian moved, as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time that day six months. The second reading was carried by a majority of one only in a house of six hundred and eight ; " probably the greatest number which up to that time had ever been assembled at a division." § In ordinary times this bare majority would have compelled the retirement of a ministry from office. They had now the support of the great body of the people, and they must fight the battle till the proper time should arrive for an appeal to the consti- * " Speeches of T. B. Macaulay, corrected by himself," i>. 18. t Hansard, vol. ii. col. 1323. t Hansard, vol. ii. col. 1334 and 1356. § May, " Coustitutiotual History," vol. i. p. 352. 276 DEFEAT OF THE MINISTERS IN COMMITTEE. [1831. tuencies that liad returned the unreformed parliament. On the 18th of April the House went into Committee ou the order of the day, to consider the provisions of the bill for the amendment of the representation. General Gascoigne, following lord John Eussell, moved, "that it is the opinion of this House that the total number of knights, citizens, and burgesses, returned to parliament for that part of the United Kingdom called England and Wales, ought not to be diminished." The debate was adjourned to the 19th. At a late hour the House divided ; for General Gascoigne's amendment, 299 ; against it, 291. The ministry were beaten by a majority of eight. A man of the rarest genius, though not a striking parliamentary orator, — Francis Jeffrey — has left an exquisite picture of an outdoor scene on tliis memorable day-break : " It was a beautiful, rosy, dead calm morning, when we broke up a little before five to-day ; and I took three pensive turns along the solitude of "Westminster Bridge ; admiring the sharp clearness of St. Paul's, and all the city spires soaring up in a cloudless sky, the orange red light that was beginning to play on the trees of the Abbey and the old windows of the Speaker's house, and the flat, green mist of the river floating upon a few lazy hulks on the tide and moving low under the arches. It was a curious contrast with the long previous imprisonment in the stifling roaring House, amidst dying candles, and every sort of exhalation." * On the 21st of April, in the House of Peers, lord Wharncliffe gave notice that he should the next day move that an address be presented to his Majesty praying that he would be graciously pleased not to exercise his un- doubted prerogative of dissolving parliament. On the same evening in the House of Commons, ministers were again defeated by a majority of twenty- two on a question of adjournment. Mr. May states that this vote could not bear the construction which lord Brougham affirmed on the following day, that it amounted to " stopping the supplies." The question before the House was a question concerning the Liverpool election. " Late down in the list of Orders for the day a report from the Committee of Supply was to be received, which dropped by reason of the adjournment." f On the morning of Priday the 22nd, the Prime Minister and the Lord Chancellor were with the King. They had come either to lay the resignations of the Ministry at his Majesty's feet, or to request him to dissolve the Parlia- ment. The popular story of the time was that the King was reluctant to dissolve until the notice given by lord Wharnclifie was felt by him to be an interference with his prerogative ; that then he was impatient to go at once to Parliament, and said, if the royal carriages were not ready send for a hackney coach. Mr. Eoebuck has given a most interesting relation of " the whole scene of this interview of the King and his Ministers, as related by those who could alone describe it." J The Chancellor was requested to manage tlie King on the occasion. His Majesty was startled at their proposition of a dissolution — how could he, after such a fashion, repay the kindness of Parlia- ment in granting him a most liberal civil list, and giving to the Queen a f-plcndid annuity in case she survived him Nevertheless the Chancellor said * Coclcburn, " Life of Lord Jeffroj;," p. 317. + "Constitutional History," vol. i. p. 352. t " History of the Whig Ministry," vol. ii. p. 148. 1831.] LORD GREY AND LORD BROUGHAM URGE THE KING TO DISSOLVE. 27/ that the further existence of the present House of Commons was incompatible •witli the peace and safety of the kingdom. Lord Grey stated that without a dissolution they could not continue to conduct the aflfairs of the countrv. But nothing is arranged, said the King, the great ofBcers of State are not sum- moned — the crown and the robes are not prepared — the Guartls, the troops, have had no orders, and cannot be ready in time. The " daring Chancellor," as Mr. Eoebuck terms him, replied, deferentially, that the officers of State had been prepared to be summoned, and that the crown and robes would be ready. The difficulty about the troops was not so easily answered. The orders for the attendance of the troops upon such occasions always emanate from the sovereign. " Pardon me. Sir," said the Chancellor, " I have given orders, and the troops are ready." The King then burst out, " Tou, my Lord Chancellor, ought to know that such an act is treason, high treason, my lord." The Chancellor humbly acknowledged that he did know it, and that nothing but his own solemn belief that the safety of the State depended upon that day's proceedings could have emboldened him to venture upon so improper a pro- ceeding. The King cooled down ; the speech to be read by his Majesty was in the Chancellor's pocket ; and the Ministers were dismissed with something like a menace and a joke upon the audacity of their proceedings. The Lords had begun to assemble at two o'clock. At twenty minutes before three the Lord Chancellor took his seat, and almost immediately withdrew from tlie House, lord Sljaitesbury being called to the chair. Lord Wharn- clitfe rose to make his motion. At the moment of completing the reading of his resolution, the Lord Chancellor entered the House, and immediately addressing it said, with great emphasis, " 1 never yet heard that the Crown ought not to disj^olve Parliament whenever it thought fit, particularly at a moment when the House of Commons had thought fit to take the extreme and unprecedented step of stopping the supplies." * There was great con- fusion, with cries of " The King, the King." Lord Londonderry rose in fury, and exclaimed, "I protest, my Lords, I will not submit to" The Chancellor, hearing the King approaching, clutched up the Seals and rushed again out of the House. There was again terrible confusion. The earl of Shaftesbury resumed the chair, and the earl of Mansfield proceeded to deliver a general harangue against the Eeform Bill. The Lord Chancellor had met the King whilst the noise of the House was distinctly audible. " What's that ?" said his Majesty. " Only, may it please you. Sir, the House of Lords amusing themselves while awaiting your Majesty's coming." The King entered the House, cut short lord Mansfield's oration, and after the Speaker of the House of Commons and about a hundred members had attended at the bar, commenced his Speech with these very decisive words : " My Lords and Gentlemen, I have come to meet you for the purpose of proroguing this Parliament, with a view to its immediate dissolution." The House of Commons, before the Usher of the Black Rod had tapped at the door, had heea a scene of turbulence and confusion — even outrivalling that of the Lords — which the Speaker had vainly endeavoured to repress. Lord Campbell, at that time member for Staftbrd, says, " Never shall I forget the scene then exhibited in the House of Commons, which might convey an adequate idea * Ilarisard, vA. iii. col. 1S07. 278 '^ THE DISSOLUTION AND GENERAL ELECTION. [1831. of the tumnlifuary dissolutions in the times of the Stuarts. The most excit- ing moment of my public life was when we cheered the guns which announced his Majesty's approach."* Had those guns been heard a day later, the proba- bility is that both Houses would have resolved upon an Address to the King against dissolution, and the royal prerogative would not have been exercised at all, or exercised under circumstances of great difficulty and danger. On the dissolution of Parliament there was an illumination in London, sanctioned by the Lord Mayor, which was attended with more mischief from the turbulence of a mob — who broke the windows of the duke of Wellington and other anti-reformers, — than productive of any real advantage to the popular cause. After the Edinburgh election the Lord Provost was rudely assaulted, and was with difficulty rescued by the soldiery. These things were disclaimed by Eeformers as being the acts of blackguards ; but it must be acknowledged that there was a very slight approach to justice in the charge that sir Robert Peel had made against the government, that they had, " like the giant enemy of the Philistines, lighted three hundred brands and scat- tered through the country discord and dismay." t The zeal of their sup- porters, we fear, was not everywhere satisfied with the formation of Political Unions ; but that they read without much dissatisfaction the newspaper reports of smashed glass, and rude assaults during the elections in towns where the magistrates were supine and the police feeble. Such proceedings seriously damaged the just cause of peaceable Eeform. The cry that went through the country of " The Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," delighted the Government, for it set aside all minor differences of opinion amongst lieformers, and materially influenced the elections by the applica- tion of this simple test to a candidate, — would he support the Bill ? But the mob-violence became to them a source of anxiety and alarm, producing dis- trust and desertion amongst the ranks of Eeformers. " Por God's sake keep the people quiet in Scotland," wrote the Lord Advocate a few months later ; " nothing in the world would do such fatal mischief as riot and violence." J The appeal to the people was signally triumphant. Parliament opened on the 14th of June, when Mr. Manners Sutton Avas chosen Speaker for the sixth time. The king went in state to the House of Lords on the 21st of June, and in his speech recommended the important question of reform in the representa- tion to the earliest and most attentive consideration of parliament. On the 24tli lord John Bussell again brought in the Eeform Bill, with a few altera- tions. The measure thus proposed was confined to England. There was to be a separate bill for Scotland, which was brought in by the Lord Advocate on the 1st of July ; and a separate bill for Ireland, which was brought in by Mr. Stanley on the 30th of June. The discussion upon the English bill was to take place on the second reading, which was moved by lord John Eussell on the 4th of July. There were three nights of debate. Mr. Macaulay's speech on the second night was described by lord Jeflrey as putting him " clearly at the head of the great speakers, if not the debaters, of the House." One passage of that speech may be now read with especial interest. * " Lives of the Chancellors," chap, ccx., note, t Hansard, vol. ii. col. 13.1 6, t "Life of Jeffrey," p. 324. 1831.] THE REFORM BILL CARRIED. 279 " Tour great objection to this bill is that it will not be final. I ask you whether you think that any Eelbrm Bill which you can frame will be final ? For my part, I do believe that the settlement proposed by his majesty's ministers will be final, in the only sense in which a wise man ever uses that word. I believe that it will last during that time for which alone we ought at present to think of legislating. Another generation may find in the new representative system defects such as we find in the old representative system. Civilization will proceed. Wealth will increase. Industry and trade will find out new seats. The same causes which have turned so many villages into great towns, which have turned so many thousands of square miles of fir and heath into cornfields and orchards, will continue to operate. Por our children we do not pretend to legislate. All that we can do for them is to leave to them a memorable example of the manner in Avhich great reforms ought to be made." * On the third night of debate the House divided : for the second reading, 367 ; against it, 231. On the 12th of July the House went into Committee. It was not till the 6th of Sep- tember that the bill came out of this harassing stage of its progress, being the thirty-ninth sitting of the Committee. Night after night there were debates upon every clause of disfranchisement and every clause of enfran- chisement. The leader of this mode of opposition was Mr. John Wilson Croker, whose power of mastering the most obscure details, whether in politics or literature, was perhaps unrivalled, and, we fear we must add, whose application of his minute researches was not always quite honest. His mind was formed by nature and habit for controversy. His acuteness and his energy were supported by his determined will, and his passionate resolve to look only at one side of the shield. He was a master of sarcasm, which, however, was not unaccompanied by a kindly spirit. Guizot, with a just discrimination between the value of set speeches and real business, assigns to this "man of vigorous, clear, precise, and practical mind," f the real leadership in the opposition to the Reform Bill in the House of Commons. The minister who was always ready to repel his attacks was one of very different character. Lord Althorp subdued his adversaries, and was a buckler to his supporters, by his siugleness of purpose. Never was any one more truly described than the Chancellor of the Exchequer was by Jeffrey : " There is something to me quite delightful in his calm, clumsy, courageous, immutable probity and well-meaning, and it seems to have a charm for every body." J Mr. Croker was to the last a most unyielding advocate of principles which had ceased to have any consistent application. When the Reform Bill passed, he believed, with men of >aore timidity and less intellectual grasp, that the time was not far distant when all that England prized would perisli under a reformed parliament. In September, 1832, it was written of Mr. Croker by one of his own party, that " no words can describe his desponding, hopeless view of all public matters ; national ruin and bankruptcy with him are inevitable." § In 1836 his friends observed that he absolutely seemed to rejoice at any * "Speeches of T. B. JSIacaulay, corrected by himself," p. 31:, + " Memoirs of Peel," p. 5(5. t Cockburn, " Life of Jeffrey," p. 32-2. § liaikes's "Diary," vul. i. p. fc7. 280 THE BILL IN COMMITTEE— IT IS PASSED. [1331. partial fulfilment of his prophecies. " Fitzgerald once said to lord Welleslej at the Castle, 'I have had a very melancholy letter from C ■ this morning.' ' Aye !* said lord Wellesley, ' written, I suppose, in a strain of the most sanguine despondency.' " * It is satisfactory to contrast the opinions of the duke of Wellington after the passing of the Reform Bill, as reported by the same authority : " He said, we have seen great clianges ; we can only hope for the best ; we cannot foresee what will happen ; but few people will be sanguine enough to imagine that we shall ever again be as prosperous as we have been. His language breathed no bitterness, neither sunk into despondency." f Before the lieform Bill came out of Committee, an important alteration was carried by the marquis of Chandos, — that tenants-at-wili paying fifty pounds per annum for their holdings should have a vote for the county. This proposal, which involved other amendments of a similar tendency, Avas carried by a majority of eighty-four. It was contended that this clause, instead of making the farmers more independent, as was alleged, would make a tenant wholly dependent upon the will of his landlord in the exercise of liis franchise. Undoubtedly, before the repeal of the corn-laws, which, in freeing the farmers from the shackles of protection, gave scope for the exercise of their skill and capital, the tenant-at-will was more subservient to the com- mands of the owner of the soil. It may, however, be doubted now, when the interests of landlord and tenant have become more identified, because the social relations of each are better understood, whether it would be possible, as apprehended by lord Milton, that " a knot of persons, of great lauded possessions, would combine for the purpose of securing the representation, and by the power which the adoption of these proposed amendments would give them, would fix the whole representation in the hands of an oligarchy." + Freed from the committee ; having been read a third time, after a division in a House whose diminished numbers showed how wearisome were the pro- tracted discussions ; the Eeform Bill passed the House of Commons on the 21st of September, the numbers being tlu'ee hundred and forty-five for the measure, and two hundred and thirty-six against it. On the 22nd of September the House of Lords presented an unusual attendance of Peers. Peeresses were accommodated at the bar, and the space abetted to strangers was thronged to an overflow. The Lord Chancellor takes his seat at the "Woolsack. The Deputy-Usher of the Black Eod announces " A Message from the Commons :" the doors are thrown open ; and lord Althorp and lord John Eussell, bearing the Eelbrm Bill in their hands, appear at the head of a hundred members of the Lower House. Lord .John Russell, in delivering the Bill to the Lord Chancellor, who had come to the bar, says with a firm and audible voice, "My Lords, the House of Commons have passed an Act to Amend the Representation of England and Wales, to which they desire your Lordships' concurrence." § The words, usually of mere form and ceremony, by which a Message of the Commons is communicated to the Lords, were spoken by the Lord Chancellor wiih unusual • Raikes's "Diary," vol. iii. p. 43. + I'l'nl., vol. \. p. G8. X Hansard, vol. vi. col. 274. § This scene forms the suliject of a iiistorioal j).-iiiitiii;;. 1831.] THE BILL IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 2Si solemnity of tone and manner amidst breathless silence. * The Bill was tliei: read a first time, and vras ordered to be read a second time on Monday the 3rd of October. During the five nights of debate in this memorable week, the House of Lords stood before the nation presenting examples of the highest eloquence that ever characterized a great deliberative assembly. Whatever adverse sentiments the Reports of these debates might excite, they could not fail to impress the thinking part of the nation with the conviction that the House of Lords fitly represented the most powerful nobility in Europe, not only because it was the most wealthy and the best educated of any aristocratic assembly ; not only that it was surrounded with grand historical associations ; but that, however it might be opposed for a time to the prevailing popular opinion, it was in many essentials so intimately allied with the body of the people that they could never be in a long continued state of isolation or antagonism. This debate was opened by earl Grrey. There was a calmness and solemnity in his words and manner which well befitted the statesman who now, in his sixty-eighth year, stood prominently forward as the advocate of a measure which he had proposed in the House of Commons forty years before ; and, more than advocate, as the responsible author of a Eeform Bill of far greater scope and of more practical importance than any plan which he had supported duriu"' his long parliamentary career. But it was not enough, he said, for a public man, pretending to the character of a Statesman, to show that what he has to propose is in conformity with opinions long established in his mind ; he is bound to feel the conviction that in proposing a measure aflecting the mighty interests of the State, the course he takes is called for by justice and necessity. He has further to prove that he has not brought right opinions into notice rashly, precipitately, or at a dangerous season. Having explained the general character of the proposed Bill, he thus vindicated its extent and comprehen- siveness, t "I felt that the most prudent and the safest measure of Eeform would be a bold one, because, when I looked at the condition of the country — when I considered how just the claims of the people were — and when, above all, I reflected upon the absolute necessity of satisfying the respectable and reasonable part of the community, in order that thereby the Government and Legislature might be furnished with a ground on which a firm and safe stand might be made in defence of the principles of the constitution, if ever they should be really assailed — from all these considerations, I say, I was satisfied that nothing but a bold and decisive measure would give such general satisfaction and content as would set the question at rest." J Earl Grey was followed by lord Wharnclifle, who moved an amendment to the effect that the Bill be rejected altogether. On the second night of debate the duke of AYellington spoke at much greater length than he usually spake. He maintained tliat this country having enjoyed a larger share of happiness, comfort, and prosperity than were ever enjoyed by any nation, could any man believe that tiiese advantages would remain if such a democratic assembly as that proposed should once be established in England? " A democracy has never been established in any • Hansard, vol. vii. col. 480. + Ibid., col. 035. t Ibid., col. lOJ-2. 282 THE BILL IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. [1831, part of the world tliat it has not immediately declared war against property, against the payment of the public debt, and against all the principles of conservation which are secured by, and are in fact the principal objects of, the British Constitution as it now exists." The duke of Wellington's speech gave a very significant anticipation of the rejection of the Bill by the Lords, and of the probability that, the government being defeated, there would be another ministry who would propose a reform that might not be dreaded as "a bold and decisive measure." "I recommend to you to keep yourselves free to adopt any measure upon this subject which should secure to this country the blessings of a government." * The duke, after the passing of the Bill, always asked, How is the King's government to be carried on ? The long continued Tory belief was that lord Grey's vital change — " that sweeping Bill which prevented him, and will prevent any other government, from ruling the country again," f — would render any government impossible but that which was dictated by the will of a turbulent democracy. The great soldier's notion of " ruling," which was the one idea of his party, was something different from that which we entertain at this day, when the best rule which England has ever lived under is the most in harmony with the sober desires of the great middle class, and most careful of the rights and liberties of the universal people. Lord Dudley, upon the third night of debate, delivered an elegant and classical speech opposing the Bill, which lord Brougham subsequently characterized as " an exercise or essay of the highest merit, on change, on democracies, on republicanism, — an essay or exercitation on some other thesis, but not on this Bill." J One part of the speech of lord Dudley was however anything but irrelevant to the measure before the House. In a yery few words it comprehended volumes of declamation that had been already spoken, of the well working of nomination boroughs and of all the other anomalies of the representative system. " It was only by the abuses of the Constitution, as they were called, that the due balance was maintained, and the evils which would arise from the superiority of the popular branch of the Legislature prevented, or at least mitigated. It was only because the Crown and the House of Lords had an influence in that of the Commons, which was wholly unacknowledged by the theory of the Constitution, that the Constitution had been maintained." § The fourth night of the debate was chiefly occupied by the able speeches of lord Carnarvon and lord Plunkett. On the fifth and last night the speech of lord Eldon was affecting, from his allusions to his great age, and to his early education upon cheap terms in the Corporation school of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. He appeared to think that the school would be destroyed by lessening the influence of the Corporation and that of freemen of the borough ; and that thus a hope which he bad cherished would not be realized. " I had hoped that when my ashes were laid in the grave, where they probably soon will be, that I might have given some memorandum that boys there, situated as I was, might rise to be Chancellors * Hansard, vol. vii. coL 1205. t Raikes's "Diary," vol. iii. p. 7. :;: Speech od Ileform, October 7th. § Uansard, vol. vii. col. 1342. 1831.] THE BILL REJECTED UPON THE SECOND READING. 283 of England." On that night the great lawyers had almost exclusive possession of the House, — two ex-chancellors and he who now sat on the AVoolsack. Lord Brougham rose to speak before his friend and rival, lord Lyndhurst. To attempt a selection of passages from this speech — from what lord Lyndhurst described as "a splendid declamation which had never been surpassed on any occasion even by the noble and learned lord himself" — would be to carry us beyond our proper limits. One passage however in the peroration may be fitly given : " Hear the parable of the Sibyl ; for it conveys a wise and wholesome moral. She now appears at your gate, and offers you mildly the volumes — the precious volumes of wisdom and peace. The price she asks is reasonable ; to restore the franchise, which, without any bargain, you ought voluntarily to give : you refuse her terms — her moderate terms, — she darkens the porch no longer. But soon, for you cannot do without her wares, you call her back ; — again she comes, but with diminished treasures ; the leaves of the book are in part torn away by lawless hands, — in part defaced Avith characters of blood. But the prophetic maid has risen in her demands — it is Parliament by the Tear — it is Vote by the Ballot — it is Suffrage by the Million ! Prom this you turn away indignant, and for the second time she departs. Beware of her third coming ; for the treasure you must have ; and Avhat price she may next demand, who shall tell ? It may even be the mace which rests upon that woolsack. What may follow your course of obstinacy, if persisted in, I cannot take upon me to predict, nor do I wish to conjecture. But this I know full well, that, as sure as man is mortal, and to err is human, justice deferred enhances the price at which you must purchase safety and peace ; — nor can you expect to gather in another crop than they did who went before you, if you persevere in their utterly abominable husbandry, of sowing injustice and reaping rebellion."* Lord Lyndhurst followed. The debate was concluded by a reply of earl Grey to the principal arguments against the Bill which had been adduced during those five nights. He was exhausted, as were nearly all his listeners, but his intellectual vigour was never more signally manifested. Of the sincerity of his concluding words not even the bitterest of his political adversaries could doubt : " I have lived a long life of exclusion from office ; I had no official habits ; I possessed not the advantages which those official habits confer. I am fond of retirement and domestic life, and I lived happy and content in the bosom of my family ; I was surrounded by those to whom I am attached by the warmest ties of affection. What, then, but a sense of duty could have induced me to plunge into all the difficulties, not unforeseen, of my present situation ? What else, in my declining age, — ' What else could tempt me on those stormy seas, Bankrupt of life, yet prodigal of ease ?' " t Between six and seven o'clock on the morning of Saturday the 8th of October, the House of Lords divided upon the second reading of the Reform Bill: * "Brougham's Speeches," vol. ii p. ^34, + Hansard, vol. viii. col. 338. 284 RESOLUTIONS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. [1S3I Ts^on-contents, present 150, proxies 49 — 199 Contents, present 128, proxies 30 — 158 Majority against the Bill — 41 Lord EUlon rejoices, in a letter of the next day, that the mob would not Btay lor the close of the debate.* Their patience during a cold and drizzling night of waiting in Palace Tard had been worn out ; and when the Peers came forth there were none to salute them with cheers or hisses. The roll- ing of the carriages alone was heard, as Reformers or Conservatives, in the broad daylight, went to their homes as quietly as if a whole nation had not been anxiously awaking that morning to know how the great work was so far concluded. The rejection of the Reform Bill by the House of Lords was not un- foreseen. The disproportion of the two parties in that House was perfectly well known. During the reigns of George III. and George IV., the creation of peers had been almost exclusively confined to the Tory party;— the bishops had, with very few exceptions, been selected with no forgetfulness of their political opinions. To remedy, in some degree, this disproportion, six- teen new peers had been created before the second reading of the Bill. Lord Grey, in moving that reading, had addressed to the bishops a very significant Avarnia-g "to put their house in order." Many of the peers had refrained from voting ; but on the 7th of October the bishops were on their bench in strong numbers ; and, of thirteen present, twelve voted against the bill, nine others sending their proxies for the same object of defeating the measure Avhich had so triumphantly passed the House of Commons. The great con- test was yet, however, to be fought out in another campaign. The Lords had gone from the house on the Saturday morning, after such a night of excitement and fatigue as few had before encountered. On the following Monday lord Ebringtou, member for Devonshire, moved in the House of Commons a resolution to the efiect that the House lamenting the present fate of the bill for amending the representation, feels itself called upon to I'e-assert its firm adherence to the principle and leading provisions of that great measure, and to express its unabated confidence in the integrity, perse- verance, and ability of those ministers who, in introducing and conducting it, had so well consulted the best interests of the country. The resolution was carried by 829 votes to 198. The public enthusiasm gave a hearty assent to the principle urged on that occasion by Mr. Macaulay, when he asked, " ought we to abandon the bill merely because the Lords have rejected it ? "VVe ought to respect the lawful privileges of their House, but we ought also to assert our own." Hiot and outrage at Derby ; and at Nottingham the burning of the Castle by a frantic mob, clouded for a time the hope which all honest reformers entertained that reason and justice should alone pre- vail. The saddest, however, could relish the wit, which, however pungent, was like oil upon the waves. " Mrs. Partington" became famous throughout the land: — "As for the possibility of the House of Lords preventing ere long a reform of parliament, I hold it to be the most absurd notion that * " Life," vol. i. p. 329. 1831 J PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. 285 ever entered into human imagination. I do not mean to be disrespectful, but the attempt of the Lords to stop the progress of reform reminds me very forcibly of the great storm of Sidmouth, and of the conduct of the ex- cellent Mrs. Partington on that occasion. In the winter of 1824, there set in a great flood upon that town — the tide rose to an incredible height — the waves rushed in upon the houses, and everything was threatened with de- struction. In the midst of this sublime and terrible storm. Dame Partington, who lived upon the beach, was seen at the door of her house with mop and pattens, trundling her mop, squeezing out the sea-water, and vigorously pushing away the Atlantic Ocean. The Atlantic was roused. Mrs. Part- ington's spirit was up ; but I need not tell you that the contest was un- equal. The Atlantic Ocean beat Mrs. Partington, She was excellent at a slop, or a puddle, but she should not have meddled with a tempest. Gentlemen, be at your ease — be quiet and steady. Tou will beat Mrs. Partington." * The ministry stood firm, although they were taunted witli their con- tinuance in power after they had found themselves opposed by such a majority in the House of Lords as no minister had ever encountered a second time. There was no wavering in the king. He went to the House of Peers on the 20th of October; and having given the royal assent to lord Brougham's Bankruptcy Court Bill, amongst other bills, he prorogued the parliament, stating that its attention must necessarily be called upon nt the opening of the ensuing session to the important question of a cou« stitutional reform in the Commons House of Parliament. * Srdney Sniiih : "^^'ccch at Taunton," Oct. 12, 1831. CHAPTER XVI, Intense excitement during the prorogation — Dangers from popular ignorance — Incendiary fires and machine-breaking — The Derby, Nottingham, and Bristol Riots— Destruction of pro- perty at Bristol — The Cholera approaching — Cowardly alarmists— Central Board of Health formed — Parliament — New Reform Bill passed by the Commons — The Bill in the Lords, read a second time — Political Unions — The Lords' Committee, and the majority against Ministers — The King refuses to create Peers — The Ministry resign — The Duke of Welling- ton attempts to form a Government — The negotiations fail — The Reform Ministry returns to power — The King's consent to a creation of Peers given, but not exercised — Final passing of the Reform Bill. It is impossible to look back at the interval between the prorogation of Parliament on the 20th of October, 1831, and the conclusion of the labours of the last unreformed Parliament on the 16th of August, 1832, without a sense of relief in feeling that the country had passed without permanent damage through a crisis of unexampled danger, aggravated by a special visitation of Providence which many persons regarded as a judgment. The times were truly alarming. Nevertheless, during the great political conflict of seven months, — during the terrific outbreak of a knot of miscreants at Bristol, the occasional violence of the mob in London, the partial outrages of the peasantry of the southern counties, the terrors of a new and frightful disease for which no medical authority could prescribe a satisfactory treat- ment and which no public regulation could arrest — the political excitement was so great and universal, that, like combatants on a field of battle, the energy of the hour was sufficient to repress, whether amongst reformers or anti-reformers, any sentiment of fear that would have amounted to a panic. The nation, whether ranged on one side or the other, had never been so much in earnest since the days of the Long Parliament. It is true that the popular cause could number its supporters by thousands, whilst those on the other side might be counted by hundreds. But the leaders of the hundreds believed that they had everything to lose, and they not only fought with desperation themselves, but were cheered on by a most zealous following, who sincerely dreaded that the end of all government and the destruction of all property were close at hand. There were everywhere wrong-headed men in popular assemblies ranting about the unequal distribu- tion of wealtli ; pretended teachers of political economy proclaiming the tyranny of Capital, and showing how easily a change might be made by 1831.] INCENDIAllY FIRES AND MACHINE-BREAKING. 2S7 whieli the labourers, without any intervention, might till the fields and work the looms. Some more modestly proposed that at the death of any member of the community his widow and children should have no exclusive claim ; and that all his property should be divided amongst every member of society of adult age. The absurdities that hung around every scheme for the " division of property" neutralized their possible efiect upon the great body of mechanics, who were not without some means of instruction that had been placed within their reach. There was another class more open to dangerous advice, and more incapable of weighing the probable consequences of lawless acts. The labourers in husbandry had been often told that they had a claim upon a much higher rate of allowance from the poor's-rates, whilst at this very time the enormous pressure of those rates was driving the land even of whole parishes out of cultivation. The labourers believed, as they had been long encouraged by magistrates to believe, that the parish was bound to find work and pay wherever there was no profitable work to be done. The " Organization du Travail" of the French political philosophers in 1848 was not an original invention. In England we had not the National Workshop, but we had the Parish Gravel-pit. The gravel-pit lowered the wages of all agricultural labour, by confounding the distinctions between industry and idleness, between strength and weakness, between dexterity and clumsiness. All the moral qualifications that made one labourer more valuable than another were utterly broken down. And so, when the weekly pittance for unprofitable labour was doled out by the overseer of the poor, — when the farmer equalized the rate of wages by reducing his ploughman and carter almost to the level of the gravel diggers, and sent tlieir wives to the over- seers to make up by allowance the just payment of which they were defrauded — the peasantry took to burning ricks and breaking machines. The machine breaking was intelligible. Machines were held to be substitutes for manual labour, and thus to diminish profitable employment. But the rick burning : How could arson be a relief for hunger P The destruction of food raised the price of food. The excessive ignoranc© of the peasantry — the hateful isolation of their class from their employers — the neglect of the rich — made them apt listeners to the devilish promptings of some village Cade in the beer-shop. They had undoubted grievances ; and we can scarcely wonder that paupers and poachers became rick-burners and machine breakers, in the belief that those above them in rank were in a conspiracy to oppress them. The southern labourers knew nothing of the Eeform Bill, and cared nothing. They thought only of the misery and neglect of their own unhappy lot. "Swing" was at work months before lord Grrey came into power — " Swing" was their one reform leader. They took their own course of pro- claiming their wretchedness and their ignorance, to the terror and shame of those who had kept them ignorant, and passed them by in the haughty indifierence which regarded a peasant and a slave as something near akin — " slaves in ignorance, without having them chained and watched to prevent chem hurting us." * The jail and the gallows seemed the only remedies when property became unsafe — • Dr. Arnold, " Life," vol. i. p. 282. 288 THE DERBY, NOTTINGHAM, AND BRISTOL RIOTS. [1831. " The blind mole casts Copp'd hills toward heaven, to tell, the earth is throng'd By man's oppression, and the pooi* worm doth die for 't." * In the same state of ignorance, especially of political ignorance, as tbe southern peasantry, but not with equal provocation for their outrages, were the dregs of the people who broke open the city jail at Derby and set the prisoners at liberty, and those who burnt down Nottingham Castle. More entirely distinct, even than the agricultural labourers, from those who cherished any over-zealous aspirations for an amended representation of the people, were those who formed the mass of rioters at Bristol. There, an insignificant mob of the merest outcasts of a seaport long remarkable for a filthy, ignorant, and drunken horde of labourers of the lowest class, — many of the so-called workers habitual thieves, — held during a Saturday afternoon, and the whole of Sunday till daybreak on Monday, the lives and property of the inhabitants of one of the great cities of the empire at the mercy of their reckless brutality. Sir Charles Wetherell had been amongst the most determined opponents of the Reform Bill during its passage through the House of Commons. He was Recorder of Bristol, and being a man of as much eccentricity as talent, he disregarded the warnings which were given him, that it might be more prudent to open the City Sessions on the 29th of October without any public entry. Recorders now-a-days go more modestly about their business ; but sir Charles Wetherell determined to have a procession. A large number of influential inhabitants, whether as political supporters, or to maintain the dignity of his judicial function, formed a great cavalcade around tbe sheriff's carriage in which the Recorder was to enter the city. He reached the Guildhall amidst tbe hisses of the populace, but with no injury from the few stones that were thrown at his carriage. There was some confusion in the hall during the opening of the Commission : but the pre- liminary business having been gone through, and the Court adjourned till Monday morning, the Recorder retired, the people giving three cheers for the king. Sir Charles Wetherell took up his residence at the Mansion' house. This, during the whole of the afternoon, was surrounded by a moi, upon which constables occasionally rushed to seize some prominent offender, bov or man, who manifested his spirit by hurling some missile at an irri- tated guardian of the peace. The evening came on ; the mob of blackguards became more daring ; colliers came in from the neighbouring pits to join the fun, and the Mansion-house was attacked in a far more formidable manner than at the earlier hour in the afternoon ; for the greater number of con- stables had left the rioters to their diversion, and had quietly gone away to seek refreshment. In the darkness of that autumnal night, the windows of the Chief Magistrate's residence were shattered, the doors were forced, and pre- parations were made to set the Mansion-house on fire. Sir Charles Wetherell during the tumult effected his retreat. The troops arrived, and arrested the conflagration. The soldiers were cheered as they trotted their liorses backward and forward ; the Commander of the district. Colonel Brereton, exhorted the mob to peace, but he did not effectually clear the * " Pericles," act i. scene 1. /83i.] DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY AT BRISTOL. * 289 streets. The ragged populace were triumphant for that Saturday. On the Sunday morning the consequences of a too humane lenity were signally exhibited. The troops had remained in the streets all night. On the Sunday morning, all being quiet, they retired to their quarters. The churches and chapels were filled as usual, without any apprehension of danger. A crowd was again collected before the Mansion-house. They burst into the hall, and reaching the upper rooms threw the furniture into the street. They penetrated to the wine-cellars, and carrying off the cor- poration stores of the choicest port, were soon lying upon pavements dead with drunkenness. The troops again came out, and the tumult, which might have been quelled without bloodshed if the respectable inhabitants had been sworn in on the Saturday as special constables, which they entreated to be, now became a wide-wasting career of rapine and destruction. There was a little firing of the 14th Light Dragoons upon the mob, who assaulted them with brick-bats. Still there was a belief that the worst had passed. The soldiers were then, for the most part, withdrawn from the city. The subse- quent proceedings of the mob sufficiently indicated the class of persons of which it was composed. They beat in the doors of the Bridewell with sledge- hammers, set free the prisoners, and fired the building. Another party con- ducted the same operations with equal success at the New Borough Jail. A third manifested their zeal for Liberty by releasing all confined in the Gloucester County Jail. There were to be no more prisons in Bristol. From these three places of confinement the flames were rising at one and the same time. Fire now became the great manifestation of the savagery which some dreaded, or pretended to dread, as the natural result of the Reform agitation. The Mansion-house was set on fire. The demoniacs ran from room to room, kindling the flames, and when the roof fell in the progress of the conflagration had been so rapid that many were cut off from a retreat. The bishop's palace was reduced to ashes. The Custom-house followed. This building was near the Mansion-house in Queen's Square. Prisons and stately buildings were not the sole objects of this most causeless outbreak. There was no rallyihg-cry in the streets, such as that of "No Popery" in 1780, and of " Church and King " in 1791. No voice was heard to exclaim " The Bill." It was all mad fury without any possible object except plunder and the indulgence of the grossest sensuality. At three o'clock in the morning there were forty-two dwelling-houses and warehouses burning. Two sides of Queen's Square, with the exception of two houses, were de- stroyed. The fliimes were lighting the ruffians who paraded the streets and, knocking at the doors of ale-houses and liquor-shops, were demanding " drink or blood." Their intoxication quelled the outrages even more effectually than the soldiery, who were now brought back into the city, and hesitated not to fire and charge, as they might have done far more advantageously had force been employed at the commencement of the outbreak. The outrages were at an end ; not through this final act of tardy vigour by direction of the magistracy, but through the exhaustion of the handful of blackguards when the daylight showed the extent of the ruin which they had perpetrated It was a lamentable circumstance, though one not without its lesson, that Colonel Brereton, having been brought to trial at a court-martial for neglect of duty, shot himself on the fourth day of the inquiry. The law avenged VOL. vui.— 243. 290 THE CHOLERA APPROACHING. [1831. itself in January on tlie rioters. Bristol had for many a year to levy a rate of 10,000Z. for compensation to the losers of property. The Author of the "Popular History " ventures to obtrude some words which he wrote at this fearful season — not as containing any very striking reasoning or exhortation, but as expressing his own feelings in common with those of the eminent men with whom he was then associated in the diffusion of knowledge : " In moments such as these, when we hear of a few hundreds of abandoned miscreants, — not working men in any sense of the title, but thieves and outcasts, — not knowing the first interests of working men, because wanton destroyers of the capital by which labour must be supported, — when we hear of a small band of these most ignorant of mankind, in this enlightened country, in this intellectual age, holding the lives and possessions of a com- munity of eighty thousand people,* even for a single hour at the mercy of their lawless passions, we could almost be tempted to think that real freedom should never be the birthright of such spurners of the laws of God and man. Cast your eyes for a moment upon such scenes of frantic not, of desperate outrage, of grovelling drunkenness in the lowest stage of brutal abandon- ment ; think of the terror of the peaceful inhabitants of such a place in those hours of midnight plunder and Sabbath riots ; and picture to yourselves the wives and children of those once happy families clinging to their husbands and their parents to shield them from the destruction that was let loose in such unnatural and hideous shapes. When you have pondered upon these things, look round for the remedy. It is the diffusion of sound knowledge which leads to the cultivation of genuine religion. Unless you, each in your own circle, put down that ignorant spirit that would make this temple of our once industrious and peaceful island ' a den of thieves,' our liberties are at an end, because our security is at an end. There can be no liberty without security. Unless you, each in your own circle, endeavour to instruct the less informed in the knowledge of their rights in connexion with their duties, we shall all go backward in freedom, and therefore in national prosperity." t "Whilst Bristol was burning, the cholera had come to England. At the beginning of November, cases which had terminated fatally were reported from Sunderland. A true Christian, — one whose honour it was to lead the way in the establishment of a better system than prevailed in great public schools, — a liberal thinker who regarded "the Ministerial Eeform BiU as a safe and necessary measure," — is described as filled with the most anxious fears towards the end of 1831. Dr. Arnold was accustomed to preach a practical sermon to his school on Sundays. His biographer says, — " There are those among his pupils who can never forget the moment when, on that dark November afternoon, after the simple preface, stating in what sense worldly thoughts were or were not to be brought into that place, he at once began with that solemnity which marked his voice and manner when speaking of what deeply moved him : — ' I need not tell you that this is a marked time, — a time such as neither we, nor our fathers for many generations before us, have experienced ; and to those who know what the past has been, it ia * The population of Bristol in 1831, as shown hy the Population Returns published in 1832, was above 100,000. ■f " The Rij^htB of Industry: addressed to the Working Men of the Uuite 1 Dis- -o 1 tricts. ^^^e'^^- rCulross . . 1 Dunfermline 8<( Inverkeithing I Queensferry IStirling . . ! Dumbarton Glasgow Renfrew. . Rutherglen . C Dunbar . Haddington 10 < Jedburgh . Lauder . . t North Berwick ^ Lanark . , Linlithgow . Peebles . . Selkirk . . 11 TAyr (C Campbelton 12 ^ Inverary I Irvine . . LRothsay. . f Annan . . I Dumfries . Kirkcudbright Lochmabeu Sanquhar . New Galloway Stranraer . Whithorn . Wigton . . 13 14 Counties where- in locally situated. . Perth . . . Fife. . . . Fife. . . . Linlithgow . Stirling . Dumbarton . Lanark . . . Renfrew . . Lanark . . . Haddington . Haddington . Roxburgh Berwick . Haddington . Lanark . Linlithgow Peebles . . Selkirk . Ayr . . . Argyle . . Argyle . • Ayr . . . Bute . . Dumfries . Dumfries . Kirkcudbri . Dumfries . Dumfries Kirkcudbri . Wigton . Wigton . Wigton Mem- bers. r I- 1 tht) Ireland. In the hnperial PcM'liament, from the Union under George III. Cities and Counties wherein Mem- Boroughs, locally situated. bers. Ai-magh (Armagh) Athlone (Roscommon and Westmeath) Banuon Belfast Carlow Carrickfergus Cashel Clonmel Coleraine Cork Downpatrifk Drogheda Dublin Dundalk Dungannon Dungarvan Ennis (Cork) (Antrim) (Carlow) (co. corporate) (Tipperary) (Tipperary) (Londonderry) (co. corporate) (Down) (CO. corporate) (co. corporate) (Louth) . (Tyrone (Waterford) (Clare) . Cities and Boroughs. Enniskillen Galway Kilkenny Kinsale Limerick Lisburn Ijondonderry ^Mallow New Ross Newry Counties wherein locally situated. (Fermanagh) (co. corporate) (co. corporate) (Cork) (co. corporate) (Antrim) (Londonderry) (Cork) . (Wexford) (Down) Mem- bers. Portarlington (King's County and Q County) Shgo (Sligo) , Tralee (Kerry) Waterford (co. corporate) Wexford (Wexford) Youghal (Cork) Universities. [From the reign of James I.] Cambridge 2 members. ] Oxford 2 members. [From the Irish Union under George 111.] Dublin ..... 1 CHAPTER XVIII. Opening of the New Parliament — Election of the Speaker — The King's Speech — Mr. O'Conaell's Amendment — Declaration of Sir Robert Peel — Coercion Bill for Ireland passed by the Lords — Public Health— Observance of the Sabbath — Coercion Bill in the House of Com- mons — The Coercion Bill passed — Financial Measures — Cobbett's Motion against Sir Robert Peel — Bill for the Reform of the Irish Church^Abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies — Effects of the Abolition — Limitation of Labour in Factories — Bank Charter — East India Company's Charter— Prorogation. On the 29th of January, 1833, the new Parliament was opened by Com- mission. The Act for abolishing the oaths to be taken before the Lord Steward had come into operation ; and a House of Commons was at once formed. The attendance of members was very large. One of the new repre- sentatives of Ireland, Mr. John. O'Connell, has described some of the circum- stances of that first meeting. His father, Daniel O'Connell, he says, led what might have been called his " household brigade," namely, his three sons and two sons-in-law, down to the House. In the passages they met and were introduced to Cobbett, habited in a kind of pepper-and-salt garb, in fashion something between that of a quaker and of a comfortable farmer, and wearing a broad-brimmed white hat, thrown back so as to give the fullest view of his shrewd though bluff countenance, and his keen cold-looking eye. The " household brigade" proceeded to take their seats upon the second bench on the opposition side, somewhat indignant at a long quizzing from Mr. Stanley's eye-glass. The great Irish orator was more modest in selecting his seat than others of the Eadical party, who boldly ranged themselves upon the front bench, as if to awe the Ministerial Whigs, who were immediately opposite. .A.ccording to the Irish member's " Eecollections," William Cobbett was amongst the most conspicuous of those Avho took this post of honour.* One who foxxr days afterwards records what he saw, says, " On our entering the House, and turning our eyes to the Treasury bench, the first person we saw, in the place of the black-whiskered, blufi", yeomanlike lord Althorp, was the white-headed veteran of the Radicals, WiUiam Cobbett, who had "Recollections and Experiences," by John O'Connell, Esq., M. P., 1849, vol, i. chap. 1. 818 ELECTION OF THE SPEAKER— THE KING'S SPEECH. [1833. taken his seat above the minister, and thus, as it were, installed himself as Leader of the E-eformed House of Commons."*. The first business of the Lower House was the election of a Speaker. Mr. Hume, asserting the principle that it was necessary to have a Speaker who should represent the opinions of the majority of the House, and believing that the majority were Reformers, proposed Mr. E. J. Littleton, the member for the southern division of Staffordshire. He was seconded by Mr. O'Con- nell. Lord Morpeth, upon the principle of looking to the change which had taken place in the constitution of parliament, considered that it was most advisable to have all possible assistance to their proceedings from a gentleman of long practical experience and tried ability. He proposed the right hon. Charles Manners Sutton. The debate went on with little variation from the usual forms of parliamentary courtesy, when the broad-brimmed white hat of the singular man on the foremost place of the Treasury bench was taken off, and up rose the author of the " Register," who had written that he was born " to be one of the greatest terrors to one of the greatest and most powerful bodies of knaves and fools that ever were permitted to afflict this or any other country." t Out of that most powerful body of which he now formed a part some of the especial objects of his wrath had been withdrawn. But many objects of his old hatred still remained — many a country gentleman whose class he had denounced as unfeeling tyrants who squeezed the labourer for gain's sake ; many " lords of the loom," who had been designated as "rich ruffians;" many of the "education-canters," who did not follow out his theory that nothing could " be good with regard to the labouring classes unless it made an addition to their victuals, drink, or clothing." Cob- bett's style of speaking was as strange to the House of Commons as his habiliments. In supporting Mr. Hume's nomination of a Speaker, he began with these very plain words : — " It appears to me that since I have been sitting here I have heard a great deal of vain and unprofitable conversation." He objected to placing a man in the chair who had already received large sums of the public money. The right honourable gentleman had been for sixteen years in the office of Speaker ; he had received every year a salary of six thousand pounds, taken from the starving people of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Mr. Hume's motion was rejected by a majority of two hundred and ten, and Mr. Manners Sutton again became Speaker. On the 5th of February the King opened the Parliament for " the des- patch of business," according to the formal expression of what is the duty expected from parliament. The despatch of business in that one session is recorded in six volumes of Hansard, containing seven thousand seven hundred and forty-four columns of debate. Great measures were indeed discussed in both Houses during that session, which lasted till the 29th of August. During this time the House of Commons had sat a hundred and forty-two days, upon an average of nine hours daily. The usual average had been four and a half or five hours. + The chief objects upon which the members of that House had thus vied with factory workers were suggested in the King's Speech ; the approaching termination of the charters of the Bank of England and the * " Spectator," February 2. _ t " Kur.al Rides," p. 18. :;: Hansard, 3rd series, vol. xx. col. 907 : Statement of sir Robert Inglis, upon infor- iniition derived from Mr. Rickman, an officer of the House. 1833.] MR- O'CONNELL'S AMENDMENT. 313 East India Company ; the state of the Church, more particularly regarding its temporalities ; the Church of Ireland ; the necessity of entrusting the Crown with greater powers for controlling and punishing the spirit of insub- ordination and violence in Ireland, which had greatly increased, and for pre- serving and strengthening the legislative union between the two countries. There were two other great measures, not indicated at the commencement of the session, that occupied the further attention of Parliament — the regulation of infant labour in factories, and the abolition of Slavery in the West-India colonies. To the task of dealing with many of these important subjects, both Houses applied themselves with a sedate and earnest spirit. But there was one topic in the King's Speech which instantly called up a host of turbulent feelings, little in accordance with that spirit of brotherhood which some enthusiasts believed would in future render the House of Commons an assembly altoge- ther labouring for the national good, and redeem it from its old character of the cockpit of party. The Irish members who followed the leadership of O'Connell came away " with hearts full of bitterness," after listening to the royal speech, believing that the only part of it which the King's infirmities or his inclinations allowed him to deliver with any distinctness was that in which be threatened Ireland.* The amendment was moved by Mr. O'Connell. Never, since on his own Irish ground of agitation he designated Mr. Stanley a "shave-beggar," had he ventured upon such coarseness as he now thrust upon the House of Commons. He described the echo of the King's speech as "a bloody and brutal Address ;" " a bloody, brutal, and unconstitutional Ad- dress." Pity it was that the remarkable powers of O'Connell, the "Demosthenic directness and vehemence," as Jeffrey described the oratory of this great artist, were so often degraded into the utterance of a copious vocabulary of scurrility. Mr. Stanley replied to what he called " the eloquent and forcible invective " of the honourable and learned member for Dublin. The speech of the Secretary for Ireland was something far more telling than invective, although it contained sufficient bitterness to make lasting enemies. He set forth the system of outrages which prevailed in a land where the law was a dead letter ; where the law was insufficient to meet the exigencies of insur- rectionary crime, — where no witness could afford to give evidence, where no jury could dare to convict, though the guilt of the culprit were as noto- rious as the sun at noonday. " No government could apply itself efficiently to the remedying of grievances, unless it also possessed the power to make the laws respected." f The opening of Mr. Stanley's speech was received with cries of " Bravo" in the House, and even with applause in the strangers' gallery. He taunted Mr. O'Connell with the declaration that he would relieve Ireland " from the yoke of the Sassenach." The Grovernmeut now told him that his panacea of Repeal " should be resisted to the death." Such was the spirit of courageous defiance that won for Mr. Stanley the name of *' the Eupert of debate." Mr. O'Connell's amendment was finally rejected by a majority of three hundred and eighty-eight in a House of four hundred and sixty-eight ; ayes, 40 ; noes, 428. Of his forty supporters, six were members for England, two for Scotland, and thirty-two for Ireland. • John O'Connell, vol. i. p. 9. + Hansard, vol. xv. col. 196. 2-20 DECLARATION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL. [1833. The debates upon the Address occupied five nights. It certainly was a na- tional benefit that much of the eloquence which had been expended, both in England and Ireland, for the excitement of popular assemblies, now harm- lessly exploded In a place where the freedom of debate was indeed unlimited, but where no demagogue could make extravagant statements without receiving an immediate contradiction. It was curious that the great Irish Agitator in his eloquent Invective said no single word tending to raise a discussion about Eepeal. " He keeps it, and prudently keeps it," said Mr. Macaulay, "for audiences of a very different kind." O'Conuell and Cobbett might in their hearts aspire to be the Danton and Marat of a new National Assembly. But the House of Commons, with all its renovated spirit of democracy, was not so favourable a theatre for their coarser harangues as the Hall of the Catholic Association or the farmer's table of a country town on market-day. There was some voice of the past in that old Chapel of St. Stephen, which pro- claimed that liberty had there been won by the gentlemen of England, and that if it ceased to be a place where the habits of gentlemen could be pre- served, it would cease to be a place worthy of the efibrts which had been made by the people to renovate and exalt its character. Looking beyond the almost solitary attempts of the English demagogue to speak in Parliament so as to set the poor against the rich, — hearing some- thing more harmonious than the war-trump of the Irish leader to call his followers to skirmishes or pitched-battles in which the reward of victory would be the repeal of the union, — there were Important lessons to be ga- thered from those five nights of debate introductory to the practical business of the session. They pretty conclusively showed, In the first place, that the expectations of the ultra- Tory party that the Reform Bill would be re- pealed — that another Restoration, more joyful than the royal triumph of Charles the Second, would terminate the execrated career of the Revolution of 1832 * — were sanguine hopes which would be quickly dispersed even by the breath of him who had most consistently opposed a Reform in parlia- ment. On the third night of the debate on the Address, sir Robert Peel thus declared himself : — " The Kiug's Government had abstained from all unseemly triumph in the King's speech respecting the measure of Reform. He would profit by their example, and would say nothing upon that head ; but consider that question as finally and irrevocably disposed of. He was now determined to look forward to the future alone, and considering the Constitution as it existed, to take his stand on main and essential matters — to join In resisting every attempt at new measures which could not be stirred without unsettling the public mind, and endangering public prosperity He was for reforming every Institution that really required reform ; but he was for doing It gradually, dispassionately and deliberately, In order that the reform might be lasting."t Further, the apprehensions of many who in common with lord Eldou thought they saw that monarchy, peerage, property, would inevitably sink under the rule and domination of democrats, were as signally disappointed. J Sir Robert Peel, indeed, correctly describes the notices in • See "Quarterly Review," vol. xlvii. p. 589. t Hansard, Srd series, vol. xv. col. 385. Given also verbatim from Hansard, in sir R Peel's "Metuoirs," vol. ii. p. 69. t Twiss, vol. lii. p. 2iti. 1833.] COERCION BILL FOR IRELAND PASSED BY THE LORDS. 321 the Order-book as promising motions for new laws on every imaginable subject; for simultaneous change in everything that was established. But the Order- book remains the principal historical record of schemes which were in great part the wind-bubbles of new members who thought that the spirit of inno- vation would best recommend them to the constituencies by which they had been chosen. Although upon great political questions the disposition to force extreme opinions was very small, yet a vast mass of crude notions was evi- dently afloat upon social questions, which many with their strong prejudices and small knowledge thought themselves qualified to discuss. The complaint that the new parliamentary system did not work well was not confined to the remnants of the anti- Reform party. Jefirey very frankly and truly wrote, after the House of Commons had risen for the Easter holidays : — " The friction in the working of the machine, and the consequent obstruction of its movements, has been much greater than was ever known ; and though this may grow less when it has been longer in use, as is the case with all new machines, I am afraid part of it is owing to the increased number of inde- pendent movements, and part, perhaps, to the want of the old oiling which can no longer be aiforded."* The House of Commons having endured for six nights the incessant labour and excitement of the debates on the Address, had now a short interval of relaxation and calm, whilst in the Upper House the question of coercive measures for the repression of Irish disturbances was discussed with the judi- cial temper of that assembly. On the fifteenth of February lord Grey intro- duced the Bill for the more effectual suppression of local disturbances and dangerous Associations in Ireland. He stated that between the 1st of January and the end of December, 1832, there had been committed a total of nine thousand and two crimes, — homicides, 242 ; robberies, 1179 ; burglaries, 401 ; burnings, 568 ; houghing cattle, 290 ; serious assaults, 161 ; riots, 203; illegal rescues, 353 ; illegal notices, 2,094 ; illegal meetings, 427 ; injuries to property, 796 ; attacks on houses, 723 ; firing with intent to kill, 328 ; rob- bery of arms, 117 ; administering unlawful oaths, 163 ; resistance to legal process, 8 ; turning up land, 20 ; resistance to tithes, 50 ; taking forcible possession, 2. This enumeration sufficiently shows how large a proportion of the offences were out of the ordinary course of criminal acts. The proposi- tion of the government was, to give the Lord Lieutenant power to forbid objectionable public meetings, and to introduce martial law into districts proclaimed to be in a state of disturbance. The Bill was read a third time in the House of Lords and passed on the 22nd of February. It was not till the 27th that the subject was introduced to the House of Commons. Meanwhile lighter topics might there be dealt with, by which personal hostility would not be so easily provoked. Joseph Pease, having been elected for the south- ern division of the county of Durham, appeared on the 8th of February to take his seat in the House. He objected to the oath tendered to him, and prayed to be allowed to make his solemn affirmation. The Speaker having stated that without the sanction of the House he dared not allow this course, the subject was referred to a Select Committee. Although some members might have dreaded that the sturdy Quaker would refuse to take * Cockburn, "Life of Jeflfrey," voL i. p. 346. VOL. Yin.— 245. 322 PUBLIC HEALTH— OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH. [1833. off bis hat when he passed the Speaker's chair, upon the Eeport of the Com- mittee the affirmation was allowed to be substituted for the oath, the resolu- tion being carried amidst the cheers of the House. One of the greatest of social questions, the Health of the People, was now brought into view by Mr. Slaney, — a gentleman who has never ceased for thirty years to promote some sound measure of real popular advantage. He proposed that a Committee be appointed to consider the best means of securing open places in the neigh- bourhood of great towns for the healthful exercise of the population. Mr. Lamb, the Secretary of State, regretted that too little attention had been paid to this subject at the passing of Enclosure Bills. On this occasion the expe- diency was suggested of throwing open the grounds of the Eegent's Park, which had been kept so long closed to the public* The table of the House had been covered with petitions praying for the better observance of the Sabbath, the greater part being presented by sir Andrew Agnew. Upon the presentation of one of these petitions, it was explained that the proposed alteration of the law was to prevent the tyranny by which individuals who followed certain trades on that day were compelled by their masters to violate their consciences by working on the Sabbath. Mr. Cobbett brought his strong common sense and plain English to deal with this point. A measure to prevent masters working men-servants on Sunday would be perfectly nugatory, unless it went into private families : " Were gentlemen backward in employing their coachmen, tlieir grooms, and their footmen on Sundays ? Why, these were a set of workmen who laboured verj hard, in Hyde Park, for instance. They were well dressed up, and looked very fine with their gold-headed canes, but he would be bound to say, that if they had their choice they would much rather be at home with the maids."t The Bill of sir Andrew Agnew, which was truly described by Mr. M. D. Hill, the member for Hull, as " a Bill for the desecration of the Sabbath by the rich, and for the observance of it by the poor ;" — which was termed by lord Althorp, "a Bill of pains and penalties uncalled for and impolitic, not desired by the public, and not deserved by them ;" — was rejected on the 17th of May. We may lastly mention, before we proceed to notice the greater legislative mea- sures of this Session, that although there had been some mitigation of the Criminal Code so as to render capital punishments less frequent, there was yet much to be accomplished before the great truth was recognized by the legis- lature, " that laws which cannot be carried into execution without shocking the feelings of society and exciting sympathy for the offender, are contrary to reason, inconsistent with morality, and opposed to the interests of justice." These were the words of a petition signed by five thousand inhabitants of the metropolis. On the debate upon this petitiona hope was expressed that the Session would not pass without a more general application of secondary punishments. Mr. Lamb said, that the subject was under the consideration of government ; that a gentleman had been sent out to America to investigate tlie system of secondary punishments, and the state of prison discipline established in that country. Thus, then, thirty years ago we were only pre- * The Regent's Park was laidout in 1812. The admission of the public was confined to its outer roads for twenty-six years, tliey being entirely excluded from the inside of the park 11111838. t Hansard, vol, xv., col. 1191. 1833.] COERCION BILL IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 323 paring to inquire into one of the most complicated social questions of more recent times. The difficulties of the question — difficulties which have become far greater since the growth of the Colonies has rendered the system of transportation almost impossible — seem principally to have induced lord Eldou to maintain the doctrine, now happily obsolete, — that the fear of death prevented the commission of those crimes against which it was directed. In a debate on the 25th of June, 1832, the ex-Chancellor said, that after the experience of half a century he had never known a lawyer or a politician who was able to point out to him what to his mind was a satisfactory secondary punishment. The legal or the legislative mind had scarcely then associated, in the smallest degree, the notion of reformation with secondary punish- ment. On the 27th of February, in the House of Commons, lord Althorp moved the second reading of the Bill for the Suppression of Disturbance in Ireland. His speech was a temperate statement of facts, concluding with a forcible and almost eloquent inference from those facts : " "We shall, doubtless, have divers declamations in praise of liberty, which no man wishes to gainsay ; but the question is, is it from a state of liberty that Ireland is to be rescued ? Is she not to be rescued from a state of great and severe tyranny ? Is she not to be rescued from a state of anarchy, where life has no safety, and pro- perty no security? Liberty is something more than a name, and the benefits of liberty are the protection of life and property — the protection of every man in doing that which pleases himself, and is not detrimental to society."* Very different in tone was the speech of Mr. Stanley on the same night. The terrific outrages which he detailed supplied the strongest arguments for the measure advocated by the government. But there was an object beyond the passing of this immediate measure which the Secretary for Ireland steadily kept in view in his fervid denunciations. He would put down, if possible, the "political domination" which prevented the free expression of public opinion in Ireland. In his hands the great Agitator experienced no mercy. He quoted the words of a ballad which had been sung in the streets of Kilkenny, in which the Sassenach tyrants — "those cursed demons" — must quit the land, and poor Irish captives be liberated, " all by the means of our noble Dan." Mr. Stanley asked, with bitter emphasis, " "Who was it that furnished to the ignorant people these topics of declamation, and then con- demned the outrages which had been caused by the hatred and discontent which he had himself excited." f Mr. Stanley brought down a storm of indignation upon the head of Mr. O'Connell by referring to a speech made by him only a few days before at a meeting of the working classes, in which he had termed the members of the House " six hundred robbers o- scoundrels." Henceforth it was " war to the knife" between these two great parliamentary orators. Whether it was politic to render peace impossible between the government and the astute leader of the Irish Ee- pealers, may perhaps be doubted. Some of his followers might have wavered under a milder treatment. Very few now disbelieve that the charge against •the chief of Mr. O'Connell's lieutenants, that he privately said that ministers * Hansard, vol. xv. col. 1226. + Ihid.y col. 1282. S24 THE COERCION BILL PASSED— FINANCIAL, MEASURES. [1833. ought not to abate an atom of tlie bill, was substantially true. The cowardice of some who knew its truth, and had not the courage to support the member who, with more honesty than discretion, proclaimed it, permitted the allega- tion to be disposed of in the next session of Parliament as " founded upon information that was erroneous." On the adjourned debate on the 1st of March, sir Eobert Peel supported the government in a speech of extraor- dinary power. He referred to the catalogue of crime in one province, in which were included one hundred and ninety-six murders and murderous attempts — crimes of insurrectionary violence. " One hundred and ninety- six murders ! — why, you have fought great battles, and achieved famous victories, at a less cost of English blood ! [An Hon. Member : No, no !»] No ! but I say emphatically, Yes. The battle of St. Vincent cost you less. The terrible bombardment of Algiers cost you less. "With less profusion of English blood you rolled back the fiery tide which the exulting valour of Prance poured upon the heights of Busaco. But why do I talk of battles ? Oh, how tame and feeble the comparison between death on the field of honour, and that death which is inflicted by the hand of Irish assassins." * The debate on the first reading of the Coercion Bill was carried on during five sittings. On the last night Mr. O'Connell spoke with his accustomed force. The Bill was read a first time by a majority of three hundred and seventy-seven. It was read a second time by a majority of two hundred and seventy-nine. But it was in Committee that the great Agitator, who could there speak as often as he pleased, was most efi'ective. " He was free," says his son, " to meet every charge, answer every argument, throw back every taunt, and crush, with overpowering ridicule every puny assailant." t The Bill was read a third time on the 29th of March. It was sent back to the Lords for their approval of the alterations in some enactments which minis- ters had thought it prudent to make, and being quickly passed, it received the royal assent on the 2nd of April. During this conflict the opinions of Mr. Stanley had been so strongly expressed, and the mutual hostility of the agitators and the Irish Secretary had become so personal, that he re- moved to the ofiice of Secretary for the Colonies (vacated by viscount Goderich, who became Lord Privy Seal, by the title of earl of Eipon), and was succeeded by sir John Cam Hobhouse. The difilculties of the government during the first session of the Eeformed Parliament did not arise out of the afiairs of England or Scotland. Their financial measures were not very strong ; they were compromises, for the most part, of large demands for the abolition of taxes, made by the indepen- dent members of the Eeform party. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, for example, thought the tax upon newspapers a bad tax, but he did not con- sider its repeal would confer a benefit equivalent to the loss the revenue would sustain. He would reduce the duty on advertisements ; he would, repeal the taxes on particular classes of servants, such as shopmen and bailiffs ; he would reduce the duties on soap ; altogether he would aff"ord relief to the amount of more than a million and a quarter. This peddling mode of looking at the operation of taxes long continued to prevail, for • HanBard, toI. xvi. col. 05. t John O'Connell, "Recollections," vol. i. p. 17. 1833.] COBBETT'S MOTION AGAINST SIR R, PEEL. 325 neither the legislature nor the people yet understood that the most opores- sive of all taxation was that which interfered with the free march of industry ; that any partial reduction, without sweeping away the fiscal re- gulations which hampered the operations of commerce or manufactures, was comparatively worthless. A motion was made, on the 26th of March, by Mr. George Eobinson, for a Select Committee to revise the existing system of taxation with a view to the repeal of those burdens which pressed most heavily upon productive industry, and to substitute an equitable tax on pro- perty in lieu thereof. The motion, opposed by the government, was negatived. One of the objects contemplated by a certain class of reformers was the re- turn to a paper currency, they contending that the distress of the country — a, distress which was always assumed rather than proved — was produced by our existing monetary system. Mr. Attwood, the member for Birmingham, moved for a Select Committee on this subject on tlie 22ud of April, and after a debate of three nights, an Amendment of the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer was carried by a very large majority. Connected with this intricate subject, which of all others demanded the calmest consideration, was a violent motion of Mr. Cobbett on the 16th of May, calling for an address praying his majesty to dismiss sir Robert Peel from the Privy Council, as the author of the Currency Bill of 1819. The debate upon a proposition so utterly unreasonable and absurd was remarkable for a speech of sir E,obert Peel, in which, replying to the taunts of his present assailant and of others, that he was the son of a cotton weaver, he said — "they taunted him with the ob- scurity of his birth, as if they were themselves the descendants of the Cour- tenays and the Montmorencies So far from that taunt causing him any shame, he felt only proud." Cobbett, in rising to reply, was received with the strongest manifestations of disapprobation. Upon the division on his motion the ayes were four, the noes two hundred and ninety-eight. Lord Althorp then proposed that tlie resolution should not be entered on the minutes. The Speaker explained that every proposition is entered upon the minutes the moment it is moved and seconded, and that therefore he must put the question, " that the proceedings be expunged." The House divided, ayes, two hundred and ninety-five ; noes, four. There were two Irish members who voted with the minority. We record this to notice the mode in which a member of parliament, whether Irish, English, or Scotch, Dot absolutely devoid of the commonest principles of honesty, may be led by the violence of partisanship into a really dishonest action. Mr. John O'Connell says, " I was one of four unfortunates who, amid the laughter and jeers of the House, went out in favour of the motion when the division came. I did so, not for Cobbett' s reasons but my own — namely, the mischiefs done to Ireland by the object of his wrath." * The government was not less successful in supporting a measure in the House of Commons for the relief of the Jews from civil disabilities. That Bill, however, was lost in the Upper House. The Lord Chancellor was unsuccessful in carrying a Bill for estab- lishing Courts of Local Jurisdiction in certain parts of the kingdom. It was introduced by him on the 28th of March. In the debate on the 24th of June it was opposed by all the law lords. They were most probably moved * " Kecollections," vol. i. p. 39. 326 BILL FOR REFORM OF THE IRISH CHURCH. [1833; thereto by lord Eldon, who denounced it as " a most abominable Law Bill of the Chancellor's, one of the most objectionable I have ever seen proposed to parliament." * The Bill was finally negatived by 134 to 122. In these minor questions success or defeat was not important to the stability of the government. The great questions of the session which followed the Irish Coercion Bill involved a real trial of strength. The King, in his speech, in calling attention to the state of the Church, and more particularly to the Church of Ireland, foreshadowed a contest that would last through his own reign and not be perfectly settled in another reign. "Within a week after the meeting of Parliament, the Chancellor of the- Exchequer obtained leave to bring in a Bill, to alter and amend the laws relative to the Church Establishment in Irelaud. On the 11th of March the bill was read a first time. It was brought forward during the heat of the debates on the bill for the repression of Irish disturbances. This bill for the reform of the Irish Church was considered by the ministers to be " a healing measure," necessary to be immediately passed. There were various delays which prevented the preliminary resolutions being debated till the 2nd of April. The details of the measure of reform thus contemplated may be very briefly stated. The total revenues of the Irish Church were about £800,000 per annum. Upon these it was intended, after abolishing first-fruits, to impose a tax, varying according to the value of livings and bishoprics, exempt- ing, however, all livings under £200 per annum. The sum thus obtained was to be applied under Commissioners to the abolition of church-cess, the augmentation of poor livings, and the building of glebe-houses. Deans and chapters were to be abolished wherever they were unconnected with the cure of souls, and ten bishoprics were to be merged in those that were to be preserved. If by the Act to be introduced any new value not properly belonging to the Church should be obtained, especially from the large increase that might be expected .from letting episcopal lands, that value, estimated at three millions, should be appropriated to the exigencies of the State. In the passage of the bill through the House Mr. Stanley resisted this appropriation, as an alienation of Church property, and proposed that it should be paid into the hands of ecclesiastical Commissioners appointed under the Act. This alteration was stigmatised by Mr. O'Connell as the basest act which a national assembly could sanction. It was however carried by a large majority. The Bill finally passed in the Commons by a majority of a hundred and eighty. The second reading was debated in the House of Lords for three nights, and was carried by a hundred and fifty-seven votes against ninety-eight. In the Committee earl Grey was defeated by a majority of two upon an important clause, upon which the Committee was adjourned, — a movement which looked like an intimation that ministers might resign if the bill were not carried in its integrity. This and other amendments were, however, submitted to, and the bill passed on the 30th of July. The Commons agreed to the Amend- ments, and Mr. O'Connell, declaring that the Lords had not made the bill much worse than they found it, said that he received it only " as an instalment of a debt due to Ireland." There were at that time, as there still continue to be, many stedfast friends of the English Established Church who thought • Twiss, Tol. iii. ?. 201. 1833.] ABOLITIOX OF SLAVERY IN THE BRITISH COLONIES. 327 that this bill was really onlj aa instalment of some liealiug measure that would make the Irish Church cease to be a danger and a reproach. There were many who thought, as Mr. Macaulay thought in 1845, when he said in Parliament, " I am prepared to support my opinion that of all the institutions now existing in the civilized world, the Established Church of Ireland is the most absurd." On the other hand, there were many who supported the esclusively endowed Church of a minority, not only in the conscientious belief that its revenues ought not to be applied to secular purposes, but in the sanguine hope that, by preserving it in its integrity, it would remain a refuge and a bulwark until by the progress of enlightenment it might grow into a National Church iii the truest sense of the term. Thirty years have seen very slight approach to the realization of this hope. It is refreshing to escape out of the region of party violence and personal animosity, to behold the legislature applying itself to the calm consideration of the best way to accomplish a righteous act of justice and mercy, of which the first condition of its accomplishment was that the country should make a great pecuniary sacrifice. In 1823 Mr. Canning had proposed tliat decisive measures should be taken for producing such a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population by the amelioration of their condition as would prepare them for a participation in civil rights and liberties. * In 1832 lord Althorp on the part of the government, in reply to a motion by Mr. T. Eowell Buxton for a Select Committee to prepare for the extinction of slavery in the British dominions at the earliest possible moment, moved an amend- ment which was essentially a repetition of the resolution of 1823, For nine years no sensible effects had been produced by that resolution. It was a friendly warning to the Colonists, but it was unheeded by all the Colonial legislatures, with the exception of some very slight improvements affecting the physical condition of the slaves, which they did not resist. Lord Althorp would not pledge himself to any immediate abolition of Slavery, because he did not think that the slave population was in a condition to receive that boon beneficially for themselves. The pacific emancipation of great multitudes in slavery had been held by Mackintosh, as we have seen, as a problem so arduous as to perplex and almost silence the reason of man.f Ten years after his emphatic declaration the government boldly proposed to the Reformed Parliament, not a compromise which might again postpone the decision of this question for another ten years, but a comprehensive and final measure. To the ])rinciple of this proposal there was scarcely any opposition ; its details were considered in the spirit of a dignified liberality, worthy of a great nation preparing to do a great act. On the 14th of May Mr. Stanley, the Secretary for the Colonies, proposed five resolutions in a Committee of the House of Commons. The first declared — "that it is the opinion of the Committee that immediate and effectual measures be taken for the entire abolition of Slavery throughout the Colonies, under such provisions for regulating the condition of the negroes as may combine their welfare with the interests of the proprie- tors." The subsequent four resolutions were in substance as follows : 2, any children who should be under six years of age at the time of passing an Act for the abolition of slavery, were to be declared free : 3, all persons now • Ante, p. 193. t An!e, p. 194. 528 ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE BRITISH COLONIES. [1833. slaves were to be entitled to be registered as apprenticed labourers, to acquire thereby all rights of freedom, under the restriction of labouring for their present owners for a time to be fixed by parliament : 4, to afford compeasatiou to proprietors against a risk of loss by the abolition of slavery : 5, to defray any expense in establishing an efficient stipendiary magistracy, for the pur- pose of assisting the local legislatures in providing for the religious and moral education of the negro population.* In the introduction of this measure Mr. Stanley adverted to the heavy responsibility which devolved upon him. The interests, the comforts, the prosperity, perhaps the very existence, of a large population in the West India Colonies hung upon the decision of those resolutions which he would have to submit — the generations yet unborn were to be affected for good or for evil by the course which the House might think proper to adopt : " Nor can I conceal from myself or from this House the immense influence on the population of foreign countries which must arise from the result of the mighty experiment which we now propose to make."t The resolutions of the Committee were modified in one or two points of importance. The term of apprenticeship for the field slaves was reduced from twelve years to seven ; for the house slaves, from seven years to five. The term for the expiration of slavery was subsequently further reduced. It was originally proposed to make a loan of fifteen millions to the Colonial proprietors. Their acquiescence in the measure was secured by a positive gift of twenty millions. It is unnecessary to trace the progress of the Bill for Negro Emancipation through the two Houses. The debates were not of great length, and they exhibited no violence. Even the proposed grant, the interest of which was to be defrayed by an additional tax upon sugar, produced little remonstrance either from the Parliament or the people. The Bill was read a second time in the House of Commons on Monday the 22nd of July without a division. This was equivalent to the measure being substantially passed. Three days before, William Wilberforce had arrived in London in a state of health that precluded all hope. The last time he spoke in Parliament was on the case of the Missionary Smith, on the 1st of June, 1824. His biographers, alluding to the second reading of the Bill for the Abolition of Slavery, say, " The last public information he received was, that his country was willing to redeem itself from the national disgrace at any sacrifice. ' Thank God,' said he, ' that I should have lived to witness the day in which England is willing to give twenty millions sterling for the abolition of Slavery.' " J He died on Monday, July the 29th. The bill was read a third time in the House of Commons on the 7th of August. On the 25th of June the resolutions of the Committee of the Lower House were adopted in the House of Lords. Upon the second reading of the Bill lord Brougham said that the measure was loudly demanded by the all but unanimous voice of the people of England. He concluded by saying, that after the exertions of more than a quarter of a century, it was no little gratification to him, and no little consolation for many disappointments and disquietudes, to have lived to see thisgreat and good woi-k brought so near to a consummation. § The bill was there read a third time on the 20th of August. * Hansard, vol. xvii. col. 1230. + Ibid., col. 1194. X "Life of Wilberforce," by Lis Sons, vol. v. p. 370. By a mistake of the biographers, the bill is Ktated to have been read a second time on Friday the 26th- § Hansard, vol. xx. col. 525, 1833.] ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE BRITISH COLONIES. 329 The freedom of the negro slaves was to commence under the system of apprenticeship on the 1st of August, 1834. Many had dreaded that there would he insurrections in some of the West India islands during the interval between slavery and freedom. There was no insurrection ; little turbulent manifestation of impatience. Planter and slave had equally settled into a sober preparation for their future condition. There is a most interestino- account of the first day of Emancipation in Antigua, a passage of which we transcribe : " Tlie first of August came on Priday, and a release was pro- claimed from all work until the next Monday. The day was chiefly spent by the great mass of negroes in the churches and chapels. Thither they flocked as clouds, and as doves to their windows. The clergy and missionaries throughout the island were actively engaged, seizing the opportunity, in order to enlighten the people on all the duties and responsibilities of their new situation, and above all, urging them to the attainment of that higher liberty with which Christ maketh his children free. In every quarter we were assured that the day was like a Sabbath. Work had ceased ; the hum of business was still, and noise and tumult were unheard in the streets. Tran- quillity pervaded the towns and country. A Sabbath indeed! when the wicked ceased from troubling, and the weary were at rest, and the slave was freed from the master ! The planters informed us, that they went to the chapels where their own people were assembled, greeted them, shook hands with them, and exchanged most hearty good wishes." * The influence on the population of foreigu countries, to which Mr. Stanley- alluded, was intensely felt by the Abolitionists of the United States. Dr. Channing, — one of the most earnest of this band, who amidst neglect, calumny, and ridicule, have by perseverance become powerful enough to impart a moral character to the contest of the Northern States against the Southern, — delivered an address at Lenox on the anniversary of Emancipa- tion in the British West Indies. This emancipation, he said, "whether viewed in itself, or in its immediate results, or in the spirit from which it grew, or in the light of hope which it sheds on the future, deserves to be commemorated. In some respects it stands alone in human history." The eloquence of Dr. Channing had for its especial object to rouse his countrymen into an emulation of a high and generous deed, eff"ected by a nation which America, as well as other nations, had been too ready to traduce as given over to the promptings of selfish ambition. There were passages in that address which appear to have sunk into the American mind, to exhibit their fruits twenty years afterwards : " The cause had nothing to rely on but the spirit of the English people ; and that people did respond to the reasonings, pleadings, rebukes of Christian philanthropy, as nation never did before. The history of this warfare cannot be read without seeing, that, once at least, a great nation was swayed by high and disinterested principles. Men of the world deride the notion of influencing human affairs by any but selfish motives ; and it is a melancholy truth, that the movements of nations have done much to confirm the darkest views of human nature. What a track of crime, desolation, war, we are called by history to travel over ! Still history * Thome and Kimball, "Emancipation in tbe West Indies," quoted by Dr. Channing, in his A.ddress on the 1st of August, 18i2. 880 EFFECTS OF THE ABOLITION. [1833. is lighted up by great names, by noble deeds, by patriots and martyrs ; and especially in Emancipation, we see a great nation, putting forth its power, and making great sacrifices, for a distant, degraded race of men, who had no claims but those of wronged and suffering humanity." At the hour at which we are writing on this great historical event, and considering its possible influence on foreign nations, there arrives a telegram from New York of the 7th of March, announcing that a message has been sent by President Lincoln to Congress, urging the passing of a Eesolution for co-operation with the Slave States, by means of pecuniary aid from the Federal revenues for the gradual emancipation of the slaves.* We mention the remarkable fact of Mr. Lincoln's proposition to Congress, chiefly to point out that the suggestion of pecuniary compensation to the Slave-owners was not likely to be received by the planters of the Southern States, or even of the Border States, to whom it seems more peculiarly addressed, with any conviction that the position of the proprietors in the British West India colonies had been improved by the emancipation of the slaves a quarter of a century before. The owners of four millions of slaves have constantly alleged that the British government, by converting seven hundred thousand slaves into free labourers, had destroyed the prosperity of their West India colonies by practically repealing the divine law that all men must work, — that by the sweat of his brow every man should eat his bread. They have pointed especially to the largest and most fertile of the British West India islands — Jamaica — and they have maintained that from the 1st of August, 1834, may be dated the ruin of its towns, the desolation of its cane-fields, the bankruptcy of its sugar growers. The emancipated negro, they affirmed, will not work. Such a consequence was indeed foretold during the debates on the Abolition Bill. It was said that of Jamaica two-thirds were wood and bush — by bush being meant, not unprolifie but uncultivated ground ; — that it abounded in means of support ; that the rivers teemed with fish ; that the negroes possessed abundance of swine and poultry. Their numbers were too few to produce a competition for land ; they would obtain it at a nominal rent, or become squatters. Would not the free labourers, it was asked, rather cultivate the soil on their own account than work for wages. These were the opinions of the earl of Belmore.f The duke of Wellington held that it was absurd to expect that the negroes in such a climate as that of the West Indies would work as regular agriculturists unless they were obliged to work. J To this argument lord Brougham answered, that if it were the nature of the negro, under existing circum- stances, to find a delight in cultivating his ground after his day's work waa at an end, surely he would not so alter his nature as to refuse voluntary work when this new arrangement came into operation. § In too many cases the negro did refuse to work at the especial business of sugar cultivation, to which he had formerly been driven by the fear of the whip. Upon the growers of sugar-canes', who combined the business of the cultivator with that of the manufacturer in producing rum and sugar, the Emancipation Act, * "Times," March 20, 1862. + Hansard, vol. xx. col. 511. t Jl'id., col. 518. § Ibid., col. 522. 1883.] EFFECTS OF THE ABOLITION. 331 especially in Jamaica, came like a destroying blight. It was not a sudden uprooting of the solid foundations of a real prosperity, for every estate waa encumbered, and every planter embarrassed ; but it destroyed the system which had still enabled the proprietors profitably to supply the markets with their produce by compelling the greatest amount of work at the smallest pay out of the slave population. "When hired labour became dear or impossible to be procured at all, — when a white or coloured population could not labour with the physical energy of the black under a tropical sun, there came insolvency, forced sales of estates, amazing reduction in the value of all property, families connected with "West Indian interests reduced from opulence to poverty. Ten years after the Emancipation, whilst Exeter Hall still boldly main- tained the unmixed good of the Abolition of Slavery, there were writers and speakers who denounced the eloquence of Exeter Hall as " rose-pink senti- mentalism." Those who in 1833 dreaded that the negro would not work, were too true prophets of a certain amount of evil. "Whilst lord Brougham and others had believed that the ordinary laws of demand and supply would operate upon the freed negro, the experience of a considerable period had shown, it was thus quaintly alleged, that they had not so operated : " The West Indies, it appears, are short of labour ; as, indeed, is very conceivable in those circumstances. "When a black man, by working about half an hour a day (such is the calculation), can supply himself, by aid of sun and soil with as much pumpkin as will suffice, he is likely to be a little stiff to raise into hard work ! Supply and demand, which, science says, should be brought to bear on him, have an uphill task of it with such a man. Strou^ sun sup- lies itself gratis, rich soil in those unpeopled or half-peopled regions almost gratis ; these are his ' supply,' and half an hour a day, directed upon these, will produce pumpkin, which is his ' demand.' The fortunate Black man very swiftly does he settle Ms account with supply and demand : — not so swiftly the less fortunate White man of those tropical localities. A bad case his, just now. He himself cannot work ; and his black neighbour, rich in pumpkin, is in no haste to help him."* Ten years roll on, and still the Black man " can listen to the less fortunate White man's demand, and take his own time in supplying it.",t One amongst the ablest of recent authors goes to the West Indies, in 1859, and describes, in" Jamaica, the negro "lyino- at hia ease under his cotton-tree, and declining to work after ten o'clock in the morning. ' No, tankee, Massa, me tired now. Me no want more money.' " + The first desire, says Mr. Trollope, of man in a state of civilization is for property. " The negro has no such desire." What is to be done ? Eng- lishmen, whether prompted or not by Exeter Hall, will not assent to the doc- trine, to say nothing of the difficulty of its enforcement, " that no Black man who will not work according to what ability the gods have given him for working, has the smallest right to eat pumpkin, or to any fraction of land that will grow pumpkin, however plentiful such land may be ; but has an indisput- able and perpetual right to be compelled, by the real proprietors of said land * CarlylG, "Latter-Day Pamplilets : The Nigger Question j" first published in 1843 + Ibid. t Anthony Trollope, " The West Indies," p. 64. £32 EFFECTS OF THE ABOLITION. [1833. to do competent work for his living."* The traveller through Jamaica may- ride on for days and only see a "cane-piece" here and there; but very frequently on the roadside are to be seen the pleasant gardens or provision- grounds of the negroes. In these are cocoa trees, bread-fruit trees, oranges, mangoes, limes, plantains, and other tall food-producing plants. The yam is there in great profusion, with a score of other edibles. " Then one sees also in these provision-grounds, patches of coft'ee, and arrow-root, and occasionally also patches of sugar-cane. "f So the black man, then, is not altogether idle. He has not wholly gone back in his free condition to a state of uncivilizatiou. His oranges, and his bread-fruit, and his yam, will grow with little labour. Having these he does not care for the half-crown a-day which he would be paid for digging cane-holes. "Whilst in Jamaica there are eleven acres of land to one man, and that land will yield subsistence for scraping it, it is dif&culfc to say how any new competition of free labourers could change the habits of the negro. The case is essentially dilierent in Barbadoes, where there is no unoccupied land. This little island is fully peopled with negroes, and every negro works as a free labourer in the cane-fields or the mills, without hesitat- ing to work after ten o'clock in the morning. The exportation of sugar from that island has been more than doubled since the Emancipation. In some islands, such as St. Vincent, the exportation of sugar has declined one-half. But the exportation of arrow-root has increased twenty-fold. In other islands immigrations of coolies have supplied the labour which the negro reluctantly performs. It has not displaced his labour, but has left him to the lazy but not wholly improvident enjoyment of his own provision-ground. The changes in the political circumstances of the world hold out to the "West India pro- prietors some cultivation of equal importance with that of the sugar-cane. Some islands grow cotton, and they probably will grow much more. "Whilst there is lamentation, and no doubt justly, over the reverses of the planters in particular islands or districts, it is stoutly maintained that the colonies generally are flourishing. It is universally maintained that the negro is pros- pering. J This condition of things, after a quarter of a century's experience, is perhaps as satisfactory as could reasonably be expected. It is far more satisfactory than a persistence in the sin of slavery would have been. Most truly is it said by Mr. Trollope, that " the discontinuance of a sin is always the commencement of a struggle.'* "Whether with the notable fact that " the black African alone of wild men can live among men civilized," § he will refuse to accommodate himself to the customary labours of civilization amongst the whites, is a problem not to be solved where the rich lands are so abundant that they yield no rent, for the inferior lands remain uncultivated. If this law of political economy be true, the time may not be very distant when the negro will cease to despise property, and not having land for .nothing, will not continue to sit " up to the ears in pumpkins, imbibing sweet pulps and juices." However that may be, the question of slavery or no slavery was not a question of imports and exports. The conscience of * " Latter-Day Pamphlets." t Trollope, p. 28. X See " The Ordeal of Free-Labour iu the British West Indies," by W. G. Sewell (a Canadian); also in " Edinburgh Keview," for January 180li, an article on Mr. Sewell's book. § Carlyle. 1S33.J LIMITATION OF LABOUR IN FACTORIES. 333 England could not rest happy under tlie load of injustice, and she at once threw off the burthen and the shame. Whilst the British legislature was decreeing that within a few years no slave should exist in the empire, and was providing as far as it could for the moral and religious education of children who would instantly become free, a beginning was made in the reformation of a crying evil which, however, was surrounded with difficulties almost aa great as those of negro emancipation. The condition of children in our Factories had long been, one of neglected education, of excessive labour, producing together the miserable effect of stunted intellects and diseased bodies. On the day when Mr. Stanley intro- duced his Bill for the abolition of !N^egro Slavery, lord Ashley moved that tho house should go into a Committee on the Factories Bill,— a Bill not only to prevent the overworking of children in factories ; but to limit the hours of adult labour. The government proposed by lord Althorp to refer the bill to a Select Committee. A Commission had been appointed in a previous Session with a view to obtain information, and it would be inconsistent to legislate without having had time to read their Report, and the voluminous evidence which it contained. He contended that the effect of reducing the hours of labour might increase the power of foreigners to compete in the British market, thus causing the decline of the manufacturing interests of the country, and producing misery among the manufacturing population. He desired to see the insertion of a clause in the Bill, by which protection to children properly so called would be increased, whilst adults should be left unshackled and unrestricted. He moved that the Bill should be referred to a Select Committee, to whom it should be an instruction to make provision, 1st, that no child who had not entered upon its fourteenth year should labour more than eight hours a-day ; 2ndly, for securing opportunities of educating the children during the times they were not employed ; and 3rdly, that a system of inspection be enforced throughout the factories so as to ensure the execution of the above provisions. The amendment of lord Althorp was opposed, not without considerable heat, upon the ground that delay would be caused if the matter were referred to a Select Committee ; and that the protection should extend beyond those under the age of four- teen. The plea for instant legislation was one of the frequent manifestations that philanthropy too often exhibits of an infantine impatience for the cure of a malady, without stopping to consider the greater derangements of society which a sudden and strong remedy might induce. The proposition of the government was rejected by a majority of twenty-three. The Bill went into Committee; when lord Ashley proposed to limit the labour in factories to ten hours daily till the employed were eighteen years of age. Lord Althorp moved as an amendment that the hours of daily work should be limited to eight until children should attain the age of fourteen. The Com- mittee divided against the proposal of eighteen years, rejecting it by a majority of a hundred and forty-five. Lord Ashley, finding, he said, that the noble lord had completely defeated him, surrendered the Bill into his hands. The Bill, whose operations were to commence on the 1st of January, 1834, provided regulations for the employment of children which were to come into gradual operation. School attendance was to be cared for, and medical superintendence was directed. Four Factory Commissioners were appointed 334 BANK CHARTER— EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER. [1833. to watch over tlie operation ox'" the Act. This first attempt at legislation upon a great social question was materially amended by the statute of the present Queen (7 Vict. c. 15.) There were two other great questions before the parliament of 1833, which necessarily involved changes of system, by some accounted dangerous, by most received as an absolute necessity concurrent with the progress of society. One of these was the renewal of the Bank Charter, which would expire upon a year's notice after the 1st of August, 1833. A Secret Com- mittee had been appointed in May, 1832. Its Report, presented in August of that year, was printed, and the transactions of the great Corporation would no longer be secret. A new Charter was granted, for a limited period, by an Act which received the royal assent on the 29th of August, 1833. The exclu- sive privileges of the Governor and Company were to end upon one year's notice given at the end of ten years after August, 1834. All other banks having more than six partners were restricted from issuing notes or bills within sixty-five miles of Loudon. The notes of the Bank and of its branches were to be a legal tender, except at the Bank and its branches. "Weekly returns of bullion, and of notes in circulation, were to be sent to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in order to publication in the Loudon Gazette. These were the more important provisions of the Act. In another ten years the constitution of the Bank was necessarily remodelled. The charter of the East India Company had been renewed for twenty years in 1813, during which term they were to retain the exclusive trade to China. The trade to India was partially thrown open. In the session of 1833, the success even of the limited experiment of private trade had sufficiently shown, that if British commercial intercourse with India should be freed from the restrictions tliat still pressed upon it, and that if China could be opened to general enterprise, avast market would be created for our produce and manu- factures. The charter was in 1833 renewed for twenty years. The territorial government of India was to remain in the hands of the Company. Its exist- ence as a commercial body was to be wound up after the 22nd of April, 1834. All the regulations which interfered with the free admission of Europeans to India, and their free residence there, were to cease. The government of India was to be in a Governor- General and Councillors. A Law Commission was to be appointed to inquire into the jurisdiction of existing courts of justice and the operation of the laws. No native, nor any natural-born subject of the King resident in India, should be disabled from holding office on account of his religion, place of birth, descent, or colour. Slavery was to be mitigated, aud abolished as soon as practicable. We shall have to show, in a future view of British industry, what vast results were accomplished by the assertion of the principle for which the traders of England had been contending for gene- rations — that monopolies were injurious and ought to be abolished. In the present chapter we have considered it important to display, at some lengtli, the vast amount of work of the highest interest which was effected in the first session of the Eeformed Parliament. The prorogation took place on the 29th of August. There was no exaggeration in the boast of the Speaker of the House of Commons when he thus addressed the King upon his throne : *' Sire, in reviewing our labours of the last seven months, it may, I think, bo truly said, that the history of Parliament will not furnish a Session so wholly 1833.] THE BALLOT— PROROGATION. 335 engrossed and overwhelmed witli matters so various and so difficult in tlieir character, and so deeply important to the vital interests of the empire, as this Session.* "We have seen that many of the discussions on " matters so various and so difficult " had abiding results ; that the legislation of the year was the commencement of a succession of political and social improvements whose value we are now all ready to acknowledge. This was the first genial seed- time, when the " good seed" might he expected to fall into " good ground," and " bring forth fruit." Nevertheless men's minds were much divided upon the question of what was " good seed." Such division effectually prevented, during this season of hope, as it has prevented for many succeeding years, any favourable result to the agitation of the question of the Ballot. It was a subject in great part new to Parliament, when, in 1833, Mr. Grote made this question his own, and continued for six years to maintain his conviction of the necessity for secret voting, with that temperate judgment, that unob- trusive learning, that calm philosophy, which subsequently he has devoted with rare success to labours probably more congenial than parliamentary excitement. On tlie 25th of April he moved, " that it is expedient that the votes at elections for members of Parliament be taken by way of ballot." The principle of the Ballot has been repeatedly expounded in more recent times, but never with greater success than during the period when the question was in the hands of Mr. Grote. Tear after year he gained new adherents to the principle. He had one hundred and six supporters in 1833 ; he had two hundred and sixteen in 1839. Since 1848, under the advocacy of Mr, Henry Berkeley, its supporters have grown fewer and fewer every year. In 1848 it was carried by a small majority. " Such reaction of opinion," it has been observed, " upon a popular measure, is more significant of ultimate failure than a steady position, without progress indeed, yet without reveraes."t * Hansard, vol. xx. col. 901. + May — •' Constitutional History," voL i. p. 373. CHAPTER XIX. Poor Law Amendment Act — Commission for preliminary inquiry — Commissioners' Report — • Striking instances of Parochial Reform at Cookham and Southwell — State of the Southern Agricultural Counties — Of the Manufacturing Districts — Violent opposition to the measure — The Bill passed — Debate on the Repeal of the Union with Ireland — Irish Church — Resig- nations of Mr. Stanley and three of his colleagues — Resignation of lord Grey — The Mel- bourne Administration — The Budget — Prorogation — The Grey Banquet at Edinburgh — The Houses of Parliament destroyed by fire. The great measure of the Session of Parliament for 1834 was the passing of the Act for " the Amendment and better Administration of the Law3 relating to the Poor in England and "Wales." That session was opened on the 4th of Pebruary, and concluded on the 15th of August. The Speaker, in his Address to tbe King on the day of prorogation, said, that the Poor Law Amendment Bill had almost from the commencement to the close of the session occupied the unwearied attention of the Commons. It was impossible, he continued, for them to approach a subject of such infinite delicacy and such immense importance " without much of apprehension, and, he might say, much of alarm." It was several years before tbe apprehension and alarm passed away ; before the hope of the Speaker could be generally entertained, " that its benefits will be as lasting as they will be grateful to all ranks and classes of society." The Bill was brought in by lord xilthorp on the 17th of April. To understand the scope of the Parliamentary proceedings, we must notice with some detail the preliminary steps of a Commission which was appointed in 1832, " to make a full inquiry into the practical operation of the Poor Laws, and into the manner in which those Laws are administered." These Commissioners were also charged to report their opinion as to " what improve- ments might beneficially be made in these laws, aud in the manner of admi- nistering them." This Eeport was signed by Charles James Blomfield, bishop of London ; John Bird Sumner, bishop of Chester; and by Sturges Bourne, Nassau W. Senior, Henry Bishop, Henry Gawler, AV. Coulson, James Traill, and Edwin Chadwick, — all known to the public for their cjipacity to deal with a question which had never yet been approached in a philosophical and coura- geous spirit of legislation. The Eeport of the Commissioners, dated tlie 20th of February, 1834, was preceded by the publication of " Extracts from the information received,*' which volume was addressed to viscount Melbourne, Secretary of State for 1834.] POOR-LAWS— COMMISSION OF INQUIRY. 887 the Home Department. The Commissioners, in their introductory letter to this volume, expressed their belief that, although only a small part of the evidence which they were preparing to report, it contained more information on the subject to which it related than had ever been afforded to the country. These extracts were very largely circulated; and they contributed in a remarkable manner to the establishment of the principle that the utmost publicity and the freest discussion afford the best security for an eventual triumph of sound statesmanship over popular prejudice, enabling a govern- ment resolutely to labour for the removal of a deeply-rooted mischief — a task whose difficulties might have appeared almost insurmountable when " the inveterate canker" had eaten into the heart of the largest portion of the community. The annual amount of the poor-rate at the close of the American War in 1783 was 2,132,487^. In half a century, that is, in 1833, the amount had risen to 8,606,501/. The population of England and Wales in the first period was about eight millions ; in the second period about fourteen millions. The poor-rate levy had increased 300 per cent. ; the population had increased about 75 per cent. Assuming that the increase of taxation, the fluctuation of the currency, and other disturbing causes, had contributed to produce this enormous increase, there could be no doubt in the minds of thinking men, that -there was something beyond the mere pressure of the times which had long deranged the usual relation of labour and wages, and had produced, amongst the agricultural labourers especially, a reliance upon other means of support than their own industry and foresight. There had been several successful experiments of a parochial struggle against the mischievous system, which appeared to be rapidly proceeding to a consummation which would be equiva- lent to the whole rental of the country being swallowed up, not by poverty but by pauperism. Two or three remarkable men had been able to show, in their respective localities, that a consistent assertion of a principle might arrest the evil which a nation deplored, but of which few could see the way to a remedy. Of the parish of Cookham, in Berkshire, more than thirty years before the passing of the Poor Law Amendment Bill, the Eev. Thomas Whateley was the vicar. Under his active promotion and superintendence the most important reforms had been produced in an agricultural population, which, in common with the populations of all the southern counties, had sunk into the lowest state of pauper degradation, " The moral and intellectual character of the good old English labourer, who in former times had boasted with honest pride that he never was beholden to a parish officer, was destroyed altogether." * Upon the termination of Mr. Whateley's pastoral residence in Cookham for forty years, his parishioners presented him with a service of plate. In his address of thanks he told them, that they, with no precedent to refer to, no authority to quote, had carried into active operation the great principles upon which the new Poor-Law Amendment Bill was founded. The destruction of the allowance system in aid of wages was the foremost of the principles to which Mr. Whateley alluded. You have eflfected, he said, *' a saving of thirty thousand pounds to the ratepayers ; but you did that which was worth more than double the money — you bettered the condition while * Mr. Wbateley's Evidence, VOL. vm.— 246. S38 REPORT OF COMMISSIONERS OF INQUIRY. [1834. you improved the manners and morals of the lower orders to a degree that is scarcely credible. . . .Ton have the satisfaction of having placed a Bible in every house, blankets upon every bed, fuel upon every fire, clothes upon every back, and plenty of wholesome food in every pantry." There was another great principle upon which the Poor-Law Amendment Bill was founded. Southwell, in Nottinghamshire, deserves especial mention as having been the parish where, with the humble experience of an overseer of the poor, one of the most energetic, clear-headed, and truly benevolent poor-law reformers saw clearly what great eifects would result from refusing out-door relief to the able-bodied poor, and oifering the workhouse as a test of desti- tution. Mr. Nicholls, afterwards sir George NichoUs, in 1821 addressed a series of letters to the editor of the " Nottingham Journal," which were sub- sequently collected and published under the title of " Eight Letters on the Poor-Laws, by an Overseer." In the parish of Southwell at that time there was living, under the shade of the magnificent collegiate church, a pauper population constantly supported in their demands upon the rates by a bench of magistrates assembled weekly in petty sessions. There was a paid over- seer to assist the ordinary overseers ; there was a workhouse maintained at a considerable expense, without order or discipline, which had become the resort of the idle and profligate of both sexes. Under the bench of magistrates and the paid overseer the circle of pauperism became so widened as to embrace nearly the whole labouring population. Self-reliance and provident habits were destroyed. " In youth and in age, in sickness and in health, in seasons of abundance and in seasons of scarcity, with low prices or with high prices, the parish was still looked to and relied upon as an unfailing resource to which everyone clung, and from which every poor man considered that he had a right to obtain the supply of every want, even although such want was caused by his own indolence, vice, or improvidence."* The remedy for this evil was efiected by discontinuing employment by the parish ; by refusing allowances in aid of wages ; by withholding the payment of rents of cottages ; by excusing none from paying the poor's-rate; by establishing a school where the children of labourers burdened with large families might be fed and taught during the day ; and by making workhouse relief the foundation of all other reforms. The workhouse principle insured the non-acceptance of parish relief unless under circumstances of actual want ; such want being, at the same time, always certain of finding the relief of which it stood in need. By these energetic means, the expenditure for the relief of the poor was reduced from 2,006/. in 1820-21 to 5171. in 1823-24. The examples of Southwell, and of Bingham, a parish on the opposite bank of the Trent, " were therefore of infinite value to the Commissioners, on whom had devolved the duty of devis- ing a remedy for the abuses of the Poor-Laws ; and they were relied upon accordingly as instances of substantial reforms, founded upon and growing out of the practical application of a principle simple and efiective, and that might be reasonably expected, wherever it was adopted, to be as efiective a& it had proved in the case of these two parishes." t * " Stattnient of the Proceedings at Southwell, drawn up by Mr. Nicliolls in 1834, at the request of the Inquiry Commissioners. + " History of the English Poor Lixw," by Sir George Nichclls, vol. ii, p. 250. 1834.] REPORT OF COMMISSION ERS— SOUTHERN COUNTIES. 239 In the Eeport of the Commissioners of Inquiry the workhouse of South- well is described as one of the few instances of a place iu which the aged and impotent are maintained in comfort, and the able-bodied supported, but under such restrictions as not to induce them to prefer it to a life of inde- pendent labour. Let us compare such a workhouse system with that which prevailed in parishes where the great ambition of the managers of the poor was to make the condition of the pauper infinitely superior to that of the inde- pendent labourer. Some of the details brought to light by the Commission of Inquiry are almost too ludicrous to be readily believed by those of the present generation. And yet no one who had experience of the pariah busi- ness of the time of George IV. and William IV. would hesitate to admit their correctness to the fullest extent. Mr. Chadwick goes to the parish of St. Lawrence, Eeading. The governor of the workhouse little knew the quality of the gentleman with whom he had to deal. Q. " AVhat description of food do you give those under your charge ?" A. " Good wholesome victuals as anybody would wish to taste. Tou shall taste it yourself We give them all meat three times a week. The working men have a bellyful. We never weigh anything, and there is no stint, so as they do not waste anything. Then they have good table-beer and good ale." The querist then asked whether he might say that not only was the condition of those under the complacent governor's care better as regarded food, clothing, lodging, and comfort, than the labourers who toil out of doors, but that they were under no uncertainty, and had no anxiety about providing for themselves. " Yes, sir ; you may say that. Tou may say, too, that they are better ofi" than one-half of the ratepayers out of the house." * In this favoured parish of Eeading the management of the out-paupers was equally characteristic, they having nearly the same amount of wages allowed them without work as could have been obtained by independent labourers with hard work. It was the same every- where. The pauper was the favoured of God's creatures. Imposture and crime were bountifully rewarded, whilst industry and frugality met either with neglect or with persecution. There was a systematic slavery enforced in many parishes almost as cruel and certainly as demoralising as the slavery in the West Indies. Mr. Hickson, a manufacturer at Northampton, a trades- man in London, and the owner of land at Stansford in Kent, thus describes his country experience. Some circumstance had occurred which obliged him to part with a hard-working industrious man, who had saved some money, who had cows and pigs, and who lived in a well-furnished cottage. Mr. Hickson says, " He told me at the time I was obliged to part with him, — ' Whilst I have these things I shall get no work. I must part with them all. I must be reduced to a state of beggary before any one will employ me.' I was compelled to part with him at Michaelmas — he has not yet got work, and he has no chance of getting any until he has become a pauper ; for, until then, the paupers will be preferred to him. He cannot get work in his own parish, and he wiQ not be allowed to get any in other parishes." f When the hard-working industrious man became utterly destitute he would most pro- * " Extracts from Information," pp. 216 — 217. t " Extracts of Evidence," p. 270. As to the operation of the Law of Settlement, see ante, p. 67 340 REPORT— MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS. [1834. bably get work, but his spirit would be broken. He tniglit become reckless ■ — be would certainly become surly. The administrators of pariah relief, before they administered to the actual necessities of a poor man, were always occupied in discussions about his character. It was this pottering about " character," about " governors" (that is, magistrates and overseers), " being appointed for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well," that produced grievous injustice under the old administration of the Poor-Laws. The squire, the clergyman, and the farmer, constituted them- selves a tribunal for the suppression of vice and the encouragement of virtue, and they succeeded in producing either desperation or hypocrisy amongst the entire labouring population. If the junta was completed by the addition of a paid assistant overseer the discrimination was perfect. Those who have ever been conversant with the workings of the old system know that squalid filth was the test of destitution, and whining gratitude, as it was called, for the alms distributed was the test of character. If a labourer with a manly bearing came to the overseer, or to the Parish Committee, to remove some sudden calamity — if he asked something to prevent him selling his bed — he was insulted. The writer has seen the agonized tear of wounded pride start from the eye, and perhaps the groan of suppressed indignation escape from the lips ; — if the groan was heard, that man's " character" was gone for ever. This pretence to discriminate between the good and the evil did much worse for the community than occasional injustice. It led away parish functionaries from the real object of their appointment — to administer relief to the indigent — into the belief that they were the great patrons of the whole labouring population, who could never go alone without their aid. They almost forced the condition of pauperism upon the whole working community by their beautiful system of rewards and punishments. They forgot that it was their business to give relief to destitution, and to destitution only, and so they established every sort of false test to guide them in the one duty of their office — to find out whether the want was real, and if so, to relieve it in a manner that would satisfy the necessity without destroying the honest pride of self-reliance. The facts which we have thus touched upon as to the operation of the Poor- Laws in the southern counties must not be considered as exhibiting the general condition of the agricultural peasantry in the north, and certainly not as paralleled amidst the manufacturing population. The Commissioners indeed say in their letter to lord Melbourne, that " the mal-administration which was supposed to be confined to some of the agricultural districts appears to have spread over almost every part of the country and into the manufacturing towns." In the manufacturing districts there was a peremp- tory and comparatively sudden necessity for the extension of the allowance system, arising out of the transition from hand to power-loom weaving. This vicissitude aft'ected three-fifths of the population of Lancashire, especially in the country places, where the power-loom was not used, but where its eflects had reduced the wages of tlie country weavers to a minimum which was not adequate for their maintenance. In the manufacturing towns the power-loom created a new but partial demand for labour, especially for that of children. To mitigate the inevitable distress the allowance-system was applied to able- bodied weavers. The farmers in their management of the parish funds could 1834.] POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL. 341 depress the rates of wages below the natural level. The manufacturers could not attempt— they certainly did not attempt — to imitate this practical oppres- sion. The rate of wages of the hand-loom weavers did not sink lower than was to be expected as the natural result of an invention which compelled them to compete with the power of steam.* On the 17th of April lord Althorp moved that leave be given to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the laws relative to the Eelief of the Poor in England and Wales. It was absolutely necessary, he said, that there should be a dis- cretionary power vested in some quarter to carry into eflfect recommendations calculated to introduce sound principles and the fruits of salutary experience into the administration of the Poor-Laws. It was his intention tlierefore to propose-that his Majesty should be authorized to appoint a Central Board of Commissioners, invested with extraordinary power to enable it to accomplish the object proposed. The Bill introduced by lord Althorp was founded upon the recommendations of the Commissioners of Inquiry. It had remained a month under the consideration of the Cabinet, two of the Commissioners, Mr. Sturges Bourne and Mr. Senior, occasionally attending to afford explana- tions.f Tlie great value of the preliminary inquiry and of the able Eeport of the Commissioners, as well as the sedulous attention which was bestowed upon all the details by a Committee of seven members of the Cabinet, may Ire inferred from the fact that, with very slight modifications, the Poor-Laws, as they are now administered throughout the country by Boards of Gruar- dians acting under a Central Board, have during twenty-eight years been prescribed by the legislation of 1834. The proposition of this great measure was very favourably received by the House of Commons. The second read- ing was carried by a large majority ; ayes, 299 ; noes, 20. Between the sconed reading on the 9th of May, and the third reading on the 1st of July, a most powerful opposition had been got up against the mea- sure. It was maintained, and of course popularly believed, that it was a bill of pains and penalties against the poor ; that the endeavour to take the relief of the necessitous out of the hands of benevolent magistrates was to expose the poor to the grinding tyranny of centralization which could have no sym- pathy with local or individual 'wants. The metropolitan parishes, whose select vestries had long enjoyed a fame for the most outrageous jobbery, were amongst the loudest opponents of the measure. The sentiments of Mary- lebone were spoken by sir Samuel Whalley, who maintained that the power proposed to be given to the Commissioners — " to these bashaws, to these three-tailed bashaws, was subversive of all constitutional principles He believed that one of the effects of this measure would be, that men of character would abstain from filling parochial offices, while those who under- took them must consent to be the degraded tools of the Commissioners."! On the day of the second reading the Common Council of London had, with only two dissentient voices, agreed to a petition against the Bill. Mr. Grote, one of the members for the City, nevertheless did not hesitate to express his approval of the main ends of the Bill, and of the new machinery by which those ends were to be accomplished. He declared that so strong was his * " Extracts," &c., p. 340. + Nicholls — " History of the English Poor Law," vol. ii. p. 273. t Hansard, vol. xxiii. col. 811. 342 THE BILL PASSED, [1834. conviction of the absolute necessity of some large remedial measure as an antidote to the overwhelmibg evil of pauperism — so firm was his belief of the necessity of some central supervising agency — that if it were to cost him the certain sacrifice of his seat he should feel bound to tell his constituents that he dissented from them, and that he would do his best to promote the attain- ment of this necessary, and in the main valuable, remedy.* Upon the third reading of the Bill the ayes were 157, the noes 50. The duration of the measure was then limited to five years. Between the passing of the Bill by the Commons on the 2nd of July and its proposed second reading by the Lords, lord Grey had retired from the government, and lord Melbourne had become the head of the administration. It was not till the 21st that lord Brougham moved the second reading. "My lords," he said, " I should have been unworthy of the task that has been committed to my hands, if by any deference to clamour I could have been made to swerve from the faithful discharge of this duty. The subject is infi- nitely too important, the interests which it involves are far too mighty, and the duty correlative to the importance of those interests which the govern- ment I belong to has to discharge is of too lofty, too sacred a nature, to make it possible for any one who aspires to the name of a statesman, or who has taken upon himself to counsel his sovereign upon the arduous concerns of his realm, to let the dictates of clamour find any access to his breast, and make him sacrifice his principles to a covetousness of popular applause."t Never were the qualities of the great orator more remarkably displayed than in this speech. Historical research, accurate reasoning, a complete mastery of facts, majestic rhetoric, — all were brought to bear upon a subject which the mere utilitarian would have clothed with the repulsive precision of statis- tical detail. The measure was opposed by lord "Wynford ; it was supported by the duke of "Wellington. The House divided upon the motion for the second reading : contents, 76 ; non-contents, 13. During the progress of the Bill through both Houses many of the clauses were strenuously resisted in Committee. The amendments that were carried were however comparatively of little importance, and it finally received the royal assent on the 14th of August. The three Commissioners, Sir Trankland Lewis, Mr. John Lefevre, and Mr. Nicholls, entered upon the functions of their office on the 23rd of August. On the 8th of August, 1835, they issued their first Report, which clearly indicated the extent and complicated nature of the subjects which had come under their consideration, and furnished an evidence of the sagacity with which they had set in motion an organization which was to com- prehend the whole of England and Wales. This vast machinery, which, iu 1860, was in force in six hundred and forty-six unions, including 14,427 parishes, with an aggregate population of 17,670,938 souls, has become so complete in its working, and is so thoroughly applied by Boards of Guar- dians throughout the country, that the provisions of the Act of 1834 with its subsequent amendments are perfectly familiar to the intelligent part of the community, and therefore any analysis of its enactments would be unne- cessary in this place. • Hansard, vol. xxiii. col. 81?. t Ibid., vol. xxt. col. 212. 1834.] THE REPEAL OF THE UNION DEBATED. 343 "When the King closed the session of 1834, he with great justice compli- mented the two Houses upon their extraordinary exertions, and expressed his deep sense of the care and labour which they had bestowed upon the public business. There was one quality of the House of Commons as con- spicuous as its energetic industry — its patience under the most wearisome inflictions. That it should have endured six nights of debate on the question of the Repeal of the Union with Ireland, — having the perfect certainty that nothing could be produced by Irish members on that subject which had not formed the staple of popular orations in many a mob-gathering, and that what could be replied would only be a rose-coloured version of well-known facts, — such a triumph of temper is a signal instance of meekness, only to be paralleled by that of a creature generally obstinate, and sometimes vicious, who was equally placid whether eating the bitter stem of an artichoke or the sentimental traveller's macaroon. One of the Irish members informs us how it became inevitable that such an infliction should fall upon the House of Commons. Mr. Feargus O'Connor insisted at the beginning of the session that the testing of the Eepeal question in Parliament should no longer be delayed. Mr. O'Connell in vain remonstrated. A cry was got up in Ireland in support of Mr. Peargus O'Connor's patriotism ; " and, sorely against his will, and with very uncomfortable forebodings, the originator of the Repeal movement had to yield, and give notice tor an early day of subjecting it to a Paliamtentary discussion." * On the 22nd of April Mr. O'Connell, in a speech which lasted nearly six hours, moved for a Committee " to inquire and report on the means by which a dissolution of the Parliament of Ireland was efiected ; on the effects of that measure upon Ireland ; and on the probable consequences of continuing the legislative Union between both countries." After a fremendous homily of the cruelties practised upon Ireland in bar- barous times, and of the bribery by which the Union was effected, the debate was adjourned. On the second night Mr. Spring liice occupied as long a time in showing what benefits Ireland had derived from the Union, and con- cluded by moving, as an amendment, that an Address should be presented to his Majesty, expressing the resolution of the House to maintain the legis- lative Union inviolate, but persevering in giving its best attention to the removal of all just causes of complaint, and to the promotion of all well-con- sidered measures of improvement. On the sixth night of the debate five hundred and twenty-three members voted for the Address, only thirty-eight members voting with Mr. O'Connell. The Address was sent up to the Peers for their concurrence, which was given unanimously. It was presented to the King by deputations from both Houses. The consequence of the pledge of removing all just causes of complaint, and of promoting all well-considered measures of improvement, was, that the affairs of Ireland occupied the greater part of the session, split the Whig ministry into fragments, and rendered their future existence altogether pre- carious. On the 27th of May Mr. "Ward, the member for St. Albans, having previously given notice of his intention to propose certain resolutions on the subject of the Irish Church, moved a resolution, "That the Protestant Epis- copal Establishment in Ireland exceeds the spiritual wants of the Protestant * John O'Connell, " Recollections and Experiences," vol. i. p. 82. S44 IRISH CHURCH— MINISTERIAL RESIGNATIONS. [1834. population ; and that, it being the right of the State to regulate the distribu- tion of Church property in such manner as Parliament may determine, it is the opinion of this House, that the temporal possessions of the Church of Ireland, as now established by law, ought to be reduced." Mr. Ward's motion having been seconded by Mr. Grote, lord Althorp rose and said, that during Mr. Grote's address circumstances had come to his knowledge which induced him to move that the further debate on the subject should be adjourned till the following Monday. Lord Althorp on that Monday explained bis reasons for adjourning the debate, which were, that four of his colleagues had differed from the rest of the Cabinet upon the question of appropriating the temporal possessions of the Church of Ireland ; that consequently the Cabinet could not agree upon the mode in which the resolution of Mr. Ward was to be met ; and that during the speech of the seconder of the motion of the 27th, he had learnt that Mr. Stanley, Secretary for the Colonies, sir James Graham, Pirst Lord of the Admiralty, the duke of Richmond, Postmaster- General, and the earl of Eipon, Lord Privy Seal, had resigned their offices. Lord Althorp added, that the course his Majesty had been advised to adopt, had been to issue a Commission of Inquiry. Mr. Ward expressed his willing- ness to agree to an address to the Crown which affirmed the principle of his proposition, but declined withdrawing his resolution in the want of such affirmation. Upon this lord Althorp moved the previous question, which was carried by a majority of two hundred and seventy-six, thus negativing Mr. Ward's resolution. The four vacancies in the ministry were filled up by Mr. Spring Rice being appointed Secretary for the Colonies, lord Auck- land First Lord of the Admiralty, the marquis of Conyngham Postmaster- General (without a seat in the Cabinet), and the earl of Carlisle Lord Privy Seal. In the House of Lords, on the 6th of June, the proposed Commission of Inquiry into the state of the Irish Church was denounced by some peers as an "illegal and sacrilegious measure of prospective spoliation." Earl Grey, in a speech worthy of his high character and position, denied that the mea- sure looked to anything that deserved the name of spoliation. The object of the Commission was to collect facts, and he and his colleagues were prepared to act upon the Commission so far as this — " that when it produces such a body of information as we expect, we will take it into consideration, and be prepared to act upon it honestly and conscientiously, with a view to the general interests of the country." In the course of his speech the Prime Minister pretty clearly intimated that he w^as tired of his position — he was tired of a systematic opposition of their lordships to salutary improvements in conformity with the spirit of the age — opposition conducted in a feeling of bitterness calculated to excite throughout the country a factious spirit of discontent. Earl Grey disclaimed the imputation as most unjust, that the ministry would take the revenues of the Protestant Church, and give them to the Catholic. Lord Brougham declared that he would as strenuously oppose as any noble lord on the other side of the House a proposition to give one single fraction of the fund to the Catholic Church. These ministers said this, well knowing the violent prejudices existing against any recognition of the church 1834.] RESIGNATION- OF LORD GREY. 345 of the majority in Ireland. Dr. Arnold, a liberal thinker, but not a respon- sible politician, thought that the surplus of the Protestant Church ought to furnish the Christian people of Ireland with Catholic clergymen.* So thought the promoters of the Union. On the 9th of July the House of Lords exhibited the unusual spectacle of a great Minister, overpowered by his feelings, wholly losing his presence of mind. The Export of the Committee on the Bill for the Suppression of Disturbances in Ireland having been brought up, earl Grey said, " I rise, my lords," — he could proceed no farther. Again he said, " I rise, my lords." — The House cheered, as they had cheered before, but the Prime Minister could not proceed, and he sat down. The duke of Wellington then con- siderately presented petitions, to afford earl Grey time to recover himself. He at last rose,and tremulously said, "My lords, I feel quite ashamed of the sort of weaknessi show on this occasion, a weakness which arisesfrom my deep sense- of the personal kindness which, during my having been in his service, I have re- ceived from my Sovereign. However, my lords, I have a duty to perform which, painful as it may be, I must discharge ; and in rising to propose to your lordships to agree to the Jieport which has just been read, I have to state that I no longer do so as a Minister of the Crown, but as an individual member of parliament,, strongly impressed with the necessity of passing this Act to invest the govern- ment, in whatever hands the government may be placed, with the powers given by this Bill, and which I believe to be necessary to the maintenance of the peace of Ireland." f In the course of his speech earl Grey stated that on the previous day he had received the resignation of lord Althorp, which he had transmitted to the King. Former breaches had considerably weakened the government ; he felt that in losing the assistance of his friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whom he considered as his right arm, he saw no alternative, but was compelled, by irresistible necessity, to tender his own resignation. He had desired to resign previous to the commencement of the session. He had completed his seventieth year, and although he might have been able to discharge the duties of the office which he held under ordinary and easy circumstances, considering the present condition of affairs the duties imposed upon him were too much for his strength. The circumstances which immediately led to this decision of earl Grey, as well as to that of lord Althorp, although of great interest at the time, are now unnecessary to detaU with minuteness. They were connected with the proposed renewal for one year of the Irish Coercion Bill, which had been moved by earl Grey on the 1st of July. The only difference between that measure and the one which was about to expire was the omission of clauses by which certain offences might be tried by Court Martial. There was a warm debate in the House of Commons on the 3rd, in which it appeared that Mr. Littleton, the Irish Secretary, had confidentially communicated to Mr. O'Conuell, that the Irish government had not demanded the insertion of the clauses prohibiting meetings. In the Bill introduced by earl Grey those clauses appeared. Lord Althorp had also intimated to Mr. O'Connell that they would not be inserted in tlie Coercion * " Life," vol. i. p. 380. + Hansard, vol. xxiv. col. 1305—6- 346 THE MELBOURNE ADMINISTRATION. [1834. Bill. A Tnajority of the Cabinet had determined to introduce the Bill in the form in which it was offered to the House of Lords by earl Grey, Upon this decision the Chancellor of the Exchequer resigned. On the 10th of July the House of Commons adjourned for four days. On the 14th viscount Melbourne stated in the House of Lords that his Majesty had honoured him with his commands to lay before him a plan for the formation of a new Ministry. He had undertaken the task, but it was not yet completed. The task which his Majesty had first imposed upon lord Melbourne was one of insurmountable difficulty. It was to effect " an union in the service of the state of all those who stand at the head of the respective parties in the country." * The King in desiring lord Melbourne " to enter into communi- cation v/ith the leading individuals of parties," specially mentioned the duke of Wellington, sir Eobert Peel, and Mr. Stanley. In an audience upon the 9th viscount Melbourne had laid before his Majesty some of those general objections which pressed forcibly upon his mind to unions and coalitions of opposing parties. He wrote to the King on the 10th that he considered the successful termination of such an attempt utterly hopeless. He had no personal dislikes or objections ; on the contrary, for all the individuals in question he entertained great respect. In consequence of the communication to sir Eobert Peel, on the 13th of July, he wrote to the King that such an union as that proposed could not, in the present state of parties and the present position of public affairs, hold out the prospect of an efficient and vigorous administration. The King admitted on the 14th that the opinions which had been stated by sir Eobert Peel and by others, of the impracticability of his proposal, had appeared to him to be conclusive. The King had evidently- imagined that if he could effect such a union of parties, the question of the Irish church, upon which he had recently expressed himself very strongly, in answer to an address from dignitaries of the Establishment, might be set at rest. The duke of Wellington and sir Eobert Peel were prepared to take office, if they had been invited to do so " without conditions as to union with others of different political principles and party connections." f The King was not prepared at that time for so bold a step, necessarily involving a dissolution of parliament. On the 17th July lord Althorp stated in the House of Commons that lord Melbourne had completed his arrangements for the new administration, under which lord Duncannon would occupy the place vacated by the Premier, sir J. C. Hobhouse would be Commissioner of the Woods and Eorests, with a seat in the Cabinet, and himself (lord Althorp) would, at the desire of his Majesty, resume his former office. The third reading in the House of Lords of the Coercion Bill was not proposed. In the Commons lord Althorp brought forward a less restrictive measure, which was carried by a majority of a hundred and forty, and was finally passed on the 26th of July. Parliament had now a few weeks to sit before the usual time of proro- gation. The financial statement of the government for the year ending July 5th, had to be made. The budget was a popular one. There was an estimated surplus of nearly two millions, and it was proposed to make various reductions in taxation. The repeal of the duty on Almanacs was a concession • Letter from Lord Melbourne to the King, July lOj 1834, enclosed in a letter from Lord Melbourne to Sir Robert Peel. t See " Memoirs, by Sir Robert Peel," vol. ii. pp. 1 to 13. 1834.] THE BUDGET— PROROGATION. S47 to the opinion that taxes upon knowledge were amongst the most objec- tionable. The repeal of the house-tax was an unstatesmanlike deference to popular clamour. The far more objectionable tax upon windows was allowed to remain. Legislators had a glimmering of light as to the impolicy of that taxation which interfered with the processes of industry. Mr. Poulett Thomson, President of the Board of Trade, admitted that the relief to be experienced from the reduction of the house-tax, or any other direct tax, was little in comparison to that which would have been derived from the reduction of the taxes on glass, paper, and cotton. Tet, as the house-tax had been a cause of general and loud complaint, it was right to take it off. Sir Eobert Peel was not sure that those who clamoured most suffered most ; the removal of the house-tax was merely a bonus to the landlord ; the removal ot the glass-tax would be a bonus to every class of the community. Before the prorogation the Irish Tithe Bill'was carried in the Commons, not as pro- posed by the government, but with an amendment moved by Mr. O'Connell, which provided that two-fifths of the amount of tithes should be at once struck off, and the remaining three-fifths paid to the clergy by the landlord. The Peers wholly threw out the Tithe Bill four days before the prorogation of Parliament ; and O'Connell went home to his congenial work of exciting the people to violent resistance. Parliament was prorogued on the 15th of August. Whilst, during the vacation, Mr. O'Connell was publishing letters to lord Duneannon, in which he declared that " Ireland had nothing to expect from the "Whigs but insolent contempt, and malignant and treacherous hostility," some of the leaders of the Eeform movement were damaging the Whigs more materially by painfully exhibiting the worst symptom of the weakness of the government, — the hostile jealousy of two who had once formed the great strength of the Cabinet. Looking back upon the journalism of this period, it is difficult to arrive at an impartial estimate of the merits or defects of the two chief combatants who entered the lists at the " free and gentle passage of arms " of Edinburgh, at the banquet to lord Grey on the 15th of Sep- tember, Por some months lord Brougham had been a mark for the attacks of the ultra-liberal press. Harmless exhibitions of that vanity which occa- sionally peeped out through his real greatness had brought down upon the Chancellor a measure of indignation which is generally reserved for political crimes. In a tour through Scotland he made some oratorical displays, in which the reticence of the cautious statesman was abandoned in the excite- ment of popular applause. At Inverness, the Chancellor, in telling the burgesses that during four years he had experienced from his Majesty only one series of gracious condescension, confidence, and favour, added words which were tossed about throughout the kingdom as "argument for a week, laughter for a month, and a good jest for ever." " To find that the king lived in the hearts of his loyal subjects in the ancient and important capital of the Highlands, as it had afforded him (lord Brougham) only pure and unmixed satisfaction, would, he was confident, be so received by his Majesty, when he (lord B.) told him, as he would do by that night's post, of the gratifying circumstance." * At the Grey banquet, earl Grey, in replying to his health, acknowledged the compliment of this great banquet in very dig- * From " Inverness Courier," quoted iu Fonblanque's " England under Seven Administra tions," vol. iii. p. 99. 318 THE GREY BANQUET AT EDINBURGH. [1834. nified and touching words : " This most gratifying of all honours is not paid to a minister newly raised to power, in the vigour of his age, with a long career of active and useful services before him, and holding out an expec- tation to others of official benefita, not yet conferred : No, gentlemen, this proud mark of distinction has been given to a minister who has descended, I will not say has fallen, from power, whose official life has ended, whose long parliamentary career is hastening to a final close, — to one when the balance has been struck between his promises and his performances ; to one when the past IS before his country for its judgment ; and the future, as far as he is concerned, presents no object either for hope or for fear." * Lord Brougham, in replying to the toast of the Lord Chancellor and his Majesty's other ministers, proclaimed the differences that existed between two classes of Eeformers, — the hasty spirits who hurrying into the wished-for harbour by the nearest channel, and, not inquiring whether there was a compass on board, would run their vessel into the breakers, — and the more moderate, who would better provide for the safety of the voyage. " I wholly respect," he said, " the good intentions of these men, but when they ask me to sail in their vessel, I must insist on staying on shore." Lord Durham bad his opportunity of reply : " My noble and learned friend (lord Brougham) has been pleased to give some advice, which I have no doubt he deems very sound, to some classes of persons, — I know none such, — who evince too strong a desire to get rid of ancient abuses, and fretful impatience in awaiting the remedies of them. Now I frankly confess that I am one of those persons who see with regret every hour which passes over the existence of recognized and unreformed abuses." The dispute was not yet ended. At a meeting at Salisbury, lord Brougham made some strong remarks upon lord Durham. At another meeting at Glasgow, lord Durham said that the Chancellor had been pleased to challenge him to meet him in the House of Lords. " I fear him not; I will meet him there." There were two most unexpected events which deranged the completion of these hostile purposes. First, the two peers could not meet on the old battle-ground. The Houses of Parliament were destroyed by fire on the 16th of October. It was between six and seven o'clock on that evening, that flames were seen bursting forth from tlie roof of the House of Lords, in that part of the building opposite to Henry the Seventh's Chapel, and in the corner next "Westminster Hall. By nine o'clock all the apartments of that portion of the parliament buildings, including the Painted Chamber and the Library, were in flames, and the whole interior was in a few hours destroyed. The fire extended to the House of Commons, first destroying the large offices oi the House, and next seizing upon the Chapel of St. Stephen. "When all the interior fittings were destroyed, this building, which had been famous as the seat of English legislation from the time of Edward the Sixth, was a mere shell. It had stood in its strength and beauty like a rock amidst the sea of fire, and had arrested the force which had till then gone on conquering and overthrowing. The Speaker's official residence was also partially destroyed. There was one time when the destruction of "Westminster Hall seemed almost inevitable. To those who mixed amongst the crowd in Palace Yard, and knev? * " Anuual Register for 1834," p. 142. 1834.] HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT DESTROYED BY FIRE. 349 that the antiquities of a nation are amongst its best possessions, it was truly gratifying to witness the intense anxiety of all classes of people to preserve this building, associated with so many grand historical scenes. " Save the Hall ! " " Save the Hall ! " was the universal cry. There was a more efficient interposition than the destruction of the House of Lords to the purpose of the two peers to enter the lists where the Mowbray and Bolingbroke of modern times were to decide their quarrel. " The king has thrown his warder down." William the Fourth, without a word of preparation, intimated to lord Melbourne, on the 14th of November, that his ministry waa at an end. o xn CO O W P5 O H K ;?; o w CO - o 5 W 35 P^ q5 1-^ CQ d, J p4c5 <" o as 5?^ ri3 " '• OO 03 o 13 .-a t oS »; I fe (§ g» 1 § a ^-sb o o J3 .S a O O r^ "^ -^ o o *l> ® ^ S Sg ^a i-i C4 CO ^' O CHAPTER XX. The King's dismissal of the Melbourne Ministry — Sir Robert Peel's Narrative of his appoint- ment to the Premiership — The Peel Administration formed^Parliament dissolved — The Tamworth Manifesto— Strong Parliamentary Opposition — Mr, Abercromby elected Speaker — London University Charter — Irish Church — Repeated defeats of Ministers — Resignation of Sir Robert Peel — Lord Melbourne's New Ministry — Exclusion of Lord Brougham — His Resolutions on the subject of Education — Reform of Municipal Corporations — Report of the Commission of Inquuy — Conflict between the two Houses — The Bill passed — Departing glories of Municipal Pomp. Much that was obscure in the circumstances connected with the extraordi- nary act of the King in the removal of liis ministers has been brought to light in the " Memoirs by Sir Eobert Peel." In his " Memorandum as to my appointment to the ofQce of First Lord of the Treasury in 1834, and to the administration over which I presided," he says: "The time will come when these records will be interesting, and may throw a light on the history of the period which they embrace." Sir Eobert states that he left England for Italy on the 14th of October, 1834, little foreseeing the proba- bility of his sudden recaU, and having had no communication previously to his departure with the duke of "Wellington, or any other person, respecting the position and prospects of the administration which existed at the time when he quitted England. He treats with contempt the report that there had been some previous concert or understanding with the king in contem- plation of events that took place in November. Sir Eobert Peel was in Eome when a letter reached him from the king, dated November the 15th, in which his Majesty says, that having had a most satisfactory and confidential communication with the duke of "Wellington on the formation of a new government, he called upon sir Eobert Peel to return without loss of time to England, to put himself at the head of the administration. The messenger at the same time brought a letter from the duke of "Wellington, pressing his immediate return home, and announcing that his grace held for the present the offices of First Lord of the Treasury and Secretary of State for the Home I)epartment, till Sir Eobert should return. The copy of a letter from the king to lord Melbourne was enclosed by the duke, in which the ostensible ground for the dismissal of lord Melbourne is, that lord Althorp, by the death of his father, having been removed to the House of Peers, the general weight 352 SIR ROBERT PEEL APPOINTED PRIME MINISTER, [1834. and consideration of the Government would be so mucli diminished in the House of Commons as to render it impossible that they should continue to conduct the public affairs. The duke of Wellington writes a confidential letter to sir Eobert Peel, accompanying his official dispatch, in which, plainly implying that the king was not quite justified in being "so ready to seize upon the first notion of difficulties resulting from lord Spencer's death," he concludes by saying, " I don't think that we are at all responsible for his quarrel with them. It was an aflfair quite settled when he sent for me." Sir [Robert Peel received this important communication on the night of the 25th of November. He left Eome the next afternoon. On his journey he had ample opportunities, he says, for considering various important matters coolly and without interruption. His habitual caution is strikingly manifested in his description of his meditations during his journey, which terminated in London on the 9th of December. " In my letters to the King and the duke of "Wellington from Eome, I had merely given an assurance that I would return without delay to England. As I should, by my acceptance of the office of First Minister, become technically, if not morally, responsible for the dissolution of the preceding government, although I had not the remotest concern in it, I did not at once, upon the hurried statement which was sent to me of the circumstances connected with it, pledge myself to the acceptance of office. I greatly doubted, indeed, the policy of breaking up the govern- ment of lord Melbourne at that time. I entertained little hope that the ministry about to replace it would be a stable one — would command such a majority in the House of Commons as would enable it to transact the public business. I was not altogether satisfied by the accounts I first received with the sufficiency of the reason for the dissolution of the late government — namely, the removal of lord Althorp to the Lords — and the objections of the king to lord John Eussell as lord Althorp's successor in the lead of the House of Commons." * The sensation produced in London by the reported dismissal of the ministry was a natural consequence of the suddenness of the act, as it pre- sented itself to the body of the people ; — of its really unconstitutional character, as it appeared to thoughtful and well-informed men. On the morning of Saturday, the 15th of November, — the day when the duke of Wellington was writing his confidential letter to sir Robert Peel, — the " Times " had this startling announcement, given in the words of a commu- nication which had been received at an early hour that morning : " The king has taken the opportunity of lord Spencer's death to turn out the ministry, and there is every reason to believe that the duke of Wellington has been sent for. The queen has done it all." The act of the king was wholly without precedent. He might have become converted to the politics of the Opposition. He might have been alarmed at the possible scandal of the quarrel between the Chancellor and lord Durham. But there was no disunion in the Cabinet. The ministry had retained the confidence of Parliament up to the last day of the session. They had pressed no opinions upon his Majesty which could be disagreeable to him. The government of lord Melbourne had more elements of Conservatism than were agreeable to many • '* Memoirs by Sir Robert reel," vol. ii. p. 30. 1835.] THE PEEL ADMINISTRATION FORMED. 353 Kefbrmers, and therefore appeared unlikely to excite the feara of the kin*;- and of his Court. The sovereign has a constitutional right to dismiss his ministers, but it must be on grounds more capable of justification to Par- liament than the simple exercise of his personal will. The suddenness of the resolve rendered an arrangement necessary which could not be justified hv any precedent, except on one occasion of critical emergency in the last days of queen Anne.* The duke of Wellington, from the 15th of November to the 9th of December, was First Lord of the Treasury and the sole Secretary of State, having only one colleague, lord Lyndhurst, who held the Great Seal, at the same time that he sat as Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer. This tempo- rary government was called a Dictatorship. " The great military commander " was told that he " will find it to have been much easier to take Badajoz and Ciudad Eodrigo than to retake the liberties and independence of the people." f The famous caricaturist of the day, H. B., represented the duke multiplied into ten or a dozen members of the cabinet, seated at the council board. Jour- nalists exclaimed, "Why is the business of the country to be suspended till a stray baronet should return home from his pleasure tour ? There were meetings and there were addresses, but there was no violence, and very little alarm. The majority of the people, whose zeal for a continued course of improvement had not been shaken by some reverses and shortcomings, knew perfectly well that what was called a Conservative government could not meet the present parliament. There must be a dissolution to afford them any chance of a continuance in office. They would reserve their zeal for a practical issue of the contest between Reform and Conservatism. And so, as to the inevitable necessity of a dissolution, thought sir Eobert Peel. In spite of his doubts of the policy of breaking up the government of lord Melbourne, he had become convinced that he had no alternative but to undertake the office of Prime Minister instantly on his arrival. He at once waited upon the king, and accepted the office of First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer. "With the king's permission he applied to lord Stanley and to sir James Graham, earnestly entreating them to give him the benefit of their co-operation as colleagues in the cabinet. They both declined. Lord Stanley manfully said, " The sudden conversion of lono- political opposition into the most intimate alliance, — no general coincidence of principle, except upon one point, being proved to exist between us, — would shock public opinion, would be ruinous to my own character, and injurious to the government which you seek to form." J "When sir Eobert arrived he found one important question practically decided, — the dissolution of the existing parliament. He does not appear to have been sanguine that the indications of a very great increase of the Conservative strength in the new House of Commons would be sufficient to insure the stability of his govern- ment. He looked beyond the immediate present. " It would certainly be sufficient to constitute a very powerful Conservative body, controliin"- a future government leaning upon Eadical support." He tried to make a govern- ment as strong as he could with Conservative materials. The re-establish- * See a very able view of the constitutional question in IMr. May's "History," vol i in 120—125. t Lord Durham — Speech at Newcastle on the 19th of November, t " Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," vol. ii. p. 39. VOL. vni.— 247. 354 PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED— THE TAMWOETH MANIFESTO. [1835. raent, he says, of the duke of Wellington's government in 1830 would have saved him much trouble, but would have diminished the little hope he ever entertained of being able to make a successful struggle. So, amidst the reproaches of those who regarded the minister as doing them positive wrong by not reinstating them in their former offices, he constructed a ministry of which the duke's name was a tower of strength, and of which lord Lyndhurst as Chancellor gave the assurance that it would have the support of one man of great talents. The high qualities of statesmanship which distinguished lord Aberdeen were not yet sufficiently recognized. It was not a popular ministry, but it could not be held to comprise any of that band of violent anti-reformers who would have imperilled everything by resisting the declared opinion of the Prime Minister that he considered the Eeform Bill as a final ?.nd irrevocable measure.* The facilities which the political constitution and the social habits of our country afford for the official expression of State policy, were never more remarkably displayed than in the course adopted by sir Robert Peel imme- diately that he had formed his administration. The Prime Minister was one of the representatives of Tamworth, a borough with a population under four thousand. To the electors of this comparatively unimportant place he addressed what has been denominated "the Tamworth manifesto." It was not a hasty expression of individual opinion, but a declaration of the general principles upon which the government proposed to act, and the address was submitted to the Cabinet for their consideration. Foreigners, who were looking with intense anxiety upon the ministerial crisis in London, might well be surprised that a little country town should be the first recipient of the government's confidential disclosures, and be thus the representative of the entire population of the United Kingdom. It is unnecessary to go over the various points of this long and comprehensive document. In his " Memoirs " sir Robert Peel declares that he held no language and expressed no opinions in this address which he had not previously held while acting in opposition to the government ; that he did not attempt to mitigate hostility by any new profession, or to court popular favour by promises of more exten- sive reforms than those to whose principles he had previously assented ; that although he therein made an explicit declaration that he considered the measure of Parliamentary Eeform final and irrevocable, that language was not new, but was used by him when he took his seat as a member of the first parliament summoned under the Eeform Act. * Sir Robert Peel's Cabinet was arranged as follows : — Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel . Lord Lyndhurst Earl of Rosslyn . Lord Whamcliffe . Right Hon. H. Goulburn Luke of Wellington Earl of Aberdeen Earl De Grey Right Hon. Sir H. Hardinge Lord Ellenborough Right Hon. Alexander Baring Right lion. Sir E. Knatchbull Right lion. J. G. Herries . Right Hon. Sir George Murray First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord Chancellor. President of the Council. Lord Privy Seal. Secretary of State for the Home Department. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Secretary of State for the Colonies. First Lord of the Admiralty. Chief Sccretai^ for Ireland. President of the Board of Control. Master of the Mint and President of the Board of Trade, Paymaster of the Forces. Secretary at War. jMaster-General of tlie Ordnance. 1835.] MR. ABERCROMBY ELECTED SPEAKER. 355 The anticipations of sir Eobert Peel that the Conservative party would be strengthened by a general election were, to a considerable extent, realized. So, also, was his apprehension that the increase of strength wx)uld not be sufficient to give stability to the new government. Before the parliament met it was calculated that the anti-ministerialists had a majority of a hundred and thirty-three, but that eighty-two votes were doubtful. Looking at the extraordinary efforts that had been made on both sides at this general election, and at the violence of party feeling which had been necessarily called forth, it appears almost surprising that, from the opening of parliament on the 9th of February, the ministry should not have been driven from their position before the 7th of April. Temporary accommodation had been provided fer the business of the two Houses on the site of those destroyed by the fire on the 16th of October. On the 9th of February, when the House of Commons proceeded to the election of a Speaker, a larger number of members were assembled than ever had been known before to have been congregated at one time. Six hundred and twenty-two members divided on the question whether sir Charles Manners Sutton should be re-elected, or the right hon. James Abercromby be chosen to fill the chair. The votes for Abercromby were three hundred and sixteen ; for Sutton, three hundred and six. On the 24th of February the King opened the business of the session. The two last paragraphs of the King's Speech expressed his Majesty's reliance on the caution and circumspection which would be exercised in altering laws which affected extensive and complicated interests, and were interwoven with ancient usages; and that, in supplying that which was defective, or renovating that which was impaired, the common object would be, to strengthen the foundations of those institutions in Church and State which are the inheri- tance and birthright of the people. In the House of Lords viscount Mel- bourne moved an amendment upon the two paragraphs, to the effect that their Lordships hoped his Majesty's councils would be directed in the spirit of well-considered and effective reform, and lamenting the dissolution of the late parliament, as having interrupted and endangered the vigorous prosecution of measures to which the wishes of the people were directed. This amend- ment was negatived without a division. In the House of Commons, lord Morpeth proposed a similar amendment, which, after three nights' debate, was carried by a majority of seven, the numbers being 309 against 302. How- ever the eloquence of sir Eobert Peel might fail to carry the complete appro- bation of the House of Commons, it unquestionably produced a powerful effect upon the country, inducing a very general desire that a fair chance should be given to the administration for carrying forward their professions into satisfactory results. It is my first duty, said sir Eobert Peel, to main- tain the post which has been confided to me ; to stand by the trust which I did not seek, but which I could not decline. Eeceive, at least, the measures which I propose ; amend them if they are defective ; extend them if they fall short of your expectations. " I offer you reduced estimates, improve- ments in Civil Jurisprudence, reform of Ecclesiastical Law, the settlement of the Tithe question in Ireland, the Commutation of Tithe in Eugland, the removal of any real abuse in the Church, the redress of those grievances of which the Dissenters have any just ground to complain. I ofter you these specific measures, and I offer also to advance, soberly and cautiously it is d56 LONDON UNIVERSITY CHARTER. [1835. true, in the path of progressive improvement. I offer also the best chance that these things can be effected in willing concert with the other autho- rities of the State — thus restoring harmony, ensuring the maintenance, but not excluding the reform, where reform is really requisite, of ancient institutions." * Satisfactory as such a declaration df general principles might appear to a large portion of the nation, those who were familiar, not only with the comparative strength of parties, but with the violent differences of opinion that would necessarily arise upon questions that would seem beyond the limits of party, would know perfectly well that the day of violent collision could not be far off. The government had been beaten in the choice of a Speaker ; it had been out-voted on the amendment to the Address ; its first diplomatic appointment could not be persisted in, for, on the 13th of March, the strong expressions used in the House of Commons as to the qualifications of the marquis of Londonderry to be Ambassador to Eussia were sufficient to induce him to state in the House of Peers, on the 16th, that he had declined the post offered to him by the government. Another signal defeat of the Ministry involved a question which some deemed to be one of principle, but which we may now regard as University College, Gower Street. belonging to the ancient confusion of principle with intolerance. On the 2Gth of March Mr. Tooke moved for an " Address to his Majesty, beseech- iiig him to grant his Eoyal Charter of Incorporation to the University of London, as approved in the year 1831 by the then law officers of the Crcwn, ITansard. vol. xxvi. col. 242. 1835.] IRISH CHURCH— REPEATED DEFEATS OF MINISTERS. 3o7 and containing no other restriction tlian against conferring degrees in divinity and in medicine." Mr. Goulburn, the member for the University of Cam- bridge, moved, as an amendment, that they should address the Crown for a eopy of the memorials in this case to the Privy Council, and a statement of the proceedings. The real objection, which sufficiently appeared in the speech of sir Eobert Inglis, the member for Oxford University, was contained in the fear that the motion for a Charter to grant degrees only in Arts and Law, was merely an attempt to get the small edge of the wedge in, and that the rest was sure to follow in time. The London University, it was implied, having no religious education in its system of instruction, was in a position of hostility to the Church. Sir Eobert Peel supported the amendment. He was not opposed to some provision being made that should accord to Protes- tant Dissenters the power of acquiring academical distinctions ; but he was opposed to a hasty resolve in favour of the terms on which the Charter should be granted to the London University.* The original motion was carried by 246 to 136. Such were the skirmishes previous to the grand battle. On the 30th of March lord John Eussell, after a debate of four nights, carried a resolution by a majority of thirty-three, that " the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider the temporalities of the Church of Ireland." On the 3rd of April lord John proposed a resolu- tion in that Committee " that any surplus of the revenues of the Church of Ireland not required for the spiritual care of its members, should be applied to the general education of all classes of the people without religious dis- tinction." After a debate of two nights the resolution was carried by a majority of twenty-five. On the 7th of April the report of the Committee was brought up. Lord John Eussell proposed a resolution, " that it is the opinion of this House that no measure upon the subject of tithes in Ireland can lead to a satisfactory and final adjustment which does not embody the principle contained in the foregoing Eesolution," — namely, in the resolution agreed to on the previous night. Upon the division there appeared — ayes, 285 ; noes, 258 ; majority, 27. The division of the 7th was fatal to the existence of the Ministry. Sir Eobert Peel's sagacity had distinctly seen that if the government were beaten upon the motion about to be made by lord John Eussell for the alienation from ecclesiastical purposes of any surplus revenues of the Irish Church, there would be no other course but for the government to resign. On the 25th of March he addressed " a Cabinet Memorandum " to his colleagues, in which he said — " Nothing can, in my opinion, justify an administration in persevering against a majority, but a rational and well-grounded hope of acquiring additional support, and converting a minority into a majority. I see no ground for entertaining that hope." f On the 8th of April the duke of Wellington, in the House of Lords, said that in consequence of the Eesolution of the House of Commons, the Ministry had tendered their resignations to the King. Sir Eobert Peel made a similar explanation to the * In 1835 what is now known as "University College " was called, according to the original idea of its establishment, the " University of London." In 1837 the government institution of the " University of London," for conferring degrees on graduates of University College and King's College, and of other places of instruction, was established. t "Memoirs by Sir Robert Peel," vol, ii. p. 89. 358 RESIGNATION OF SIR ROBERT PEEL. [1835. House of Commons. " For himself, the whole of liis political life had been spent in the House of Commons — the remainder of it would be spent in the House of Commons ; and, whatever might be the conflicts of parties, he, for one, should always wish, whether in a majority or in a minority, to stand well with the House of Commons. Under no circumstances whatever, under the pressure of no difficulties, under the influence of no temptation, would he ever advise the Crown to resign that great source of moral strength which consisted in a strict adherence to the practice, to the principles, to the spirit, to the letter of the Constitution. He was confident that in that adherence would be found the surest safeguard against any impending or eventual danger, and it was because he entertained that belief that he, in conformity Avith the opinions of his colleagues, considered that a government ought not to persist in carrying on public affairs, (after the sense of the House had been fully and deliberately expressed,) in opposition to the decided opinion of a majority of the House of Commons."* The immense cheering of the House during this brief speech, and at its close, was in many respects a reflection of the general public opinion that no minister during a short term of power had conducted the public affairs, under the pressure of extra- ordinary difficulties, with greater temper, honesty of purpose, and strict adherence to constitutional obligations. " After a conflict of four months," says M. Gruizot, " the vanquished had grown far greater than his con- querors."t At any rate we may acknowledge that there was no individual amongst the victors who could fairly compete with the fallen minister in those qualities of practical statesmanship which consist not only in knowing what is best to do, but how and when to do it, and what to leave undone. The interest which the country generally felfc in the duration of the ministry was not very vehement, nor, on the other hand, was there any intense desire for its fall. After three years of excitement the people rather desired a term of repose. An intelligent foreigner, Von Eaumer, who came to London at this time, has described his sensations at the contemplation of the public calm during a great crisis. He goes on the 9th of April to the public dinner for the relief of' decayed actors. The toasts, the music, the spouting, and the cheering greatly amuse him ; but he says, " all these particulars lost their interest with me in comparison with one thouglit : In this very same hour the ministry was dissolved ; and this dissolution was not (as it so often is in France) a mere concern of coteries and tracasseries, but had a real substantive meaning, and tended to real and efficient changes. What a deal of wit, good and bad — what angry passions — what hope and fear — what praise and blame — would have foamed over, like champagne mousseiix, in such an hour, in Paris ! Here, not a trace of the kind It seemed as if all that was passing without were but a light ripple on the surface of the waters. The weal of England, her riches, her laws, her freedom, seemed moored to some immovable anchor in the securest and serenest depths of ocean, whence neither winds nor waves can ever tear them loose. The clouds whicli flit along the face of heaven, and so often seem, to us timid spectators, to portend a coming storm, may here be regarded as but the * nansard, vol. xxvii. col. P84. + "Memoirs of Peel," p. 77. 1835.] LORD MELBOURNE'S NEW MINISTRY— LORD BROUGHAM. 359 passing fleeces of a summer sky ; or rather as the proof and the earnest of an equable and safe state of the atmosphere."* On the 18th of April viscount Melbourne, in moving the adjournment of the House of Lords, stated that the King had been pleaaed to appoint him First Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, and that he and his friends who had taken office had received from his Majesty the seals of their respective depart- ments. The other House would adjourn to the 12th of May, as some time must necessarily elapse before ministers in that House, waiting their re-election, could proceed to business. On the 12th of May the Houses accordingly met.f The exclusion of lord Brougham from the ministry, by putting the Great Seal in Commission, was necessarily the subject of popular wonder. This exclusion was not to be explained at the time ; it has never been satisfactorily explained at any subsequent period. The ultra-liberals exulted that those principles which the Chancellor had proclaimed at the Grey banquet had now no expression in the Cabinet ; the friends of Educa- cation and of Law-reform lamented that the energy with which these great objects had been pursued was now to be confined to the independent exer- tions of a peer building his hope of success upon his own powers alone. It was a painful situation for one of such restless activity. To deliver elaborate judgments in the Court of Chancery ; to be ready for every meeting of the Cabinet ; duly to be in his place on the woolsack at three o'clock, rarely abstaining from taking a part in debate ; after the adjournment of the House to sit up hall" the night writing out his judgments ; occasionally to dash off an article in the "Edinburgh Review;" discoursing, writing, haranguing, on every subject of politics, or science, or literature, or theology; and then suddenly to have all the duties of official life cut away from him — to sink into the state which he of all others dreaded and despised, that of a " Dowager Chancellor ;" — this, indeed, was a mortification not very easy to be borne, and we can scarcely be surprised if it were sometimes impatiently submitted to. Nevertheless, there was a great career of usefulness before Henry Brougham. It would be a long career ; and thus, after the lapse of a quarter of a century, we look back upon the unofficial labours of this remark- able man, to whom repose was an impossibility ; and, measuring him with the most untiring of recorded workers, deem it marvellous that he has ac- complished so much, and with few exceptions has accomplished it so well. He very soon proclaimed to the world that his comparative leisure would not be a season of relaxation. On the 21st of May he submitted to the House of Lords a series of resolutions on the subject of Education. His speech was a most elaborate review of whatever had been done, and a practical exposition of what he thought remained to be done. In these resolutions will be found the germ of many of the principles which have become established axioms in the education of the people. The main feature of his plan was the esta- blishment of a Board of Education, empowered to examine into the state of endowed charities, and to compel a due application of their funds. These resolutions collectively affirmed that although the number of schools where * "England in 1835," vol. i. p. 77. + The Cabinet as formed at this time was the same as in the list gii'en at page 331, with the exception that the Great Seal was in Commbsion, lord Cotteuham being appointed Chancellor in 1836. 360 LORD BROUGHAM'S EDUCATION RESOLUTIONS. [1835. some of the elementary branches of education are taught had greatly in- creased, there was still a deficiency of such schools, especially in the metro- polis and other great towns ; they maintained that the education given at the greater number of the schools established for the poorer classes of the people is of a kind by no means sufficient for their instruction, being for the most part confined to reading, writing, and a little arithmetic ; they called upon Parliament to provide effectual means of instruction, doing nothing, however, to relax the efforts of private benevolence ; they set forth that for the purpose of improving the kind of education given at schools for the people at large it was necessary to establish proper seminaries for training teachers. The resolutions of lord Brougham were favourably received by the Prime Minister. The bishop of Gloucester and the archbishop of Canter- bury expressed their general concurrence in the eloquent and instructive speech of the noble and learned lord, but they contended that in order to make education real and useful it must be founded on the basis of religion. Lord Brougham said that he was not nnaware of the difficulties which surrounded this question on the subject of religion ; but that he thought he should, at a future time, be enabled to lay before them a plan by which the objections which had been urged would be obviated. We have reason to believe that, at this time, an office analogous to that of Minister of Public Instruction might have been within the reach of lord Brougham. It may be doubted whether even his energy could have surmounted the difficulties pre- sented in the religious aspect of the question. On the 5th of June the great measure of the session was proposed by lord John Eussell. He asked on behalf of his Majesty's government leave to bring in a bill to provide for the regulation of Municipal Corporations in England and Wales. The measure proposed by the government was founded upon the Eeport of a Commission apppointed by the Crown, which, during a year and a half of laborious and minute investigation, had inquired into the condition of more than two hundred corporations. Lord John Hussell quoted the conclusion of this Report, as calling for a safe, efficient, and wholesome measure of Corporation Eeform : — " We feel it to be our duty to represent to your Majesty that the existing Municipal Corporations of England and Wales neither possess nor deserve the confidence or respect of your Majesty's subjects, and that a thorough reform must be eftected before they can become, what we humbly submit to your Majesty they ought to be, useful and efficient instruments of local government." The Eeport of the Commissioners on Municipal Corporations presents some interesting views of the early constitution of these bodies. The diffi- culty of accurately describing such early constitution is adverted to. Many of their institutions were established in practice long before they were settled by law. The examination of the charters by which a corporation is constituted was one of the duties prescribed to the Commissioners. In some cases their Eeport is confined to an enumeration of the early charters ; in other cases a summary of their contents is given. The forms of the municipal government were defined by an express composition between the magistracy and the people in some towns. It is deemed probable that the powers of the local government, in all ordinary cases, were exercised by the superior magistracy, but that in extraordinary emergencies the whole body of bur- 1S35.1 REFORM OF MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS. 361 gesses was called upon to sanction the measures whicli interested the com- munity. The difficulty of conducting business in such an assembly seema to have suggested the expedient of appointing a species of committee out ol the larger body, which acted in conjunction with the burgesses, and which was dissolved when the business was concluded. These committees afterwards becoming permanent, a governing body was created which in process of time became more and more independent of the general community. The greater number of the governing charters of corporations was granted between the reign of Henry VIII. and the Revolution. The general characteristic of these documents is to eflect directly what the lapse of several centuries had been gradually accomplishing, — the removal of any control upon the governing body by the majority of their townsmen. Almost all the councils named in these charters were established on the principle of self-election. During the reigns of Charles II. and James II, many corporate towns were induced to surrender their charters, and to accept new ones which contained clauses giving power to the Crown to remove or nominate their principal ofiicers. In his apprehension of the speedy arrival of the Prince of Orange, in October 1688, James II. issued a proclamation restoring all the municipal corporations to their ancient franchises, as contained in their earlier charters. Since the Revolution the charters granted, including those of the reign of George III,, exhibit a total disregard of any consistent plan for the improvement of municipal policy corresponding with the progress of society. In the greater number of cases the corporations had gradually parted with the duty and the responsibility belonging to good municipal government. By local Acts of Parliament the powers of lighting, watching, paving, and cleansing, supply- ing with water, and other useful purposes, had been conferred not upon the municipal officers, but upon Trustees or Commissioners, who were em- powered to levy the necessary rates. A very small portion of the funds of the corporation was applied to any public purposes ; large revenues were devoted to the support of what was called the dignity of the corporate body, the due sustenance of which dignity was amply provided for by periodical banquets. In some cases the corporal-ion divided the surplus funds amongst themselves. Leases of corporate estates were also granted at low rents to the favoured few in those boroughs where it was believed that pubHc and personal property were identical It is more painful to reflect that some- times charity bequests of which the corporations were trustees were dealt with in the same corrupt manner. The Mayor of the borough, annually elected out of the close body, was the chief magistrate ; and in nearly all the corporations criminal jurisdiction was exercised within the limits of the borough, and quarter sessions Avere held for the trial of prisoners. The Recorder was appointed by the corporation, generally upon some principle of local favouritism, which excluded barristers of any general reputation in their profession. A High Steward was the grand functionary who was the medium of the lofty patronage of some noble house, which, by the present of a buck for the Mayor's dinner, secured the willing servility of successive magisterial grocers and drapers. The maintenance and regulation of tlie borough prisons were, of course, confided to the municipal officers. But previous to the establishment of a system of government inspection by a statute of 1835, it was impossible to imagine any more horrible dens of filth — 362 REPORT OF THE COMMISSION OF INQUIRY. [1835- any places of coufinemeut more repugnant to our notions of the discipline that might lead to the reformation of the offender, — than these city or borough prisons. The Commissioners of Inquiry found that there were two hundred and forty-six municipal corporations in England and "Wales. Of these, two hundred and thirty-seven formed the subject of investigation. In one hundred and eighty-six boroughs the governing body was found to be self- elected. The ancient corporations were elected by a constituency known as freemen. Birth, marriage with the daughter or widow of a freeman, servi- tude or apprenticeship, being a member of a guild or trading company, gave a claim to the rights of freedom or burgess-ship. In the greater number of cities and boroughs the freemen had ceased to exist as connected with the municipal body. There were some places, indeed, where the freedom, con- fined to a few persons, secured to them valuable privileges, such as exemption from tolls. But in nearly all cities and boroughs where freemen were recog- nized they possessed the pernicious right of exclusive trading within the limits of the municipality. The Commissioners often found that the freemen had long ceased to consider themselves as forming any part of the corpora- tion, which term in popular language was exclusively applied to the ruling body. One of the greatest struggles during the passage of the Eeform Bill was to preserve what were called the rights of the freemen. It was a con- test for the maintenance of those exclusive privileges injurious to the excluded many, corrupting to the privileged few, which it was the object of Municipal Eeform to abolish. In many cases the freemen were non-resident, but were per- sons unconnected with the town who were appointed to maintain the interests of particular families. Where the freemen were resident and had exclusive privileges, the dues from non-freemen, as at Liverpool, were so onerous, that they had little chance of competition with their enfranchised townsmen. Where the freemen generally had a voice in the election of municipal ofhcers, the corruption at the annual elections, whether by liquor or by money, was so great, that the lower class of freemen became systematically demoralised. Looking then at the inquiry into Municipal Corporations as bringing to light in the greater number of cases a system which, to say the least, was a gross imposture, we can scarcely be surprised that the Commissioners, in winding up their Report, should have used some very expressive words : " We report to your Majesty that there prevails amongst the inhabitants of a great majority of the incorporated towns, a general and in our opinion a just dissatisfaction with their Municipal Institutions ; a distrust of the self elected Municipal Councils, whose powers are subject to no popular control,, and whose acts and proceedings, being secret, are unchecked by the influ- ence of public opinion ; a distrust of the Municipal Magistracy, tainting with suspicion the local administration of justice, and often accompanied with contempt of the persons by whom the law is administered ; a discontent under the burdens of local taxation, while revenues that ought to be applied for the public advantage are diverted from their legitimate use, and are sometimes wastefully bestowed for the benefit of individuals, sometimes squandered for purposes injurious to the character and morals of the people." 1835.] OPPOSITION TO THE BILL OF MUNICIPAL REFORM. 363 The great object of the bill proposed by lord John Eussell was to open a free course to the beneficial operation of those subordinate bodies in the government of the country which were provided in our ancient institutions as an essential counterpoise to the central authority. It has been truly said that the diffusion of political duties and political powers over every part of the body politic is like the circulation of the blood throughout the natural body. In the case of municipal corporations that healthful circulation was essentially impeded by chronic diseases which required no timid practice effectually to subdue. The object of the Municipal Eeform Bill was to place the government of the towns really in the hands of the citizens themselves ; to make them the guardians of their o.wn property and pecuniary interests ; to give to them the right of making a selection of qualified persons from Avhom the magistrates were to be chosen ; in a word, to put an end to power without responsibility. We may judge of the opposition which the Bill of Corporation Reform was likely to encounter from the mode in which it was regarded by lord Eldon : " Its interference with vested rights shocked his sense of equity even more than the sweeping clauses of the Eeform Act." To regard, he said, ancient charters as so many bits of decayed parchment was, in his eyes, " a crowning iniquity." * At this distance of time it is scarcely necessary to trace the course of the Municipal Eeform Bill through both Houses of Parliament. The measure was in the House of Commons from the 5th of June to the 20th of July ; the great battles were fought in Committee after the Bill had been read a second time on the 15th of June. The chief struffs'le was for the preservation of the existing rights, privileges, and property of freemen. Upon the third reading there was an instructive exposition by sir Eichard Vy vyan, the Member for Bristol, of the great principle upon which the Bill was to be shown by the strictest of all logical proof to be utterly subversive of the Constitution : " It was the vice of the present Bill that at the expense of one principle it went to set up another. It was an attempt to set up generally the republican principle of representation upon the ruin of the principle of vested right. It was against that principle of the Bill that he mainly protested, although he considered it vicious and dangerous in many other respects. And, let him ask, would the hereditary aristocracy support the principle of a Bill which was against all hereditary right ? Would the Peers now declare that an old charter of incorporation was worth less than a patent of nobility on which the ink is scarcely dry ? The Peers had now to fight their own battle. The first step that they took in this instance would be irrevocable. They would have to decide, when this Bill was sent up to them, whether their Lordships were to be maintained on the doctrine of temporary expediency, or to preserve their privileges upon the principle of vested right." f The third reading of the Bill was passed without a division. The endeavour in the House of Lords to impair the efiiciency of the measure for Municipal Eeform was sufficiently prosperous to produce the danger of such a conflict between the Upper and the Lower Houses aa had * See Twiss, vol. iii. p. 2iG. + Hansard, vol. xxix. coL 740. SS-l CONFLICT OF THE TWO HOUSES— THE BILL PASSED. [1835. scarcely before occurred since the time of the Long Parliament. The oppo- sition to the Bill in the House of Lords was headed by lord Lyndhurst. It is unnecessary to say that the pre-eminent abilities of this great advocate were called forth in the most striking manner. His subtlety was far more dangerous, not only to this measure but to the government which had adopted it, than all the impassioned violence of certain Peers, who seemed to have come to the conclusion that this was a fit season for bringing to an issue the contest, as they deemed it, between aristocratic and democratic government. Their plan of campaign appeared to be carefully considered. It might have been more successful if, like a famous charge in modern warfare, the strength of the enemy had not been too much left out of consideration. They called to their aid an irregular leader, who, taking the sword and mace of an old captain of condottieri, laid about him with relentless fury, careless whether he damaged his own cause or that of his enemy. On the 30th of July, when the House of Lords determined to call in counsel to be heard on behalf of certain corporations, sir Charles "Wetherell addressed the House, whicli address was concluded on the following day. His violent invectives were no doubt contributory to the adoption of certain damaging amendments. But they had a more permanent effect. They produced through the country an irritation against the obstructive powers of the House of Lords. The people felt that the permission of that august body for the use by an advocate of the most insulting expressions toward the House of Commons was a proof that the House of Lords was out of harmony with the spirit of the age. "When the amendments of the Peers were sent back to the House of Commons, — in a debate in which lord John Russell expressed a sober indignation at the license which had permitted counsel at the bar of the Peers to insult the other branch of the Legislature, and sir Eobert Peel did not defend the language of the rash advocate, but maintained that it was extremely difficult to place any restriction on what counsel might please to express — Mr. Eoebuck maintained that every act of the Lords proved that they contemned and hated the people, and that they were determined to show this contempt and hatred by insulting the people's representatives. The quarrel between the two Houses was growing very serious. Lord John Eussell and sir Eobert Peel, much to their honour, took the part of moderators in this great dispute. Sir Eobert Peel, especially, whilst he contended that they should uphold the perfect independence of the House of Lords, expressed his willingness to make some concessions which would have the effect of reconciling the differences between the two Houses There were free conferences between a Committee of the House of Commons and Managers on the part of the House of Lords. After the last conference on the 7th of September, three days before the prorogation of Parliament, lord John Eussell recommended that for the sake of peace, and as the Bill, though deprived of much of its original excellence, was still an effective Eeform of Municipal Institutions, the House should agree to it as it then stood, reserving the right of introducing whatever improvements the working of it might hereafter show to be necessary. The Bill for Municipal Eeform received the royal assent on the 9th of September. Lord Eldon, in this perilous crisis of a contest between the Peers and the Commons, lamented that his infirmities prevented him from going down to the House of Lords — not to conciliate, not to reconcile the differences lS3o.] DEPARTING GLORIES OF MUNICIPAL POMP. 3t35 between the two Houses, — but to grapple with the proceedings altogether, and persuade the Lords utterly to reject the Bill. Sitting " pale as a marble statue," and seeing terrible changes gradually darkening over all he had loved and venerated in corporate institutions,* we may venture to inquire if the outward glories of municipal power thus departing were as dear to his troubled soul as their ancient charters ? What wonderful manifestations of grandeur were presented to the admiring eyes of the people by the majority of corporations as they existed in 1835 ! What processions were there on every possible occasion, of red gowns and bine, with mace-bearer and beadle ! To walk in toged state to church, or to proclaim an election writ, or to open a ginger-bread fair ; — to be adorned with golden chains as mayor and alder- men sitting on high in their tribunals at quarter sessions ; to look venerable, clothed in scarlet and fur, at solemn supper in open hall like the Tudor and Stuart kings, on Tair-nights, holding the Pie-powder Court, where the " dusti- foot" might go for justice, — these were indeed gorgeous displays. Magnifi- cent pageants on the Mayor's day existed in a few provincial cities and boroughs: Norwich had its " Whifflers" and its "Dragon." All the ancient and modern glories were to depart ; even the Mayor's feast was to be an inexpensive banquet, not defrayed out of the corporate funds. The Mansion Houses were to be let for warehouses. Well might the good ex-Chancellor weep, haviug only one poor consolation, that the City of London was to be spared ; that its Lord Mayor would still have the glorious privilege of inter- rupting for one day in the year the real business of three millions of people, to assert by his men-in-armcur, and his pasteboard Gog and Magog, his pre- tended rule over a community of which only one-thirfcieth would be subject to his jurisdiction. * See Twiss, vol. iii. p. 24", CHAPTER XXI. Parliament —Session of 1836 — Opposition of the Lords to the Irish Corporations' Bill — Lord Lyudhurst — Alleged Lichfield House Compact — Tithe -Commutation Act — Act for allowinr? Counsel to Prisoners — Act for Regulation of Prisons and for appointing Inspectors — General Kegistration Act — Reduction of Stamp on Newspapers — Reduction of Paper Duty — Foreign Politics — Belgium — Spain — France — Conspiracies against Louis Philippe — Enterprise of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte at Strasbourg — Parliament — Illness of King William IV. — His death — His character — Accession of Queen Victoria — Ministry at Her Majesty's Ac- cession — Table of Treaties — Table of National Debt. The disposition wliich Lad been manifested in tlie Session of 1835 by the majority of the House of Lords, threatening something beyond a passing difference with the majority of the House of Commons, became stronger and more confirmed in the Session of 1836. The compromise upon the English Municipal Reform Bill had averted, in some degree, the apprehension of a perilous conflict between the two branches of the legislature. The question of Corporation Eeform in Ireland was to be disposed of in the Session of 183G, with an absolute indifference to the opinions of the Commons. In 1835, on the reading of that Bill a third time in the Lower House at so late a period of the Session as the 13th of August, Mr. Sinclair, a Scotch member, anticipating the probable course that would be taken by the Lords when in the next Session it should be sent to the Upper House, said that it must pass through the ordeal of an Assembly in which the laws of truth and iustice would not be set at nought, — in which vested rights would not be invaded, — in which no bill would pass for the destruction of the Protestant Establishment in Ireland, by transferring the influence from property, which in a preponderating ratio was in the hands of Protestants, to Eoman Catholics, who in point of numbers would in most cases obtain the pre- eminence.* It is easy to judge from this declaration how sustained and bitter would be the controversy upon the subject of Irish Corporations in the Session of 1836, in which a new bill was brought in and passed by the House of Commons on the 28th of March. On the 18th of August of that year, just previous to the prorogation, lord Lyndhurst, who had with infinite courage and ability directed the triumphant strategy of the Tory Peers, took * Hansard, toI. xxs. col. CIS. 1S36.] LORDS AND COMMONS AGAIN IN CONFLICT. 3G7 a review of the business of the Session, in which, with unmeasured sarcasm, he taunted the government with its failure in carrying certain measures which had been recommended in the Speech from the throne on the 4th of February. " And this, my lords, is a government ! AVas there ever, in the history of this country, a body of men who would have condescended so low as to attempt to carry on the government under such circumstances ? In this House they are utterly powerless ; they can effect nothing." * Sir Eobert Peel, in a dinner-speech at the Merchant Taylors' Hall, had warned his heasers not to depend upon the prerogative of the Crown or the influence or authority of the House of Lords, as bulwarks against the storm and stru"-o-le of events. The royal prerogative, the authority of the House of Lords, were most useful, nay, necessary, in our mixed and balanced Constitution ; "but you must not strain those powers." The dangerous opinion was gradually gaining ground that the House of Lords was an obstructive body, and that their policy was determined by the will of some one peer who dominated over their general inertness, "It has generally yielded," says Mr. May, " with an indolent facility, to the domination of one or two of its own members, gifted with the strongest wills. Lord Thurlow, lord Eldon, the duke of "Wellington, and lord Lyndhurst, have swayed it, at different times, almost with the power of a dictator." f Mr. Hume, in the House of Commons on the day of prorogation, had his own review of the business of parliament during the twenty-eight weeks of its sitting. He was not alone in the expression of his opinion when he asked whether it were possible that the Commons could allow the Lords any longer to continue their opposition to all measures of real reform ? They had lost nearly a Session. " If he lamented one thing more than another, it was to see the high-minded noble- men of England led by such a man as was now at their head." Such personalities were not confined to attacks in one House upon members of the other House. The bitterness of lord Lyndhurst's invective stimulated even the placability of viscount Melbourne, to " refer him to what was once said by the earl of Bristol of another great statesman of former times (the earl of Strafford), to whom tbe noble lord might, I think, be not inapplicably compared ; and of whom it was said, ' the malignity of his practices was hugely aggravated by his vast talents, whereof God had given him the use, but the Devil the application.' " J The experience of the Session of 1836 had produced amongst men of moderate opinions a very unwilling conviction of the necessity for remodelling the Upper House. The altered circum- stances of the succeeding year had a sensible influence in assuagino- this dangerous access of fever in our constitutional sj-stem. But an equally beneficial change in public opinion was produced by the calm conviction that this had not been " a lost Session." Several measures of real utility had struggled into life amidst the rivalries, the jealousies, the political hatreds, of the opposing parties of each House. It is with these measures and with their permanent eftects, that the historian of the progress of a nation is best satisfied to deal, leaving the course of party struggle to the annalists of the immediate Present. * Hansard, to], xxxv. col. 1293. + " Constitutional History," vol. i. p. 268. t Hansard, toI. xxxv. col. 1304. 308 ALLEGED LICHFIELD HOUSE COMPACT. [1833. Before we altogether escape from the bitterness of party conflicts in the sessions of 1835 and 1836, chiefly excited by Irish questions, we may remark that a great deal of the beat of the Conservative party is to be attributed to the very general belief that the Whig party had made a compact with Mr. O'Connell and his followers, by which their hostility was to be averted on the distinct understanding that they were fully to participate in the sweets of ofiice. Upon lord Melbourne's announcement in April, 1835, that he had been appointed t(j the Premiership, lord Alvanley asked him on what terms he had negotiated with Mr. O'Connell? Lord Melbourne answered that he had made no terms with Mr. O'Connell. Nevertheless in debate after debate it was affirmed, or implied, tliat a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between the Whig government and the Irish Eepealers had been concluded on the last accession of the Whigs to power. The locality where this negotiation was completed was as distinctly pointed out as the house at TJxbridge which was the seat of the treaty between Charles the First and his parliament, or the Orchard at Hal where Boufiflers and Portland settled the terms of the peace of Byswick. A careful topographer does not hesitate to tell us, speaking of St. James's Square, and of No. 13, Lichfield-house, built by Athenian Stuart, and so called from Anson, earl of Lichfield, that "here the Whigs and O'Connell often met, and the ' Lichfield-house Compact ' with O'Connell was formed by the Whigs in 1835." * Mr, John O'Connell says, " stupid affairs enough were those meetings in the dusty unfurnished drawing-rooms of that dingy fronted mansion." They got lectures on pro- priety and moderation, and vague promises of great things to be done at some future period, and some glimpses of a want of cordial feeling towards them and their English associates. Of the compact, he says, " it was an utter and unredeemed calumny. No such compact ever was made. No engagement, no stipulation, no barter, no compromise of any kind, species, or description, took place then, or at any time." t Enough, however, was admitted to give point to the virulence of Lyndhurst and the gentler sarcasms of Peel. During the short administration of sir Robert Peel he submitted to a Committee of the House of Commons the details of a measure for facilitating the settlement of the vexatious Tithe-question in England and Wales. He proposed to establish a commission to superintend the voluntary commutation of tithe in parishes, and to remove the impediments in the way of an easy accomplishment of sucb voluntary principle. The Committee agreed to the proposed resolution for a payment in money in substitution for tithe, to be charged upon the titheable land in each parish, such payment to be subject to variation at stated periods according to the prices of corn. On the 9th of February, in the session of 1836, lord John Eussell introduced the govern- ment plan, which was founded upon the same principle as that of sir liobert Peel, of a money payment instead of a payment in kind, but diflfering from it as establishing something more eff'ective than a mere voluntary commuta- tion. By the measure of lord John Eussell a voluntary commutation way in the first instance to be promoted ; but in case of no such agreement a compul- * Cunn^njrliam, " Hand Book of LonJon." + " KecollectioDs," vol. i. p. 133. 1S36.] TITHE-COMMUTATION ACT. 369 sory commutation was to be effected by commissioners. The object of the Tithe Commutation Act which was finally passed was to assimilate tithes as much as possible to a rent-charge upon the land. That charge was to be determined by taking the averages of the corn-returns during seven preceding years ; and a fixed quantity of corn having been previously determined as a proper portion for the tithe owner, the amount of money payment was to be settled by a septennial average of the price of corn. The opposition to this measure assumed no party character. The clergy did not feel their interests to be invaded. The land owner and farmer had for years complained that no institution was more adverse to cultivation and improvement than tithes, as Dr. Paley had long before declared. The clergy were disposed to believe that the plan of the same sagacious political philosopher to convert tithes into corn-rents would secure the tithe-holder a complete and perpetual equivalent for his interest. This measure, with subsequent statutory improvements, has worked successfully under the management of three Commissioners. To one of the most wise and energetic of these Commissioners, the late Eev. E-ichard Jones, may be ascribed many of the early triumphs over the diificulties of carrying this measure iuto practice, and the subsequent general conviction that it is calculated to remove all grounds of discord and jealousy between the clergy and their parishioners, and thus add security and permanence to the property of the church. Another measure of the Session of 1836, which amply refuted the opinion that legislators in either House could only look at great social questions through the mists of party, was the passing of the Bill for allowing Counsel to Prisoners. The final debate upon the Bill in the House of Lords was remarkable for a most honourable declaration of lord Lyndhurst, that his former opposition to the measure had been converted into a hearty approval of it. In an interesting volume by Mr. Matthew Davenport Hill* we have a succinct and very complete history of the course of public opinion on the question of counsel to prisoners. He shows that even Judge Jeffreys had told a jury that he thought it a hard case that a man should have counsel to defend himself for a twopenny trespass, but that he should be denied counsel where life, estate, honour, and all were concerned. It was not until 1824 that any attempt was made in parliament to remove this disability under which prisoners laboured. In that year Mr. Greorge Lamb, the brother of lord Melbourne, brought the subject before the House of Commons. He was supported by sir James Mackintosh, Dr. Lushington, and Mr. Denman. Mr. Canning was favourable to the change, but the speech of Mr. Attorney- General Copley had converted him into an opponent of the measure. Sydney Smith in 1826 drew a picture of the cruel oppression involved in the disability of the prisoner's counsel to address a jury : "It is a most affecting moment in a court of justice when the evidence has all been heard, and the judge asks the prisoner what he has to say in his defence. The prisoner, who has (by great exertions, perhaps, of his friends) saved up money enough to procure counsel, says to the judge, * that l^e leaves his defence to his counsel.' We have often blushed for English humanity to hear the reply, * Tour counsel * " Suggestions for the Expression of Crime, contained in Charges delivered to Grand Juries •iif Birmingham." VOL. VIII.— 248. S70 COUNSEL FOR PRISONERS' ACT. [183G. cannot speak for you; you must speak for yourself,' And this is the reply given to a poor girl of" eighteen — to a foreigner — to a deaf man — to a stam- merer — to the sick — to the feeble — to the old — to the most abject and ignorant of human beings!"* In 1834 the Prisoners' Counsel Bill was introduced into the House of Commons by Mr. Ewart. The debate was on, the second reading, when Mr. Hill, then member for Hull, seconded Mr. Ewart's motion. The measure was passed by the House of Commons without a division, but was rejected by the Lords. It was brought forward again by Mr. Ewart in 1835 — when it dropped on account of the late period of the Session — and in 1836. In the latter year it was carried by a majority of forty-four. It was then introduced to the House of Lords by lord Lyndhurst. It was on that occasion that he made his honest recantation of his former opinion. He had come to a conviction that the evils and incon- veniences of allowing counsel to prisoners had been greatly exaggerated, and ought not to be put for a moment in competition with that which the obvious justice of the case so clearly demanded. Twice did the House of Lords debate this question, but the measure passed without a division. Lord Abinger, formerly Mr. Scarlett, might have great doubts as to the policy of the Bill, and be afraid of their lordships becoming too much in love with theory ; but no expression of doubt, no plea for delay, could stand up against the united opinions of such men as lord Denman, lord Cottenham, then Chancellor, and lord Lyndhurst. It is a remnant, said lord Lyndhurst, of a barbarous practice. The continuance of it is against the great current of authority. It is contrary to the practice of all civilized nations. An alteration was essential to the due investigation of truth. "We have incidentally referred to the'important Act that was passed in the session of 1835 for effecting greater uniformity of practice in the govern- ment of prisons in England and Wales, and for appointing Inspectors of Prisons in Great Britain. This most salutary statute was founded upon Reports of a Select Committee of the House of Lords. The duke of Richmond, who was the promoter of this inquiry, laboured most assiduously in the collection of the evidence upon which the measure of reform was to be founded, himself with other peers visiting many of the ill-regulated dens where the old criminal became more hardened in his iniquity, and the youthful offender was systematically trained to a maturity in guilt. The Eeport of the Lords' Committee proposed that entire separation between the prisoners should be enforced, except during the hours of labour and of religious worship and instruction. Many persons out of the large number examined by the Committee were governors or chaplains of gaols in the country, and they all, without a dissentient voice, concurred in opinion as to the contaminating influence of prisons as they were then conducted. They held that the associations of prisons were destructive to every casual offender. The country gaols, especially those under corporate management, could only be regarded as great nurseries of crime. There was no religious instruction, no education of juvenile prisonete, no employment. The county gaols and houses of correction were better managed, some system of discipline being observed. But none of the gaols in corporate towns could present a more • " Ed'mburgh Review," toI. xiv. p. 5, quoted by ]\rr. Hill. 1836.] REGULATION OF PRISONS' ACT. 871 disgusting example of the contaminating influence of an ill-managed prison than the great gaol of Newgate, under the jurisdiction of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London. In the session of 1836, when the Inspectors appointed under the Act of 1835 had made their first Eeport, the management of prisons again came under the consideration of Parliament. This Report drew attention to what the duke of Eichmond described as " the dreadful state of the City gaols." The visits of the Inspectors had produced a correction of some of the most striking evils of the country gaols, and he trusted that before the next session they would find the great gaol of the City of London not in a worse condition than the prisons in other parts of the country. It was on this occasion that an earnest conviction of the horrors of the gaol-system with regard to juvenile oflfenders was manifested in a manner which promised at no distant time the establishment of Eeformatories. The marquis of Lans- dowue acknowledged that although this country abounded with the means of juvenile employment, yet the number of juvenile offenders exceeded that of any country in Europe. He announced that lord John Eussell, the Secretary for the Home Department, was preparing, at least as a matter of experiment, the means of establishing a place of detention having the character of an asylum or refuge, where children yet young in crime, but who were the victims of ignorance, of abandonment, of desertion by their parents, or were totally incapable of distinguishing between right and wrong, should be saved from condemnation to any prison whatever. * The Act for tlie Government of Prisons was not as yet extended to Scotland, except as regarded the appointment of Inspectors. The first Inspector of the Scotch prisons was Mr. Prederic HlU. Prom his early Eeports there is no difficulty in coming to the conclusion that they were absolutely w^orse than the worst in England. Dirt, idleness, drinking, gambling, figliting, and stealing were their distin- guishing characteristics. Prisoners of different ages, tried and untried, — thieves, deserters, persons convicted of petty assaults, — all were herded together, almost secure from observatiou, and wholly unprovided with useful employment. It was, says Mr. P. Hill in his Eeport of 1838-39, " a system under which the smuggling of forbidden articles into the prisons, smoking, drinking, gambling, swearing, the use of obscene language, stealing from each other, cheating, quarrelling, fighting, and various acts of tyranny, are of common occurrence ; and under which robberies are planned to be executed after the offenders shall have left prison." f One of the most important measures towards a more complete system of national statistics was brought forward by lord John Eussell in the session of 1836. On the 12th of Pebruary he introduced the Bill for the General Eegistration of Births, Deaths, and Marriages. At the same time he brought forward a Bill for amending the law regulating the Marriages of Dissenters, which regulation was connected with the establishment of a General Civil Eegistration. "With regard to the second Bill it was shrewdly anticipated by sir Eobert Peel that, when no point of honour was concerned, many of the Dissenters, particularly the female portion of them, would prefer being married in church. There were no intolerant prejudices opposed in the • Hansard, vol. xxxv.. Debate of August 12th. + "Crime : its Amount, Causes, and Remedies," by Frederic Hill, p. ISO, 372 GENERAL REGISTRATION ACT— BUDGET. [1836. legislature to the passing of the Bill which permitted Marriages to be solemnized in the presence of the district-registrar. To the other Bill no stickler for antiquity could prefer the parochial registry established by Secre- tary Cromwell exactly three hundred years before this measure was to come into operation, to one general system which under responsible officers should supersede the variable entries of sixteen thousand parishes, so often lost or mutilated, and so difficult to be referred to even when properly preserved. The important office of Superintendent-Eegistrar was created by this statute. The Poor-Law Unions were divided into districts for which Eegistrars were appointed, with a Superintendent-Registrar in each Union, The regulations by which a complete registration of births and deaths is accomplished are now familiar to every father and mother, and every occupier of a house in which any birth or death may happen, who are bound to furnish information of the fact to the Registrar. Mr. Porter, in his valuable " Progress of the Nation," says, " The establishing of a department for the systematic registration of births, marriages, and deaths, in England and "Wales, has been of great use in the examination of questions depending upon various contingencies connected with human life." Certified copies of the entries of births and deaths are sent quarterly by the Registrar to the Superintendent-Registrar, and by him to the Registrar- General. It is from this source that we derive the knowledge of many most interesting facts connected with the progress of the population — facts which the scientific knowledge and the literary skill of the heads of the Registrar-General's department have redeemed from the ordinary dulness of statistics to constitute some of the most attractive reading of the public journals. The Registrar- General's Annual Report enables the legislature to form a tolerably accurate estimate of the increment of the population in the decennial intervals of a census. In this session there were two most important changes proposed by the Government with reference to journalism and the general commerce of literature. On the 20th of June the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved " that the duty payable upon every sheet whereon a newspaper is printed shall in future be one penny." The newspaper stamp for many years had been four-pence. Amongst the opponents of this measure one county member complained that already the mails were so heavily laden on a Saturday night with newspapers that it was hardly safe to travel by them. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had anticipated that the penny stamp would produce quite as much as the fourpenny stamp. " If he is right," said sir Charles Knightley, " then the quantity of newspapers must be more than trebled, and if so, there must be a tax raised for their conveyance." The proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was carried by a majority only of thirty-three, and with some alterations finally passed the House of Lords. Tlie other measure was a reduction of the duty on paper. Lord Francis Egerton, himself a man of letters, in presenting a petition before the government proposition was introduced, claimed for this subject the best attention of the House on account of the effect which the state of the law produced on literature, especially upon cheap literature. By the Act to repeal the existing duties on Paper, which received tlie royal assent on the 13th of August, the varying duties according to the class or denomination were merged in one uniform duty upon all paper of three halfpence per 1836.] FOREIGN POLITICS— BELGIUM— SPAIN. 378 pound. The relief to the publishers of cheap works was as timely as it was important. "We may instance that it came to save the " Penny Cyclopaedia'* from extinction in the fourth year of its struggle against heavy loss, under the opposing conditions of paying at the highest rate for literary labour, and selling at as low a rate as that of works in which the quality of the authorship was a secondary consideration. The great interest of events at home after the French Eevolution of 1830, has precluded us from giving even a passing notice of foreign politics. S:Vice that time, indeed, the peace of Europe had not been materially disturbed so as to influence the political action of the British Government. Belo-ium had quietly settled down into a Constitutional Monarchy, subsequently to the fortunate period for that country when prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg was chosen king in 1831. In that year the boundaries of the new kingdom were defined, and the peaceable possession of his territory was guaranteed by the five great Powers to this most sagacious and discreet of sovereigns. The stability of the Belgian monarchy appeared to be still more effectually secured by the marriage of king Leopold in 1832 to the eldest daughter of Louis Philippe, king of the Erench. At the close of the parliamentary session of 1836, it was lamented in the king's speech that Spain was the only exception to the general tranquillity of Europe ; that the hopes entertained of the termination of the civil war in that country had not been realized. Under the treaty of Quadruple Alliance, whose object was the restoration of internal peace in Spain, Great Britain had afforded to the queen of that country the co- operation of a naval force. Ferdinand the Seventh, who died in 1833, had left by his will his infant daughter Isabel as heir to his throne. The queen- mother, Christina, was appointed queen-regent. The brother of Eerdinand, Don Carlos, immediately disputed the title of Isabel, maintaining that by the Salic law females were excluded from the sovereignty of Spain. The civil war which ensued lasted till 1840. The partisans of Don Carlos were then finally defeated; but the contest w^as attended with so many circumstances of bitter and cruel animosity, that the Spanish nation became greatly demora- lized, and the old glories and prosperity of the country appeared to be altogether passing away. The intervention of our government, and the whole scope of the Quadruple Treaty of 1834, were the objects of severe parliamentary censure. The British Legion, under the command of lieutenant- general sir De Lacy Evans, which acted with the consent of our government in aid of the queen of Spain, accomplished some brilliant exploits, and was generally successful against the Carlist troops ; but these triumphs were bought with severe losses. The intervention of Great Britain, whether direct or indirect, excited little sympathy at home ; for popular opinion was gradually reaching the conviction that the safety and prosperity of our country were best maintained by leaving foreigners to fight out their own quarrels, always provided that the honour of the nation should not be compromised by apathy or inertness. During the six years in which Louis Philippe had been king of the French, his reign had not been exempted from solicitudes of a more painful nature than the ordinary cares of monarchs. In the first two years of his rule events had been in some degree propitious to him. The duke of Eeichstadt, the son of Napoleon, died in 1832. His presence in France might at any 374 FRANCE— CONSPIRACIES AGAINST LOUIS PHILIPPE. [1836. time have raised up a Lost of Bonapartists, whose movements might liave been exceedingly dangerous to the Citizen King. The attempts of the duchess of Berri to excite an insurrection in favour of her son, the duke of Bordeaux, had signally failed. Freedom of debate in the Chambers, and the liberty of the press, appeared the best guarantees for the security of the constitutional government. But the unrestricted power of speaking and writing was not used with moderation. The licence of the press, and the occasional hostility of the Chambers, produced a counter-disposition on the part of the king to struggle against what he believed to be the evils of the representative system. There were constant changes of administration since Lafitte took the reins of government in November, 1830. In 1831 Lafitte was succeeded by Casimir Perier, who had a premiership of something more than a year and a half. From October, 1832, to September, 1836, there had been nine changes of ministry — Soult, Guizot ; Soult, Broglie ; Soult, Thiers ; Gerard ; Bassano ; Mortier ; Broglie, Humann ; Broglie, d'Argout ; Thiers. In September, 1836, the heads of the cabinet were Mole and Guizot. During these changes, and the consequent excitement of parliamentary conflicts, there had been more than one conspiracy of which the great object was to assassinate the king. The 28tli of July, 1835, was the second day of the fetes to commemorate the Revolution of 1830. Louis Philippe, with his three sons and a splendid suite of military officers, was riding through the line of the National G uard, drawn up on the Boulevard du Temple, when an explosion resembling a discharge of musketry took place from the window of a house overlooking the road. Fourteen persons, amongst whom were marshal Mortier and general De Virigny, were killed upon the spot. A shower of bullets had been discharged by a machine consisting of twenty-five barrels, which, arranged horizontally side by side upon a frame, could be fired at once by a train of gunpowder. The king was unhurt. The police rushed into the house and seized the assassin, who was wounded by the bursting of one of the barrels. He proved to be a Corsican named Fieschi, who main- tained that he had no object in this wholesale massacre but his desire to destroy the king. Another attempt upon the life of Louis Philippe was made in 1836, by a man of the name of Alibaud, wlio fired into the king's carriage, the queen and his sister being with him. A third attempt was made in the same year by another desperado, named Meunier. In the history of such fearful manifestations of wickedness or madness, there is nothing more remarkable than the extraordinary escapes of Louis Philippe as if he bore a charmed life. More interesting at the present day than these brutal attempts at assassi- nation was the failure of an enterprise which contemplated, without any apparent organization, the overthrow of a strong government by a young man of twenty-five, who relied only upon his name, his abilities, and his daring. Charles Louis Napoleon, the youngest son of Louis Bonaparte, king of Holland, and of llortense Eugenie, daughter of the empress Josephine by her first husband, had so dwelt upon his boyish remembrances of his illustrious uncle, that when in 1832 the duke of Eeichstadt died, and he became, according to a decree of 1804, heir to the throne, the natural course of his ambition was to assert his claim against one whom he regarded as a usurper. Louis Philippe was always apprehensive of the rivalry of this young man. 1837.] ENTERPRISE OF LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 375 lie had refused him permission to return to France in 1830. He had farther influenced the government of Eome to order him to quit the Papal territory. Escaping from Italy, he resided with his mother in the Chateau Arenenberg in Switzerland, where he devoted himself to the study of politics and of military science, and became known in Europe as a writer of diligent research and unquestionable ability. Whatever study he pursued and whatever ideas he promulgated had evidently some bearing upon what he implicitly believed would be his great future. The ordinary relations of the attempt of Louis Napoleon — availing himself of the general unpopularity of the king of the Erench, to risk the result of a popular' commotion to overthrow the Orleans dynasty — have recently received a new interest from the ofGcial revelations of M. Gruizot. He relates that on the evening of the 31st of October the Minister of the Interior brought to him a telegraphic despatch received from Strasbourg, dated on the evening of the 30tb, which announced that about six o'clock that morning Louis Napoleon "traversed the streets of Strasbourg with a party of "A mist which enveloped the line of telegraph had left the remainder of the despatch uncertain. Guizot and the Minister of the Interior repaired instantly to the Tuileries, where they found the whole Cabinet assembled. All was conjecture. Instructions were drawn up, founded upon many possible contingencies. The ministers remained with the king nearly the whole night, expecting news which came not. During those hours of suspense, the queen, the king's sister, the princes, entered again and again to ask if anything had transpired. " I was struck," says M. Guizot, " by the sadness of the king, not that he seemed uneasy or subdued, but uncertainty as to the seriousness of the event occupied his thoughts ; and these reiterated conspiracies, these attempts at civil war, republican, legitimist, and Bonapartist, this continual necessity of contend- ing, repressing, and punishing, weighed on him as a hateful burden. Despite his long experience and all that it had taught him of man's passions and the vicissitudes of life, he was and continued to be naturally easy, confiding, benevolent, and hopeful. He grew tired of having incessantly to watch, to defend himself, and of finding so many enemies on his steps."* The next morning, the 1st of November, an aide-de-camp of the com- mandant at Strasbourg brought to the perplexed king and his ministers a solution of the telegraphic mystery. Louis Napoleon, having the support of a colonel who commanded a battalion, had presented himself at the barrack of a regiment of artillery, and was received with shouts of " Long live the Emperor." At another barrack the attempts of the prince upon the fidelity of the troops was repulsed ; and he and his followers were arrested by the colonel and other oflicers of the forty-sixth regiment of infantry. The afiiair was over in a few hours without bloodshed. One only of the known adherents of Louis Napoleon, M. de Persigny, his intimate friend, efiected his escape. On ascertaining the result of this rash enterprise, queen Hortense, whose aflfection for her son was most devoted, hurried to Erance to intercede for him with the government. Erom Viry, near Paris, she addressed her supplications to the king and M. Mole. M. Guizofe * "Memoirs to illustrate the History of My Time," vol. iv. p. 197 ,* 1861, 376 PARLIAMENT— ILLNESS OF THE KiN(J. [1S07 says, " She might have spared them. The resolution of not bringing prince Louis to trial, and of sending him to the United States of America, was already taken. This was the decided inclination of the king, and the unanimous advice of the cabinet." The adventurer was brought from the citadel of Strasbourg to Paris, where he stayed only a few hours. He waa then taken to L' Orient, where he embarked on the 14th of November iu a frigate which was to touch at New York. The sub-prefect of L'Orient waited on the prince when he was on board, inquired whether he would find any resources when he arrived in the United States, and being told that none were at first to be expected, the prefect placed in his hands a casket containing fifteen thousand francs in gold, which tlie king had ordered him thus to appropriate. Louis Napoleon remained in the United States till October 1837, when, hearing of the illness of his mother, he encountered the risks of a return to Europe, and was with Hortense at her death. The Prench government demanded his extradition from Switzerland. The Can- tons refused to comply ; but Louis Philippe enforced his demand by the irresistible argument of an army, and the prince withdrew to England. The fashionable circles of London regarded him merely as a man of pleasure, and he was popular in country houses from the spirit with which he could follow hounds in a fox-chase. His attempt at Strasbourg had only excited laughter here. He was not generally regarded as possessing any force of character that would justify a lofty ambition. On the 31st of January, 1837, Parliament was opened by Commissioners. The most important passage in the royal speech had reference to the state of the province of Lower Canada. It is unnecessary here to enter upon the history of those discontents which ended in insurrection. Grrievances were removed, and revolts were put down, at no distant period ; from which time the course of events may be regarded as a whole. Pew of the proceedings of parliament during a session which circumstances had rendered unusually short acquired a legislative completion. Lord John Kussell proposed the government plan for introducing Poor-Laws into Ireland. The dissolution of parliament interrupted the progress of the Bill. The Chancellor of the Exche- quer proposed a measure for the abolition of Church-rates, which was stre- nuously opposed, and finally was abandoned by the government. Lord John Hussell introduced a series of bills for the further amendment of the Criminal Law. These also were to stand over till another session. Only twenty-one public Acts, none of which efiected any important changes, received the royal assent of king "William the Fourth. On the 9th of June a bulletin issued from Windsor Castle informing a loyal and really aff'ectionate people that the king was ill. It announced that he had suffered for some time from an affection of the chest, which had confined him to his apartment, had produced considerable weakness, but had not interrupted his usual attention to business. There was less appre- hension of a serious result from it being generally known that his majesty, previous to his accession to the throne, had been subject to violent attacks of what is called the hay-fever. This malady had returned. Prom the 12th of June bulletins were regularly issued till the 19th. The irritation of the lungs had then greatly increased, and respiration had become exceedingly painful. By the king's express desire the archbishops of Canterbury and 1837.] flIS DEATH, AND CHARACTER. 37r York prepared a prayer for bis restoration to health, which, on the 16th, wa3 ordered by the Privy Council to be used immediately before the Litany. On Sunday, the 18th of June, the symptoms assumed a more alarming character, and it was announced in the bulletin of the 19th that his majesty on that day- had received the sacrament at the hands of the archbishop of Cauterbury. On Tuesday, the 20th of June, the last of these official documents was issued. His majesty had expired that morning at twelve minutes past two o'clock. The lapse of a quarter of a century has enabled us to appreciate the justice of those parliamentary eulogies on the character of AVilliam the Fourth which immediately followed his death.* In the House of Lords, Viscount Melbourne dwelt upon his zeal and assiduity in the discharge of the public business; upon his fairness and sense of justice — "most fair, moat candid, most impartial, most willing to hear, to weigh, and to consider what was urged even in opposition to his most favourite opinions." The duke of Wellington bore distinct testimony to the total absence of vindictive feelings in the late king. The opposition of the duke when prime minister to the views of the Lord High Admiral, had compelled him to resign that great office which he was most anxious to retain ; and yet on his accession he employed the duke in his service, and manifested towards him the greatest kindness. Earl Grey described him as truly "a Patriot King" — one whose most anxious desire was to decide what was best for the country over which he ruled. Lord Brougham entirely agreed in what had been said of the amiable disposition, the inflexible love of justice, and the rare candour by which the character of "William the Fourth was distinguished. In the House of Commons, lord John Eussell panegyrized the conduct of the late king towards his ministers as marked by sincerity and kindness. He was in the habit of stating his opinions frankly, fairly and fully ; never seeking any- indirect means of accomplishing an object, but in a straightforward and manly way confined himself to an open, simple, and plain attempt to impress the minds of others with the opinion which he might at the moment entertain. If his constitutional advisers differed from him, and still continued to be his servants, he left them wholly responsible for carrying into efi'ect the course of policy which they recommended. His devotion during his last illness to the public business was the same as it had been through his whole reign. During a period of great suffering whatever required immediate attention received immediate notice. On the last day of his life he signed one of those papers in which he exercised the royal prerogative of mercy. Sir Robert Feel bore the same testimony to the king's utter forgetfulness of all amuse- ment, and even of all private considerations, that could for a moment interfere with the most efficient discharge of his public duties. It is impossible to read these testimonies to the public virtues of "William the Fourth, given by the most eminent men of the two great parties in the State, without subscribing to their general truth. They did not overdo their praise. They did not attempt to represent their late master as a sovereign of eminent ability, of a highly cultivated understanding, of great refinement. They spoke of him as a man who honestly endeavoured to understand the * See Debates in both Honses on the Queen's Message, June 22 — Hansard, vol. xxxvili. 378 CHARACTER OF KING WILLIAM IV. [1837. important questions upon which he had to decide, and faithfully to do his part of letting his ministers work out their own policy without meddling and without intrigue. It was certainly a beautiful part of the character of the king that he did not treasure up the grievances of the duke of Clarence. Queen Caroline's Solicitor- General, who had denounced him as a slanderer, became his Lord Chief Justice. The duke of Wellington, who turned him out of a lucrative office which he could ill-afford to give up, was retained as his Prime Minister when he came to the Crown. It is impossible not to see in how marked a manner, although it might have been without a direct intention, the traits most dwelt upon in the public character of William the Eourth were in forcible contrast with the public and private life of the Eegent and of George the Pourth. This contrast was evidently in the mind of the preacher who thus spoke of the monarch then unburied : " When he entered into his palaces he did not say, ' All this is my birthright ; I am entitled to it — it is my due. How can I gain more splendour ? how can I increase all the pleasures of the senses ? ' " * We have noticed one slip in the prudent course of the constitutional government of the sailor-king — his abrupt dismissal of the ministry of lord Melbourne. This mistake has been ascribed, and perhaps not untruly, to the influence of the family by whom he was surrounded. Por many years the duke of Clarence enjoyed as much domestic happiness as the Eoyal Marriage Act permitted to him, Mrs. Jordan, one of the most fascinating of actresses, lived with him in all the relations of a faithful and affectionate wife, except that of the sacred inviolability of the nuptial tie. This lady bore him ten children. The world did not look unkindly upon this union. The five sons and five daughters were affectionately cherished by their father ; and when state reasons led the duke of Clarence to marry in 1818, the excel- lent sense and kindly nature of the princess Adelaide of Saxe Meiningeu were shown in her treatment of the Pitzclarences. When she became queen, her own court was a model of correctness ; but the presence there of her husband's ofi"spring was no ofience against its decorum, except to the few whose strictness bordered on uncharitableness. This family were freely re- ceived into the highest society. There, however successful had been the reforms of the Greys and Russells, Toryism, and indeed very mild Whiggism, looked with apprehension upon any further progress in the battle against decayed institutions. Por a season the king caught the fears of those around him, and he changed his government. When lord Melbourne re- turned to office he had not to complain of an obstructive power behind the throne. It was five o'clock on the morning of the 20fch of June when the doors of Kensington Palace, where the princess Victoria dwelt with her mother, were opened to the archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chamberlain, and the physician of William IV., Sir Henry Halford. They had come direct from the dark chamber of death at Windsor, to tell the youthful princess, who had attained the age of eighteen on the 25th of May, tliat slie was Queen of one of the greatest amongst the nations. The intelligence had been momently * Sydney Smith — "Sermon at St. Paul's." 1837.] ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA. 37» ■expected. The household was astir at that early hour of the sunny morning , the three messengers were at once in the presence of their Sovereign Lady. Lord Melbourne had an audience at nine o'clock. At eleven the state apart- ments of Kensington Palace were filled with members of the Privy Council of the late king — Peers, Cabinet Ministers, the two Archbishops, the Lord Mayor of London, Eight Honourable Commoners. The duke of Cumberland, now king of Hanover, and the duke of Sussex, were conspicuous in that historical group which Wilkie has painted. The doors of the Council Chamber were opened ; and Queen Victoria, entering with the duchess of Kent, — pale, but perfectly self-possessed, — took her seat at the head of the Council table. The Lord Chancellor administered the oaths prescribed for the sovereign's accession ; the Privy Councillors took the oaths of allegiance and supremacy : and then for the first time was heard by her assembled subjects that exquisitely modulated voice whicb for a quarter of a century has lent a charm to the formal periods of a speech from the throne. The opening sentence of the Queen's Declaration had a graceful simplicity, which appeared more like the natural effusion of the heart than the elaborate com- position of a ministerial adviser: — " The severe and afflicting loss which the nation has sustained by the death of his majesty, my beloved uncle, has devolved upon me the duty of administering the government of this empire. This awful responsibility is imposed upon me so suddenly, and at so early a period of my life, that I should feel myself utterly oppressed by the burden, were I not sustained by the hope that Divine Providence, which has called me to this work, will give me strength, for the performance of it, and that I shall find in the purity of my intentions, and in my zeal for the public welfare, that support and those resources which usually belong to a more mature age, and to long experience." The queen's demeanour on that eventful morning impressed every one who was present, not only with profound admiration, but with confident hope of a glorious future. Truly did sir Eobert Peel say of this demeanour that there is something which art cannot imitate and lessons cannot teach. There was evidence of a high and generous nature in her solemn expression of regret at the domestic calamity which had just occurred ; in her manifestation of a deep and awful sense of the duties she was called upon to fulfil ; in the becoming and dignified modesty of all her actions. When the newspapers described how, on the next day, Victoria, the queen, appeared at a window over- looking the courtyard of St. James's Palace, " dressed in black silk, with a crape scarf over her white tippet, and a little black chip bonnet," — when they told how, looking " paler than usual," she wept as she acknowledged the plaudits of the people, sucb plaudits "as never could be surpassed" * — there were few amongst her subjects who did not put up a prayer for the happi- ness of this young creature, exposed so early to all the temptations of luxury and all the bewilderments of power. But there was little fear. There was confidence, — as she had been brought up in the unobtrusive simplicity of her mother's life — as her natural abilities had been diligently cultivated — as from her childhood she had learnt the great lessons of self-denial — as she was well- • "Spectator," June 24. 380 ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA. [183f?. grounded in religious principle — that the perils of such greatness would be escaped. Never were the feelings of the nation more nobly expressed than by a voice from the pulpit of the metropolitan cathedral : " What limits to the glory and happiness of our native land, if the Creator should in his mercy have placed in the heart of this Royal Woman the rudiments of wisdom and mercy ; and if, giving them time to expand, and to bless our children's children with her goodness, He should grant to her ?, long sojourning upon earth, and leave her to reign over us till she is wsE stricken in years ! What glory ! what happiness ! what joy ! what bounty of God!"* • " "Works of the Rev. Sydney Smith," vol. iii. p. 320. MINISTRY AT THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA. Cabinet. Marquis of Lansdowne Lord Cottenham Viscount Duncannon Viscount Melbourne . Right Hon. T. Spring Rice Earl of Minto . Lord John Russell . Viscount Palmerstou . Lord Glenelg . Sir John Cam Hobhouse Lord Holland Right Hon. C. P. Thomson Viscoxmt Howick Lord President of the Council. Lord High Chancellor. Lord Privy Seal and First Commissionet of Land Revenue, First Lord of the Treasury. Chancellor of the Exchequer. First Lord of the Admiralty. Secretary of State for the Home Depart- ment. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Secretary of State for the Colonies. President of the Board of Control. Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. President of the Board of Trade. Secretary at War. Not of the Cabinet. Earl of Lichfield Right Hon. Henry Labouchere . Sir Henry Parnell Right Hon. Sir R. H. Vivian, Bart. Sir John Campbell . Sir R. M. Rolfe .... Postmaster-GeneraL Master of the Mint and Vice-President of the Board of Trade. Paymaster- General of the Forces. Clerk of the Ordnance. Attorney-General. Solicitor-General. Duke of Argyll Marquis of Conyngham Earl of Albemarle • Great Officers of State. Lord Steward. Lord Chamberlain. Master of the Horse. Ireland. Earl of Mulgrave Lord Plunkett Viscoimt Morpeth Lord Lieutenant. Lord High Chancellor. Chief Secretary. Scotland. Right Hon. John A. Murray Andrew Rutherford, Esq. Lord Advocate. Solicitor-Genera], CHEONOLOGICAL TABLE OF TEEATIES. (Continued from vol. vii. p. 581.) 1815 March 23 : Treaty of Vienna between Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, confirming the principles of the treaty of Chaumont, March 1, 1814, on which they had acted ; and uniting Belgium to the Netherlands under the sovereignty of the king of the Netherlands. 1815 June 8 : Federative Constitution of Germany signed at Vienna. 1815 July 3 : Convention of St. Cloud between Marshal Davoust on the on© part, and Wellington and Bliicher on the other, by which Paris was sur- rendered to the Allies, who entered it on the 6th. 1815 August 2 : A Convention signed at Paris between Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, styling Napoleon the prisoner of those powers, and confiding his safeguard particularly to the British government. 1815 September 14 : A Convention entered into at Vienna, whereby the duchies of Parma, &c., were secured to the Empress Maria Loixisa, and on her demise to her son by Napoleon. 1815 September 26 : The Treaty denominated of the Holy Alliance, ratified at Paris by the Emperors of Austria and Russia and the King of Prussia. 1815 November 5 : A Treaty ratified at Paris between Great Britain and Russia respecting the Ionian Islands, which were declared to form a united state under the sole protection of the former power. 1815 November 20 : Peace of Paris between France on the one part, and Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, on the other, establishing the boun- dai'ies of France, and stipulating for the garrisoning of several of the for- tresses in France by foreign troops for three years. 1818 October 9 : A Convention entered into by the great powers of Europe, assembled at Aix-la-Chapelle, on the one part, and the Duke de Richelieu on the other, whereby it was stipulated that the army of occupation should quit the French territory on the 30th of November ensuing ; it was also agreed that the remaining sum due from France to the Allies was 265,000,000 francs. 1819 August 1 : Congress of Carlsbad. 1820 October 20 : Congress of Troppau. 1820 October 24 : Treaty between Spain and America : Florida ceded to the United States. 1821 May 6 : The Congress of Laybach, which had been for some time attended by the sovereigns of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, finally broke up, having issued two circulars stating it to be their resolution to occupy Naples with Austrian troops, and proscribe popular insurrection. 1822 August 25 : Congi-ess of Verona. 1824 February 4 : A Convention between Great Britain and Austria laid upon the table of the House of Commons, by which the former agreed to accept 2,500,000^. as a final compensation for her claims upon the Jatter power, amounting to 30,000,000^. 1825 February 28 : Convention between Great Britain and Russia ; frontier of north-west coast of America settled. I CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF TREATIES. 88? 1825 April 17 : France recognizes the independence of St. Domingo. 1825 April 18 : Treaty of Amity between Great Britain and Columbia. 1825 October 18 : Treaty between Great Britain and Brazil for Abolition of Slav© Trade. 1829 July 6 : Treaty of London between Russia, France, and Great Britain, for tbe settlement of the affairs of Greece. 1829 September 14 : Peace of Adrianople, between Russia and Turkey, by which, Russia acquires the protectorate of Moldavia and Wallachia. 1830 May 7 : Treaty between Turkey and the United States. American vessels allowed to pass to and from the Black Sea. 1830 November 2 : The independence of Belgium recognized by England and France. 1831 The Commercial Union of the northern states of Germany, known as the Zollverein, commenced under the auspices of Prussia. 1831 November 15 : A Treaty signed between Great Britain and France, for a settlement of the points of dispute between Holland and Belgium, to which Holland acceded March 13, 1838. 1833 July 8 : Treaty at Constantinople between Turkey and Russia, by which it was stipulated that the Dardanelles should be shut to all foreign vessels of war. 1834 April 22 : Quadruple Treaty between Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal, in support of the two queens, Isabella and Maria. 1835 Supplementary Treaties with Portugal and Spain, by the former of which the Methuen Treaty with Portugal was annulled. 1840 July 15 : Treaty signed in London between Great Britain, France, Austria; Russia, Prussia, and Turkey, for the settlement of the dispute between. Turkey and Mehemet Ali. 1841 July 13 : Convention at London between the Eiu-opean Powers and Turkey, by which the closing of the Dardanelles against ships of war is made general to them all while Tiu'key is at peace. 1842 August 29 : Treaty of Nankin with China, by which several ports were opened to the British trade, Hong-Kong ceded, and an indemnification of 21,000,000 dollars paid. 1845 May 29 : A Convention signed in London between Great Britain and France for the suppression of the Slave Trade. 1846 November IG : Austria, Russia, and Prussia revoke the treaty of 1815, constituting Cracow a free republic, and restore the territoiy to Austria. Soon after, the kingdom of Poland is incorporated with Russia. Great Britain, France, Sweden, and Turkey unite in a protest against these proceedings. 1849 August 6 : Treaty of Milan, between Austria and Sardinia. 1850 February 27 : Treaty at Munich between Austria, Bavaria, Saxony, and Wtirtemberg, to form a Southern German Union against the pretensions of Prussia, 1850 April 19 : Treaty at Washington between Great Britain and the United States, respecting a ship-canal through the state of Nicaragua, to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. 1850 July 2 : Treaty of Peace between Prussia and Denmark, Prussia with- drawing from the support of the duchies of Holstein and Schleswig ; and on July 4 a protocol was signed in London between Great Britain, France, Prussia, and Sweden, guaranteeing the integrity of the Danish territories. THE NATIONAL DEBT, FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS. 1815, TILL 1837. Principal. Interest. £ £ Peace . . ^- ' 56 & 57 1816 845,968,483 32,055,350 HH 57 &58 1817 839,382,145 31,591,927 4 1823 827,480,164 30,142,582 1— 1 5 1824 819,023,672 29,174,122 to - 6 1825 809,831,468 28,987,773 o 7 1826 808,826,590 29,415,102 8 1827 805,098,942 29,328,782 9 1828 800,032,289 29,167,877 10 1829 796,799,532 29,067,658 11 ) r 1 ) 1830 784,803,997 28,325,936 )— 1 1 &2 1831 782,716,684 28,329,986 2 &3 1832 781,457,599 28,351,318 1 ■ 3&4 1833 779,730,379 28,481,181 4 &5 1834 773,234,401 28,517,236 3 5 &6 1835 788,664,201 29,135,811 '' ^ 6&7 1836 789,496,896 29,667,464 Victo] ^ia 1 i 1837 787,529,114 29,537,333 THE GROWTH OF THE DEBT, Increase of Period. Debt. Interest. Years of War. Debt in Years of War. Remarks. £ £ £ 1691 3,130,000 332,000 1701 12,552,486 1,219,147 1691—1697 11,392,925 French War. 1714 36,175,460 3,063,135 1702—1713 21,932,622 War of the Succession. 1748 75,812,132 3,165,765 j 1718—1721 1740—1748 14,025,424 22,531,551 [ Continental Wars. 1763 132,716,049 5,032,733 1756—1763 58,141,024 Pitt's Administration, 1 1792 239,663,421 9,432,179 1774—1783 104,681,213 American War. ( War of French Revo- 1815 861,039,049 32,645,618 1793—1815 621,375,628 £854,080,387 < lution and against ( Napoleon. 1 ^crease of Nati onal Debt, 181 6 to 1837 . 73,509,535 CHAPTER XXII. Bocial condition of Great Britain at the period of the Accession of Queen VicioiIa^Occupationa of the People — -Growth of Cities and Towns — London — Increase of Houses — Supply of Food — Improved means of Communication affecting that supply — Cheapening of the neces- saries of life — Conveyance of Mails by Ilaihvays — Limited Postal accommodation — Public Health — Inquiry into the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Classes — Exposure of the xmfitness of many Dwellings for healthful occupation — Workrooms without ventilation, such as those of Tailors and Milliners — Public arrangements influencing the Sanitary Con- dition of the Labouring Population — Neglect and ignorance universal — Want of Drainage — Inadequate Water supply for the preservation of cleanliness — Public Baths and Wash- houses unknown — Interments withiu the precincts of large Towns — Public Walks not provided — State of the Factories — Number of Workers in Textile Manufactures — Begin- nings of improvement — Mining Population — Employment of Children and Women in Mines — Agricultural Labourers — Operation of the New Poor Law — Neglect of the Labourers by the richer Classes — Miserable Cottage accommodation — Dorsetshire Labourers — Field employment of Women and Children— Crime in England and Wales — Juvenile Delinquency — General state of Education — First aid of the State to voluntary exertions — ■ Increase of Schools and Scholars — Limited ability to read and write amongst the aduU population — General aspects of English Society. In the celebrated description by Macaulay of " the state in wliich England was at the time when the Crown passed from Charles the Second to his brother," he rests its necessary imperfection upon the " scanty and dispersed materials" from which it was composed. In now attempting a description of the state in which the United Kingdom was at the time, or about the time, when the Crown passed from William the Fourth to his niece, we have not the same apology for its incompleteness. The materials from which it must be composed are embarrassing, not from their scantiness but from their fulness, — not from their dispersion in scarce and curious tracts, in private letters and diaries, in the observations of foreigners, in estimates of national wealth resting upon no solid bases, in county histories, in meagre news- papers, in old almanacs. In 1837 we were passing out of the transition state of very imperfect statistics to the period when every aspect of our social condition was to be delineated ; when everj^ dark corner w^as to be explored ; when every fact connected with Education, Public Health, Crime and Punishment, Industrial Employment, Pauperism, was to be recorded and tabulated; — the period of Commissioners and Boards — the period when, according to Sydney Smith, " the whole earth was, in fact, in Commission." Out of several hundred Official Eeports we may to some extent learn what we were a quarter of a century ago, and be enabled to answer the question, •** Are we improved ?" VOL. viii.— 249. 386 OCCUPATIONS OF THE PEOPLE. [1837, In commencing our survey of what Shakspere, in bis famous comparison of " the state of man in divers functions" with the working of " the honey- bees," calls " a peopled kingdom," we beg to repeat what we said at the outset of this History, that we do not apply the term " People" to any distinct class or section of the population. We especially protest against the abuse of the term "People" which some amongst us have adopted from the modern literature of France, when they assume that the non-capitalist portion of the industrious classes are exclusively " the People." The intelli- gent public officers to whom h^s been committed the superintendence of the Census during the last twenty years have classified the " Occupations of the People" as the occupations of the entire community. The Census of 1841 is sufficiently near the date of the accession of Victoria to furnish a tolerably correct estimate of the various functions per- formed in that great working-hive of which she was the queen-bee. In the spring of that year, out of the entire population of England, Wales, and Scotland, amounting to nearly nineteen millions, nearly eight millions, male and female, were distinctly classified by their occupations. They were the supporters of the residue of the population, including children of all ages. Speaking in round numbers, three millions were engaged in commerce, trade, and manufactures ; a million and a half in agriculture ; seven hundred thousand were labourers not agricultural ; a hundred and thirty thousand formed the army at home and abroad ; two hundred and eighteen thousand were employed on the sea and in inland navigation ; sixty-three thousand were professional persons, clerical, legal, and medical ; a hundred and forty thousand were following miscellaneous pursuits as educated persons ; seventeen thousand were in the government Civil Service ; twenty-five thousand were parochial and other officers ; eleven hundred thousand were domestic servants ; five hundred thousand were persons of independent means ; and two hundred thousand were almspeople, pensioners, paupers, lunatics, and prisoners. This wonderful variety of stations and pursuits con- Btitutes the distinctive character of modern British civilization. All are held together upon that great principle which Plato sets forth in emphatic words : " It is not alone wisdom and strength which makes a State simply wise and strong. But order, like that harmony called the diapason, is diff'used throughout the whole State, making both the weakest, and the strongest, and the middling people, concent the same melody." A very large proportion of the three millions of the people engaged in commerce, trade, and manufacture were necessarily to be found in the cities and towns. In 1811, at the commencement of the Eegency, there were in England only twelve of the cities and towns whose population exceeded' thirty thousand ; in Scotland there were four above that number. In 1841, taking the same limits of places as in 1811, there were thirty-one cities and towns in England with a larger population than thirty thousand, and in Scotland six. In the course of thirty years the London of one million ten thousand people had become the dwelling-place of one million seven hundred thousand ;* Manchester and Salford, which thirty years before 1841 numbered a hundred • In tlie Census of 1841 more cxtoii(led limits? of LonJon were given as adopted ty the Registrar-General, which gave the population as 1,873,670. 1837.] GROWTH OF CITIES AND TOWNS-LONDOX. oil and ten thousand, held two hundred and ninety-six thousand ; Liverpool of one hundred thousand had reached two hundred and sixty-four thousand; Bir- mingham with eighty-five thousand had added a hundred and five thousand to its number ; Leeds with sixty-two thousand had added ninety thousand ; Bristol with seventy-six thousand had added forty-six thousand. Sheffield, Eochdale, Norwich, Nottingham, each under forty thousand, had about doubled their numbers. Plymouth and Portsmouth had grown in a less proportion. In Scotland, Edinburgh had increased from a hundred and two thousand to a hundred and sixty-six thousand ; Glasgow from a hundred thousand to two hundred and seventy-four thousand; Paisley, Aberdeen, Greenock, had doubled their numbers, each exceeding sixty thousand. Of non-commercial places the extension of Brighton and Cheltenham were the most remarkable ; in thirty years they had quadrupled their populations. The growth of the smaller provincial seats of trading and manufacturing industry was as remarkable as the instances we have selected of the greater places. Of the sixty-eight chief cities and towns of Great Britain whose comparative population is exhibited in decennial periods by the Census of 184il, the total amount of the population was two million six hundred and ninety-two thousand at the commencement of the Eegency, and five million three hundred and forty- one thousand, three years after the Crown passed to Queen Victoria. During the period of thirty years, when the population of sixty-eight principal towns had increased 100 per cent., the aggregate population of England and Scot- land had increased only 54 per cent., that is, from twelve million to eighteen million five hundred thousand. The one million seven hundred thousand of the people of London in 1841 were inhabiting two hundred and sixty-three thousand houses. Since 1811 the number of houses in the metropolitan district had increased in a much higher proportion than the increase of population. There had been rapidly going on since the Peace, not only in London but in every part of the country, that want which appears never to be satisfied, — the demand for more houses, whatever number of houses are built. In London, during the half century from 1811 to 1861, there has ever been an increasing number of the people ready to pay rent, — people beginning housekeeping, people seeking better house accommodation than the old dwellings, people turning their city houses into warehouses and daily going to and fro in search of health in suburban air. One of the most curious social problems at the period of the Queen's accession, as it had been the marvel of several previous generations, was the apparent difficulty of feeding even five hundred thousand, much more a million, a million and a half, two millions, of human beings, collected together in places more or less densely peopled, comprised within a circle whose radius was four miles from St. Paul's. In 1841, the metropolitan district of the Eegistrar- General comprised a population of nearly nineteen hundred thousand on a radius considerably Bmaller than that of the plan given in the census of 1831,* which, in a radius of eight miles, comprised a population a little under eighteen hundred thousand. * The little Plan we give (on the next page) is of eight miles round St. Paul's, taken f/om the Population Returns of 1831. £88 SUPPLY OF FOOD, [1837. A proclamation of Elizabetli agaiust the extension of London exhibits the dread of the Grovernment that the increasing multitudes " could hardly be provided of susteutation, of victual, food, and other like necessaries for man's relief, upon reasonable price." The economists of our own day have shown how visionary would be such a dread under the self-regulating movements of the present social organization. The greatest wonder that London presented to a New Zealander who was brought to England some years ago, was the mystery of feeding an immense population, as he saw neither cattle nor crops. The enormous number, and the fluctuations in their number, of the persons to be fed ; the quantity and variety of the provisions to be furnished ; the necessity in most cases for their im^mediate distribution in convenient localities ; the accurate proportion of the supply to the demand, so as to be ample without waste ; — these considerations point to the difficulty, as well as the paramount importance, of furnishing their daily rations to a host far greater than any army which a commissariat upon the grandest scale could undertake to sustain even for a single day. " This object," says Dr. Whately, " is accomplished far better than it could be by any eff'ort of human wisdom through the agency of men who think each of nothing beyond his own immediate interest, — who, with that object in view, perform their respective parts with cheerful zeal, and combine unconsciously to employ the wisest means for efiecting an object the vastuess of which it would bewilder them even to contemplate." * What appeared to the economist so vast an undertaking in the London of 1831, must at the first glance have appeared a greater difficulty in 1841, when the population had still gone on rapidly increasing. But during that decennial period the means of communication had been so largely increased tluit the certainty of the supply of food, both as to its abundance and the time occupied in its transit, could be more accurately measured. Tlie corn- barge was still duly sailing I'rom the maritime counties to the port of London. Introductory Lectures oa Political Economy, 1831. 1837.] SUPPLY AFFECTED BY IMPROVED COilMUNICATIOX. 3S9 to bring the produce of many thousand acres for sale in Mark Lane ; the steam- boat was also moving up the Thames to bring corn quickly from the ports of the Baltic ; and the first steam-ships from England had crossed the Atlantic in 1838 to contribute to the transportation of that supply of foreign produce which was scantily poured in till the fetters of Protection were knocked off. The cattle of Smithfield were still travelling in vast droves from the north by Highgate, and from the eastern counties by the Whitechapel Koad ; but the Birmingham Bailway was already bringing large numbers to market in better condition and at a lower cost than were effected by the drovers' toilsome march. That railway, and the few others that were gradually being opened, brought also to London large quantities of country-killed meat. In the smaller articles of produce, London, by the agency of steam-vessels, had now an almost inexhaustible supply from foreign ports. Fresh vegetables and fruits came to Covent Garden Market from Portugal ; the Pas de Calais sent millions of eggs from its small farms ; and the eggs which Ireland exported to England, as well as Scotch eggs and English eggs brought in coasting vessels, justify the calculation that the London population had in the first year of the Queen an annual supply of a hundred millions of eggs collected from sources which were not accessible thirty years before. In 1813 a great meeting of noblemen and gentlemen was held in the Thatched House Tavern, St. James's, to establish a Fish Association, the object of which was to insure a better supply of that luxury of the wealthy in the metropolis. It was scarcely in the con- templation of this meeting that the humbler markets where the poor con- gregate should ever have an adequate supply of a perishable article, then brought up the river by hoys dependent upon wind and tide, or carried by stage-coaches at a large increase of the first cost. Tt has been stated in an interesting little volume,* that when salmon were brought from Scotland in sailing vessels, one cargo in three was totally spoiled from the voyage being protracted by adverse winds. The steam-boats were in 1837 delivering some hundred tons of salmon from Scotland to Billingsgate. A few years later the railways from the southern coast were rendering the turbot and the sole almost as cheap in the London markets as in the fish-shops of the fashionable watering-places near which they were taken. "Within the last ten years, the electric telegraph has come to the aid of the railway, by apprising the fish- dealers in London when there is a glut of fish — as of mackerel, which is sometimes taken in extraordinary quantities. Instead of perishing on the shore, the mackerel thus finds its way to thousands of consumers, " alive, alive, ;" as the itinerant dealer was allowed to proclaim on a Sunday morning in the old days of slow conveyance. As important as the equalization of prices in the necessaries of life by improved means of conveyance, was the more rapid communication beginning to be eff'ected in the transmission of letters. The Railway System was so far established in 1838, that an Act of Parliament was passed in that year for providing for the conveyance of Mails by railroads. The mails between Manchester and Liverpool were conveyed by railroad as early as 1830 ; but between London and every town in Great Britain the comparatively slow mode of conveyance continued to prevail. Upon the reduction of the * " Our Exemplars, Poor and Rich," p. 123. 890 LIMITED POSTAL ACCOMMODATION-. [1837 Newspaper Stamp from fourpence to a penny in 1835, tlie dispatch of News- papers througli the post office was so greatly increased that some of the mails were obliged to run without their usual number of passengers, the contractors being indemnified for their loss. The addition to the old mode of conveyance enabled day-mails to be dispatched, when the routine of the post office had been revolutionized by Rowland Hill. The organization which was necessary to ensure the triumph of a cheap and uuiform rate of Postage was so little developed when the Queen came to the throne, that there were only three thousand post offices in England and Wales, while the number of parishes was eleven thousand. It was estimated that a fourth of the population were entirely destitute of postal accommodation. Pour hundred of the Registra- tion districts, the average extent of each being nearly twenty square miles, were without a post office. Tet when we consider what was the cost of postage at that time, we may possibly come to the conclusion that the facilities afforded for sending and receiving letters were ample. The number of chargeable letters in 1839 was in the proportion of four letters per annum to each individual of the population of England and "Wales; three in Scot- land ; one in Ireland. Large as this number may seem when compared with the period of Mr. Palmer's reforms in 1784, when the first mail coach left London, we can only judge of its comparative littleness when we learn that the average of England and AVales.in 1861 was in the proportion of twenty- four letters to every one of the population ; nineteen in Scotland ; and nine in Ireland.* A representative of the spirit which sees nothing but evil in every great social improvement wrote thus in his Diary of July 8, 1839 : " The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in bringing forward his Budget, has proposed that the postage on a single letter should be reduced to one penny. This will increase the number of idle scribblers; be of little benefit to the lower classes who seldom have occasion to write ; and is likely only to advantage the commercial houses and bankers who can well afford to pay the postage." f The greatest benefit to his country which the organizer of cheap postage has effected — a benefit which he may contemplate with the honest pride of every man who feels that he has not lived for himself alone — is that he has given a motive for education to "the lower classes," who now often "have occasion to write ;" that he has linked together the affections of households that have become separated by distance, so that even to the colonist in Australia a letter can now find its way as cheaply as it once travelled from London to Windsor. The distribution of the food of London to its two hundred and sixty-three thousand houses was accomplished more by the agency of shop-keepers than by the stall-sellers at markets. The costardmonger, who derived his name from the apple which he sold, was still the great purveyor of vegetables in the silent streets of the suburbs. He had almost v.-holly passed away from the busy streets. The orange-woman standing on the pavement with her basket had nearly ceased to traffic. The millions of oranges that steam had brought ripe from the Antilles were to be found in every quarter where there * In a Lecture delivered at the Royal Institution in 1862, Mr. M. D. Hill brought together a vast body of interesting facts on the Postage System, vliich we trust he will publish in some jiernianfiiit firm. + Kaikcs's "Diary," vol. 3. 1837.] SANITARY CONDITION OF LABOURING CLASSES. 391 was a fruit-sliop or a stall. The public places of refreshment in 1837 were not essentially different from those of the beginning of the century as far as regarded the chop-house and the eating-house. But there were two important changes. The institution of Clubs had materially contributed to the luxurious comforts of the higher classes at a far less expense than that of the old tavern ; and the two thousand Coffee-bouses that bad sprung up in London, where the artizan could obtain his cup of tea or coffee for three half-pence or two-pence and read the newspapers and periodical works, was an advance indicating a very different state of society from that which prevailed in the exclusive days of the B-egency. Valuable to every class of the London population as was the partial cheapening of some of the necessaries of life by the gradual equalization of prices produced by improved conveyance, the physical and moral condition of the great bulk of the people would have been little improved, as long as they were compelled to crowd in districts undrained, in perishing houses ill- ventilated, in pestilential courts and alleys from which typhus especially and every form of contagious and epidemic disease never departed. It is difficult, with all the recorded experience of the better time that has suc- ceeded the first awakening to the consideration of the great question of Public Health, to believe that we are only looking back a quarter of a century when we trace what the humbler classes of London, and of all other great towns, were enduring when Victoria became our Sovereign. Three years before her Majesty's Accession, the public mind was roused, in some degree, to the consideration of this evil in the metropolis by a distinguished architect, Mr. Sydney Smirke ; and before a road was made from the east end of Oxford-street direct to Holborn, he pointed out that there was a district — known by the names of The Kookery and the Holy Land, — the retreat ol wretchedness, the nest of disease, the nursery and sanctuary of vice. There was scarcely a single sewer in any part of it. AVhere the plague once raged there was then constant fever. There were houses in which squalid families were lodged in the proportion of twenty-four adults and thirty children to nine small rooms. There were Lodging Houses in which sixty persons occupied nightly a pestilential den of filth and depravity. There were many such places in other quarters of the town. Under the authority of the Poor Law Commissioners in 1838, Dr. Arnott and Dr. Kay made a laborious investi- gation into the prevalence of fever in the metropolis ; and Dr. Southwood Smith carried on similar inquiries into some of the causes of sickness and mortality to which the poor are peculiarly exposed. AVhen their Eeports were pub- lished, even thoughtful men, as well as those who had rarely looked below the glittering surface of society, were little prepared for such a revelation of the details of the mass of vice, misery, and disease, which existed in close ■contiguity with the most opulent parts of the great city. In 1839 an Ad- dress to her Majesty from the House of Lords, prayed that a similar inquiry should be instituted with regard to the labouring classes in other parts of England and Wales ; and such an inquiry was in 1840 required to be extended to Scotland. This duty was undertaken by the Poor Law Commis- sion ; and their Eeport, prepared by IMr. Chadwick, embraced the evidence not only of their Assistant Commissioners, but of numerous medical men of ■the highest authority. The miserable dens of the working classes in London, 392 FILTHY DWELLINGS AND CLOSE WORK-ROOMS. [1637. inhabited not exclusively by the lowest in condition and in morals, were not xmfrequently surrounded by the luxurious mansions of the rich and fashion- able, and commonly by the Avell-constructed houses of the middle ranks. The proportions in which each class bore up against the ills which flesh is heir to are indicated, hoAvever imperfectly, by returns of the comparative mortality amongst the average of a town population. The lowest in the scale of well-being indicated by duration of life were the mechanics, labourers, and their families ; the highest in the scale were the families of the gentry and professional persons ; the medium place was that of the tradesmen and their families. Comparative poverty, no doubt, had a large share in this result ; but the peculiar character of the dwellings of each, and the habits of filth and intemperance induced by the total unfitness of many tenements for healthful occupation, had a much larger share in that astounding difference in the death-rate, which showed that the families of the most opulent classes lived twice as long as those of their least fortunate neighbours. In closed courts where the sunshine never penetrated, where a breath of fresh air never circulated, where noxious vapours filled every corner from the horrible cesspools, where the density of population was so excessive as in itself to be sufiicient to produce disease, where a single room was often occupied by a whole family without regard to age or sex, — the wonder is how the poor lived at all, uncared for by the rich, who knew them not — neglected by their employers, who in some trades exposed them to labour in workshops not far superior in ventilation to the Black Hole of Calcutta. Amongst these careless and avaricious employers the master-tailors were the most notorious, who would huddle sixty or eighty workmen close together, nearly knee to knee, in a room 50 feet long by 20 feet broad, lighted from above, where the temperature in summer was 30 degrees higher than the temperature outside. Young men from the country fainted when they were first confined in such a life-destroying prison ; the maturer ones sustained themselves by gin, till they perished of consumption, or typhus, or delirium tremens.* One of the most eminent of our living physiologists says, " Mr. Chadwick has shown that many are driven to drinking gin as aftbrding a temporary relief to the feelings of depression and exhaustion produced by living in a noxious atmosphere." t The overworked class of milliners and dressmakers employed in the larger work- rooms of London, ill-ventilated, and rendered doubly injurious by the constant habit of night-work, when the air was still more deteriorated b>v gas and lamp- light, — this suffering class of young women was being constantly renewed, more than one-half dying of lung diseases before they had attained the average age of twenty-eight. In the General Eeport of 1842, next in importance to the inquiry mto the condition of the residences of the labouring classes, was the in- vestigation into the public arrangements external to the residences which influenced the sanitary condition of the mass of the population. In London, in the seats of manufacturing industry, in the ports, in the borouglis with a moderate number of inhabitants, in the smallest towns and villages, there was • Compare the vivid descriiitions in "Alton Locke" with the evidence in the "Sanitary Kcport" of 1842, pp. 98 to 104. - t " Psychological Inquiries." By Sir Benjamin C. Brodis Bart. 3rd edit., p. 78. J837.] PUBLIC ARRANGEMENTS INFLUENCING SANITARY CONDITION. G9S ample evidence of neglect and ignorance, so manifest, and yet so littlo observed by the people themselves and by the local authorities, that after twenty years of remedial measures, we look back with horror upon the state of the towns in which the father of a family of the present day passed his infancy and boyhood. It was the same throughout the land, whether under the palatial walls of Windsor Castle, or under the crescents of Bath built upon the brows of the hills, or in the steep lanes climbing up to the Cathedral of Durham, or in the open channels in the wynds and closes of the romantic city of Edinburgh, or in the enormous seats of factory labour in Lancashire and Yorkshire, or in Liverpool the great emporium of Commerce which was fast rivalling London — wherever there was a want of drainage, there were always disease, and misery, and families rendered destitute by premature deaths. In Liverpool there were eight thousand cellars occupied by thirty thousand people, few of which cellars, from the absence of drains and sewers, were entirely free from damp, and most of them were inundated after a fall of rain. In a Report laid before the British Association for the Advancement of Science it was stated, that the proportion of the population of Liverpool that lived in cellars was 13 per cent., of Manchester llf- per cent., of Salford 8 per cent., of Bury 3i per cent. In Ashton, Staley- bridge, and Dukinfield, where only about 1^ per cent, of the population lived in cellars, the death-rate was abundantly kept up by the common practice, rendered necessary by the insufficient dwelling accoinmodation, of three, four, five, and even six persons sleeping in one bed. In the poorer districts of London, such as Whitechapel, and in nearly every city and town of Great Britain, the supplies of water were wholly inadequate to preserve the cleanliness and consequent health of the labouring population. It had been ascertained in all sanitary inquiries that an adequate supply of water had a most advantageous effect on the health of the people. In 1841 there was not a house of the labouring classes in the Whitechapel district in which the water was laid on. Where the poor had to fetch water from the pump or from the plug in the street at a considerable distance, they would rarely take the trouble to obtain the supply without which their dwellino's and their persons would be marked by that absence of cleanliness which is almost always accompanied by a low state of morals. At the commencement of the Queen's reign there was no public provision in London, nor as far as we know in any of the provincial towns, for promot- ing cleanliness amongst the poor by the establishment of Public Baths and Washhouses. In 1832, when the cholera first appeared in England, there was a poor woman named Catherine Wilkinson, who was so impressed with the necessity of cleanliness as a preventive to the disease, that she encouraged her neighbours to come to her comparatively better house, which comprised a kitchen, a parlour, three small bedchambers, and a yard, for the purpose of ■washing and drying their clothes. The good that was manifest induced some benevolent persons to aid her in extending her operations. The large amount of washing done in one week in a cellar, under the superintendence of this excellent woman, represented the amount of disease and discomfort kept down by her energetic desire to do good without pecuniary reward. Such was the origin of public baths and washhouses, which Catherine Wilkinson had the satisfaction of seeing matured in Liverpool in 1846, in a 394 INTERMENTS IN TOWNS. [1837, jai'ge establishment under the Corporation, to the superintendence of which she and her husband were appointed. In 1844 an Association for promoting Cleanliness amongst the Poor hired an old building in the midst of a dense and indigent population near the London Docks, and fitted it up as a bath-house and a laundry. What has been since done by this first step in the promo- tion of cleanliness amongst the poor is one of the most interesting circum- stances in our social progress. A quarter of a century ago London was behind every other country in Europe in a provision for convenient and inexpensive public baths. A warm bath, if such could be found without traversing five hundred streets, would have cost the mechanic as much as a week's dinners. Such a bath may now be procured for twopence. Equally injurious to health as an insufficient supply of pure water was the prevailing custom twenty years ago of burying the dead in towns. In March, 1842, a Select Committee of the House of Commons was appointed to consider the expediency of framing some legislative enactment (due respect being paid to the rights of the clergy) to remedy the evils arising from the interment of bodies within the precincts of large towns, or of places densely peopled. Their Eeport averred that England exhibited, especially through its capital, " an instance of the most wealthy, moral, and civilized community in the world, tolerating a practice and an abuse which has been corrected for years by nearly all other civilized nations ia every part of the globe." A Supplement to the Greneral Sanitary Eeport was prepared by Mr. Chadwick in 1842 on the subject of Interment in Towns. It is full of the most curious facts, which contributed to awaken public attention to this national disgrace. The parochial divisions of the metropolis, and the rapid increase of the population in each division, had filled the graveyards in the very heart of the densest neighbourhoods, in a manner which was truly described by a witness before the Parliamentary Committee as " sickening and liorrible." Liverpool and Manchester had established Cemeteries long before London had attempted this partial remedy of an enormous evil. In 1832 an Act was passed for the formation of a cemetery at Kensal Green. The cemeteries of Norwood and Highgate were added some eight or ten years later, but all these were for the opulent. The parish graveyards still continued open in their constantly increasing abomination. It was the same nearly in every other city and large town, till almost absolute powers were given to the government to put down the evil by the strong hand. A Committee of the House of Commons was appointed in 1833 to con- sider the best means of securing open spaces in the vicinity of populous towns, as Public Walks and places of exercise, calculated to promote the health and comfort of the inhabitants. London had its parks in the west- end ; but the east, inhabited by a dense population, presented no opportunity to the toiling artizan to enjoy the fresh air without a long walk beyond the region of chimneys. In the seats of the three great manufactures of the kingdom, cotton, woollen, and hardware, whilst the wealth of the large towns had increased in proportion to the increase of population, no provi- sion had been made to afi"ord the people the means of healthy exercise or cheerful amusement. Debasing pleasures naturally took the place of inno- cent recreations. In 1831 one of our most lucid prose writers, whose beauty of stylo waa ISSr.J FACTORIES— MINING POPULATION. 3&5 not altogether based upon a solid foundation of wisdom, speaks of the factory- system, which was an inevitable consequence of the application of invention and discovery to manufactures, as " a wen, a fungous excrescence from the body politic : the growth might have been checked, if the consequences had been apprehended in time." * He describes this system as one " which in its direct consequences debases all who are engaged in it ; a system that employs men unremittingly in pursuits unwholesome for the body and un- profitable for the mind." In 1841 the total number of persons engaged in the cotton manufacture was about half a million. The total number employed upon all textile fabrics in Great Britain was eight hundred thousand, of which number about four hundred and fifty-three thousand were males, and three hundred and forty-six thousand were females. Many of the evils which Southey exaggerates, in the dread which ultra-Toryism had of artizans and factory-workers, — of all whom they believed could not be regimented into obedience, as they imagined to be possible with the agricultural labourers, — ■ had in 1833 begim to be remedied by legislative interference. These evils had grown up in the rapid development of the powers of the steam-engine ; but in 1841, when the textile factories employed five hundred and fifty-five thousand of both sexes above twenty years of age, and two hundred and forty-five thousand under twenty years, the number of very young children had been greatly reduced, the hours of labour were rendered more moderate, and the education of children, with a proper regard for their health, was a duty to be provided for. f Much remained to be done, but a beginniug had been made. Independently of the unwholesome dwellings in which many of the factory operatives were compelled to abide at the epoch of which we are writing, their health was better cared for, during their hours of labour, than in the miserable workshops in which too many artizans then earned their bread. In 1841 the number of persons employed imder ground in Mines was about a hundred and ninety-four thousand, — about an eighth of the total numbers employed in the cultivation of the surface. More than one-half of this number were employed in coal-mines. In 1840 a Commission was appointed to inquire into the employment of the children of the poorer classes in mines and collieries. The Eeport of that Commission, presented to Par- liament in 1842, exhibited in some mining districts a state of things, with regard not only to children but to women, which could scarcely be paralleled by any of the barbarous practices which have contributed to make negro slavery so abhorrent to the feelings of the people of England. Till this Eeport was presented, few were aware that a child of six years of age, with a girdle round his or her waist, to which was attached a chain passing under the legs, and fastened to a cart, had thus to drag a load on all fours through avenues not so good as a common sewer. Children and women who were not employed in dragging loads by the girdle and chain had to carry loads of coal on their backs up steep ascents equal in distance to the height of St. Paul's, fourteen times a day. An old Scotchwoman said to one of the Couimissiouers, *' You must just tell the Queen Victoria that we are quiet, loyal subjects; women-people here don't mind work ; but they object to horse-v.ork ; aud * Souttey, "Colloquies," vol. i. p. 171. + Jji'c, p. S33. S96 CHILDREN AND WOMEN EMPLOYED IN MINES. [1837. that she would have the blessings of all tile Scotch coal-women if she would get them out of the pits, and send them to other labour." Through the einployment of children the seeds of painful and mortal disease were sown, which were steadily developed as they advanced to maturity ; but their mora, corruption, through their subjection to uneducated and ferocious men and the indiscriminate employment of girls and boys, was as serious an evil, of which the evidence was perfectly clear. Children of seven years of age, of amiable temper and conduct, who went for one season into the collieries returned greatly corrupted, and, as one witness emphatically said, " with most hellish dispositions." The effect of this employment upon women was to produce a total ignorance of all domestic duties ; it wholly disqualified them from even learning how to discharge the duties of wife and mother. This awful misuse of the labour of children and women proceeded not from the necessities of the collier's family but from his own gross and sensual indulgences. It was in evidence that many of the miners worked only eight or nine days in a fort- night, and then spent the large earnings of two-thirds of their working-time in drinking and gambling. Throughout the Staffordshire collieries cock- fighting was the ordinary amusement of the population. Their vices had been transmitted from father to son ; the employment of women and children was a relic of former days of barbarous ignorance in the general community. In these cases the slave-driver of his wife and children was the father of the family. But there was another species of slavery in the apprenticeship of orphan boys or paupers to "butty" colliers — those who took assistants or partners in their work.* It was the custom of many of these hard task- masters to take two or three apprentices at a time, supporting themselves and families out of the labour of these unfortunate orphans, who from the age of fourteen to twenty-one never received a penny for themselves, by a servitude in which there was nothing to learn beyond a little dexterity readily acquired by short practice. The cruelties which were sometimes endured by these unhappy boys appear now to belong to the times of Elizabeth Brownrigg ; yet there is nothing in the story of her whipping her apprentices to death that could not be exceeded by the admission of a collier that he had been in the habit of beating his apprentice with a flat piece of wood in which a nail was driven, projecting about half an inch. There are middle-aged men at the present time amongst us, who having escaped from the horrors of a pit- boy's life twenty years ago, detail the cruel punishments that were inflicted by those who knew no mode of enforcing obedience but that of brutal severity. The total number of Agricultural Labourers m Great Britain in 184)1 was a little above one million one hundred and thirty-eight thousand, of which number fifty-six thousand were females. Since 1811 the proportion of the agricultural to the commercial and miscellaneous classes of the people haj been gradually diminishing. The general condition of the agricultural labourers of the South, at the period of passing the Act for the Amendment of the Poor Law, has been already indicated.f The amended law had been * " Butty. A working companion ; a comrade. Not so general with us as aujongst the miners and colliers." — Miss Baker's Northavq>tonshire Glossary. + Chap. xix. pp. 33(3 to 342. 1837.] AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS. 397 in operation for three years, when a Parliamentary Inquiry was instituted upon complaints of its administration. The evidence regarding three rural Unions occupied nine-tenths of the labours of the Committee. In ISSl the labourers had manifested a lawless spirit of opposition to the operations of the new law. In 1837 they had become aware that the intention of the amended law was to raise them to a better condition instead of griiidiuc them down. They had increased wages and greater regularity of employment ; they had not to endure the degradation of receiving as alms what they had a right to demand as the wages of their industry. Undoubtedly there was individual suffering in the transition from the allowance system to the stern refusal of aid to the able-bodied labourer. In 1840 a great thinker, who had looked below the surface of immediate evils, thus wrote : " Let us welcome the New Poor Law as the harsh beginning of much, the harsh ending of much ! Most harsh and barren lies the new plougher's fallow-field, the crude subsoil all turned up, which never saw the sun ; which as yet grows no herb ; which has 'out-door relief for no one. Yet patience : innumerable weeds and cor- ruptions lie safely turned down and extinguished under it ; this same crude subsoil is the first step of all true husbandry ; by Heaven's blessiug and the skyey influences, fruits that are good and blessed will yet come of it."* But the time was yet distant when what was wanting in the New Poor Law towards placing the agricultural labourer in his proper relation to the whole social system would be supplied, not by what is called the charity of the rich, but by their feeling of brotherhood towards those who sat with them in the same place of worship, and whose children were christened in the same font as their children. There was a great deal to be done by education before the agricultural labourer could be rendered provident and moral by instruction ; before the poor should cease to be abject, and the rich should cease to be overbearing ; before the friendly intercourse between man and man, which religion and philosophy equally prescribe, should stand in the place of that proud reserve and that suppressed insolence which were the remaining badges of feudality. The time was still distant when, to say nothing of the sympathy arising out of an enlarged public sentiment, land-proprietors and rich cultiva- tors would be ashamed to let the labourers and their families inhabit cottages inferior to the thatched stables and cattle-sheds of the slovenly farmyards of a quarter of a century ago. A recent writer says of Dorsetshire, that " the next thing after the advent of Judge Jefferies that gave the county a down- right shake from end to end was the crusade of S. Gr. 0."t What was that crusade of one who seldom put his lance in rest except to tilt against some armour-clad oppressor ? The publicity given by this famous correspondent of the "Times" to the miserable condition of the Dorsetshire labourers pro- duced a controversy in Parliament, in which facts alleged against the neglect of the landowners and farmers of that county were attempted to be disproved. The "Times" then employed a Commissioner to see with his own eyes what was the real condition of a county held to be chronically behind the age. That Keport was entirely confirmatory of all that had been alleged of the excessively low rate of wages, which in most cases was about seven shil lings * "Chartism," by Thomas Carlyle, p. 22. t "Quarterly Review," April, 1862, p. 285. 398 CONSTABULARY REPORT— CRIME. [1837. a week; of the oppression exercised over the labourer who did job-work, by his master giving him whatever the master liked ; of the system of paying the labourers partly in kind, when they were compelled by the farmers to take an inferior quality of corn called "grists" at a price equal to or above the market price of the best grain ; and of the disgraceful state of the labourers* cottages, small, inconvenient, and so entirely unfit for the decent accommo- dation of a family that in some cases nine persons slept in one room. Lord Sidney Godolphin Osborne (S. Gr. O.), rector of Bryanstone, near Bland- ford, in Dorsetshire, had in 1842 testified to the physical and moral injuries to the labourer of a dwelling of the most confined space without anything like proper drainage. His evidence was taken by one of the Special Assistant Commissioners, who reported "on the Employment of "Women and Children in Agriculture." Of the early employment of children of both sexes in the fields the greatest evil was to be found in their removal from school before they had acquired the commonest rudiments of knowledge. The employment of women was injurious in their being withdrawn from the proper superintendence of their families, and in that consequent absence of domestic comfort which in most cases drove the labourer to the beer-shop. In 1836 a Commission was appointed to inquire as to the best means of establishing an efiBcient Constabulary Force in the counties of England, for the prevention of ofiences, the detection of criminals, and the protection of property. The Heport of this Commission showed that there was an average of a hundred thousand commitments annually of the able-bodied population ; and that from eleven thousand to twenty thousand persons were constantly r.n gaol. Crimes of violence were gradually decreasing, though crimes characterized by fraud were increasing in a still greater proportion. The criminal population of London, and of a few of the larger towns, had been kept within narrower bounds than in the time of Greorge the Fourth, by the establishment of a vigilant Police Force. In the rural districts there was no power but that of the parish constable to prevent the most extensive system of depredation. Even the labouring classes were constantly plundered of the produce of their gardens and garden allotments. " There is no protection for us," said a labourer to a clergyman near Bath. The altered character of criminal punish- ments, as exhibited in the sentences passed in the years before and after the accession of the Queen, is very remarkable. In 1834 four hundred and eighty persons were sentenced to death; in 1838 a hundred and sixteen. In 1834, eight hundred and ninety-four persons were sentenced to transportation for life ; in 1838 two hundred and sixty-six ; in 1834 two thousand four hundred were sentenced to transportation for seven years ; in 1838 under nineteen hundred. There was a proportionate increase in the sentences of minor punishments. The number sentenced to terms of imprisonment or to sum- mary punishment was eleven thousand five hundred in 1834 ; it was thirteen thousand in 1838. The per-ceutage of criminals unable to read and write was, in 1840, 33-32 for England and Wales. The proportion of criminals unable to read and write was 7 per cent, more in the agricultural counties than in the manufacturing and mixed counties. It was found, upon an average of five years, 1838 to 1842, that more than one-third of those committed for trial at the assizes were under twenty years of age. The records of summary convictions exhibited a frightful amount of 1837.] JUVENILE DELINQUENCY. 399 juvenile delinquency. It was estimated that in London thirty thousand of those who have been called the Arabs of civilization, depending from day to day on the uncertain support of mendicancy and plunder, were under sixteen years of age. There was a district lying near Westminster Abbey, called "The Devil's Acre," where depravity was universal; where profes- sional beggars were fitted out with all their appliances of imposture ; where there was an agency office for the hire of children to be carried about by forlorn widows and deserted wives to move the compassion of street-giving benevolence ; where young pickpockets were duly trained in the art and mystery which was to conduct them in due course to an expensive voyage for the good of their country. A Scotch gardener, Andrew "Walker, attempted to weed the Devil's Acre ; and in 1839 set up a school, in a stable, for reclaiming and instructing the wretched children who swarmed around him. This was the beginning of " Ragged Schools " in London. In that year died John Pounds, the Portsmouth cobbler, who for many years had been rescuing poor children in a similar way, in the populous town where he earned a scanty living. In the course of his benevolent career he had been the gratuitous instructor of five hundred children, who without him would have swelled the numbers of the criminal population. AVhen the Queen came to the throne there was not a Bagged School in London, Liverpool, Manchester, or Birmingham. Bristol was the first great town in wliich such an insti- tution was organized. Aberdeen led the way in Scotland, to attempt the abatement of juvenile delinquency by the establishment of Industrial Schools. In that sermon upon the accession of Victoria with whose prophetic aspirations we concluded our last chapter, the preacher, taking a short view of the duties which devolved upon the young Queen, — what ideas she ought to form of her duties, — and in what points she should endeavour to place the glories of her reign, — says, " Pirst and foremost, I think the new queen should bend her mind to the very serious consideration of educating the people. Of the importance of this I think no reasonable doubt can exist. It does not in its eliects keep pace with the exaggerated expectations of its injudicious advocates, but it presents the best chance of national improvement." A quarter of a century is past since these words were uttered. The necessity that was first and foremost in the thought of the sagacious divine and the especial application of his words, can only be adequately measured, and properly understood, by referring to the fact that up to the period of the accession of queen Victoria the government had scarcely considered it a part of its duty to interfere with the course of private benevolence in ren- dering assistance to the general education of the people. In 1834, however, lord Althorp, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, had proposed a vote of 20,OOOZ. for assisting in building schoolhouses. This sum was to be placed at the disposal of the Treasury ; but the government was to take the recom- mendations of the National Society and of the British or Lancasterian Society, in its appropriation. Grants of nearly similar amount were made by Parliament in 1835, 1836, and 1837. During those four years a sum, double to that contributed by Parliament, had been supplied by the private funds of individuals towards the erection of schools. The same private fundS; 400 GENERAL STATE OF EDUCATION. [1837 in addition to the old endowed cliarities, had been deemed sufficient to carr^ on the great work of rescuing the people out of the thick darkness in which too many of them were groping their way through life. In February, 1839, the government first constituted a Board of Education, consisting of five Privy Councillors, with the President of the Council as the head of the Board. It was proposed that the distribution of the votes of Parliament for the promotion of education should be confided to this Board, which was especially charged with the formation of Normal Schools. In June of that year a vote of 30,000Z. was proposed by the government, and was only carried by a majority of two in the House of Commons. After a debate of three days, two hundred and seventy-three members voted an amendment to the ministerial proposition, praying the Queen to revoke the Order in Council by which the Board of Education had been appointed. An address of the same character was carried by a large majority in the House of Lords. But the government, with a firmness for which every poor child born in the reign of Queen Victoria has cause to be grateful, persevered in its plan. We have thus anticipated the regular course of our notice of parliamentary proceedings that we may proceed to the last, but not the least important, point of our estimate of the social condition of the great body of the people at the accession of the Queen. In the debate of June, 1839, Mr. "Wyse, one of the lords of the Treasury, who, as Member for Waterford, had during several sessions laboured with unwearied diligence to rouse the House of ■Commons to sanction even the faintest beginnings of a national system of education, boldly maintained that, instead of standing the highest in rank in point of civilization, this country might be regarded as being almost the lowest in comparison with other European nations, in the general diffusion of know- ledge amongst the people. He instanced the evils which were constantly experienced of want of education in the elements of science, in matters of every-day life, and in the general pursuits of industry. The farmers were almost wholly ignorant of agriculture as a science ; the greater number of them kept indifterent accounts, and many of them none. They were jealous of their labourers, discouraged the education of their children, and made no attempts to improve their social condition. In the towns the gross ignorance of all sanitary arrangements prevented any desire for the improvement of the condition of the lower classes being made available. The people, whether of town or country, whether in the wynds of Glasgow or the cultivated fields of Norfolk, were equally incapacitated by the want of education from rising above the misery and degradation of their social condition. Calculating that there were three million of children in England to be supplied with instruc- tion, half of whom were left in a state of complete ignorance, he maintained that through the effects of this ignorance there were large masses of the population either actually in the commission of crime, or preparing for it. Most truly did he say that the inattention of the upper classes led to the dislocation of the lower classes from them, and they were thus often induced to adopt Chartism and infidelity. The religious education as given in this country was not sufficient.* As an especial illustration of this remark Mr. Wyse referred to an eytraordinary occurrence in 1838, when a baud of * ITansard, toI. xlviii. cols. C'29 to 538. 1837.] INCREASE OF SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 401 fimatics near Canterbury manifested an amount of ignorance whirh appeared ratlier to belong to the superstitions of barbarous countries tlian to the England of the nineteenth century. "We reserve the relation of this outbreak of the grossest ignorance for our next chapter. Popular education had been making progress in England since 1818.* Taking the Public and Private Schools, it appears as to Day Schools that while in 1818 there was a scholar for every 17-25 persons, in 1833 there was a scholar for every 11-27 persons. As to Sunday Schools, it appears that while in 1818 there was one Sunday scholar for every 24-40 persons, in 1833 there was one scholar for every 9-28 persons. The Day scholars in 1833 had more than doubled those of 1818 ; the Sunday scholars were three times as many. Between 1811 and 1841 there had been above thirteen thousand schools established, of which five thousand four hundred were Public Schools, and eight thousand seven hundred Private Schools. t The increase of Public Schools in the period between 1831 and 1841 had been equal to the total increase in the three decennial periods from 1801 to 1831. The increase from 1831 to 1841, in the numbers of schools where the children of the Labouring: Classes could be taught in the schools to which the State had begun to lend a grudging assistance, had slowly proceeded, amidst the disputes of the advocates and the opponents of popular education in the abstract, and of Churchmen and Dissenters, who, essentially differing as to the religious elements in the instruction of the poor, resisted the interference of the State at all. The increase of schools eight or ten years before the accession of the Queen had produced very little visible effect upon those growing into young men and women. In 1838, upon a comparison of statistical returns in some agricul- tural and manufacturing districts, the conclusion was come to that, speaking roughly, it might be safely asserted that less than one-half of the adult popu- lation of England could write, and that less than three-fourths could read. J If we were to attempt to pass from the condition of the poor and lowly to any minute view of the condition of the rich and powerful, we should necessarily be in the region of vague generalities instead of having our course marked out by trustworthy statistics. We must therefore conclude this imperfect notice of the social condition of the kingdom by a few remarks, having reference to all classes, derived from the observations of others rather than from our own impressions. An Englishman whom circumstances had compelled to relinquish the fiishionable society of the Eegency for a residence in Paris, returns to London in 1841. He finds the great capital very much altered, and in some respects, such as the buildings and parks, considerably improved. The change of society, he says, has become very apparent within the last few years. " It was called, and perhaps justly, in my time, dissipated ; but the leaders were men of sense and talent, with polished manners, and generally high-minded feelings. "§ One of the most distinguished of Frenchmen comes as ambassa- dor to England in 1840, and regarding with a philosophical intelligence both * See an/e, p. 230. + See Education Report, Census 18."1, pp. xix, xx. i "Penny Magaz.ine," voL vii. p. 324. § Raikes's " Diary," vol. iv. p. 181. TOL. VIII.— 250. 402 GENERAL ASPECTS OF ENGLISH SOCIETY. [1837. the great and the humble, he thus contrasts the past with the present. Looking back to the end of the eighteenth century, he says that there were at that time, even in the elevated classes of English society, many remains of gross and disorderly manners. Precisely because England had been for cen- turies a country of liberty, the most opposite results of that liberty had been developed in startling contrasts. A puritan severity was maintained side by side with the corruption of the courts of Charles II. and the first Georges ; habits almost barbarous kept their hold in the midst of the pro- giess of civilization ; the splendour of power and of riches had not banished from the higher social regions the excesses of a vulgar intemperance ; even the elevation of ideas and the supremacy of talent did not always carry with them delicacy of taste, for the Sheridan who had been electrifying Par- liament by his eloquence might the same night have been picked up drunk in the streets. This picture of M. Guizot is not an overcoloured one. The union of dissipation with sense and talent and high-minded feelings was not absolutely necessary to the existence of the better qualities. M. Guizot goes on to say, "It is in our time that these shocking incongruities in the state of manners in England have vanished, and that English society has become as polished as it is free — where gross habits are constrained to be hidden or to be reformed — and where civilization is day by day showing itself more general and more harmonious." Two conditions of progress, he continues, which rarely go together, have been developed and attained during half a century in England : the laws of morality have been strengthened, and manners have at the same time become softer, less inclined to violent excesses, more elegant. " Steam," says Mr. Eaikes, " has here dissolved the exclusive system, and seems to have substituted the love of wealth for both the love of amusement and of social distinction." There is some truth in this ; but the moralist will have no difficulty in making his choice between a profligate exclusive society, and one less brilliant, perhaps less educated, where wealth and learning and refinement are more difi"used. Mr. Eaikes tells us of Gaming Clubs, the members of which died early, often by tbeir own hands ; and how those who survived often looked back to the life at the fashionable Club as the source of their embarrassments.* He tells us of frequent duels, which formerly ended more fatally than when he returned to England. Duelling was not banished then ; it was not ridiculed and de- spised, as it is now. As long as manners were "gross and disorderly," duelling was inevitable ; it was almost necessary. The eminent writer and statesman, whose testimony to the social condition of England we are glad to quote, says that the double progress of a stricter morality and a refinement of manners was not confined to the higher and middle classes, but was very apparent amongst the bulk of the people. " The domestic life, laborious and regular, extenftls its empire over these classes. They comprehend, they seek, they enjoy more honest and more delicate pleasures than brutal quarrels or drunken- ness. The amelioration is certainly very incomplete. Gross passions and disorderly habits are always fermenting in the bosom of obscure and idle misery ; and in London, Manchester, or Glasgow there are ample materials for the most hideous descriptions. But take it all in all, civilization and * " Diary," vol. iii. p. 85. 1837.] GENERAL ASPECTS OF ENGLISH SOCIETY. 403 liberty have in England, during the course of the nineteenth century, turned to the profit of good rather than of evil. Eeligious faith, Christian charity, philanthropic benevolence, the intelligent and indefatigable activity of the higher classes, and good sense spread amongst all classes, have battled, and DOW battle effectually, against the vices of society and the evil mclinations of human nature. "When one has lived some time in England one feels to be in an atmosphere cold but healthy, -where the moral and social health is stronger than the moral and social maladies, although these abound there." * Such impressions of English society are written under the date of 1840. The sentence, "when one has lived some time in England," seems to carry us to the time when M. Guizot found a home amongst us. But, at any rate, in 1840 that change was beginning, which it is one of the greatest glories of the reign to have seen steadily advancing — a better understanding between rich and poor, high and lowly, of their relative duties, — something far safer and happier than arrogant assumption or haughty indifference, — than envious dis- content or grovelling servility — in their habitual intercourse. o Gfoisaif — " Memoucs pour servir a rhistoire de mon tempe," tome v. 1862. CHAPTER XXIII. Separation of Hanover from Great Britain — Departure of t'ue King of Hanover— Ti)e Queen meefci' the Parliament— Dissolution — l\liuistry at the Queen's Accession — The New Parliament- Canada — Insurrection in Canada — Lord Durham appointed Lord High Commissioner — ■ Resigns his office — His Report — Coronation of the Queen — Prorogation — Review of the Session— Canterbury Fanatics — Career of John Thorn — Proclaims himself the Messiah at Boughton — The Three Days' i\Iarch of his deluded followers — Neglect of Education in the District — The Tragedy of Bosenden Wood — Meeting of Parliament — Chartism — Condition of the Labouring Classes^Jamaica — Resignation of the ]\Iinistry — Failure in the attempt to form a New Administration — The Bedchamber Question — Disloyal Tories — Chartist Riots — Insurrection at Newport — John Frost and others tried for High Treason. Teom the hour that the Crown of these kingdoms devolved upon Queen Victoria, dates a change which was a real blessing in the relations of the Sovereign to the Continent of Europe. Hanover was at that instant wholly separated from Great Britain. By the law of that country a female could not reign except in default of heirs male in the Eoyal family. But in addi- tion to the great advantage of separating the policy of England wholly from the intrigues and complications of a petty German State, it was an immediate happiness that the most hated and in some respects the most dangerous man in these islands was removed to a sphere where his political system might be worked out with less danger to the good of society than amongst a people where his influence was associated with the grossest follies of Toryism and the darkest designs of Orangeism. On the 24th of June the duke of Cumberland, now become Ernest Augustus, King of Hanover, left London. On the 28th he made a solemn entrance into the capital of his states, and at once exhibited to his new subjects his character and disposition by refusing to receive a deputation of the Chambers, who came to offer him their homage and their congratulations. By a proclamation of the 5th of July he announced his intention to abolish the representative constitution, which he had previously refused to recognize by the customary oath. We shall have little further occasion to notice the course of this worst disciple of the old school of intolerance and irresponsible government, and we may therefore at once state that he succeeded in depriving Hanover of the forms of freedom under which fihe had begun to live ; ejected from their oflQces and banished some of the ablest professors of the University of Gottingen, who had ventured to think that letters would flourish best in a free soil ; and reached the height of hia 1837.] THE QUEEX MEETS THE PARLIAMENT— DISSOLUTION. 405 ambition in becoming the representative of whatever in sovereign power was most repugnant to the spirit of the age. The funeral of AVilliam the Fourth had taken place at "Windsor on the 9th of July. On the 17th the Queen went in state to Parliament. The chronicles of the time are eloquent in their descriptions of the enthusiasm with which her Majesty was received, and of the extraordinary concourse of ladies of rank in the House of Lords to do honour to the rare occasion of the presence there of the third female sovereign who had thus met the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. In the speech from tbe throne her Majesty stated that amongst the useful measures which Parliament had brought to maturity she regarded with, peculiar interest the amendment of the Criminal Code and the reduction of the number of capital punishments. She hailed this mitigation of the severity of the law as an auspicious com- mencement of her reign. " It w ill be my care," she said " to strengthen our institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, by discreet improvement wherever im- provement is required, and to do all in my power to compose and allay animosity and discord." These were not words of course. They were the key-note of that harmony which, during the progress of a quarter of a century, has superseded in a great degree the harsh discords which had too long distin- guished the contests of parties and of principles. The Parliament was pro- rogued, and was dissolved the same evening. The ministry which Queen Victoria found at her accession* was one whose general character was in harmony with the opinions in which she had been educated. Viscount Melbourne, the First Lord of the Treasury, was at her hand to guide and assist her in the discharge of the technical busines3 of her great office. The daily duties of the Sovereign are of no light nature. Many of the complicated details of the various departments of the State must pass under the eye of the Constitutional Monarch for approval, and a vast number of documents can only receive their validity from the signature of the Sovereign. During the elections, which were over early in August, the party contests assumed a tone not entirely constitutional ; for the adherents of the ministry alleged to their constituents that in supporting them they were exhibiting their loyalty to the Queen, whilst the adverse party maintained that her Majesty had only passively adopted that administration of her uncle which she found established. But amidst these fluctuating demonstrations of political management there was one feeling predominant, which was certainly favourable to the duration of the ministry — that of a deep and growing attachment to the person of the young Sovereign. JS"ever was there a more enthusiastic demonstration of popular feeling than when, on the 9th of November, the Queen went in state to the City to dine with the Lord Mayor at Guildhall. In less than a fortnight after the gorgeous banquet and the universal excitement of a general holiday in London, the real business com- menced which was to test the position of the Grovernment. On the 15th of November the new Parliament met. Mr. Abercromby was re-elected speaker without opposition. On the 20th the Queen in person opened the new Parliament. The most important paragraph in her Majesty's speech was " I recommend to your serious consideration the state of the province of * See List, p. 381. 406 THE NEW PARLIAMENT— CANADA. [1837. Lower Canada." At the opening of the last Parliament of king "William the !Fourth a similar expression of solicitude as to the condition of Canada is found in the king's speech. We shall endeavour to trace as briefly as possible how the discontents which existed at the beginning of 1837 broke out into open insurrection at the end of that year, and how they were finally allayed. In the House of Commons on the 6th of March, 1837, lord John Eussell brought forward a series of resolutions which declared that since the 31st of October, 1832, no provision had been made by the legislature of the province of Lower Canada for defraying the charges of the administration of justice, and for the support of the civil government within the province ; that for four years the payments in arrear had amounted to a large sum which the House of Assembly, in answer to a recommendation of the Governor, declined to discharge by a vote of supply, declaring, amongst other things, that it persisted in the demand of an elective legislative council, and a free exercise of its control over all the branches of the executive government. The resolutiona of lord John Russell expressed the refusal of the British Legislature to accede to these demands, although it was held expedient to adopt certain improve- ments in the legislative council and in the executive council. These resolu- tions were passed by large majorities in both Houses. The promulgation in Canada of the determination of the British Government was a signal for revolt. On the 22nd of December the Government announced in both Houses of Parliament that there was an open insurrection and rebellion in Lower Canada, and it was in consequence proposed that the adjournment for Christmas should be for a shorter period than originally intended. The debate on this occasion shows how completely it had become a creed of those who held strong democratic opinions that the dominion of England in America should at once be brought to a conclusion. " Great," said sir William. Molesworth, " would be the advantages of an amicable separation of the two countries." The civil war which sir William Molesworth considered almost inevitable would, he believed, involve this country in a contest with the United States of America. A passage in the philosophical baronet's speech is worth considering, although a quarter of a century has passed over since its utterance. " How powerful soever the central government of the United. States may be when it goes along with the wishes of the people, it is most feeble when the people are opposed or indifi'erent to its commands, or when one or more of the sovereign states are desirous of evading its decrees. It is exactly in a case like this that the central government of that republic is weakest ; for how anxious soever it may be, from general views of policy, to prevent all interference in the affairs of Canada — all hostilities with this country — yet its people will see in this struggle but a repetition of their own glorious struggle for independence ; they will behold in the conduct of England towards Canada the sequel of those despotic and unjust principles wliich a little more than half a century ago caused them to shako off our yoke." * The ultimate consequence of this temporary estrangement of the popular party in Canada from the Imperial government was the establishment of a better system of policy. This change had been strenuously advocated by colonial reformers, who contended that all which was needed to preserve oiu! • IJaiisai-J, vol. xxxix. col. 14C5. 1838.] INSURRECTION IN CANADA. 407 colonies was " a clear demarcation of their rights from ours, a full exemptiou from all control iu the matters which solely regarded them, with a super- vision only on the part of the empire in matters strictly of imperial concern- ment." This view, it is added, " may be said to have rendered Canada loyal." * Between the adjournment and the re-assembling of Parliament, important events had taken place in Canada. On the 14th of December the rebels were defeated at St. Eustace, their leaders saving themselves by flight. On the 29th of December the United States' steamboat " Caroline," which was laden with arms and ammunition for the insurgents, was attacked and burnt on the territories of the United States. This act was committed under the orders of the governor, sir Francis Head. It produced a long con- troversy between the two governments, and was justified by the necessity of defending the British territory, which had been assaulted from the American side. The President of the United States subsequently forbade the attacks of the citizens of the republic on neighbouring states. On the 5th of January, 1838, the insurgents, headed by Dr. Mackenzie, surrounded Toronto, but were repulsed by sir Prancis Head. Such was the course of the insurrection, when, on the 22nd of January, in the House of Commons, lord John Eussell moved for leave to bi'ing in a bill by which, for a certain time, the calling of an assembly in Lower Canada, which was a duty incum- bent on the governor for the time being, might be suspended, and authority be given to meet the present emergency, and to provide for the future government of the province. He thought with respect to the principal question on which the alleged grievances of the Canadians were based, a satisfactory adjustment might, in the course of time, be arrived at. He proposed that a high functionary should be sent out, who should be conversant with matters of administration, with the most important affairs which are from time to time brought before Parliament, as well as with the aifairs of the various spates of Europe, and moreover that it should be implied by his nomination that he was favourable to popular feelings and popular rights. He then announced that her Majesty had been pleased to entrust the conduct of this affair, with the high powers implied in the appointment, to the earl of Durham, who had accepted the office. Lord Durham, in his place in the House of Lords, stated that he did not go to Canada ft r the purpose of suspending the constitution, but in the endeavour to provide for the extraordinary state of circumstances produced by the rebellious part of the Canadian community, that would render it impossible for the constitution to continue in operation. '' I go," he said, " not for the purpose of exercising that power, that species of discreditable power, as the noble and learned lord [Brougham] calls it, which is to be vested in me ; but in the first place to restore, I trust, the supremacy of the law, and next, to be the humble instrument of conferring upon the British North American pro- vinces such a free and liberal constitution as shall place them on the same scale of independence as the rest of the possessions of Grreat Britain." f Lord Durham landed at Quebec on the 29th of May, 1838. The history * " Secularia," by Samuel Lucas, M.A., p. 265. + Hausard, vol. xl. col. 243. 408 LORD DURHAM APPOINTED LORD HIGH COMMISSIOKER. [1S38, of the administration of Canada by her Majesty's High Commissioner furnishes a remarkable proof of how great and salutary changes may be effected in the government of a great dependency, by the union of firmness and conciliation, and by the application of liberal political principles in the place of a continued system of coercion and tutelage. Lord Durham had at his side an adviser, a person of eminent ability and with large views of statesmanship — Mr. Charles Buller. All went well for a few months. The rebellion was dying out. The French population had given up their notion of being supported by the borderers of the United States, and were conciliated by seeing that no difference was to be made between British and French subjects. A general amnesty was published, and measures were taken for inquiring into the feasibility of a plan for constituting a Federal Union of the British North American provinces. The measure which lord Durham pursued with regard to the disposal of the rebel prisoners was successful in the colony, but obnoxious to many of influence in the legislature of Great Britain. By an ordinance of the 28th of June it was declared, that eight rebel leaders in the jail of Montreal who had acknowledged their guilt should be transported to Bermuda ; that sixteen other rebel leaders who were named had fled, and that if any of either class should return without permission and be found in the province, they should suffer death. On the 7th of August lord Brougham made a strong attack upon what he described as the "appalling fact of fourteen persons, and M. Papineau making fifteen, being adjudged to suffer death, if they appeared in Canada, not one of those individuals having been previously tried. Such a pro- ceeding was contrary to every principle of justice, and was opposed to the genius and spirit of English law, which humanely supposed every accused party to be innocent until he was proved to be guilty." * On the 10th of August lord Melbourne announced that her Majesty's Grovernment had counselled the disallowance of the ordinance. When lord Durham received the news of this censure of his administration he resolved to resign his great ofiice ; and on the 9th of October he issued a proclamation, according to the terms of the Indemnity Act which lord Brougham had proposed and carried, which proclamation was a humiliating abrogation of the ordinance of the 28th of June, Lord Durham at the same time published a document in which he ju.-)tified the policy pursued by him since his arrival in Canada, and an- nounced his determination of resigning his government. He did not wait to obtain leave for his return. This was a grave error. He arrived home in a state of wretched health, produced by the irritation of a proud and sensitive nature working upon a feeble constitution. The censure implied in the abrogation of the ordinance of lord Durham was a severe measure towards a man whose great hope was to have secured the allegiance and prosperity of Canada, by a system of high policy which was utterly opposed to the old metliods of colonial government. Great lawyers at home differed as to the legality of the course which he pursued. The eloquence of lord Brougham in denouncing it as an illegal act of despotic authority met with supporters amongst those who hated lord Durham's liberal policy. He came home a broken-hearted man ; and his career, which might otherwise have been so * EaDsard, vol. xliv. col. 1022. 1838.] RESIGNS HIS OFFICE— HIS REPORT. 409 glorious, terminated iu his death in 1840, but not without the noble satisfac- tion he derived from establishing his policy in his counsels to his successor, Mr. Poulett Thompson. During the voyage home his Report on the affairs of British North America, which is attributed to the pen of his friend Mr. Charles Buller, was in great part prepared. It is a most able view, not only of the particular circumstances of the provinces which were placed under lord Durham's government, but generally of colonial administration. A passage in the conclusion of this Keport is now of higher interest than the occurrences to which it had a special reference. " The experiment of keeping colonies and governing them well ought at least to have a trial, ere we abandon for ever the vast dominion which might supply the wants of our surplus population, and raise up millions of fresh consumers of our manufactures and producers of a supply for our wants. The warmest admirers, and the strongest opponents of republican institutions, admit or assert that the amazing prosperity of the United States is less owing to their form of government, than to the unlimited supply of fertile land, which maintains succeeding generations in an undiminishing affluence of fertile soil. A region as large and as fertile is open to your Majesty's subjects in your Majesty's American dominions." At that time emigration from the United Kingdom was upon a very limited scale. The vast resources of Australia were yet undeveloped. In 1837 the emigrants to the Nortli American colonies were about 30,000, and to the United States 30,000 ; to the Australian colonies and JS'ew Zealand the number was only 5,000. In 1838 the emigration to America was reduced to one-fourth of the amount of the previous year, whilst that to Australia was trebled. From 1815 to 1838 the annual average of emigrants to all places during the 24 years was 38,376. From 1839 to 1852, when what is termed the Irish Exodus was in full opera- tion, and the gold discoveries had been made in Australia, the annual average during the 14 years was 181,612. The realization of the great triumph of science in accomplishing the passage by steam power alone across the Atlantic offered new facilities for emigration. The first vessels which solved this problem were the " Sirius " and the " Great "Western ;" the one having accomplished the voyage to New York in twenty days, the other in sixteen days. We may conclude this rapid notice of the affairs of our American colonies by stating that, after a series of defeats in November, especially one on the 17th near Prescott in Upper Canada, the insurrection was wholly suppressed. In 1840 an Act was passed for the union of the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada as one province, under one Legislative Council and one Assembly. The coronation of the Queen at Westminster Abbey took place on the 28th of June. The splendours which had attended the coronation of George the Fourth were to some extent dispensed with. There was no solemn pro- cession of the Estates of the Eealm. There was no banquet in Westminster Hall, with its accompanying feudal services. But there was a gorgeous cavalcade which more than realized the pomp of ancient times, when the king came "from the Tower of London to his Palace at Westminster through the midst of the City, mounted on a horse, handsomely habited, and bare-headed, in the sight of all the people." Charles the Second was the last king who thus went to his coronation in procession from the Tower. 410 CORONATION OF THE QUEEN. [1838. Queen Victoria went from Buckingham Palace tlirougli tlie line of streets from Hyde Park Corner, where the houses were not hung with tapestry, as of old, but where galleries and scaffbiding were raised throughout the line, Jind the windows were filled with ladies whose enthusiasm was as hearty as that to which Elizabeth bowed. Never were the streets more crowded. Never were the cheers of an enormous multitude — swelled, it is said, by two hundred thousand persons from the country — more deafening than when the Queen passed along ; the last of a cavalcade in which, next to herself, the persons most greeted by the popular voice were the Duke of Wellington and his old opponent Marshal Soult, who came as a Special Ambassador on this occasion. The day was remarkable, not only for the entire absence of accidents, but for the wonderful forbearance of that class who are most usually active on public occasions ; there being only seven persons brought to the police stations for pickiug pockets. The day was observed throughout the kingdom as a general holiday ; with public dinners, feasts to the poor, and brilliant illuminations. On this occasion, when tbe attachment of the people to their young queen was so universally manifested, some might recollect an eloquent passage of a speech made by lord Brougham in the House of Lords six months before, in which he qualified his opposition to some of the details of the Civil List : " Not any one among you all can rejoice more sincerely than I have done in the enthusiasm of affection which has burst from all her subjects, to greet the accession of the reigning Monarch. They have generously let expectation usurp the place of gratitude. They have taken counsel with hope, rather than experience. Por as memory scatters her sweets with a cold and churlish hand, it has been found more pleasing to array the object of the general love in the attire of fancy ; and as fervent a devotion has been kindled towards the yet untried ruler, as could have glowed in her people's bosom after the longest and most glorious reign, in which she should have only lived and only governed for the country's good ; by some chronic miracle escaping all error and all failure, and only showering down blessings upon mankind. I heartily rejoice in this enthu- siasm, and I do not complain of it as premature. I rejoice in it because it must prove delightful to the royal object of it. I rejoice still more because I know that it will stimulate the queen to live for her country, in order to earn the aflections which have already been bestowed, and justify the opinion which has been formed, and is so fondly cherished upon trust. But most chiefly do I rejoice, because 1 extinguishes for ever all apprehensions of the English people's loyalty and trustworthiness ; puts to shame all who would represent them as disaffected towards monarchical institutions ; demonstrates the safety of entrusting them with an ample measure of political rights ; and teaches to statesmen this great practical lesson, that the more we extirpate abuse from our system, the more searching we make our re- forms, the more we endear the Constitution to the people by making them feel its benefits — the safer will be the just rights of the monarch who is its head, and the stronger will be the allegiance of the subject who cheer- fully obeys." * Parliament was prorogued by the Queen in person on the 16th of August. * *' Speeches of Ilenry lord Broui;ham," vol. iv. p. 337. 1838.] PROROGATION— REVIEW OF THE SESSION. 411 The cbief measures whicli had occupied the discussions in both Houses were the settlement of the Civil List and the state of Canada. Other measures, which provoked less conflict, were not less important. In his review of the measures of the Session the Speaker emphatically dwelt upon the provision made for the destitute in Ireland. He said that no measure like the intro- duction of a Poor Law into a country circumstanced as Ireland is with respect to the number and condition of its population, could be proposed without incurring heavy responsibility ; but that looking at what had been done on this subject by former parliaments with respect to England, they had thought that the time was come when they might legislate for Ireland with safety and with a reasonable prospect of success. The Irish Poor-Law Statute was in great degree founded upon three comprehensive Eeports of JVIr. Nicholls, The Speaker expressed a hope that the execution of that most important law would be watched over and guided by the same prudent and impartial spirit which governed the deliberations which led to its enactment. It was felt by every one conversant with the subject, that no better prospect could be afforded of the probable realization of this hope than the immediate determination of the Government that Mr. ]S"icholl3 should proceed to Ireland for the purpose of carrying the new law into operation, which he had, in great part, planned, basing it upon the most searching inquiry and the most careful consideration. Amongst the other important measures of the Session were a mitigation of the law of imprisonment for debt ; the abridg- ment of the power of holding benefices in plurality ; and the abolition of composition for tithes in Ireland, substituting rent-charges payable by those who had a perpetual interest in the land. In his Address to her Majesty the Speaker adverted to " the improving opinions and increasing knowledge of the educated classes of the community." He probably considered that the time was distant when there would be " improving opinions and increasing knowledge" amongst the bulk of the population who could scarcely be recog- nized as " educated classes." A circumstance which occurred during this Session furnished a sufficient proof of the necessity for exertion before the labours of Parliament to maintain respect for our laws and institutions by salutary amendments should be generally appreciated. A month before the coronation of the Queen, that manifestation of popular ignorance took place in Kent, to which we alluded in our last chapter. The Eeports of the parliamentary discussions upon the subject at the beginning of June in that year, are under the head of " Canterbury Panatics." The debates to which these occurrences gave rise were little more than personal and party squabbles ; except in the argument of Mr. Hume that such an exhibition of brutal ignorance, in a district within fifty miles of London, where the people were surrounded by country gentlemen of great wealth, and where there was a large body of clergy, presented an occasion for endeavouring to arouse the government to the absolute necessity of a comprehensive system of education for the people.* Little as the atten- tion of parliament was aroused by the proceedings of a band of Kentish fanatics, the notice of foreign countries was painfully directed towards this H;iasarc], vol. xliii. col. 547. 412 CANTERBURY FANATICS— CAREER OF JOHN THOM. [1838. contradiction of our boasted advance in civilization as an event almost iucon« ceivable in the Nineteenth Century.* About the beginning of the year 1832 a stranger made his appearance at Canterbury who attracted a good deal of notice by his commanding figure and handsome features. He represented himself as a Jew, which character was in some degree supported by his ample beard at a time when such au ornament was not common amongst Englishmen. He gradually put forth pretensions of superior sanctity, and mysteriously intimated that he had a mission to fulfil of no common nature. Devotees soon surrounded him, not wholly of the lowest and most ignorant class, but comprising a few having wealth and respectable position. Parliament was prorogued in August of that year, after the passing of the Eeform Bill, and the electors of Canter- bury began to look out for proper persons to represent their opinions, whether Eeforming or Conservative. The handsome Jew had then become sir "William Courtenay, the expectant heir of great estates, and a Knight of Malta. There were two candidates for the suffrages of the citizens in the ministerial interest — the Hon. Kichard Watson and viscount Eordwich. Two Conservative Baronets came forward to oppose them, but quickly with- drew. No other candidate of known character appearing in the field, a knot of citizens calling themselves Conservatives put forward sir AVilliam. Courtenay. He came on the hustings in a velvet coat, " like a mountebank," said some irreverent newspapers. He was proposed and seconded at the election by two Conservative tradesmen ; members of the liberal professions, and even a clergyman of the Church of England, all of Conservative politics, voted for him ;t and the adventurer, who was manifestly an impostor or a madman, actually obtained three hundred and seventy-eight votes. Such was the undiscriminating violence of party feelings at the crisis of our great Constitutional Keform. Defeated in the object of his ambition he retired to Heme Bay, which was then more distinguished as a resort of smugglers than as a fashionable watering-place. In some affray between the coast- guard and a band of these free-traders, sir AVilliam Courtenay came forward as a witness ; subjected himself by his evidence to an indictment for perjury ; and having been convicted under his proper name of John Nicholls Thorn was sentenced to a term of imprisonment. He underwent some portion of the penalty of the law until his extravagances rendered it necessary to transfer his safe keeping from the County Prison to the County Lunatic Asylum. In the fourth year of Thorn's confinement, namely, in August. 1837, his father and mother-in-law presented themselves to lord John Hussell, the Home Secretary, who was residing at Endsleigh in Devonshire, to express their deep distress at the continued confinement of their son ; stating that they had been told by his keepers that there was no danger likely to arise from his liberation; promising that the utmost care should be taken of him by themselves ; and affirming that he had suflicient property to * See " Annuairc nistoriquc" for 1S38, p. 4S7.— Tliis most extraordinary episode in the history of the first year of the reign of (iueen Victoria appearing to us as something more inipottant than a mere outbreak of local fanaticism, we thuut;lit it our duty to ascertain by personal inquiry if any elucidation of these events could be obtained from witnesses still living In the district where tliey occurred. t Hansard, vol. xliii. cols. 1108, 1112. 1838.] PROCLAIMS HIMSELF THE MESSIAH AT BOUGHTOX. 413 pay for any expense attending upon sucli care.* Upon these assurances lord John EusseU, in his official capacity, took measures for obtaining Thorn's release ; and having recommended that a pardon should be granted in the case of the prisoner, which was equivalent to an order for his discharge, he was taken away from the asylum in October by some person not accustomed to the treatment of lunatics. The visiting justices had not opposed this discharge. During the winter of 1837, and the spring of 1838, the unfortu- nate man, who had been described by the medical superintendent of the asylum simply as a lunatic fancying himself a knight, and having a right to an estate and to a castle, was living in farmhouses and cottages in a rural district between Canterbury and Paversham, and there acquired a most extraordinary influence over the deluded people amongst whom he dwelt. From the subsequent parliamentary proceedings connected with this case, it appeared that Thorn had been engaged in extensive mercantile transactions in Cornwall ; had left Truro for Liverpool in May, 1832, for the purpose of selling a quantity of malt ; and after having written a sane and affectionate letter to his wife, had never returned to his home with the money derived from this sale, and had passed entirely out of the notice of his family whilst he was pursuing the high destinies of sir William Courtenay. On the pleasant high road to London, about six miles from Canterbury, is the village of Boughton-under-Blean. On the right of the road before reaching Boughton is an extensive wood called Bosenden. The parish of Heme Hill on the north adjoins Boughton, as does Duukirkville, a populous non-parochial place, on the south, Boughton Church is a mile from the village. The hamlets of Goodnestone, Graveney, and Selling lie at short distances around. No district can present a more thoroughly Euglish character of quiet beauty. Broad meadows, rich corn and clover lands, hawthorn hedges bursting into blossom, scattered cottages with pretty gardens, farmhouses with apple and cherry orchards — the scene altogether, such as we beheld it on a morning of May, seemed of all others the most ill- suited for such a tragedy as had been here witnessed on a similar May morn- ing. The winter of 1837-8 was one of extraordinary severity. The spring was cold and raw. The price of wheat was steadily rising. The labourers were suffering through the inclement season, and both farmers and labourers were complaining of the operation of the new Poor Law which compelled the employer to pay wages to his labourers instead of sending them to the poor- rates, and which refused relief to the able-bodied except under the workhouse test. Sir "William Courtenay, as he was still called, went about amongst the discontented of both classes, to proclaim himself a great social Heformer. He told the labourers that all laws were made for their oppression, and that their greatest enemy was the new Poor Law. He told the farmers that they were oppressed by their landlords, and that the time would come when they should live upon the land without paying rent. On such matters his haran- gues on the village-green, or around the blacksmith's shop, were not essen- tially different from what Mr, Fielden the niember for Oldham, and his friends Mr. Feargus O'Connor and the Eev. J. E. Stephens were telling the people at Manchester at this very time, calling upon them to shed the last * Lord Joliu Russtli's Statement, Hansard, vol. xliii. ccl. 1099. 414 THE THREE DAYS' MARCH OF HIS DELUDED FOLLOWERS. [1838. drop of their blood rather than submit to that law of devils which had filled the country with Poor Law Bastilles, which were intended to be a chain of barracks to be garrisoned by the military and by Eussell's Eural Police.* But Courtenay had far more powerful means of arousing the ignorant than those possessed by the common demagogues who afflicted the land in the first decade of the reign of Victoria. He told them that not only was his worldly rank so great that he was to sit on her Majesty's right hand on the approach- ing day of the coronation, but that he was really the Messiah ; that no harm could befal him whatever force came forth against him ; that if he anointed them with oil and gave them the sacrament no bullet could touch them ; but that if they disobeyed his commands he should rain fire and brimstone upon them and then call them to judgment. At the entrance of Boughton village there is a little public-house, the Woodman's Hall. In a room of that house the frantic impostor used to perform his impious rites. The old landlord, with whom we conversed, did not like to acknowledge his share in this fanaticism, but he was not unwilling to speak of the tall and stout man whom he had heard preach of a Sunday afternoon — " Oh ! he was a fine man, and talked so grand." It was Monday morning the 28th of May when the landlord of the Woodman's Hall saw Courtenay coming over the fields from Fairbrook, a yeoman's house where he was harboured. There were many people with him whom he compelled to go on, as he threatened to shoot them if they hung back, for he had two pistols in his hand. Away they went, and four days after the old publican had heard him preach that he was the Messiah, he saw him lying dead in Bosenden Wood with many others who fell with him. " Ah ; it was a sad job." At the head of a large troop of willing or terrified followers, about a huiidred in number, Courtenay sallied forth from Boughton on that morning of the 28th of May, with a flag of white and blue and the device of a rampant lion. A broken loaf was also carried upon a pole. They marched by one of the pretty byroads to Goodnestone near Faversham. Here some of the multitude attempted the old and ready process of redressing their wrongs by putting a lighted match to a bean-stack ; but lo, it would not burn ; and this was a miracle wrought by the power of him they wor- shipped. To Heme Hill they next proceeded ; where Courtenay required that his people should be fed, and without delay their wants were supplied. Sometimes praying with the fanatics on their knees, — occasionally performing some piece of imposture, such as firing at a star to bring it down, — he led them into Bosenden Wood. The night was coming on, and before the people dispersed he said they should have music from heaven to attest his mission. There was method in his madness, for there was a confederate up a tree with a flute. Supper was given them at a farmhouse, and they slept in the barns. An intelligent tradesman of middle age who lives in Boughton parish, on the road to Heme Hill, described to us the movements of Courtenay and his followers on that day. He knew most of those who believed in him and were amongst his train. They were not all ignorant labourers. There were small farmers amongst them, with some of whom Courtenay had been living, going about from house to house. They not only had confidence in his divine • "Spectator," June 9, 1838. 1S3S.] NEGLECT OF EDUCATIOX IN THE DISTRICT. 415 mission, but were assured that every man should have an estate in land, and should enjoy plenty, as well as eternal liappiness. Many of the more decent people who followed him were at the present time ashamed to speak of it. There was one who was now an office-bearer in a "Wesleyan congregation who would speak frankly of the circumstances, and acknowledge the folly of which he had been guilty. But the greater number of the rabble were horribly ignorant. They could not well be otherwise. At Dunkirk, with a large population, there was then no church and no clergyman. There were no National or Lancasterian schools for the children in any of the villages. The people were utterly neglected by their rich and educated neighbours. The Wesleyans had their meetings in cottages, but they had then no chapel. The statements of this sensible tailor of Boughton were perfectly in accord- ance with the details of the education of this district presented by Mr. Wyse in parliament in 1839. Out of fifty-one families at Heme Hill there were forty-five persons above the age of fourteen, of which number only eleven could read and write. Porty-two out of a hundred and seventeen children were at school, but they learnt little, and those who had left school and could once read the New Testament could not do so now. The Sunday schools were inefficient, as the children could never be brought to connect what they learned with their practice in life. In the ville of Dunkirk there were a hundred and thirteen children, of whom only ten could read and write, thirteen could do so a little, and the remainder not at all. Of a hundred and nineteen children in Boughton, thirty -two attended the Sunday school, but only seven went to a school where writing was taught. * All with whom we conversed were strongly impressed with the belief that the occurrences which they deplored were wholly attributable to the neglect of education, and to the indifference of the superior classes to the welfare of their poorer neighbours. Out of evil comes good, said an honest wheel- wright of Selling. After the outbreak the Dunkirk gentry built a church. The Boughton people were ashamed of what Dunkirk people did, and built a National school. Clergy and Dissenters bestirred themselves, and church, chapel, and schools in a few years rose up and flourished. "With the dawn of the 29th of May the fanatics were on their march from Bosenden Wood. Along the great road they tramped for ten miles till they reached Sittingbourne — along that road where the fields on each side looked like one garden to the foreigner who travelled from Dover — along that road which exhibited such beauty to the eyes of a sanguinary republican in 1792 that he exclaimed, " Oh, what a pity, what a pity, if they set about to revolutionize this fine country." f If the ignorant enthusiasts who followed an impious madman along that road in 1838 had gathered in any formidable numbers, there might have been scenes even worse than the days of terror in Prance, — scenes that would have revived the memories of the Anabaptists of ISIiinster. John Thorn and John Matthias present a remarkable parallel in their fates. The baker who made himself master of Miiuster, and calling * Hansard, vol. xlviii. col. 538. Tbe?e statistics, quoted by Mr. Wyse, were furnished from a Report made to the Central Society of Education on the State of the Peasantry at Boughton, Heme Hill, and the Ville of Dunkirk, near Canterbury, by F. Liardet, Esq., published in 1?38, + Ante, Tol. vii, p. 210. 416 THE TRAGEDY OF BOSENDEN WOOD. [1838. liimself its king, undertook with thirty followers to disperse a military force •vhich came agaiust him, perished with all around him at the first onset with regular soldiery. The factor of Truro, who styled himself king of Kent, stood up to do battle with a detachment of the 45th Foot regiment, who had seen a hundred fights, and he and eight of his wretched disciples fell at the first volley. The circumstances of the catastrophe may be shortly told. From Sittingbourne the rabble marched during two days through a circle of villages on the south of the great road — Newnham, Eastliug, Throwley, Sheldwich, Lees, Selling. The leader prayed and preached — promised and denounced — the peasants knelt — they obtained food at yeomen's houses — they gathered more and more in numbers — farm-labourers quitted their field- •vYork — women threw down their hoes and left the beans unweeded. The third nif^ht closed upon this mad march as they once more entered Bosenden Wood and lay down in barns or under the leafy canopies of that spring- time. On Thursday morning the 31st, three men appeared in the camp to search for a farmer's labourer who had been seduced from his employment to follow a man who promised that all should have plenty without work. One of these, a constable, bore a warrant to arrest the servant who had off'ended ao-ainst the law. Thorn took as efi"ectual a method to resist intruders as did his great predecessor Cade when he hanged the clerk of Chatham — Thorn instantly shot the constable. Drawing his sword, he hacked the body of his victim, and cried out to the people, "Now, am I not your Saviour ?" Two of the fanatics then knelt at his feet. One of them, who still lives to repent his folly as he quickly repented it for a year in Maidstone gaol, was asked by Thorn whether he would follow him in the body, or go home and follow him in heart ; upon which he sprang to his feet and exclaimed, " Oh be joyful — the Saviour has accepted me — Gro, go on — till I drop I'll follow thee." The murder of Mears, the constable, caused a messenger to be sent to Canter- bury for military aid. A party of a hundred men immediately marched in two divisions. One division under major Armstrong proceeded into the centre of the thick wood, about a mile and a half from the road. Here a party of fifty or sixty men made their appearance, led on by one who answered the description of the person called Courtenay. Lieutenant Bennett, with his section of the soldiers, advanced towards these men, one of whom carried a white flag. The lieutenant and the leader of the fanatics each advanced till they were within two rods of each other. Courtenay com- menced running ; jumped over the trunk of a tree ; there was a shot ; and lieutenant Bennett fell. The soldiers screamed with horror ; there was a rush upon them wath bludgeons by the frantic rabble, led on by Courtenay ; another man was shot by them ; the command was given to the soldiers to fire ; Courtenay and eight others of the rioters were killed ; several were severely wounded. Those who did not &y in time were apprehended, and were subsequently tried. Three were sentenced to death, which was commuted for transportation ; and six others were imprisoned for a year. The wretched cause of this bloodshed and misery, at once madman and impostor, was buried in the churchyard of Heme Hill. Not a stone marks where he lies under the green turf. But years passed over before the peasants ceased to visit that grave, firmly believing that his coming to life again would take place, although the promise he had given to the poor woman who lived in the farm in the 1S39.] MEETING OF PARLIAMENT— CHARTISM'. 417 wood that if he were killed, aud she poured water on his face, he Avould assuredly revive, was not fulfilled. Three hundred years before these events there was a display of fanaticism of a very different nature at Adlington, in Kent, not twenty miles from Bosenden "Wood. Elizabeth Barton belonged to an age " when the pre- tensions to miraculous powers, which still lingered round the shrines of a thousand saints and martyrs, imposed to some extent upon the clearest understandings." * The statute, by which she and five others were attainted, states that she deluded by her false revelations a great multitude of the king's subjects "inclined to newfangleness." The followers of John Thorn were also inclined to newfangleness ; but their fanaticism was not connected with the superstitions of a perishing faith or the devices of a cunning priesthood. It was the ignorance that had no foundation of religious belief or secular knowledge ; the ignorance that had not been reached by tlie divine or the schoolmaster ; the ignorance which Avas a reproach to the nation, aud especially discreditable to the richly endowed Church under whose proudest seat of Christian instruction such a state of society had grown up. Although forming an exceptional illustration of the degrees in which knowledge had advanced during the nineteenth century, these events are yet suggestive of how much was required to be done before England should arrive at the state of social improvement which marks the greatest difference between the iirst year and the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Queen Victoria. "When the Parliament was opened by the Queen on the 5th of Februarv, 1839, a passage in the Eoyal Speech had reference to a state of domestic affairs which presented an unhappy contrast to the universal loyalty which marked the period of the Coronation. Her Majesty said : " I have observed with pain the persevering efforts which have been made in some parts of the country to excite my subjects to disobedience and resistance to the law, and to recom- mend dangerous and illegal practices." Chartism, which for ten subsequent years occasionally agitated the country, had then begun to take root. On the previous 12th of December a proclamation had been issued against illeo-al Chartist assemblies^ several of which had been held, says the proclamation, " after sunset by torch-light." The persons attendiog these meetings were armed with guns and pikes ; and demagogues, such as Feargus O'Connor and the Eev. Mr. Stephens at Bury, addressed the people in the most inflammatory language. The existence of Ciiartism was a painful and almost an appalling fact, of far deeper significance than the discontents of ignorant masses of the manufacturing population stirred up by unscrupulous leaders. Tliinkiug men felt that there was something rotten in the composition of society — a gan- grene that must be removed before the body politic could be sound and healthful. The state of the labouring classes was the subject of anxious solicitude, in their want of employment or their low wages, partly arising out of the great changes produced by scientific applications to industry, at a time when an unsound commercial and fiscal policy forbade the developments of skill, under the influence of increasing capital, to be a general blessing. The evils cf unrestricted competition, in its operation upon a superabundant population of artizans and factory workmen, were then very slightly mitigated by any * Ante, vol. ii. p. ron. VOL. viri.— 251. 418 CONDITION OP THE LABOURING CLASSES. [1839. considerate feelings of the employer for the employed. There was no sym- pathy, — there was in most parts a jealous antagonism, — between the twoclasses. Dr. Arnold wrote to a friend in 1839, " Men do not think of the fearful state in which we are living. If they could once be brought to notice and to appre- ciate the evil, I should not even yet despair that the remedy may be found and applied ; even though it is the solution of the most difficult problem ever yet proposed to man's wisdom, and the greatest triumph over selfishness ever yet required of his virtue." * It was seen, however imperfectly, at that period, what a resource England, Scotland, and Ireland possessed against the evils of over population, — against the terrible competition for a bit of potato ground, or for a hand-loom, or for a seat in a tailor's pestilent garret — in all which forms of unprofitable labour there was the sweat of the brow but not the earning of the bread. These suff"eriugs were taking place " in a world where Canadian forests stand unfelled, boundless plains and prairies unbroken with the plough ; on the west and on the east, green desert spaces never yet made white with corn ; and to the over-crowded little western nook of Europe, our Terrestrial Planet, nine-tenths of it yet vacant or tenanted by nomades, is still crying, Come and till me, come and reap me!"t The eloquent expounder of the miseries of that unhappy time has a hopeful pro- phecy of a better future : " Is it not as if this swelling, simmering, never resting Europe of 'ours stood, once more, on the verge of an expansion without parallel ; struggling, struggling like a mighty tree again about to burst in the embrace of summer, and shoot forth broad frondent boughs which would fill the whole earth ? A disease ; but the noblest of all, — as of her who is in pain, and sore travail, but travails that she may be a mother, and say, Behold, there is a new Man born ! " J It was not only the benevolent schoolmaster and the philosophic man of letters who were perplexed by the condition of the working-classes. M. Guizot records that in his first intercourse with sir Hobert Peel in 1840, what struck him most of all was sir Robert's constant and earnest solicitude with regard to the condition of the labouring classes in England. " There is," he often said, " too much sufiTering and too much per- plexity in the condition of the working classes ; it is a disgrace as well as a danger to our civilization ; it is absolutely necessary to render their condition less hard and less precarious. We cannot do everything, far from it ; but we can do something, and it is our duty to do all that we can." § Was sir Robert Peel then thinking that the time might come when he should " leave a name sometimes remembered with expressions of goodwill in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labour, and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow, when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because it is no longer leavened with a sense of injustice ?" || The document called " The People's Charter," which was embodied in the form of a Bill in 1838, comprised six points — universal suffrage, excluding, however, women ; division of the United Kingdom into equal electoral • " Life," voL ii. p. 164. t Carlylo — " Chartism," p. 112. t Ibid., pp. 112, 113. g Quizot— " Memoirs of Sir Rotcrt Peel," p. 83. II Sir II. Peel's Speech on tbe resignation of Ministers, June 2D, 18161, 1839.] JAMAICA— RESIGXATIOX OF THE illNISTUY. 41 j districts ; vote by ballot ; annual parliameuts ; no property qualification for members ; and a payment to every member for his legislative services. These principles so quickly recommended themselves to the working classes, that in the session of 1839 the number of signatures to a petition presented to Parliament was upwards of a million and a quarter. The middle classes almost universally looked with extreme jealousy and apprehension upon any attempt for an extension of the franchise. The upper classes for the most part regarded the proceedings of the Chartists with a contempt which scarcely concealed their fears. This large section of the working population very soon became divided into what were called physical-force Chartists and moral-force Chartists. As a natural consequence, the principles and acts of the physical- force Chartists disgusted every supporter of order and of the rights of pro- perty, and left the whole educated community very unwilling to sanction any measure which would rectify the anomaly of which many sound-hearted and right-thinking working men complained, — that the Eeform Bill of 1832 had set up an invidious and irrational barrier against the claim of the artizan to the rights of citizenship ; and had settled the question as to who was qualified to choose a representative in Parliament by the arbitrary and varying test of occupying a tenement at an annual rent of Ten Pounds. There were many of the best men amongst a class rapidly growing into the ability to judge temperately and honestly on all political questions who deeply felt this exclusion; and they resented it the more when they were confounded with the physical-force slaves of the brutal demagogues that disturbed England in 1839. At the opening of Parliament it was stated in the Queen's Speech that in the West Indies the period fixed by law for the final and complete emancipa- tion of the negroes had been anticipated by Acts of the Colonial legislatures; and that the transition from the temporary system of apprenticeship to entire freedom had taken place without any distui'bance of public order and tran- quillity. But although the emancipation had taken place without any excesses on the part of those who had now become free men, responsible only to the laws, the planters in Jamaica were in a state of moody discontent at the altered relations between the capitalist and the labourer, and they testified their displeasure by opposition, often frivolous and always stubborn, to the desire of the Imperial government to protect the negroes from cruelties and oppressions. Local legislation came to a stand. Lord Melbourne and his colleagues determined to adopt a strong measure, by proposing to Parliament a suspension of the Constitution of Jamaica for five years, during which period the affairs of the colony would be administered by a provisional government. A motion to this efiect was brought forward on the 9th of April by Mr. Labouchere. It was a great occasion for a trial of the strength of parties. Counsel were heard at the bar of the House of Commons against the bill, and it was not till the Gth of May that the parliamentary discussions on this subject were brought to a close by a division in which two hundred and ninety- four voted with the ministry, and two hundred and eighty-nine against them. This slender majority showed upon how frail a foundation rested the tenure of office by the Melbourne ministry. On the 7th of May lord John Eussell announced the resignation of ministers upon the ground of not having such support and such confidence in the House of Commons as would enable them 420 FAILURE IN THE ATTEMPT TO FORM A NEW ADMINISTRATION, [1839. efficiently to carry on the public business. Upon the resignation of her servants the Queen had consulted the duke of Wellington, who recommended that sir Eobert Peel should be sent for. The attempt to form a new admini- stration failed, and lord Melbourne and his colleagues returned to power in a week. On the 13th sir Eobert Peel, having received her Majesty's permis- sion to explain the circumstances under which he had relinquished the attempt to form an administration, made that explanation in the House of Commons. The Queen's most ingenuous truthfulness was conspicuous in these nego- tiations. Her Majesty at once asked sir Eobert Peel whether he was willing to undertake the duty of forming an administration, at the same time telling him that it was with great regret that she parted with the administration which had just resigned. The next day sir Eobert; submitted to her Majesty the names of those he proposed to associate with him. JS^o objection was raised as to the persons who were to compose the ministry or to the principles on which it was to be conducted. But a difficulty suggested itself to the minds of sir Eobert and his friends. He again waited upon the Queen to state to her Majesty the necessity of making some change in the appointment of ladies to fill the great offices of her household. Her Majesty consulted her ministers, and on the 10th wrote the following note : " The Queen, having considered the proposal made to her yesterday by sir Eobert Peel, to remove the Ladies of her Bedchamber, cannot consent to adopt a course which she conceives to be contrary to usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings." Sir Eobert, it seems, took an especial objection that the wife of lord Nor- manby. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and the sister of lord Morpeth, the Chief Secretary, were in the closest attendance upon the Queen. He and his party had wholly disapproved the policy of conciliation which was advocated by the Irish administration, and they thus objected to the continued position about the royal person of the marchioness of Normanby and the duchess of Sutherland. Upon the abstract constitutional question it is now generally felt that sir Eobert Peel was right. Immediately after he had declared his inability to form an Administration unless the Ladies of the Bedchamber were removed, the ministry recorded their opinion in a Cabinet minute that they held it " reasonable that the great offices of the Court, and situations in the house- hold held by members of Parliament, should be included in the political arrangements made in a change of the Administration ; but they are not of opinion that a similar principle should be applied or extended to the offices held by ladies in her Majesty's household." The Cabinet had precedents to support their view. Lady Sunderland and lady Eialton had remained in the bedchamber of Queen Anne for a year and a half after the dismissal of their husbands from office, and it was the uniform practice that the ladies of the household of every queen consort should be retained on changes of administration, notwithstanding their relationship to men engaged iu political life. The discussions in and out of Parliament which arose upon this question were protracted and violent. The people generally were inclined to think that an attempt had been made to treat tlie Queen with harshness by removing from her presence ladies who had become her personal friends — ladies exemplary in their private lives, and whose accomplishments shed a grace over the Court of a female Sovereign. Meetings were held in vuriuua ]839.] THE BEDCHAMBER QUESTION— DISLOYAL TORIES. 421 parts of the country to express approbation of her Majesty's conduct. These were no doubt to some extent meetings influenced by political con- siderations ; but the sentiments there expressed were consonant with the general opinion that the Queen was wortliy of the most respectful sympathy with her actions and feelings. It is painful to relate that from this period was manifested, on the part of some who, disdaining the name of Conserva- tives, clung to the extremest Tory opinions, a virulence that did not even exempt from their personal attacks the conduct and character of the Sovereio'n. To those of the present day who have not traced the course of politics in the early part of the Queen's reign it would seem impossible to believe that a member of Parliament, at a public dinner at Canterbury, should have designated the Sovereign who has secured to an unparalleled extent the love and veneration of her subjects, as one who thought that if the monarchy lasted her time it was enough ; that this party firebrand should have been cheered when he talked of the abdication of James the Second as a precedent not to be forgotten. It would seem impossible to imagine that the colonel and officers of a regiment should have brought themselves under the censure of the Commander-in-Chief for having sat at a Conservative dinner, at Ashton-under-Lyne, to listen to " expressions most insulting and disrespectful towards the Queen."* Mr. Macaulay, — who, in May, 1839, had been returned as member for Edinburgh, upon the elevation of Mr. Abercromby to the peerage, when he retired from the office of Speaker, — thus expressed himself on the first night of the Session in 1840, in burnin"- words that must have been bitterer to some than the contempt of good and quiet subjects : " A change has come over the spirit of a part, I hope not the larger part, of the Tory body. It was once the glory of the Tories that, through all changes of fortune, they were animated by a steady and fervent loyalty which made even error respectable, and gave to what might otherwise have been called servility something of the manliness and nobleness of free- dom. A great Tory poet, whose eminent services to the cause of monarchy had been ill requited by an ungrateful Court, boasted that ' Loyalty is still the same, Whether it win or lose the game ; True as the dial to the sun, Although it be not shined upon.' Toryism has now changed its character. We have lived to see a monster of a faction made up of the worst parts of the Cavalier and the worst parts of the Eoundhead. We have lived to see a race of disloyal Tories. We have lived to see Tories giving themselves the airs of those insolent pikemen who puffed out their tobacco-smoke in the face of Charles the First. We have lived to see Tories who, because they were not allowed to grind the people after the fashion of Strafford, turn round and revile the Sovereign in the style of Hugh Peters. I say, therefore, that, while the leader is still what he was eleven years ago, when his moderation alienated his intemperate followers, his followers are more intemperate than ever." f Let us contemplate this violence of the fierce and unscrupulous partizans who professed to serve under the leadership of sir Eobert Peel, but who * See Annual Register (then a vehicle of Conservative politics), 1839, pp. 311, 312. + Macaulay's " tipeeches," p. 201. i22 CHARTIST RIOTS— INSURRECTIOX AT NEWPORT, [lS:i9 were most indignant that his great measure of Catholic Emancipation was attended with some practical results — let us view these Tory agitators going about the country proclaiming that the Poor Laws were a system of •wholesale murder, that children were tortured in factories for the amusement of the mill-owners, and that the Corn-laws were the only restraint upon the power of the manufacturers to oppress their work-people — and then let us ask ourselves how the country could have been full of this madness and folly without inducing the physical-force Chartists to believe that their time for action was at hand. The first serious demonstration of this revolutionary spirit was made at Birmingham in a series of outbreaks and contests between the police, the military, and the mob, which lasted from the 4th to the 15th of July. There Avere smashing of windows and street-lamps ; bonfires made of goods pillaged from warehouses ; houses burnt down. The commu- nity of this thriving seat of manufactures, where workmen had ample wages and could afford to be Ten-pound householders, was kept in terfor till the riots were put down by the necessary employment of the military under judicious regulation. There were the same demonstrations at Sheflield, with the disposition too common in that place to think lightly of secret murder. The most violent outbreak took place later in the year. At Newport, in Monmouthshire, there was a magistrate of the borough, named John Erost, who in the j)revious February had used violent language at a public meeting at Pontypcol. Lord John Eussell was greatly blamed for treating this insolent demagogue with some leniency, and for not at once removing him from his position as a magistrate. In a few months, however, he earned his degradation by new violence. During the summer and autumn he was organizing an insurrection in the country near Newport, where there was a large population engaged in labours connected with the mineral wealth of the district. The Attorney- General, on the trial for high treason in which this Chartist organization ended, described the country as, in a great degree, wild and mountainous, abounding in every part with mines of coal and iron, of late years worked to a considerable extent. In a district, he said, where, fifty years before, there were scarcely any inhabitants, save the scattered huts of a few shepherds and mountaineers, there was then a dense population, amounting to upwards of forty thousand. Those who know the wonderful country from which the TJsk and the Taff", assisted by railroads running into the hearts of the mountains, bring their rich freights to Newport and Cardiff, will comprehend how those towns alone now comprise more than fifty thousand inhabitants. It was arranged by the insurgents that on the night of Sunday the 3rd of November, three divisions from various points were to march upon Newport and take possession of the town while the inhabitants were asleep. The weather was such as to prevent the completion of these arrangements. The divisions from Nant-y-Glo and Pontypool did not join their leader at the time appointed, but after waiting till daylight he marched into the town with five or six thousand followers about ten o'clock. The mayor, Mr. Phillips, was very imperfectly prepared for resistance to this rabble, who came into the town five abreast, armed with guns, bludgeons, pikes, and pickaxes. Mr. Phillips, with his party of special constables and about thirty soldiers had taken his position in the West Gate Inn, which stands in the market-place, TI)e insurgents moved up to the door of the inn 1S39.3 JOHN FROST AND OTHERS TRIED FOR HIGH TREASON. 423 and called upon those within to surrender. The demand was of course re- fused. A volley from the street was then discharged against the bow-window of the room. The wooden pillars of the porch still show by bullet-holes the sort of conflict that here took place. Almost at the instant of the first) street firing, the rioters broke open the door of the inn and poured into the house. There would have been a massacre of the civil and military guardians of the peace, had not the ofiicer in command given orders to fire, as the Chartists were rushing down the passage. A volley soon put to flight the terrified assailants. The mayor distinguished himself by the gallantry which. befits an English gentleman. He, with lieutenant Gray and Serjeant Dalev, fearlessly opened each one of the three shutters of the window that looked upon the street. A shower of slugs was immediately poured in upon them, and Mr. Phillips and several others were wounded ; but the construction of the window enabled the military to pour a raking fire upon the mob, who soon fled in all directions. The soldiers then made a sortie and efi"ectually cleared the streets. Frost and two other of the leaders, Zephaniah Williams and William Jones, were quickly apprehended. On the 1st of January they were tried at Newport, under a Special Commission before that able and constitutional judge, sir iNicholas Tiudal. They were each found guilty of liigh treason, and received the capital sentence, which was finally commuted to transportation for life. Within the last few years the chief delinquent has been allowed to return. Sir Thomas Phillips was knighted by her Majesty, and was received at Court with signal honour. CHAPTER XXIV. Til-; System of Penny Postage first comes into operation — Mr. Rowland Hill — Opposition to the- * Elarsard, vol. liii. col. 940. t Mac;uilay's Speeches, p. 227. 146 DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT— CHUSAN CAPTURED. [1840. tent," answered Mr. Gladstone, " to judge how long tliis war may last, or how protracted may be its operations, but this I can say, that a war more unjust in its origin, a war more calculated in its progress to cover this country with permanent disgrace, I do not know, and I have not read of." He asked, with reference to the eloquent description of the British flag planted on the balcony at Canton, " How comes it to pass that the sight of that flag always raises the spirit of Englishmen ? It is because it has always been associated with the cause of justice, with opposition to oppression, with respect for national rights, with honourable commercial enterprize ; but now, under the auspices of the noble lord, that flag is hoisted to protect an infamous contra- band frafiic, and if it were never to be hoisted except as it is now hoisted on the coast of China, we should recoil from its sight with horror, and should never again feel our hearts thrill, as they now thrill, with emotion, when it floats proudly and magnificently on th^e breeze." * Such were the contrary views in 1840 of the nature of this war ; such are the contrary views which still prevail amongst those who write upon this war. The China merchants of London, in a Memorial to lord Palmerston, expressed their opinion that unless the measures of the government were followed up with firmness and energy, the trade with China would no longer be conducted with security to life and property. This was the commercial point of view. The senti- mental point of view is that, confident in our military power and the com- parative ignorance of the Chinese in the arts of war, we forced upon them the contraband drug which the government would have kept out of the reach of the intemperate. The opponents of the "Whig ministry in 1840 did not, however, deny the necessity of a hostile demonstration with respect to China. Sir E-obert Peel said that, " after what had passed, British honour and the British name would be disgraced unless some measure were taken to procure reparation for the injuries and insults which had been committed on us. . . . Again and again I say, do not enter into this war without a becoming spirit — a spirit becoming the name and character of England. Do not forget the peculiar character of the people with whom you have to deal, and so temper your measures that as little evil as possible may remain. Eemember that the character of the people has lasted for many generations ; that it is the same now that was given to them by Pliny and many subse- quent writers. It is your duty to vindicate the honour of England where vindication is necessary, and to demand reparation wherever reparation is due." t A small naval force having been left in the Canton river to maintain a blockade, the British fleet sailed northward along the coast of China. The first important operation of the war was the capture on the 5th of July, by the squadron, of the city of Ting-hai in Chusan. The Chusan islands, upon the possession of which the maritime intercourse of the eastern coast of China essentially depended, were captured after a slight resistance. Admiral Elliot arrived as plenipotentiary at Chusan on the day on which the city was taken, and he despatched to Ning-po a letter from lord Palmerston to be transmitted to the emperor of China at Pekin. The autho- * IlanKarcI, vol. liii. col. 818. + Hausaid, vol. liii, col. 9-3. 1841.] TREATY" MADE AT CANTON REPUDIATED BY THE EMPEROR. 447 rities at Niug-po refused to receive or to forward the letters. A blockade was consequently declared of the east coast, from Ning-po to the mouth of the Ejaug. Captain Elliot in August entered the Pei-ho, which flows past Pekin on the south. The letter of lord Palmerston was now forwarded, and on the 30th of August a conference was held between captain Elliot and the emperor's minister Keshen, who was subsequently appointed Imperial Commissioner, Lin having been deprived of his ofiice. Admiral Elliot somewhat indiscreetly consented to transfer the negotiations for peace to Canton, thus neutralizing the efiect that had been produced by the successes at Chusan, and by the ap- proach of British vessels of war to the vicinity of Pekin. The admiral soon after resigned. A truce which had been announced by admiral Elliot was violated, in the midst of the negotiations, by an edict that all Englishmen and ships should be destroyed wherever they were met with near Cliina. The forts Chuen-pe and Tae-cok-tow on the Canton river were now stormed and captured, and the Chinese squadron of war junks collected in Anson's Bay was destroyed. Negotiations were then resumed; and on the 20th ol January, Captain Elliot issued a circular stating that a treaty had been agreed to by Keshen, the conditions of which were that Hong-Kong should be ceded to England ; that six million dollars should be paid by the Chinese ; that the trade should be opened within ten days ; and that there should be direct official communication between the two countries on equal terms. Eormal possession was taken of Hong-Kong, and Chusan was evacuated — not too soon — for the troops left there had been greatly reduced by the unhealthiness of the climate. Keshen proclaimed that the English barbarians were now obedient to order, and that all afi'airs were perfectly well settled. But, on the 11th of Eebruary an Imperial edict was received from Pekin by the Commissioner at Canton, disapproving and rejecting the conditions agreed to by him. The war was now resumed with increased vigour. On the 2nd of March general Gough, — who had entered the British army in 1794, had greatly distinguished himself in the Peninsular war, and in 1837 was in command of a division of the Indian army, — arrived in China to take the command of the British land forces. Erom the renewal of hos- tilities to the end of April there had been armistice upon armistice, during which the attempts of Captain Elliot to negotiate were repeatedly defeated by the intervention of the Imperial government. Keshen was degraded and deprived of his office for consenting to these suspensions of hostility, the Imperial edicts proclaiming, " it is difficult for heaven and earth to bear any longer with the English." General Gough saw that this temporizing policy would only prolong the war, and be more injurious to the Chinese themselves than its vigorous prosecution. He determined to attack Canton. It was resolved to make the principal points of debarkation of the British forces to the north-west of the city, while another column was to take possession of the Factories, which had been ceded to the Chinese. The attack upon the Eaetories was very soon successful. The point chosen for debarkation on the north-west was about five miles by the river line above the Factories. The troops were landed on the 23rd, and early on the morning of the 24th proceeded to the attack. General Gough describes the heights to the norrii of Canton. They were crowned by four strong forts, and the city walls ran over their southern extremity. The intervening ground between the point of 448 CANTON ATTACKED— ARRIVAL OF SIR H. POTTINGER. [1841. landing and the forts was undulated, and intersected by hollows under wet paddy cultivation. The walls of Canton, of brick on a foundation of red sandstone, were about twenty feet thick, and varied in height from twenty- five to forty feet. At this time there were twenty thousand Tartar troops, famous for their courage and daring, garrisoning the city. On the 24th the two western forts were captured with comparatively small loss, and " in little more than half an hour after the order to advance was given, the British troops looked down on Canton within a hundred paces of its walls."* It was intended next day to assault the city itself, but the attack was prevented by a flag of truce being hoisted on the walls. Captain Elliot wrote to the general, requesting him to suspend hostilities, as he was employed in a settle- ment of the difiiculties. The terms were little different to those which had been formerly agreed to, and to which the Chinese government had refused its assent. General Gough observed upon this termination of the conflict : " "Whatever might be my sentiments, my duty was to acquiesce ; the attack, which was to have commenced in forty-five minutes, was countermanded, and the feelings of the Chinese were spared. Of the policy of this measure I do not consider myself a competent judge ; but I say * feelings,' as I would have been responsible that Canton should be equally spared, with the exception of its defences, and that not a soldier should have entered the town farther than the fortified heights within its walls." The terror induced by the operations of the fleet and army extorted from the authorities of Canton the payment of six million dollars as a ransom for the city. Although trade was resumed in Canton, peace was still distant. The Im- perial edicts still breathed vengeance against the " barbarians ;' ' the British government disapproved the arrangements of captain Elliot. Sir Henry Pot- tinger, who arrived as Plenipotentiary on the 10th of August, took the chief direction of the afiairs which had so long been in the hands of the Superin- tendent. He immediately published a copy of his credentials, authorising and empowering him " to negotiate and conclude with the minister vested with similar power and authority on the part of the emperor of China, any treaty or agreement for the arrangement of the differences now subsisting between Great Britain and China." He also issued a notification, in which, after stating his anxiety to promote the prosperity of all her majesty's subjects and other foreigners, he went on to say that " it was his first duty distinctly to intimate for general and individual information, that it was his intention to devote his undivided energies and thoughts to the primary object of securing a speedy and satisfactory close of the war ; and that he therefore could allow no consideration connected with mercantile pursuits and other interests to interfere with the strong measures which he might find it necessary to authorize and adopt towards the government and subjects of China, with a view to compelling an honourable and lasting peace." To the end of 1841 there were various successes achieved by the laud and naval forces, which gave the British possession of many large fortified towns, amongst which were Amoy, Ting-hai, Chin-hai, Ning-po, and Sliang-hai. The Chinese were nevertheless persevering in their resistance, and in most cases evinced a bravery which showed how mistaken were the views which regarded * General Gongh's Despatcli, "Actual Register," 18-11, p. 2S2. 1842.] CAPTURE OF CHIN-KIANQ-FOO— TREATY OF NANKING. 449 the subjection of this extraordinary people as an easy task. To the end of June these successes had produced no overtures from the Imperial govern- ment evincing a real desire for a pacification. The British fleet on the 13th of June entered the great river Kiang, and on the 6th of July advanced up the river, and cut off its communication with the Grand Canal, by which Nanking, the ancient capital of China, was supplied with grain. The point where the river intersects the canal is the city of Chin-Kiang-foo. " This city, with its walls in excellent repair, stands within little more than half a mile from the river; the northern and the eastern faces upon a range of steep hills ; the west and southern faces on low ground, with the Imperial Canal serving in some measure as a wet ditch to these faces. To the west- ward the suburb through which the canal passes extends to the river and terminates under a precipitous hill." * On the morning of the 2lst the city was stormed by the British, in three brigades. The resistance of the Tartar troops was most desperate. Our troops fought under a burning sun, whose overpowering heat caused some to fall dead. The obstinate defence of the place prevented its being taken till six o'clock in the evening. "When the streets were entered, the houses were found almost deserted. They were filled with ghastly corpses, many of the Tartar soldiers having destroyed their families, and then committed suicide. The city, from the number of the dead, had become uninhabitable. On the 9th of August the British fleet, proceeding up the river, had arrived before Nanking. General Gough determined to storm this fortified city, containing half a million of inhabitants. The debarkation was suspended, upon a communication from sir Henry Pottiuger that he was negotiating with high officers of the empire who had now the direct authority of the emperor to treat for peace. The treaty was finally signed before Nanking on board the Cornwallis on the 29th of August, by sir Henry Pottinger on the part of Great Britain, and by Ke-jing, Elepoo, and Neu-Kien, on the part of the emperor of China. Its most important provisions were as follows : Lasting peace and friendship were to be main- tained between the two empires ; China was to pay to Great Britain twenty- one millions of dollars within four years ; the porta of Canton, Amoy, Foo- choo-foo, Ning-po, and Shang-hai, were to be thrown open to British merchants, consular officers were to be allowed to reside at these ports, and just tariffs, as Avell as inland transit duties, established and published ; Hong- Kong island to be ceded in perpetuity to Great Britain ; all British subjects, whether natives of Europe or of India, then in confinement in any part of the Chinese empire, to be unconditionally released ; an amnesty to be published by the emperor to all Chinese subjects on account of their having held service under the British government or its officers ; correspondence between the officers of the two governments to be conducted on terms of perfect equality. On receipt of the emperor's assent to the treaty, and of the first six million dollars of the indemnity, the British forces were to retire from Nanking and the Grand Canal, and the military posts at Chin-hai were to be withdrawn ; but the islands of Chusan and Ku-lang-su were to be held till the whole amount of the indemnity was paid, and the ports opened. On the 8th of September the emperor signified his assent to the treaty ; which, * " Annual Register," 1842, p. 273- vol.. VIII.— 253. 450 LORD AUCKLAND, GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA. ri838. on the last day of tlie year, received the ratification of the great seal of England. Chinese Militiuy Station. On the 10th of September, 1838, lord Auckland, the Governor-general of India, who had entered upon his office at the end of 1835, proclaimed in General Orders his intention to employ a force beyond the North- West frontier. On the 1st of October he published a declaration of the causes and objects of the war. The ostensible object was to replace Shah Soojah on the throne of Cabul, the troubles and revolutions of Afghanistan having placed the capital and a large part of the country under the sway of Dost Mahomed Khan. Shah Soojah, driven from his dominions, had become a pensioner of the East India Company, and resided in the British cantonment of Lodiana. Dost Mahomed had in May, 1836, addressed a letter to lord Auckland, which conveyed his desire to secure the friendship of the British go- vernment. He was desirous of obtaining the aid of the British against Persia, whose troops were besieging Herat, and to recover Peshawur from Hunjeet Singh, the ruler of the Punjaub. The Governor-general in 1837 despatched Capt. Alexander Burnes as an envoy to Cabul. He was received with great courtesy. His instructions did not allow him to give any hopes of British assistance to Dost Mahomed. Soon after the arrival of Burnes a Eussian envoy arrived at Cabul, who was liberal in his promises, but whose autliority was afterwards disavowed by liis government. In the posthumous narrative by sir Alexander Burnes of his journey to Cabul, he says that the tranquillity which had dawned on the east, and the invasion of Afghanistan by the Persians on the west, " had a prejudicial effect at Cabul, which was further heightened by the presence of an agent from Russia, who reached the place soon after my arrival. To the east, the fears of Dost Mahomed Khan were allayed — to the west they were increased ; and in this state of things his hopes were fio worked upon, that the ultimate result was liis estrangement from the 1839.] CAUSES OF THE AFGHAN WAR— THE BRITISH CROSS THE INDUS. iul British government." * Capt. Burnea carried back witli him a belief that Eussia was meditating an attack upon British India, having established her influence in Persia ; that Dost Mahomed was treacherous ; and that the true way to raise a barrier against the ambition of Eussia was to place the dethroned Shah Soojah upon the throne of Cabul, as he had numerous friends in the country. The alarm of the possible danger of a Eussian invasion through Persia and Afghanistan led to the declaration of war against Dost Mahomed in the autumn of 1838, and to the preparation for hostilities under a Governor-general whose declared policy, at the commencement of his rule, was to maintain the peace which had been scarcely interrupted since the conclusion of the Birman war. But it is not to the apprehensions alone of the envoy to Cabul, or the impressions produced by him upon the sensi- tiveness of the Grovernor-general, that we must wholly impute the resolve to put forth the British strength in a distant and dangerous expedition. There was an universal impression throughout India that some imminent danger was about to assail us on the north-west ; that a powerful combination of hostile powers, of which Eussia was the head, was about to pour down upon our terri- tories, whose arrival would be the signal for a general rise amongst the uei teach political economy through fiction : — " So we, if children young diseased we fiud, Anoint with sweets the vessel's foremost parts, To make them taste the potions sharp we give." * Miss Martineau had small encouragement in the onset of her adventure.. Paternoster Eow would willingly have bargained for the sugar on the edge of the cup without the physic within. Gray's Inn Square, wherein dwelt the Society for the Difi"usion of Useful Knowledge, believed that the sweets would impair the efficacy of the physic. At length a somewhat obscure sectarian publisher made a bidding ; and a little volume was cast upon the world entitled "Illustrations of Political Economy. No. 1. Life in the Wilds : A Tale." Without intermission for more than two years came out every month a new Tale, with a short " Summary of .Principles" indicated therein. The success was complete. " I take my Btand upon Science," said the now popular authoress. " The sciences on which I touch bear no relation to party." Without inferring that Miss Martineau did not strenuously labour to fulfil what she considered her mission as a teacher of political and social truths, we may venture to believe that her skilful development of an interesting story — her great power of assimilation, by which loqal images and scenes were reproduced as if they had been the result of actual observation -—her skilful admixture of narrative and dialogue — her ability to conceive a character and to carry it through with a real dramatic power — that these qualities excited the admiration of thousands of readers, who rose from the perusal of her monthly volumes without the " Principles" having taken the slightest hold upon their minds. Her triumph as a novelist was the more remarkable as her purpose was a mistake in Art. It was the same mistake that Joanna Baillie made in her " Plays on the Passions." As it was a mistake to make the conduct of a drama wholly rest upon the exhibition of one intense master passion, it was also a mistake to conduct a novel so as to lay aside most of the modifying social circumstances which would divert the progress of the action, and render a denouement according to scientific laws at least improbable. ^Nevertheless, we liold these remarkable little books to * Tasso — Fairf;ix"s tra-nslation — book i. canto 3.